,transcriber's ,note3 ,this version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects4 ,italics are delimited with the #8' character as italic4 ,bold font is delimited by the #8' character4 ,superscripted and subscripted characters are shown as #8#b' and #8#b' respectively4 ,emphasized words in ,greek are1 by convention1 printed using wider spacing 7gesperrt74 ,the #8' character is used as a delimiter in this version1 e4g4 7 74 ,the original text includes annotations on two ,greek texts1 the ,epistle to the ,colossians1 and an ,epistle to ,philemon4 ,on each page1 several lines of ,greek are accompanied by a double column of notations on key words4 ,it was not possible to follow that convention in this version1 given the nature of our medium4 ,any hyphenations in the ,greek text that occurred on page breaks have been removed1 and the word's end has been moved to the previous page4 ,on many occasions1 a note appears on an earlier page than the text it glosses4 ,in this version1 the notes have been arranged so that each follows the text to which it refers4 ,there are ,greek inscriptions printed in an uncial font1 and using a lunate sigma 774 ,these will appear here as 4 ,the occasional blackletter font appears here as #8blackletter text'4 ,footnotes have been moved to follow each paragraph1 and are resequenced to be unique across the text4 ,any internal references to those notes have been modified as well4 ,the section entitled ,,ad ,,laodicenses presents the text of an apocryphal letter from ,st ,paul4 ,given the brevity of the text1 these notes are gathered after the letter4 ,the index includes references to both pages and to the verses of the two ,epistles included here4 ,those references to a verse may refer to either the ,greek itself1 or to any of the notes on that verse4 ,please consult the note at the end of this text for any other issues that arose during its presentation4 ,,the ,,epistles ,,of ,,st ,,paul4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,first ,,roman ,,captivity4 #b4 ,,epistle ,,to ,,the ,,colossians4 #c4 ,,epistle ,,to ,,philemon4 ,illustration ,cambridge3 ,,printed ,,by ,c4 ,j4 ,,clay1 ,m4,a4 ,,at ,,the ,,university ,,press4 ,,st ,,paul',s ,,epistles ,,to ,,the ,,colossians ,,and ,,to ,,philemon4 ,a ,,revised ,,text ,,with ,,introductions1 ,,notes1 ,,and ,,dissertations4 ,,by ,j4 ,b4 ,,lightfoot1 ,d4,d4 ,,canon ,,of ,,st ,,paul',s2 ,,hulsean ,,professor ,,of ,,divinity1 ,,and ,,honorary ,,fellow ,,of ,,trinity ,,college1 ,,cambridge4 ,london3 ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co4 #ahge4 ,all ,rights reserved4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 4 --------------------- 4 ,,clement4 ---------- 1 1 4 ,,ignatius4 ---------- 4 ,,polycarp4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,preface4 ,on the completion of another volume of my commentary1 ,i wish again to renew my thanks for the assistance received from previous labourers in the same field4 ,such obligations must always be great2 but it is not easy in a few words to apportion them fairly1 and ,i shall not make the attempt4 ,i have not consciously neglected any aid which might render this volume more complete2 but at the same time ,i venture to hope that my previous commentaries have established my claim to be regarded as an independent worker1 and in the present instance more especially ,i have found myself obliged to diverge widely from the treatment of my predecessors1 and to draw largely from other materials than those which they have collected4 ,in the preface to a previous volume ,i expressed an intention of appending to my commentary on the ,colossian ,epistle an essay on #8,christianity and ,gnosis4' ,this intention has not been fulfilled in the letter2 but the subject enters largely into the investigation of the ,colossian heresy1 where it receives as much attention as1 at all events for the present1 it seems to require4 ,it will necessarily come under discussion again1 when the ,pastoral ,epistles are taken in hand4 ,the question of the genuineness of the two epistles contained in this volume has been deliberately deferred4 ,it could not be discussed with any advantage apart from the ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 for the three letters are inseparably bound together4 ,meanwhile however the doctrinal and historical discussions will1 if ,i mistake not1 have furnished answers to the main objections which have been urged2 while the commentary will have shown how thoroughly natural the language and thoughts are1 if conceived as arising out of an immediate emergency4 ,more especially it will have been made apparent that the ,epistle to the ,colossians hangs together as a whole1 and that the phenomena are altogether adverse to any theory of interpolation such as that recently put forward by ,professor ,holtzmann4 ,in the commentary1 as well as in the introduction1 it has been a chief aim to illustrate and develope the theological conception of the ,person of ,christ1 which underlies the ,epistle to the ,colossians4 ,the ,colossian heresy for instance owes its importance mainly to the fact that it throws out this conception into bolder relief4 ,to this portion of the subject therefore ,i venture to direct special attention4 ,i cannot conclude without offering my thanks to ,mr ,a4 ,a4 ,van,sittart who1 as on former occasions1 has given his aid in correcting the proof sheets of this volume2 and to the ,rev4 ,j4 ,j4 ,scott1 of ,trinity ,college1 who has prepared the index4 ,i wish also to express my obligations to ,dr ,schiller-,szinessy1 of whose ,talmudical learning ,i have freely availed myself in verifying ,frankel's quotations and in other ways4 ,i should add however that he is not in any degree responsible for my conclusions and has not even seen what ,i have written4 ,,trinity ,,college1 ,april #cj1 #ahge4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,contents4 ,,epistle ,,to ,,the ,,colossians4 ,,introduction4 ,,page ,i4 ,the ,churches of the ,lycus #a-gb ,,ii4 ,the ,colossian ,heresy #gc-aac ,on some points connected with the ,essenes4 #a4 ,the name ,essene #aad-aai #b4 ,origin and ,affinities of the #aai-aeg ,essenes #c4 ,essenism and ,christianity #aeh-agi ,,iii4 ,character and ,contents of the ,epistle #ahj-aid ,,text ,,and ,,notes #aig-caa ,on some ,various ,readings in the ,epistle #cab-cbb ,on the meaning of #cbc-cci ,the ,epistle from ,laodicea #cdj-cff ,,epistle ,,to ,,philemon4 ,,introduction #cfi-cie ,,text ,,and ,,notes #cii-dab ,,index #dae-dbd ,i4 ,,the ,,churches ,,of ,,the ,,lycus4 ,sidenote3 ,situation of the three cities4 ,lying in1 or overhanging1 the valley of the ,lycus1 a tributary of the ,mander1 were three neighbouring towns1 ,laodicea1 ,hierapolis1 and ,coloss#a4 ,the river flows1 roughly speaking1 from east to west2 but at this point1 which is some few miles above its junction with the ,mander1 its direction is more nearly from south-east to north-west#b4 ,laodicea and ,hierapolis stand face to face1 being situated respectively on the southern and northern sides of the valley1 at a distance of six miles#c1 and within sight of each other1 the river lying in the open plain between the two4 ,the site of ,coloss is somewhat higher up the stream1 at a distance of perhaps ten or twelve miles#d from the point where the road between ,laodicea and ,hierapolis crosses the ,lycus4 ,unlike ,laodicea and ,hierapolis1 which overhang the valley on opposite sides1 ,coloss stands immediately on the river-bank1 the two parts of the town being divided by the stream4 ,the three cities lie so near to each other1 that it would be quite possible to visit them all in the course of a single day4 ,footnote #a3 ,the following are among the most important books of travel relating to this district2 ,pococke ,description of the ,east and ,some ,other ,countries1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,part ,,ii1 ,london #agde2 ,chandler ,travels in ,asia ,minor etc41 ,oxford #agge2 ,leake ,tour in ,asia ,minor1 ,london #ahbd2 ,arundell ,discoveries in ,asia ,minor1 ,london #ahcd2 ,hamilton ,researches in ,asia ,minor1 ,pontus1 and ,armenia1 ,london #ahdb2 ,fellows ,asia ,minor1 ,london #ahci1 ,discoveries in ,lycia1 ,london #ahdj2 de ,tchihatcheff ,asie ,mineure1 ,description ,physique1 ,statistique et ,archologique1 ,paris #ahec etc41 with the accompanying ,atlas 7#ahfj72 de ,laborde ,voyage de l',asie ,mineure 7the expedition itself took place in #ahbf1 but the date on the title-page is #ahch1 and the introduction was written in #ahfa72 ,le ,bas ,voyage ,archologique en ,grce et en ,asie ,mineure1 continued by ,waddington and not yet completed2 ,texier ,description de l',asie ,mineure1 ,vol4 ,i 7#ahci74 ,it is hardly necessary to add the smaller works of ,texier and ,le ,bas on ,asie ,mineure 7,paris #ahfb1 #ahfc7 in ,didot's series ,l',univers1 as these have only a secondary value4 ,of the books enumerated1 ,hamilton's work is the most important for the topography1 etc42 ,tchihatcheff's for the physical features2 and ,le ,bas and ,waddington's for the inscriptions1 etc4 ,the best maps are those of ,hamilton and ,tchihatcheff2 to which should be added the ,karte von ,klein-,asien by v4 ,vincke and others1 published by ,schropp1 ,berlin #ahdd4 ,besides books on ,asia ,minor generally1 some works relating especially to the ,seven ,churches may be mentioned4 ,smith's ,survey of the ,seven ,churches of ,asia 7#afgh7 is a work of great merit for the time1 and contains the earliest description of the sites of these ,phrygian cities4 ,it was published in ,latin first1 and translated by its author afterwards4 ,arundell's ,seven ,churches 7#ahbh7 is a well-known book4 ,allom and ,walsh's ,constantinople and the ,scenery of the ,seven ,churches of ,asia ,minor illustrated 7#ahej7 gives some views of this district4 ,svoboda's ,seven ,churches of ,asia 7#ahfi7 contains #bj photographs and an introduction by the ,rev4 ,h4 ,b4 ,tristram4 ,this is a selection from a larger series of ,svoboda's photographs1 published separately4 ,footnote #b3 ,the maps differ very considerably in this respect1 nor do the statements of travellers always agree4 ,the direction of the river1 as given in the text1 accords with the maps of ,hamilton and ,tchihatcheff1 and with the accounts of the most accurate writers4 ,footnote #c3 ,anton4 ,itin4 p4 #ccg 7,wesseling7 gives the distance as #f miles4 ,see also ,fellows ,asia ,minor p4 #bhc1 ,hamilton ,i4 p4 #ead4 ,the relative position of the two cities appears in ,laborde's view1 pl4 xxxix4 ,footnote #d3 ,i do not find any distinct notice of the distance2 but1 to judge from the maps and itineraries of modern travellers1 this estimate will probably be found not very far wrong4 ,sidenote3 ,their neighbourhood and intercourse4 ,thus situated1 they would necessarily hold constant intercourse with each other4 ,we are not surprised therefore to find them so closely connected in the earliest ages of ,christianity4 ,it was the consequence of their position that they owed their knowledge of the ,gospel to the same evangelist1 that the same phases of thought prevailed in them1 and that they were exposed to the same temptations1 moral as well as intellectual4 ,sidenote3 ,physical forces at work4 ,the physical features of the neighbourhood are very striking4 ,two potent forces of nature are actively at work to change the face of the country1 the one destroying old land-marks1 the other creating fresh ground4 ,sidenote3 ,frequent earthquakes4 ,on the one hand1 the valley of the ,lycus was and is especially liable to violent earthquakes4 ,the same danger indeed extends over large portions of ,asia ,minor1 but this district is singled out by ancient writers#e 7and the testimony of modern travellers confirms the statement#f71 as the chief theatre of these catastrophes4 ,not once or twice only in the history of ,laodicea do we read of such visitations laying waste the city itself or some flourishing town in the neighbourhood#g4 ,though the exterior surface of the earth shows no traces of recent volcanoes1 still the cavernous nature of the soil and the hot springs and mephitic vapours abounding here indicate the presence of those subterranean fires1 which from time to time have manifested themselves in this work of destruction4 ,footnote #e3 ,see especially ,strabo xii4 #h4 #af 7p4 #egh7 1 1 4 ,footnote #f3 ,thus ,pococke 7p4 #ga7 in #agde writes of ,denizli1 which is close to ,laodicea1 #8,the old town was destroyed about #be years past by an earthquake1 in which #ab1jjj people perished4' ,footnote #g3 ,see below p4 #ch4 ,sidenote3 ,deposits of travertine4 ,but1 while the crust of the earth is constantly broken up by these forces from beneath1 another agency is actively employed above ground in laying a new surface4 ,if fire has its fitful outbursts of devastation1 water is only less powerful in its gradual work of reconstruction4 ,the lateral streams which swell the waters of the ,lycus are thickly impregnated with calcareous matter1 which they deposit in their course4 ,the travertine formations of this valley are among the most remarkable in the world1 surpassing even the striking phenomena of ,tivoli and ,clermont#h4 ,ancient monuments are buried1 fertile lands overlaid1 river-beds choked up and streams diverted1 fantastic grottos and cascades and archways of stone formed1 by this strange capricious power1 at once destructive and creative1 working silently and relentlessly through long ages4 ,fatal to vegetation1 these incrustations spread like a stony shroud over the ground4 ,gleaming like glaciers on the hill-side they attract the eye of the traveller at a distance of twenty miles#i1 and form a singularly striking feature in scenery of more than common beauty and impressiveness4 ,footnote #h3 ,tchihatcheff ,p4 ,i4 ,geogr4 ,phys4 ,comp4 p4 #cdd sq41 esp4 p4 #cec4 ,see the references below1 pp4 #i sq41 #ae4 ,footnote #i3 ,fellows ,asia ,minor p4 #bhc4 ,sidenote3 ,produce and manufactures of the district4 ,at the same time1 along with these destructive agencies1 the fertility of the district was and is unusually great4 ,its rich pastures fed large flocks of sheep1 whose fleeces were of a superior quality2 and the trade in dyed woollen goods was the chief source of prosperity to these towns4 ,for the bounty of nature was not confined to the production of the material1 but extended also to the preparation of the fabric4 ,the mineral streams had chemical qualities1 which were highly valued by the dyer#aj4 ,hence we find that all the three towns1 with which we are concerned1 were famous in this branch of trade4 ,at ,hierapolis1 as at ,thyatira1 the guild of the dyers appears in the inscriptions as an important and influential body#aa4 ,their colours vied in brilliancy with the richest scarlets and purples of the farther east#ab4 ,laodicea again was famous for the colour of its fleeces1 probably a glossy black1 which was much esteemed#ac4 ,here also we read of a guild of dyers#ad4 ,and lastly1 ,coloss gave its name to a peculiar dye1 which seems to have been some shade of purple1 and from which it derived a considerable revenue#ae4 ,footnote #aj3 ,see note #ac4 ,footnote #aa3 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 no4 #cibd 7at ,hierapolis7 4 ,see ,laborde's view1 pl4 xxxv4 ,in another inscription too 7,le ,bas and ,waddington1 no4 #afhg7 there is mention of the purple-dyers1 4 ,footnote #ab3 ,strabo xiii4 #d4 #ad 7p4 #fcj7 1 4 ,footnote #ac3 ,strabo xii4 #h4 #af 7p4 #egh7 ' 1 1 1 ' 1 1 4 ,for this strange adjective 7which seems to be derived from and to mean #8raven-black'7 see the passages in ,hase and ,dindorf's ,steph4 ,thes4 ,in ,latin we find the form coracinus1 ,vitruv4 viii4 #c #ad #8,aliis coracino colore1' ,laodicea being mentioned in the context4 ,vitruvius represents this as the natural colour of the fleeces1 and attributes it to the water drunk by the sheep4 ,see also ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 viii4 #dh #gc4 ,so too ,hieron4 adv4 ,jovin4 ii4 #ba 7,,ii4 p4 #ceh7 #8,laodice indumentis ornatus incedis4' ,the ancient accounts of the natural colour of the fleeces in this neighbourhood are partially confirmed by modern travellers2 e4g4 ,pococke p4 #gd1 ,chandler p4 #bbh4 ,footnote #ad3 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #cich 74 ,footnote #ae3 ,see the passage of ,strabo quoted p4 #d1 note #ac4 ,the place gives its name to the colour1 and not conversely1 as stated in ,blakesley's ,herod4 vii4 #aac4 ,see also ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 xxi4 #i #bg1 #8,in vepribus nascitur cyclaminum 444 flos ejus colossinus in coronas admittitur1' a passage which assists in determining the colour4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,,laodicea4 ,sidenote3 ,its name and history4 #a4 ,of these three towns ,,laodicea1 as the most important1 deserves to be considered first4 ,laodice was a common name among the ladies of the royal house of the ,seleucid1 as ,antiochus was among the princes4 ,hence ,antiochia and ,laodicea occur frequently as the designations of cities within the dominions of the ,syrian kings4 ,laodicea on the ,lycus#af1 as it was surnamed to distinguish it from other towns so called1 and more especially perhaps from its near neighbour ,laodicea ,catacecaumene1 had borne in succession the names of ,diospolis and ,rhoas#ag2 but when refounded by ,antiochus ,theos 7,b4,c4 #bfa-bdf71 it was newly designated after his wife ,laodice#ah4 ,it is situated#ai on an undulating hill1 or group of hills1 which overhangs the valley on the south1 being washed on either side by the streams of the ,asopus and the ,caprus1 tributaries of the ,lycus#bj4 ,behind it rise the snow-capped heights of ,cadmus1 the lofty mountain barrier which shuts in the south side of the main valley#ba4 ,sidenote3 ,its growing prosperity4 ,a place of no great importance at first1 it made rapid strides in the last days of the republic and under the earliest ,csars1 and had become1 two or three generations before ,st ,paul wrote1 a populous and thriving city#bb4 ,among its famous inhabitants are mentioned the names of some philosophers1 sophists1 and rhetoricians1 men renowned in their day but forgotten or almost forgotten now#bc4 ,more to our purpose1 as illustrating the boasted wealth and prosperity of the city1 which appeared as a reproach and a stumblingblock in an ,apostle's eyes#bd1 are the facts1 that one of its citizens1 ,polemo1 became a king and a father of kings1 and that another1 ,hiero1 having accumulated enormous wealth1 bequeathed all his property to the people and adorned the city with costly gifts#be4 ,to the good fortune of her principal sons1 as well as to the fertility of the country around1 the geographer ,strabo ascribes the increase and prosperity of ,laodicea4 ,the ruins of public buildings still bear testimony by their number and magnificence to the past greatness of the city#bf4 ,footnote #af3 1 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 no4 #cich1 ,ptol4 ,geogr4 v4 #b1 ,tab4 ,peut4 #8laudicium pilycum'2 1 ,eckhel ,num4 ,vet4 ,,iii4 p4 #aff1 ,strabo l4c41 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #ehha1 #ehic2 1 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #fdgh4 ,a citizen was styled 1 ,diog4 ,laert4 ix4 #ab #aaf4 ,footnote #ag3 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 v4 #bi4 ,footnote #ah3 ,steph4 ,byz4 s4v41 who quotes the oracle in obedience to which 7 7 it was founded4 ,footnote #ai3 ,for descriptions of ,laodicea see ,smith p4 #bej sq41 ,pococke p4 #ga sq41 ,chandler p4 #bbd sq41 ,arundell ,seven ,churches p4 #hd sq41 ,asia ,minor ,,ii4 p4 #ahj sq41 ,fellows ,asia ,minor #bhj sq41 ,hamilton ,i4 p4 #ead sq41 ,tchihatcheff ,p4 ,i4 p4 #beb sq41 #beh sq4 ,see also the views in ,laborde1 pl4 xxxix1 ,allom and ,walsh ,,ii4 p4 #hf1 and ,svoboda phot4 #cf-ch4 ,the modern ,turkish name is ,eskihissar1 #8the ,old ,castle1' corresponding to the modern ,greek1 ,palekastro1 a common name for the sites of ancient cities2 ,leake p4 #bea4 ,on the ancient site itself there is no town or village2 the modern city ,denizli is a few miles off4 ,footnote #bj3 ,the position of ,laodicea with respect to the neighbouring streams is accurately described by ,pliny ,n4,h4 v4 #bi #8,imposita est ,lyco flumini1 latera affluentibus ,asopo et ,capro'2 see ,tchihatcheff ,p4 ,i4 p4 #beh4 ,strabo xii4 7l4c47 is more careless in his description 7for it can hardly be1 as ,tchihatcheff assumes1 that he has mistaken one of these two tributaries for the ,lycus itself71 1 where refers to 1 and where by the junction of the stream with the ,mander must be intended the junction of the combined stream of the ,lycus and ,caprus4 ,on the coins of ,laodicea 7,eckhel ,,iii4 p4 #aff1 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #ccj1 ib4 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 p4 #ehg1 #ehi7 the ,lycus and ,caprus appear together1 being sometimes represented as a wolf and a wild-boar4 ,the ,asopus is omitted1 either as being a less important stream or as being less capable of symbolical representation4 ,of modern travellers1 ,smith 7p4 #bej71 and after him ,pococke 7p4 #gb71 have correctly described the position of the streams4 ,chandler 7p4 #bbg71 misled by ,strabo1 mistakes the ,caprus for the ,lycus and the ,lycus for the ,mander4 ,the modern name of the ,lycus is ,tchoruk ,s4 ,footnote #ba3 ,the modern name of ,cadmus is ,baba-,dagh1 #8,the father of mountains4' ,footnote #bb3 ,strabo xii4 l4c4 ' 1 4 ,strabo flourished in the time of ,augustus and the earlier years of ,tiberius4 ,the growing importance of ,laodicea dates from before the age of ,cicero3 see p4 #g4 ,footnote #bc3 ,strabo l4c42 ,diog4 ,laert4 ix4 #aa #ajf1 #ab #aaf2 ,philostr4 ,vit4 ,soph4 i4 #be2 ,eckhel ,doctr4 ,num4 ,vet4 ,,iii4 p4 #afb1 #afc sq4 ,footnote #bd3 ,rev4 iii4 #ag2 see below p4 #dc4 ,footnote #be3 ,strabo l4c4 ,footnote #bf3 ,the ruins of ,laodicea have formed the quarry out of which the modern town of ,denizli is built4 ,yet notwithstanding these depredations they are still very extensive1 comprising an amphitheatre1 two or three theatres1 an aqueduct1 etc4 ,the amphitheatre was built by the munificence of a citizen of ,laodicea only a few years after ,st ,paul wrote1 as the inscription testifies2 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 no4 #cice4 ,see especially ,hamilton ,i4 p4 #eae sq41 who describes these ruins as #8bearing the stamp of ,roman extravagance and luxury1 rather than of the stern and massive solidity of the ,greeks4' ,sidenote3 ,its political rank1 as the capital of a conventus4 ,not less important1 as throwing light on the ,apostolic history1 is the political status of ,laodicea4 ,asia ,minor under the ,romans was divided into districts1 each comprising several towns and having its chief city1 in which the courts were held from time to time by the proconsul or legate of the province1 and where the taxes from the subordinate towns were collected#bg4 ,each of these political aggregates was styled in ,latin conventus1 in ,greek --a term afterwards borrowed by the ,christian ,church1 being applied to a similar ecclesiastical aggregate1 and thus naturalised in the languages of ,christendom as diocese4 ,at the head of the most important of these political dioceses1 the #8,cibyratic convention' or #8jurisdiction1' as it was called1 comprising not less than twenty-five towns1 stood ,laodicea#bh4 ,here in times past ,cicero1 as proconsul of ,cilicia1 had held his court#bi2 hither at stated seasons flocked suitors1 advocates1 clerks1 sheriffs'-officers1 tax-collectors1 pleasure-seekers1 courtiers--all those crowds whom business or leisure or policy or curiosity would draw together from a wealthy and populous district1 when the representative of the laws and the majesty of ,rome appeared to receive homage and to hold his assize#cj4 ,to this position as the chief city of the ,cibyratic union the inscriptions probably refer1 when they style ,laodicea the #8metropolis#ca4' ,and in its metropolitan rank we see an explanation of the fact1 that to ,laodicea1 as to the centre of a ,christian diocese also1 whence their letters would readily be circulated among the neighbouring brotherhoods1 two ,apostles address themselves in succession1 the one writing from his captivity in ,rome#cb1 the other from his exile at ,patmos#cc4 ,footnote #bg3 ,see ,becker and ,marquardt ,rm4 ,alterth4 ,,iii4 #a4 p4 #acf sq4 ,footnote #bh3 ,see ,cic4 ad ,att4 v4 #ba1#8;,idibus ,februariis 444 forum institueram agere ,laodice ,cibyraticum1'with the references in the next note3 comp4 also ,plin4 ,n4,h4 v4 #bi #8,una 7jurisdictio7 appellatur ,cibyratica4 ,ipsum 7i4e4 ,cibyra7 oppidum ,phrygi est4 ,conveniunt eo xxv civitates1 celeberrima urbe ,laodicea4' ,besides these passages1 testimony is borne to the importance of the ,cibyratic #8conventus' by ,strabo1 xiii4 #d #ag 7p4 #fca71 4 ,it will be remembered also that ,horace singles out the ,cibyratica negotia 7,epist4 i4 #f4 #cc7 to represent ,oriental trade generally4 ,the importance of ,laodicea may be inferred from the fact that1 though the union was named after ,cibyra1 its head-quarters were from the first fixed at or soon afterwards transferred to ,laodicea4 ,footnote #bi3 ,see ad ,fam4 ii4 #ag1 iii4 #e1 #g1 #h1 ix4 #be1 xiii4 #ed1 #fg1 xv4 #d2 ad ,att4 v4 #af1 #ag1 #bj1 #ba1 vi4 #a1 #b1 #c1 #g4 ,he visited ,laodicea on several occasions1 sometimes making a long stay there1 and not a few of his letters are written thence4 ,see especially his account of his work there1 ad ,att4 vi4 #b1 #8,hoc foro quod egi ex ,idibus ,februariis ,laodice ad ,kalendas ,maias omnium dioecesium1 prter ,cilici1 mirabilia qudam efficimus2 ita mult civitates1 etc4' ,altogether ,laodicea seems to have been second in importance to none of the cities in his province1 except perhaps ,tarsus4 ,see also the notice1 in ,verr4 ,act4 ii4 ,i4 c4 #cj4 ,footnote #cj3 ,the description which ,dion ,chrysostom gives in his eulogy of ,celn 7,apamea ,cibotus71 the metropolis of a neighbouring #8dioecesis1' enables us to realise the concourse which gathered together on these occasions3 ,orat4 ,,xxxv 7,,ii4 p4 #fi7 1 1 1 1 1 444 ,footnote #ca3 ,on this word see ,becker and ,marquardt l4c4 p4 #ach sq4 ,it had lost its original sense1 as the mother city of a colony4 ,laodicea is styled #8metropolis' on the coins1 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #cba4 ,footnote #cb3 ,col4 iv4 #af with the notes4 ,see also below p4 #cg1 and the introduction to the ,epistle to the ,ephesians4 ,footnote #cc3 ,rev4 iii4 #ad4 ,sidenote3 ,its religious worship4 ,on the religious worship of ,laodicea very little special information exists4 ,its tutelary deity was ,zeus1 whose guardianship had been recognised in ,diospolis1 the older name of the city1 and who1 having 7according to the legend7 commanded its rebuilding1 was commemorated on its coins with the surname ,laodicenus#cd4 ,occasionally he is also called ,aseis1 a title which perhaps reproduces a ,syrian epithet of this deity1 #8the mighty4' ,if this interpretation be correct1 we have a link of connexion between ,laodicea and the religions of the farther ,east--a connexion far from improbable1 considering that ,laodicea was refounded by a ,syrian king and is not unlikely to have adopted some features of ,syrian worship#ce4 ,footnote #cd3 ,see ,eckhel ,,iii4 p4 #aei sq4 7passim71 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #cae sq41 ib4 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 p4 #egh sq4 7passim74 ,in the coins commemorating an alliance with some other city ,laodicea is represented by ,zeus2 e4g4 ,mionnet ,,iv4 pp4 #cbj1 #cbd1 #cca sq41 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 pp4 #ehf1 #ehi4 ,footnote #ce3 or 4 ,see ,waddington ,voyage en ,asie ,mineure au point de vue ,numismatique 7,paris #ahec7 pp4 #be1 #bf sq4 ,mr ,waddington adopts a suggestion communicated to him by ,m4 de ,longprier that this word represents the ,aramaic #8the strong1 mighty1' which appears also in the ,arabic #8,aziz4' ,this view gains some confirmation from the fact1 not mentioned by ,mr ,waddington1 that was an epithet of the ,ares of ,edessa3 ,julian ,orat4 iv2 comp4 ,cureton ,spic4 ,syr4 p4 #hj1 and see de ,lagarde ,gesamm4 ,abhandl4 p4 #af4 ,on the other hand this ,shemitic word elsewhere1 when adopted into ,greek or ,latin1 is written or ,azizus3 see ,garrucci in the ,archologia ,,xliii4 p4 #de #8,tyrio ,septimio ,azizo1' and ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #ihic 4 ,m4 de ,longprier offers the alternative that 1 i4e4 1 is equivalent to 4 ,an objection to this view1 stronger than those urged by ,mr ,waddington1 is the fact that seems only to be used as a feminine adjective4 ,m4 ,renan points to the fact that this is represented with his hand on the horns of a goat1 and on the strength of this coincidence would identify him with #8the ,azazel of the ,semites' 7,saint ,paul1 p4 #cei71 though tradition and orthography alike point to some other derivation of ,azazel 774 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,,hierapolis4 ,sidenote3 ,its situation4 #b4 ,on the north of the valley1 opposite to the sloping hills which mark the site of ,laodicea1 is a broad level terrace jutting out from the mountain side and overhanging the plain with almost precipitous sides4 ,on this plateau are scattered the vast ruins of ,,hierapolis#cf4 ,the mountains upon which it abuts occupy the wedge of ground between the ,mander and the ,lycus2 but1 as the ,mander above its junction with the ,lycus passes through a narrow ravine1 they blend1 when seen from a distance1 with the loftier range of the ,mesogis which overhangs the right bank of the ,mander almost from its source to its embouchure1 and form with it the northern barrier to the view1 as the ,cadmus range does the southern1 the broad valley stretching between4 ,thus ,hierapolis may be said to lie over against ,mesogis1 as ,laodicea lies over against ,cadmus#cg4 ,footnote #cf3 ,for descriptions of ,hierapolis1 see ,smith p4 #bde sq41 ,pococke p4 #ge sq41 ,chandler #bbi sq41 ,arundell ,seven ,churches p4 #gi sq41 ,hamilton p4 #eag sq41 ,fellows ,asia ,minor p4 #bhc sq4 ,for the travertine deposits see especially the description and plates in ,tchihatcheff ,p4 ,i4 p4 #cde1 together with the views in ,laborde 7pl4 xxxii-xxxviii71 and ,svoboda 7photogr4 #da-dg74 ,tchihatcheff repeatedly calls the place ,hieropolis2 but this form1 though commonly used of other towns 7see ,steph4 ,byz4 s4v4 1 ,leake ,num4 ,hell4 p4 #fg71 appears not to occur as a designation of the ,phrygian city1 which seems always to be written ,hierapolis4 ,the citizens however are sometimes called on the coins4 ,the modern name is given differently by travellers4 ,it is generally called ,pambouk-,kalessi1 i4e4 #8cotton-castle1' supposed to allude to the appearance of the petrifactions1 though cotton is grown in the neighbourhood 7,hamilton ,i4 p4 #eag74 ,so ,smith1 ,pococke1 ,chandler1 ,arundell1 ,tchihatcheff1 ,waddington1 and others4 ,m4 ,renan says #8,tambouk1 et non ,pambouk1 ,kalessi' 7,s4 ,paul p4 #ceg74 ,laborde gives the word ,tambouk in some places and ,pambouk in others2 and ,leake says #8,hierapolis1 now called ,tabk-,kale or ,pambuk-,kale' 7p4 #beb74 ,footnote #cg3 ,strabo xiii4 #d4 #ad 7p4 #fbi7 says 444 1 444 ,he cannot mean that ,hierapolis was situated immediately in or by the ,mesogis 7for the name does not seem ever to be applied to the mountains between the ,lycus and ,mander71 but that with respect to ,laodicea it stood over against the ,mesogis1 as ,i have explained it in the text4 ,the view in ,laborde 7pl4 xxxix7 shows the appearance of ,hierapolis from ,laodicea4 ,strabo had himself visited the place and must have known how it was situated4 ,some modern travellers however 7e4g4 ,chandler and ,arundell7 speak of the plateau of ,hierapolis as part of the ,mesogis4 ,steiger 7,kolosser p4 #cc7 gets over the difficulty by translating ,strabo's words1 #8near the ,mesogis but on the opposite side 7i4e4 of the ,mander7 is the ,laodicean ,hierapolis' 7to distinguish it from others of the name72 but cannot be separated from without violence4 ,sidenote3 ,remarkable physical features4 ,it is at ,hierapolis that the remarkable physical features which distinguish the valley of the ,lycus display themselves in the fullest perfection4 ,over the steep cliffs which support the plateau of the city1 tumble cascades of pure white stone1 the deposit of calcareous matter from the streams which1 after traversing this upper level1 are precipitated over the ledge into the plain beneath and assume the most fantastic shapes in their descent4 ,at one time overhanging in cornices fringed with stalactites1 at another hollowed out into basins or broken up with ridges1 they mark the site of the city at a distance1 glistening on the mountain-side like foaming cataracts frozen in the fall4 ,sidenote3 ,their relation to the ,apostolic history4 ,but for the immediate history of ,st ,paul's ,epistles the striking beauty of the scenery has no value4 ,it is not probable that he had visited this district when the letters to the ,colossians and ,laodiceans were written4 ,were it otherwise1 we can hardly suppose1 that educated under widely different influences and occupied with deeper and more absorbing thoughts1 he would have shared the enthusiasm which this scenery inspires in the modern traveller4 ,still it will give a reality to our conceptions1 if we try to picture to ourselves the external features of that city1 which was destined before long to become the adopted home of ,apostles and other personal disciples of the ,lord1 and to play a conspicuous part--second perhaps only to ,ephesus--in the history of the ,church during the ages immediately succeeding the ,apostles4 ,sidenote3 ,hierapolis a famous watering-place4 ,like ,laodicea1 ,hierapolis was at this time an important and a growing city1 though not like ,laodicea holding metropolitan rank#ch4 ,besides the trade in dyed wools1 which it shared in common with the neighbouring towns1 it had another source of wealth and prosperity peculiar to itself4 ,the streams to which the scenery owes the remarkable features already described1 are endowed with valuable medicinal qualities1 while at the same time they are so copious that the ancient city is described as full of self-made baths#ci4 ,an inscription1 still legible among the ruins1 celebrates their virtues in heroic verse1 thus apostrophizing the city3 ,hail1 fairest soil in all broad ,asia's realm2 ,hail1 golden city1 nymph divine1 bedeck'd ,with flowing rills1 thy jewels#dj4 ,coins of ,hierapolis too are extant of various types1 on which sculapius and ,hygeia appear either singly or together#da4 ,to this fashionable watering-place1 thus favoured by nature1 seekers of pleasure and seekers of health alike were drawn4 ,footnote #ch3 ,on its ecclesiastical title of metropolis1 see below1 p4 #gj1 note #bgg4 ,footnote #ci3 ,strabo l4c4 ' 4 ,footnote #dj3 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #ciji1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,footnote #da3 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #big1 #cjf1 #cjg1 ib4 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 p4 #efg2 ,waddington ,voyage etc4 p4 #bd4 ,sidenote3 ,the magnificence of its ruins4 ,to the ancient magnificence of ,hierapolis its extant ruins bear ample testimony4 ,more favoured than ,laodicea1 it has not in its immediate neighbourhood any modern town or village of importance1 whose inhabitants have been tempted to quarry materials for their houses out of the memorials of its former greatness4 ,hence the whole plateau is covered with ruins1 of which the extent and the good taste are equally remarkable2 and of these the palstra and the therm1 as might be expected1 are among the more prominent4 ,sidenote3 ,its religious worship4 ,a city1 which combined the pursuit of health and of gaiety1 had fitly chosen as its patron deity ,apollo1 the god alike of medicine and of festivity1 here worshipped especially as #8,archegetes1' the ,founder#db4 ,but more important1 as illustrating the religious temper of this ,phrygian city1 is another fact connected with it4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,plutonium4,in ,hierapolis was a spot called the ,plutonium1 a hot well or spring1 from whose narrow mouth issued a mephitic vapour immediately fatal to those who stood over the opening and inhaled its fumes4 ,to the mutilated priests of ,cybele alone 7so it was believed7 an immunity was given from heaven1 which freed them from its deadly effects#dc4 ,indeed this city appears to have been a chief centre of the passionate mystical devotion of ancient ,phrygia4 ,but indications are not wanting1 that in addition to this older worship religious rites were borrowed also from other parts of the ,east1 more especially from ,egypt#dd4 ,by the multitude of her temples ,hierapolis established her right to the title of the #8sacred city1' which she bore#de4 ,footnote #db3 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #cije1 #cijf2 ,mionnet iv4 pp4 #big1 #cja1 #cjg1 ib4 ,suppl4 vii4 p4 #efh1 #efi1 #egj4 ,in coins struck to commemorate alliances with other cities1 ,hierapolis is represented by ,apollo ,archegetes3 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #cjc1 ib4 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 #egb1 #egc1 #egd2 ,waddington ,voyage etc4 p4 #be2 and see ,eckhel ,,iii4 p4 #aef4 ,on the meaning of ,archegetes1 under which name ,apollo was worshipped by other cities also1 who regarded him as their founder1 see ,spanheim on ,callim4 ,hymn4 ,apoll4 #eg4 ,footnote #dc3 ,strabo l4c4 ,he himself had seen the phenomenon and was doubtful how to account for the immunity of these priests1 444 4 ,see also ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 ii4 #ic #ie #8locum 444 matris tantum magn sacerdoti innoxium4' ,dion ,cass4 7,xiphil47 lxviii4 #bg1 who also witnessed the phenomenon1 adds 1 4 ,ammian4 ,marc4 xxiii4 #f4 #ah also mentions this marvel1 but speaks cautiously1 #8ut asserunt quidam1' and adds #8quod qua causa eveniat1 rationibus physicis permittatur4' ,comp4 ,anthol4 ,,vii4 p4 #aij ' 1 2 ,stobus ,ecl4 i4 #cd1 p4 #fhj4 ,laborde states 7p4 #hc7 that he discovered by experiment that the waters are sometimes fatal to animal life and sometimes perfectly harmless2 and if this be substantiated1 we have a solution of the marvel4 ,other modern travellers1 who have visited the ,plutonium1 are ,cockerell 7,leake p4 #cdb71 and ,svoboda4 ,in ,svoboda's work a chemical analysis of the waters is given4 ,footnote #dd3 ,on a coin of ,hierapolis1 ,pluto-,serapis appears seated1 while before him stands ,isis with a sistrum in her hand2 ,waddington ,voyage etc4 p4 #bd4 ,see also ,mionnet ,,iv4 pp4 #bif1 #cje2 ,leake ,num4 ,hell4 p4 #ff4 ,the worship of ,serapis appears elsewhere in this neighbourhood4 ,at ,chon 7,coloss7 is an inscription recording a vow to this deity2 ,le ,bas ,asie ,mineure inscr4 #afic b4 ,footnote #de3 ,steph4 ,byz4 s4v4 4 ,sidenote3 ,the birth-place of ,epictetus4 ,though at this time we have no record of famous citizens at ,hierapolis1 such as graced the annals of ,laodicea1 yet a generation or two later she numbered among her sons one nobler far than the rhetoricians and sophists1 the millionaires and princes1 of whom her neighbour could boast4 ,the lame slave ,epictetus1 the loftiest of heathen moralists1 must have been growing up to manhood when the first rumours of the ,gospel reached his native city4 ,did any chance throw him across the path of ,epaphras1 who first announced the glad-tidings there8 ,sidenote3 ,epictetus and ,christianity4,did he ever meet the great ,apostle himself1 while dragging out his long captivity at ,rome1 or when after his release he paid his long-promised visit to the valley of the ,lycus8 ,we should be glad to think that these two men met together face to face--the greatest of ,christian1 and the greatest of heathen preachers4 ,such a meeting would solve more than one riddle4 ,a ,christian ,epictetus certainly was not2 his ,stoic doctrine and his ,stoic morality are alike apparent3 but nevertheless his language presents some strange coincidences with the ,apostolic writings1 which would thus receive an explanation#df4 ,it must be confessed however1 that of any outward intercourse between the ,apostle and the philosopher history furnishes no hint4 ,footnote #df3 ,see ,philippians1 pp4 #cab1 #cac4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,,coloss4 #c4 ,while the sites of ,laodicea and ,hierapolis are conspicuous1 so that they were early identified by their ruins1 the same is not the case with ,,coloss4 ,sidenote3 ,difficulty of determining its site4,only within the present generation has the position of this once famous city been ascertained1 and even now it lacks the confirmation of any inscription found in situ and giving the name#dg4 ,sidenote3 ,subterranean channel of the ,lycus4,herodotus states that in ,coloss the river ,lycus disappears in a subterranean cave1 emerging again at a distance of about five stades#dh2 and this very singular landmark--the underground passage of a stream for half a mile--might be thought to have placed the site of the city beyond the reach of controversy4 ,but this is not the case4 ,in the immediate neighbourhood of the only ruins which can possibly be identified with ,coloss1 no such subterranean channel has been discovered4 ,but on the other hand the appearance of the river at this point suggests that at one time the narrow gorge through which it runs1 as it traverses the ruins1 was overarched for some distance with incrustations of travertine1 and that this natural bridge was broken up afterwards by an earthquake1 so as to expose the channel of the stream#di4 ,this explanation seems satisfactory4 ,if it be rejected1 we must look for the underground channel1 not within the city itself1 as the words of ,herodotus strictly interpreted require1 but at some point higher up the stream4 ,in either case there can be little doubt that these are the ruins of ,coloss4 ,sidenote3 ,petrifying stream4,the fact mentioned by ,pliny#ej1 that there is in this city a river which turns brick into stone1 is satisfied by a side stream flowing into the ,lycus from the north1 and laying large deposits of calcareous matter2 though in this region1 as we have seen1 such a phenomenon is very far from rare4 ,the site of ,coloss then1 as determined by these considerations1 lies two or three miles north of the present town of ,chonos1 the medival ,chon1 and some twelve miles east of ,laodicea4 ,the ,lycus traverses the site of the ruins1 dividing the city into two parts1 the necropolis standing on the right or northern bank1 and the town itself on the left4 ,footnote #dg3 ,see however a mutilated inscription 7,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #cief7 with the letters 4441 found near ,chon4 ,footnote #dh3 ,herod4 vii4 #cj 1 1 1 4 ,footnote #di3 ,this is the explanation of ,hamilton 7,i4 p4 #eji sq471 who 7with the doubtful exception of ,laborde7 has the merit of having first identified and described the site of ,coloss4 ,it stands on the ,tchoruk ,s 7,lycus7 at the point where it is joined by two other streams1 the ,bounar ,bashi ,s and the ,ak-,s4 ,in confirmation of his opinion1 ,hamilton found a tradition in the neighbourhood that the river had once been covered over at this spot 7p4 #ebb74 ,he followed the course of the ,lycus for some distance without finding any subterranean channel 7p4 #eba sq474 ,it is difficult to say whether the following account in ,strabo xii4 #h #af 7p4 #egh7 refers to the ,lycus or not2 ' ' 1 4 ,if the ,lycus is meant1 may not imply that this remarkable feature had changed before ,strabo wrote8 ,laborde 7p4 #ajc71 who visited the place before ,hamilton1 though his account was apparently not published till later1 fixes on the same site for ,coloss1 but thinks that he has discovered the subterranean course of the ,lycus1 to which ,herodotus refers1 much higher up a stream1 close to its source 7#8 dix pas de cette source'71 which he describes as #8 deux lieues au nord de ,coloss4' ,yet in the same paragraph he says #8,or il ,hrodote1 exact cicerone savait que le ,lycus disparat prs de ,coloss1 ville considrable de la ,phrygie' 7the italics are his own74 ,he apparently does not see the vast difference between his prs de ,coloss thus widely interpreted and the precise of ,herodotus himself4 ,obviously no great reliance can be placed on the accuracy of a writer1 who treats his authorities thus4 ,the subterranean stream which ,laborde saw1 and of which he gives a view 7pl4 xl71 may possibly be the phenomenon to which ,herodotus alludes2 but if so1 ,herodotus has expressed himself very carelessly4 ,on the whole ,hamilton's solution seems much more probable4 ,arundell's account 7,seven ,churches p4 #ih sq41 ,asia ,minor p4 #afj sq47 is very confused1 and it is not clear whether he has fixed on the right site for ,coloss2 but it bears testimony to the existence of two subterranean courses of rivers1 though neither of them is close enough to the city to satisfy ,herodotus' description4 ,footnote #ej3 ,plin4 ,n4,h4 xxxi4 #b #bj4 ,this is the ,ak-,s1 which has strongly petrifying qualities4 ,sidenote3 ,its ancient greatness ,commanding the approaches to a pass in the ,cadmus range1 and standing on a great high-way communicating between ,eastern and ,western ,asia1 ,coloss at an early date appears as a very important place4 ,here the mighty host of ,xerxes halted on its march against ,greece2 it is mentioned on this occasion as #8a great city of ,phrygia#ea4' ,here too ,cyrus remained seven days on his daring enterprise which terminated so fatally2 the ,greek captain1 who records the expedition1 speaks of it as #8a populous city1 prosperous and great#eb4' ,but after this time its glory seems to wane4 ,the political supremacy ,sidenote3 and later decline4of ,laodicea and the growing popularity of ,hierapolis gradually drain its strength2 and ,strabo1 writing about two generations before ,st ,paul1 describes it as a #8small town#ec' in the district of which ,laodicea was the capital4 ,we shall therefore be prepared to find that1 while ,laodicea and ,hierapolis both hold important places in the early records of the ,church1 ,coloss disappears wholly from the pages of history4 ,its comparative insignificance is still attested by its ruins1 which are few and meagre#ed1 while the vast remains of temples1 baths1 theatres1 aqueducts1 gymnasia1 and sepulchres1 strewing the extensive sites of its more fortunate neighbours1 still bear witness to their ancient prosperity and magnificence4 ,it is not even mentioned by ,ptolemy1 though his enumeration of towns includes several inconsiderable places#ee4 ,without doubt ,coloss was the least important ,church1 to which any epistle of ,st ,paul was addressed4 ,footnote #ea3 ,herod4 vii4 #cj4 ,see p4 #ad1 note #dh4 ,footnote #eb3 ,xen4 ,anab4 i4 #b4 #f 444 1 1 4 ,footnote #ec3 1 ,strabo xii4 #h4 #ac 7p4 #egf74 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 v4 #cb #da writes #8,phrygia 444 oppida ibi celeberrima prter jam dicta1 ,ancyra1 ,andria1 ,celn1 ,coloss1' etc4 ,the commentators1 referring to this passage1 overlook the words 'prter jam dicta1' and represent ,pliny as calling ,coloss #8oppidum celeberrimum4' ,not unnaturally they find it difficult to reconcile this expression with ,strabo's statement4 ,but in fact ,pliny has already exhausted all the considerable towns1 ,hierapolis1 ,laodicea1 ,apamea1 etc41 and even much less important places than these 7see v4 #bh1 #bi #bi71 so that only decayed and third-rate towns remain4 ,the ,ancyra here mentioned is not the capital of ,galatia1 but a much smaller ,phrygian town4 ,footnote #ed3 ,laborde p4 #ajb #8,de cette grande clbrit de ,coloss il ne reste presque rien3 ce sont des substructions sans suite1 des fragments sans grandeur2 les restes d'un thtre de mdiocre dimension1 une acropole sans hardiesse1' etc4 ,footnote #ee3 ,geogr4 v4 #b4 ,sidenote3 ,uncertain orthography of the name4 ,and perhaps also we may regard the variation in the orthography of the name as another indication of its comparative obscurity and its early extinction4 ,are we to write ,coloss or ,colass8 ,so far as the evidence goes1 the conclusion would seem to be that1 while ,coloss alone occurs during the classical period and in ,st ,paul's time1 it was afterwards supplanted by ,colass1 when the town itself had either disappeared altogether or was already passing out of notice#ef4 ,footnote #ef3 ,all ,greek writers till some centuries after the ,christian era write it 3 so ,herod4 vii4 #cj1 ,xen4 ,anab4 i4 #b4 #f1 ,strabo xii4 #h4 #ac1 ,diod4 xiv4 #hj1 ,polyn4 ,strat4 vii4 #af4 #a2 though in one or more ,,mss of some of these authors it is written 1 showing the tendency of later scribes4 ,coloss is also the universal form in ,latin writers4 ,the coins moreover1 even as late as the reign of ,gordian 7,a4,d4 #bch-bdd7 when they ceased to be struck1 universally have 7or 72 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #bfg sq43 see ,babington ,numismatic ,chronicle ,new series ,,iii4 p4 #a sq41 #f4 ,in ,hierocles 7,synecd4 p4 #fff1 ,wessel47 and in the ,apostolic ,constitutions 7vii4 #df7 seems to be the original reading of the text1 and in later ,byzantine writers this form is common4 ,if ,prof4 ,babington 7p4 #c7 were right in supposing that it is connected with 1 the question of the correct spelling might be regarded as settled2 but in a ,phrygian city over which so many ,eastern nations swept in succession1 who shall say to what language the name belonged1 or what are its affinities8 ,thus1 judging from classical usage1 we should say that was the old form and that did not supplant it till some time after ,st ,paul's age4 ,this view is confirmed by a review of the authorities for the different readings in the ,new ,testament4 ,in the opening of the epistle 7i4 #a7 the authorities for are overwhelming4 ,it is read by ,,bdfgl 7,a is obliterated here and ,c is wanting72 and in the ,old ,latin1 ,vulgate1 and ,armenian ,versions4 ,on the other hand is read by ,,kp4 #ag4 #cg4 #dg1 and among the versions by the ,memphitic and the ,philoxenian ,syriac 71 though the marg4 gives 74 ,in the ,peshito also the present reading represents 1 but as the vowel was not expressed originally and depends on the later pointing1 its authority can hardly be quoted4 ,the ,thebaic is wanting here4 ,in the heading of the epistle however there is considerably more authority for the form in 4 is the reading of ,,ab99 ,,kp4 #cg 774 #dg4 ,c is wanting here1 but has in the subscription4 ,on the other hand 7or 7 appears in ,b#a 7according to ,tregelles1 but ,b#c ,tisch42 see his introd4 p4 xxxxviii7 ,,dfg 7but ,g has left in the heading of one page1 and in another7 ,l4 #ag 771 in the ,latin ,version1 and in the margin of the ,philoxenian ,syriac4 ,the readings of both ,peshito and ,philoxenian 7text7 here depend on the vocalisation2 and those of other versions are not recorded4 ,in the subscription the preponderance of authority is even more favourable to 4 ,taking into account the obvious tendency which there would be in scribes to make the title or conform to the opening or 1 as shown in ,g1 we seem to arrive at the conclusion that1 while was indisputably the original reading in the opening1 was probably the earlier reading in the title4 ,if so1 the title must have been added at a somewhat later date2 which is not improbable4 ,connected with this question is the variation in the adjectival form1 - or -4 ,parallels to this double termination occur in other words2 e4g4 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 etc4 ,the coins1 while they universally exhibit the form in 1 are equally persistent in the termination -1 2 and it is curious that to the form in ,strabo xii4 #h #af 7p4 #egh7 there is a various reading 4 ,thus1 though there is no necessary connexion between the two1 the termination - seems to go with the form1 and the termination - with the form4 ,for the above reasons ,i have written confidently in the text1 and with more hesitation in the superscription4 ,sidenote3 ,ethnological relations of the three cities4 ,considered ethnologically1 these three cities are generally regarded as belonging to ,phrygia4 ,but as they are situated on the western border of ,phrygia1 and as the frontier line separating ,phrygia from ,lydia and ,caria was not distinctly traced1 this designation is not persistent#eg4 ,thus ,laodicea is sometimes assigned to ,caria1 more rarely to ,lydia#eh2 and again1 ,hierapolis is described as half ,lydian1 half ,phrygian#ei4 ,on the other hand ,i have not observed that ,coloss is ever regarded as other than ,phrygian#fj1 partly perhaps because the notices relating to it belong to an earlier date when these several names denoted political as well as ethnological divisions1 and their limits were definitely marked in consequence1 but chiefly because it lies some miles to the east of the other cities1 and therefore farther from the doubtful border land4 ,footnote #eg3 ,strabo1 xiii4 #d4 #ab 7p4 #fbh7 ' 1 444 ,footnote #eh3 ,to ,phrygia1 ,strabo xii4 #h4 #ac 7p4 #egf71 ,polyb4 v4 #eg1 and so generally2 to ,caria1 ,orac4 ,sibyll4 iii4 #dgb 1 ,ptol4 v4 #b1 ,philostr4 ,vit4 ,soph4 i4 #be 7though in the context ,philostratus adds that at one time 72 to ,lydia1 ,steph4 ,byz4 s4v4 ,on the coins the city is sometimes represented as seated between two female figures and 2 ,eckhel ,,iii4 p4 #afj1 comp4 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #cbi4 ,from its situation on the confines of the three countries ,laodicea seems to have obtained the surname ,trimitaria or ,trimetaria1 by which it is sometimes designated in later times3 see below1 p4 #fe1 note #bje1 and comp4 ,wesseling1 ,itin4 p4 #ffe4 ,footnote #ei3 ,steph4 ,byz4 s4v4 says 4 ,but generally ,hierapolis is assigned to ,phrygia3 e4g4 ,ptol4 v4 #b1 ,vitruv4 viii4 #c #aj4 ,footnote #fj3 ,coloss is assigned to ,phrygia in ,herod4 vii4 #cj1 ,xen4 ,anab4 i4 #b4 #f1 ,strabo xii4 #h4 #ac1 ,diod4 xiv4 #hj1 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 v4 #cb #da1 ,polyn4 ,strat4 vii4 #af4 #a4 ,sidenote3 ,their political relations4 ,phrygia however ceased to have any political significance1 when this country came under the dominion of the ,romans4 ,politically speaking1 the three cities with the rest of the ,cibyratic union belonged at this time to ,asia1 the proconsular province#fa4 ,as an ,asiatic ,church accordingly ,laodicea is addressed in the ,apocalyptic letter4 ,to this province they had been assigned in the first instance2 then they were handed over to ,cilicia#fb2 afterwards they were transferred and re-transferred from the one to the other2 till finally1 before the ,christian era1 they became a permanent part of ,asia1 their original province4 ,here they remained1 until the close of the fourth century1 when a new distribution of the ,roman empire was made1 and the province of ,phrygia ,pacatiana created with ,laodicea as its capital#fc4 ,footnote #fa3 ,after the year ,b4,c4 #di they seem to have been permanently attached to #8,asia'3 before that time they are bandied about between ,asia and ,cilicia4 ,these alternations are traced by ,bergmann de ,asia provincia 7,berlin1 #ahdf7 and in ,philologus ,,ii4 #d 7#ahdg7 p4 #fda sq4 ,see ,becker and ,marquardt ,rm4 ,alterth4 ,,iii4 ,i4 p4 #acj sq4 ,laodicea is assigned to #8,asia' in ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #feab1 #feda1 #ffbf4 ,the name #8,asia' will be used throughout this chapter in its political sense1 as applying to the ,roman province4 ,footnote #fb3 ,cic4 ad ,fam4 xiii4 #fg #8ex provincia mea ,ciliciensi1 cui scis ,asiaticas i4e4 ,cibyraticam1 ,apamensem1 ,synnadensem attributas fuisse'2 ad ,att4 v4 #ba #8mea expectatio ,asi nostrarum dicesium' and #8in hac mea ,asia4' ,see also above p4 #g1 notes #b1 #c4 ,footnote #fc3 #c ,hierocles ,synecd4 p4 #ffd sq4 7,wessel473 see below p4 #fi4 ,sidenote3 ,important ,jewish settlement in this neighbourhood4 ,the ,epistle to the ,colossians supposes a powerful ,jewish colony in ,laodicea and the neighbourhood4 ,we are not however left to draw this inference from the epistle alone1 but the fact is established by ample independent testimony4 ,when1 with the insolent licence characteristic of ,oriental kings1 ,antiochus the ,great transplanted two thousand ,jewish families from ,babylonia and ,mesopotamia into ,lydia and ,phrygia#fd1,sidenote3 ,colony of ,antiochus the ,great4 we can hardly doubt that among the principal stations of these new colonists would be the two most thriving cities of ,phrygia1 which were also the two most important settlements of the ,syrian kings1 ,apamea and ,laodicea1 the one founded by his grandfather ,antiochus the ,first1 the other by his father ,antiochus the ,second4 ,if the commercial importance of ,apamea at this time was greater 7for somewhat later it was reckoned second only to ,ephesus among the cities of ,asia ,minor as a centre of trade71 the political rank of ,laodicea stood higher#fe4 ,when mention is made of ,lydia and ,phrygia#ff1 this latter city especially is pointed out by its position1 for it stood near the frontier of the two countries4 ,a ,jewish settlement once established1 the influx of their fellow-countrymen would be rapid and continuous4 ,accordingly under the ,roman domination we find them gathered here in very large numbers4,sidenote3 ,confiscations of ,flaccus4 ,when ,flaccus the proprtor of ,asia 7,b4,c4 #fb71 who was afterwards accused of maladministration in his province and defended by ,cicero1 forbade the contributions of the ,jews to the temple-worship and the consequent exportation of money to ,palestine1 he seized as contraband not less than twenty pounds weight in gold in the single district of which ,laodicea was the capital#fg4 ,calculated at the rate of a half-shekel for each man1 this sum represents a population of more than eleven thousand adult freemen#fh2 for women1 children1 and slaves were exempted4 ,it must be remembered however1 that this is only the sum which the ,roman officers succeeded in detecting and confiscating2 and that therefore the whole ,jewish population would probably be much larger than this partial estimate implies4 ,the amount seized at ,apamea1 the other great ,phrygian centre1 was five times as large as this#fi4 ,sidenote3 ,other evidence4,somewhat later we have a document purporting to be a decree of the ,laodiceans1 in which they thank the ,roman ,consul for a measure granting to ,jews the liberty of observing their sabbaths and practising other rites of their religion#gj2 and though this decree is probably spurious1 yet it serves equally well to show that at this time ,laodicea was regarded as an important centre of the dispersion in ,asia ,minor4 ,to the same effect may be quoted the extravagant hyperbole in the ,talmud1 that when on a certain occasion an insurrection of the ,jews broke out in ,csarea the metropolis of ,cappadocia1 which brought down upon their heads the cruel vengeance of king ,sapor and led to a massacre of #ab1jjj1 #8the wall of ,laodicea was cloven with the sound of the harpstrings' in the fatal and premature merriment of the insurgents#ga4 ,this place was doubtless singled out1 because it had a peculiar interest for the ,jews1 as one of their chief settlements#gb4 ,it will be remembered also1 that ,phrygia is especially mentioned among those countries which furnished their quota of worshippers at ,jerusalem1 and were thus represented at the baptism of the ,christian ,church on the great day of ,pentecost#gc4 ,footnote #fd3 ,joseph4 ,antiq4 xii4 #c1 #d4 ,footnote #fe3 ,strabo xii4 #h4 #ac 7p4 #egf7 4 ,below #ae 7p4 #egg7 he says ' 4 ,the relative importance of ,apamea and ,laodicea two or three generations earlier than ,st ,paul may be inferred from the notices in ,cicero2 but there is reason for thinking that ,laodicea afterwards grew more rapidly than ,apamea4 ,footnote #ff3 ,in ,josephus l4c4 the words are 1 the two names being under the vinculum of the one article3 while immediately afterwards ,lydia is dropped and ,phrygia alone named1 444 4 ,footnote #fg3 ,cic4 pro ,flacc4 #bh #8,sequitur auri illa invidia ,judaici4444 ,quum aurum ,judorum nomine quotannis ex ,italia et ex omnibus provinciis ,hierosolyma exportari soleret1 ,flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex ,asia exportari liceret 444 multitudinem ,judorum1 flagrantem nonnumquam in concionibus1 pro republica contemnere gravitatis summ fuit4444 ,apame manifesto comprehensum ante pedes prtoris in foro expensum est auri pondo centum paullo minus 444 ,laodice viginti pondo paullo amplius4' ,josephus 7,antiq4 xiv4 #g4 #b71 quoting the words of ,strabo1 444 1 explains this enormous sum as composed of the temple-offerings of the ,jews which they sent to ,cos for safety out of the way of ,mithridates4 ,footnote #fh3 ,this calculation supposes 7#a7 ,that the half-shekel weighs #aaj gr2 7#b7 ,that the ,roman pound is #ejej gr2 7#c7 ,that the relation of gold to silver was at this time as #ab 3 #a4 ,this last estimate is possibly somewhat too high4 ,footnote #fi3 ,the coinage of ,apamea affords a striking example of ,judaic influence at a later date4 ,on coins struck at this place in the reigns of ,severus1 ,macrinus1 and the elder ,philip1 an ark is represented floating on the waters4 ,within are a man and a woman3 on the roof a bird is perched2 while in the air another bird approaches bearing an olive-branch in its claws4 ,the ark bears the inscription 4 ,outside are two standing figures1 a man and a woman 7apparently the same two who have been represented within the ark71 with their hands raised as in the attitude of prayer4 ,the connexion of the ark of ,noah with ,apamea is explained by a passage in one of the ,sibylline ,oracles 7i4 #bfa sq471 where the mountain overhanging ,apamea is identified with ,ararat1 and the ark 77 is stated to have rested there4 ,whether this ,apamea obtained its distinctive surname of ,cibotus1 the ,ark or ,chest1 from its physical features1 or from its position as the centre of taxation and finance for the district1 or from some other cause1 it is difficult to say4 ,in any case this surname might naturally suggest to those acquainted with the ,old ,testament a connexion with the deluge of ,noah2 but the idea would not have been adopted in the coinage of the place without the pressure of strong ,jewish influences4 ,on these coins see ,eckhel ,doctr4 ,num4 ,vet4 ,,iii4 p4 #acb sq41 and the paper of ,sir ,f4 ,madden in the ,numismatic ,chronicle ,n4 ,s4 ,,vi4 p4 #agc sq4 7#ahff71 where they are figured4 ,footnote #gj3 ,joseph4 ,ant4 xiv4 #aj4 #ba4 ,footnote #ga3 ,talm4 ,babl4 ,mod ,katon #bf;a1 quoted by ,neubauer1 ,la ,gographie du ,talmud p4 #cai1 though he seems to have misunderstood the expression quoted in the text1 of which he gives the sense1 #8,cette ville tremblait au bruit des flches qu'on avait tires4' ,it is probably this same ,laodicea which is meant in another ,talmudical passage1 ,talm4 ,babl4 ,baba ,metziah #hd;a 7also quoted by ,neubauer1 p4 #caa71 in which ,elijah appearing to ,r4 ,ishmael ben ,r4 ,jose1 says #8,thy father fled to ,asia2 flee thou to ,laodicea1' where ,asia is supposed to mean ,sardis4 ,footnote #gb3 ,an inscription found at ,rome in the ,jewish cemetery at the ,porta ,portuensis 7,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #iiaf7 runs thus2 4 4 4 4 4 4 444 i4e4 4 ,probably ,laodicea on the ,lycus is meant4 ,perhaps also we may refer another inscription 7#fdgh71 which mentions one ,trypho from ,laodicea on the ,lycus1 to a ,jewish source4 ,footnote #gc3 ,acts ii4 #aj4 ,sidenote3 ,special attractions of ,hierapolis4 ,mention has already been made of the traffic in dyed wools1 which formed the staple of commerce in the valley of the ,lycus#gd4 ,it may be inferred from other notices that this branch of trade had a peculiar attraction for the ,jews#ge4 ,if so1 their commercial instincts would constantly bring fresh recruits to a colony which was already very considerable4 ,but the neighbourhood held out other inducements besides this4 ,hierapolis1 the gay watering place1 the pleasant resort of idlers1 had charms for them1 as well as ,laodicea the busy commercial city4 ,at least such was the complaint of stricter patriots at home4 #8,the wines and the baths of ,phrygia1' writes a ,talmudist bitterly1 #8have separated the ten tribes from ,israel#gf4' ,footnote #gd3 ,see p4 #d4 ,footnote #ge3 ,acts xvi4 #ad4 ,is there an allusion to this branch of trade in the message to the ,church of ,laodicea1 ,rev4 iii4 #ag 444 444 1 4448 ,the only other of the seven messages1 which contains an allusion to the white garments1 is addressed to the ,church of ,sardis1 where again there might be a reference to the 7,arist4 ,pax #aagd1 ,acharn4 #aab7 and the 7,plato ,com4 in ,athen4 ,,ii4 p4 #dh ,e7 of the comic poets4 ,footnote #gf3 ,talm4 ,babl4 ,sabbath #adg b1 quoted by ,neubauer ,la ,gographie du ,talmud p4 #cag3 see ,wiesner ,schol4 zum ,babyl4 ,talm4 p4 #bei sq41 and p4 #bjg sq4 ,on the word translated #8baths1' see ,rapoport's ,erech ,millin p4 #aac1 col4 #a4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul had not visited the district when he wrote4 ,there is no ground for supposing that1 when ,st ,paul wrote his ,epistle to the ,colossians1 he had ever visited the church in which he evinces so deep an interest4 ,whether we examine the narrative in the ,acts1 or whether we gather up the notices in the epistle itself1 we find no hint that he had ever been in this neighbourhood2 but on the contrary some expressions indirectly exclude the supposition of a visit to the district4 ,sidenote3 ,what is meant by ,phrygia in ,st ,luke8 ,it is true that ,st ,luke more than once mentions ,phrygia as lying on ,st ,paul's route or as witnessing his labours4 ,but ,phrygia was a vague and comprehensive term2 nor can we assume that the valley of the ,lycus was intended1 unless the direction of his route or the context of the narrative distinctly points to this south-western corner of ,phrygia4 ,in neither of the two passages1 where ,st ,paul is stated to have travelled through ,phrygia1 is this the case4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,st ,paul's visit to ,phrygia on his second missionary journey4 #a4 ,on his second missionary journey1 after he has revisited and confirmed the churches of ,pisidia and ,lycaonia founded on his first visit1 he passes through #8the ,phrygian and ,galatian country#gg4' ,i have pointed out elsewhere that this expression must be used to denote the region which might be called indifferently ,phrygia or ,galatia--the land which had originally belonged to the ,phrygians and had afterwards been colonised by the ,gauls2 or the parts of either country which lay in the immediate neighbourhood of this debatable ground#gh4 ,this region lies considerably north and east of the valley of the ,lycus4 ,assuming that the last of the ,lycaonian and ,pisidian towns at which ,st ,paul halted was ,antioch1 he would not on any probable supposition approach nearer to ,coloss than ,apamea ,cibotus on his way to #8the ,phrygian and ,galatian country'1 nor indeed need he have gone nearly so far westward as this4 ,and again on his departure from this region he journeys by ,mysia to ,troas1 leaving #8,asia' on his left hand and ,bithynia on his right4 ,thus the notices of his route conspire to show that his path on this occasion lay far away from the valley of the ,lycus4 ,footnote #gg3 ,acts xvi4 #f 1 the correct reading4 ,for this use of as an adjective comp4 ,mark i4 #e 1 ,joh4 iii4 #bb 1 ,luke iii4 #a 1 ,acts xiii4 #ad 7the correct reading74 ,footnote #gh3 ,see ,galatians1 p4 #ah sq41 #bb4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,his visit on his third missionary journey4 #b4 ,but if he was not brought into the neighbourhood of ,coloss on his second missionary journey1 it is equally improbable that he visited it on his third4 ,so far as regards ,asia ,minor1 he seems to have confined himself to revisiting the churches already founded2 the new ground which he broke was in ,macedonia and ,greece4 ,thus when we are told that during this third journey ,st ,paul after leaving ,antioch #8passed in order through the ,galatian country and ,phrygia1 confirming all the disciples1'#gi we can hardly doubt that #8the ,galatian country and ,phrygia' in this latter passage denotes essentially the same region as #8the ,phrygian and ,galatian country' in the former4 ,the slight change of expression is explained by the altered direction of his route4 ,in the first instance his course1 as determined by its extreme limits--,antioch in ,pisidia its starting point1 and ,alexandria ,troas its termination--would be northward for the first part of the way1 and thus would lie on the border land of ,phrygia and ,galatia2 whereas on this second occasion1 when he was travelling from ,antioch in ,syria to ,ephesus1 its direction would be generally from east to west1 and the more strictly ,galatian district would be traversed before the ,phrygian4 ,if we suppose him to leave ,galatia at ,pessinus on its western border1 he would pass along the great highway--formerly a ,persian and at this time a ,roman road--by ,synnada and ,sardis to ,ephesus1 traversing the heart of ,phrygia1 but following the valleys of the ,hermus and ,cayster1 and separated from the ,mander and ,lycus by the high mountain ranges which bound these latter to the north#hj4 ,footnote #gi3 ,acts xviii4 #bc4 ,footnote #hj3 ,m4 ,renan 7,saint ,paul pp4 #ea sq41 #abf1 #cac7 maintains that the ,galatia of ,st ,paul and ,st ,luke is not the country properly so called1 but that they are speaking of the ,churches of ,pisidian ,antioch1 ,iconium1 ,lystra1 and ,derbe1 which lay within the ,roman province of ,galatia4 ,this interpretation of ,galatia necessarily affects his view of ,st ,paul's routes 7pp4 #abf sq41 #cca sq472 and he supposes the ,apostle on his third missionary journey to have passed through the valley of the ,lycus1 without however remaining to preach the ,gospel there 7pp4 #cca sq41 #cef sq41 #cfb74 ,as ,antioch in ,pisidia would on this hypothesis be the farthest church in #8,galatia and ,phrygia' which ,st ,paul visited1 his direct route from that city to ,ephesus 7,acts xviii4 #bc1 xix4 #a7 would naturally lie by this valley4 ,i have already 7,galatians pp4 #ah sq41 #bb7 stated the serious objections to which this interpretation of #8,galatia' is open1 and 7if ,i mistake not7 have answered most of ,m4 ,renan's arguments by anticipation4 ,but1 as this interpretation nearly affects an important point in the history of ,st ,paul's dealings with the ,colossians1 it is necessary to subject it to a closer examination4 ,without stopping to enquire whether this view is reconcilable with ,st ,paul's assertion 7,col4 ii4 #a7 that these churches in the ,lycus valley #8had not seen his face in the flesh1' it will appear 7,i think7 that ,m4 ,renan's arguments are in some cases untenable and in others may be turned against himself4 ,the three heads under which they may be conveniently considered are3 7i7 ,the use of the name #8,galatia'2 7ii7 ,the itinerary of ,st ,paul's travels2 7iii7 ,the historical notices in the ,epistle to the ,galatians4 7i7 ,on the first point1 ,m4 ,renan states that ,st ,paul was in the habit of using the official name for each district and therefore called the country which extends from ,antioch in ,pisidia to ,derbe #8,galatia1' supporting this view by the ,apostle's use of ,asia1 ,macedonia1 and ,achaia 7p4 #ea74 ,the answer is that the names of these elder provinces had very generally superseded the local names1 but this was not the case with the other districts of ,asia ,minor where the provinces had been formed at a comparatively late date4 ,the usage of ,st ,luke is a good criterion4 ,he also speaks of ,asia1 ,macedonia1 and ,achaia2 but at the same time his narrative abounds in historical or ethnographical names which have no official import2 e4g4 ,lycaonia1 ,mysia1 ,pamphylia1 ,pisidia1 ,phrygia4 ,where we have no evidence1 it is reasonable to assume that ,st ,paul's usage was conformable to ,st ,luke's4 ,and again1 if we consider ,st ,luke's account alone1 how insuperable are the difficulties which this view of ,galatia creates4 ,the part of ,asia ,minor1 with which we are immediately concerned1 was comprised officially in the provinces of ,asia and ,galatia4 ,on ,m4 ,renan's showing1 ,st ,luke1 after calling ,antioch a city of ,pisidia 7xiii4 #ad7 and ,lystra and ,derbe cities of ,lycaonia 7xiv4 #f71 treats all the three1 together with the intermediate ,iconium1 as belonging to ,galatia 7xvi4 #f1 xviii4 #bc74 ,he explains the inconsistency by saying that in the former case the narrative proceeds in detail1 in the latter in masses4 ,but if so1 why should he combine a historical and ethnological name ,phrygia with an official name ,galatia in the same breath1 when the two are different in kind and cannot be mutually exclusive8 #8,galatia and ,asia1' would be intelligible on this supposition1 but not #8,galatia and ,phrygia4' ,moreover the very form of the expression in xvi4 #f1 #8the ,phrygian and ,galatian country' 7according to the correct reading which ,m4 ,renan neglects7 appears in its studied vagueness to exclude the idea that ,st ,luke means the province of ,galatia1 whose boundaries were precisely marked4 ,and even granting that the ,christian communities of ,lycaonia and ,pisidia could by a straining of language be called ,churches of ,galatia1 is it possible that ,st ,paul would address them personally as #8ye foolish ,galatians' 7,gal4 iii4 #a78 ,such language would be no more appropriate than if a modern preacher in a familiar address were to appeal to the ,poles of ,warsaw as #8ye ,russians1' or the ,hungarians of ,pesth as #8ye ,austrians1' or the ,irish of ,cork as #8ye ,englishmen4' 7ii7 ,in the itinerary of ,st ,paul several points require consideration4 7a7 ,m4 ,renan lays stress on the fact that in ,acts xvi4 #f1 xviii4 #bc1 the order in which the names of ,phrygia and ,galatia occur is inverted4 ,i seem to myself to have explained this satisfactorily in the text4 ,he appears to be unaware of the correct reading in xvi4 #f1 7see ,galatians p4 #bb71 though it has an important bearing on ,st ,paul's probable route4 7b7 ,he states that ,troas was ,st ,paul's aim 7#8l'objectif de ,saint ,paul'7 in the one case 7xvi4 #f71 and ,ephesus in the other 7xviii4 #bc73 consequently he argues that ,galatia1 properly so called1 is inconceivable1 as there was no reason why he should have made #8this strange detour towards the north4' ,the answer is that ,troas was not his #8objectif' in the first instance1 nor ,ephesus in the second4 ,on the first occasion ,st ,luke states that the ,apostle set out on his journey with quite different intentions1 but that after he had got well to the north of ,asia ,minor he was driven by a series of divine intimations to proceed first to ,troas and thence to cross over into ,europe 7see ,philippians p4 #dh74 ,this narrative seems to me to imply that he starts for his further travels from some point in the western part of ,galatia proper4 ,when he comes to the borders of ,mysia1 he designs bearing to the left and preaching in ,asia2 but a divine voice forbids him4 ,he then purposes diverging to the right and delivering his message in ,bithynia2 but the same unseen power checks him again4 ,thus he is driven forward1 and passes by ,mysia to the coast at ,troas 7,acts xvi4 #f-h74 ,here all is plain4 ,but if we suppose him to start1 not from some town in ,galatia proper such as ,pessinus1 but from ,antioch in ,pisidia1 why should ,bithynia1 which would be far out of the way1 be mentioned at all8 ,on the second occasion1 ,st ,paul's primary object is to revisit the ,galatian ,churches which he had planted on the former journey 7xviii4 #bc71 and it is not till after he has fulfilled this intention that he goes to ,ephesus4 7c7 ,m4 ,renan also calls attention to the difficulty of traversing #8the central steppe' of ,asia ,minor4 #8,there was probably1' he says1 #8at this epoch no route from ,iconium to ,ancyra1' and in justification of this statement he refers to ,perrot1 de ,gal4 ,rom4 prov4 p4 #ajb1 #ajc4 ,even so1 there were regular roads from either ,iconium or ,antioch to ,pessinus2 and this route would serve equally well4 ,moreover the ,apostle1 who was accustomed to #8perils of rivers1 perils of robbers1 perils in the wilderness' 7#b ,cor4 xi4 #bf71 and who preferred walking from ,troas to ,assos 7,acts xx4 #ac7 while his companions sailed1 would not be deterred by any rough or unfrequented paths4 ,but the facts adduced by ,perrot do not lend themselves to any such inference1 nor does he himself draw it4 ,he cites an inscription of the year ,a4,d4 #hb which speaks of ,a4 ,csennius ,gallus1 the legate of ,domitian1 as a great road-maker throughout the ,eastern provinces of ,asia ,minor1 and he suggests that the existing remains of a road between ,ancyra and ,iconium may be part of this governor's work4 ,even if the suggestion be adopted1 it is highly improbable that no road should have existed previously1 when we consider the comparative facility of constructing a way along this line of country 7,perrot p4 #ajc7 and the importance of such a direct route4 7d7 #8,in the conception of the author of the ,acts1' writes ,m4 ,renan1 #8the two journeys across ,asia ,minor are journeys of confirmation and not of conversion 7,acts xv4 #cf1 #da1 xvi4 #e1 #f1 xviii4 #bc74' ,this statement seems to me to be only partially true4 ,in both cases ,st ,paul begins his tour by confirming churches already established1 but in both he advances beyond this and breaks new ground4 ,in the former he starts with the existing churches of ,lycaonia and ,pisidia and extends his labours to ,galatia3 in the latter he starts with the then existing churches of ,galatia1 and carries the ,gospel into ,macedonia and ,achaia4 ,this1 so far as ,i can discover1 was his general rule4 7iii7 ,the notices in the ,galatian ,epistle1 which appear to ,m4 ,renan to favour his view1 are these3 7a7 ,st ,paul appears to have #8had intimate relations with the ,galatian ,church1 at least as intimate as with the ,corinthians and ,thessalonians1' whereas ,st ,luke disposes of the ,apostle's preaching in ,galatia very summarily1 unless the communities of ,lycaonia and ,pisidia be included4 ,but the ,galatian ,epistle by no means evinces the same close and varied personal relations which we find in the letters to these other churches1 more especially to the ,corinthians4 ,and again2 ,st ,luke's history is more or less fragmentary4 ,whole years are sometimes dismissed in a few verses4 ,the stay in ,arabia which made so deep an impression on ,st ,paul himself is not even mentioned3 the three months' sojourn in ,greece1 though doubtless full of stirring events1 only occupies a single verse in the narrative 7,acts xx4 #c74 ,st ,luke appears to have joined ,st ,paul after his visit to ,galatia 7xvi4 #aj72 and there is no reason why he should have dwelt on incidents with which he had no direct acquaintance4 7b7 ,m4 ,renan sees in the presence of emissaries from ,jerusalem in the ,galatian ,churches an indication that ,galatia proper is not meant4 #8,it is improbable that they would have made such a journey4' ,but why so8 ,there were important ,jewish settlements in ,galatia proper 7,galatians p4 #i sq472 there was a good road through ,syria and ,cilicia to ,ancyra 7,itin4 ,anton4 p4 #bje sq41 ,itin4 ,hierosol4 p4 #ege sq4 ed4 ,wessel472 and if we find such emissaries as far away from ,jerusalem as ,corinth 7#b ,cor4 xi4 #ac1 etc471 there is at least no improbability that they should have reached ,galatia4 7c7 ,lastly2 ,m4 ,renan thinks that the mention of ,barnabas 7,gal4 ii4 #a1 #i1 #ac7 implies that he was personally known to the churches addressed1 and therefore points to ,lycaonia and ,pisidia4 ,but are we to infer on the same grounds that he was personally known to the ,corinthians 7#a ,cor4 ix4 #f71 and to the ,colossians 7,col4 iv4 #aj78 ,in fact the name of ,barnabas1 as a famous ,apostle and an older disciple even than ,st ,paul himself1 would not fail to be well known in all the churches4 ,on the other hand one or two notices in the ,galatian ,epistle present serious obstacles to ,m4 ,renan's view4 ,what are we to say for instance to ,st ,paul's statement1 that he preached the ,gospel in ,galatia ' 7iv4 #ac71 i4e4 because he was detained by sickness 7see ,galatians pp4 #bc sq41 #agb71 whereas his journey to ,lycaonia and ,pisidia is distinctly planned with a view to missionary work8 ,why again is there no mention of ,timothy1 who was much in ,st ,paul's company about this time1 and who on this showing was himself a ,galatian8 ,some mention would seem to be especially suggested where ,st ,paul is justifying his conduct respecting the attempt to compel ,titus to be circumcised4 ,sidenote3 ,the inference from ,thus ,st ,luke's narrative seems to exclude any visit of the ,apostle to the ,churches of the ,lycus before his first ,sidenote3 ,st ,luke's narrative,roman captivity4 ,and this inference is confirmed by ,st ,paul's own language to the ,colossians4 ,sidenote3 borne out by ,st ,paul's own language4 ,he represents his knowledge of their continued progress1 and even of their first initiation1 in the truths of the ,gospel1 as derived from the report of others4 ,he describes himself as hearing of their faith in ,christ and their love to the saints#ha4 ,he recalls the day when he first heard of their ,christian profession and zeal#hb4 4,sidenote3 ,silence of ,st ,paul4,though opportunities occur again and again where he would naturally have referred to his direct personal relations with them1 if he had been their evangelist1 he abstains from any such reference4 ,he speaks of their being instructed in the ,gospel1 of his own preaching the ,gospel1 several times in the course of the letter1 but he never places the two in any direct connexion1 though the one reference stands in the immediate neighbourhood of the other#hc4 ,moreover1 if he had actually visited ,coloss1 it must appear strange that he should not once allude to any incident occurring during his sojourn there1 for this epistle would then be the single exception to his ordinary practice4 ,and lastly2 in one passage at least1 if interpreted in its natural sense1 he declares that the ,colossians were personally unknown to him3 #8,i would have you know1' he writes1 #8how great a conflict ,i have for you and them that are in ,laodicea and as many as have not seen my face in the flesh'#hd4 ,footnote #ha3 ,col4 i4 #d4 ,footnote #hb3 i4 #i 1 ' 1 1 444 ,this corresponds to ver4 #f 1 ' 4 ,the day when they first heard the preaching of the ,gospel1 and the day when he first heard the tidings of this fact1 are set against each other4 ,footnote #hc3 e4g4 i4 #e-h1 #ba-bc1 #be1 #bh1 #bi4 ii4 #e1 #f4 ,footnote #hd3 ii4 #a 1 1 444 ,the question of interpretation is whether the people of ,coloss and ,laodicea belong to the same category with the 1 or not4 ,the latter view is taken by one or two ancient interpreters 7e4g4 ,theodoret in his introduction to the epistle71 and has been adopted by several modern critics4 ,yet it is opposed alike to grammatical and logical considerations4 7#a7 ,the grammatical form is unfavourable2 for the preposition is not repeated1 so that all the persons mentioned are included under a vinculum4 7#b7 ,no adequate sense can be extracted from the passage1 so interpreted4 ,for in this case what is the drift of the enumeration8 ,if intended to be exhaustive1 it does not fulfil the purpose2 for nothing is said of others whom he had seen beside the ,colossians and ,laodiceans4 ,if not intended to be exhaustive1 it is meaningless2 for there is no reason why the ,colossians and ,laodiceans especially should be set off against those whom he had not seen1 or indeed why in this connexion those whom he had not seen should be mentioned at all4 ,the whole context shows that the ,apostle is dwelling on his spiritual communion with and interest in those with whom he has had no personal communications4 ,st ,jerome 7,ep4 cxxx4 ad ,demetr4 #b7 has rightly caught the spirit of the passage2 #8,ignoti ad ignotam scribimus1 dumtaxat juxta faciem corporalem4 ,alioquin interior homo pulcre sibi cognitus est illa notitia qua et ,paulus apostolus ,colossenses multosque credentium noverat quos ante non viderat4' ,for parallels to this use of 1 see the note on the passage4 ,sidenote3 ,epaphras was the evangelist of this district4 ,but1 if he was not directly their evangelist1 yet to him they were indirectly indebted for their knowledge of the truth4 ,epaphras had been his delegate to them1 his representative in ,christ4 ,by ,epaphras they had been converted to the ,gospel4 ,this is the evident meaning of a passage in the opening of the epistle1 which has been much obscured by misreading and mistranslation1 and which may be paraphrased thus3 #8,the ,gospel1 which has spread and borne fruit throughout the rest of the world1 has been equally successful among yourselves4 ,this fertile growth has been manifested in you from the first day when the message of ,god's grace was preached to you1 and accepted by you--preached not as now with adulterations by these false teachers1 but in its genuine simplicity by ,epaphras our beloved fellowservant2 he has been a faithful minister of ,christ and a faithful representative of us1 and from him we have received tidings of your love in the ,spirit'#he4 ,footnote #he3 i4 #f 1 1 ' 1 1 1 4 ,the various readings which obscure the meaning are these4 7i7 ,the received text for has 4 ,with this reading the passage suggests that the instructions of ,epaphras were superadded to1 and so distinct from1 the original evangelization of ,coloss2 whereas the correct text identifies them4 7ii7 ,for the received reading is 4 ,thus the fact that ,st ,paul did not preach at ,coloss in person1 but through his representative1 is obliterated4 ,in both cases the authority for the readings which ,i have adopted against the received text is overwhelming4 ,the obscurity of rendering is in 1 translated in our ,english ,version by the ambiguous expression1 #8as ye also learned of ,epaphras4' ,the true force of the words is1 #8according as ye were taught by ,epaphras1' being an explanation of 4 ,see the notes on the passage4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul's residence at ,ephesus instrumental in their conversion4 ,how or when the conversion of the ,colossians took place1 we have no direct information4 ,yet it can hardly be wrong to connect the event with ,st ,paul's long sojourn at ,ephesus4 ,here he remained preaching for three whole years4 ,it is possible indeed that during this period he paid short visits to other neighbouring cities of ,asia3 ,sidenote3 ,a4,d4 #ed-eg4 but if so1 the notices in the ,acts oblige us to suppose these interruptions to his residence in ,ephesus to have been slight and infrequent#hf4 ,yet1 though the ,apostle himself was stationary in the capital1 the ,apostle's influence and teaching spread far beyond the limits of the city and its immediate neighbourhood4 ,it was hardly an exaggeration when ,demetrius declared that #8almost throughout all ,asia this ,paul had persuaded and turned away much people'#hg4 ,the sacred historian himself uses equally strong language in describing the effects of the ,apostle's preaching2 #8,all they which dwelt in ,asia heard the word of the ,lord1 both ,jews and ,greeks'#hh4 ,in accordance with these notices1 the ,apostle himself in an epistle written during this sojourn sends salutations to ,corinth1 not from the ,church of ,ephesus specially1 as might have been anticipated1 but from the #8,churches of ,asia' generally#hi4 ,st ,luke1 it should be observed1 ascribes this dissemination of the ,gospel1 not to journeys undertaken by the ,apostle1 but to his preaching at ,ephesus itself#ij4 ,thither1 as to the metropolis of ,western ,asia1 would flock crowds from all the towns and villages far and near4 ,thence they would carry away1 each to his own neighbourhood1 the spiritual treasure which they had so unexpectedly found4 ,footnote #hf3 ,see especially xx4 #ah #8,ye know1 from the first day when ,i set foot on ,asia1 how ,i was with you all the time'1 and ver4 #ca #8,for three years night and day ,i ceased not warning every one with tears4' ,as it seems necessary to allow for a brief visit to ,corinth 7#b ,cor4 xii4 #ad1 xiii4 #a7 during this period1 other interruptions of long duration should not be postulated4 ,footnote #hg3 ,acts xix4 #bf4 ,footnote #hh3 ,acts xix4 #aj4 ,footnote #hi3 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #ai 4 ,in accordance with these facts it should be noticed that ,st ,paul himself alluding to this period speaks of #8,asia'1 as the scene of his ministry 7#b ,cor4 i4 #h1 ,rom4 xvi4 #e74 ,footnote #ij3 ,acts xix4 #aj #8disputing daily in the ,school of ,tyrannus2 and this continued for two years1 so that all they which dwelt in ,asia1 etc4' ,sidenote3 ,close alliance of these cities with ,ephesus4 ,among the places thus represented at the ,asiatic metropolis would doubtless be the cities lying in the valley of the ,lycus4 ,the bonds of amity between these places and ,ephesus appear to have been unusually strong4 ,the ,concord of the ,laodiceans and ,ephesians1 the ,concord of the ,hierapolitans and ,ephesians1 are repeatedly commemorated on medals struck for the purpose#ia4 ,sidenote3 ,the work of ,philemon and ,nymphas1 ,thus the ,colossians1 ,epaphras and ,philemon1 the latter with his household#ib1 and perhaps also the ,laodicean ,nymphas#ic1 would fall in with the ,apostle of the ,gentiles and hear from his lips the first tidings of a heavenly life4 ,footnote #ia3 4 4 1 ,eckhel ,,iii4 p4 #afe1 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #cbd1 #cbe1 #cca1 #ccb1 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 p4 #ehc1 #ehf1 #ehi2 4 4 1 ,eckhel ,,iii4 p4 #aee1 #aeg1 ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #bii1 #cjj1 #cjg1 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 p4 #efi1 #ega1 #egb1 #egd1 #ege4 ,see ,steiger ,kolosser p4 #ej1 and comp4 ,krause ,civitat4 ,neocor4 #bj4 ,footnote #ib3 ,philem4 #a1 #b1 #ai4 ,footnote #ic3 ,col4 iv4 #ae4 ,on the question whether the name is ,nymphas or ,nympha1 see the notes there4 ,sidenote3 but especially ,epaphras4 ,but1 whatever service may have been rendered by ,philemon at ,coloss1 or by ,nymphas at ,laodicea1 it was to ,epaphras especially that all the three cities were indebted for their knowledge of the ,gospel4 ,though he was a ,colossian by birth1 the fervency of his prayers and the energy of his love are represented as extending equally to ,laodicea and ,hierapolis#id4 ,it is obvious that he looked upon himself as responsible for the spiritual well-being of all alike4 ,footnote #id3 iv4 #ab1 #ac4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul still a stranger to this district4 ,we pass over a period of five or six years4 ,st ,paul's first captivity in ,rome is now drawing to a close4 ,during this interval he has not once visited the valley of the ,lycus4 ,he has1 it is true1 skirted the coast and called at ,miletus1 which lies near the mouth of the ,mander2 but1 though the elders of ,ephesus were summoned to meet him there#ie1 no mention is made of any representatives from these more distant towns4 ,footnote #ie3 ,acts xx4 #af1 #ag4 ,sidenote3 ,his imprisonment at ,rome4 ,i have elsewhere described the ,apostle's circumstances during his residence in ,rome1 so far as they are known to us#if4 ,it is sufficient to say here1 that though he is still a prisoner1 friends new and old minister freely to his wants4 ,meanwhile the alienation of the ,judaic ,christians is complete4 ,three only1 remaining faithful to him1 are commemorated as honourable exceptions in the general desertion#ig4 ,footnote #if3 ,see ,philippians p4 #f sq4 ,footnote #ig3 ,col4 iv4 #aj1 #aa4 ,see ,philippians p4 #ag sq4 ,sidenote3 ,coloss brought before his notice by two incidents4 ,we have seen that ,coloss was an unimportant place1 and that it had no direct personal claims on the ,apostle4 ,we might therefore feel surprise that1 thus doubly disqualified1 it should nevertheless attract his special attention at a critical moment1 when severe personal trials were superadded to #8the care of all the churches4' ,but two circumstances1 the one affecting his public duties1 the other private and personal1 happening at this time1 conspired to bring ,coloss prominently before his notice4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the mission of ,,epaphras4 #a4 ,he had received a visit from ,,epaphras4 ,the dangerous condition of the ,colossian and neighbouring churches had filled the mind of their evangelist with alarm4 ,a strange form of heresy had broken out in these brotherhoods--a combination of ,judaic formalism with ,oriental mystic speculation--and was already spreading rapidly4 ,his distress was extreme4 ,he gratefully acknowledged and reported their faith in ,christ and their works of love#ih4 ,but this only quickened his anxiety4 ,he had #8much toil for them'2 he was #8ever wrestling in his prayers on their behalf1' that they might stand fast and not abandon the simplicity of their earlier faith#ii4 ,he came to ,rome1 we may suppose1 for the express purpose of laying this state of things before the ,apostle and seeking his counsel and assistance4 ,footnote #ih3 i4 #d1 #h4 ,footnote #ii3 iv4 #ab1 #ac4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,,onesimus a fugitive in ,rome4 #b4 ,but at the time when ,epaphras paid this visit1 ,st ,paul was also in communication with another ,colossian1 who had visited ,rome under very different circumstances4 ,,onesimus1 the runaway slave1 had sought the metropolis1 the common sink of all nations#ajj1 probably as a convenient hiding place1 where he might escape detection among its crowds and make a livelihood as best he could4 ,here1 perhaps accidentally1 perhaps through the intervention of ,epaphras1 he fell in with his master's old friend4 ,the ,apostle interested himself in his case1 instructed him in the ,gospel1 and transformed him from a good-for-nothing slave#aja into a #8faithful and beloved brother#ajb4' ,footnote #ajj3 ,tac4 ,an4 xv4 #dd4 ,footnote #aja3 ,philem4 #aa 444 ,footnote #ajb3 ,col4 iv4 #i2 comp4 ,philem4 #af4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,apostle despatches three letters simultaneously4 ,this combination of circumstances called the ,apostle's attention to the ,churches of the ,lycus1 and more especially to ,coloss4 ,his letters1 which had been found #8weighty and powerful' in other cases1 might not be unavailing now2 and in this hope he took up his pen4 ,three epistles were written and despatched at the same time to this district4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the ,,epistle ,,to ,,the ,,colossians4 #a4 ,he addresses a special letter to the ,,colossians1 written in the joint names of himself and ,timothy1 warning them against the errors of the false teachers4 ,he gratefully acknowledges the report which he has received of their love and zeal#ajc4 ,he assures them of the conflict which agitates him on their behalf#ajd4 ,he warns them to be on their guard against the delusive logic of enticing words1 against the vain deceit of a false philosophy#aje4 ,sidenote3 ,the theological and the practical error of the ,colossians4,the purity of their ,christianity is endangered by two errors1 recommended to them by their heretical leaders--the one theological1 the other practical--but both alike springing from the same source1 the conception of matter as the origin and abode of evil4 ,thus1 regarding ,god and matter as directly antagonistic and therefore apart from and having no communication with each other1 they sought to explain the creation and government of the world by interposing a series of intermediate beings1 emanations or angels1 to whom accordingly they offered worship4 ,at the same time1 since they held that evil resided1 not in the rebellious spirit of man1 but in the innate properties of matter1 they sought to overcome it by a rigid ascetic discipline1 which failed after all to touch the springs of action4 ,sidenote3 ,the proper corrective to both lies in the ,christ of the ,gospel4,as both errors flowed from the same source1 they must be corrected by the application of the same remedy1 the ,christ of the ,gospel4 ,in the ,person of ,christ1 the one mediator between heaven and earth1 is the true solution of the theological difficulty4 ,through the ,life in ,christ1 the purification of the heart through faith and love1 is the effectual triumph over moral evil#ajf4 ,sidenote3 ,references to ,epaphras4,st ,paul therefore prescribes to the ,colossians the true teaching of the ,gospel1 as the best antidote to the twofold danger which threatens at once their theological creed and their moral principles2 while at the same time he enforces his lesson by the claims of personal affection1 appealing to the devotion of their evangelist ,epaphras on their behalf#ajg4 ,footnote #ajc3 i4 #c-i1 #ba sq4 ,footnote #ajd3 ii4 #a sq4 ,footnote #aje3 ii4 #d1 #h1 #ah4 ,footnote #ajf3 i4 #a-bj1 ii4 #i1 iii4 #d4 ,the two threads are closely interwoven in ,st ,paul's refutation1 as these references will show4 ,the connexion of the two errors1 as arising from the same false principle1 will be considered more in detail in the next chapter4 ,footnote #ajg3 i4 #g1 iv4 #ab4 ,of ,epaphras himself we know nothing beyond the few but significant notices which connect him with ,coloss#ajh4 ,he did not return to ,coloss as the bearer of the letter1 but remained behind with ,st ,paul#aji4 ,as ,st ,paul in a contemporary epistle designates him his fellow-prisoner#aaj1 it may be inferred that his zeal and affection had involved him in the ,apostle's captivity1 and that his continuance in ,rome was enforced4 ,but however this may be1 the letter was placed in the hands of ,tychicus1 a native of proconsular ,asia1 probably of ,ephesus#aaa1,sidenote3 ,tychicus and ,onesimus accompany the letter4 who was entrusted with a wider mission at this time1 and in its discharge would be obliged to visit the valley of the ,lycus#aab4 ,at the same time he was accompanied by ,onesimus1 whom the ,colossians had only known hitherto as a worthless slave1 but who now returns to them with the stamp of the ,apostle's warm approval4 ,st ,paul says very little about himself1 because ,tychicus and ,onesimus would be able by word of mouth to communicate all information to the ,colossians#aac4 ,sidenote3 ,the salutations4,but he sends one or two salutations which deserve a few words of explanation4 ,epaphras of course greets his fellow-townsmen and children in the faith4 ,other names are those of ,aristarchus the ,thessalonian1 who had been with the ,apostle at ,ephesus#aad and may possibly have formed some personal connexion with the ,colossians at that time3 ,mark1 against whom apparently the ,apostle fears that a prejudice may be entertained 7perhaps the fact of his earlier desertion1 and of ,st ,paul's dissatisfaction in consequence#aae1 may have been widely known71 and for whom therefore he asks a favourable reception at his approaching visit to ,coloss1 according to instructions which they had already received2 and ,jesus the ,just1 of whose relations with the ,colossians we know nothing1 and whose only claim to a mention may have been his singular fidelity to the ,apostle at a critical juncture4 ,salutations moreover are added from ,luke and from ,demas2 and here again their close companionship with the ,apostle is1 so far as we know1 the sole cause of their names appearing#aaf4 ,footnote #ajh3 ,for the reasons why ,epaphras cannot be identified with ,epaphroditus1 who is mentioned in the ,philippian letter1 see ,philippians p4 #fj1 note #d4 ,the later tradition1 which makes him bishop of ,coloss1 is doubtless an inference from ,st ,paul's language and has no independent value4 ,the further statement of the martyrologies1 that he suffered martyrdom for his flock1 can hardly be held to deserve any higher credit4 ,his day is the #aith of ,july in the ,western ,calendar4 ,his body is said to lie in the ,church of ,s4 ,maria ,maggiore at ,rome4 ,footnote #aji3 ,col4 iv4 #ab4 ,footnote #aaj3 ,philem4 #bc 4 ,the word may possibly have a metaphorical sense 7see ,philippians p4 #aa72 but the literal meaning is more probable4 ,st ,jerome on ,philem4 #bc 7,,vii4 p4 #gfb7 gives the story that ,st ,paul's parents were natives of ,giscala and1 when the ,romans invaded and wasted ,juda1 were banished thence with their son to ,tarsus4 ,he adds that ,epaphras may have been ,st ,paul's fellow-prisoner at this time1 and have been removed with his parents to ,coloss4 ,it is not quite clear whether this statement respecting ,epaphras is part of the tradition1 or ,jerome's own conjecture appended to it4 ,footnote #aaa3 ,acts xx4 #d1 #b ,tim4 iv4 #ab4 ,footnote #aab3 ,see below1 p4 #cg4 ,footnote #aac3 ,col4 iv4 #g-i4 ,footnote #aad3 ,acts xix4 #bi4 ,footnote #aae3 ,acts xiii4 #ac1 xv4 #cg-ci4 ,footnote #aaf3 ,col4 iv4 #aj-ad4 ,sidenote3 ,charge respecting ,laodicea4 ,lastly1 the ,laodiceans were closely connected with the ,colossians by local and spiritual ties4 ,to the ,church of ,laodicea therefore1 and to the household of one ,nymphas who was a prominent member of it1 he sends greeting4 ,at the same time he directs them to interchange letters with the ,laodiceans2 for to ,laodicea also he had written4 ,and he closes his salutations with a message to ,archippus1 a resident either at ,coloss or at ,laodicea 7for on this point we are left to conjecture71 who held some important office in the ,church1 and respecting whose zeal he seems to have entertained a misgiving#aag4 ,footnote #aag3 iv4 #ae-ag4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,the ,,letter ,,to ,,philemon4 #b4 ,but1 while providing for the spiritual welfare of the whole ,colossian ,church1 he did not forget the temporal interests of its humblest member4 ,having attended to the solicitations of the evangelist ,epaphras1 he addressed himself to the troubles of the runaway slave ,onesimus4 ,the mission of ,tychicus to ,coloss was a favourable opportunity of restoring him to ,philemon2 for ,tychicus1 well known as the ,apostle's friend and fellow-labourer1 might throw the shield of his protection over him and avert the worst consequences of ,philemon's anger4 ,but1 not content with this measure of precaution1 the ,apostle himself writes to ,,philemon on the offender's behalf1 recommending him as a changed man#aah1 and claiming forgiveness for him as a return due from ,philemon to himself as to his spiritual father#aai4 ,footnote #aah3 ,philem4 #aa1 #af4 ,footnote #aai3 ver4 #ai4 ,the salutations in this letter are the same as those in the ,epistle to the ,colossians with the exception of ,jesus ,justus1 whose name is omitted#abj4 ,towards the close ,st ,paul declares his hope of release and intention of visiting ,coloss1 and asks ,philemon to #8prepare a lodging' for him#aba4 ,footnote #abj3 vv4 #bc1 #bd4 ,footnote #aba3 ver4 #bb4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,the ,,circular ,,letter1 of which a copy is sent to ,,laodicea4 #c4 ,but at the same time with the two letters destined especially for ,coloss1 the ,apostle despatched a third1 which had a wider scope4 ,it has been already mentioned that ,tychicus was charged with a mission to the ,asiatic ,churches4 ,it has been noticed also that the ,colossians were directed to procure and read a letter in the possession of the ,laodiceans4 ,these two facts are closely connected4 ,the ,apostle wrote at this time a circular letter to the ,asiatic ,churches1 which got its ultimate designation from the metropolitan city and is consequently known to us as the ,epistle to the ,,ephesians#abb4 ,it was the immediate object of ,tychicus' journey to deliver copies of this letter at all the principal centres of ,christianity in the district1 and at the same time to communicate by word of mouth the ,apostle's special messages to each#abc4 ,among these centres was ,laodicea4 ,thus his mission brought him into the immediate neighbourhood of ,coloss4 ,but he was not charged to deliver another copy of the circular letter at ,coloss itself1 for this ,church would be regarded only as a dependency of ,laodicea2 and besides he was the bearer of a special letter from the ,apostle to them4 ,it was sufficient therefore to provide that the ,laodicean copy should be circulated and read at ,coloss4 ,footnote #abb3 ,see the introduction to the epistle4 ,footnote #abc3 ,ephes4 vi4 #ba1 #bb4 ,sidenote3 ,personal links connecting the three letters4 ,thus the three letters are closely related4 ,tychicus is the personal link of connexion between the ,epistles to the ,ephesians and to the ,colossians2 ,onesimus between those to the ,colossians and to ,philemon4 ,for reasons given elsewhere#abd1 it would appear that these three letters were written and despatched towards the close of ,sidenote3 ,earthquake in the ,lycus ,valley4the ,apostle's captivity1 about the year #fc4 ,at some time not very distant from this date1 a great catastrophe overtook the cities of the ,lycus valley4 ,an earthquake was no uncommon occurrence in this region#abe4 ,but on this occasion the shock had been unusually violent1 and ,laodicea1 the flourishing and populous1 was laid in ruins4 ,tacitus1 who is our earliest authority for this fact1 places it in the year #fj and is silent about the neighbouring towns#abf4 ,eusebius however makes it subsequent ,sidenote3 ,its probable date4to the burning of ,rome 7,a4,d4 #fd71 and mentions ,hierapolis and ,coloss also as involved in the disaster#abg2 while later writers1 adopting the date of ,eusebius and including the three cities with him1 represent it as one of a series of divine judgments on the heathen world for the persecution of the ,christians which followed on the fire#abh4 ,having no direct knowledge of the source from which ,eusebius derived his information1 we should naturally be disposed to accept the authority of ,tacitus for the date1 as more trustworthy4 ,but1 as indications occur elsewhere that ,eusebius followed unusually good authorities in recording these earthquakes#abi1 it is far from improbable that he ,sidenote3 ,bearing on the chronology of these letters4 gives the correct date#acj4 ,in this case the catastrophe was subsequent to the writing of these letters4 ,if on the other hand the year named by ,tacitus be adopted1 we gain a subsidiary confirmation of the comparatively late date which ,i have ventured to assign to these epistles on independent grounds2 for1 if they had been written two years earlier1 when the blow was recent1 we might reasonably have expected to find some reference to a disaster which had devastated ,laodicea and from which ,coloss cannot have escaped altogether without injury4 ,the additional fact mentioned by the ,roman historian1 that ,laodicea was rebuilt from her own resources without the usual assistance from ,rome#aca1 is valuable as illustrating a later notice in the ,apostolic writings#acb4 ,footnote #abd3 ,see ,philippians p4 #bi sq42 where reasons are given for placing the ,philippian ,epistle at an earlier1 and the others at a later stage in the ,apostle's captivity4 ,footnote #abe3 ,see above1 p4 #c4 ,laodicea was visited by the following earthquakes in the ages preceding and subsequent to the ,christian era4 7#a7 ,before about ,b4,c4 #abe1 ,orac4 ,sibyll4 iii4 #dga1 if the date now commonly assigned to this ,sibylline ,oracle be correct1 and if the passage is to be regarded as a prophecy after the event4 ,in iii4 #cdg ,hierapolis is also mentioned as suffering in the same way2 but it may be questioned whether the ,phrygian city is meant4 7#b7 ,about ,b4,c4 #ab1 ,strabo xii4 #h1 p4 #egi1 ,dion ,cass4 liv4 #cj4 ,strabo names only ,laodicea and ,tralles1 but ,dion ,cassius says 4 7#c7 ,a4,d4 #fj according to ,tacitus 7,ann4 xiv4 #bg72 ,a4,d4 #fd or #fe according to ,eusebius 7,chron4 s4a471 who includes also ,hierapolis and ,coloss4 ,to this earthquake allusion is made in a ,sibylline ,oracle written not many years after the event2 ,orac4 ,sibyll4 iv4 #ajg 7see also v4 #bhi1 vii4 #bc74 7#d7 ,between ,a4,d4 #bbb and ,a4,d4 #bce1 in the reign of ,alexander ,severus1 as we learn from another ,sibylline ,oracle 7xii4 #bhj74 ,on this occasion ,hierapolis also suffered4 ,this list will probably be found not to have exhausted all these catastrophes on record4 ,the following earthquakes also are mentioned as happening in the neighbouring towns or in the district generally3 the date uncertain1 ,carura 7,strabo xii4 #h1 p4 #egh72 ,a4,d4 #ag the twelve cities1 ,sardis being the worst sufferer 7,tac4 ,ann4 ii4 #g1 ,plin4 ,n4,h4 ii4 #hf1 ,dion ,cass4 lvii4 #ag1 ,strabo xii4 #h1 p4 #egi72 ,a4,d4 #bc ,cibyra 7,tac4 ,ann4 iv4 #ac72 ,a4,d4 #ec ,apamea 7,tac4 ,ann4 xii4 #eh73 about ,a4,d4 #aee1 under ,antoninus ,pius1 #8,rhodiorum et ,asi oppida' 7,capitol4 ,anton4 ,pius #i72 ,a4,d4 #agh1 under ,m4 ,aurelius1 ,smyrna and other cities 7,chron4 ,pasch4 ,i4 p4 #dhi1 ed4 ,dind41 ,aristid4 ,or4 xx1 xxi1 xli2 see ,clinton ,fast4 ,rom4 ,i4 p4 #agf sq41 ,hertzberg ,griechenland etc4 ,,ii4 pp4 #cga1 #daj72 ,a4,d4 #bfb1 under ,gallienus ,,ii 7,trebell4 ,gallien4 #e #8,malum tristius in ,asi urbibus fuit 444 hiatus terr plurimis in locis fuerunt1 cum aqua salsa in fossis appareret1' ib4 #f #8vastatam ,asiam 444 elementorum concussionibus'74 ,strabo says 7p4 #egi7 that ,philadelphia is more or less shaken daily 7' 71 and that ,apamea has suffered from numerous earthquakes4 ,footnote #abf3 ,tac4 ,ann4 xiv4 #bg #8,eodem anno ex inlustribus ,asi urbibus ,laodicea1 tremore terr prolapsa1 nullo a nobis remedio propriis opibus revaluit4' ,the year is given #8,nerone iv1 ,corn4 ,cosso consulibus' 7xiv4 #bj74 ,two different writers1 in ,smith's ,dictionary of ,geography and ,smith's ,dictionary of the ,bible1 s4v4 ,laodicea1 place the destruction of ,laodicea in the reign of ,tiberius1 confusing this earthquake with an earlier one 7,ann4 ii4 #dg74 ,by this earlier earthquake #8duodecim celebres ,asi urbes conlaps1' but their names are given1 and not one is situated in the valley of the ,lycus4 ,footnote #abg3 ,euseb4 ,chron4 ,ol4 #baj 7,,ii4 p4 #aed sq41 ed4 ,schne7 #8,in ,asia tres urbes terr motu conciderunt ,laodicea ,hierapolis ,coloss4' ,the ,armenian version and ,jerome agree in placing it the next event in order after the fire at ,rome 7,a4,d4 #fd71 though there is a difference of a year in the two texts4 ,if the ,sibylline ,oracle1 v4 #cag1 refers to this earthquake1 as seems probable1 we have independent testimony that ,hierapolis was involved in the catastrophe2 comp4 ib4 v4 #bhi4 ,footnote #abh3 ,this is evidently the idea of ,orosius1 vii4 #g4 ,footnote #abi3 ,i draw this inference from his account of the earthquake in the reign of ,tiberius4 ,tacitus 7,ann4 ii4 #dg7 states that twelve cities were ruined in one night1 and records their names4 ,pliny also1 who mentions this earthquake as #8the greatest within the memory of man' 7,n4,h4 ii4 #hf71 gives the same number4 ,eusebius however1 ,chron4 ,ol4 #aih 7,,ii4 p4 #adf sq41 ed4 ,schne71 names thirteen cities1 coinciding with ,tacitus as far as he goes1 but including ,ephesus also4 ,now a monument was found at ,puteoli 7see ,gronov4 ,thes4 ,grc4 ,ant4 ,,vii4 p4 #dcc sq471 and is now in the ,museum at ,naples 7,museo ,borbonico ,,xv1 ,tav4 iv1 v71 dedicated to ,tiberius and representing fourteen female figures with the names of fourteen ,asiatic cities underneath2 these names being the same as those mentioned by ,tacitus with the addition of ,ephesus and ,cibyra4 ,there can be no doubt that this was one of those monuments mentioned by ,apollonius quoted in ,phlegon 7,fragm4 #db1 ,mller's ,fragm4 ,hist4 ,grc4 ,,iii4 p4 #fba7 as erected to commemorate the liberality of ,tiberius in contributing to the restoration of the ruined cities 7see ,eckhel ,doct4 ,num4 ,vet4 ,,vi4 #aib sq474 ,but no earthquake at ,ephesus is mentioned by ,tacitus4 ,he does indeed speak of such a catastrophe as happening at ,cibyra 7,ann4 iv4 #ac7 six years later than the one which ruined the twelve cities1 and of the relief which ,tiberius afforded on this latter occasion as on the former4 ,but we owe to ,eusebius alone the fact that ,ephesus also was seriously injured by an earthquake in the same year--perhaps not on the same night--with the twelve cities3 and this fact is necessary to explain the monument4 ,it should be added that ,nipperdey 7on ,tac4 ,ann4 ii4 #dg7 supposes the earthquake at ,ephesus to have been recorded in the lost portion of the fifth book of the ,annals which comprised the years ,a4,d4 #bi-ca2 but this bare hypothesis cannot outweigh the direct testimony of ,eusebius4 ,footnote #acj3 ,hertzberg 7,geschichte ,griechenlands unter der ,herrschaft der ,rmer1 ,,ii4 p4 #if7 supposes that ,tacitus and ,eusebius refer to two different events1 and that ,laodicea was visited by earthquakes twice within a few years1 ,a4,d4 #fj and ,a4,d4 #fe4 ,footnote #aca3 ,tac4 ,ann4 xiv4 #bg1 quoted above1 p4 #ch1 note #abf4 ,to this fact allusion is made in the feigned prediction of the ,sibyllines1 iv4 #ajg 1 1 1 where must be the #bnd person1 #8,thou wilt rebuild thy city with its broad streets4' ,this ,sibylline poem was written about the year #hj4 ,the building of the amphitheatre mentioned above 7p4 #f1 note #f71 would form part of this work of reconstruction4 ,footnote #acb3 ,see below1 p4 #dc4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,mark's intended visit4 ,it has been seen that1 when these letters were written1 ,st ,mark was intending shortly to visit ,coloss1 and that the ,apostle himself1 looking forward to his release1 hoped at length to make a personal acquaintance with these ,churches1 which hitherto he knew only through the report of others4 ,whether ,st ,mark's visit was ever paid or not1 we have no means of determining#acc4 ,of ,st ,paul himself it is reasonable to assume1 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul probably visits ,coloss4 that in the interval between his first and second ,roman captivity he found some opportunity of carrying out his design4 ,at all events we find him at ,miletus1 near to the mouth of the ,mander#acd2 and the journey between this place and ,laodicea is neither long nor difficult4 ,footnote #acc3 ,two notices however imply that ,st ,mark had some personal connexion with ,asia ,minor in the years immediately succeeding the date of this reference3 7#a7 ,st ,peter1 writing to the ,churches of ,asia ,minor1 sends a salutation from ,st ,mark 7#a ,pet4 v4 #ac72 7#b7 ,st ,paul gives charge to ,timothy1 who appears to be still residing at ,ephesus1 to take up ,mark and bring him to ,rome 7#b ,tim4 iv4 #aa 74 ,thus it seems fairly probable that ,st ,mark's projected visit to ,coloss was paid4 ,footnote #acd3 #b ,tim4 iv4 #bj4 ,by a strange error ,lequien 7,oriens ,christ4 ,i4 p4 #hcc7 substitutes ,hierapolis for ,nicopolis in ,tit4 iii4 #ab1 and argues from the passage that the ,church of ,hierapolis was founded by ,st ,paul4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,john in ,asia ,minor4 ,at the time of this visit--the first and last1 we may suppose1 which he paid to the valley of the ,lycus--,st ,paul's direction of the ,asiatic ,churches is drawing to a close4 ,with his death they pass into the hands of ,st ,john#ace1 who takes up his abode in ,asia ,minor4 ,of ,coloss and ,hierapolis we hear nothing more in the ,new ,testament3 but from his exile in,sidenote3 ,the message to ,laodicea4 ,patmos the beloved disciple delivers his ,lord's message to the ,church of ,laodicea#acf2 a message doubtless intended to be communicated also to the two subordinate ,churches1 to which it would apply almost equally well4 ,footnote #ace3 ,it was apparently during the interval between ,st ,paul's first captivity at ,rome and his death1 that ,st ,peter wrote to the ,churches of ,asia ,minor 7#a ,pet4 i4 #a74 ,whether in this interval he also visited personally the districts evangelized directly or indirectly by ,st ,paul1 we have no means of deciding4 ,such a visit is far from unlikely1 but it can hardly have been of long duration4 ,a copy of his letters would probably be sent to ,laodicea1 as a principal centre of ,christianity in ,proconsular ,asia1 which is among the provinces mentioned in the address of the ,first ,epistle4 ,footnote #acf3 ,rev4 iii4 #ad-ba4 ,sidenote3 ,correspondences between the ,apocalypse and ,st ,paul's ,epistles4 ,the message communicated by ,st ,john to ,laodicea prolongs the note which was struck by ,st ,paul in the letter to ,coloss4 ,an interval of a very few years has not materially altered the character of these ,churches4 ,obviously the same temper prevails1 the same errors are rife1 the same correction must be applied4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the doctrine of the ,person of ,christ1 #a4 ,thus1 while ,st ,paul finds it necessary to enforce the truth that ,christ is the image of the invisible ,god1 that in ,him all the divine fulness dwells1 that ,he existed before all things1 that through ,him all things were created and in ,him all things are sustained1 that ,he is the primary source 77 and has the pre-eminence in all things#acg2 so in almost identical language ,st ,john1 speaking in the person of our ,lord1 declares that ,he is the ,amen1 the faithful and true witness1 the primary source 77 of the creation of ,god#ach4 ,some lingering shreds of the old heresy1 we may suppose1 still hung about these ,churches1 and instead of #8holding fast the ,head' they were even yet prone to substitute intermediate agencies1 angelic mediators1 as links in the chain which should bind man to ,god4 ,they still failed to realise the majesty and significance1 the completeness1 of the ,person of ,christ4 ,footnote #acg3 ,col4 i4 #ae-ah4 ,footnote #ach3 ,rev4 iii4 #ad4 ,it should be observed that this designation of our ,lord 7 71 which so closely resembles the language of the ,colossian ,epistle1 does not occur in the messages to the other six ,churches1 nor do we there find anything resembling it4 ,sidenote3 and practical duties which follow upon it4 ,and the practical duty also1 which follows from the recognition of the theological truth1 is enforced by both ,apostles in very similar language4 ,if ,st ,paul entreats the ,colossians to seek those things which are above1 where ,christ is seated on the right hand of ,god#aci1 and in the companion epistle1 which also he directs them to read1 reminds the ,churches that ,god raised them with ,christ and seated them with him in heavenly places in ,christ ,jesus#adj2 in like manner ,st ,john gives this promise to the ,laodiceans in the name of his ,lord3 #8,he that overcometh1 ,i will grant to him to sit with me in my throne1 even as ,i also overcame and did sit with my ,father in ,his throne#ada'4 ,footnote #aci3 ,col4 iii4 #a4 ,footnote #adj3 ,ephes4 ii4 #f 444 ,footnote #ada3 ,rev4 iii4 #ba ' 1 444 ,here again it must be noticed that there is no such resemblance in the language of the promises to the faithful in the other six ,churches4 ,this double coincidence1 affecting the two ideas which may be said to cover the whole ground in the ,epistle to the ,colossians1 can hardly1 ,i think1 be fortuitous1 and suggests an acquaintance with and recognition of the earlier ,apostle's teaching on the part of ,st ,john4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,warning against lukewarmness4 #b4 ,but again2 after a parting salutation to the ,church of ,laodicea ,st ,paul closes with a warning to ,archippus1 apparently its chief pastor1 to take heed to his ministry#adb4 ,some signs of slackened zeal seem to have called forth this rebuke4 ,it may be an accidental coincidence1 but it is at least worthy of notice1 that lukewarmness is the special sin denounced in the angel of the ,laodiceans1 and that the necessity of greater earnestness is the burden of the message to that ,church#adc4 ,as with the people1 so is it with the priest4 ,the community takes its colour from and communicates its colour to its spiritual rulers4 ,the #8be zealous' of ,st ,john is the counterpart to the #8take heed' of ,st ,paul4 ,footnote #adb3 ,col4 iv4 #ag4 ,footnote #adc3 ,rev4 iii4 #ai4 ,if the common view1 that by the angel of the ,church its chief pastor is meant1 were correct1 and if ,archippus 7as is very probable7 had been living when ,st ,john wrote1 the coincidence would be still more striking2 see ,trench's ,epistles to the ,seven ,churches in ,asia1 p4 #ahj4 ,but for reasons given elsewhere 7,philippians p4 #aig sq471 this interpretation of the angels seems to me incorrect4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,the pride of wealth denounced4 #c4 ,lastly2 in the ,apocalyptic message the pride of wealth is sternly condemned in the ,laodicean ,church3 #8,for that thou sayest ,i am rich and have gotten me riches and have need of nothing1 and knowest not that thou art utterly wretched and miserable and beggarly and blind and naked1 ,i counsel thee to buy gold of me refined with fire1 that thou mayest have riches#add4' ,this proud vaunt receives its best illustration from a recent occurrence at ,laodicea1 to which allusion has already been made4 ,only a very few years before this date an earthquake had laid the city in ruins4 ,yet from this catastrophe she rose again with more than her former splendour4 ,sidenote3 ,the vaunt of ,laodicea4,this however was not her chief title to respect4 ,while other cities1 prostrated by a like visitation1 had sought relief from the concessions of the ,roman senate or the liberality of the emperor's purse1 it was the glory of ,laodicea that she alone neither courted nor obtained assistance1 but recovered by her own resources4 #8,nullo a nobis remedio1' says the ,roman historian1 #8propriis opibus revaluit#ade4' ,thus she had asserted a proud independence1 to which neither far-famed metropolitan ,ephesus1 nor old imperial ,sardis1 nor her prosperous commercial neighbours1 ,apamea and ,cibyra1 could lay claim#adf4 ,no one would dispute her boast that she #8had gotten riches and had need of nothing4' ,footnote #add3 ,rev4 iii4 #ag1 #ah1 where the correct reading with the repetition of the definite articles1 1 signifies the type1 the embodiment of wretchedness1 etc4 ,footnote #ade3 ,tac4 ,ann4 xiv4 #bg4 ,footnote #adf3 ,in all the other cases of earthquake which ,tacitus records as happening in these ,asiatic cities1 ,ann4 ii4 #dg 7the twelve cities71 iv4 #ac 7,cibyra71 xii4 #eh 7,apamea71 he mentions the fact of their obtaining relief from the ,senate or the ,emperor4 ,on an earlier occasion ,laodicea herself had not disdained under similar circumstances to receive assistance from ,augustus3 ,strabo1 xii4 p4 #egi4 ,sidenote3 ,pride of intellectual wealth4 ,but is there not a second and subsidiary idea underlying the ,apocalyptic rebuke8 ,the pride of intellectual wealth1 we may well suspect1 was a temptation at ,laodicea hardly less strong than the pride of material resources4 ,when ,st ,paul wrote1 the theology of the ,gospel and the comprehension of the ,church were alike endangered by a spirit of intellectual exclusiveness#adg in these cities4 ,he warned them against a vain philosophy1 against a show of wisdom1 against an intrusive mystic speculation1 which vainly puffed up the fleshly mind#adh4 ,he tacitly contrasted with this false intellectual wealth #8the riches of the glory of ,god's mystery revealed in ,christ#adi1' the riches of the full assurance of understanding1 the genuine treasures of wisdom and knowledge#aej4 ,may not the same contrast be discerned in the language of ,st ,john8 ,the ,laodiceans boast of their enlightenment1 but they are blind1 and to cure their blindness they must seek eye-salve from the hands of the great ,physician4 ,they vaunt their wealth of knowledge1 but they are wretched paupers1 and must beg the refined gold of the ,gospel to relieve their wants#aea4 ,footnote #adg3 ,see the next chapter of this introduction4 ,footnote #adh3 ,col4 ii4 #h1 #ah1 #bc4 ,footnote #adi3 i4 #bg4 ,footnote #aej3 ii4 #b1 #c4 ,footnote #aea3 ,comp4 ,eph4 i4 #ah #8,the eyes of your understanding being enlightened1 that ye may know what is the hope of his calling1 what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints4' ,this is the last notice in the ,apostolic records relating to the ,churches in the valley of the ,lycus2 but during the succeeding ages the ,christian communities of this district play a conspicuous part in the struggles and the development of the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,the early disciples settle in proconsular ,asia,when after the destruction of ,jerusalem ,st ,john fixed his abode at ,ephesus1 it would appear that not a few of the oldest surviving members of the ,palestinian ,church accompanied him into #8,asia1' which henceforward became the head-quarters of ,apostolic authority4 ,in this body of emigrants ,andrew#aeb and ,philip among the ,twelve1 ,aristion and ,john the presbyter#aec among other personal disciples of the ,lord1 are especially mentioned4 ,footnote #aeb3 ,canon ,murator4 fol4 #a1 l4 #ad 7p4 #ag1 ed4 ,tregelles71 ,cureton's ,ancient ,syriac ,documents pp4 #cb1 #cd4 ,comp4 ,papias in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ci4 ,footnote #aec3 ,papias in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ci4 ,sidenote3 and especially at ,hierapolis4 ,among the chief settlements of this ,christian dispersion was ,hierapolis4 ,this fact explains how these ,phrygian ,churches assumed a prominence in the ecclesiastical history of the second century1 for which we are hardly prepared by their antecedents as they appear in connexion with ,st ,paul1 and which they failed to maintain in the history of the later ,church4 ,here at all events was settled ,philip of ,bethsaida#aed1 the ,sidenote3 ,philip the ,apostle with his daughters4 early friend and fellow-townsman of ,st ,john1 and the first ,apostle who is recorded to have held communication with the ,gentiles#aee4 ,here he died and was buried2 and here after his decease lived his two virgin daughters1 who survived to a very advanced age and thus handed down to the second century the traditions of the earliest days of the ,church4 ,a third daughter1 who was married1 had settled in ,ephesus1 where her body rested#aef4 ,sidenote3 ,their traditions collected by ,papias4,it was from the two daughters who resided at ,hierapolis1 that ,papias heard several stories of the first preachers of the ,gospel1 which he transmitted to posterity in his work#aeg4 ,footnote #aed3 ,polycrates in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ca1 v4 #bd 1 1 1 1 4 ,to this third daughter the statement of ,clement of ,alexandria must refer1 though by a common looseness of expression he uses the plural number 7,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #cj71 1 4 ,on the other hand in the ,dialogue between ,caius and ,proclus1 ,philip the ,evangelist was represented as residing at ,hierapolis 7,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ca7 1 1 where the mention of the four daughters prophesying identifies the person meant 7see ,acts xxi4 #h74 ,nothing can be clearer than that ,st ,luke distinguishes ,philip the ,evangelist from ,philip the ,apostle2 for 7#a7 ,when the ,seven are appointed1 he distinctly states that this new office is created to relieve the ,twelve of some onerous duties 7,acts vi4 #b-e74 7#b7 ,after ,philip the ,evangelist has preached in ,samaria1 two of the ,twelve are sent thither to convey the gifts of the ,spirit1 which required the presence of an ,apostle 7viii4 #ad-ag74 7#c7 ,when ,st ,paul and his companions visit ,philip at ,csarea1 he is carefully described as #8the ,evangelist1 being one of the ,seven' 7xxi4 #h74 ,as ,st ,luke was a member of the ,apostle's company when this visit was paid1 and stayed #8many days' in ,philip's house1 the accuracy of his information cannot be questioned4 ,yet ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 iii4 #ca7 assumes the identity of the ,apostle with the ,evangelist1 and describes the notice in the ,dialogue of ,caius and ,proclus as being #8in harmony with 77' the language of ,polycrates4 ,and accordingly in another passage 7,h4,e4 iii4 #ci71 when he has occasion to mention the conversations of ,papias with ,philip's daughters at ,hierapolis1 he again supposes them to be the same who are mentioned in the ,acts4 ,my reasons for believing that the ,philip who lived at ,hierapolis was not the ,evangelist1 but the ,apostle1 are as follows4 7#a7 ,this is distinctly stated by the earliest witness1 ,polycrates1 who was bishop of ,ephesus at the close of the second century1 and who besides claimed to have and probably had special opportunities of knowing early traditions4 ,it is confirmed moreover by the notice in ,clement of ,alexandria1 who is the next in order of time1 and whose means of information also were good1 for one of his earliest teachers was an ,ionian ,greek 7,strom4 ,i4 #a1 p4 #cbb74 7#b7 ,the other view depends solely on the authority of the ,dialogue of ,caius and ,proclus4 ,i have given reasons elsewhere for questioning the separate existence of the ,roman presbyter ,caius1 and for supposing that this dialogue was written by ,hippolytus bishop of ,portus 7,journal of ,philology ,i4 p4 #ih sq41 ,cambridge1 #ahfh74 ,but however this may be1 its author was a ,roman ecclesiastic1 and probably wrote some quarter of a century at least after ,polycrates4 ,in all respects therefore his authority is inferior4 ,moreover it is suspicious in form4 ,it mentions four daughters instead of three1 makes them all virgins1 and represents them as prophetesses1 thus showing a distinct aim of reproducing the particulars as given in ,acts xxi4 #i2 whereas the account of ,polycrates is divergent in all three respects4 7#c7 ,a life-long friendship would naturally draw ,philip the ,apostle of ,bethsaida after ,john1 as it also drew ,andrew4 ,and1 when we turn to ,st ,john's ,gospel1 we can hardly resist the impression that incidents relating to ,andrew and ,philip had a special interest1 not only for the writer of the ,gospel1 but also for his hearers 7,john i4 #dj1 #dc-df1 vi4 #e-h1 xii4 #bj-bb1 xiv4 #h1 #i74 ,moreover the ,apostles ,andrew and ,philip appear in this ,gospel as inseparable companions4 7#d7 ,lastly2 when ,papias mentions collecting the sayings of the ,twelve and of other early disciples from those who heard them1 he gives a prominent place to these two ,apostles 444 1 but there is no reference to ,philip the ,evangelist4 ,when therefore we read later that he conversed with the daughters of ,philip1 it seems natural to infer that the ,philip intended is the same person whom he has mentioned previously4 ,it should be added1 though no great value can be assigned to such channels of information1 that the ,acts of ,philip place the ,apostle at ,hierapolis2 ,tischendorf1 ,act4 ,apost4 ,apocr4 p4 #ge sq4 ,on the other hand1 those who suppose that the ,evangelist1 and not the ,apostle1 resided at ,hierapolis1 account for the other form of the tradition by the natural desire of the ,asiatic ,churches to trace their spiritual descent directly from the ,twelve4 ,this solution of the phenomenon might have been accepted1 if the authorities in favour of ,philip the ,evangelist had been prior in time and superior in quality4 ,there is no improbability in supposing that both the ,philips were married and had daughters4 ,footnote #aee3 ,john xii4 #bj4 ,footnote #aef3 ,see above p4 #de1 note #aed4 ,footnote #aeg3 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ci4 ,this is the general reference for all those particulars respecting ,papias which are derived from ,eusebius4 ,this ,papias had conversed not only with the daughters of ,philip1 but also with at least two personal disciples of the ,lord1 ,aristion and ,john the presbyter4 ,he made it his business to gather traditions respecting the sayings of the ,saviour and ,his ,apostles2 and he published a work in five books1 entitled ,an ,exposition of the ,oracles of the ,lord1 using the information thus collected to illustrate the discourses1 and perhaps the doings1 of ,christ as recorded in the ,gospels#aeh4 ,among other stories he related1 apparently on the authority of these daughters of ,philip1 how a certain dead man had been restored to life in his own day1 and how ,justus ,barsabas1 who is mentioned in the ,acts1 had drunk a deadly poison and miraculously escaped from any evil effects#aei4 ,footnote #aeh3 ,see ,westcott1 ,canon p4 #fc4 ,on the opinions of ,papias and on the nature of his work1 ,i may perhaps be allowed to refer to an article in the ,contemporary ,review ,aug4 #ahfg1 where ,i have collected and investigated all the notices of this father4 ,the object of ,papias' work was not to construct a ,gospel narrative1 but to interpret and illustrate those already existing4 ,i ought to add that on two minor points1 the martyrdom of ,papias and the identity of ,philip with the ,evangelist1 ,i have been led to modify my views since the article was written4 ,footnote #aei3 ,euseb4 l4c4 2 1 ' 1 444 ,the information respecting the raising of the dead man might have come from the daughters of ,philip1 as the context seems certainly to imply1 while yet the event happened in ,papias' own time 7' 74 ,it will be remembered that even ,irenus mentions similar miracles as occurring in his own age 7,hr4 ii4 #cb4 #d74 ,eusebius does not say that the miraculous preservation of ,justus ,barsabas also occurred in the time of ,papias4 ,sidenote3 ,life and teaching of ,,papias4 ,if we may judge by his name1 ,,papias was a native of ,phrygia1 probably of ,hierapolis#afj1 of which he afterwards became bishop1 and must have grown up to youth or early manhood before the close of the first century4 ,he is said to have suffered martyrdom at ,pergamum about the year #afe2 but there is good reason for distrusting this statement1 independently of any chronological difficulty which it involves#afa4 ,otherwise ,sidenote3 ,account of ,eusebius4he must have lived to a very advanced age4 ,eusebius1 to whom chiefly we owe our information respecting him1 was repelled by his millennarian views1 and describes him as a man of mean intelligence#afb1 accusing him of misunderstanding the ,apostolic sayings respecting the kingdom of ,christ and thus interpreting in a material sense expressions which were intended to be mystical and symbolical4 ,this disparaging account1 though one-sided1 was indeed not altogether undeserved1 for his love of the marvellous seems to have overpowered his faculty of discrimination4 ,but the adverse verdict of ,eusebius must be corrected by the more sympathetic language of ,irenus#afc1 who possibly may have known him personally1 and who certainly must have been well acquainted with his reputation and character4 ,footnote #afj3 ,papias1 or 7as it is very frequently written in inscriptions7 ,pappias1 is a common ,phrygian name4 ,it is found several times at ,hierapolis1 not only in inscriptions 7,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 no4 #cicj1 #ciab a add47 but even on coins 7,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #cja74 ,this is explained by the fact that it was an epithet of the ,hierapolitan ,zeus 7,boeckh #chag 71 just as in ,bithynia this same god was called 7,lobeck ,aglaoph4 p4 #ajdh2 see ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 ,,iii4 p4 #ajea74 ,hence as the name of a mortal it is equivalent to the ,greek ,diogenes2 e4g4 ,boeckh no4 #ciab a add41 4 ,in an inscription at ,trajanopolis we meet with it in a curious conjunction with other familiar names 7,boeckh no4 #chfe i add47 444 7see ,waddington on ,le ,bas1 ,inscr4 no4 #gah74 ,this last belongs to the year ,a4,d4 #aii4 ,other analogous ,phrygian names are ,ammias1 ,tatias 7with the corresponding feminines71 which with ,latin terminations become ,ammianus1 ,tatianus4 ,thus at ,hierapolis the name ,papias is derived from heathen mythology1 and accordingly the persons bearing it on the inscriptions and coins are all heathens4 ,it may therefore be presumed that our ,papias was of ,gentile origin4 ,the inference however is not absolutely certain1 since elsewhere it is found borne by ,jews2 see the ,talmudical references in ,zunz ,namen der ,juden p4 #af4 ,footnote #afa3 ,chron4 ,pasch4 sub ann4 #afc ' 1 1 4 ,see also the ,syrian epitome of ,euseb4 ,chron4 7,,ii4 p4 #baf ed4 ,schne7 #8,cum persecutio in ,asia esset1 ,polycarpos martyrium subiit et ,papias1 quorum martyria in libro 7scripta7 extant1' but the ,armenian version of the ,chronicon mentions only ,polycarp1 while ,jerome says #8,polycarpus et ,pionius fecere martyrium4' ,in his history 7iv4 #ae7 ,eusebius1 after quoting the ,martyrdom of ,polycarp at length1 adds 444 ' 444 444 1 444 ,he here falls into the serious error of imagining that ,metrodorus1 ,pionius1 ,carpus1 ,papylus1 and the others were martyred under ,m4 ,aurelius1 whereas we know from their extant ,acts that they suffered in the ,decian persecution4 ,for the martyrdoms of ,pionius and ,metrodorus see ,act4 ,,ss4 ,bolland4 ,feb4 #a2 for those of ,carpus1 ,papylus1 and ,agathonica1 ib4 ,april #ac4 ,the ,acts of the former1 which are included in ,ruinart 7,act4 ,sinc4 ,mart4 p4 #abj sq41 #afhi7 are apparently the same which were seen by ,eusebius4 ,those of the latter are a late compilation of the ,metaphrast1 but were probably founded on the earlier document4 ,at all events the tradition of the persecution in which they suffered could hardly have been perverted or lost4 ,eusebius seems to have found their ,acts bound up in the same volume with those of ,polycarp1 and without reading them through1 to have drawn the hasty inference that they suffered at the same time4 ,but notwithstanding the error1 or perhaps owing to it1 this passage in the ,ecclesiastical ,history1 by a confusion of the names ,papias and ,papylus1 seems to have given rise to the statement respecting ,papias in the ,chronicon ,paschale and in the ,syrian epitome1 as it obviously has misled ,jerome respecting ,pionius4 ,if so1 the martyrdom of ,papias is a fiction1 and he may have died a natural death at an earlier date2 so that the not very serious difficulty of his longevity will disappear4 ,the time of ,polycarp's martyrdom is fixed by various data as ,easter ,a4,d4 #aff 7see ,clinton's ,fast4 ,rom4 ,i4 p4 #aeg74 ,footnote #afb3 ,h ,e4 iii4 #ci 4 ,in another passage 7iii4 #cf71 as commonly read1 ,eusebius makes partial amends to ,papias by calling him 1 but this passage is found to be a spurious interpolation 7see ,contemporary ,review l4c4 p4 #ab71 and was probably added by some one who was acquainted with the work of ,papias and desired to do him justice4 ,footnote #afc3 ,iren4 v4 #cc4 #c1 #d4 ,much has been written respecting the relation of this writer to the ,canonical ,gospels1 but the discussion has no very direct bearing on our special subject1 and may be dismissed here#afd4 ,one question however1 which has a real importance as affecting the progress of the ,gospel in these parts1 has been raised by modern criticism and must not be passed over in silence4 ,footnote #afd3 ,see on this subject ,westcott ,canon p4 #fd sq42 ,contemporary ,review l4c4 p4 #ab sq4 ,sidenote3 ,a modern hypothesis respecting ,christianity in ,asia ,minor stated and discussed4 ,it has been supposed that there was an entire dislocation and discontinuity in the history of ,christianity in ,asia ,minor at a certain epoch2 that the ,apostle of the ,gentiles was ignored and his teaching repudiated1 if not anathematized2 and that on its ruins was erected the standard of ,judaism1 around which with a marvellous unanimity deserters from the ,pauline ,gospel rallied4 ,of this retrograde faith ,st ,john is supposed to have been the great champion1 and ,papias a typical and important representative#afe4 ,footnote #afe3 ,the theory of the ,tbingen school may be studied in ,baur's ,christliche ,kirche der drei ersten ,jahrhunderte or in ,schwegler's ,nachapostolisches ,zeitalter4 ,it has been reproduced 7at least as far as regards the ,asiatic ,churches7 by ,renan ,saint ,paul p4 #cff sq4 ,the subject1 as a whole1 is too wide for a full investigation here4 ,i must content myself with occupying a limited area1 showing not only the historical baselessness1 but the strong inherent improbability of the theory1 as applied to ,hierapolis and the neighbouring churches4 ,as this district is its chief strong-hold1 a repulse at this point must involve its ultimate defeat along the whole line4 ,sidenote3 ,the position of ,st ,john ,of ,st ,john himself ,i have already spoken#aff4 ,it has been shown that his language addressed to these ,churches is not only not opposed to ,st ,paul's teaching1 but presents remarkable coincidences with it4 ,so far at least the theory finds no support2 and1 when from ,st ,john we turn to ,papias1 the case is not different4 ,sidenote3 and of ,papias4,the advocates of the hypothesis in question lay the chief stress of their argument on the silence of ,papias1 or rather of ,eusebius4 ,eusebius quotes a passage from ,papias1 in which the bishop of ,hierapolis mentions collecting from trustworthy sources the sayings of certain ,apostles and early disciples2 but ,st ,paul is not named among them4 ,he also gives short extracts from ,papias referring to the ,gospels of ,st ,matthew and ,st ,mark1 and mentions that this writer made use of the first ,epistle of ,st ,john and the first ,epistle of ,st ,peter2 but here again there is no allusion to ,st ,paul's writings4 ,whether referring to the personal testimony or to the ,canonical writings of the ,apostles1 ,papias1 we are reminded1 is equally silent about ,st ,paul4 ,footnote #aff3 ,see above p4 #da sq4 ,on both these points a satisfactory answer can be given2 but the two cases are essentially different1 and must be considered apart4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the traditions collected by ,papias4 7#a7 ,the range of personal testimony which ,papias would be able to collect depended on his opportunities4 ,before he had grown up to manhood1 the personal reminiscences of ,st ,paul would have almost died out4 ,the ,apostle of the ,gentiles had not resided more than three years even at ,ephesus1 and seems to have paid only one brief visit to the valley of the ,lycus1 even if he visited it at all4 ,such recollections of ,st ,paul as might once have lingered here would certainly be overshadowed by and forgotten in the later sojourn of ,st ,john1 which1 beginning where they ceased1 extended over more than a quarter of a century4 ,to ,st ,john1 and to those personal disciples of ,christ who surrounded him1 ,papias and his contemporaries would naturally and almost inevitably look for the traditions which they so eagerly collected4 ,this is the case with the leading representative of the ,asiatic school in the next generation1 ,irenus1 whose traditions are almost wholly derived from ,st ,john and his companions1 while at the same time he evinces an entire sympathy with the work and teaching of ,st ,paul4 ,but indeed1 even if it had been otherwise1 the object which ,papias had directly in view did not suggest any appeal to ,st ,paul's authority4 ,he was writing an #8,exposition of the ,oracles of the ,lord1' and he sought to supplement and interpret these by traditions of our ,lord's life1 such as eyewitnesses only could give4 ,st ,paul could have no place among those personal disciples of ,christ1 of whom alone he is speaking in this preface to his work1 which ,eusebius quotes4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,his references to the ,canonical writings4 7#b7 ,but1 though we have no right to expect any mention of ,st ,paul where the appeal is to personal testimony1 yet with quotations from or references to the ,canonical writings the case1 it may be argued1 is different4 ,here at all events we might look for some recognition of ,st ,paul4 ,to this argument it would perhaps be a sufficient reply1 that ,st ,paul's ,epistles do not furnish any matter which must necessarily have been introduced into a work such as ,papias composed4 ,but the complete and decisive answer is this2 that the silence of ,eusebius1 so far from carrying with it the silence of ,papias1 does not ,sidenote3 ,no weight to be attached to the silence of ,eusebius4 even afford a presumption in this direction4 ,papias may have quoted ,st ,paul again and again1 and yet ,eusebius would see no reason to chronicle the fact4 ,his usage in other cases is decisive on this point4 ,the ,epistle of ,polycarp which was read by ,eusebius is the same which we still possess4 ,not only does it teem with the most obvious quotations from ,st ,paul1 but in one passage it directly mentions his writing to the ,philippians#afg4 ,yet the historian1 describing its relation to the ,canonical ,scriptures1 contents himself with saying that it #8employs some testimonies from the former ,epistle of ,peter#afh4' ,exactly similar is his language respecting ,irenus also4 ,irenus1 as is well known1 cites by name almost every one of ,st ,paul's ,epistles2 yet the description which ,eusebius gives under this same head1 after quoting this writer's notices respecting the history of the ,gospels and the ,apocalypse1 is that #8he mentions also the first ,epistle of ,john1 alleging very many testimonies from it1 and in like manner also the former ,epistle of ,peter#afi4' ,there is every reason therefore to suppose that ,eusebius would deal with ,papias as he has dealt with ,polycarp and ,irenus1 and that1 unless ,papias had introduced some curious fact relating to ,st ,paul1 it would not have occurred to him to record mere quotations from or references to this ,apostle's letters4 ,it may be supposed that ,eusebius records with a fair amount of attention references to the ,catholic ,epistles in early writers1 because the limits of the ,canon in this part were not accurately fixed4 ,on the other hand the ,epistles of ,st ,paul were universally received and therefore did not need to be accredited by any such testimony4 ,but whatever may be the explanation1 the fact is patent1 and it furnishes a complete answer to the argument drawn from his silence in the case of ,papias#agj4 ,footnote #afg3 #c4 ,footnote #afh3 ,h4,e4 iv4 #ad 4 ,this is all that ,eusebius says with reference to ,polycarp's knowledge of the ,canonical writings4 ,it so happens that in an earlier passage 7iii4 #cf7 he has given an extract from ,polycarp1 in which ,st ,paul's name is mentioned2 but the quotation is brought to illustrate the life of ,ignatius1 and the mention of the ,apostle there is purely accidental4 ,footnote #afi3 ,h4,e4 v4 #h 1 1 4 ,footnote #agj3 ,it is necessary to press this argument1 because though it has never been answered and 7so far as ,i can see7 is quite unanswerable1 yet thoughtful men1 who have no sympathy with the ,tbingen views of early ,christian history1 still continue to argue from the silence of ,eusebius1 as though it had some real significance4 ,to illustrate the omissions of ,eusebius ,i have given only the instances of ,polycarp and ,irenus1 because they are historically connected with ,papias2 but his silence is even more remarkable in other cases4 ,thus1 when speaking of the epistle of the ,roman ,clement 7,h4,e4 iii4 #ch71 he alludes to the coincidences with the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 but omits to mention the direct references to ,st ,paul's ,first ,epistle to the ,corinthians which is referred to by name1 and is even silent about the numerous and patent quotations from the ,epistle of ,st ,james4 ,sidenote3 ,the views of ,papias inferred from his associates4 ,but1 if the assumption has been proved to be baseless1 have we any grounds for saying that it is also highly improbable8 ,here it seems fair to argue from the well-known to the unknown4 ,of the opinions of ,papias respecting ,st ,paul we know absolutely nothing2 of the opinions of ,polycarp and ,irenus ample evidence lies before us4 ,noscitur a sociis is a sound maxim to apply in such a case4 ,papias was a companion of ,polycarp1 and he is quoted with deference by ,irenus#aga4 ,is it probable that his opinions should be diametrically opposed to those of his friend and contemporary on a cardinal point affecting the very conception of ,christianity 7for the rejection of ,st ,paul must be considered in this light78 or that this vital heterodoxy1 if it existed1 should have escaped an intelligent critic of the next generation who had the five books of his work before him1 who himself had passed his early life in ,asia ,minor1 and who yet appeals to ,papias as preserving the doctrinal tradition which had been handed down from the ,apostles themselves to his own time8 ,i say nothing of ,eusebius himself1 who1 with a distinct prejudice against ,papias1 accuses him of no worse heresy in his writings than entertaining millennarian views4 ,footnote #aga3 ,iren4 ,hr4 v4 #cc4 #d4 ,sidenote3 ,millennarian views consistent with the recognition of ,st ,paul4 ,it may indeed be confessed that a man like ,papias1 whose natural bent1 assisted by his ,phrygian education1 was towards sensuous views of religion1 would not be likely to appreciate the essentially spiritual teaching of ,st ,paul2 but this proves nothing4 ,the difference between unconscious want of sympathy and conscious rejection is all important for the matter in hand4 ,the same charge might be brought against numberless theologians1 whether in the middle ages or in more modern times1 into whose minds it never entered to question the authority of the ,apostle and who quote his writings with the utmost reverence4 ,neither in the primitive days of ,christianity nor in its later stages has the profession of ,chiliastic views been found inconsistent with the fullest recognition of ,st ,paul's ,apostolic claims4 ,in the early ,church ,irenus and ,tertullian are notable instances of this combination2 and in our own age and country a tendency to millennarian speculations has been commonly associated with the staunchest adherence to the fundamental doctrines of ,st ,paul4 ,sidenote3 ,,abercius probably his successor4 ,as the successor of ,papias and the predecessor of ,claudius ,apollinaris in the see of ,hierapolis1 we may perhaps name ,,abercius or ,,avircius#agb4 ,his legendary ,acts assign his episcopate to the reign of ,marcus ,aurelius2 and1 though they are disfigured by extravagant fictions1 yet the date may perhaps be accepted1 as it seems to be confirmed by other evidence4 ,an inscription on his tombstone recorded how he had paid one ,sidenote3 ,his journeys4 visit to the city of ,rome1 and another to the banks of the ,euphrates4 ,these long journeys are not without parallels in the lives of contemporary bishops4 ,polycarp of ,smyrna visited ,rome1 hoping to adjust the ,paschal controversy2 ,melito of ,sardis went as far as ,palestine1 desiring to ascertain on the spot the facts relating to the ,canon of the ,old ,testament ,scriptures4 ,these or similar motives may have influenced ,abercius to undertake his distant journeys4 ,if we may assume the identification of this bishop with one ,avircius ,marcellus who is mentioned in a contemporary document1 he took an active interest in the ,montanist controversy1 as from his position he was likely to do4 ,footnote #agb3 ,the life of this ,abercius is printed in the ,bollandist ,acta ,sanctorum ,oct4 #bb4 ,it may safely be pronounced spurious4 ,among other incidents1 the saint goes to ,rome and casts out a demon from ,lucilla1 the daughter of ,m4 ,aurelius and ,faustina1 at the same time compelling the demon to take up an altar from ,rome and transport it through the air to ,hierapolis4 ,but these ,acts1 though legendary themselves1 contain an epitaph which has the ring of genuineness and which seems to have suggested the story to the pious forger who invented the ,acts4 ,this very interesting memorial is given and discussed at length by ,pitra1 ,spicil4 ,solesm4 ,,iii4 p4 #ecb sq4 ,it is inscribed by one ,abercius of ,hierapolis on his tomb1 which he erected during his life-time4 ,he declares himself a disciple of the good shepherd1 who taught him trustworthy writings 7 7 and sent him to visit queenly ,rome1 where he saw a people sealed with the bright seal of baptism4 ,he recounts also a journey to ,syria and the ,east1 when he crossed the ,euphrates4 ,he says that faith served up to him as a banquet the from the fountain1 giving him bread and wine4 ,he states that he has reached his #gbnd year4 ,and he closes by threatening with severe penalties those who disturb his tomb4 ,the resemblance of this inscription to others found in situ in the cemetery at ,hierapolis1 after allowance made for the ,christian element1 is very striking4 ,the commencement closely resembles the form of another ,hierapolitan inscription1 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #cijf2 the enumeration of foreign tours has a counterpart in the monument of one ,flavius ,zeuxis which states that the deceased had made #gb voyages round the promontory of ,malea to ,italy 7ib4 #cibj72 and lastly1 the prohibition against putting another grave upon his1 and the imposition of fines to be paid to the treasury and the city if this injunction is violated1 are echos of language which occurs again and again on tombstones in this city 7ib4 #ciae1 #ciaf1 #cibb1 #cibc1 etc474 ,out of this epitaph1 which he found probably at ,hierapolis1 and which1 as he himself tells us 7 #da71 was in a much mutilated condition1 the legend-writer apparently created his story1 interpreting the queen1 by which ,abercius himself probably meant the city of ,rome1 to be the empress ,faustina1 with whom the saint is represented as having an interview1 ,m4 ,aurelius himself being absent at the time on his ,german campaign4 ,this view1 that the epitaph is genuine and gave rise to the ,acts1 is also maintained by ,garrucci 7,civilt ,cattolica #ahef1 ,i4 p4 #fhc1 ,,ii4 p4 #hd1 quoted in the ,acta ,sanct4 l4c471 whose criticisms however are not always sound2 and indeed as a whole it bears every mark of authenticity1 though possibly it may contain some interpolations1 which its mutilated condition would encourage4 ,the inscription itself however does not tell us what office ,abercius held or when he lived4 ,there was a person of this name bishop of ,hierapolis present at the ,council of ,chalcedon ,a4,d4 #dea 7,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #hfb1 #abjd1 #acda1 #acib1 #adif1 #agdd1 ed4 ,coleti74 ,but a chief pastor of the ,church at this late date would have declared his office plainly2 and the inscription points to a more primitive age1 for the expressions are archaic and the writer seems to veil his profession of ,christianity under language studiously obscure4 ,the open profession of ,christianity on inscriptions occurs at an earlier date in these parts than elsewhere4 ,already the word or is found on tombstones of the third century2 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #cheg g1 #cheg p1 #chfe l2 see ,renan ,saint ,paul p4 #cfc4 ,thus we are entirely at fault unless we accept the statement in the ,acts4 ,and it is not unreasonable to suppose that1 so far as regards the date and office of ,abercius1 the writer of these ,acts followed some adequate historical tradition4 ,nor indeed is his statement altogether without confirmation4 ,we have evidence that a person bearing this name lived in these parts of ,asia ,minor1 somewhere about this time4 ,an unknown writer of a polemical tract against ,montanism dedicates his work to one ,avircius ,marcellus1 at whose instigation it was written4 ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 v4 #af71 who is our authority for this fact1 relates that ,montanism found a determined and formidable opponent in ,apollinaris at ,hierapolis and #8several other learned men of that day with him1' who left large materials for a history of the movement4 ,he then goes on to say2 ' 444 444 1 1 4441 i4e4 #8,one of the aforesaid writers at the commencement of his treatise against them 7the ,montanists7 etc4' ,may not the person here addressed be the ,abercius of the epitaph8 ,but if so1 who is the writer that addresses him1 and when did he live8 ,some ,,mss omit 1 and others substitute 1 thus making ,apollinaris himself the writer4 ,but the words seem certainly to have been part of the original text1 as the sense requires them2 for if they are omitted1 must be connected with ' 1 where it is not wanted4 ,thus ,eusebius quotes the writer anonymously2 and those who assign the treatise to ,apollinaris cannot plead the authority of the original text of the historian himself4 ,but after all may it not have been written by ,apollinaris1 though ,eusebius was uncertain about the authorship8 ,he quotes in succession three or treatises1 speaking of them as though they emanated from the same author4 ,the first of these1 from which the address to ,avircius ,marcellus is quoted1 might very well have been composed soon after the ,montanist controversy broke out 7as ,eusebius himself elsewhere states was the case with the work of ,apollinaris1 iv4 #bg 444 72 but the second and third distinctly state that they were written some time after the death of ,montanus4 ,may not ,eusebius have had before him a volume containing a collection of tracts against ,montanism #8by ,claudius ,apollinaris and others1' in which the authorship of the several tracts was not distinctly marked8 ,this hypothesis would explain the words with which he prefaces his extracts1 and would also account for his vague manner of quotation4 ,it would also explain the omission of in some texts 7the ancient ,syriac version boldly substitutes the name of ,apollinaris71 and would explain how ,rufinus1 ,nicephorus1 and others1 who might have had independent information1 ascribed the treatise to this father4 ,i have already pointed out how ,eusebius was led into a similar error of connecting together several martyrologies and treating them as contemporaneous1 because they were collected in the same volume 7p4 #dh1 note #afa74 ,elsewhere too ,i have endeavoured to show that he mistook the authorship of a tract which was bound up with others1 owing to the absence of a title 7,caius or ,hippolytus8 in the ,journal of ,philology ,i4 p4 #ih sq474 ,on this hypothesis1 ,claudius ,apollinaris would very probably be the author of the first of these treatises4 ,if so1 it would appear to have been written while he was still a presbyter1 at the instigation of his bishop ,avircius ,marcellus whom he succeeded not long after in the see of ,hierapolis4 ,if on the other hand ,eusebius has correctly assigned the first treatise to the same writer as the second and third1 who must have written after the beginning of the third century1 ,avircius ,marcellus to whom it is addressed cannot have held the see of ,hierapolis during the reign of ,m4 ,aurelius 7,a4,d4 #afa-ahj72 and1 if he was ever bishop of this city1 must have been a successor1 not a predecessor1 of ,claudius ,apollinaris4 ,in this case we have the alternative of abandoning the identification of this ,avircius with the ,hierapolitan bishop of the same name1 or of rejecting the statement of the ,acts which places his episcopate in this reign4 ,the occurrence of the name ,abercius in the later history of the see of ,hierapolis 7see p4 #ee7 is no argument against the existence of this earlier bishop4 ,it was no uncommon practice for the later occupants of sees to assume the name of some famous predecessor who lived in primitive or early times4 ,the case of ,ignatius at ,antioch is only one of several examples which might be produced4 ,there is some ground for supposing that1 like ,papias and ,apollinaris1 ,abercius earned a place in literary history4 ,baronio had in his hands an epistle to ,m4 ,aurelius1 purporting to have been written by this ,abercius1 which he obviously considered genuine and which he describes as #8apostolicum redolens spiritum1' promising to publish it in his ,annals 7,martyr4 ,rom4 ,oct4 #bb74 ,to his great grief however he afterwards lost it 7#8doluimus vehementer e manibus nostris elapsam nescio quomodo'71 and was therefore unable to fulfil his promise 7,annal4 s4 a4 #afc1 n4 #ae74 ,a by ,abercius is mentioned in the ,acts 7 #ci72 but this1 if it ever existed1 was doubtless spurious4 ,sidenote3 ,,claudius ,,apollinaris bishop of ,hierapolis4 ,the literary character of the see of ,hierapolis1 which had been inaugurated by ,papias1 was ably sustained by ,,claudius ,,apollinaris4 ,his surname1 which seems to have been common in these parts#agc1 may have been derived from the patron deity of ,hierapolis#agd and suggests a ,gentile origin4 ,his intimate acquaintance with heathen literature1 which is mentioned by more than one ancient writer1 points in the same direction4 ,during the reign of ,m4 ,aurelius he had already made himself a name by his writings1 and seems to have been promoted to the see of ,hierapolis before the death of that emperor#age4 ,footnote #agc3 ,some of the family1 as we may infer from the monuments1 held a high position in another ,phrygian town4 ,on a tablet at zani1 on which is inscribed a letter from the emperor ,septimius ,severus in reply to the congratulations of the people at the elevation of ,caracalla to the rank of ,augustus 7,a4,d4 #aih71 we find the name of 4 4 1 ,boeckh #chcg 7see ,,iii4 p4 #ajff add474 ,in another inscription at the same place1 the same or another member of the family is commemorated as holding the office of prtor for the second time1 4 4 4 4 2 ,boeckh #chdj1 ib4 p4 #ajfg4 ,see also the inscriptions #chdb c1 #chdf z 7ib4 pp4 #ajfi1 #ajgh7 at the same place1 where again the name ,apollinarius occurs4 ,it is found also at ,appia no4 #cheg b 7ib4 p4 #ajhf74 ,at an earlier date one ,claudius ,apollinaris appears in command of the ,roman fleet at ,misenum 7,tac4 ,hist4 iii4 #eg1 #gf1 #gg74 ,the name occurs also at ,hierapolis itself1 ,boeckh1 no4 #ciae4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 444 4 4 4 4441 which shows that both the forms1 ,apollinaris and ,apollinarius1 by which the bishop of ,hierapolis is designated1 are legitimate4 ,the former however is the correct ,latin form1 the latter being the ,greek adaptation4 ,more than a generation later than our ,apollinaris1 ,origen in his letter to ,africanus 7,op4 ,i4 #cj1 ,delarue7 sends greeting to a bishop bearing this name 7 71 of whom nothing more is known4 ,footnote #agd3 ,apollo ,archegetes2 see above p4 #ab1 note #db4 ,footnote #age3 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bf1 ,chron4 s4 a4 #aga1 #agb1 #8,apollinaris ,asianus1 ,hierapolitanus episcopus1 insignis habetur4' ,sidenote3 ,his literary works4 ,of his works1 which were very numerous1 only a few scanty fragments have survived#agf4 ,the imperfect lists however1 which have reached us1 bear ample testimony both to the literary activity of the man1 and to the prominence of the ,church1 over which he presided1 in the great theological and ecclesiastical controversies of the age4 ,footnote #agf3 ,collected in ,routh's ,reliqui ,sacr ,i4 p4 #aei sq41 and quite recently in ,otto's ,corp4 ,apol4 ,christ4 ,,ix4 p4 #dgi sq4 ,sidenote3 ,he takes part in the two chief controversies of the day4 ,the two questions1 which especially agitated the ,churches of ,asia ,minor during the last thirty years of the first century1 were the celebration of the ,easter festival and the pretensions of the ,montanist prophets4 ,in both disputes ,claudius ,apollinaris took an active and conspicuous part4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the ,paschal question4 #a4 ,the ,paschal controversy1 after smouldering long both here and elsewhere1 first burst into flames in the neighbouring ,church of ,laodicea#agh4 ,an able bishop of ,hierapolis therefore must necessarily have been involved in the dispute1 even if he had been desirous of avoiding it4 ,what side ,apollinaris took in the controversy the extant fragments of his work do not by themselves enable us to decide2 for they deal merely with a subsidiary question which does not seriously affect the main issue#agi4 ,but we can hardly doubt that with ,polycarp of ,smyrna and ,melito of ,sardis and ,polycrates of ,ephesus he defended the practice which was universal in ,asia#ahj1 observing the ,paschal anniversary on the #adth ,nisan whether it fell on a ,friday or not1 and invoking the authority of ,st ,john at ,ephesus1 and of ,st ,philip at his own ,hierapolis#aha1 against the divergent usage of ,alexandria and ,palestine and the ,west4 ,footnote #agh3 ,see below1 p4 #fc4 ,footnote #agi3 ,the main point at issue was whether the exact day of the month should be observed1 as the ,quartodecimans maintained1 irrespective of the day of the week4 ,the fragment of ,apollinaris 7preserved in the ,chron4 ,pasch4 p4 #ac7 relates to a discrepancy which some had found in the accounts of ,st ,matthew and ,st ,john4 ,footnote #ahj3 ,eusebius represents the dioceses of #8,asia' and the neighbourhood1 as absolutely unanimous2 ,h4,e4 v4 #bc 1 v4 #bd 4 #8,asia' includes all this district1 as appears from ,polycrates1 ib4 ,footnote #aha3 ,see ,polycrates of ,ephesus in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bd4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,montanism4 #b4 ,his writings on the ,montanist controversy were still more famous1 and are recommended as an authority on the subject by ,serapion of ,antioch a few years after the author's death#ahb4 ,though later than many of his works#ahc1 they were written soon after ,montanus had divulged the extravagance of his pretensions and before ,montanism had attained its complete development4 ,if a later notice may be trusted1 ,apollinaris was not satisfied with attacking ,montanism in writing1 but summoned at ,hierapolis a council of twenty-six bishops besides himself1 where this heresy was condemned and sentence of excommunication pronounced against ,montanus together with his adherent the pretended prophetess ,maximilla#ahd4 ,footnote #ahb3 ,in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #ai4 ,footnote #ahc3 ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 iv4 #bg7 at the close of his list of the works of ,apollinarius gives ' 1 1 1 i4e4 the vagaries of ,montanus and his followers had already begun when ,apollinaris wrote1 but ,montanism assumed a new phase shortly after4 ,footnote #ahd3 ,included in the ,libellus ,synodicus published by ,pappus2 see ,labb4 ,conc4 ,i4 #fae1 ed4 ,coleti4 ,though this council is not mentioned elsewhere1 there is no sufficient ground for questioning its authenticity4 ,the important part taken by ,apollinaris against the ,montanists is recognised by ,eusebius ,h4,e4 v4 #af1 4 ,after mentioning the council the compiler of this ,synodicon speaks thus of the false prophets2 1 1 i4e4 1 1 4 ,he evidently has before him the fragments of the anonymous treatises quoted by ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 v4 #af71 as the following parallels taken from these fragments shew3 444 444 444 444 4 ,thus he must have had before him a text of ,eusebius which omitted the words at the commencement1 as they are omitted in some existing ,,mss 7see above1 p4 #ef1 note72 and accordingly he ascribed all the treatises to ,apollinaris4 ,the parallels are taken from the first and second treatises2 the first might have been written by ,apollinaris1 but the second was certainly not by his hand1 as it refers to much later events 7see above1 p4 #ef74 ,hefele 7,conciliengeschichte ,i4 p4 #ga7 places the date of this council before ,a4,d4 #aej4 ,but if the testimony of ,eusebius is worth anything1 this is impossible2 for he states that the writings of ,claudius ,apollinaris against the ,montanists were later than his ,apology to ,m4 ,aurelius 7see p4 #ei1 note #ahc71 and this ,apology was not written till after ,a4,d4 #agd 7see p4 #fa1 note #ahg74 ,the chronology of ,montanism is very perplexing1 but ,hefele's dates appear to be much too early4 ,the ,chronicon of ,eusebius gives the rise of ,montanism under ,a4,d4 #agb or #agc1 and this statement is consistent with the notices in his ,history4 ,but if this date be correct1 it most probably refers to ,montanism as a distinct system2 and the fires had probably been smouldering within the ,church for some time before they broke out4 ,it will be observed that the writer of the ,synodicon identifies ,theodotus the ,montanist 7see ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #c7 with ,theodotus the leather-seller who was a ,monarchian4 ,there is no authority for this identification in ,eusebius4 ,sidenote3 ,his other hresiological writings4 ,nor were his controversial writings confined to these two topics4 ,in one place he refuted the ,encratites#ahe2 in another he upheld the orthodox teaching respecting the true humanity of ,christ#ahf4 ,it is plain that he did not confine himself to questions especially affecting ,asia ,minor2 but that the doctrine and the practice of the ,church generally found in him a vigorous advocate1 who was equally opposed to the novelties of heretical teaching and the rigours of overstrained asceticism4 ,footnote #ahe3 ,theodoret4 ,h4,e4 i4 #ba4 ,footnote #ahf3 ,socr4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #g4 ,nor again did ,apollinaris restrict himself to controversies carried on between ,christian and ,christian4 ,he appears alike as the champion of the ,gospel against attacks from without1 and as the promoter of ,christian life and devotion within the pale of the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,his apologetic ,on the one hand he was the author of an apology addressed to ,m4 ,aurelius#ahg1 of a controversial treatise in five books against the ,greeks1 and of a second in two books against the ,jews#ahh2 on the other we find mentioned among his ,sidenote3 and didactic works4 writings a work in two books on ,truth1 and a second on ,piety1 besides several of which the titles have not come down to us#ahi4 ,he seems indeed to have written on almost every subject which interested the ,church of his age4 ,he was not only well versed in the ,scriptures1 but showed a wide acquaintance with secular literature also#aij4 ,his style is praised by a competent judge#aia1 and his orthodoxy was such as to satisfy the dogmatic precision of the post-,nicene age#aib4 ,footnote #ahg3 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bf1 #bg4 ,he referred in this ,apology to the incident of the so-called ,thundering ,legion1 which happened ,a4,d4 #agd2 and as reported by ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 v4 #e71 he stated that the legion was thus named by the emperor in commemoration of this miraculous thunderstorm4 ,as a contemporary however1 he must probably have known that the title ,legio ,fulminata existed long before2 and we may conjecture that he used some ambiguous expression implying that it was fitly so named 7e4g4 71 which ,eusebius and later writers misunderstood2 just as ,eusebius himself 7v4 #bd7 speaks of ,irenus as 4 ,of the words used by ,eusebius1 1 we may suspect that is an expression borrowed from ,apollinaris himself1 while gives ,eusebius' own erroneous interpretation of his author's meaning4 ,the name of this legion was ,fulminata1 not ,fulminatrix1 as it is often carelessly written out1 where the inscriptions have merely ,,fvlm42 see ,becker and ,marquardt ,rm4 ,alterth4 ,,iii4 #b1 p4 #cec4 ,footnote #ahh3 ,the words are omitted in some ,,mss and by ,rufinus4 ,they are found however in the very ancient ,syriac version1 and are doubtless genuine4 ,their omission is due to the homoteleuton1 as they are immediately preceded by 4 ,footnote #ahi3 ,a list of his works is given by ,eusebius 7,h4,e4 iv4 #bg71 who explains that there were many others which he had not seen4 ,this list omits the work on the ,paschal ,feast1 which is quoted in the ,chronicon ,paschale p4 #ac 7ed4 ,dind471 and the treatise on ,piety1 of which we know from ,photius ,bibl4 #ad4 ,footnote #aij3 ,theodoret4 ,hr4 ,fab4 iii4 #b 4 ,so too ,jerome1 ,ep4 #gj 7,i4 p4 #dbh1 ed4 ,vallarsi71 names him among those who were equally versed in sacred and profane literature4 ,footnote #aia3 ,photius l4c41 4 ,footnote #aib3 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #ba1 ,jerome l4c41 ,theodoret4 l4c41 ,socr4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #g4 ,sidenote3 ,important bearing of these facts on the history of ,christianity4 ,these facts are not unimportant in their bearing on the question which has been already discussed in relation to ,papias4 ,if there had been such a discontinuity of doctrine and practice in the ,church of ,hierapolis as the theory in question assumes1 if the ,pauline ,gospel was repudiated in the later years of the first century and rank ,judaism adopted in its stead1 how can we explain the position of ,apollinaris8 ,obviously a counter-revolution must have taken place1 which undid the effects of the former4 ,one dislocation must have been compensated by another4 ,and yet ,irenus knows nothing of these religious convulsions which must have shaken the doctrine of the ,church to its foundations1 but represents the tradition as one1 continuous1 unbroken1 reaching back through the elders of the ,asiatic ,churches1 through ,papias and ,polycarp1 to ,st ,john himself--,irenus who received his ,christian education in ,asia ,minor1 who throughout life was in communication with the churches there1 and who had already reached middle age when this second revolution is supposed to have occurred4 ,the demands on our credulity1 which this theory makes1 are enormous4 ,and its improbability becomes only the more glaring1 as we extend our view4,sidenote3 ,solidarity of the ,church in the second century4 ,for the solidarity of the ,church is the one striking fact unmistakably revealed to us1 as here and there the veil which shrouds the history of the second century is lifted4 ,anicetus and ,soter and ,eleutherus and ,victor at ,rome1 ,pantnus and ,clement at ,alexandria1 ,polycrates at ,ephesus1 ,papias and ,apollinaris at ,hierapolis1 ,polycarp at ,smyrna1 ,melito at ,sardis1 ,ignatius and ,serapion at ,antioch1 ,primus and ,dionysius at ,corinth1 ,pothinus and ,irenus in ,gaul1 ,philippus and ,pinytus in ,crete1 ,hegesippus and ,narcissus in ,palestine1 all are bound together by the ties of a common organization and the sympathy of a common creed4 ,the ,paschal controversy is especially valuable1 as showing the limits of divergence consistent with the unity of the ,church4 ,the study of this controversy teaches us to appreciate with ever increasing force the pregnant saying of ,irenus that the difference of the usage establishes the harmony of the faith#aic4 ,footnote #aic3 ,iren4 in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bd 7the fast which preceded the ,paschal festival7 4 ,sidenote3 ,activity of ,laodicea4 ,though ,laodicea cannot show the same intellectual activity as ,hierapolis during the second century1 yet in practical energy she is not wanting4 ,sidenote3 ,martyrdom of ,sagaris4 c4 ,a4,d4 #afe4 ,the same persecution1 which1 permitted if not encouraged by the imperial ,stoic1 was fatal to ,polycarp at ,smyrna1 deprived ,laodicea also of her bishop ,sagaris#aid4 ,the exact year in which he fell a martyr is not known2 but we can hardly be wrong in assuming that his death was nearly coincident with those of ,polycarp and his companions4 ,his name appears to have been held in great honour#aie4 ,footnote #aid3 ,melito in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bf 1 1 1 7i4e4 ,melito's own treatise on the ,paschal festival74 ,footnote #aie3 ,besides ,melito 7l4c471 ,polycrates of ,ephesus refers to him with respect2 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bd1 1 4 ,sidenote3 ,outbreak of the ,paschal controversy4 ,but while the ,church of ,laodicea was thus contending against foes without1 she was also torn asunder by feuds within4 ,coincident with the martyrdom of ,sagaris was the outburst of the ,paschal controversy1 of which mention has been already made1 and which for more than a century and a half disturbed the peace of the ,church1 until it was finally laid at rest by the ,council of ,nica4 ,the ,laodiceans would naturally regulate their festival by the ,asiatic or ,quartodeciman usage1 strictly observing the day of the month and disregarding the day of the week4 ,but a great commercial centre like ,laodicea must have attracted large crowds of foreign ,christians from ,palestine or ,egypt or ,rome or ,gaul1 who were accustomed to commemorate the ,passion always on a ,friday and the ,resurrection on a ,sunday according to the western practice2 and in this way probably the dispute arose4 ,the treatise on the ,paschal ,festival by ,melito of ,sardis was written on this occasion to defend the ,asiatic practice4 ,the fact that ,laodicea became the head-quarters of the controversy is a speaking testimony to the prominence of this ,church in the latter half of the second century4 ,sidenote3 ,hierapolis and ,laodicea in later history4 ,at a later date the influence of both ,hierapolis and ,laodicea has sensibly declined4 ,in the great controversies of the fourth s and fifth centuries they take no conspicuous part4 ,among their bishops there is not one who has left his mark on history4 ,and yet their names appear at most of the great ,councils1 in which they bear a silent part4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,arian heresy4 ,,nic,a ,a4,d4 #cbe4;,at ,nica ,hierapolis was represented by ,flaccus#aif1 ,laodicea by ,nunechius#aig4 ,they both acquiesced in its decrees1 and the latter as metropolitan published them throughout the ,phrygian ,churches#aih4 ,soon after1 both sees lapsed into ,arianism4 ,sidenote3 ,philippopolis ,a4,d4 #cdg4 ,at the synod of ,philippopolis1 composed of bishops who had seceded from the ,council of ,sardica1 the representatives of these two sees were present and joined in the condemnation of the ,athanasians4 ,on this occasion ,hierapolis was still represented by ,flaccus1 who had thus turned traitor to his former faith#aii4 ,on the other hand ,laodicea had changed its bishop twice meanwhile4 ,cecropius had won the imperial favour by his abuse of the orthodox party1 and was first promoted to ,laodicea1 whence he was translated to ,nicomedia#bjj4 ,he was succeeded by ,nonnius1 who signed the ,arian decree at ,philippopolis#bja4 ,when these sees recovered their orthodoxy we ,sidenote3 ,,constantinople4 ,a4,d4 #cha4 do not know2 but it is perhaps a significant fact1 that neither is represented at the second general ,council1 held at ,constantinople ,sidenote3 ,the ,nestorian and ,eutychian heresies4 ,,ephesus4 ,a4,d4 #dca4 7,a4,d4 #cha7bjb4 ,at the third general ,council1 which met at ,ephesus1 ,laodicea is represented by ,aristonicus1 ,hierapolis by ,venantius#bjc4 ,both bishops sign the decrees condemning ,nestorius4 ,again in the next ,christological controversy which agitated the ,church the two sees bear their part4 ,at the notorious ,sidenote3 ,latrocinium4 ,a4,d4 #ddi4 ,robbers' ,synod1 held also at ,ephesus1 ,laodicea was represented by another ,nunechius1 ,hierapolis by ,stephanus4 ,both bishops committed themselves to the policy of ,dioscorus and the opinions of the heretic ,eutyches#bjd4 ,yet with the fickleness which characterized these sees at an earlier date during the ,arian controversy1 we find their representatives two years ,sidenote3 ,,chalcedon4 ,a4,d4 #dea4 later at the ,council of ,chalcedon siding with the orthodox party and condemning the ,eutychian heresy which they had so lately supported#bje4 ,nunechius is still bishop of ,laodicea1 and reverses his former vote4 ,stephanus has been succeeded at ,hierapolis by ,abercius1 whose orthodoxy1 so far as we know1 had not been compromised by any previous expression of opinion#bjf4 ,footnote #aif3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,ii4 #eg1 #fb1 ed4 ,coleti2 ,cowper's ,syriac ,miscellanies p4 #aa1 #bh4 ,it is remarkable that after ,papias all the early bishops of ,hierapolis of whom any notice is preserved1 have ,roman names2 ,avircius ,marcellus 7871 ,claudius ,apollinaris1 ,flaccus1 ,lucius1 ,venantius4 ,footnote #aig3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,ii4 #eg1 #fb2 ,cowper's ,syriac ,miscellanies pp4 #aa1 #bh1 #cd4 ,he had also been present at the ,synod of ,ancyra held about ,a4,d4 #cad 7see ,galatians p4 #cd72 ib4 p4 #da4 ,footnote #aih3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,ii4 #bcf4 ,footnote #aii3 ib4 #gdd4 ,footnote #bjj3 ,athanas4 ad ,episc4 gypt4 #h 7,op4 ,i4 p4 #bai71 ,hist4 ,arian4 ad ,mon4 #gd 7ib4 p4 #cjg74 ,footnote #bja3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,ii4 #gdd4 ,footnote #bjb3 ,cowper's ,syriac ,miscell4 p4 #ci4 ,footnote #bjc3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iii4 #ajhe1 #abbb1 ,mans4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #acfg4 ,the name of this bishop of ,hierapolis is variously written1 but ,venantius seems to be the true orthography4 ,for some unexplained reason1 though present in person he signs by deputy4 ,he had before subscribed the protest to ,cyril against commencing the proceedings before the arrival of ,john of ,antioch 7,mans4 ,conc4 ,v4 #gfg71 and perhaps his acquiescence in the decisions of the ,council was not very hearty4 ,footnote #bjd3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #hib1 #ibe1 #ibh1 #aajg1 #aagj1 #aaga1 #aahe4 ,in the ,acts of this heretical council1 as occasionally in those of the ,council of ,chalcedon1 ,laodicea is surnamed ,trimitaria 7see above1 p4 #ah1 note #b74 ,following ,le ,quien 7,or4 ,christ4 ,i4 p4 #hce71 ,i have assumed the ,stephanus who was present at the ,latrocinium to have been bishop of the ,phrygian ,hierapolis1 though ,i have not found any decisive indication which ,hierapolis is meant4 ,on the other hand the bishop of the ,syrian ,hierapolis at this time certainly bore the name ,stephanus 7,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #gbg1 #aejf1 #aeej1 #afdd1 #ahcf1 ,v4 #df72 and the synod held under ,stephanus ,a4,d4 #dde1 which ,wiltsch 7,geography and ,statistics of the ,church ,i4 p4 #agj1 ,eng4 ,trans47 assigns to our ,hierapolis1 belongs to the ,syrian city of the same name1 as the connexion with ,perrha shews3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #gbg1 #afdd4 ,footnote #bje3 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #hec1 #hfb1 #aaie1 #abjd1 #abda1 #acab1 #accg1 #achc1 #acib1 #addd1 #adde1 #adfc1 #adhj1 #adha1 #adif1 #aeja1 #aeje1 #agaf1 #agcb1 #agcf1 #agdd1 #agdf1 #agea4 ,footnote #bjf3 ,the bishops of both sees are addressed by the ,emperor ,leo in his letter respecting the ,council of ,chalcedon3 but their replies are not preserved4 ,nunechius is still bishop of ,laodicea2 but ,hierapolis has again changed hands1 and ,philippus has succeeded ,abercius 7,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #ahcf sq474 ,nunechius of ,laodicea was one of those who signed the decree against simony at the ,council of ,constantinople 7,a4,d4 #dei73 ,conc4 ,v4 #ej4 ,sidenote3 ,later vacillation of these sees4 ,the history of these churches at a later date is such as might have been anticipated from their attitude during the period of the first ,four ,general ,councils4 ,the sees of ,laodicea and ,hierapolis1 one or both1 are represented at all the more important assemblies of the ,church2 and the same vacillation and infirmity of purpose1 which had characterized their holders in the earlier councils1 marks the proceedings of their later successors#bjg4 ,footnote #bjg3 ,see for instance the tergiversation of ,theodorus of ,laodicea and ,ignatius of ,hierapolis in the matter of ,photius and the #hth ,general ,council4 ,sidenote3 ,their comparative unimportance4 ,but1 though the two sees thus continue to bear witness to their existence by the repeated presence of their occupants at councils and synods1 yet the real influence of ,laodicea and ,hierapolis on the ,church at large has terminated with the close of the second century4 ,on one occasion only did either ,sidenote3 ,,council ,,of ,,laodicea an exception4 community assume a position of prominence4 ,about the middle of the fourth century a council was held at ,laodicea#bjh4 ,it ,sidenote3 ,its decree on the ,canon4 was convened more especially to settle some points of ecclesiastical discipline2 but incidentally the assembled bishops were led to make an order respecting the ,canon of ,scripture#bji4 ,as this was the first occasion in which the subject had been brought formally before the notice of an ecclesiastical assembly this ,council of ,laodicea secured a notoriety which it would not otherwise have obtained1 and to which it was hardly entitled by its constitution or its proceedings4 ,its decrees were confirmed and adopted by later councils both in the ,east and in the ,west#baj4 ,footnote #bjh3 ,this council cannot have been held earlier than the year #cdd1 as the #gth canon makes mention of the ,photinians1 and ,photinus did not attract notice before that year3 see ,hefele1 ,conciliengesch4 ,i4 p4 #gbb sq4 ,in the ancient lists of ,councils it stands after that of ,antioch 7,a4,d4 #cda71 and before that of ,constantinople 7,a4,d4 #cha74 ,dr ,westcott 7,history of the ,canon1 p4 #djj7 is inclined to place it about ,a4,d4 #cfc1 and this is the time very generally adopted4 ,here however a difficulty presents itself1 which has not been noticed hitherto4 ,in the ,syriac ,,ms ,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #ad1ebh1 are lists of the bishops present at the earlier councils1 including ,laodicea 7see ,wright's ,catalogue of the ,syriac ,,mss in the ,british ,museum1 ,,dcccvi1 p4 #ajcj sq474 ,these lists have been published by ,cowper 7,syriac ,miscell4 p4 #db sq41 ,analecta ,nicna p4 #cf71 who however has transposed the lists of ,antioch and ,laodicea1 so that he ascribes to the ,antiochian ,synod the names which really belong to the ,laodicean4 ,this is determined 7as ,i am informed by ,prof4 ,wright7 by the position of the lists4 ,the ,laodicean list then1 which seems to be imperfect1 contains twenty names2 and1 when examined1 it yields these results4 7#a7 ,at least three-fourths of the names can be identified with bishops who sat at ,nica1 and probably the exceptions would be fewer1 if in some cases they had not been obscured by transcription into ,syriac and by the errors of copyists4 7#b7 ,when identified1 they are found to belong in almost every instance to ,clesyria1 ,phnicia1 ,palestine1 ,cilicia1 and ,isauria1 whereas apparently not one comes from ,phrygia1 ,lydia1 or the other western districts of ,asia ,minor4 ,supposing that this is a genuine ,laodicean list1 we are led by the first result to place it as near in time as possible to the ,council of ,nica2 and by the second to question whether after all the ,syrian ,laodicea may not have been meant instead of the ,phrygian4 ,on the other hand tradition is unanimous in placing this synod in the ,phrygian town1 and in this very ,syriac ,,ms the heading of the canons begins #8,of the ,synod of ,laodicea of ,phrygia4' ,on the whole it appears probable that this supposed list of bishops who met at ,laodicea belongs to some other ,council4 ,the ,laodicean ,synod seems to have been1 as ,dr ,westcott describes it 7l4c471 #8,a small gathering of clergy from parts of ,lydia and ,phrygia4' ,in a large mosaic in the ,church at ,bethlehem1 in which all the more important ,councils are represented1 we find the following inscription2 7,ciampini de ,sacr4 dif4 a ,constant4 constr4 p4 #aef2 comp4 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #hiec74 ,from its position we might infer that the synod to which this inscription refers was supposed to have taken place before the ,council of ,nica2 and if so1 it may have been one of those ,asiatic synods held against ,montanism at the end of the second or beginning of the third century4 ,but1 inasmuch as no record of any such synod is preserved elsewhere1 we must probably refer it to the well-known ,council of ,laodicea in the fourth century4 ,in this case however the description is not very correct1 for though ,montanism is incidentally condemned in the eighth canon1 yet this condemnation was not the main object of the council and occupies a very subordinate place4 ,the ,bethlehem mosaics were completed ,a4,d4 #aafi3 see ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 #hgcf4 ,footnote #bji3 ,the canons of this ,council1 #ei in number1 will be found in ,labb4 ,conc4 ,i4 #aecj sq41 ed4 ,coleti4 ,the last of these forbids the reading of any but #8the ,canonical books of the ,new and ,old ,testament4' ,to this is often appended 7sometimes as a #fjth canon7 a list of the ,canonical books2 but ,dr ,westcott has shown that this list is a later addition and does not belong to the original decrees of the council 7,canon p4 #djj sq474 ,footnote #baj3 ,by the ,quinisextine ,council 7,a4,d4 #fib7 in the ,east 7,labb4 ,conc4 ,,vii4 #acde71 and by the ,synod of ,aix-la-,chapelle 7,a4,d4 #ghi7 in the ,west 7,conc4 ,,ix4 #aj sq474 ,sidenote3 ,its decrees illustrate the ,epistle to the ,colossians4 ,more important however for my special purpose1 than the influence of this synod on the ,church at large1 is the light which its canons throw on the heretical tendencies of this district1 and on the warnings of ,st ,paul in the ,colossian ,epistle4 ,to illustrate this fact it will only be necessary to write out some of these canons at length3 ,sidenote3 ,col4 ii4 #ad1 #af1 #ag4 #bi4 #8,it is not right for ,christians to ,judaize and abstain from labour on the sabbath1 but to work on this same day4 ,they should pay respect rather to the ,lord's day1 and1 if possible1 abstain from labour on it as ,christians4 ,but if they should be found ,judaizers1 let them be anathema in the sight of ,christ4' ,sidenote3 ,col4 ii4 #ah4 #ce4 #8,it is not right for ,christians to abandon the ,church of ,god and go away and invoke angels 7 7#baa and hold conventicles 7 72 for these things are forbidden4 ,if therefore any one is found devoting himself to this secret idolatry1 let him be anathema1 because he abandoned our ,lord ,jesus ,christ and went after idolatry4' ,footnote #baa3 ,theodoret about a century after the ,laodicean ,council1 commenting on ,col4 ii4 #ah1 states that this disease 7 7 which ,st ,paul denounces #8long remained in ,phrygia and ,pisidia4' #8,for this reason also1' he adds1 #8a synod convened in ,laodicea of ,phrygia forbad by a decree the offering prayer to angels2 and even to the present time oratories of the holy ,michael may be seen among them and their neighbours4' ,see also below p4 #ga1 note #bai4 ,a curious inscription1 found in the theatre at ,miletus 7,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 #bhie71 illustrates this tendency4 ,it is an inscription in seven columns1 each having a different planetary symbol1 and a different permutation of the vowels with the same invocation 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 1 while at the common base is written 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 444 ,boeckh writes1 #8,etsi hic titulus ,gnosticorum et ,basilidianorum commentis prorsus congruus est1 tamen potuit ab ethnicis ,milesiis scriptus esse2 quare nolui eum inter ,christianos rejicere1 quum prsertim public ,milesiorum superstitionis documentum insigne sit4' ,the idea of the seven h1 combined in the one 1 seems certainly to point to ,jewish1 if not ,christian1 influences3 ,rev4 i4 #d1 iii4 #a1 iv4 #e1 v4 #f4 #cf4 #8,it is not right for priests or clergy to be magicians or enchanters or mathematicians or astrologers#bab1 or to make safe-guards 77 as they are called1 for such things are prisons 77 of their souls#bac3 and we have enjoined that they which wear them be cast out of the ,church4' ,footnote #bab3 ,though there is no direct mention of #8magic' in the letter to the ,colossians1 yet it was a characteristic tendency of this part of ,asia3 ,acts xix4 #ai1 #b ,tim4 iii4 #h1 #ac4 ,see the note on ,gal4 v4 #bj4 ,the term is used in this decree in its ordinary sense of astrologers1 soothsayers4 ,footnote #bac3 ,a ,play on the double sense of 7#a7 a safeguard or amulet1 7#b7 a guard-house4 #cg4 #8,it is not right to receive from ,jews or heretics the festive offerings which they send about1 nor to join in their festivals4' #ch4 #8,it is not right to receive unleavened bread from the ,jews or to participate in their impieties4' ,it is strange1 at this late date1 to find still lingering in these churches the same readiness to be #8judged in respect of an holiday or a new moon or a sabbath1' with the same tendency to relinquish the hold of the ,head and to substitute #8a voluntary humility and worshipping of angels1' which three centuries before had called forth the ,apostle's rebuke and warning in the ,epistle to the ,colossians4 ,sidenote3 ,ecclesiastical status of ,laodicea and ,hierapolis4 ,during the flourishing period of the ,eastern ,church1 ,laodicea appears as the metropolis of the province of ,phrygia ,pacatiana1 counting among its suffragan bishoprics the see of ,coloss#bad4 ,on the other hand ,hierapolis1 though only six miles distant1 belonged to the neighbouring province of ,phrygia ,salutaris#bae1 whose metropolis was ,synnada1 and of which it was one of the most important sees4 ,the stream of the ,lycus seems to have formed the boundary line between the two ecclesiastical provinces4 ,at a later date ,hierapolis itself was raised to metropolitan rank#baf4 ,footnote #bad3 ,a list of the bishoprics belonging to this province at the time of the ,council of ,chalcedon is given1 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #aeja1 #agaf4 ,footnote #bae3 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #agaf1 #agdd4 ,footnote #baf3 ,at the #eth and #fth ,general ,councils 7,a4,d4 #eec and ,a4,d4 #fhj7 ,hierapolis is styled a metropolis 7,labb4 ,conc4 ,,vi4 #bbj1 ,,vii4 #ajfh1 #ajig1 #aaag72 and in the latter case it is designated metropolis of ,phrygia ,pacatiana1 though this same designation is still given to ,laodicea4 ,synnada retains its position as metropolis of ,phrygia ,salutaris4 ,from this time forward ,hierapolis seems always to hold metropolitan rank4 ,but no notice is preserved of the circumstances under which the change was made4 ,in the ,notiti it generally occurs twice--first as a suffragan see of ,phrygia ,salutaris1 and secondly as metropolis of another ,phrygia ,pacatiana 7distinct from that which has ,laodicea for its metropolis73 ,hieroclis ,synecdemus et ,notiti 7ed4 ,parthey7 ,not4 #a1 pp4 #ef1 #eg1 #fi1 #gc2 ,not4 #c1 pp4 #aad1 #abd2 ,not4 #g1 pp4 #aeb1 #afa2 ,not4 #h1 pp4 #afd1 #agf1 #ahj2 ,not4 #i1 pp4 #aic1 #aig2 ,not4 #aj1 pp4 #bab1 #bbj4 ,in this latter position it is placed quite out of the proper geographical order1 thus showing that its metropolitan jurisdiction was created comparatively late4 ,the number of dioceses in the province is generally given as #i2 ,nilus ib4 p4 #cja4 ,the name of the province is variously corrupted from 1 e4g4 1 4 ,unless the ecclesiastical position of ,hierapolis was altogether anomalous1 as a province within a province1 its double mention in the ,notiti must be explained by a confusion of its earlier and later status4 ,sidenote3 ,obscurity of ,coloss4 ,but while ,laodicea and ,hierapolis held the foremost place in the records of the early ,church1 and continued to bear an active1 though inconspicuous part1 in later ,christian history1 ,coloss was from the very first a cipher4 ,the town itself1 as we have seen1 was already waning in importance1 when the ,apostle wrote2 and its subsequent decline seems to have been rapid4 ,not a single event in ,christian history is connected with its name2 and its very existence is only rescued from oblivion1 when at long intervals some bishop of ,coloss attaches his signature to the decree of an ecclesiastical synod4 ,the city ceased to strike coins in the reign of ,gordian 7,a4,d4 ,sidenote3 ,it is supplanted by ,chon4 #bch-bdd7bag4 ,it fell gradually into decay1 being supplanted by the neighbouring town ,chon1 the modern ,chonos1 so called from the natural funnels by which the streams here disappear in underground channels formed by the incrustations of travertine#bah4 ,we may conjecture also that its ruin was hastened by a renewed assault of its ancient enemy1 the earthquake#bai4 ,it is commonly said that ,chon is built on the site of the ancient ,coloss2 but the later town stands at some distance from the earlier1 as ,salisbury does from ,old ,sarum4 ,the episcopal see necessarily followed the population2 though for some time after its removal to the new town the bishop still continued to use the older title1 with or without the addition of ,chon by way of explanation1 till at length the name of this primitive ,apostolic ,church passes wholly out of sight#bbj4 ,footnote #bag3 ,see ,mionnet ,,iv4 p4 #bfi1 ,leake ,numism4 ,hellen4 p4 #de4 ,footnote #bah3 ,joannes ,curopalata p4 #fhf 7ed4 ,bonn47 444 444 1 1 1 444 ,the #8worship of angels' is curiously connected with the physical features of the country in the legend to which ,curopalata refers4 ,the people were in imminent danger from a sudden inundation of the ,lycus1 when the archangel ,michael appeared and opened a chasm in the earth through which the waters flowed away harmlessly3 ,hartley's ,researches in ,greece p4 #ec4 ,see another legend1 or another version of the legend1 in which the archangel interposes1 in ,laborde p4 #ajc4 ,it was the birth-place of ,nicetas ,choniates1 one of the most important of the ,byzantine historians1 who thus speaks of it 7de ,manuel vi4 #b1 p4 #bcj1 ed4 ,bonn472 1 1 1 1 4441 where a corrupt reading for has misled some4 ,it will be remembered that the words are borrowed from ,xenophon's description of ,coloss 7,anab4 i4 #b4 #f73 see above1 p4 #ae1 note #eb4 ,he again alludes to his native place1 de ,isaac4 ii4 #b1 pp4 #eb1 #c 1 1 and ,urbs ,capta #af1 p4 #hdb1 4 ,footnote #bai3 ,thus ,hamilton 7,i4 p4 #ead7 reports that an earthquake which occurred at ,denizli about a hundred years ago caused the inhabitants to remove their residences to a different locality1 where they have remained ever since4 ,earthquakes have been largely instrumental in changing the sites of cities situated within the range of their influence4 ,footnote #bbj3 ,at the ,council of ,chalcedon 7,a4,d4 #dea7 ,nunechius of ,laodicea subscribes #8for the absent bishops under him1' among whom is mentioned 7,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iv4 #aeja1 ed4 ,coleti2 comp4 ib4 #agde74 ,at the ,quinisextine ,council 7,a4,d4 #fib7 occurs the signature of 7sic7 7,conc4 ,,vii4 #adjh74 ,at the #bnd ,council of ,nica 7,a4,d4 #ghg7 the name of the see is in a transition state2 the bishop ,theodosius 7or ,dositheus7 signs himself sometimes 1 sometimes simply 7,conc4 ,,viii4 #fhi1 #gif1 #ihh1 #abjj1 #abbb1 #aceg1 #acgh1 #adcb1 #aebc1 #aecc1 in many of which passages the word is grossly corrupted74 ,at later ,councils the see is called 2 and this is the name which it bears in the ,notiti 7pp4 #ig1 #abg1 #aii1 #bbb1 #cjc1 ed4 ,parthey74 ,sidenote3 ,turkish conquest4 ,the ,turkish conquest pressed with more than common severity on these districts4 ,when the day of visitation came1 the ,church was taken by surprise4 ,occupied with ignoble quarrels and selfish interests1 she had no ear for the voice of ,him who demanded admission4 ,the door was barred and the knock unheeded4 ,the long-impending doom overtook her1 and the golden candlestick was removed for ever from the ,eternal ,presence#bba4 ,footnote #bba3 ,for the remains of ,christian churches at ,laodicea see ,fellows ,asia ,minor p4 #bhb1 ,pococke p4 #gd4 ,a description of the three fine churches at ,hierapolis is given in ,fergusson's ,illustrated ,handbook of ,architecture ,,ii4 p4 #ifg sq42 comp4 ,texier ,asie ,mineure ,i4 p4 #adc4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,colossian ,,heresy4 ,sidenote3 ,two elements in the ,colossian heresy4 ,from the language of ,st ,paul1 addressed to the ,church of ,coloss1 we may infer the presence of two disturbing elements which threatened the purity of ,christian faith and practice in this community4 ,these elements are distinguishable in themselves1 though it does not follow that they present the teaching of two distinct parties4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,,judaic4 #a4 ,a mere glance at the epistle suffices to detect the presence of ,,judaism in the teaching which the ,apostle combats4 ,the observance of sabbaths and new moons is decisive in this respect4 ,the distinction of meats and drinks points in the same direction#bbb4 ,even the enforcement of the initiatory rite of ,judaism may be inferred from the contrast implied in ,st ,paul's recommendation of the spiritual circumcision#bbc4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,,gnostic4 #b4 ,on the other hand a closer examination of its language shows that these ,judaic features do not exhaust the portraiture of the heresy or heresies against which the epistle is directed4 ,we discern an element of theosophic speculation1 which is alien to the spirit of ,judaism proper4 ,we are confronted with a shadowy mysticism1 which loses itself in the contemplation of the unseen world4 ,we discover a tendency to interpose certain spiritual agencies1 intermediate beings1 between ,god and man1 as the instruments of communication and the objects of worship#bbd4 ,anticipating the result which will appear more clearly hereafter1 we may say that along with its ,judaism there was a ,,gnostic element in the false teaching which prevailed at ,coloss4 ,footnote #bbb3 ,col4 ii4 #af1 #ag1 #ba sq4 ,footnote #bbc3 ii4 #aa4 ,footnote #bbd3 ii4 #d1 #h1 #ah1 #bc4 ,sidenote3 ,are these combined or separate8 ,have we then two heresies here1 or one only8 ,were these elements distinct1 or were they fused into the same system8 ,in other words1 ,is ,st ,paul controverting a phase of ,judaism on the one hand1 and a phase of ,gnosticism on the other2 or did he find himself in conflict with a ,judo-,gnostic heresy which combined the two#bbe8 ,footnote #bbe3 ,the ,colossian heresy has been made the subject of special dissertations by ,,schneckenburger ,beitrge zur ,einleitung ins ,n4 ,t4 7,stuttgart #ahcb71 and ,ueber das ,alter der jdischen ,proselyten-,taufe1 nebst einer ,beilage ber die ,irrlehrer zu ,coloss 7,berlin #ahbh72 by ,,osiander ,ueber die ,colossischen ,irrlehrer 7,tbinger ,zeitschrift for #ahcd1 ,,iii4 p4 #if sq472 and by ,,rheinwald ,de ,pseudodoctoribus ,colossensibus 7,bonn #ahcd74 ,but more valuable contributions to the subject will often be found in introductions to the commentaries on the epistle4 ,those of ,,bleek1 ,,davies1 ,,meyer1 ,,olshausen1 ,,steiger1 and ,,de ,,wette may be mentioned4 ,among other works which may be consulted are ,,baur ,der ,apostel ,paulus p4 #dag sq42 ,,boehmer ,isagoge in ,epistolam ad ,colossenses1 ,berlin #ahbi1 p4 #ef sq41 p4 #bgg sq42 ,,burton ,inquiry into the ,heresies of the ,apostolic ,age1 ,lectures ,,iv1 ,v2 ,,ewald ,die ,sendschreiben des ,apostels ,paulus p4 #dfb sq42 ,,hilgenfeld ,der ,gnosticismus u4 das ,neue ,testament in the ,zeitschr4 f4 ,wissensch4 ,theol4 ,,xiii4 p4 #bcc sq42 ,r4 ,a4 ,,lipsius in ,schenkels ,bibel-,lexikon1 s4v4 ,gnosis2 ,,mayerhoff ,der ,brief an die ,colosser p4 #ajg sq42 ,,neander ,planting of the ,christian ,church ,i4 p4 #cai sq4 7,eng4 ,trans472 ,,de ,,pressens ,trois ,premiers ,sicles ,,ii4 p4 #aid sq42 ,,storr ,opuscula ,,ii4 p4 #adi sq42 ,,thiersch ,die ,kirche im ,apostolischen ,zeitalter p4 #adf sq4 ,of all the accounts of these ,colossian false teachers1 ,i have found none more satisfactory than that of ,neander1 whose opinions are followed in the main by the most sober of later writers4 ,in the investigation which follows ,i have assumed that the ,colossian false teachers were ,christians in some sense4 ,the views maintained by some earlier critics1 who regarded them as 7#a7 ,jews1 or 7#b7 ,greek philosophers1 or 7#c7 ,chaldean magi1 have found no favour and do not need serious consideration4 ,see ,meyer's introduction for an enumeration of such views4 ,a refutation of them will be found in ,bleek's ,vorlesungen p4 #ab sq4 ,sidenote3 ,general reasons for supposing one heresy only1 in which they are fused4 ,on closer examination we find ourselves compelled to adopt the latter alternative4 ,the epistle itself contains no hint that the ,apostle has more than one set of antagonists in view2 and the needless multiplication of persons or events is always to be deprecated in historical criticism4 ,nor indeed does the hypothesis of a single complex heresy present any real difficulty4 ,if the two elements seem irreconcileable1 or at least incongruous1 at first sight1 the incongruity disappears on further examination4 ,it will be shown in the course of this investigation1 that some special tendencies of religious thought among the ,jews themselves before and about this time prepared the way for such a combination in a ,christian community like the ,church of ,coloss#bbf4 ,moreover we shall find that the ,christian heresies of the next succeeding ages exhibit in a more developed form the same complex type1 which here appears in its nascent state#bbg2 this later development not only showing that the combination was historically possible in itself1 but likewise presupposing some earlier stage of its existence such as confronts us at ,coloss4 ,footnote #bbf3 ,see below1 p4 #hc sq4 ,footnote #bbg3 ,see below1 p4 #ajg sq4 ,sidenote3 ,s4 ,paul's language is decisive on this point4 ,but in fact the ,apostle's language hardly leaves the question open4 ,the two elements are so closely interwoven in his refutation1 that it is impossible to separate them4 ,he passes backwards and forwards from the one to the other in such a way as to show that they are only parts of one complex whole4 ,on this point the logical connexion of the sentences is decisive3 #8,beware lest any man make spoil of you through philosophy and vain deceit after the tradition of men1 after the rudiments of the world4444 ,ye were circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands4444 ,and you 444 did ,he quicken1 444 blotting out the handwriting of ordinances which was against you4444 ,let no man therefore judge you in meat or drink1 or in respect of a holy day or a new moon or a sabbath4444 ,let no man beguile you of your prize in a self-imposed humility and service of angels4444 ,if ye died with ,christ from the rudiments of the world1 why 444 are ye subject to ordinances 444 which things have a show of wisdom in self-imposed service and humility and hard treatment of the body1 but are of no value against indulgence of the flesh#bbh4' ,here the superior wisdom1 the speculative element which is characteristic of ,gnosticism1 and the ritual observance1 the practical element which was supplied by ,judaism1 are regarded not only as springing from the same stem1 but also as intertwined in their growth4 ,and the more carefully we examine the sequence of the ,apostle's thoughts1 the more intimate will the connexion appear4 ,footnote #bbh3 ,col4 ii4 #h-bc4 ,hilgenfeld 7,der ,gnosticismus etc4 p4 #bej sq47 contends strenuously for the separation of the two elements4 ,he argues that #8these two tendencies are related to one another as fire and water1 and nothing stands in the way of allowing the author after the first side-glance at the ,gnostics to pass over with ver4 #aa to the ,judaizers1 with whom ,col4 ii4 #af sq4 is exclusively concerned4' ,he supposes therefore that ii4 #h-aj refers to #8pure ,gnostics1' and ii4 #af-bc to #8pure ,judaizers4' ,to this it is sufficient to answer 7#a7 ,that1 if the two elements be so antagonistic1 they managed nevertheless to reconcile their differences2 for we find them united in several ,judo-,gnostic heresies in the first half of the second century1 1 1 1 ' 2 7#b7 ,that the two passages are directly connected together by 1 which occurs in both vv4 #h1 #bj2 7#c7 ,that it is not a simple transition once for all from the ,gnostic to the ,judaic element1 but the epistle passes to and fro several times from the one to the other2 while no hint is given that two separate heresies are attacked1 but on the contrary the sentences are connected in a logical sequence 7e4g4 ver4 #i 1 #aj 1 #aa 1 #ab 1 #ac 1 #af 74 ,i hope to make this point clear in my notes on the passage4 ,the hypothesis of more than one heresy is maintained also by ,heinrichs 7,koppe ,n4 ,t4 ,,vii4 ,part #b1 #ahjc74 ,at an earlier date it seems to be favoured by ,grotius 7notes on ii4 #af1 #ba72 but his language is not very explicit4 ,and earlier still ,calvin in his argument to the epistle writes1 #8,putant aliqui duo fuisse hominum genera1 qui abducere tentarent ,colossenses ab evangelii puritate1' but rejects this view as uncalled for4 ,the same question is raised with regard to the heretical teachers of the ,pastoral ,epistles1 and should probably be answered in the same way4 ,sidenote3 ,gnosticism must be defined and described4 ,having described the speculative element in this complex heresy provisionally as ,gnostic1 ,i purpose enquiring in the first place1 how far ,judaism prior to and independently of ,christianity had allied itself with ,gnostic modes of thought2 and afterwards1 whether the description of the ,colossian heresy is such as to justify us in thus classing it as a species of ,gnosticism4 ,but1 as a preliminary to these enquiries1 some definition of the word1 or at least some conception of the leading ideas which it involves1 will be necessary4 ,with its complex varieties and elaborate developments we have no concern here3 for1 if ,gnosticism can be found at all in the records of the ,apostolic age1 it will obviously appear in a simple and elementary form4 ,divested of its accessories and presented in its barest outline1 it is not difficult of delineation#bbi4 ,footnote #bbi3 ,the chief authorities for the history of ,gnosticism are ,,neander ,church ,history ,,ii4 p4 #a sq42 ,,baur ,die ,christliche ,gnosis 7,tbingen1 #ahce72 ,,matter ,histoire ,critique du ,gnosticisme 7#bnd ed41 ,strasbourg and ,paris1 #ahdc72 ,r4 ,a4 ,,lipsius ,gnosticismus in ,ersch u4 ,gruber s4v4 7,leipzig1 #ahfj72 and for ,gnostic art1 ,,king ,gnostics and their ,remains 7,london #ahfd74 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,intellectual exclusiveness of ,gnosticism4 #a4 ,as the name attests#bcj1 ,gnosticism implies the possession of a superior wisdom1 which is hidden from others4 ,it makes a distinction between the select few who have this higher gift1 and the vulgar many who are without it4 ,faith1 blind faith1 suffices the latter1 while knowledge is the exclusive possession of the former4 ,thus it recognises a separation of intellectual caste in religion1 introducing the distinction of an esoteric and an exoteric doctrine1 and interposing an initiation of some kind or other between the two classes4 ,in short it is animated by the exclusive aristocratic spirit#bca1 which distinguishes the ancient religions1 and from which it was a main function of ,christianity to deliver mankind4 ,footnote #bcj3 ,see esp4 ,iren4 i4 #f4 #a sq41 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 ii4 p4 #dcc sq4 7,potter74 ,on the words 1 1 by which they designated the possessors of this higher gnosis1 see the notes on ,col4 i4 #bh1 and ,phil4 iii4 #ae4 ,footnote #bca3 ,see ,neander l4c4 p4 #a sq41 from whom the epithet is borrowed4 ,sidenote3 ,speculative tenets of ,gnosticism4 #b4 ,this was its spirit2 and the intellectual questions1 on which its energies were concentrated and to which it professed to hold the key1 were mainly twofold4 ,how can the work of creation be explained8 and1 ,how are we to account for the existence of evil#bcb8 ,to reconcile the creation of the world and ,sidenote3 ,creation of the world1 and existence of evil4 the existence of evil with the conception of ,god as the absolute ,being1 was the problem which all the ,gnostic systems set themselves to solve4 ,it will be seen that the two questions cannot be treated independently but have a very close and intimate connexion with each other4 ,footnote #bcb3 ,the fathers speak of this as the main question about which the ,gnostics busy themselves2 ,unde malum8 2 ,tertull4 de ,prscr4 #g1 adv4 ,marc4 ,i4 #b1 ,eus4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bg2 passages quoted by ,baur ,christliche ,gnosis p4 #ai4 ,on the leading conceptions of ,gnosticism see especially ,neander1 l4c4 p4 #i sq4 ,sidenote3 ,existence of evil1 how to be explained8 ,the ,gnostic argument ran as follows3 ,did ,god create the world out of nothing1 evolve it from ,himself8 ,then1 ,god being perfectly good and creation having resulted from ,his sole act without any opposing or modifying influence1 evil would have been impossible2 for otherwise we are driven to the conclusion that ,god created evil4 ,sidenote3 ,matter the abode of evil4 ,this solution being rejected as impossible1 the ,gnostic was obliged to postulate some antagonistic principle independent of ,god1 by which ,his creative energy was thwarted and limited4 ,this opposing principle1 the kingdom of evil1 he conceived to be the world of matter4 ,the precise idea of its mode of operation varies in different ,gnostic systems4 ,it is sometimes regarded as a dead passive resistance1 sometimes as a turbulent active power4 ,but1 though the exact point of view may shift1 the object contemplated is always the same4 ,in some way or other evil is regarded as residing in the material1 sensible world4 ,thus ,gnostic speculation on the existence of evil ends in a dualism4 ,sidenote3 ,creation1 how to be explained8 ,this point being conceded1 the ulterior question arises3 ,how then is creation possible8 ,how can the ,infinite communicate with the ,finite1 the ,good with the ,evil8 ,how can ,god act upon matter8 ,god is perfect1 absolute1 incomprehensible4 ,this1 the ,gnostic went on to argue1 could only have been possible by some self-limitation on the part of ,god4 ,god must express ,himself in some way4 ,there must be some evolution1 some effluence1 of ,deity4 ,sidenote3 ,doctrine of emanations4 ,thus the ,divine ,being germinates1 as it were2 and the first germination again evolves a second from itself in like manner4 ,in this way we obtain a series of successive emanations1 which may be more or fewer1 as the requirements of any particular system demand4 ,in each successive evolution the ,divine element is feebler4 ,they sink gradually lower and lower in the scale1 as they are farther removed from their source2 until at length contact with matter is possible1 and creation ensues4 ,these are the emanations1 ons1 spirits1 or angels1 of ,gnosticism1 conceived as more or less concrete and personal according to the different aspects in which they are regarded in different systems4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,practical errors of ,gnosticism4 #c4 ,such is the bare outline 7and nothing more is needed for my immediate purpose7 of the speculative views of ,gnosticism4 ,but it is obvious that these views must have exerted a powerful influence on the ethical systems of their advocates1 and thus they would involve important practical consequences4 ,if matter is the principle of evil1 it is of infinite moment for a man to know how he can avoid its baneful influence and thus keep his higher nature unclogged and unsullied4 ,sidenote3 ,two opposite ethical rules4 ,to this practical question two directly opposite answers were given#bcc3 ,footnote #bcc3 ,on this point see ,clem4 ,strom4 iii4 #e 7p4 #ebi7 1 1 with the whole passage which follows4 ,as examples of the one extreme may be instanced the ,carpocratians and ,cainites3 of the other the ,encratites4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,rigid asceticism4 7i7 ,on the one hand1 it was contended that the desired end might best be attained by a rigorous abstinence4 ,thus communication with matter1 if it could not be entirely avoided1 might be reduced to a minimum4 ,its grosser defilements at all events would be escaped4 ,the material part of man would be subdued and mortified1 if it could not be annihilated2 and the spirit1 thus set free1 would be sublimated1 and rise to its proper level4 ,thus the ethics of ,gnosticism pointed in the first instance to a strict asceticism4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,unrestrained license4 7ii7 ,but obviously the results thus attained are very slight and inadequate4 ,matter is about us everywhere4 ,we do but touch the skirts of the evil1 when we endeavour to fence ourselves about by prohibitive ordinances1 as for instance1 when we enjoin a spare diet or forbid marriage4 ,some more comprehensive rule is wanted1 which shall apply to every contingency and every moment of our lives4 ,arguing in this way1 other ,gnostic teachers arrived at an ethical rule directly opposed to the former4 #8,cultivate an entire indifference1' they said1 #8to the world of sense4 ,do not give it a thought one way or the other1 but follow your own impulses4 ,the ascetic principle assigns a certain importance to matter4 ,the ascetic fails in consequence to assert his own independence4 ,the true rule of life is to treat matter as something alien to you1 towards which you have no duties or obligations and which you can use or leave unused as you like#bcd4' ,in this way the reaction from rigid asceticism led to the opposite extreme of unrestrained licentiousness1 both alike springing from the same false conception of matter as the principle of evil4 ,footnote #bcd3 ,see for instance the description of the ,carpocratians in ,iren4 i4 #be4 #c sq41 ii4 #cb4 #a sq41 ,hippol4 ,hr4 vii4 #cb1 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxvii4 #b sq42 from which passages it appears that they justified their moral profligacy on the principle that the highest perfection consists in the most complete contempt of mundane things4 ,sidenote3 ,original independence of ,gnosticism and its subsequent connexion with ,christianity4 ,gnosticism1 as defined by these characteristic features1 has obviously no necessary connexion with ,christianity#bce4 ,christianity would naturally arouse it to unwonted activity1 by leading men to dwell more earnestly on the nature and power of evil1 and thus stimulating more systematic thought on the theological questions which had already arrested attention4 ,after no long time ,gnosticism would absorb into its system more or fewer ,christian elements1 or ,christianity in some of its forms would receive a tinge from ,gnosticism4 ,but the thing itself had an independent root1 and seems to have been prior in time4 ,the probabilities of the case1 and the scanty traditions of history1 alike point to this independence of the two#bcf4 ,if so1 it is a matter of little moment at what precise time the name #8,gnostic' was adopted1 whether before or after contact with ,christianity2 for we are concerned only with the growth and direction of thought which the name represents#bcg4 ,footnote #bce3 ,it will be seen from the description in the text1 that ,gnosticism 7as ,i have defined it7 presupposes only a belief in one ,god1 the absolute ,being1 as against the vulgar polytheism4 ,all its essential features1 as a speculative system1 may be explained from this simple element of belief1 without any intervention of specially ,christian or even ,jewish doctrine4 ,christianity added two new elements to it2 7#a7 the idea of ,redemption1 7#b7 the person of ,christ4 ,to explain the former1 and to find a place for the latter1 henceforth become prominent questions which press for solution2 and ,gnosticism in its several developments undergoes various modifications in the endeavour to solve them4 ,redemption must be set in some relation to the fundamental ,gnostic conception of the antagonism between ,god and matter2 and ,christ must have some place found for ,him in the fundamental ,gnostic doctrine of emanations4 ,if it be urged that there is no authority for the name #8,gnostic' as applied to these pre-,christian theosophists1 ,i am not concerned to prove the contrary1 as my main position is not affected thereby4 ,the term #8,gnostic' is here used1 only because no other is so convenient1 or so appropriate4 ,see note #bci1 p4 #ha4 ,footnote #bcf3 ,this question will require closer investigation when ,i come to discuss the genuineness of the ,epistle to the ,colossians4 ,meanwhile ,i content myself with referring to ,baur ,christliche ,gnosis p4 #bi sq4 and ,lipsius ,gnosticismus p4 #bcj sq4 ,both these writers concede1 and indeed insist upon1 the non-,christian basis of ,gnosticism1 at least so far as ,i have maintained it in the text4 ,thus for instance ,baur says 7p4 #eb71 #8,though ,christian gnosis is the completion of gnosis1 yet the ,christian element in gnosis is not so essential as that gnosis cannot still be gnosis even without this element4 ,but just as we can abstract it from the ,christian element1 so can we also go still further and regard even the ,jewish as not strictly an essential element of gnosis4' ,in another work 7,die drei ersten ,jahrhunderte1 p4 #afg1 #ast ed47 he expresses himself still more strongly to the same effect1 but the expressions are modified in the second edition4 ,footnote #bcg3 ,we may perhaps gather from the notices which are preserved that1 though the substantive was used with more or less precision even before contact with ,christianity to designate the superior illumination of these opinions1 the adjective was not distinctly applied to those who maintained them till somewhat later4 ,still it is possible that pre-,christian ,gnostics already so designated themselves4 ,hippolytus speaks of the ,naassenes or ,ophites as giving themselves this name2 ,hr4 v4 #f 1 2 comp4 #h1 #aa4 ,his language seems to imply 7though it is not explicit7 that they were the first to adopt the name4 ,the ,ophites were plainly among the earliest ,gnostic sects1 as the heathen element is still predominant in their teaching1 and their ,christianity seems to have been a later graft on their pagan theosophy2 but at what stage in their development they adopted the name does not appear4 ,irenus 7,hr4 i4 #be4 #f7 speaks of the name as affected especially by the ,carpocratians4 ,for the use of the substantive see #a ,cor4 viii4 #a1 xiii4 #b1 #h1 #a ,tim4 vi4 #bj1 and the note on ,col4 ii4 #c3 comp4 ,rev4 ii4 #bd 1 7as explained by the passage already quoted from ,hippol4 ,hr4 v4 #f2 see ,galatians1 p4 #bih1 note #c74 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,its alliance with ,judaism before ,christianity4 ,if then ,gnosticism was not an offspring of ,christianity1 but a direction of religious speculation which existed independently1 we are at liberty to entertain the question whether it did not form an alliance with ,judaism1 contemporaneously with or prior to its alliance with ,christianity4 ,there is at least no obstacle which bars such an investigation at the outset4 ,if this should prove to be the case1 then we have a combination which prepares the way for the otherwise strange phenomena presented in the ,epistle to the ,colossians4 ,sidenote3 ,the three sects of the ,jews4 ,those1 who have sought analogies to the three ,jewish sects among the philosophical schools of ,greece and ,rome1 have compared the ,sadducees to the ,epicureans1 the ,pharisees to the ,stoics1 and the ,essenes to the ,pythagoreans4 ,like all historical parallels1 this comparison is open to misapprehension3 but1 carefully guarded1 the illustration is pertinent and instructive4 ,sidenote3 ,sadduceeism1 purely negative4 ,with the ,sadducees we have no concern here4 ,whatever respect may be due to their attitude in the earlier stages of their history1 at the ,christian era at least they have ceased to deserve our sympathy2 for their position has become mainly negative4 ,they take their stand on denials--the denial of the existence of angels1 the denial of the resurrection of the dead1 the denial of a progressive development in the ,jewish ,church4 ,in these negative tendencies1 in the materialistic teaching of the sect1 and in the moral consequences to which it led1 a very rough resemblance to the ,epicureans will appear#bch4 ,footnote #bch3 ,the name ,epicureans seems to be applied to them even in the ,talmud2 see ,eisenmenger's ,entdecktes ,judenthum i4 pp4 #ie1 #fid sq42 comp4 ,keim ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara i4 p4 #bha4 ,sidenote3 ,phariseeism and ,essenism compared4 ,the two positive sects were the ,pharisees and the ,essenes4 ,both alike were strict observers of the ritual law2 but1 while the ,pharisee was essentially practical1 the tendency of the ,essene was to mysticism2 while the ,pharisee was a man of the world1 the ,essene was a member of a brotherhood4 ,in this respect the ,stoic and the ,pythagorean were the nearest counterparts which the history of ,greek philosophy and social life could offer4 ,these analogies indeed are suggested by ,josephus himself#bci4 ,footnote #bci3 ,for the ,pharisees see ,vit4 #b ' 3 for the ,essenes1 ,ant4 xv4 #aj4 #d ' 4 ,sidenote3 ,elusive features of ,essenism4 ,while the portrait of the ,pharisee is distinctly traced and easily recognised1 this is not the case with the ,essene4 ,the ,essene is the great enigma of ,hebrew history4 ,admired alike by ,jew1 by ,heathen1 and by ,christian1 he yet remains a dim vague outline1 on which the highest subtlety of successive critics has been employed to supply a substantial form and an adequate colouring4 ,an ascetic mystical dreamy recluse1 he seems too far removed from the hard experience of life to be capable of realisation4 ,sidenote3 ,a sufficiently distinct portrait of the sect attainable4 ,and yet by careful use of the existing materials the portrait of this sect may be so far restored1 as to establish with a reasonable amount of probability the point with which alone we are here concerned4 ,it will appear from the delineations of ancient writers1 more especially of ,philo and ,josephus1 that the characteristic feature of ,essenism was a particular direction of mystic speculation1 involving a rigid asceticism as its practical consequence4 ,following the definition of ,gnosticism which has been already given1 we may not unfitly call this tendency ,gnostic4 ,sidenote3 ,main features of ,essenism4 ,having anticipated the results in this statement1 ,i shall now endeavour to develope the main features of ,essenism2 and1 while doing so1 ,i will ask my readers to bear in mind the portrait of the ,colossian heresy in ,st ,paul1 and to mark the resemblances1 as the enquiry proceeds#bdj4 ,footnote #bdj3 ,the really important contemporary sources of information respecting the ,essenes are ,,josephus1 ,bell4 ,jud4 ii4 #h4 #b-ac1 ,ant4 xiii4 #e4 #i1 xviii4 #a4 #e1 ,vit4 #b 7with notices of individual ,essenes ,bell4 ,jud4 i4 #c4 #e1 ii4 #g4 #c1 ii4 #bj4 #d1 iii4 #b4 #a1 ,ant4 xiii4 #aa4 #b1 xv4 #aj4 #d1 #e72 and ,,philo1 ,quod omnis probus liber #ab sq4 7,,ii4 p4 #deg sq471 ,apol4 pro ,jud4 7,,ii4 p4 #fcb sq41 a fragment quoted by ,eusebius ,prp4 ,evang4 viii4 #aa 74 ,the account of the ,therapeutes by the latter writer1 de ,vita ,contemplativa 7,,ii4 p4 #dga sq471 must also be consulted1 as describing a closely allied sect4 ,to these should be added the short notice of ,,pliny1 ,n4,h4 v4 #ae4 #ag1 as expressing the views of a ,roman writer4 ,his account1 we may conjecture1 was taken from ,alexander ,polyhistor1 a contemporary of ,sulla1 whom he mentions in his prefatory elenchus as one of his authorities for this #eth book1 and who wrote a work ,on the ,jews 7,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 i4 #ba1 p4 #cif1 ,euseb4 ,prp4 ,ev4 ix4 #ag74 ,significant mention of the ,essenes is found also in the ,christian ,,hegesippus 7,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bb7 and in the heathen ,,dion ,,chrysostom 7,synesius ,dion #c1 p4 #ci74 ,,epiphanius 7,hr4 pp4 #bh sq41 #dj sq47 discusses two separate sects1 which he calls ,essenes and ,ossans respectively4 ,these are doubtless different names of the same persons4 ,his account is1 as usual1 confused and inaccurate1 but has a certain value4 ,all other authorities are secondary4 ,,hippolytus1 ,hr4 ix4 #ah-bh1 follows ,josephus 7,bell4 ,jud4 ii4 #h4 #b sq47 almost exclusively4 ,,porphyry also 7de ,abstinentia1 iv4 ,,ii sq47 copies this same passage of ,josephus1 with a few unimportant exceptions probably taken from a lost work by the same author1 1 which he mentions by name4 ,,eusebius 7,prp4 ,evang4 viii4 ,,ii sq41 ix4 #c7 contents himself with quoting ,philo and ,porphyry4 ,,solinus 7,polyh4 xxxv4 #i sq47 merely abstracts ,pliny4 ,,talmudical and ,,rabbinical passages1 supposed to contain references to the ,essenes1 are collected by ,frankel in the articles mentioned in a later paragraph2 but the allusions are most uncertain 7see the appendix to this chapter74 ,the authorities for the history of the ,essenes are the subject of an article by ,w4 ,clemens in the ,zeitschr4 f4 ,wiss4 ,theol4 #ahfi1 p4 #cbh sq4 ,the attack on the genuineness of ,philo's treatise ,de ,vita ,contemplativa made by ,grtz 7,,iii4 p4 #dfc sq47 has been met by ,zeller 7,philosophie1 ,,iii4 ii4 p4 #bee sq471 whose refutation is complete4 ,the attack of the same writer 7,,iii4 p4 #dfd7 on the genuineness of the treatise ,quod omnis probus liber ,zeller considers too frivolous to need refuting 7ib4 p4 #bce74 ,a refutation will be found in the above-mentioned article of ,w4 ,clemens 7p4 #cdj sq474 ,of modern writings relating to the ,essenes the following may be especially mentioned2 ,,bellermann ,ueber ,esser u4 ,therapeuten1 ,berlin #ahba2 ,,gfr,,rer ,philo ,,ii4 p4 #bii sq42 ,d,,hne ,ersch u4 ,gruber's ,encyklopdie s4v42 ,,frankel ,zeitschrift fr die religisen ,interessen des ,judenthums #ahdf p4 #dda sq41 ,monatschrift fr ,geschichte u4 ,wissenschaft des ,judenthums #ahec p4 #cj sq41 #fa sq42 ,b,,ttger,ueber den ,orden der ,esser1 ,dresden #ahdi2 ,,ewald ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel ,,iv4 p4 #dbj sq41 ,,vii4 p4 #aec sq42 ,,ritschl ,entstehung der ,altkatholischen ,kirche p4 #agi sq4 7ed4 #b1 #aheg71 and ,theologische ,jahrbcher #ahee1 p4 #cae sq42 ,,jost ,geschichte des ,judenthums ,i4 p4 #bjg sq42 ,,graetz ,geschichte der ,juden ,,iii4 p4 #gi sq41 #dfc sq4 7ed4 #b1 #ahfc72 ,,hilgenfeld ,jdische ,apocalyptik p4 #bde sq41 and ,zeitschr4 f4 ,wiss4 ,theol4 ,x4 p4 #ig sq41 ,,xi4 p4 #cdc sq41 ,,xiv4 p4 #cj sq42 ,,westcott ,smith's ,dictionary of the ,bible s4v42 ,,ginsburg ,the ,essenes1 ,london #ahfd1 and in ,kitto's ,cyclopdia s4v42 ,,derenbourg ,l',histoire et la ,gographie de la ,palestine p4 #aff sq41 #dfj sq42 ,,keim ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara ,i4 p4 #bhb sq42 ,,hausrath ,neutestamentliche ,zeitgeschichte ,i4 p4 #acc sq42 ,,lipsius ,schenkel's ,bibel ,lexikon s4v42 ,,herzfeld ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel ,,ii4 #cfh sq41 #chh sq41 #eji sq4 7ed4 #b1 #ahfc72 ,,zeller ,philosophie der ,griechen ,,iii4 #b4 p4 #bcd sq4 7ed4 #b1 #ahfh72 ,,langen ,judenthum in ,palstina p4 #aij sq42 ,l,,wy ,kritisch-talmudisches ,lexicon s4v4 7,wien #ahfc72 ,,weiss ,zur ,geschichte der jdischen ,tradition p4 #abj sq4 7,wien74 ,the ,judaic element is especially prominent in the life and teaching of the sect4 ,the ,essene was exceptionally rigorous in his observance of the ,mosaic ritual4 ,in his strict abstinence ,sidenote3 ,observance of the ,mosaic law4 from work on the sabbath he far surpassed all the other ,jews4 ,he would not light a fire1 would not move a vessel1 would not perform even the most ordinary functions of life#bda4 ,the whole day was given up to religious exercises and to exposition of the ,scriptures#bdb4 ,his respect for the law extended also to the law-giver4 ,after ,god1 the name of ,moses was held in the highest reverence4 ,he who blasphemed his name was punished with death#bdc4 ,in all these points the ,essene was an exaggeration1 almost a caricature1 of the ,pharisee4 ,footnote #bda3 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #i 444 1 1 ' 444 ,hippolytus 7,hr4 ix4 #be7 adds that some of them do not so much as leave their beds on this day4 ,footnote #bdb3 ,philo ,quod omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab4 ,of the ,therapeutes see ,philo ,vit4 ,cont4 #c1 #d4 ,footnote #bdc3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #i ' 1 7i4e4 71 3 comp4 #aj4 ,sidenote3 ,external elements superadded4 ,so far the ,essene has not departed from the principles of normal ,judaism2 but here the divergence begins4 ,in three main points we trace the working of influences1 which must have been derived from external sources4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,rigid asceticism1 in respect to #a4 ,to the legalism of the ,pharisee1 the ,essene added an asceticism1 which was peculiarly his own1 and which in many respects contradicted the tenets of the other sect4 ,the honourable1 and even exaggerated1 estimate of marriage1 which was characteristic of the ,jew1 and of the ,pharisee as the typical ,jew1 found no favour with the ,essene#bdd4 ,sidenote3 marriage1,marriage was to him an abomination4 ,those ,essenes who lived together as members of an order1 and in whom the principles of the sect were carried to their logical consequences1 eschewed it altogether4 ,to secure the continuance of their brotherhood they adopted children1 whom they brought up in the doctrines and practices of the community4 ,there were others however who took a different view4 ,they accepted marriage1 as necessary for the preservation of the race4 ,yet even with them it seems to have been regarded only as an inevitable evil4 ,they fenced it off by stringent rules1 demanding a three years' probation and enjoining various purificatory rites#bde4 ,the conception of marriage1 as quickening and educating the affections and thus exalting and refining human life1 was wholly foreign to their minds4 ,woman was a mere instrument of temptation in their eyes1 deceitful1 faithless1 selfish1 jealous1 misled and misleading by her passions4 ,footnote #bdd3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #b ' 444 1 ,ant4 xviii4 #a4 #e2 ,philo ,fragm4 p4 #fcc 1 1 with more to the same purpose4 ,this peculiarity astonished the heathen ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 v4 #ae1 #8gens sola et in toto orbe prter ceteros mira1 sine ulla femina1 venere abdicata4444 ,in diem ex quo convenarum turba renascitur large frequentantibus4444 ,ita per sculorum millia 7incredibile dictu7 gens terna est1 in qua nemo nascitur4 ,tam fcunda illis aliorum vit pnitentia est4' ,footnote #bde3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #ac4 ,josephus speaks of these as 1 1 4 ,we may suppose that they corresponded to the third order of a ,benedictine or ,franciscan brotherhood2 so that1 living in the world1 they would observe the rule up to a certain point1 but would not be bound by vows of celibacy or subject to the more rigorous discipline of the sect4 ,sidenote3 meats and drinks1 ,but their ascetic tendencies did not stop here4 ,the ,pharisee was very careful to observe the distinction of meats lawful and unlawful1 as laid down by the ,mosaic code1 and even rendered these ordinances vexatious by minute definitions of his own4 ,but the ,essene went far beyond him4 ,he drank no wine1 he did not touch animal food4 ,his meal consisted of a piece of bread and a single mess of vegetables4 ,even this simple fare was prepared for him by special officers consecrated for the purpose1 that it might be free from all contamination#bdf4 ,nay1 so stringent were the rules of the order on this point1 that when an ,essene was excommunicated1 he often died of starvation1 being bound by his oath not to take food prepared by defiled hands1 and thus being reduced to eat the very grass of the field#bdg4 ,footnote #bdf3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #e2 see ,philo's account of the ,therapeutes1 ,vit4 ,cont4 #d 1 1 2 and again more to the same effect in #i3 and compare the ,essene story of ,st ,james in ,hegesippus 7,euseb4 ,h4,e4 ii4 #bc7 1 4 ,their abstention from animal food accounts for ,porphyry's giving them so prominent a place in his treatise3 see ,zeller1 p4 #bdc4 ,footnote #bdg3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #h4 ,sidenote3 and oil for anointing4 ,again1 in hot climates oil for anointing the body is almost a necessary of life4 ,from this too the ,essenes strictly abstained4 ,even if they were accidentally smeared1 they were careful at once to wash themselves1 holding the mere touch to be a contamination#bdh4 ,footnote #bdh3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #c 4442 ,hegesippus l4c4 4 ,sidenote3 ,underlying principle of this asceticism4 ,from these facts it seems clear that ,essene abstinence was something more than the mere exaggeration of ,pharisaic principles4 ,the rigour of the ,pharisee was based on his obligation of obedience to an absolute external law4 ,the ,essene introduced a new principle4 ,he condemned in any form the gratification of the natural cravings1 nor would he consent to regard it as moral or immoral only according to the motive which suggested it or the consequences which flowed from it4 ,it was in itself an absolute evil4 ,he sought to disengage himself1 as far as possible1 from the conditions of physical life4 ,in short1 in the asceticism of the ,essene we seem to see the germ of that ,gnostic dualism which regards matter as the principle1 or at least the abode1 of evil4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,speculative tenets4 #b4 ,and1 when we come to investigate the speculative tenets of the sect1 we shall find that the ,essenes have diverged appreciably from the common type of ,jewish orthodoxy4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,tendency to sun-worship4 7i7 ,attention was directed above to their respect for ,moses and the ,mosaic law1 which they shared in common with the ,pharisee4 ,but there was another side to their theological teaching4 ,though our information is somewhat defective1 still in the scanty notices which are preserved we find sufficient indications that they had absorbed some foreign elements of religious thought into their system4 ,thus at day-break they addressed certain prayers1 which had been handed down from their forefathers1 to the ,sun1 #8as if entreating him to rise#bdi4' ,they were careful also to conceal and bury all polluting substances1 so as not #8to insult the rays of the god#bej4' ,we cannot indeed suppose that they regarded the sun as more than a symbol of the unseen power who gives light and life2 but their outward demonstrations of reverence were sufficiently prominent to attach to them1 or to a sect derived from them1 the epithet of #8,sun-worshippers#bea1' and some connexion with the characteristic feature of ,parsee devotion at once suggests itself4 ,the practice at all events stands in strong contrast to the denunciations of worship paid to the #8hosts of heaven' in the ,hebrew prophets4 ,footnote #bdi3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #e 1 1 4 ,compare what ,philo says of the ,therapeutes1 ,vit4 ,cont4 #c 1 1 and ib4 #aa4 ,on the attempt of ,frankel 7,zeitschr4 p4 #deh7 to resolve this worship1 which ,josephus states to be offered to the sun 7 71 into the ordinary prayers of the ,pharisaic ,jew at day-break1 see the appendix to this chapter4 ,footnote #bej3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #i 4 ,there can be no doubt1 ,i think1 that by is meant the #8sun-god'2 comp4 ,eur4 ,heracl4 #gdi 1 ,alc4 #gbb 1 ,appian ,prf4 #i 1 ,lib4 #aac 1 ,civ4 iv4 #gi 3 comp4 ,herod4 ii4 #bd4 ,dr ,ginsburg has obliterated this very important touch by translating #8the ,divine rays' 7,essenes p4 #dg74 ,it is a significant fact that ,hippolytus 7,hr4 ix4 #be7 omits the words 1 evidently regarding them as a stumbling-block4 ,how ,josephus expressed himself in the original ,hebrew of the ,bellum ,judaicum1 it is vain to speculate3 but the ,greek translation was authorised1 if not made1 by him4 ,footnote #bea3 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xix4 #b1 xx4 #c 1 liii4 #a1 #b 1 from the ,hebrew #8the sun4' ,the historical connexion of the ,sampsans with the ,essenes is evident from these passages3 though it is difficult to say what their precise relations to each other were4 ,see the appendix4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,resurrection of the body denied4 7ii7 ,nor again is it an insignificant fact that1 while the ,pharisee maintained the resurrection of the body as a cardinal article of his faith1 the ,essene restricted himself to a belief in the immortality of the soul4 ,the soul1 he maintained1 was confined in the flesh1 as in a prison-house4 ,only when disengaged from these fetters would it be truly free4 ,then it would soar aloft1 rejoicing in its newly attained liberty#beb4 ,this doctrine accords with the fundamental conception of the malignity of matter4 ,to those who held this conception a resurrection of the body would be repulsive1 as involving a perpetuation of evil4 ,footnote #beb3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #aa ' 1 1 444 1 1 444 ,to this doctrine the teaching of the ,pharisees stands in direct contrast2 ib4 #ac3 comp4 also ,ant4 xviii4 #a4 #c1 #e4 ,nothing can be more explicit than the language of ,josephus4 ,on the other hand ,hippolytus 7,hr4 ix4 #bg7 says of them 4442 but his authority is worthless on this point1 as he can have had no personal knowledge of the facts3 see ,zeller p4 #bea1 note #b4 ,hilgenfeld takes a different view2 ,zeitschr4 ,,xiv4 p4 #di4 ,sidenote3 7iii7 ,prohibition of sacrifices4 7iii7 ,but they also separated themselves from the religious belief of the orthodox ,jew in another respect1 which would provoke more notice4 ,while they sent gifts to the temple at ,jerusalem1 they refused to offer sacrifices there#bec4 ,it would appear that the slaughter of animals was altogether forbidden by their creed#bed4 ,it is certain that they were afraid of contracting some ceremonial impurity by offering victims in the temple4 ,meanwhile they had sacrifices1 bloodless sacrifices1 of their own4 ,they regarded their simple meals with their accompanying prayers and thanksgiving1 not only as devotional but even as sacrificial rites4 ,those who prepared and presided over these meals were their consecrated priests#bee4 ,footnote #bec3 ,ant4 xviii4 #a4 #e 1 1 ' ' 4 ,so ,philo ,quod omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab describes them as ' 4 ,footnote #bed3 ,the following considerations show that their abstention should probably be explained in this way3 7#a7 ,though the language of ,josephus may be ambiguous1 that of ,philo is unequivocal on this point2 7#b7 ,their abstention from the temple-sacrifices cannot be considered apart from the fact that they ate no animal food3 see above p4 #hf1 note #bdf4 7#c7 ,the ,christianized ,essenes1 or ,ebionites1 though strong ,judaizers in many respects1 yet distinctly protested against the sacrifice of animals2 see ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #de1 #eb1 and comp4 ,ritschl p4 #bbd4 ,on this subject see also ,zeller p4 #bdb sq41 and the appendix to this chapter4 ,footnote #bee3 ,ant4 xviii4 #a4 #e 1 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e 4442 see ,ritschl p4 #aha4 ,sidenote3 7iv7 ,esoteric doctrine of angels4 7iv7 ,in what other respects they may have departed from1 or added to1 the normal creed of ,judaism1 we do not know4 ,but it is expressly stated that1 when a novice after passing through the probationary stages was admitted to the full privileges of the order1 the oath of admission bound him #8to conceal nothing from the members of the sect1 and to report nothing concerning them to others1 even though threatened with death2 not to communicate any of their doctrines to anyone otherwise than as he himself had received them2 but to abstain from robbery1 and in like manner to guard carefully the books of their sect1 and the names of the angels#bef4' ,it may be reasonably supposed that more lurks under this last expression than meets the ear4 ,this esoteric doctrine1 relating to angelic beings1 may have been another link which attached ,essenism to the religion of ,zoroaster#beg4 ,at all events we seem to be justified in connecting it with the self-imposed service and worshipping of angels at ,coloss3 and we may well suspect that we have here a germ which was developed into the ,gnostic doctrine of ons or emanations4 ,footnote #bef3 ,b4,j4 l4c4 #g 444 1 4 4 ,with this notice should be compared the ,ebionite 1 or protest of initiation1 prefixed to the ,clementine ,homilies1 which shows how closely the ,christian ,essenes followed the practice of their ,jewish predecessors in this respect4 ,see ,zeller p4 #bed4 ,footnote #beg3 ,see below1 in the appendix4 ,sidenote3 7v7 ,speculations on ,god and ,creation4 7v7 ,if so1 it is not unconnected with another notice relating to ,essene peculiarities4 ,the ,gnostic doctrine of intermediate beings between ,god and the world1 as we have seen1 was intimately connected with speculations respecting creation4 ,now we are specially informed that the ,essenes1 while leaving physical studies in general to speculative idlers 771 as being beyond the reach of human nature1 yet excepted from their general condemnation that philosophy which treats of the existence of ,god and the generation of the universe#beh4 ,footnote #beh3 ,philo ,omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab 7p4 #deh7 1 4 ,sidenote3 7vi7 ,magical charms4 7vi7 ,mention has been made incidentally of certain secret books peculiar to the sect4 ,the existence of such an apocryphal literature was a sure token of some abnormal development in doctrine#bei4 ,in the passage quoted it is mentioned in relation to some form of angelology4 ,elsewhere their skill in prediction1 for which they were especially famous1 is connected with the perusal of certain #8sacred books1' which however are not described#bfj4 ,but more especially1 we are told that the ,essenes studied with extraordinary diligence the writings of the ancients1 selecting those especially which could be turned to profit for soul and body1 and that from these they learnt the qualities of roots and the properties of stones#bfa4 ,this expression1 as illustrated by other notices1 points clearly to the study of occult sciences1 and recalls the alliance with the practice of magical arts1 which was a distinguishing feature of ,gnosticism1 and is condemned by ,christian teachers even in the heresies of the ,apostolic age4 ,footnote #bei3 ,the word ,apocrypha was used originally to designate the secret books which contained the esoteric doctrine of a sect4 ,the secondary sense #8spurious' was derived from the general character of these writings1 which were heretical1 generally ,gnostic1 forgeries4 ,see ,prof4 ,plumptre's article ,apocrypha in ,smith's ,dictionary of the ,bible1 and the note on below1 ii4 #c4 ,footnote #bfj3 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #ab 1 1 1 4 ,dr ,ginsburg 7p4 #di7 translates #8the sacred ,scripture1' and #8the sayings of the prophets'2 but as the definite articles are wanting1 the expressions cannot be so rendered1 nor does there seem to be any reference to the ,canonical writings4 ,we learn from an anecdote in ,ant4 xiii4 ,,ii4 #b1 that the teachers of this sect communicated the art of prediction to their disciples by instruction4 ,we may therefore conjecture that with the ,essenes this acquisition was connected with magic or astrology4 ,at all events it is not treated as a direct inspiration4 ,footnote #bfa3 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #f 1 4 ,this passage might seem at first sight to refer simply to the medicinal qualities of vegetable and mineral substances2 but a comparison with another notice in ,josephus invests it with a different meaning4 ,in ,ant4 viii4 #b4 #e he states that ,solomon1 having received by divine inspiration the art of defeating demons for the advantage and healing of man 7 71 composed and left behind him charms 77 by which diseases were allayed1 and diverse kinds of exorcisms 7 7 by which demons were cast out4 #8,this mode of healing1' he adds1 #8is very powerful even to the present day'2 and he then relates how1 as he was credibly informed 771 one of his countrymen1 ,eleazar by name1 had healed several persons possessed by demons in the presence of ,vespasian and his sons and a number of officers and common soldiers4 ,this he did by applying to the nose of the possessed his ring1 which had concealed in it one of the roots which ,solomon had directed to be used1 and thus drawing out the demon through the nostrils of the person smelling it4 ,at the same time he adjured the evil spirit not to return1 #8making mention of ,solomon and repeating the charms composed by him4' ,on one occasion this ,eleazar gave ocular proof that the demon was exorcized2 and thus1 adds ,josephus1 4 ,on these books relating to the occult arts and ascribed to ,solomon see ,fabricius ,cod4 ,pseud4 ,vet4 ,test4 ,i4 p4 #ajcf sq41 where many curious notices are gathered together4 ,comp4 especially ,origen1 ,in ,matth4 ,comm4 xxxv4 #aaj 7,,iii4 p4 #iaj71 ,pseudo-,just4 ,qust4 #ee4 ,this interpretation explains all the expressions in the passage4 ,the naturally points to the use of charms or amulets1 as may be seen e4g4 from the treatise1 ,damigeron de ,lapidibus1 printed in the ,spicil4 ,solemn4 ,,iii4 p4 #cbd sq43 comp4 ,king ,antique ,gems ,sect4 ,,iv1 ,gnostics and their ,remains4 ,the reference to #8the books of the ancients' thus finds an adequate explanation4 ,on the other hand the only expression which seemed to militate against this view1 1 is justified by the story in the ,antiquities4 ,it should be added also that ,hippolytus 7,hr4 ix4 #bb7 paraphrases the language of ,josephus so as to give it this sense2 1 1 4 ,the sense which 7#8curiosus'7 bears in ,acts xix4 #ai and elsewhere1 referring to magical arts1 illustrates its use here4 ,thus these ,essenes were dealers in charms1 rather than physicians4 ,and yet it is quite possible that along with this practice of the occult sciences they studied the healing art in its nobler forms4 ,the works of ,alexander of ,tralles1 an eminent ancient physician1 constantly recommend the use of such charms1 of which some obviously come from a ,jewish source and not improbably may have been taken from these ,solomonian books to which ,josephus refers4 ,a number of passages from this and other writers1 specifying charms of various kinds1 are given in ,becker and ,marquardt ,rom4 ,alterth4 ,,iv4 p4 #aaf sq4 ,see also ,spencer's note on ,orig4 c4 ,cels4 p4 #ag sq4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,exclusive spirit of ,essenism4 #c4 ,but the notice to which ,i have just alluded suggests a broader affinity with ,gnosticism4 ,not only did the theological speculations of the ,essenes take a ,gnostic turn1 but they guarded their peculiar tenets with ,gnostic reserve4 ,they too had their esoteric doctrine which they looked upon as the exclusive possession of the privileged few2 their #8mysteries' which it was a grievous offence to communicate to the uninitiated4 ,this doctrine was contained1 as we have seen1 in an apocryphal literature4 ,their whole organisation was arranged so as to prevent the divulgence of its secrets to those without4 ,the long period of noviciate1 the careful rites of initiation1 the distinction of the several orders#bfb in the community1 the solemn oaths by which they bound their members1 were so many safeguards against a betrayal of this precious deposit1 which they held to be restricted to the inmost circle of the brotherhood4 ,footnote #bfb3 ,see especially ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g1 #aj4 ,sidenote3 ,the three notes of ,gnosticism found in the ,essenes4 ,in selecting these details ,i have not attempted to give a finished portrait of ,essenism4 ,from this point of view the delineation would be imperfect and misleading3 for ,i have left out of sight the nobler features of the sect1 their courageous endurance1 their simple piety1 their brotherly love4 ,my object was solely to call attention to those features which distinguish it from the normal type of ,judaism1 and seem to justify the attribution of ,gnostic influences4 ,and here it has been seen that the three characteristics1 which were singled out above as distinctive of ,gnosticism1 reappear in the ,essenes2 though it has been convenient to consider them in the reversed order4 ,this ,jewish sect exhibits the same exclusiveness in the communication of its doctrines4 ,its theological speculations take the same direction1 dwelling on the mysteries of creation1 regarding matter as the abode of evil1 and postulating certain intermediate spiritual agencies as necessary links of communication between heaven and earth4 ,and lastly1 its speculative opinions involve the same ethical conclusions1 and lead in like manner to a rigid asceticism4 ,if the notices relating to these points do not always explain themselves1 yet read in the light of the heresies of the ,apostolic age and in that of subsequent ,judo-,gnostic ,christianity1 their bearing seems to be distinct enough2 so that we should not be far wrong1 if we were to designate ,essenism as ,gnostic ,judaism#bfc4 ,footnote #bfc3 ,i have said nothing of the ,cabbala1 as a development of ,jewish thought illustrating the ,colossian heresy3 because the books containing the ,cabbalistic speculations are comparatively recent1 and if they contain ancient elements1 it seems impossible to separate these from later additions or to assign to them even an approximate date4 ,the ,cabbalistic doctrine however will serve to show to what extent ,judaism may be developed in the direction of speculative mysticism4 ,sidenote3 ,how widely were the ,essenes dispersed8 ,but the ,essenes of whom historical notices are preserved were inhabitants of the ,holy ,land4 ,their monasteries were situated on the shores of the ,dead ,sea4 ,we are told indeed1 that the sect was not confined to any one place1 and that members of the order were found in great numbers in divers cities and villages#bfd4 ,but ,juda in one notice1 ,palestine and ,syria in another1 are especially named as the localities of the ,essene settlements#bfe4 ,have we any reason to suppose that they were represented among the ,jews of the ,dispersion8 ,in ,egypt indeed we find ourselves confronted with a similar ascetic sect1 the ,therapeutes1 who may perhaps have had an independent origin1 but who nevertheless exhibit substantially the same type of ,jewish thought and practice#bff4 ,but the ,dispersion of ,egypt1 it may be argued1 was exceptional2 and we might expect to find here organisations and developments of ,judaism hardly less marked and various than in the mother country4 ,sidenote3 ,do they appear in ,asia ,minor8 ,what ground have we for assuming the existence of this type in ,asia ,minor8 ,do we meet with any traces of it in the cities of the ,lycus1 or in proconsular ,asia generally1 which would justify the opinion that it might make its influence felt in the ,christian communities of that district8 ,footnote #bfd3 ,philo ,fragm4 p4 #fcb 1 1 2 ,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #d 1 ' 4 ,on the notices of the settlements and dispersion of the ,essenes see ,zeller p4 #bci4 ,footnote #bfe3 ,philo names ,juda in ,fragm4 p4 #fcb2 ,palestine and ,syria in ,quod omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab p4 #deg4 ,their chief settlements were in the neighbourhood of the ,dead ,sea4 ,this fact is mentioned by the heathen writers ,pliny 7,n4,h4 v4 #ae7 and ,dion ,chrysostom 7,synesius ,dio #c74 ,the name of the #8,essene gate' at ,jerusalem 7,b4,j4 v4 #d4 #b7 seems to point to some establishment of the order close to the walls of that city4 ,footnote #bff3 ,they are only known to us from ,philo's treatise de ,vita ,contemplativa4 ,their settlements were on the shores of the ,mareotic lake near ,alexandria4 ,unlike the ,essenes1 they were not gathered together in convents as members of a fraternity1 but lived apart as anchorites1 though in the same neighbourhood4 ,in other respects their tenets and practices are very similar to those of the ,essenes4 ,sidenote3 ,how the term ,essene is to be understood4 ,now it has been shown that the colonies of the ,jews in this neighbourhood were populous and influential#bfg2 and it might be argued with great probability that among these large numbers ,essene ,judaism could not be unrepresented4 ,but indeed throughout this investigation1 when ,i speak of the ,judaism in the ,colossian ,church as ,essene1 ,i do not assume a precise identity of origin1 but only an essential affinity of type1 with the ,essenes of the mother country4 ,as a matter of history1 it may or may not have sprung from the colonies on the shores of the ,dead ,sea2 but as this can neither be proved nor disproved1 so also it is immaterial to my main ,sidenote3 ,probabilities of the case4 purpose4 ,all along its frontier1 wherever ,judaism became enamoured of and was wedded to ,oriental mysticism1 the same union would produce substantially the same results4 ,in a country where ,phrygia1 ,persia1 ,syria1 all in turn had moulded religious thought1 it would be strange indeed if ,judaism entirely escaped these influences4 ,nor1 as a matter of fact1 are indications wanting to show that it was not unaffected ,sidenote3 ,direct indications4 by them4 ,if the traces are few1 they are at least as numerous and as clear as with our defective information on the whole subject we have any right to expect in this particular instance4 ,footnote #bfg3 ,see above1 p4 #ai sq4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul at ,ephesus ,a4,d4 #ed-eg4 ,when ,st ,paul visits ,ephesus1 he comes in contact with certain strolling ,jews1 exorcists1 who attempt to cast out evil spirits#bfh4 ,connecting this fact with the notices of ,josephus1 from which we infer that exorcisms of this kind were especially ,sidenote3 ,exorcisms and practised by the ,essenes#bfi1 we seem to have an indication of their presence in the capital of proconsular ,asia4 ,if so1 it is a significant fact that in their exorcisms they employed the name of our ,lord3 for then we must regard this as the earliest notice of those overtures of alliance on the part of ,essenism1 which involved such important consequences in the subsequent history of the ,church#bgj4 ,it is also worth observing1 that the next incident in ,st ,luke's narrative is the burning ,sidenote3 magical books4 of their magical books by those whom ,st ,paul converted on this occasion#bga4 ,as ,jews are especially mentioned among these converts1 and as books of charms are ascribed to the ,essenes by ,josephus1 the two incidents1 standing in this close connexion1 throw great light on the type of ,judaism which thus appears at ,ephesus#bgb4 ,footnote #bfh3 ,acts xix4 #ac 4 ,footnote #bfi3 ,see above p4 #ia1 note #bfa4 ,footnote #bgj3 ,on the later contact of ,essenism with ,christianity1 see the appendix1 and ,galatians p4 #caj sq4 ,footnote #bga3 ,there is doubtless a reference to the charms called in this passage3 see ,wetstein ad loc41 and the references in ,becker and ,marquardt ,rm4 ,alterth4 ,,iv4 p4 #abc sq4 ,but this supposition does not exclude the ,jews from a share in these magical arts1 while the context points to some such participation4 ,footnote #bgb3 ,i can only regard it as an accidental coincidence that the epulones of the ,ephesian ,artemis were called ,essenes1 ,pausan4 viii4 #ac4 #a 1 3 see ,guhl ,ephesiaca #ajf sq4 ,the ,etymol4 ,magn4 has 3 1 and adds several absurd derivations of the word4 ,in the sense of #8a king' it is used by ,callimachus ,hymn4 ,jov4 #ff 4 ,it is probably not a ,greek word1 as other terms connected with the worship of the ,ephesian ,artemis 7e4g4 1 a ,persian word7 point to an oriental or at least a non-,greek origin2 and some have derived it from the ,aramaic chasin #8strong' or #8powerful4' ,but there is no sufficient ground for connecting it directly with the name of the sect or 1 as some writers are disposed to do 7e4g4 ,spanheim on ,callim4 l4c41 ,creuzer ,symbolik ,,iv4 pp4 #cdg1 #cdi72 though this view is favoured by the fact that certain ascetic practices were enjoined on these pagan #8,essenes4' ,sidenote3 ,sibylline ,oracle ,a4,d4 #hj4 ,somewhat later we have another notice which bears in the same direction4 ,the ,sibylline ,oracle1 which forms the fourth book in the existing collection1 is discovered by internal evidence to have been written about ,a4,d4 #hjbgc4 ,it is plainly a product of ,judaism1 but its ,judaism does not belong to the normal ,pharisaic type4 ,with ,essenism it rejects sacrifices1 even regarding the shedding of blood as a pollution#bgd1 and with ,essenism also it inculcates the duty of frequent washings#bge4 ,yet from other indications we are led to the conclusion1 that this poem was not written in the interests of ,essenism properly so called1 but represents some allied though independent development of ,judaism4 ,in some respects at all events its language seems quite inconsistent with the purer type of ,essenism#bgf4 ,but its general tendency is clear3 and of its locality there can hardly be a doubt4 ,the affairs of ,asia ,minor occupy a disproportionate space in the poet's description of the past and vision of the future4 ,the cities of the ,mander and its neighbourhood1 among these ,laodicea1 are mentioned with emphasis#bgg4 ,footnote #bgc3 ,its date is fixed by the following allusions4 ,the temple at ,jerusalem has been destroyed by ,titus 7vv4 #abb sq471 and the cities of ,campania have been overwhelmed in fire and ashes 7vv4 #abg sq474 ,nero has disappeared and his disappearance has been followed by bloody contests in ,rome 7vv4 #aaf sq472 but his return is still expected 7vv4 #acd sq474 ,footnote #bgd3 ,see vv4 #bg-cj 1 1 444 ,in an earlier passage vv4 #h sq4 it is said of ,god1 1 4 ,footnote #bge3 ver4 #afj 4 ,another point of contact with the ,essenes is the great stress on prayers before meals1 ver4 #bf 4 ,ewald 7,sibyll4 ,bcher p4 #df7 points also to the prominence of the words 1 1 7vv4 #bf1 #ce1 #db1 #de1 #acc1 #adh1 #aea1 #afb1 #afe1 #aha1 #ahc7 to designate the elect of ,god1 as tending in the same direction4 ,the force of this latter argument will depend mainly on the derivation which is given to the name ,essene4 ,see the appendix4 ,footnote #bgf3 ,thus for instance1 ,ewald 7l4c41 p4 #dg7 points to the tacit approval of marriage in ver4 #cc4 ,i hardly think however that this passage1 which merely condemns adultery1 can be taken to imply so much4 ,more irreconcilable with pure ,essenism is the belief in the resurrection of the body and the future life on earth1 which is maintained in vv4 #agf sq42 though ,hilgenfeld 7,zeitschr4 ,,xiv4 p4 #di7 does not recognise the difficulty4 ,see above p4 #hh4 ,this ,sibylline writer was perhaps rather a ,hemerobaptist than an ,essene4 ,on the relation of the ,hemerobaptists and ,essenes see the appendix4 ,alexandre1 ,orac4 ,sibyll4 7,,ii4 p4 #cbc71 says of this ,sibylline ,oracle1 #8,ipse liber haud dubie ,christianus est1' but there is nothing distinctly ,christian in its teaching4 ,footnote #bgg3 vv4 #ajf sq41 #ade sq42 see above p4 #dj1 note #aca4 ,it begins 4 ,sidenote3 ,phrygia and ,asia congenial to this type of religion4 ,and certainly the moral and intellectual atmosphere would not be unfavourable to the growth of such a plant4 ,the same district1 which in speculative philosophy had produced a ,thales and a ,heraclitus#bgh1 had developed in popular religion the worship of the ,phrygian ,cybele and ,sabazius and of the ,ephesian ,artemis#bgi4 ,cosmological speculation1 mystic theosophy1 religious fanaticism1 all had their home here4 ,associated with ,judaism or with ,christianity the natural temperament and the intellectual bias of the people would take a new direction2 but the old type would not be altogether obliterated4 ,phrygia reared the hybrid monstrosities of ,ophitism#bhj4 ,she was the mother of ,montanist enthusiasm#bha1 and the foster-mother of ,novatian rigorism#bhb4 ,the syncretist1 the mystic1 the devotee1 the puritan1 would find a congenial climate in these regions of ,asia ,minor4 ,footnote #bgh3 ,the exceptional activity of the forces of nature in these districts of ,asia ,minor may have directed the speculations of the ,ionic school towards physics1 and more especially towards cosmogony4 ,in ,heraclitus there is also a strong mystical element4 ,but besides such broader affinities1 ,i venture to call attention to special dicta of the two philosophers mentioned in the text1 which curiously recall the tenets of the ,judo-,gnostic teachers4 ,thales declared 7,diog4 ,laert4 i4 #bg7 1 or1 as reported by ,aristotle 7de ,an4 i4 #e1 p4 #daa71 4 ,in a recorded saying of ,heraclitus we have the very language of a ,gnostic teacher2 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 v4 #ac1 p4 #fii1 1 ' 4 ,see above pp4 #gg1 #ib4 ,footnote #bgi3 ,for the characteristic features of ,phrygian religious worship see ,steiger ,kolosser p4 #gj sq4 ,footnote #bhj3 ,the prominence1 which the ,phrygian mysteries and ,phrygian rites held in the syncretism of the ,ophites1 is clear from the account of ,hippolytus ,hr4 v4 #g sq4 ,indeed ,phrygia appears to have been the proper home of ,ophitism4 ,yet the admixture of ,judaic elements is not less obvious1 as their name ,naassene1 derived from the ,hebrew word for a serpent1 shows4 ,footnote #bha3 ,the name1 by which the ,montanists were commonly known in the early ages1 was the sect of the #8,phrygians'2 ,clem4 ,strom4 vii4 #ag1 p4 #ijj 1 7comp4 ,eus4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bg1 v4 #af1 ,hipp4 ,hr4 viii4 #ai1 x4 #be74 ,from 7or 7 7,eus4 ,h4,e4 ii4 #be1 v4 #af1 #ah1 vi4 #bj7 comes the solcistic ,latin name ,cataphryges4 ,footnote #bhb3 ,socrates 7iv4 #bh7 accounts for the spread of ,novatianism in ,phrygia by the of the ,phrygian temper4 ,if so1 it is a striking testimony to the power of ,christianity1 that under its influence the religious enthusiasm of the ,phrygians should have taken this direction1 and that they should have exchanged the fanatical orgiasm of their heathen worship for the rigid puritanism of the ,novatianist4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,previous results summed up4 ,it has thus been shown first1 that ,essene ,judaism was ,gnostic in its character2 and secondly1 that this type of ,jewish thought and practice had established itself in the ,apostolic age in those parts of ,asia ,minor with which we are more directly concerned4 ,it now remains to examine the heresy of the ,sidenote3 ,is the ,colossian heresy ,gnostic8 ,colossian ,church more nearly1 and to see whether it deserves the name1 which provisionally was given to it1 of ,gnostic ,judaism4 ,its ,judaism all will allow4 ,its claim to be regarded as ,gnostic will require a closer scrutiny4 ,and in conducting ,sidenote3 ,three notes of ,gnosticism4 this examination1 it will be convenient to take the three notes of ,gnosticism which have been already laid down1 and to enquire how far it satisfies these tests4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,intellectual exclusiveness4 #a4 ,it has been pointed out that ,gnosticism strove to establish1 or rather to preserve1 an intellectual oligarchy in religion4 ,it had its hidden wisdom1 its exclusive mysteries1 its privileged class4 ,now ,i think it will be evident1 that ,st ,paul in this epistle ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul contends for the universality of the ,gospel1 feels himself challenged to contend for the universality of the ,gospel4 ,this indeed is a characteristic feature of the ,apostle's teaching at all times1 and holds an equally prominent place in the epistles of an earlier date4 ,but the point to be observed is1 that the ,apostle1 in maintaining this doctrine1 has changed the mode of his defence2 and this fact suggests that there has been a change in the direction of the attack4 ,it is no longer against national exclusiveness1 but against intellectual exclusiveness1 that he contends4 ,his adversaries do not now plead ceremonial restrictions1 or at least do not plead these alone3 but they erect an artificial barrier of spiritual privilege1 even more fatal to the universal claims of the ,gospel1 because more specious and more insidious4 ,it is not now against ,jew as such1 but against the ,jew become ,gnostic1 that he fights the battle of liberty4 ,in other words2 it is not against ,christian ,pharisaism but against ,christian ,essenism that he defends his position4 ,only in the light of such an antagonism can we understand the emphatic iteration with which he claims to #8warn every man and teach every man in every wisdom1 that he may present ,sidenote3 against the pretentions of an aristocracy of intellect4 every man perfect in ,christ ,jesus#bhc4' ,it will be remembered that #8wisdom' in ,gnostic teaching was the exclusive possession of the few2 it will not be forgotten that #8perfection' was the term especially applied in their language to this privileged minority1 as contradistinguished from the common herd of believers2 and thus it will be readily understood why ,st ,paul should go on to say that this universality of the ,gospel is the one object of his contention1 to which all the energies of his life are directed1 and having done so1 should express his intense anxiety for the ,churches of ,coloss and the neighbourhood1 lest they should be led astray by a spurious wisdom to desert the true knowledge#bhd4 ,this danger also will enable us to appreciate a novel feature in another passage of the epistle4 ,while dwelling on the obliteration of all distinctions in ,christ1 he repeats his earlier contrasts1 #8,greek and ,jew1' #8circumcision and uncircumcision1' #8bondslave and free'2 but to these he adds new words which at once give a wider scope and a more immediate application to the lesson4 ,in ,christ the existence of #8barbarian' and even #8,scythian1' the lowest type of barbarian1 is extinguished#bhe4 ,as culture1 civilisation1 philosophy1 knowledge1 are no conditions of acceptance1 so neither is their absence any disqualification in the believer4 ,the aristocracy of intellectual discernment1 which ,gnosticism upheld in religion1 is abhorrent to the first principles of the ,gospel4 ,footnote #bhc3 i4 #bh 444 ,the reiteration has offended the scribes2 and the first is omitted in some copies1 the second in others4 ,for see the note on the passage4 ,footnote #bhd3 ,the connexion of the sentences should be carefully observed4 ,after the passage quoted in the last note comes the asseveration that this is the one object of the ,apostle's preaching 7i4 #bi7 4442 then the expression of concern on behalf of the ,colossians 7ii4 #a7 4442 then the desire that they may be brought 7ii4 #b7 1 2 then the definition of this mystery 7ii4 #b1 #c71 4442 then the warning against the false teachers 7ii4 #d7 444 ,footnote #bhe3 ,col4 iii4 #aa after the ,apostle adds 1 4 ,there is nothing corresponding to this in the parallel passage1 ,gal4 iii4 #bh4 ,sidenote3 ,he contrasts the true wisdom with the false1 ,hence also must be explained the frequent occurrence of the words #8wisdom' 771 #8intelligence' 771 #8knowledge' 771 #8perfect knowledge' 771 in this epistle#bhf4 ,st ,paul takes up the language of his opponents1 and translates it into a higher sphere4 ,the false teachers put forward a #8philosophy1' but it was only an empty deceit1 only a plausible display of false-reasoning#bhg4 ,they pretended #8wisdom1' but it was merely the profession1 not the reality#bhh4 ,against these pretentions the ,apostle sets the true wisdom of the ,gospel4 ,on its wealth1 its fulness1 its perfection1 he is never tired of dwelling#bhi4 ,the true wisdom1 he would argue1 is essentially spiritual and yet essentially definite2 while the false is argumentative1 is speculative1 ,sidenote3 and dwells on the veritable mystery4 is vague and dreamy#bij4 ,again they had their rites of initiation4 ,st ,paul contrasts with these the one universal1 comprehensive mystery#bia1 the knowledge of ,god in ,christ4 ,this mystery is complete in itself3 it contains #8all the treasures of wisdom and of knowledge hidden' in it#bib4 ,moreover it is offered to all without distinction3 though once hidden1 its revelation is unrestricted1 except by the waywardness and disobedience of men4 ,the esoteric spirit of ,gnosticism finds no countenance in the ,apostle's teaching4 ,footnote #bhf3 ,for see i4 #i1 #bh1 ii4 #c1 iii4 #af1 iv4 #e2 for i4 #i1 ii4 #b2 for ii4 #c2 for i4 #i1 #aj1 ii4 #b1 iii4 #aj4 ,footnote #bhg3 ii4 #d 1 ii4 #h 4 ,footnote #bhh3 ii4 #bc 1 where the suggests the contrast of the suppressed clause4 ,footnote #bhi3 e4g4 i4 #i1 #bh1 iii4 #af 2 ii4 #b 4 ,for the #8wealth' of this knowledge compare i4 #bg1 ii4 #b1 iii4 #af2 and see above p4 #dd4 ,footnote #bij3 ii4 #d1 #ah4 ,footnote #bia3 i4 #bf1 #bg1 ii4 #b1 iv4 #c4 ,footnote #bib3 ii4 #b 4 ,for the meaning of see above p4 #ij1 and the note on the passage4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,speculative tenets4 ,cosmogony and theology4 #b4 ,from the informing spirit of ,gnosticism we turn to the speculative tenets--the cosmogony and the theology of the ,gnostic4 ,and here too the affinities to ,gnosticism reveal themselves in the ,colossian heresy4 ,we cannot fail to observe that the ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul attacks the doctrine of angelic mediators1 ,apostle has in view the doctrine of intermediate agencies1 regarded as instruments in the creation and government of the world4 ,though this tenet is not distinctly mentioned1 it is tacitly assumed in the teaching which ,st ,paul opposes to it4 ,against the philosophy of successive evolutions from the ,divine nature1 angelic mediators forming the successive links in the chain which binds the finite to the ,infinite1 he sets the doctrine ,sidenote3 setting against it the doctrine of the ,word ,incarnate1 of the one ,eternal ,son1 the ,word of ,god begotten before the worlds#bic4 ,the angelology of the heretics had a twofold bearing2 it was intimately connected at once with cosmogony and with religion4 ,correspondingly ,st ,paul represents the mediatorial function of ,christ as twofold3 it is exercised in the natural creation1 and it is exercised in the spiritual creation4 ,in both these spheres ,his initiative is absolute1 ,his control is universal1 ,his action is complete4 ,by ,his agency the world of matter was created and is sustained4 ,he is at once the beginning and the ,sidenote3 as the reconciler of heaven and earth4 end of the material universe2 #8,all things have been created through ,him and unto ,him4' ,nor is ,his office in the spiritual world less complete4 ,in the ,church1 as in the ,universe1 ,he is sole1 absolute1 supreme2 the primary source from which all life proceeds and the ultimate arbiter in whom all feuds are reconciled4 ,footnote #bic3 ,the two great ,christological passages are i4 #ae-bj1 ii4 #i-ae4 ,they will be found to justify the statements in this and the following paragraphs of the text4 ,for the meaning of individual expressions see the notes on the passages4 ,sidenote3 ,his relations to 7#a7 ,deity2 as ,god manifested4 ,on the one hand1 in relation to ,deity1 ,he is the visible image of the invisible ,god4 ,he is not only the chief manifestation of the ,divine nature3 ,he exhausts the ,godhead manifested4 ,in ,him resides the totality of the ,divine powers and attributes4 ,for this totality ,gnostic teachers had a technical ,sidenote3 ,the pleroma resides in ,him4 term1 the pleroma or plenitude#bid4 ,from the pleroma they supposed that all those agencies issued1 through which ,god has at any time exerted ,his power in creation1 or manifested ,his will through revelation4 ,these mediatorial beings would retain more or less of its influence1 according as they claimed direct parentage from it or traced their descent through successive evolutions4 ,but in all cases this pleroma was distributed1 diluted1 transformed and darkened by foreign admixture4 ,they were only partial and blurred images1 often deceptive caricatures1 of their original1 broken lights of the great central ,light4 ,it is not improbable that1 like later speculators of the same school1 they found a place somewhere or other in their genealogy of spiritual beings for the ,christ4 ,if so1 ,st ,paul's language becomes doubly significant4 ,but this hypothesis is not needed to explain its reference4 ,in contrast to their doctrine1 he asserts and repeats the assertion1 that the pleroma abides absolutely and wholly in ,christ as the ,word of ,god#bie4 ,the entire light is concentrated in ,him4 ,footnote #bid3 ,see the detached note on 4 ,footnote #bie3 i4 #ai 1 ii4 #i 4 ,sidenote3 7#b7 ,created things2 as absolute ,lord4 ,hence it follows that1 as regards created things1 ,his supremacy must be absolute4 ,in heaven as in earth1 over things immaterial as over things material1 ,he is king4 ,speculations on the nature of intermediate spiritual agencies--their names1 their ranks1 their offices--were rife in the schools of ,judo-,gnostic thought4 #8,thrones1 dominations1 princedoms1 virtues1 powers'-these formed part of the spiritual nomenclature which they had invented to describe different grades of angelic mediators4 ,without entering into these speculations1 the ,apostle asserts that ,christ is ,lord of all1 the highest and the lowest1 whatever rank they may hold and by whatever name they are called#bif1 for they are parts of creation and ,he is the source of creation4 ,through ,him they became1 and unto ,him they tend4 ,footnote #bif3 ,see especially i4 #af 4441 compared with the parallel passage in ,eph4 i4 #ba 444 ,compare also ii4 #aj 1 and ii4 #ae 444 ,sidenote3 ,angelolatry is therefore condemned ,hence the worship of angels1 which the false teachers inculcated1 was utterly wrong in principle4 ,the motive of this angelolatry it is not difficult to imagine4 ,there was a show of humility#big1 for there was a confession of weakness1 in this subservience to inferior mediatorial agencies4 ,it was held feasible to grasp at the lower links of the chain which bound earth to heaven1 when heaven itself seemed far beyond the reach of man4 ,the successive grades of intermediate beings were as successive steps1 by which man might mount the ladder leading up to the throne of ,god4 ,this carefully woven web of sophistry the ,apostle tears to shreds4 ,the doctrine of the false teachers was based on confident assumptions respecting angelic beings of whom they could know nothing4 ,it was moreover a denial of ,christ's twofold personality and ,his ,sidenote3 as a denial of ,his perfect mediation4 mediatorial office4 ,it follows from the true conception of ,christ's ,person1 that ,he and ,he alone can bridge over the chasm between earth and heaven2 for ,he is at once the lowest and the highest4 ,he raises up man to ,god1 for ,he brings down ,god to man4 ,thus the chain is reduced to a single link1 this link being the ,word made flesh4 ,as the pleroma resides in ,him1 so is it communicated to us through ,him#bih4 ,to substitute allegiance to any other spiritual mediator is to sever the connexion of the limbs with the ,head1 which is the centre of life and the mainspring of all energy throughout the body#cjj4 ,footnote #big3 ii4 #ah 444 ,footnote #bih3 ii4 #aj2 comp4 i4 #i4 ,footnote #cjj3 ii4 #ah4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,apostle's practical inference4 ,hence follows the practical conclusion1 that1 whatever is done1 must be done in the name of the ,lord#cja4 ,wives must submit to their husbands #8in the ,lord'3 children must obey their parents #8in the ,lord'3 servants must work for the masters as working #8unto the ,lord#cjb4' ,this iteration1 #8in the ,lord1' #8unto the ,lord1' is not an irrelevant form of words2 but arises as an immediate inference from the main idea which underlies the doctrinal portion of the epistle4 ,footnote #cja3 iii4 #ag4 ,footnote #cjb3 iii4 #ah1 #bj1 #bc4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,moral results of ,gnostic doctrine4 #c4 ,it has been shown that the speculative tenets of ,gnosticism might lead 7and as a matter of fact we know that they did lead7 to either of two practical extremes1 to rigid asceticism or to unbridled license4 ,the latter alternative appears to some extent in the heresy of the ,pastoral ,epistles#cjc1 and still more plainly in those of the ,catholic ,epistles#cjd and the ,apocalypse#cje4 ,it is constantly urged by ,catholic writers as a reproach against later ,gnostic sects#cjf4 ,footnote #cjc3 ,at least in #b ,tim4 iii4 #a-g1 where1 though the most monstrous developments of the evil were still future1 the ,apostle's language implies that it had already begun4 ,on the other hand in the picture of the heresy in #a ,tim4 iv4 #b the ascetic tendency still predominates4 ,footnote #cjd3 #b ,pet4 ii4 #aj sq41 ,jude #h4 ,footnote #cje3 ,apoc4 ii4 #ad1 #bj-bb4 ,footnote #cjf3 ,see the notes on ,clem4 ,rom4 ,ep4 ii4 #i4 ,sidenote3 ,asceticism of the ,colossian heresy ,but the former and nobler extreme was the first impulse of the ,gnostic4 ,to escape from the infection of evil by escaping from the domination of matter was his chief anxiety4 ,this appears very plainly in the ,colossian heresy4 ,though the prohibitions to which the ,apostle alludes might be explained in part by the ordinances of the ,mosaic ritual1 this explanation will not cover all the facts4 ,thus for instance drinks are mentioned as well as meats#cjg1 though on the former the law of ,moses is silent4 ,thus again the rigorous denunciation1 #8,touch not1 taste not1 handle not#cjh1' seems to go very far beyond the ,levitical enactments4 ,and moreover the motive of these prohibitions ,sidenote3 not explained by its ,judaism4 is ,essene rather than ,pharisaic1 ,gnostic rather than ,jewish4 ,these severities of discipline were intended #8to check indulgence of the flesh#cji4' ,they professed to treat the body with entire disregard1 to ignore its cravings and to deny its wants4 ,in short2 they betray a strong ascetic tendency#caj1 of which normal ,judaism1 as represented by the ,pharisee1 offers no explanation4 ,footnote #cjg3 ii4 #af4 ,footnote #cjh3 ii4 #ba4 ,footnote #cji3 ii4 #bc4 ,footnote #caj3 ,asceticism is of two kinds4 ,there is the asceticism of dualism 7whether conscious or unconscious71 which springs from a false principle2 and there is the asceticism of self-discipline1 which is the training of the ,christian athlete 7#a ,cor4 ix4 #bg74 ,i need not say that the remarks in the text apply only to the former4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul's reply shows its ,gnostic bearing4 ,and ,st ,paul's answer points to the same inference4 ,the difference will appear more plainly1 if we compare it with his treatment of ,pharisaic ,judaism in the ,galatian ,church4 ,this epistle offers nothing at all corresponding to his language on that occasion2 #8,if righteousness be by law1 then ,christ died in vain'2 #8,if ye be circumcised1 ,christ shall profit you nothing'2 #8,christ is nullified for you1 whosoever are justified by law2 ye are fallen from grace#caa4' ,the point of view in fact is wholly changed4 ,with these ,essene or ,gnostic ,judaizers the ,mosaic law was neither the motive nor the standard1 it was only the starting point1 of their austerities4 ,hence in replying the ,sidenote3 ,it is no longer the contrast of law and grace4 ,apostle no longer deals with law1 as law2 he no longer points the contrast of grace and works2 but he enters upon the moral aspects of these ascetic practices4 ,he denounces them1 as concentrating the thoughts on earthly and perishable things#cab4 ,he points out that they fail in their purpose1 and are found valueless against carnal indulgences#cac4 ,in their place he offers the true and only remedy against sin--the elevation of the inner life in ,christ1 the transference of the affections into a higher sphere#cad1 where the temptations of the flesh are powerless4 ,thus dying with ,christ1 they will kill all their earthly members#cae4 ,thus rising with ,christ1 they will be renewed in the image of ,god their ,creator#caf4 ,footnote #caa3 ,gal4 ii4 #ba1 v4 #b1 #d4 ,footnote #cab3 ii4 #h1 #bj-bb4 ,footnote #cac3 ii4 #bc 3 see the note on these words4 ,footnote #cad3 iii4 #a1 #b4 ,footnote #cae3 iii4 #c1 #e4 ,footnote #caf3 iii4 #aj4 ,sidenote3 ,the truth of the above result tested by ,in attempting to draw a complete portrait of the ,colossian heresy from a few features accidentally exhibited in ,st ,paul's epistle1 it has been necessary to supply certain links2 and some assurance may not unreasonably be required that this has not been done arbitrarily4 ,nor is this security wanting4 ,in all such cases the test will be twofold4 ,the result must be consistent with itself3 and it must do no violence to the historical conditions under which the phenomena arose4 ,sidenote3 7#a7 ,its inherent consistency and symmetry4 #a4 ,in the present instance the former of these tests is fully satisfied4 ,the consistency and the symmetry of the result is its great recommendation4 ,the postulate of a ,gnostic type brings the separate parts of the representation into direct connexion4 ,the speculative opinions and the practical tendencies of the heresy thus explain1 and are explained by1 each other4 ,it is analogous to the hypothesis of the comparative anatomist1 who by referring the fossil remains to their proper type restores the whole skeleton of some unknown animal from a few bones belonging to different extremities of the body1 and without the intermediate and connecting parts4 ,in the one case1 as in the other1 the result is the justification of the postulate4 ,sidenote3 7#b7 ,its place in a historical sequence4 #b4 ,and again2 the historical conditions of the problem are carefully observed4 ,it has been shown already1 that ,judaism in the preceding age had in one of its developments assumed a form which was the natural precursor of the ,colossian heresy4 ,in order to complete the argument it will be necessary to show that ,christianity in the generation next succeeding exhibited a perverted type1 which was its natural outgrowth4 ,if this can be done1 the ,colossian heresy will take its proper place in a regular historical sequence4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,continuance of this type of ,judo-,gnosticism in the district4 ,i have already pointed out1 that the language of ,st ,john in the ,apocalypse1 which was probably written within a few years of this epistle1 seems to imply the continuance in this district of the same type of heresy which is here denounced by ,st ,paul#cag4 ,but the notices in this book are not more definite than those of the ,epistle to the ,colossians itself2 and we are led to look outside the ,canonical writings for some more explicit evidence4 ,has early ,christian history then preserved any record of a distinctly ,gnostic school existing on the confines of the ,apostolic age1 which may be considered a legitimate development of the phase of religious speculation that confronts us here8 ,footnote #cag3 ,see above p4 #da sq4 ,sidenote3 ,heresy of ,cerinthus4 ,sidenote3 ,his date and place4 ,we find exactly the phenomenon which we are seeking in the heresy of ,cerinthus#cah4 ,the time1 the place1 the circumstances1 all agree4 ,this heresiarch is said to have been originally a native of ,alexandria#cai2 but proconsular ,asia is allowed on all hands to have been the scene of his activity as a teacher#cbj4 ,he lived and taught at the close of the ,apostolic age1 that is1 in the latest decade of the first century4 ,some writers indeed make him an antagonist of ,st ,peter and ,st ,paul#cba1 but their authority is not trustworthy1 nor is this very early date at all probable4 ,but there can be no reasonable doubt that he was a contemporary of ,st ,john1 who was related by ,polycarp to have denounced him face to face on one memorable occasion#cbb1 and is moreover said by ,irenus to have written his ,gospel with the direct object of confuting his errors#cbc4 ,footnote #cah3 ,the relation of ,cerinthus to the ,colossian heresy is briefly indicated by ,neander ,planting of ,christianity ,i4 p4 #cbe sq4 7,eng4 ,trans474 ,it has been remarked by other writers also1 both earlier and later4 ,the subject appeared to me to deserve a fuller investigation than it has yet received4 ,footnote #cai3 ,hippol4 ,hr4 vii4 #cc 1 x4 #ba 1 ,theodoret4 ,hr4 ,fab4 ii4 #c 4 ,footnote #cbj3 ,iren4 i4 #bf4 #a #8et ,cerinthus autem quidam 444 in ,asia docuit1' ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #a 1 1 ,theodoret4 #a4 c4 4 ,the scene of his encounter with ,st ,john in the bath is placed at ,ephesus3 see below1 note #cbb4 ,footnote #cba3 ,epiphanius 7xxviii4 #b sq47 represents him as the ringleader of the ,judaizing opponents of the ,apostles in the ,acts and ,epistles to the ,corinthians and ,galatians4 ,philastrius 7,hr4 #cf7 takes the same line4 ,footnote #cbb3 ,the well-known story of the encounter between ,st ,john and ,cerinthus in the bath is related by ,irenus 7iii4 #c4 #d7 on the authority of ,polycarp1 who appears from the sequence of ,irenus' narrative to have told it at ,rome1 when he paid his visit to ,anicetus2 444 444 ,footnote #cbc3 ,iren4 iii4 ,,ii4 #a4 ,sidenote3 ,cerinthus a link between ,judaism and ,gnosticism4 #8,cerinthus1' writes ,neander1 #8is best entitled to be considered as the intermediate link between the ,judaizing and the ,gnostic sects4' #8,even among the ancients1' he adds1 #8opposite reports respecting his doctrines have been given from opposite points of view1 according as the ,gnostic or the ,judaizing element was exclusively insisted upon3 and the dispute on this point has been kept up even to modern times4 ,in point of chronology too ,cerinthus may be regarded as representing the principle in its transition from ,judaism to ,gnosticism#cbd4' ,footnote #cbd3 ,church ,history ,,ii4 p4 #db 7,bohn's ,trans474 ,sidenote3 ,judaism still prominent in his system ,of his ,judaism no doubt has been or can be entertained4 ,the gross ,chiliastic doctrine ascribed to him#cbe1 even though it may have been exaggerated in the representations of adverse writers1 can only be explained by a ,jewish origin4 ,his conception of the ,person of ,christ was ,ebionite1 that is ,judaic1 in its main features#cbf4 ,he is said moreover to have enforced the rite of circumcision and to have inculcated the observance of sabbaths#cbg4 ,it is related also that the ,cerinthians1 like the ,ebionites1 accepted the ,gospel of ,st ,matthew alone#cbh4' ,footnote #cbe3 ,see the ,dialogue of ,caius and ,proclus in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #bh1 ,dionysius of ,alexandria1 ib4 vii4 #be1 ,theodoret4 l4c41 ,augustin4 ,hr4 #h4 ,footnote #cbf3 ,see below p4 #aaa4 ,footnote #cbg3 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #d1 #e1 ,philastr4 ,hr4 #cf1 ,augustin4 l4c4 ,the statements of these writers would not carry much weight in themselves2 but in this instance they are rendered highly probable by the known ,judaism of ,cerinthus4 ,footnote #cbh3 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #e1 xxx4 #ad1 ,philastr4 ,hr4 #cf4 ,sidenote3 though ,gnosticism is already aggressive4 ,at the same time1 it is said by an ancient writer that his adherence to ,judaism was only partial#cbi4 ,this limitation is doubtless correct4 ,as ,gnostic principles asserted themselves more distinctly1 pure ,judaism necessarily suffered4 ,all or nearly all the early ,gnostic heresies were ,judaic2 and for a time a compromise was effected which involved more or less concession on either side4 ,but the ultimate incompatibility of the two at length became evident1 and a precarious alliance was exchanged for an open antagonism4 ,this final result however was not reached till the middle of the second century3 and meanwhile it was a question to what extent ,judaism was prepared to make concessions for the sake of this new ally4 ,even the ,jewish ,essenes1 as we have seen1 departed from the orthodox position in the matter of sacrifices2 and if we possessed fuller information1 we should probably find that they made still larger concessions than this4 ,of the ,colossian heretics we can only form a conjecture1 but the angelology and angelolatry attributed to them point to a further step in the same direction4 ,as we pass from them to ,cerinthus we are ,sidenote3 ,gnostic element in his teaching4 no longer left in doubt2 for the ,gnostic element has clearly gained the ascendant1 though it has not yet driven its rival out of the field4 ,two characteristic features in his teaching especially deserve consideration1 both as evincing the tendency of his speculations and as throwing back light on the notices in the ,colossian ,epistle4 ,footnote #cbi3 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #a 4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,his ,gnostic ,cosmogony #a4 ,his cosmogony is essentially ,gnostic4 ,the great problem of creation presented itself to him in the same aspect2 and the solution which he offered was generically the same4 ,the world1 he asserted1 was not made by the highest ,god1 but by an angel or power far removed from1 and ignorant of1 this supreme ,being#ccj4 ,other authorities describing his system speak not of a single power1 but of powers1 as creating the universe#cca2 but all alike represent this demiurge1 or these demiurges1 as ignorant of the absolute ,god4 ,it is moreover stated that he held the ,mosaic law to have been given not by the supreme ,god ,himself1 but by this angel1 or one of these angels1 who created the world#ccb4 ,footnote #ccj3 ,iren4 i4 #bf4 #a #8,non a primo ,deo factum esse mundum docuit1 sed a virtute quadam valde separata et distante ab ea principalitate qu est super universa1 et ignorante eum qui est super omnia ,deum'2 ,hippol4 ,hr4 vii4 #cc 1 ' 1 x4 #ba 1 4 ,footnote #cca3 ,pseudo-,tertull4 ,hr4 #c #8,carpocrates prterea hanc tulit sectam3 ,unam esse dicit virtutem in superioribus principalem1 ex hac prolatos angelos atque virtutes1 quos distantes longe a superioribus virtutibus mundum istum in inferioribus partibus condidisse4444 ,post hunc ,cerinthus hreticus erupit1 similia docens4 ,nam et ipse mundum institutum esse ab illis dicit'2 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #a 2 ,theodoret4 ,h4 ,f4 ii4 #c 1 1 2 ,augustin4 ,hr4 #h4 ,the one statement is quite reconcilable with the other4 ,among those angels by whose instrumentality the world was created1 ,cerinthus appears to have assigned a position of preeminence to one1 whom he regarded as the demiurge in a special sense and under whom the others worked2 see ,neander ,church ,history ,,ii4 p4 #dc4 ,footnote #ccb3 ,pseudo-,tertull4 l4c42 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #d 4 ,sidenote3 and consequent angelology4 ,from these notices it is plain that angelology had an important place in his speculations2 and that he employed it to explain the existence of evil supposed to be inherent in the physical world1 as well as to account for the imperfections of the old dispensation4 ,the #8remote distance' of his angelic demiurge from the supreme ,god can hardly be explained except on the hypothesis of successive generations of these intermediate agencies4 ,thus his solution is thoroughly ,gnostic4 ,at the same time1 as contrasted with later and more sharply defined ,gnostic systems1 the ,judaic origin and complexion of his cosmogony is obvious4 ,his intermediate agencies still retain the name and the personality of angels1 and have not yet given way to those vague idealities which1 as emanations ,sidenote3 ,angels of earlier and ons of later ,gnostics4 or ons1 took their place in later speculations4 ,thus his theory is linked on to the angelology of later ,judaism founded on the angelic appearances recorded in the ,old ,testament narrative4 ,and again3 while later ,gnostics represent the demiurge and giver of the law as antagonistic to the supreme and good ,god1 ,cerinthus does not go beyond postulating his ignorance4 ,he went as far as he could without breaking entirely with the ,old ,testament and abandoning his ,judaic standing-ground4 ,sidenote3 ,cerinthus a link between the ,colossian heresy and later ,gnosticism4 ,in these respects ,cerinthus is the proper link between the incipient gnosis of the ,colossian heretics and the mature gnosis of the second century4 ,in the ,colossian epistle we still breathe the atmosphere of ,jewish angelology1 nor is there any trace of the on of later ,gnosticism#ccc2 while yet speculation is so far advanced that the angels have an important function in explaining the mysteries of the creation and government of the world4 ,on the other hand it has not reached the point at which we find it in ,cerinthus4 ,gnostic conceptions respecting the relation of the demiurgic agency to the supreme ,god would appear to have passed through three stages4 ,this relation was represented first1 as imperfect appreciation2 next1 as entire ignorance2 lastly1 as direct antagonism4 ,the second and third are the standing points of ,cerinthus and of the later ,gnostic teachers respectively4 ,the first was probably the position of the ,colossian false teachers4 ,the imperfections of the natural world1 they would urge1 were due to the limited capacities of these angels to whom the demiurgic work was committed1 and to their imperfect sympathy with the supreme ,god2 but at the same time they might fitly receive worship as mediators between ,god and man2 and indeed humanity seemed in its weakness to need the intervention of some such beings less remote from itself than the highest heaven4 ,footnote #ccc3 ,i am quite unable to see any reference to the ,gnostic conception of an on in the passages of the ,new ,testament1 which are sometimes quoted in support of this view1 e4g41 by ,baur ,paulus p4 #dbh1 ,burton ,lectures p4 #aaa sq4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,his ,christology4 #b4 ,again the ,christology of ,cerinthus deserves attention from this point of view4 ,here all our authorities are agreed4 ,as a ,judaizer ,cerinthus held with the ,ebionites that ,jesus was only the son of ,joseph and ,mary1 born in the natural way4 ,as a ,gnostic he maintained that the ,christ first descended in the form of a dove on the carpenter's son at his baptism2 that ,he revealed to him the unknown ,father1 and worked miracles through him3 and that at length ,he took ,his flight and left him1 so that ,jesus alone suffered and rose1 while the ,christ remained impassible#ccd4 ,it would appear also1 though this is not certain1 that he described this re-ascension of the ,christ1 as a return #8to ,his own pleroma#cce4' ,footnote #ccd3 ,iren4 i4 #bf4 #a1 ,hippol4 ,hr4 vii4 #cc1 x4 #ba1 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxviii4 #a1 ,theodoret4 ,h4 ,f4 ii4 #c4 ,the arguments by which ,lipsius 7,gnosticismus pp4 #bde1 #beh1 in ,ersch u4 ,gruber2 ,quellenkritik des ,epiphanios p4 #aah sq47 attempts to show that ,cerinthus did not separate the ,christ from ,jesus1 and that ,irenus 7and subsequent authors copying him7 have wrongly attributed to this heretic the theories of later ,gnostics1 seem insufficient to outweigh these direct statements4 ,it is more probable that the system of ,cerinthus should have admitted some foreign elements not very consistent with his ,judaic standing point1 than that these writers should have been misinformed4 ,inconsistency was a necessary condition of ,judaic ,gnosticism4 ,the point however is comparatively unimportant as affecting my main purpose4 ,footnote #cce3 ,irenus 7iii4 #aa4 #a71 after speaking of ,cerinthus and the ,nicolaitans1 proceeds #8non1 quemadmodum illi dicunt1 alterum quidem fabricatorem 7i4e4 demiurgum71 alium autem ,patrem ,domini3 et alium quidem fabricatoris filium1 alterum vero de superioribus ,christum1 quem et impassibilem perseverasse1 descendentem in ,jesum filium fabricatoris1 et iterum revolasse in suum pleroma4' ,the doctrine is precisely that which he has before ascribed to ,cerinthus 7i4 #bf4 #a71 but the mode of statement may have been borrowed from the ,nicolaitans or from some later ,gnostics4 ,there is however no improbability in the supposition that ,cerinthus used the word pleroma in this way2 see the detached note on below4 ,sidenote3 ,approach towards ,cerinthian ,christology in the ,colossian heresy4 ,now it is not clear from ,st ,paul's language what opinions the ,colossian heretics held respecting the person of our ,lord2 but we may safely assume that he regarded them as inadequate and derogatory4 ,the emphasis1 with which he asserts the eternal being and absolute sovereignty of ,christ1 can hardly be explained in any other way4 ,but individual expressions tempt us to conjecture that the same ideas were already floating in the air1 which ultimately took form and consistency in the tenets of ,cerinthus4 ,thus1 when he reiterates the statement that the whole pleroma abides permanently in ,christ#ccf1 he would appear to be tacitly refuting some opinion which maintained only mutable and imperfect relations between the two4 ,when again he speaks of the true gospel first taught to the ,colossians as the doctrine of #8the ,christ1 even ,jesus the ,lord#ccg1' his language might seem to be directed against the tendency to separate the heavenly ,christ from the earthly ,jesus1 as though the connexion were only transient4 ,when lastly he dwells on the work of reconciliation1 as wrought #8through the blood of ,christ's cross1' #8in the body of ,his flesh through death#cch1' we may perhaps infer that he already discerned a disposition to put aside ,christ's passion as a stumbling-block in the way of philosophical religion4 ,thus regarded1 the ,apostle's language gains force and point2 though no stress can be laid on explanations which are so largely conjectural4 ,footnote #ccf3 i4 #ai1 ii4 #i4 ,see above p4 #ajb1 note #bie4 ,on the force of see the note on the earlier of the two passages4 ,footnote #ccg3 ii4 #f 1 4 ,footnote #cch3 i4 #bj1 #bb4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,gnosticism of the ,colossians being vague and undeveloped4 ,but if so1 the very generality of his language shows that these speculations were still vague and fluctuating4 ,the difference which separates these heretics from ,cerinthus may be measured by the greater precision and directness in the ,apostolic counter-statement1 as we turn from the ,epistle to the ,colossians to the ,gospel of ,st ,john4 ,in this interval1 extending over nearly a quarter of a century1 speculation had taken a definite shape4 ,the elements of ,gnostic theory1 which were before held in solution1 had meanwhile crystallized around the facts of the ,gospel4 ,yet still we seem justified1 even at the earlier date1 in speaking of these general ideas as ,gnostic1 guarding ourselves at the same time against misunderstanding with the twofold caution1 that we here employ the term to express the simplest and most elementary conceptions of this tendency of thought1 and that we do not postulate its use as a distinct designation of any sect or sects at this early date4 ,thus limited1 the view that the writer of this epistle is combating a ,gnostic heresy seems free from all objections1 while it appears necessary to explain his language2 and certainly it does not1 as is sometimes imagined1 place any weapon in the hands of those who would assail the early date and ,apostolic authorship of the epistle4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,on some points connected with the ,essenes4 ,i4 ,,the ,,name ,,essene4 ,sidenote3 ,various forms of the name in ,greek4 ,the name is variously written in ,greek2 #a4 3 ,joseph4 ,ant4 xiii4 #e4 #i1 xiii4 #aj4 #f1 xv4 #aj4 #e1 xviii4 #a4 #b1 #e1 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #b1 #ac1 ,vit4 #b2 ,plin4 ,n4,h4 v4 #ae4 #ag 7,essenus72 ,dion ,chrys4 in ,synes4 ,dion #c2 ,hippol4 ,hr4 ix4 #ah1 #bh 7,,ms 72 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 p4 #bh sq1 #abg 7ed4 ,pet474 #b4 3 ,philo ,,ii4 pp4 #deg1 #dga1 #fcb 7ed4 ,mang472 ,hegesippus in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bb2 ,porphyr4 de ,abstin4 iv4 #aa4 ,so too ,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #g4 #c1 ii4 #bj4 #d1 iii4 #b4 #a2 ,ant4 xv4 #aj4 #d2 though in the immediate context of this last passage he writes 1 if the common texts may be trusted4 #c4 3 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 pp4 #dj sq41 #abe1 #dfb4 ,the common texts very frequently make him write 1 but see ,dindorf's notes1 ,epiphan4 ,op4 #a4 pp4 #chj1 #dbe4 ,with ,epiphanius the ,essenes are a ,samaritan1 the ,ossans a ,judaic sect4 ,he has evidently got his information from two distinct sources1 and does not see that the same persons are intended4 #d4 1 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 p4 #aag4 ,from the connexion the same sect again seems to be meant3 but owing to the form ,epiphanius conjectures 77 that the name is derived from ,jesse1 the father of ,david4 ,sidenote3 ,all etymologies to be rejected which derive the name4 ,if any certain example could be produced where the name occurs in any early ,hebrew or ,aramaic writing1 the question of its derivation would probably be settled2 but in the absence of a single decisive instance a wide field is opened for conjecture1 and critics have not been backward in availing themselves of the license4 ,in discussing the claims of the different etymologies proposed we may reject3 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,from the ,greek2 ,first3 derivations from the ,greek4 ,thus ,philo connects the word with #8holy'3 ,quod omn4 prob4 #ab1 p4 #deg 444 1 #ac1 p4 #dei 1 ,fragm4 p4 #fcb 1 1 21 4 ,it is not quite clear whether ,philo is here playing with words after the manner of his master ,plato1 or whether he holds a pre-established harmony to exist among different languages by which similar sounds represent similar things1 or whether lastly he seriously means that the name was directly derived from the ,greek word 4 ,the last supposition is the least probable2 but he certainly does not reject this derivation #8as incorrect' 7,ginsburg ,essenes p4 #bg71 nor can be rendered #8from an incorrect derivation from the ,greek homonym hosiotes' 7ib4 p4 #cb71 since the word never involves the notion of false etymology4 ,the amount of truth which probably underlies ,philo's statement will be considered hereafter4 ,another ,greek derivation is 1 #8companion1 associate1' suggested by ,rapoport1 ,erech ,millin p4 #da4 ,several others again are suggested by ,lwy1 s4v4 ,esser1 e4g4 from their esoteric doctrine1 or from their fatalism4 ,all such may be rejected as instances of ingenious trifling1 if indeed they deserve to be called ingenious4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,from names of persons or places2 ,secondly3 derivations from proper names whether of persons or of places4 ,thus the word has been derived from ,jesse the father of ,david 7,epiphan4 l4c471 or from one ,isai1 the disciple of ,r4 ,joshua ben ,perachia who migrated to ,egypt in the time of ,alexander ,jannus 7,lw in ,ben ,chananja i4 p4 #ceb74 ,again it has been referred to the town ,essa 7a doubtful reading in ,joseph4 ,ant4 xiii4 #ae4 #c7 beyond the ,jordan4 ,and other similar derivations have been suggested4 ,sidenote3 ,from ,hebrew roots not supplying the right consonants1 ,thirdly3 etymologies from the ,hebrew or ,aramaic1 which do not supply the right consonants1 or do not supply them in the right order4 ,under this head several must be rejected2 sar #8to bind1' ,adler ,volkslehrer ,,vi4 p4 #ej1 referred to by ,ginsburg ,essenes p4 #bi4 chsd #8pious1' which is represented by 7#a ,macc4 ii4 #db 7v4 l471 vii4 #ac1 #b ,macc4 xiv4 #f71 and could not possibly assume the form or 4 ,yet this derivation appears in ,josippon ben ,gorion 7iv4 #f1 #g1 v4 #bd1 pp4 #bgd1 #bgh1 #dea71 who substitutes ,chasidim in narratives where the ,essenes are mentioned in the original of ,josephus2 and it has been adopted by many more recent writers4 s'ch #8to bathe1' from which with an ,aleph prefixed we might get as'chai #8bathers' 7a word however which does not occur73 ,grtz ,gesch4 der ,juden iii4 pp4 #hb1 #dfh4 tsana #8retired1 modest1' adopted by ,frankel 7,zeitschrift #ahdf1 p4 #ddi1 ,monatschrift ,,ii4 p4 #cb7 after a suggestion by ,lw4 ,sidenote3 such as those which make n part of the root4 ,to this category must be assigned those etymologies which contain a as the third consonant of the root2 since the comparison of the parallel forms and shows that in the latter word the is only formative4 ,on this ground we must reject3 chsn2 see below under 4 chtsen #8a fold' of a garment1 and so supposed to signify the or #8apron'1 which was given to every neophyte among the ,essenes 7,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e1 #g73 suggested by ,jellinek ,ben ,chananja ,,iv4 p4 #cgd4 shn #8strong'3 see ,cohn in ,frankel's ,monatschrift ,,vii4 p4 #bga4 ,this etymology is suggested to explain ,epiphanius ,hr4 p4 #dj 7#8a sturdy race'74 ,the name #8,essene' is so interpreted also in ,makrisi 7de ,sacy1 ,chrestom4 ,arab4 ,i4 p4 #aad1 #cjf72 but1 as he himself writes it with ,elif and not ,ain1 it is plain that he got this interpretation from some one else1 probably from ,epiphanius4 ,the correct reading however in ,epiphanius is 1 not 2 and it would therefore appear that this father or his informant derived the word from the ,hebrew root rather than from the ,aramaic 4 ,the would then be the 1 and this is so far a possible derivation1 that the n does not enter into the root4 ,another word suggested to explain the etymology of ,epiphanius is the ,aramaic chsn #8powerful1 strong' 7from 72 but this is open to the same objections as 4 ,sidenote3 ,other derivations considered3 ,when all such derivations are eliminated as untenable or improbable1 considerable uncertainty still remains4 ,the #ast and #crd radicals might be any of the gutturals 1112 and the ,greek 1 as the #bnd radical1 might represent any one of several ,shemitic sibilants4 ,thus we have the choice of the following etymologies1 which have found more or less favour4 ,sidenote3 7#a7 #8a physician'2 7#a7 s #8to heal1' whence asy1 #8a physician4' ,the ,essenes are supposed to be so called because ,josephus states 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #f7 that they paid great attention to the qualities of herbs and minerals with a view to the healing of diseases 7 74 ,this etymology is supported likewise by an appeal to the name 1 which ,philo gives to an allied sect in ,egypt 7de ,vit4 ,cont4 #a1 ,,ii4 p4 #dga74 ,it seems highly improbable however1 that the ordinary name of the ,essenes should have been derived from a pursuit which was merely secondary and incidental2 while the supposed analogy of the ,therapeut rests on a wrong interpretation of the word4 ,philo indeed 7l4c471 bent upon extracting from it as much moral significance as possible1 says1 1 ' 1 4447 ' 4443 but the latter meaning alone accords with the usage of the word2 for 1 used absolutely1 signifies #8a worshipper1 devotee1' not #8a physician1 healer4' ,this etymology of is ascribed1 though wrongly1 to ,philo by ,asaria di ,rossi 7,meor ,enayim #c1 fol4 #cc a7 and has been very widely received4 ,among more recent writers1 who have adopted or favoured it1 are ,bellermann 7,ueber ,esser u4 ,therapeuten p4 #g71 ,gfrrer 7,philo ,,ii4 p4 #cda71 ,dhne 7,ersch u4 ,gruber1 s4v471 ,baur 7,christl4 ,kirche der drei erst4 ,jahrh4 p4 #bj71 ,herzfeld 7,gesch4 des ,judenthums ,,ii4 p4 #cga1 #cie1 #cig sq471 ,geiger 7,urschrift p4 #abf71 ,derenbourg 7,l',histoire et la ,gographie de la ,palestine pp4 #agj1 #age1 notes71 ,keim 7,jesus von ,nazara ,i4 p4 #bhd sq471 and ,hamburger 7,real-,encyclopdie fr ,bibel u4 ,talmud1 s4v474 ,several of these writers identify the ,essenes with the ,baithusians 77 of the ,talmud1 though in the ,talmud the ,baithusians are connected with the ,sadducees4 ,this identification was suggested by di ,rossi 7l4c4 fol4 #cc b71 who interprets #8,baithusians' as #8the school of the ,essenes' 7 73 while subsequent writers1 going a step further1 have explained it #8the school of the physicians' 7 74 ,sidenote3 7#b7 #8a seer'2 7#b7 chz #8to see'1 whence chazy #8a seer'1 in reference to the prophetic powers which the ,essenes claimed1 as the result of ascetic contemplation3 ,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #ab 444 ,for instances of such ,essene prophets see ,ant4 xiii4 ,,ii4 #b1 xv4 #aj4 #e1 ,b4,j4 ,i4 #c4 #e1 ii4 #g4 #c4 ,suidas1 s4v4 1 says3 1 1 1 1 4 ,for this derivation1 which was suggested by ,baumgarten 7see ,bellermann p4 #aj7 and is adopted by ,hilgenfeld 7,jd4 ,apocal4 p4 #bgh71 there is something to be said3 but is rather than 2 and thus it must denote the result rather than the process1 the vision which was the privilege of the few rather than the contemplation which was the duty of all4 ,indeed in a later paper 7,zeitschr4 ,,xi4 p4 #cdf1 #ahfh7 ,hilgenfeld expresses himself doubtfully about this derivation1 feeling the difficulty of explaining the from the 4 ,this is a real objection4 ,in the transliteration of the ,,lxx the is persistently represented by 1 and the by 4 ,the exceptions to this rule1 where the manuscript authority is beyond question1 are very few1 and in every case they seem capable of explanation by peculiar circumstances4 ,sidenote3 7#c7 #8to do'2 7#c7 sh #8to do1' so that would signify #8the doers1 the observers of the law1' thus referring to the strictness of ,essene practices3 see ,oppenheim in ,frankel's ,monatschrift ,,vii4 p4 #bgb sq4 ,it has been suggested also that1 as the ,pharisees were especially designated the teachers1 the ,essenes were called the #8doers' by a sort of antithesis3 see an article in ,jost's ,annalen #ahci1 p4 #ade4 ,thus the talmudic phrase 1 interpreted #8men of practice1 of good deeds1' is supposed to refer to the ,essenes 7see ,frankel's ,zeitschrift ,,iii4 p4 #deh1 ,monatschrift ,,ii4 p4 #gj74 ,in some passages indeed 7see ,surenhuis ,mishna ,,iii4 p4 #cac7 it may possibly mean #8workers of miracles' 7as ,joh4 v4 #bj1 vii4 #ba1 x4 #be1 etc472 but in this sense also it might be explained of the thaumaturgic powers claimed by the ,essenes4 7,see below1 p4 #abf47 ,on the use which has been made of a passage in the ,aboth of ,r4 ,nathan c4 #cg1 as supporting this derivation1 ,i shall have to speak hereafter4 ,altogether this etymology has little or nothing to recommend it4 ,i have reserved to the last the two derivations which seem to deserve most consideration4 ,sidenote3 7#d7 chasyo #8pious'2 7#d7 chasi 7 ch's7 or chasyo1 #8pious1' in ,syriac4 ,this derivation1 which is also given by de ,sacy 7,chrestom4 ,arab4 ,i4 p4 #cdg71 is adopted by ,ewald 7,gesch4 des ,v4 ,isr4 ,,iv4 p4 #dhd1 ed4 #c1 #ahfd1 ,,vii4 pp4 #aed1 #dgg1 ed4 #b1 #ahei71 who abandons in its favour another etymology 7 chazzan #8watcher1 worshipper' 7 which he had suggested in an earlier edition of his fourth volume 7p4 #dbj74 ,it is recommended by the fact that it resembles not only in sound1 but in meaning1 the ,greek 1 of which it is a common rendering in the ,peshito 7,acts ii4 #bg1 xiii4 #ce1 ,tit4 i4 #h74 ,thus it explains the derivation given by ,philo 7see above1 p4 #aae71 and it also accounts for the tendency to write for in ,greek4 ,ewald moreover points out how an ,essenizing ,sibylline poem 7,orac4 ,sib4 iv2 see above1 p4 #if7 dwells on the ,greek equivalents1 1 1 etc4 7vv4 #bf1 #ce1 #db sq41 #adh sq41 #afb1 #afe sq41 #agh sq41 ed4 ,alexandre71 as if they had a special value for the writer3 see ,gesch4 ,,vii4 p4 #aed1 ,sibyll4 ,bcher p4 #df4 ,lipsius 7,schenkel's ,bibel-,lexikon1 s4v47 also considers this the most probable etymology4 ,sidenote3 7#e7 #8silent ones4' 7#e7 chsh 7also 7 ,heb41 #8to be silent'2 whence chashshm #8the silent ones1' who meditate on mysteries4 ,jost 7,gesch4 d4 ,judenth4 ,i4 p4 #bjg7 believes that this was the derivation accepted by ,josephus1 since he elsewhere 7,ant4 iii4 #g4 #e1 iii4 #h4 #i7 writes out 1 chshen #8the high-priest's breast-plate' 7,exod4 xxviii4 #ae sq71 or in ,greek1 and explains it 1 7i4e4 the #8place of oracles' or #8of reason'3 comp4 ,philo de ,mon4 ii4 #e1 ,,ii4 p4 #bbf 1 44471 as it is translated in the ,,lxx4 ,even though modern critics should be right in connecting with the ,arab4 #8pulcher fuit1 ornavit' 7see ,gesen4 ,thes4 p4 #ece1 s4v471 the other derivation may have prevailed in ,josephus' time4 ,we may illustrate this derivation by ,josephus' description of the ,essenes1 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e 2 and perhaps this will also explain the ,greek equivalent 1 which ,suidas gives for 4 ,the use of the ,hebrew word in ,mishna ,shekalim v4 #f1 though we need not suppose that the ,essenes are there meant1 will serve to show how it might be adopted as the name of the sect4 ,on this word see ,levy ,chaldisches ,wrterbuch p4 #bhg4 ,on the whole this seems the most probable etymology of any1 though it has not found so much favour as the last4 ,at all events the rules of transliteration are entirely satisfied1 and this can hardly be said of the other derivations which come into competition with it4 #b4 ,,origin ,,and ,,affinities ,,of ,,the ,,essenes4 ,sidenote3 ,the principle of the restoration4 ,the ruling principle of the ,restoration under ,ezra was the isolation of the ,jewish people from all influences of the surrounding nations4 ,only by the rigorous application of this principle was it possible to guard the nationality of the ,hebrews1 and thus to preserve the sacred deposit of religious truth of which this nationality was the husk4 ,hence the strictest attention was paid to the ,levitical ordinances1 and more especially to those which aimed at ceremonial purity4 ,the principle1 which was thus distinctly asserted at the period of the national revival1 gained force and concentration at a later date from the active antagonism to which the patriotic ,jews were driven by the religious and political aggressions of the ,syrian kings4 ,during the ,maccaban wars we read of a party or sect ,sidenote3 ,rise of the ,asidans4 called the ,chasidim or ,asidans 771 the #8pious' or #8devout1' who zealous in their observance of the ceremonial law stoutly resisted any concession to the practices of ,hellenism1 and took their place in the van of the struggle with their national enemies1 the ,antiochene monarchs 7#a ,macc4 ii4 #db1 vii4 #ac1 #b ,macc4 xiv4 #f74 ,but1 though their names appear now for the first time1 they are not mentioned as a newly formed party2 and it is probable that they had their origin at a much earlier date4 ,the subsequent history of this tendency to exclusiveness and isolation is wrapt in the same obscurity4 ,at a somewhat later date ,sidenote3 ,pharisaism and ,essenism traced to the same principle4 it is exhibited in the ,pharisees and the ,essenes2 but whether these were historically connected with the ,chasidim as divergent offshoots of the original sect1 or whether they represent independent developments of the same principle1 we are without the proper data for deciding4 ,the principle itself appears in the name of the ,pharisees1 which1 as denoting #8separation1' points to the avoidance of all foreign and contaminating influences4 ,on the other hand the meaning of the name ,essene is uncertain1 for the attempt to derive it directly from ,chasidim must be abandoned2 but the tendency of the sect is unmistakeable4 ,if with the ,pharisees ceremonial purity was a principal aim1 with the ,essenes it was an absorbing passion4 ,it was enforced and guarded moreover by a special organization4 ,while the ,pharisees were a sect1 the ,essenes were an order4 ,like the ,pythagoreans in ,magna ,grcia and the ,buddhists in ,india before them1 like the ,christian monks of the ,egyptian and ,syrian deserts after them1 they were formed into a religious brotherhood1 fenced about by minute and rigid rules1 and carefully guarded from any contamination with the outer world4 ,sidenote3 ,foreign elements in ,essenism4 ,thus the sect may have arisen in the heart of ,judaism4 ,the idea of ceremonial purity was essentially ,judaic4 ,but still1 when we turn to the representations of ,philo and ,josephus1 it is impossible to overlook other traits which betoken foreign affinities4 ,whatever the ,essenes may have been in their origin1 at the ,christian era at least and in the ,apostolic age they no longer represented the current type of religious thought and practice among the ,jews4 ,this foreign element has been derived by some from the ,pythagoreans1 by others from the ,syrians or ,persians or even from the farther ,east2 but1 whether ,greek or ,oriental1 its existence has until lately been almost universally allowed4 ,sidenote3 ,frankel's theory well received1 ,the investigations of ,frankel1 published first in #ahdf in his ,zeitschrift1 and continued in #ahec in his ,monatschrift1 have given a different direction to current opinion4 ,frankel maintains that ,essenism was a purely indigenous growth1 that it is only ,pharisaism in an exaggerated form1 and that it has nothing distinctive and owes nothing1 or next to nothing1 to foreign influences4 ,to establish this point1 he disparages the representations of ,philo and ,josephus as coloured to suit the tastes of their heathen readers1 while in their place he brings forward as authorities a number of passages from talmudical and rabbinical writings1 in which he discovers references to this sect4 ,in this view he is followed implicitly by some later writers1 and has largely influenced the opinions of others2 while nearly all speak of his investigations as throwing great light on the subject4 ,sidenote3 but groundless and misleading4 ,it is perhaps dangerous to dissent from a view which has found so much favour2 but nevertheless ,i am obliged to confess my belief that1 whatever value ,frankel's investigations may have as contributions to our knowledge of ,jewish religious thought and practice1 they throw little or no light on the ,essenes specially2 and that the blind acceptance of his results by later writers has greatly obscured the distinctive features of this sect4 ,i cannot but think that any one1 who will investigate ,frankel's references and test his results step by step1 will arrive at the conclusion to which ,i myself have been led1 that his talmudical researches have left our knowledge of this sect where it was before1 and that we must still refer to ,josephus and ,philo for any precise information respecting them4 ,sidenote3 ,his double derivation of the name4 ,frankel starts from the etymology of the name4 ,he supposes that 1 1 represent two different ,hebrew words1 the former chsd1 the latter tsana1 both clothed in suitable ,greek dresses#cci4 ,wherever therefore either of these words occurs1 there is1 or there may be1 a direct reference to the ,essenes4 ,footnote #cci3 ,zeitschrift p4 #ddi #8,fr ,esser liegt1 wie schon von anderen ,seiten bemerkt wurde1 das ,hebr4 1 fr ,essener1 nach einer ,bemerkung des ,herrn ,l4 ,lw im ,orient1 das ,hebr4 nahe'2 see also pp4 #ded1 #dee2 ,monatschrift p4 #cb4 ,sidenote3 ,fatal objections to it4 ,it is not too much to say that these etymologies are impossible2 and this for several reasons4 7#a7 ,the two words 1 1 are plainly duplicate forms of the same ,hebrew or ,aramaic original1 like and 7,epiphan4 ,hr4 pp4 #dj1 #dg1 #abg2 and even p4 #df71 and 1 and 7,steph4 ,byz4 s4v41 ,hippol4 ,hr4 vi4 #g71 with which we may compare and 1 and 1 and numberless other examples4 7#b7 ,again2 when we consider either word singly1 the derivation offered is attended with the most serious difficulties4 ,there is no reason why in the d should have disappeared from chasid1 while it is hardly possible to conceive that tsanua should have taken such an incongruous form as 4 7#c7 ,and lastly2 the more important of the two words1 chasid1 had already a recognised ,greek equivalent in 2 and it seems highly improbable that a form so divergent as should have taken its place4 ,sidenote3 ,dependence of the theory on the derivation4 ,indeed ,frankel's derivations are generally1 if not universally1 abandoned by later writers2 and yet these same writers repeat his quotations and accept his results1 as if the references were equally valid1 though the name of the sect has disappeared4 ,they seem to be satisfied with the stability of the edifice1 even when the foundation is undermined4 ,thus for instance ,grtz not only maintains after ,frankel that the ,essenes #8were properly nothing more than stationary or1 more strictly speaking1 consistently logical 7consequente7 ,chasidim1' and #8that therefore they were not so far removed from the ,pharisees that they can be regarded as a separate sect1' and #8accepts entirely these results' which1 as he says1 #8rest on critical investigation' 7,,iii4 p4 #dfc71 but even boldly translates chasiduth #8the ,essene mode of life' 7ib4 #hd71 though he himself gives a wholly different derivation of the word #8,essene1' making it signify #8washers' or #8baptists' 7see above1 p4 #aaf74 ,and even those who do not go to this length of inconsistency1 yet avail themselves freely of the passages where chasid occurs1 and interpret it of the ,essenes1 while distinctly repudiating the etymology#cdj4 ,footnote #cdj3 e4g4 ,keim 7p4 #bhf7 and ,derenbourg 7p4 #aff1 #dfa sq471 who both derive ,essene from #8a physician4' ,sidenote3 ,the term chasid not applied specially to the ,essenes4 ,but1 although or is not a ,greek form of chasid1 it might still happen that this word was applied to them as an epithet1 though not as a proper name4 ,only in this case the reference ought to be unmistakeable1 before any conclusions are based upon it4 ,but in fact1 after going through all the passages which ,frankel gives1 it is impossible to feel satisfied that in a single instance there is a direct allusion to the ,essenes4 ,sometimes the word seems to refer to the old sect of the ,chasidim or ,asidans1 as for instance when ,jose ben ,joezer1 who lived during the ,maccaban war1 is called a chasid#cda4 ,at all events this ,r4 ,jose is known to have been a married man1 for he is stated to have disinherited his children 7,baba ,bathra #acc b72 and therefore he cannot have belonged to the stricter order of ,essenes4 ,sometimes it is employed quite generally to denote pious observers of the ceremonial law1 as for instance when it is said that with the death of certain famous teachers the ,chasidim ceased#cdb4 ,in this latter sense the expression 1 #8the ancient or primitive ,chasidim' 7,monatschr4 pp4 #ca1 #fb71 is perhaps used2 for these primitive ,chasidim again are mentioned as having wives and children#cdc1 and it appears also that they were scrupulously exact in bringing their sacrificial offerings#cdd4 ,thus it is impossible to identify them with the ,essenes1 as described by ,josephus and ,philo4 ,even in those passages of which most has been made1 the reference is more than doubtful4 ,thus great stress is laid on the saying of ,r4 ,joshua ben ,chananiah in ,mishna ,sotah iii4 #d1 #8,the foolish chasid and the clever villain 7 71 etc41 are the ruin of the world4' ,but the connexion points to a much more general meaning of chasid1 and the rendering in ,surenhuis1 #8,homo pius qui insipiens1 improbus qui astutus1' gives the correct antithesis4 ,so we might say that there is no one more mischievous than the wrong-headed conscientious man4 ,it is true that the ,gemaras illustrate the expression by examples of those who allow an over-punctilious regard for external forms to stand in the way of deeds of mercy4 ,and perhaps rightly4 ,but there is no reference to any distinctive ,essene practices in the illustrations given4 ,again2 the saying in ,mishna ,pirke ,aboth v4 #aj1 #8,he who says ,mine is thine and thine is thine is a chasid 7 71' is quoted by several writers as though it referred to the ,essene community of goods#cde4 ,but in the first place the idea of community of goods would require #8,mine is thine and thine is mine'3 and in the second place1 the whole context1 and especially the clause which immediately follows 7and which these writers do not give71 #8,he who says ,thine is mine and mine is mine is wicked 771' show plainly that must be taken in its general sense #8pious1' and the whole expression implies not reciprocal interchange but individual self-denial4 ,footnote #cda3 ,mishna ,chagigah ii4 #g2 ,zeitschr4 p4 #ded1 ,monatschr4 pp4 #cc1 #fb4 ,see ,frankel's own account of this ,r4 ,jose in an earlier volume1 ,monatschr4 ,i4 p4 #dje sq4 ,footnote #cdb3 ,zeitschr4 p4 #deg1 ,monatschr4 p4 #fi sq42 see below1 p4 #abf4 ,footnote #cdc3 ,niddah #ch a2 see ,lwy s4v4 ,esser4 ,footnote #cdd3 ,mishna ,kerithuth vi4 #c1 ,nedarim #aj a2 see ,monatschr4 p4 #fe4 ,footnote #cde3 ,thus ,grtz 7,,iii4 p4 #ha7 speaking of the community of goods among the ,essenes writes1 #8,from this view springs the proverb2 ,every ,chassid says2 ,mine and thine belong to thee 7not me7' thus giving a turn to the expression which in its original connexion it does not at all justify4 ,of the existence of such a proverb ,i have found no traces4 ,it certainly is not suggested in the passage of ,pirke ,aboth4 ,later in the volume 7p4 #dfg7 ,grtz tacitly alters the words to make them express reciprocation or community of goods1 substituting #8,thine is mine' for #8,thine is thine' in the second clause2 #8,the ,chassid must have no property of his own1 but must treat it as belonging to the ,society 7 74' ,at least1 as he gives no reference1 ,i suppose that he refers to the same passage4 ,in this loose way he treats the whole subject4 ,keim 7p4 #bid7 quotes the passage correctly1 but refers it nevertheless to ,essene communism4 ,sidenote3 ,possible connexion of chasid and chasyo discussed4 ,it might indeed be urged1 though this is not ,frankel's plea1 that supposing the true etymology of the word 1 1 to be the ,syriac 1 1 ch's1 chasyo 7a possible derivation71 chasid might have been its ,hebrew equivalent as being similar in sound and meaning1 and perhaps ultimately connected in derivation1 the exactly corresponding triliteral root 7comp4 7 not being in use in ,hebrew#cdf4 ,but before we accept this explanation we have a right to demand some evidence which1 if not demonstrative1 is at least circumstantial1 that chasid is used of the ,essenes3 and this we have seen is not forthcoming4 ,moreover1 if the ,essenes had thus inherited the name of the ,chasidim1 we should have expected that its old ,greek equivalent 1 which is still used later than the ,maccaban era1 would also have gone with it2 rather than that a new ,greek word 7or 7 should have been invented to take its place4 ,but indeed the ,syriac ,version of the ,old ,testament furnishes an argument against this convertibility of the ,hebrew chasid and the ,syriac chasyo1 which must be regarded as ,sidenote3 ,usage is unfavourable to this view4 almost decisive4 ,the numerous passages in the ,psalms1 where the expressions #8,my chasidim1' #8,his chasidim1' occur 7xxx4 #e1 xxxi4 #bd1 xxxvii4 #bh1 lii4 #aa1 lxxix4 #b1 lxxxv4 #i1 xcvii4 #aj1 cxvi4 #ae1 cxxxii4 #i1 cxlix4 #i3 comp4 xxxii4 #f1 cxlix4 #a1 #e7 seem to have suggested the assumption of the name to the original ,asidans4 ,but in such passages is commonly1 if not universally1 rendered in the ,peshito not by 1 1 but by a wholly different word zadk4 ,and again1 in the ,books of ,maccabees the ,syriac rendering for the name 1 ,chasidim1 is a word derived from another quite distinct root4 ,these facts show that the ,hebrew chasid and the ,syriac chasyo were not practically equivalents1 so that the one would suggest the other2 and thus all presumption in favour of a connexion between and is removed4 ,footnote #cdf3 ,this is ,hitzig's view 7,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel p4 #dbg74 ,he maintains that they were called #8,hasidim' by the later ,jews because the ,syrian ,essenes means exactly the same as #8,hasidim4' ,sidenote3 ,frankel's second derivation ,frankel's other derivation 1 tsana1 suggested as an equivalent to 1 has found no favour with later writers1 and indeed is too far removed from the ,greek form to be tenable4 ,sidenote3 tsanua considered4 ,nor do the passages quoted by him#cdg require or suggest any allusion to this sect4 ,thus in ,mishna ,demai1 vi4 #f1 we are told that the school of ,hillel permits a certain license in a particular matter1 but it is added1 #8,the of the school of ,hillel followed the precept of the school of ,shammai4' ,here1 as ,frankel himself confesses1 the ,jerusalem ,talmud knows nothing about ,essenes1 but explains the word by 1 i4e4 #8upright1 worthy#cdh'2 while elsewhere1 as he allows#cdi1 it must have this general sense4 ,indeed the mention of the #8school of ,hillel' here seems to exclude the ,essenes4 ,in its comprehensive meaning it will most naturally be taken also in the other passage quoted by ,frankel1 ,kiddushin #ga a1 where it is stated that the pronunciation of the sacred name1 which formerly was known to all1 is now only to be divulged to the 1 i4e4 the discreet1 among the priests2 and in fact it occurs in reference to the communication of the same mystery in the immediate context also1 where it could not possibly be treated as a proper name2 1 #8who is discreet and meek and has reached middle age1' etc4 ,footnote #cdg3 ,zeitschr4 pp4 #dee1 #deg2 ,monatschr4 p4 #cb4 ,footnote #cdh3 ,monatschr4 p4 #cb4 ,footnote #cdi3 ,zeitschr4 p4 #dee4 ,sidenote3 ,other supposed etymologies in the ,talmud4 7#a7 ,asya #8a physician1' ,of other etymologies1 which have been suggested1 and through which it might be supposed the ,essenes are mentioned by name in the ,talmud1 1 asya1 #8a physician1' is the one which has found most favour4 ,for the reasons given above 7p4 #aag7 this derivation seems highly improbable1 and the passages quoted are quite insufficient to overcome the objections4 ,of these the strongest is in the ,talm4 ,jerus4 ,yoma iii4 #g1 where we are told that a certain physician ,sidenote3 not supported by the passages quoted in its behalf4 77 offered to communicate the sacred name to ,r4 ,pinchas the son of ,chama1 and the latter refused on the ground that he ate of the tithes--this being regarded as a disqualification1 apparently because it was inconsistent with the highest degree of ceremonial purity#cej4 ,the same story is told with some modifications in ,midrash ,qoheleth iii4 #aacea4 ,here ,frankel1 though himself 7as we have seen7 adopting a different derivation of the word #8,essene1' yet supposes that this particular physician belonged to the sect1 on the sole ground that ceremonial purity is represented as a qualification for the initiation into the mystery of the ,sacred ,name4 ,lwy 7l4c47 denies that the allusion to the tithes is rightly interpreted3 but even supposing it to be correct1 the passage is quite an inadequate basis either for ,frankel's conclusion that this particular physician was an ,essene1 or for the derivation of the word ,essene which others maintain4 ,again1 in the statement of ,talm4 ,jerus4 ,kethuboth ii4 #c1 that correct manuscripts were called books of #ceb1 the word ,asi is generally taken as a proper name4 ,but even if this interpretation be false1 there is absolutely nothing in the context which suggests any allusion to the ,essenes#cec4 ,in like manner the passage from ,sanhedrin #ii b1 where a physician is mentioned#ced1 supports no such inference4 ,indeed1 as this last passage relates to the family of the ,asi1 he obviously can have had no connexion with the celibate ,essenes4 ,footnote #cej3 ,frankel ,monatschr4 p4 #ga3 comp4 ,derenbourg p4 #agj sq4 ,footnote #cea3 ,see ,lwy ,krit4-,talm4 ,lex4 s4v4 ,esser4 ,footnote #ceb3 ,urged in favour of this derivation by ,herzfeld ,,ii4 p4 #cih4 ,footnote #cec3 ,the oath taken by the ,essenes 7,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g7 444 can have nothing to do with accuracy in transcribing copies1 as ,herzfeld 7,,ii4 pp4 #cih1 #djg7 seems to think4 ,the natural meaning of 1 #8to keep safe or close' and so #8not to divulge' 7e4g4 ,polyb4 xxxi4 #f4 #e ' 71 is also the meaning suggested here by the context4 ,footnote #ced3 ,the passage is adduced in support of this derivation by ,derenbourg p4 #age4 ,sidenote3 7#b7 asah #8to do4' ,hitherto our search for the name in the ,talmud has been unsuccessful4 ,one possibility however still remains4 ,the talmudical writers speak of certain #8men of deeds'2 and if 7as some suppose7 the name ,essene is derived from 1 have we not here the mention which we are seeking8 ,frankel rejects the etymology1 but presses the identification#cee4 ,the expression1 he urges1 is often used in connexion with chasidim4 ,it signifies #8miracle workers1' and therefore aptly describes the supernatural powers supposed to be exercised by the ,essenes#cef4 ,thus we are informed in ,mishna ,sotah ix4 #ae1 that #8,when ,r4 ,chaninah ben ,dosa died1 the men of deeds ceased2 when ,r4 ,jose ,ketinta died1 the chasidim ceased4' ,in the ,jerusalem ,talmud however this mishna is read1 #8,with the death of ,r4 ,chaninah ben ,dosa and ,r4 ,jose ,ketinta the chasidim ceased'2 while the ,gemara there explains ,r4 ,chaninah to have been one of the 4 ,thus1 ,frankel concludes1 #8the identity of these with becomes still more plain4' ,now it seems clear that this expression in some places cannot refer to miraculous powers1 but must mean #8men of practical goodness1' as for instance in ,succah #ea;a1 #ec;a2 and being a general term expressive of moral excellence1 it is naturally connected with chasidim1 which is likewise a general term expressive of piety and goodness4 ,nor is there any reason why it should not always be taken in this sense4 ,it is true that stories are told elsewhere of this ,r4 ,chaninah1 which ascribe miraculous powers to him#ceg1 and hence there is a temptation to translate it #8wonder-worker1' as applied to him4 ,but the reason is quite insufficient4 ,moreover it must be observed that ,r4 ,chaninah's wife is a prominent person in the legends of his miracles reported in ,taanith #bd b2 and thus we need hardly stop to discuss the possible meanings of 1 since his claims to being considered an ,essene are barred at the outset by this fact#ceh4 ,footnote #cee3 ,see ,zeitschr4 p #dch1 ,monatschr4 pp4 #fh-gj4 ,footnote #cef3 ,see above1 p4 #aah4 ,footnote #ceg3 ,taanith #bd;b1 ,yoma #ec;b2 see ,surenhuis ,mishna ,,iii4 p4 #cac4 ,footnote #ceh3 ,in this and similar cases it is unnecessary to consider whether the persons mentioned might have belonged to those looser disciples of ,essenism1 who married 7see above1 p4 #he73 because the identification is meaningless unless they belonged to the strict order itself4 ,it has been asserted indeed by a recent author1 that one very ancient ,jewish writer distinctly adopts this derivation1 and as distinctly states that the ,essenes were a class of ,pharisees#cei4 ,if this were the case1 ,frankel's theory1 though not his etymology1 would receive a striking confirmation3 and it is therefore important to enquire on what foundation the assertion rests4 ,footnote #cei3 ,ginsburg in ,kitto's ,cyclopdia s4v41 ,i4 p4 #hbi3 comp4 ,essenes pp4 #bb1 #bh4 ,sidenote3 ,the authority for this derivation traced to an error4 ,dr ,ginsburg's authority for this statement is a passage from the ,aboth of ,rabbi ,nathan1 c4 #cg1 which1 as he gives it1 appears conclusive2 #8,there are eight kinds of ,pharisees 444 and those ,pharisees who live in celibacy are ,essenes4' ,but what are the facts of the case8 ,first2 ,this book was certainly not written by its reputed author1 the ,r4 ,nathan who was vice-president under the younger ,gamaliel about ,a4 ,d4 #adj4 ,it may possibly have been founded on an earlier treatise by that famous teacher1 though even this is very doubtful3 but in its present form it is a comparatively modern work4 ,on this point all or almost all recent writers on ,hebrew literature are agreed#cfj4 ,secondly2 ,dr ,ginsburg has taken the reading 1 without even mentioning any alternative4 ,whether the words so read are capable of the meaning which he has assigned to them1 may be highly questionable2 but at all events this cannot have been the original reading1 as the parallel passages1 ,babl4 ,sotah fol4 #bb;b1 ,jerus4 ,sotah v4 #e1 ,jerus4 ,berakhoth ix4 #e1 7quoted by ,buxtorf and ,levy1 s4v4 71 distinctly prove4 ,in ,babl4 ,sotah l4c41 the corresponding expression is #8,what is my duty1 and ,i will do it1' and the passage in ,jerus4 ,berakhoth l4c4 is to the same effect4 ,these parallels show that the reading must be taken also in ,aboth c4 #cg1 so that the passage will be rendered1 #8,the ,pharisee who says1 ,what is my duty1 and ,i will do it4' ,thus the ,essenes and celibacy disappear together4 ,lastly2 ,inasmuch as ,dr ,ginsburg himself takes a wholly different view of the name ,essene1 connecting it either with #8an apron1' or with #8pious#cfa1' it is difficult to see how he could translate #8,essene' 7from #8to do'7 in this passage1 except on the supposition that ,r4 ,nathan was entirely ignorant of the orthography and derivation of the word ,essene4 ,yet1 if such ignorance were conceivable in so ancient a writer1 his authority on this question would be absolutely worthless4 ,but indeed ,dr ,ginsburg would appear to have adopted this reference to ,r4 ,nathan1 with the reading of the passage and the interpretation of the name1 from some other writer#cfb4 ,at all events it is quite inconsistent with his own opinion as expressed previously4 ,footnote #cfj3 e4g4 ,geiger ,zeitschrift f4 ,jdische ,theologie ,,vi4 p4 #bj sq42 ,zunz ,gottesdienstliche ,vortrge p4 #ajh sq43 comp4 ,steinschneider ,catal4 ,heb4 ,bibl4 ,bodl4 col4 #bjcb sq4 ,these two last references are given by ,dr ,ginsburg himself4 ,footnote #cfa3 ,essenes p4 #cj2 comp4 ,kitto's ,cyclopdia1 s4v4 ,essenes4 ,footnote #cfb3 ,it is given by ,landsberg in the ,allgemeine ,zeitung des ,judenthums #ahfb1 no4 #cc1 p4 #dei1 a reference pointed out to me by a friend4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,are the ,essenes alluded to1 though not named1 in the ,talmud8 ,but1 though we have not succeeded in finding any direct mention of this sect by name in the ,talmud1 and all the identifications of the word ,essene with diverse expressions occurring there have failed us on examination1 it might still happen that allusions to them were so frequent as to leave no doubt about the persons meant4 ,their organisation or their practices or their tenets might be precisely described1 though their name was suppressed4 ,such allusions ,frankel finds scattered up and down the ,talmud in great profusion4 ,sidenote3 7#a7 ,the chaber or ,associate4 7#a7 ,he sees a reference to the ,essenes in the chbra or #8,society1' which is mentioned several times in talmudical writers#cfc4 ,the chber 77 or #8,associate' is1 he supposes1 a member of this brotherhood4 ,he is obliged to confess that the word cannot always have this sense1 but still he considers this to be a common designation of the ,essenes4 ,the chaber was bound to observe certain rules of ceremonial purity1 and a period of probation was imposed upon him before he was admitted4 ,with this fact ,frankel connects the passage in ,mishna ,chagigah ii4 #e1 #f1 where several degrees of ceremonial purity are specified4 ,having done this1 he considers that he has the explanation of the statement in ,josephus 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g1 #aj71 that the ,essenes were divided into four different grades or orders according to the time of their continuance in the ascetic practices demanded by the sect4 ,footnote #cfc3 ,zeitschr4 p4 #dej sq41 ,monatschr4 pp4 #ca1 #gj4 ,sidenote3 ,a passage in ,chagigah considered4 ,but in the first place there is no reference direct or indirect to the chaber1 or indeed to any organisation of any kind1 in the passage of ,chagigah4 ,it simply contemplates different degrees of purification as qualifying for the performance of certain ,levitical rites in an ascending scale4 ,there is no indication that these lustrations are more than temporary and immediate in their application2 and not the faintest hint is given of distinct orders of men1 each separated from the other by formal barriers and each demanding a period of probation before admission from the order below1 as was the case with the grades of the ,essene brotherhood described by ,josephus4 ,moreover the orders in ,josephus are four in number#cfd1 while the degrees of ceremonial purity in ,chagigah are five4 ,frankel indeed is inclined to maintain that only four degrees are intended in ,chagigah1 though this interpretation is opposed to the plain sense of the passage4 ,but1 even if he should be obliged to grant that the number of degrees is five#cfe1 he will not surrender the allusion to the ,essenes1 but meets the difficulty by supposing 7it is a pure hypothesis7 that there was a fifth and highest degree of purity among the ,essenes1 to which very few attained1 and which1 as ,i understand him1 is not mentioned by ,josephus on this account4 ,but enough has already been said to show1 that this passage in ,chagigah can have no connexion with the ,essenes and gives no countenance to ,frankel's views4 ,footnote #cfd3 ,as the notices in ,josephus 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h7 relating to this point have been frequently misunderstood1 it may be well once for all to explain his meaning4 ,the grades of the ,essene order are mentioned in two separate notices1 apparently1 though not really1 discordant4 7#a7 ,in #aj he says that they are #8divided into four sections according to the duration of their discipline' 7 71 adding that the older members are considered to be defiled by contact with the younger1 i4e4 each superior grade by contact with the inferior4 ,so far his meaning is clear4 7#b7 ,in #h he states that one who is anxious to become a member of the sect undergoes a year's probation1 submitting to discipline but #8remaining outside4' ,then1 #8after he has given evidence of his perseverance 7 71 his character is tested for two years more2 and1 if found worthy1 he is accordingly admitted into the society4' ,a comparison with the other passage shows that these two years comprise the period spent in the second and third grades1 each extending over a year4 ,after passing through these three stages in three successive years1 he enters upon the fourth and highest grade1 thus becoming a perfect member4 ,it is stated by ,dr ,ginsburg 7,essenes p4 #ab sq41 comp4 ,kitto's ,cyclopdia s4v4 p4 #hbh7 that the ,essenes passed through eight stages #8from the beginning of the noviciate to the achievement of the highest spiritual state1' this last stage qualifying them1 like ,elias1 to be forerunners of the ,messiah4 ,but it is a pure hypothesis that the ,talmudical notices thus combined have anything to do with the ,essenes2 and1 as ,i shall have occasion to point out afterwards1 there is no ground for ascribing to this sect any ,messianic expectations whatever4 ,footnote #cfe3 ,zeitschr4 p4 #deb1 note4 ,sidenote3 ,difference between ,as this artificial combination has failed1 we are compelled to fall back on the notices relating to the chaber1 and to ask whether ,sidenote3 the chaber and the ,essene4 these suggest any connexion with the account of the ,essenes in ,josephus4 ,and the facts oblige us to answer this question in the negative4 ,not only do they not suggest such a connexion1 but they are wholly irreconcilable with the account in the ,jewish historian4 ,this association or confraternity 7if indeed the term is applicable to an organisation so loose and so comprehensive7 was maintained for the sake of securing a more accurate study and a better observance of the ceremonial law4 ,two grades of purity are mentioned in connexion with it1 designated by different names and presenting some difficulties#cff1 into which it is not necessary to enter here4 ,a chaber1 it would appear1 was one who had entered upon the second or higher stage4 ,for this a period of a year's probation was necessary4 ,the chaber enrolled himself in the presence of three others who were already members of the association4 ,this apparently was all the formality necessary3 and in the case of a teacher even this was dispensed with1 for being presumably acquainted with the law of things clean and unclean he was regarded as ex officio a chaber4 ,the chaber was bound to keep himself from ceremonial defilements1 and was thus distinguished from the am haarets or common people#cfg2 but he was under no external surveillance and decided for himself as to his own purity4 ,moreover he was1 or might be a married man3 for the doctors disputed whether the wives and children of an associate were not themselves to be regarded as associates#cfh4 ,in one passage1 ,sanhedrin #da;a1 it is even assumed1 as a matter of course1 that a woman may be an associate 774 ,in another 7,niddah #cc;b7#cfi there is mention of a ,sadducee and even of a ,samaritan as a chaber4 ,an organisation so flexible as this has obviously only the most superficial resemblances with the rigid rules of the ,essene order2 and in many points it presents a direct contrast to the characteristic tenets of that sect4 ,footnote #cff3 ,the entrance into lower grade was described as #8taking ' or #8wings4' ,the meaning of this expression has been the subject of much discussion2 see e4g4 ,herzfeld ,,ii4 p4 #cij sq41 ,frankel ,monatschr4 p4 #cc sq4 ,footnote #cfg3 ,the contempt with which a chaber would look down upon the vulgar herd1 the am haarets1 finds expression in the language of the ,pharisees1 ,joh4 vii4 #di 4 ,again in ,acts iv4 #ac1 where the ,apostles are described as 1 the expression is equivalent to am haarets4 ,see the passages quoted in ,buxtorf1 ,lex4 p4 #afbf4 ,footnote #cfh3 ,all these particulars and others may be gathered from ,bekhoroth #cj b1 ,mishna ,demai ii4 #b1 #c1 ,jerus4 ,demai ii4 #c1 v4 #a1 ,tosifta ,demai #b1 ,aboth ,r4 ,nathan c4 #da4 ,footnote #cfi3 ,see ,herzfeld ,,ii4 p4 #chf4 ,sidenote3 7#b7 ,the ,bene hakkeneseth4 7#b7 ,having discussed ,frankel's hypothesis respecting the chaber1 ,i need hardly follow his speculations on the ,bn-hakkneseth1 1 #8sons of the congregation' 7,zabim iii4 #b71 in which expression probably few would discover the reference1 which he finds1 to the lowest of the ,essene orders#cgj4 ,footnote #cgj3 ,monatschr4 p4 #ce4 ,sidenote3 7#c7 ,the #8holy congregation at ,jerusalem' 7#c7 ,but mention is also made of a #8holy congregation' or #8assembly' 7 7 #8in ,jerusalem'2 and1 following ,rapoport1 ,frankel sees in this expression also an allusion to the ,essenes#cga4 ,the grounds for this identification are1 that in one passage 7,berakhoth #i;b7 they are mentioned in connexion with prayer at day break1 and in another 7,midrash ,qoheleth ix4 #i7 two persons are stated to belong to this #8holy congregation1' because they divided their day into three parts1 devoting one-third to learning1 another to prayer1 and another to work4 ,the first notice would suit the ,essenes very well1 though the practice mentioned was not so distinctively ,essene as to afford any safe ground for this hypothesis4 ,of the second it should be observed1 that no such division of the day is recorded of the ,essenes1 and indeed both ,josephus 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e7 and ,philo 7,fragm4 p4 #fcc7 describe them as working from morning till night with the single interruption of their mid-day meal#cgb4 ,but in fact the identification is beset with other and more serious difficulties4 ,for this #8holy congregation' at ,jerusalem is mentioned long ,sidenote3 not an ,essene community4 after the second destruction of the city under ,hadrian#cgc1 when on ,frankel's own showing#cgd the ,essene society had in all probability ceased to exist4 ,and again certain members of it1 e4g4 ,jose ben ,meshullam 7,mishna ,bekhoroth iii4 #c1 vi4 #a71 are represented as uttering precepts respecting animals fit for sacrifice1 though we have it on the authority of ,josephus and ,philo that the ,essenes avoided the temple sacrifices altogether4 ,the probability therefore seems to be that this #8holy congregation' was an assemblage of devout ,jews who were drawn to the neighbourhood of the sanctuary after the destruction of the nation1 and whose practices were regarded with peculiar reverence by the later ,jews#cge4 ,footnote #cga3 ,zeitschr4 pp4 #deh1 #dfa1 ,monatschr4 pp4 #cb1 #cf4 ,footnote #cgb3 ,it is added however in ,midrash ,qoheleth ix4 #i #8,some say that they 7the holy congregation7 devoted the whole of the winter to studying the ,scriptures and the summer to work4' ,footnote #cgc3 ,monatschr4 p4 #cb4 ,footnote #cgd3 ,ib4 p4 #gj4 ,footnote #cge3 ,see ,derenbourg p4 #age4 ,sidenote3 7#d7 ,the ,vethikin4 7#d7 ,neither can we with ,frankel#cgf discern any reference to the ,essenes in those ,vethikin1 #8pious' or #8learned' men 7whatever may be the exact sense of the word71 who are mentioned in ,berakhoth #i;b as praying before sunrise2 because the word itself seems quite general1 and the practice1 though enforced among the ,essenes1 as we know from ,josephus 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e71 would be common to all devout and earnest ,jews4 ,if we are not justified in saying that these were not ,essenes1 we have no sufficient grounds for maintaining that they were4 ,footnote #cgf3 ,monatschr4 p4 #cb4 ,sidenote3 7#e7 ,the #8primitive elders4' 7#e7 ,nor again can we find any such reference in the or #8primitive elders#cgg4' ,it may readily be granted that this term is used synonymously1 or nearly so1 with #8the primitive chasidim'2 but1 as we failed to see anything more than a general expression in the one1 so we are naturally led to take the other in the same sense4 ,the passages where the expression occurs 7e4g4 ,shabbath #fd;b7 simply refer to the stricter observances of early times1 and do not indicate any reference to a particular society or body of men4 ,footnote #cgg3 ,monatschr4 pp4 #cb1 #fh4 ,sidenote3 7#f7 ,the #8morning bathers4' 7#f7 ,again ,frankel finds another reference to this sect in the ,tbl-shachrth1 or #8morning-bathers1' mentioned in ,tosifta ,yadayim c4 #bcgh4 ,the identity of these with the of ,greek writers seems highly probable4 ,the latter however1 though they may have had some affinities with ,essene practices and tenets1 are nevertheless distinguished from this sect wherever they are mentioned#cgi4 ,but the point to be observed is that1 even though we should identify these ,toble-shacharith with the ,essenes1 the passage in ,tosifta ,yadayim1 so far from favouring1 runs directly counter to ,frankel's view which regards the ,essenes as only a branch of ,pharisees3 for the two are here represented as in direct antagonism4 ,the ,toble-shacharith say1 #8,we grieve over you1 ,pharisees1 because you pronounce the 7sacred7 ,name in the morning without having bathed4' ,the ,pharisees retort1 #8,we grieve over you1 ,toble-shacharith1 because you pronounce the ,name from this body in which is impurity4' ,footnote #cgh3 ,ib4 p4 #fg4 ,footnote #cgi3 ,see below1 p4 #aff4 ,sidenote3 7#g7 ,the ,banaim4 7#g7 ,in connexion with the ,toble-shacharith we may consider another name1 ,banm 771 in which also ,frankel discovers an allusion to the ,essenes#chj4 ,in ,mishna ,mikvaoth ix4 #f the word is opposed to br1 #8an ignorant or stupid person'2 and this points to its proper meaning #8the builders1' i4e4 the edifiers or teachers1 according to the common metaphor in ,biblical language4 ,the word is discussed in ,shabbath #aad and explained to mean #8learned4' ,but1 because in ,mikvaoth it is mentioned in connexion with ceremonial purity1 and because in ,josephus the ,essenes are stated to have carried an #8axe and shovel' 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g1 #i71 and because moreover the ,jewish historian in another place 7,vit4 #b7 mentions having spent some time with one ,banus a dweller in the wilderness1 who lived on vegetables and fruits and bathed often day and night for the sake of purity1 and who is generally considered to have been an ,essene2 therefore ,frankel holds these ,banaim to have been ,essenes4 ,this is a specimen of the misplaced ingenuity which distinguishes ,frankel's learned speculations on the ,essenes4 ,josephus does ,sidenote3 ,josephus misinterpreted4 not mention an #8axe and shovel1' but an axe only 7 #g 71 which he afterwards defines more accurately as a spade 7 #i 1 ' 7 and which1 as he distinctly states1 was given them for the purpose of burying impurities out of sight 7comp4 ,deut4 xxiii4 #ab-ad74 ,thus it has no connexion whatever with any #8building' implement4 ,and again1 it is true that ,banus has frequently been regarded as an ,essene1 but there is absolutely no ground for this supposition4 ,on the contrary the narrative of ,josephus in his ,life seems to ,sidenote3 ,another derivation of ,banaim4 exclude it1 as ,i shall have occasion to show hereafter#cha4 ,i should add that ,sachs interprets ,banaim #8the bathers1' regarding the explanation in ,shabbath l4c4 as a #8later accommodation#chb4' ,this seems to me very improbable2 but1 if it were conceded1 the ,banaim would then apparently be connected not with the ,essenes1 but with the ,hemerobaptists4 ,footnote #chj3 ,zeitschr4 p4 #dee4 ,footnote #cha3 ,see below1 p4 #afa4 ,footnote #chb3 ,beitrge ,,ii4 p4 #aii4 ,in this derivation he is followed by ,graetz 7,,iii4 p4 #hb1 #dfh7 and ,derenbourg 7p4 #aff74 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,results of this investigation4 ,from the preceding investigation it will have appeared how little ,frankel has succeeded in establishing his thesis that #8the talmudical sources are acquainted with the ,essenes and make mention of them constantly#chc4' ,we have seen not only that no instance of the name ,essene has been produced1 but that all those passages which are supposed to refer to them under other designations1 or to describe their practices or tenets1 fail us on closer examination4 ,in no case can we feel sure that there is any direct reference to this sect1 while in most cases such reference seems to be excluded by the language or the attendant circumstances#chd4 ,thus we are ,sidenote3 ,philo and ,josephus our main authorities4 obliged to fall back upon the representations of ,philo and ,josephus4 ,their accounts are penned by eye-witnesses4 ,they are direct and explicit1 if not so precise or so full as we could have wished4 ,the writers obviously consider that they are describing a distinct and exceptional phenomenon4 ,and it would be a reversal of all established rules of historical criticism to desert the solid standing-ground of contemporary history for the artificial combinations and shadowy hypotheses1 which ,frankel would substitute in its place4 ,footnote #chc3 ,monatschr4 p4 #ca4 ,footnote #chd3 #8,the attempt to point out the ,essenes in our patristic 7i4e4 rabbinical7 literature1' says ,herzfeld truly 7,,ii4 p4 #cig71 #8has led to a splendid hypothesis-hunt 7einer stattlichen ,hypothesenjagd74' ,sidenote3 ,frankel's depreciation of them is unreasonable1 and explains nothing4 ,but here we are confronted with ,frankel's depreciation of these ancient writers1 which has been echoed by several later critics4 ,they were interested1 it is argued1 in making their accounts attractive to their heathen contemporaries1 and they coloured them highly for this purpose#che4 ,we may readily allow that they would not be uninfluenced by such a motive1 but the concession does not touch the main points at issue4 ,this aim might have led ,josephus1 for example1 to throw into bold relief the coincidences between the ,essenes and ,pythagoreans2 it might even have induced him to give a semi-pagan tinge to the ,essene doctrine of the future state of the blessed 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #aa74 ,but it entirely fails to explain those peculiarities of the sect1 which marked them off by a sharp line from orthodox ,judaism1 and which fully justify the term #8separatists' as applied to them by a recent writer4 ,in three main features especially the portrait of the ,essenes retains its distinctive character unaffected by this consideration4 ,footnote #che3 ,monatschr4 p4 #ca4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,the avoidance of sacrifices is not accounted for4 7i7 ,how1 for instance1 could this principle of accommodation have led both ,philo and ,josephus to lay so much stress on their divergence from ,judaic orthodoxy in the matter of sacrifices8 ,yet this is perhaps the most crucial note of heresy which is recorded of the ,essenes4 ,what was the law to the orthodox ,pharisee without the sacrifices1 the temple-worship1 the hierarchy8 ,yet the ,essene declined to take any part in the sacrifices2 he had priests of his own independently of the ,levitical priesthood4 ,on ,frankel's hypothesis that ,essenism is merely an exaggeration of pure ,pharisaism1 no explanation of this abnormal phenomenon can be given4 ,frankel does indeed attempt to meet the case by some speculations respecting the red-heifer#chf1 which are so obviously inadequate that they have not been repeated by later writers and may safely be passed over in silence here4 ,on this point indeed the language of ,josephus is not ,sidenote3 ,the notices of ,josephus and ,philo considered4 quite explicit4 ,he says 7,ant4 xviii4 #a4 #e7 that1 though they send offerings 77 to the temple1 they perform no sacrifices1 and he assigns as the reason their greater strictness as regards ceremonial purity 7 71 adding that #8for this reason being excluded from the common sanctuary 77 they perform their sacrifices by themselves 7' 74' ,frankel therefore supposes that their only reason for abstaining from the temple sacrifices was that according to their severe notions the temple itself was profaned and therefore unfit for sacrificial worship4 ,but if so1 why should it not vitiate the offerings1 as well as the sacrifices1 and make them also unlawful8 ,and indeed1 where ,josephus is vague1 ,philo is explicit4 ,philo 7,,ii4 p4 #deg7 distinctly states that the ,essenes being more scrupulous than any in the worship of ,god 7 7 do not sacrifice animals 7 71 but hold it right to dedicate their own hearts as a worthy offering 7' 74 ,thus the greater strictness1 which ,josephus ascribes to them1 consists in the abstention from shedding blood1 as a pollution in itself4 ,and1 when he speaks of their substituting private sacrifices1 his own qualifications show that he does not mean the word to be taken literally4 ,their simple meals are their sacrifices2 their refectory is their sanctuary2 their president is their priest#chg4 ,it should be added also that1 though we once hear of an ,essene apparently within the temple precincts 7,b4,j4 i4 #c4 #e1 ,ant4 xiii4 ,,ii4 #b7chh1 no mention is ever made of one offering sacrifices4 ,thus it is clear that with the ,essene it was the sacrifices which polluted the temple1 and not the ,sidenote3 ,their statements confirmed by the doctrine of ,christian ,essenes4 temple which polluted the sacrifices4 ,and this view is further recommended by the fact that it alone will explain the position of their descendants1 the ,christianized ,essenes1 who condemned the slaughter of victims on grounds very different from those alleged in the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 not because they have been superseded by the ,atonement1 but because they are in their very nature repulsive to ,god2 not because they have ceased to be right1 but because they never were right from the beginning4 ,footnote #chf3 ,monatschr4 p4 #fd4 ,footnote #chg3 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e 3 see also the passages quoted above p4 #hi1 note #bee4 ,footnote #chh3 ,see below1 p4 #adb4 ,it may be said indeed1 that such a view could not be maintained without impugning the authority1 or at least disputing the integrity1 of the ,old ,testament writings4 ,the sacrificial system is so bound up with the ,mosaic law1 that it can only be rejected by the most arbitrary excision4 ,this violent process however1 uncritical as it is1 was very likely to have been adopted by the ,essenes#chi4 ,as a matter of fact1 it did recommend itself to those ,judaizing ,christians who reproduced many of the ,essene tenets1 and who both theologically and historically may be regarded as the lineal ,sidenote3 ,the ,clementine ,homilies justify this doctrine by arbitrary excision of the ,scriptures4 descendants of this ,judaic sect#cij4 ,thus in the ,clementine ,homilies1 an ,ebionite work which exhibits many ,essene features1 the chief spokesman ,st ,peter is represented as laying great stress on the duty of distinguishing the true and the false elements in the current ,scriptures 7ii4 #ch1 #ea1 iii4 #d1 #e1 #aj1 #db1 #dg1 #di1 #ej1 comp4 xviii4 #ai74 ,the saying traditionally ascribed to our ,lord1 #8,show yourselves approved money-changers' 7 71 is more than once quoted by the ,apostle as enforcing this duty 7ii4 #ea1 iii4 #ej1 xviii4 #bj74 ,among these false elements he places all those passages which represent ,god as enjoining sacrifices 7iii4 #de1 xviii4 #ai74 ,it is plain1 so he argues1 that ,god did not desire sacrifices1 for did ,he not kill those who lusted after the taste of flesh in the wilderness8 and1 if the slaughter of animals was thus displeasing to ,him1 how could ,he possibly have commanded victims to be offered to ,himself 7iii4 #de78 ,it is equally clear from other considerations that this was no part of ,god's genuine law4 ,for instance1 ,christ declared that ,he came to fulfil every tittle of the ,law2 yet ,christ abolished sacrifices 7iii4 #ea74 ,and again1 the saying #8,i will have mercy and not sacrifice' is a condemnation of this practice 7iii4 #ef74 ,the true prophet #8hates sacrifices1 bloodshed1 libations'2 he #8extinguishes the fire of altars' 7iii4 #bf74 ,the frenzy of the lying soothsayer is a mere intoxication produced by the reeking fumes of sacrifice 7iii4 #ac74 ,when in the immediate context of these denunciations we find it reckoned among the highest achievements of man #8to know the names of angels1 to drive away demons1 to endeavour to heal diseases by charms 771 ,sidenote3 ,essene features in this work4 and to find incantations 77 against venomous serpents 7iii4 #cf7'2 when again ,st ,peter is made to condemn as false those scriptures which speak of ,god swearing1 and to set against them ,christ's command #8,let your yea be yea' 7iii4 #ee72 we feel how thoroughly this strange production of ,ebionite ,christianity is saturated with ,essene ideas#cia4 ,footnote #chi3 ,herzfeld 7,,ii4 p4 #djc7 is unable to reconcile any rejection of the ,old ,testament ,scriptures with the reverence paid to ,moses by the ,essenes 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #i1 #aj74 ,the ,christian ,essenes however did combine both these incongruous tenets by the expedient which is explained in the text4 ,herzfeld himself suggests that allegorical interpretation may have been employed to justify this abstention from the temple sacrifices4 ,footnote #cij3 ,see ,galatians1 p4 #caj sq4 ,footnote #cia3 ,epiphanius 7,hr4 xviii4 ,i1 p4 #ch7 again describes1 as the account was handed down to him 7 71 the tenets of a ,jewish sect which he calls the ,nasareans1 1 1 1 1 1 ' 4 v 1 1 ' 4 4 ,here we have in combination all the features which we are seeking4 ,the cradle of this sect is placed by him in ,gilead and ,bashan and #8the regions beyond the ,jordan4' ,he uses similar language also 7xxx4 #ah1 p4 #adb7 in describing the ,ebionites1 whom he places in much the same localities 7naming ,moab also71 and whose ,essene features are unmistakeable3 4 444 ,these parallels will speak for themselves4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,the ,essene worship of the ,sun cannot be explained away4 7ii7 ,nor again is ,frankel successful in explaining the ,essene prayers to the sun by rabbinical practices#cib4 ,following ,rapoport1 he supposes that ,josephus and ,philo refer to the beautiful hymn of praise for the creation of light and the return of day1 which forms part of the morning-prayer of the ,jews to the present time#cic1 and which seems to be enjoined in the ,mishna itself#cid2 and this view has been adopted by many subsequent writers4 ,but the language of ,josephus is not satisfied by this explanation4 ,for he says plainly 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e7 that they addressed prayers to the sun#cie1 and it is difficult to suppose that he has wantonly introduced a dash of paganism into his picture2 nor indeed was there any adequate motive for his doing so4 ,similarly ,philo relates of the ,therapeutes 7,vit4 ,cont4 ,,ii1 ,,ii4 p4 #dhe71 that they #8stand with their faces and their whole body towards the ,east1 and when they see that the sun is risen1 holding out their hands to heaven they pray for a happy day 77 and for truth and for keen vision of reason 7 74' ,and here again it is impossible to overlook the confirmation which these accounts receive from the history of certain ,christian heretics deriving their descent from this ,judaic sect4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,sampsans are an ,essene sect1 ,epiphanius 7,hr4 xix4 #b1 xx4 #c1 pp4 #dj sq41 #dg7 speaks of a sect called the ,sampsans or #8,sun-worshippers#cif1' as existing in his own time in ,pera on the borders of ,moab and on the shores of the ,dead ,sea4 ,he describes them as a remnant of the ,ossenes 7i4e4 ,essenes71 who have accepted a spurious form of ,christianity and are neither ,jews nor ,christians4 ,this debased ,christianity which they adopted is embodied1 he tells us1 in the pretended revelation of the ,book of ,elchasai1 and dates from the time of ,trajan#cig4 ,elsewhere 7xxx4 #c1 p4 #abg7 he seems to use the terms ,sampsan1 ,ossene1 and ,elchasaite as synonymous 7 74 ,now we happen to know something of this book of ,elchasai1 not only from ,epiphanius himself 7xix4 #a sq41 p4 #dj sq41 xxx4 #ag1 p4 #ada71 but also from ,hippolytus ,sidenote3 as appears from their sacred book of ,elchesai4 7,hr4 ix4 #ac sq47 who describes it at considerable length4 ,from these accounts it appears that the principal feature in the book was the injunction of frequent bathings for the remission of sins 7,hipp4 ,hr4 ix4 #ac1 #ae sq474 ,we are likewise told that it #8anathematizes immolations and sacrifices 7 77 as being alien to ,god and certainly not offered to ,god by tradition from 77 the fathers and the law1' while at the same time it #8says that men ought to pray there at ,jerusalem1 where the altar was and the sacrifices 7were offered71 prohibiting the eating of flesh which exists among the ,jews1 and the rest 7of their customs71 and the altar and the fire1 as being alien to ,god' 7,epiphan4 xix4 #c1 p4 #db74 ,notwithstanding1 ,sidenote3 ,its ,essene peculiarities4 we are informed that the sect retained the rite of circumcision1 the observance of the sabbath1 and other practices of the ,mosaic law 7,hipp4 ,hr4 ix4 #ad2 ,epiph4 ,hr4 xix4 #e1 p4 #dc1 comp4 xxx4 #ag1 p4 #ada74 ,this inconsistency is explained by a further notice in ,epiphanius 7l4c47 that they treated the ,scriptures in the same way as the ,nasarans#cih2 that is1 they submitted them to a process of arbitrary excision1 as recommended in the ,clementine ,homilies1 and thus rejected as falsifications all statements which did not square with their own theory4 ,hippolytus also speaks of the ,elchasaites as studying astrology and magic1 and as practising charms and incantations on the sick and the demoniacs 7 #ad74 ,moreover in two formularies1 one of expiation1 another of purification1 which this father has extracted from the book1 invocation is made to #8the holy spirits and the angels of prayer' 7 #ae1 comp4 ,epiph4 xix4 #a74 ,it should be added that the word ,elchasai probably signifies the #8hidden power'#cii2 while the book itself directed that its mysteries should be guarded as precious pearls1 and should not be communicated to the world at large1 but only to the faithful few 7,hipp4 ix4 #ae1 #ag74 ,it is hardly necessary to call attention to the number of ,essene features which are here combined#djj4 ,i would only remark that the value of the notice is not at all diminished1 but rather enhanced1 by the uncritical character of ,epiphanius' work2 for this very fact prevents us from ascribing the coincidences1 which here reveal themselves1 to this father's own invention4 ,footnote #cib3 ,zeitschr4 p4 #deh4 ,footnote #cic3 ,see ,ginsburg ,essenes p4 #fi sq4 ,footnote #cid3 ,berakhoth i4 #d2 see ,derenbourg1 p4 #afi sq4 ,footnote #cie3 ,see above1 p4 #hg1 note #bdi4 ,footnote #cif3 ,see above1 p4 #hc4 ,footnote #cig3 ,galatians p4 #caa sq4 ,see also below1 p4 #afg4 ,footnote #cih3 ,see p4 #acf1 note #cia4 ,footnote #cii3 ,galatians p4 #cab1 note #a4 ,for another derivation see below1 p4 #afg4 ,footnote #djj3 ,celibacy however is not one of these3 comp4 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xix4 #a 7p4 #dj7 1 1 4 ,in this respect they departed from the original principles of ,essenism1 alleging1 as it would appear1 a special revelation 7 7 in justification4 ,in like manner marriage is commended in the ,clementine ,homilies4 ,sidenote3 ,doubtful bearing of this ,sun-worship4 ,in this heresy we have plainly the dregs of ,essenism1 which has only been corrupted from its earlier and nobler type by the admixture of a spurious ,christianity4 ,but how came the ,essenes to be called ,sampsans8 ,what was the original meaning of this outward reverence which they paid to the sun8 ,did they regard it merely as the symbol of ,divine illumination1 just as ,philo frequently treats it as a type of ,god1 the centre of all light 7e4g4 de ,somn4 i4 #ac sq41 ,i4 p4 #fca sq471 and even calls the heavenly bodies #8visible and sensible gods' 7de ,mund4 ,op4 #g1 ,i4 p4 #f7dja8 ,or did they honour the light1 as the pure ethereal element in contrast to gross terrestrial matter1 according to a suggestion of a recent writer#djb8 ,sidenote3 ,the practice repugnant to ,jewish orthodoxy4,whatever may have been the motive of this reverence1 it is strangely repugnant to the spirit of orthodox ,judaism4 ,in ,ezek4 viii4 #af it is denounced as an abomination1 that men shall turn towards the east and worship the sun2 and accordingly in ,berakhoth #g;a1 a saying of ,r4 ,meir is reported to the effect that ,god is angry when the sun appears and the kings of the ,east and the ,west prostrate themselves before this luminary#djc4 ,we cannot fail therefore to recognise the action of some foreign influence in this ,essene practice--whether ,greek or ,syrian or ,persian1 it will be time to consider hereafter4 ,footnote #dja3 ,the important place which the heavenly bodies held in the system of ,philo1 who regarded them as animated beings1 may be seen from ,gfrrer's ,philo ,i4 p4 #cdi sq4 ,footnote #djb3 ,keim ,i4 p4 #bhi4 ,footnote #djc3 ,see ,wiesner ,schol4 zum ,babyl4 ,talm4 ,i4 pp4 #ah1 #bj4 ,sidenote3 7iii7 ,the depreciation of marriage not accounted for4 7iii7 ,on the subject of marriage again1 talmudical and rabbinical notices contribute nothing towards elucidating the practices of this sect4 ,least of all do they point to any affinity between the ,essenes and the ,pharisees4 ,the nearest resemblance1 which ,frankel can produce1 to any approximation in this respect is an injunction in ,mishna ,kethuboth v4 #h respecting the duties of the husband in providing for the wife in case of his separating from her1 and this he ascribes to ,essene influences#djd2 but this mishna does not express any approval of such a separation4 ,the direction seems to be framed entirely in the interests of the wife3 nor can ,i see that it is at all inconsistent1 as ,frankel urges1 with ,mishna ,kethuboth vii4 #a which allows her to claim a divorce under such circumstances4 ,but however this may be1 ,essene and ,pharisaic opinion stand generally in the sharpest contrast to each other with respect to marriage4 ,the talmudic writings teem with passages implying not only the superior sanctity1 but even the imperative duty1 of marriage4 ,the words #8,be fruitful and multiply' 7,gen4 i4 #bh7 were regarded not merely as a promise1 but as a command1 which was binding on all4 ,it is a maxim of the ,talmud that #8,any ,jew who has not a wife is no man' 7 17 ,yebamoth #fc;a4 ,the fact indeed is so patent1 that any accumulation of examples would be superfluous1 and ,i shall content myself with referring to ,pesachim #aac;a1 b1 as fairly illustrating the doctrine of orthodox ,judaism on this point#dje4 ,as this question affects the whole framework not only of religious1 but also of social life1 the antagonism between the ,essene and the ,pharisee in a matter so vital could not be overlooked4 ,footnote #djd3 ,monatschr4 p4 #cg4 ,footnote #dje3 ,justin ,martyr more than once taunts the ,jewish rabbis with their reckless encouragement of polygamy4 ,see ,dial4 #acd1 p4 #cfc ,d1 1 4441 ib4 #ada1 p4 #cga ,a1 ,b1 1 4441 with ,otto's note on the first passage4 ,sidenote3 7iv7 ,the ,essene practice of magic still a difficulty4 7iv7 ,nor again is it probable that the magical rites and incantations which are so prominent in the practice of the ,essenes would1 as a rule1 have been received with any favour by the ,pharisaic ,jew4 ,in ,mishna ,pesachim iv4 #i 7comp4 ,berakhoth #aj;b7 it is mentioned with approval that ,hezekiah put away a #8book of healings'2 where doubtless the author of the tradition had in view some volume of charms ascribed to ,solomon1 like those which apparently formed part of the esoteric literature of the ,essenes#djf4 ,in the same spirit in ,mishna ,sanhedrin xi4 #a ,r4 ,akiba shuts out from the hope of eternal life any #8who read profane or foreign 7i4e4 perhaps1 apocryphal7 books1 and who mutter over a wound' the words of ,exod4 xv4 #bf4 ,on this point of difference however no great stress can be laid4 ,though the nobler teachers among the orthodox ,jews set themselves steadfastly against the introduction of magic1 they were unable to resist the inpouring tide of superstition4 ,in the middle of the second century ,justin ,martyr alludes to exorcists and magicians among the ,jews1 as though they were neither few nor obscure#djg4 ,whether these were a remnant of ,essene ,judaism1 or whether such practices had by this time spread throughout the whole body1 it is impossible to say2 but the fact of their existence prevents us from founding an argument on the use of magic1 as an absolutely distinctive feature of ,essenism4 ,footnote #djf3 ,see above1 p4 #ia1 note #bfa4 ,footnote #djg3 ,dial4 #he1 p4 #caa ,c1 1 1 4 ,sidenote3 ,general result4 ,other divergences also have been enumerated#djh2 but1 as these do not for the most part involve any great principles1 and refer only to practical details in which much fluctuation was possible1 they cannot under any circumstances be taken as crucial tests1 and ,i have not thought it worth while to discuss them4 ,but the antagonisms on which ,i have dwelt will tell their own tale4 ,in three respects more especially1 in the avoidance of marriage1 in the abstention from the temple sacrifices1 and 7if the view which ,i have adopted be correct7 in the outward reverence paid to the sun1 we have seen that there is an impassable gulf between the ,essenes and the ,pharisees4 ,no known influences within the sphere of ,judaism proper will serve to account for the position of the ,essenes in these respects2 and we are obliged to look elsewhere for an explanation4 ,footnote #djh3 ,herzfeld1 ,,ii4 p4 #cib sq4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,frankel has failed in establishing his point4 ,it was shown above that the investigations of ,frankel and others failed to discover in the talmudical writings a single reference to the ,essenes1 which is at once direct and indisputable4 ,it has now appeared that they have also failed 7and this is the really important point7 in showing that the ideas and practices generally considered characteristic of the ,essenes are recognised and incorporated in these representative books of ,jewish orthodoxy2 and thus the hypothesis that ,essenism was merely a type1 though an exaggerated type1 of pure ,judaism falls to the ground4 ,sidenote3 ,affinities between ,essenes and ,pharisees confined to the ,judaic side4 ,some affinities indeed have been made out by ,frankel and by those who have anticipated or followed him4 ,but these are exactly such as we might have expected4 ,two distinct features combine to make up the portrait of the ,essene4 ,the ,judaic element is quite as prominent in this sect as the non-,judaic4 ,it could not be more strongly emphasized than in the description given by ,josephus himself4 ,in everything therefore which relates to the strictly ,judaic side of their tenets and practices1 we should expect to discover not only affinities1 but even close affinities1 in talmudic and rabbinic authorities4 ,and this is exactly what1 as a matter of fact1 we do find4 ,the ,essene rules respecting the observance of the sabbath1 the rites of lustration1 and the like1 have often very exact parallels in the writings of more orthodox ,judaism4 ,but ,i have not thought it necessary to dwell on these coincidences1 because they may well be taken for granted and my immediate purpose did not require me to emphasize them4 ,sidenote3 ,the divergence of the ,essenes from the ,pharisees gradual4 ,and again2 it must be remembered that the separation between ,pharisee and ,essene cannot always have been so great as it appears in the ,apostolic age4 ,both sects apparently arose out of one great movement1 of which the motive was the avoidance of pollution#dji4 ,the divergence therefore must have been gradual4 ,at the same time1 it does not seem a very profitable task to write a hypothetical history of the growth of ,essenism1 where the data are wanting2 and ,i shall therefore abstain from the attempt4 ,frankel indeed has not been deterred by this difficulty2 but he has been obliged to assume his data by postulating that such and such a person1 of whom notices are preserved1 was an ,essene1 and thence inferring the character of ,essenism at the period in question from his recorded sayings or doings4 ,but without attempting any such reconstruction of history1 we may fairly allow that there must have been a gradual development2 and consequently in the earlier stages of its growth we should not expect to find that sharp antagonism between the two sects1 which the principles of the ,essenes when fully matured would involve4 ,sidenote3 ,hence the possibility of their appearing in the records of orthodox ,judaism4 ,if therefore it should be shown that the talmudical and rabbinical writings here and there preserve with approval the sayings of certain ,essenes1 this fact would present no difficulty4 ,at present however no decisive example has been produced2 and the discoveries of ,jellinek for instance#daj1 who traces the influence of this sect in almost every page of ,pirke ,aboth1 can only be regarded as another illustration of the extravagance with which the whole subject has been treated by a large section of modern ,jewish writers4 ,more to the point is a notice of an earlier ,essene preserved in ,josephus himself4 ,we learn from this historian that one ,judas1 a member of the sect1 who had prophesied the death of ,antigonus1 saw this prince #8passing by through the temple#daa1' when his prophecy was on the point of fulfilment 7about ,b4,c4 #aaj74 ,at this moment ,judas is represented as sitting in the midst of his disciples1 instructing them in the science of prediction4 ,the expression quoted would seem to imply that he was actually teaching within the temple area4 ,thus he would appear not only as mixing in the ordinary life of the ,jews1 but also as frequenting the national sanctuary4 ,but even supposing this to be the right explanation of the passage1 it will not present any serious difficulty4 ,even at a later date1 when 7as we may suppose7 the principles of the sect had stiffened1 the scruples of the ,essene were directed1 if ,i have rightly interpreted the account of ,josephus1 rather against the sacrifices than against the locality#dab4 ,the temple itself1 independently of its accompaniments1 would not suggest any offence to his conscience4 ,footnote #dji3 ,see above1 p4 #abj4 ,footnote #daj3 ,orient #ahdi1 pp4 #dhi1 #ecg1 #eec4 ,footnote #daa3 ,b4,j4 i4 #c4 #e 4 ,in the parallel narrative1 ,ant4 xiii4 ,,ii4 #b1 the expression is 1 which does not imply so much2 but the less precise notice must be interpreted by the more precise4 ,even then however it is not directly stated that ,judas himself was within the temple area4 ,footnote #dab3 ,see above1 pp4 #hi1 #acd sq4 ,sidenote3 ,the approbation of ,philo and ,josephus is no evidence of orthodoxy4 ,nor again1 is it any obstacle to the view which is here maintained1 that the ,essenes are regarded with so much sympathy by ,philo and ,josephus themselves4 ,even though the purity of ,judaism might have been somewhat sullied in this sect by the admixture of foreign elements1 this fact would attract rather than repel an eclectic like ,philo1 and a latitudinarian like ,josephus4 ,the former1 as an ,alexandrian1 absorbed into his system many and diverse elements of heathen philosophy1 ,platonic1 ,stoic1 and ,pythagorean4 ,the latter1 though professedly a ,pharisee1 lost no opportunity of ingratiating himself with his heathen conquerors1 and would not be unwilling to gratify their curiosity respecting a society with whose fame1 as we infer from the notice of ,pliny1 they were already acquainted4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,what was the foreign element in ,essenism8 ,but if ,essenism owed the features which distinguished it from ,pharisaic ,judaism to an alien admixture1 whence were these foreign influences derived8 ,from the philosophers of ,greece or from the religious mystics of the ,east8 ,on this point recent writers are divided4 ,sidenote3 ,theory of ,neopythagorean influence4 ,those who trace the distinctive characteristics of the sect to ,greece1 regard it as an offshoot of the ,neopythagorean ,school grafted on the stem of ,judaism4 ,this solution is suggested by the statement of ,josephus1 that #8they practise the mode of life which among the ,greeks was introduced 77 by ,pythagoras#dac4' ,it is thought to be confirmed by the strong resemblances which as a matter of fact are found to exist between the institutions and practices of the two4 ,sidenote3 ,statement of the theory by ,zeller4 ,this theory1 which is maintained also by other writers1 as for instance by ,baur and ,herzfeld1 has found its ablest and most persistent advocate in ,zeller1 who draws out the parallels with great force and precision4 #8,the ,essenes1' he writes1 #8like the ,pythagoreans1 desire to attain a higher sanctity by an ascetic life2 and the abstentions1 which they impose on themselves for this end1 are the same with both4 ,they reject animal food and bloody sacrifices2 they avoid wine1 warm baths1 and oil for anointing2 they set a high value on celibate life3 or1 so far as they allow marriage1 they require that it be restricted to the one object of procreating children4 ,both wear only white garments and consider linen purer than wool4 ,washings and purifications are prescribed by both1 though for the ,essenes they have a yet higher significance as religious acts4 ,both prohibit oaths and 7what is more7 on the same grounds4 ,both find their social ideal in those institutions1 which indeed the ,essenes alone set themselves to realise--in a corporate life with entire community of goods1 in sharply defined orders of rank1 in the unconditional submission of all the members to their superiors1 in a society carefully barred from without1 into which new members are received only after a severe probation of several years1 and from which the unworthy are inexorably excluded4 ,both require a strict initiation1 both desire ,sidenote3 ,zeller's theory4 to maintain a traditional doctrine inviolable2 both pay the highest respect to the men from whom it was derived1 as instruments of the deity3 yet both also love figurative clothing for their doctrines1 and treat the old traditions as symbols of deeper truths1 which they must extract from them by means of allegorical explanation4 ,in order to prove the later form of teaching original1 newly-composed writings were unhesitatingly forged by the one as by the other1 and fathered upon illustrious names of the past4 ,both parties pay honour to divine powers in the elements1 both invoke the rising sun1 both seek to withdraw everything unclean from his sight1 and with this view give special directions1 in which they agree as well with each other as with older ,greek superstition1 in a remarkable way4 ,for both the belief in intermediate beings between ,god and the world has an importance which is higher in proportion as their own conception of ,god is purer2 both appear not to have disdained magic2 yet both regard the gift of prophecy as the highest fruit of wisdom and piety1 which they pique themselves on possessing in their most distinguished members4 ,finally1 both agree 7along with the dualistic character of their whole conception of the world 4447 in their tenets respecting the origin of the soul1 its relation to the body1 and the life after death#dad4444' ,footnote #dac3 ,ant4 xv4 #aj4 #d4 ,footnote #dad3 ,zeller ,philosophie der ,griechen1 ,th4 ,,iii4 ,abth4 #b1 p4 #bha4 ,sidenote3 ,absence of distinctive ,pythagorean features in the ,essenes4 ,this array of coincidences is formidable1 and thus skilfully marshalled might appear at first sight invincible4 ,but a closer examination detracts from its value4 ,in the first place the two distinctive characteristics of the ,pythagorean philosophy are wanting to the ,essenes4 ,the ,jewish sect did not believe in the transmigration of souls2 and the doctrine of numbers1 at least so far as our information goes1 had no place in their system4 ,yet these constitute the very essence of the ,pythagorean teaching4 ,in the next place several of the coincidences are more apparent than real4 ,thus ,sidenote3 ,the coincidences are in some cases only apparent1 for instance the demons who in the ,pythagorean system held an intermediate place between the ,supreme ,god and man1 and were the result of a compromise between polytheism and philosophy1 have no near relation to the angelology of the ,essenes1 which arose out of a wholly different motive4 ,nor again can we find distinct traces among the ,pythagoreans of any such reverence for the sun as is ascribed to the ,essenes1 the only notice which is adduced having no prominence whatever in its own context1 and referring to a rule which would be dictated by natural decency and certainly was not peculiar to the ,pythagoreans#dae4 ,when these imperfect and 7for the purpose7 valueless resemblances have been subtracted1 the only basis on which the theory of a direct affiliation can rest is withdrawn4 ,all the remaining coincidences are unimportant4 ,thus the respect paid to founders is not confined to any one sect or any one age4 ,the reverence of the ,essenes for ,moses1 and the reverence of the ,pythagoreans for ,pythagoras1 are indications of a common humanity1 but not of a common philosophy4 ,and again the forgery of supposititious documents is unhappily not the badge of any one school4 ,the ,solomonian books of the ,essenes1 so far as we can judge from the extant notices1 were about as unlike the tracts ascribed to ,pythagoras and his disciples by the ,neopythagoreans as two such forgeries could well be4 ,all or nearly all that remains in common to the ,greek school and the ,jewish sect after these deductions is ,sidenote3 and in others do not suggest any historical connexion4 a certain similarity in the type of life4 ,but granted that two bodies of men each held an esoteric teaching of their own1 they would secure it independently in a similar way1 by a recognised process of initiation1 by a solemn form of oath1 by a rigid distinction of orders4 ,granted also1 that they both maintained the excellence of an ascetic life1 their asceticism would naturally take the same form2 they would avoid wine and flesh2 they would abstain from anointing themselves with oil2 they would depreciate1 and perhaps altogether prohibit1 marriage4 ,unless therefore the historical conditions are themselves favourable to a direct and immediate connexion between the ,pythagoreans and the ,essenes1 this theory of affiliation has little to recommend it4 ,footnote #dae3 ,diog4 ,laert4 viii4 #ag2 see ,zeller l4c4 p4 #bhb1 note #e4 ,the precept in question occurs among a number of insignificant details1 and has no special prominence given to it4 ,in the ,life of ,apollonius by ,philostratus 7e4g4 vi4 #aj7 considerable stress is laid on the worship of the sun 7,zeller l4c4 p4 #acg1 note #f72 but the syncretism of this late work detracts from its value as representing ,pythagorean doctrine4 ,sidenote3 ,twofold objection to this theory4 ,and a closer examination must pronounce them to be most unfavourable4 ,chronology and geography alike present serious obstacles to any solution which derives the peculiarities of the ,essenes from the ,pythagoreans4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,chronological facts are adverse4 7i7 ,the priority of time1 if it can be pleaded on either side1 must be urged in favour of the ,essenes4 ,the ,pythagoreans as a philosophical school entirely disappear from history before the middle of the fourth century before ,christ4 ,the last ,pythagoreans were scholars of ,philolaus and ,eurytus1 the contemporaries of ,socrates and ,plato#daf4 ,for nearly two centuries after their extinction we hear ,sidenote3 ,disappearance of the ,pythagoreans4 nothing of them4 ,here and there persons like ,diodorus of ,aspendus are satirised by the ,attic poets of the middle comedy as #8pythagorizers1' in other words1 as total abstainers and vegetarians#dag2 but the philosophy had wholly died or was fast dying out4 ,this is the universal testimony of ancient writers4 ,it is not till the first century before ,christ1 that we meet with any distinct traces of a revival4 ,in ,alexander ,polyhistor#dah1 a younger contemporary of ,sulla1 for the first time we find references to certain writings1 which would seem to have emanated from this incipient ,neopythagoreanism1 rather than from the elder school of ,pythagoreans4 ,and a little later ,cicero commends his friend ,nigidius ,figulus as one specially raised up to revive the extinct philosophy#dai4 ,but so slow or so chequered was its progress1 that a whole century after ,seneca can still speak of the ,sidenote3 ,priority of ,essenism to ,neopythagoreanism4 school as practically defunct#dbj4 ,yet long before this the ,essenes formed a compact1 well-organized1 numerous society with a peculiar system of doctrine and a definite rule of life4 ,we have seen that ,pliny the elder speaks of this celibate society as having existed #8through thousands of ages#dba4' ,this is a gross exaggeration1 but it must at least be taken to imply that in ,pliny's time the origin of the ,essenes was lost in the obscurity of the past1 or at least seemed so to those who had not access to special sources of information4 ,if1 as ,i have given reasons for supposing#dbb1 ,pliny's authority in this passage is the same ,alexander ,polyhistor to whom ,i have just referred1 and if this particular statement1 however exaggerated in expression1 is derived from him1 the fact becomes still more significant4 ,but on any showing the priority in time is distinctly in favour of the ,essenes as against the ,neopythagoreans4 ,footnote #daf3 ,zeller l4c4 p4 #fh 7comp4 ,i4 p4 #bdb74 ,while disputing ,zeller's position1 ,i have freely made use of his references4 ,it is impossible not to admire the mastery of detail and clearness of exposition in this work1 even when the conclusions seem questionable4 ,footnote #dag3 ,athen4 iv4 p4 #afa1 ,diog4 ,laert4 viii4 #cg4 ,see the index to ,meineke ,fragm4 ,com4 s4 vv4 1 etc4 ,the words commonly used by these satirists are 1 1 4 ,the persons so satirized were probably in many cases not more ,pythagoreans than modern teetotallers are ,rechabites4 ,footnote #dah3 ,diog4 ,laert4 viii4 #bd sq42 see ,zeller l4c4 p4 #gd-gh4 ,footnote #dai3 ,cic4 ,tim4 ,i #8sic judico1 post illos nobiles ,pythagoreos quorum disciplina extincta est quodammodo1 cum aliquot scula in ,italia ,siciliaque viguisset1 hunc exstitisse qui illam renovaret4' ,footnote #dbj3 ,sen4 ,n4,q4 vii4 #cb #8,pythagorica illa invidiosa turb schola prceptorem non invenit4' ,footnote #dba3 ,n4,h4 v4 #ae4 ,the passage is at which ,josephus thinks it necessary to insert an account of the ,essenes as already flourishing 7,ant4 xiii4 #e4 #i71 is prior to the revival of the ,neopythagorean school4 ,how much earlier the ,jewish sect arose1 we are without data for determining4 ,footnote #dbb3 ,see p4 #hc1 note #bdj4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,essene tenets more developed than the ,neopythagorean4 ,and accordingly we find that what is only a tendency in the ,neopythagoreans is with the ,essenes an avowed principle and a definite rule of life4 ,such for instance is the case with celibacy1 of which ,pliny says that it has existed as an institution among the ,essenes per sculorum millia1 and which is a chief corner-stone of their practical system4 ,the ,pythagorean notices 7whether truly or not1 it is unimportant for my purpose to enquire7 speak of ,pythagoras as having a wife and a daughter#dbc4 ,only at a late date do we find the attempt to represent their founder in another light2 and if virginity is ascribed to ,apollonius of ,tyana1 the great ,pythagorean of the first ,christian century1 in the fictitious biography of ,philostratus#dbd1 this representation is plainly due to the general plan of the novelist1 whose hero is intended to rival the ,founder of ,christianity1 and whose work is saturated with ,christian ideas4 ,in fact virginity can never be said to have been a ,pythagorean principle1 though it may have been an exalted ideal of some not very early adherents of the school4 ,and the same remark applies to other resemblances between the ,essene and ,neopythagorean teaching4 ,the clearness of conception and the definiteness of practice are in almost every instance on the side of the ,essenes2 so that1 looking to the comparative chronology of the two1 it will appear almost inconceivable that they can have derived their principles from the ,neopythagoreans4 ,footnote #dbc3 ,diog4 ,laert4 viii4 #db4 ,footnote #dbd3 ,vit4 ,apoll4 i4 #ae sq4 ,at the same time ,philostratus informs us that the conduct of his hero in this respect had been differently represented by others4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,geographical difficulties in the theory4 7ii7 ,but the geographical difficulty also1 which this theory of affiliation involves1 must be added to the chronological4 ,the home of the ,essene sect is allowed on all hands to have been on the eastern borders of ,palestine1 the shores of the ,dead ,sea1 a region least of all exposed to the influences of ,greek philosophy4 ,it is true that we find near ,alexandria a closely allied school of ,jewish recluses1 the ,therapeutes2 and1 as ,alexandria may have been the home of ,neopythagoreanism1 a possible link of connexion is here disclosed4 ,but1 as ,zeller himself has pointed out1 it is not among the ,therapeutes1 but among the ,essenes1 that the principles in question appear fully developed and consistently carried out#dbe2 and therefore1 if there be a relation of paternity between ,essene and ,therapeute1 the latter must be derived from the former and not conversely4 ,how then can we suppose this influence of ,neopythagoreanism brought to bear on a ,jewish community in the south-eastern border of ,palestine8 ,zeller's answer is as follows#dbf4 ,juda was for more than a hundred and fifty years before the ,maccabean period under the sovereignty first of the ,egyptian and then of the ,syrian ,greeks4 ,we know that at this time ,hellenizing influences did infuse themselves largely into ,judaism3 and what more natural than that among these the ,pythagorean philosophy and discipline should have recommended itself to a section of the ,jewish people8 ,it may be said in reply1 that at all events the special locality of the ,essenes is the least favourable to such a solution3 but1 without pressing this fact1 ,zeller's hypothesis is open to two serious objections which combined seem fatal to it1 unsupported as it is by any historical notice4 ,first1 this influence of ,pythagoreanism is assumed to have taken place at the very time when the ,pythagorean school was practically extinct3 and secondly1 it is supposed to have acted upon that very section of the ,jewish community1 which was the most vigorous advocate of national exclusiveness and the most averse to ,hellenizing influences4 ,footnote #dbe3 l4c4 p4 #bhh sq4 ,footnote #dbf3 l4c4 p4 #bij sq4 ,sidenote3 ,the foreign element of ,essenism to be sought in the ,east1 ,it is not therefore to ,greek but to ,oriental influences that considerations of time and place1 as well as of internal character1 lead us to look for an explanation of the alien elements in ,essene ,judaism4 ,and have we not here also the account of any real coincidences which may exist between ,essenism and ,neopythagoreanism8 ,we should perhaps be hardly more justified in tracing ,neopythagoreanism directly to ,essenism than conversely 7though1 if we had no other alternative1 this would appear to be the more probable solution of the two73 but were not both alike due to substantially the same influences acting in different degrees8 ,sidenote3 to which also ,pythagoreanism may have been indebted4,i think it will hardly be denied that the characteristic features of ,pythagoreanism1 and especially of ,neopythagoreanism1 which distinguish it from other schools of ,greek philosophy1 are much more ,oriental in type1 than ,hellenic4 ,the asceticism1 the magic1 the mysticism1 of the sect all point in the same direction4 ,and history moreover contains indications that such was the case4 ,there seems to be sufficient ground for the statement that ,pythagoras himself was indebted to intercourse with the ,egyptians1 if not with more strictly ,oriental nations1 for some leading ideas of his system4 ,but1 however this may be1 the fact that in the legendary accounts1 which the ,neopythagoreans invented to do honour to the founder of the school1 he is represented as taking lessons from the ,chaldeans1 ,persians1 ,brahmins1 and others1 may be taken as an evidence that their own philosophy at all events was partially derived from eastern sources#dbg4 ,footnote #dbg3 ,see the references in ,zeller ,i4 p4 #bah sq42 comp4 ,,iii4 #b1 p4 #fg4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but1 if the alien elements of ,essenism were borrowed not so much from ,greek philosophy as from ,oriental mysticism1 to what nation or what religion was it chiefly indebted8 ,to this question it is difficult1 with our very imperfect knowledge of the ,east at the ,christian era1 to reply with any confidence4 ,sidenote3 ,resemblances to ,parsism4,yet there is one system to which we naturally look1 as furnishing the most probable answer4 ,the ,medo-,persian religion supplies just those elements which distinguish the tenets and practices of the ,essenes from the normal type of ,judaism4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,dualism47#a7 ,first2 we have here a very definite form of dualism1 which exercised the greatest influence on subsequent ,gnostic sects1 and of which ,manicheism1 the most mature development of dualistic doctrine in connexion with ,christianity1 was the ultimate fruit4 ,for though dualism may not represent the oldest theology of the ,zend-,avesta in its unadulterated form1 yet long before the era of which we are speaking it had become the fundamental principle of the ,persian religion4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,sun-worship47#b7 ,again2 the ,zoroastrian symbolism of light1 and consequent worship of the sun as the fountain of light1 will explain those anomalous notices of the ,essenes in which they are represented as paying reverence to this luminary#dbh4 ,sidenote3 7iii7 ,angelolatry47#c7 ,moreover2 the #8worship of angels' in the ,essene system has a striking parallel in the invocations of spirits1 which form a very prominent feature in the ritual of the ,zend-,avesta4 ,and altogether their angelology is illustrated1 and not improbably was suggested1 by the doctrine of intermediate beings concerned in the government of nature and of man1 such as the ,amshaspands1 which is an integral part of the ,zoroastrian system#dbi4 ,sidenote3 7iv7 ,magic47#d7 ,and once more2 the magic1 which was so attractive to the ,essene1 may have received its impulse from the priestly caste of ,persia1 to whose world-wide fame this form of superstition is indebted for its name4 ,sidenote3 7v7 ,striving after purity47#e7 ,if to these parallels ,i venture also to add the intense striving after purity1 which is the noblest feature in the ,persian religion1 ,i do so1 not because the ,essenes might not have derived this impulse from a higher source1 but because this feature was very likely to recommend the ,zoroastrian system to their favourable notice1 and because also the particular form which the zeal for purity took among them was at all events congenial to the teaching of the ,zend-,avesta1 and may not have been altogether free from its influences4 ,footnote #dbh3 ,keim 7,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara ,i4_/sc p4 #cjc7 refers to ,tac4 ,hist4 iii4 #bd #8,undique clamor2 et orientem solem 7ita in ,syria mos est7 tertiani salutavere1' as illustrating this ,essene practice4 ,the commentators on ,tacitus quote a similar notice of the ,parthians in ,herodian iv4 #ae 1 1 444 ,footnote #dbi3 ,see e4g4 ,vendidad ,farg4 xix2 and the liturgical portions of the book are largely taken up with invocations of these intermediate beings4 ,some extracts are given in ,davies' ,colossians p4 #adf sq4 ,sidenote3 ,other coincidences accidental4 ,i have preferred dwelling on these broader resemblances1 because they are much more significant than any mere coincidence of details1 which may or may not have been accidental4 ,thus for instance the magi1 like the ,essenes1 wore white garments1 and eschewed gold and ornaments2 they practised frequent lustrations2 they avoided flesh1 living on bread and cheese or on herbs and fruits2 they had different orders in their society2 and the like#dcj4 ,all these1 as ,i have already remarked1 may be the independent out-growth of the same temper and direction of conduct1 and need not imply any direct historical connexion4 ,nor is there any temptation to press such resemblances2 for even without their aid the general connexion seems to be sufficiently established#dca4 ,footnote #dcj3 ,hilgenfeld 7,zeitschrift x4 p4 #ii sq47 finds coincidences even more special than these4 ,he is answered by ,zeller 7,,iii4 #b4 p4 #bgf71 but defends his position again 7,zeitschrift xi4 p4 #cdg sq471 though with no great success4 ,among other points of coincidence ,hilgenfeld remarks on the axe 7,jos4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g7 which was given to the novices among the ,essenes1 and connects it with the 7,plin4 ,n4,h4 xxxvi4 #ai7 of the magi4 ,zeller contents himself with replying that the use of the axe among the ,essenes for purposes of divination is a pure conjecture1 not resting on any known fact4 ,he might have answered with much more effect that ,josephus elsewhere 7 #i7 defines it as a spade or shovel1 and assigns to it a very different use4 ,hilgenfeld has damaged his cause by laying stress on these accidental resemblances4 ,so far as regards minor coincidences1 ,zeller makes out as good a case for his ,pythagoreans1 as ,hilgenfeld for his magians4 ,footnote #dca3 ,those who allow any foreign ,oriental element in ,essenism most commonly ascribe it to ,persia3 e4g4 among the more recent writers1 ,hilgenfeld 7l4c47 and ,lipsius ,schenkel's ,bibel-,lexikon s4v4 ,esser p4 #ahi4 ,sidenote3 ,the destruction of the ,persian empire not adverse ,but it is said1 that the history of ,persia does not favour the hypothesis of such an influence as is here assumed4 ,the destruction of the ,persian empire by ,alexander1 argues ,zeller#dcb1 and the subsequent erection of the ,parthian domination on its ruins1 must have been fatal to the spread of ,zoroastrianism4 ,from the middle of the third century before ,christ1 when the ,parthian empire was established1 till towards the middle of the third century of our era1 when the ,persian monarchy and religion were once more restored#dcc1 its influence must have been reduced within the narrowest limits4 ,sidenote3 but favourable to the spread of ,parsism4 ,but does analogy really suggest such an inference8 ,does not the history of the ,jews themselves show that the religious influence of a people on the world at large may begin just where its national life ends8 ,the very dispersion of ,zoroastrianism1 consequent on the fall of the empire1 would impregnate the atmosphere far and wide2 and the germs of new religious developments would thus be implanted in alien soils4 ,for in tracing ,essenism to ,persian influences ,i have not wished to imply that this ,jewish sect consciously incorporated the ,zoroastrian philosophy and religion as such1 but only that ,zoroastrian ideas were infused into its system by more or less direct contact4 ,and1 as a matter of fact1 it seems quite certain that ,persian ideas were widely spread during this very interval1 when the ,persian nationality was eclipsed4 ,sidenote3 ,indications of its influence during this period4,it was then that ,hermippus gave to the ,greeks the most detailed account of this religion which had ever been laid before them#dcd4 ,it was then that its tenets suggested or moulded the speculations of the various ,gnostic sects4 ,it was then that the worship of the ,persian ,mithras spread throughout the ,roman ,empire4 ,it was then1 if not earlier1 that the magian system took root in ,asia ,minor1 making for itself 7as it were7 a second home in ,cappadocia#dce4 ,it was then1 if not earlier1 that the ,zoroastrian demonology stamped itself so deeply on the apocryphal literature of the ,jews themselves1 which borrowed even the names of evil spirits#dcf from the ,persians4 ,there are indeed abundant indications that ,palestine was surrounded by ,persian influences during this period1 when the ,persian empire was in abeyance4 ,footnote #dcb3 l4c4 p4 #bge4 ,footnote #dcc3 ,see ,gibbon ,decline and ,fall c4 viii1 ,milman ,history of ,christianity ,,ii4 p4 #bdg sq4 ,the latter speaks of this restoration of ,zoroastrianism1 as #8perhaps the only instance of the vigorous revival of a ,pagan religion4' ,it was far purer and less ,pagan than the system which it superseded2 and this may account for its renewed life4 ,footnote #dcd3 ,see ,mller ,fragm4 ,hist4 ,grc4 ,,iii4 p4 #ec sq4 for this work of ,hermippus 4 ,he flourished about ,b4,c4 #bjj4 ,see ,max ,mller ,lectures on the ,science of ,language #ast ser4 p4 #hf4 ,footnote #dce3 ,strabo xv4 #c4 #ae 7p4 #gcc7 7 1 7 444 ,footnote #dcf3 ,at least in one instance1 ,asmodeus 7,tob4 iii4 #ag72 see ,m4 ,mller ,chips from a ,german ,workshop ,i4 p4 #adh sq4 ,for the different dates assigned to the book of ,tobit see ,dr ,westcott's article ,tobit in ,smith's ,dictionary of the ,bible p4 #aebe4 ,thus we seem to have ample ground for the view that certain alien features in ,essene ,judaism were derived from the ,zoroastrian religion4 ,sidenote3 ,are ,buddhist influences also perceptible8,but are we justified in going a step further1 and attributing other elements in this eclectic system to the more distant ,east8 ,the monasticism of the ,buddhist will naturally occur to our minds1 as a precursor of the cenobitic life among the ,essenes2 and ,hilgenfeld accordingly has not hesitated to ascribe this characteristic of ,essenism directly to ,buddhist influences#dcg4 ,but at the outset we are obliged to ask whether history gives any such indication of the presence of ,buddhism in the ,west as this hypothesis requires4 ,hilgenfeld answers this question in the affirmative4 ,sidenote3 ,supposed ,buddhist establishment at ,alexandria4,he points triumphantly to the fact that as early as the middle of the second century before ,christ the ,buddhist records speak of their faith as flourishing in ,alasanda the chief city of the land of ,yavana4 ,the place intended1 he conceives1 can be none other than the great ,alexandria1 the most famous of the many places bearing the name#dch4 ,sidenote3 ,the authority misinterpreted ,in this opinion however he stands quite alone4 ,neither ,kppen#dci1 who is his authority for this statement1 nor any other ,indian scholar#ddj1 so far as ,i am aware1 for a moment contemplates this identification4 ,yavana1 or ,yona1 was the common ,indian name for the ,grco-,bactrian kingdom and its dependencies#dda2 and to this region we naturally turn4 ,the ,alasanda or ,alasadda therefore1 which is here mentioned1 will be one of several ,eastern cities bearing the name of the great conqueror1 most probably ,alexandria ad ,caucasum4 ,but indeed ,i hardly think that1 if ,hilgenfeld had referred to the original authority for the statement1 the great ,buddhist history ,mahawanso1 he would have ventured to lay any stress at all on this notice1 as supporting his theory4 ,sidenote3 and wholly untrustworthy in itself4,the historian1 or rather fabulist 7for such he is in this earlier part of his chronicle71 is relating the foundation of the ,mah thpo1 or great tope1 at ,ruanwelli by the king ,dutthagmini in the year ,b4,c4 #aeg4 ,beyond the fact that this tope was erected by this king the rest is plainly legendary4 ,all the materials for the construction of the building1 we are told1 appeared spontaneously as by miracle--the bricks1 the metals1 the precious stones4 ,the dewos1 or demons1 lent their aid in the erection4 ,in fact the fabric huge ,rose like an exhalation4 ,priests gathered in enormous numbers from all the great ,buddhist monasteries to do honour to the festival of the foundation4 ,one place alone sent not less than #if1jjj4 ,among the rest it is mentioned that #8,maha ,dhammarakkito1 thro 7i4e4 senior priest7 of ,yna1 accompanied by #cj1jjj priests from the vicinity of ,alasadd1 the capital of the ,yna country1 attended#ddb4' ,it is obvious that no weight can be attached to a statement occurring as part of a story of which the other details are so manifestly false4 ,an establishment of #cj1jjj ,buddhist priests at ,alexandria would indeed be a phenomenon of which historians have shown a strange neglect4 ,footnote #dcg3 ,zeitschrift ,x4 p4 #ajc sq42 comp4 ,,xi4 p4 #cea4 ,m4 ,renan also 7,langues ,smitiques ,,iii4 iv4 #a1 ,vie de ,jsus p4 #ih7 suggests that ,buddhist influences operated in ,palestine4 ,footnote #dch3 ,x4 p4 #aje #8was schon an sich1 zumal in dieser ,zeit1 schwerlich ,alexandria ad ,caucasum1 sondern nur ,alexandrien in ,aegypten bedeuten kann4' ,comp4 ,,xi4 p4 #cea1 where he repeats the same argument in reply to ,zeller4 ,this is a very natural inference from a western point of view2 but1 when we place ourselves in the position of a ,buddhist writer to whom ,bactria was ,greece1 the relative proportions of things are wholly changed4 ,footnote #dci3 ,die ,religion des ,buddha ,i4 p4 #aic4 ,footnote #ddj3 ,comp4 e4g4 ,weber ,die ,verbindungen ,indiens mit den ,lndern im ,westen p4#fge in the ,allgem4 ,monatschr4 f4 ,wissensch4 u4 ,literatur1 ,braunschweig #ahec2 ,lassen ,indische ,alterthumskunde ,,ii4 p4 #bcf2 ,hardy ,manual of ,budhism p4 #eaf4 ,footnote #dda3 ,for its geographical meaning in older ,indian writers see ,kppen l4c4 ,since then it has entirely departed from its original signification1 and ,yavana is now a common term used by the ,hindoos to designate the ,mohammedans4 ,thus the ,greek name has come to be applied to a people which of all others is most unlike the ,greeks4 ,this change of meaning admirably illustrates the use of among the ,jews1 which in like manner1 from being the name of an alien nation1 became the name of an alien religion1 irrespective of nationality3 see the note on ,gal4 ii4 #c4 ,footnote #ddb3 ,mahawanso p4 #aga1 ,turnour's translation4 ,sidenote3 ,general ignorance of ,buddhism in the ,west4 ,nor is the presence of any ,buddhist establishment even on a much smaller scale in this important centre of western civilization at all reconcilable with the ignorance of this religion1 which the ,greeks and ,romans betray at a much later date#ddc4 ,for some centuries after the ,christian era we find that the information possessed by western writers was most shadowy and confused2 and in almost every instance we are able to trace it to some other cause than the actual presence of ,buddhists in the ,roman ,empire#ddd4 ,sidenote3 ,strabo4,thus ,strabo1 who wrote under ,augustus and ,tiberius1 apparently mentions the ,buddhist priests1 the sramanas1 under the designation sarman1 77#dde2 but he avowedly obtains his information from ,megasthenes1 who travelled in ,india somewhere about the year #cjj ,b4,c4 and wrote a book on ,indian affairs4 ,sidenote3 ,bardesanes4,thus too ,bardesanes at a much later date gives an account of these ,buddhist ascetics1 without however naming the founder of the religion2 but he was indebted for his knowledge of them to conversations with certain ,indian ambassadors who visited ,syria on their way westward in the reign of one of the ,antonines#ddf4 ,sidenote3 ,clement of ,alexandria4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 writing in the latest years of the second century or the earliest of the third1 for the first time#ddg mentions ,buddha by name2 and even he betrays a strange ignorance of this ,eastern religion#ddh4 ,footnote #ddc3 ,how for instance1 if any such establishment had ever existed at ,alexandria1 could ,strabo have used the language which is quoted in the next note8 ,footnote #ddd3 ,consistently with this view1 we may allow that single ,indians would visit ,alexandria from time to time for purposes of trade or for other reasons1 and not more than this is required by the rhetorical passage in ,dion ,chrysost4 ,or4 xxxii 7p4 #cgc7 ' 444 4 ,the qualifying shows how very slight was the communication between ,india and ,alexandria4 ,the mission of ,pantnus may have been suggested by the presence of such stray visitors4 ,jerome 7,vir4 ,ill4 #cf7 says that he went #8rogatus ab illius gentis legatis4' ,it must remain doubtful however1 whether some other region than ,hindostan1 such as thiopia for instance1 is not meant1 when ,pantnus is said to have gone to ,india3 see ,cave's ,lives of the ,primitive ,fathers p4 #ahh sq4 ,how very slight the communication was between ,india and the ,west in the early years of the ,christian era1 appears from this passage of ,strabo ,,xv4 #a4 #d 7p4 #fhf72 1 ' 1 after which he goes on to say that the only instance of ,indian travellers in the ,west was the embassy sent to ,augustus 7see below p4 #aee71 which came ' ' 4 ,the communications between ,india and the ,west are investigated by two recent writers1 ,reinaud ,relations ,politiques et ,commerciales de l',empire ,romain avec l',asie ,centrale1 ,paris #ahfc1 and ,priaulx ,the ,indian ,travels of ,apollonius of ,tyana and the ,indian ,embassies to ,rome1 #ahgc4 ,the latter work1 which is very thorough and satisfactory1 would have saved me much labour of independent investigation1 if ,i had seen it in time4 ,footnote #dde3 ,strabo ,,xv4 #a4 #ei1 p4 #gab4 ,in the ,,mss it is written 1 but this must be an error either introduced by ,strabo's transcribers or found in the copy of ,megasthenes which this author used4 ,this is plain not only from the ,indian word itself1 but also from the parallel passage in ,clement of ,alexandria 7,strom4 i4 #ae74 ,from the coincidences of language it is clear that ,clement also derived his information from ,megasthenes1 whose name he mentions just below4 ,the fragments of ,megasthenes relating to the ,indian philosophers will be found in ,mller ,fragm4 ,hist4 ,grc4 ,,ii4 p4 #dcg4 ,they were previously edited by ,schwanbeck1 ,megasthenis ,indica 7,bonn #ahdf74 ,for we also find the form in other writers2 e4g4 ,clem4 ,alex4 l4c41 ,bardesanes in ,porphyr4 de ,abstin4 iv4 #ag1 ,orig4 c4 ,cels4 i4 #ai 7,i4 p4 #cdb74 ,this divergence is explained by the fact that the ,pali word sammana corresponds to the ,sanskrit sramana4 ,see ,schwanbeck1 l4c4 p4 #ag1 quoted by ,mller p4 #dcg4 ,it should be borne in mind however1 that several eminent ,indian scholars believe ,megasthenes to have meant not ,buddhists but ,brahmins by his 4 ,so for instance ,lassen ,rhein4 ,mus4 #ahcc1 p4 #ahj sq41 ,ind4 ,alterth4 ,,ii4 p4 #gjj3 and ,prof4 ,max ,mller 7,pref4 to ,rogers's ,translation of ,buddhaghosha's ,parables1 ,london #ahgj1 p4 lii7 says2 #8,that ,lassen is right in taking the 1 mentioned by ,megasthenes1 for ,brahmanic1 not for ,buddhist ascetics1 might be proved also by their dress4 ,dresses made of the bark of trees are not ,buddhistic4' ,if this opinion be correct1 the earlier notices of ,buddhism in ,greek writers entirely disappear1 and my position is strengthened4 ,but for the following reasons the other view appears to me more probable3 7#a7 ,the term sramana is the common term for the ,buddhist ascetic1 whereas it is very seldom used of the ,brahmin4 7#b7 ,the 7another form of sramana71 mentioned below p4 #aef1 note #dej1 appears to have been a ,buddhist4 ,this view is taken even by ,lassen1 ,ind4 ,alterth4 ,,iii4 p4 #fj4 7#c7 ,the distinction of and in ,megasthenes or the writers following him corresponds to the distinction of and in ,bardesanes1 ,origen1 and others2 and1 as ,schwanbeck has shown 7l4c471 the account of the in ,megasthenes for the most part is a close parallel to the account of the in ,bardesanes 7or at least in ,porphyry's report of ,bardesanes74 ,it seems more probable therefore that ,megasthenes has been guilty of confusion in describing the dress of the 1 than that ,brahmins are intended by the term4 ,the ,pali form1 1 as a designation of the ,buddhists1 first occurs in ,clement of ,alexandria or ,bardesanes1 whichever may be the earlier writer4 ,it is generally ascribed to ,alexander ,polyhistor1 who flourished ,b4,c4 #hj-fj1 because his authority is quoted by ,cyril of ,alexandria 7c4 ,julian4 iv4 p4 #acc7 in the same context in which the are mentioned4 ,this inference is drawn by ,schwanbeck1 ,max ,mller1 ,lassen1 and others4 ,an examination of ,cyril's language however shows that the statement for which he quotes the authority of ,alexander ,polyhistor does not extend to the mention of the ,samani4 ,indeed all the facts given in this passage of ,cyril 7including the reference to ,polyhistor7 are taken from ,clement of ,alexandria 7,strom4 i4 #ae2 see the next note71 whose account ,cyril has abridged4 ,it is possible indeed that ,clement himself derived the statement from ,polyhistor1 but nothing in ,clement's own language points to this4 ,footnote #ddf3 ,the narrative of ,bardesanes is given by ,porphyry de ,abst4 iv4 #ag4 ,the ,buddhist ascetics are there called 7see the last note74 ,the work of ,bardesanes1 recounting his conversations with these ,indian ambassadors1 is quoted again by ,porphyry in a fragment preserved by ,stobus ,ecl4 iii4 #ef 7p4 #ada74 ,in this last passage the embassy is said to have arrived 1 by which1 if the words be correct1 must be meant ,elagabalus 7,a4,d4 #bah-bbb71 the spurious ,antonine 7see ,hilgenfeld ,bardesanes p4 #ab sq474 ,other ancient authorities however place ,bardesanes in the reign of one of the older ,antonines2 and1 as the context is somewhat corrupt1 we cannot feel quite certain about the date4 ,bardesanes gives by far the most accurate account of the ,buddhists to be found in any ancient ,greek writer2 but even here the monstrous stories1 which the ,indian ambassadors related to him1 show how little trustworthy such sources of information were4 ,footnote #ddg3 ,except possibly ,arrian1 ,ind4 viii4 #a1 who mentions an ancient ,indian king1 ,budyas 77 by name2 but what he relates of him is quite inconsistent with the history of ,buddha1 and probably some one else is intended4 ,footnote #ddh3 ,in this passage 7,strom4 i4 #ae1 p4 #cei7 ,clement apparently mentions these same persons three times1 supposing that he is describing three different schools of ,oriental philosophers4 7#a7 ,he speaks of 7comp4 ,cyrill4 ,alex4 l4c472 7#b7 ,he distinguishes two classes of ,indian gymnosophists1 whom he calls and 4 ,these are ,buddhists and ,brahmins respectively 7see p4 #aec1 note #dde72 7#c7 ,he says afterwards 1 ' 8 4 ,schwanbeck indeed maintains that ,clement here intends to describe the same persons whom he has just mentioned as 2 but this is not the natural interpretation of his language1 which must mean #8,there are also among the ,indians those who obey the precepts of ,buddha4' ,probably ,schwanbeck is right in identifying the with the ,buddhist ascetics1 but ,clement appears not to have known this4 ,in fact he has obtained his information from different sources1 and so repeated himself without being aware of it4 ,where he got the first fact it is impossible to say4 ,the second1 as we saw1 was derived from ,megasthenes4 ,the third1 relating to ,buddha1 came1 as we may conjecture1 either from ,pantnus 7if indeed ,hindostan is really meant by the ,india of his missionary labours7 or from some chance ,indian visitor at ,alexandria4 ,in another passage 7,strom4 iii4 #g1 p4 #eci7 ,clement speaks of certain ,indian celibates and ascetics1 who are called 4 ,as he distinguishes them from the gymnosophists1 and mentions the pyramid as a sacred building with them1 the identification with the ,buddhists can hardly be doubted4 ,here therefore is a ,grecized form of 2 and this modification of the word would occur naturally to ,clement1 because 1 1 were already used of the ascetic life3 e4g4 ,philo de ,vit4 ,cont4 #c 7p4 #dge ,m7 4 ,sidenote3 ,hippolytus4 ,still later than this1 ,hippolytus1 while he gives a fairly intelligent1 though brief1 account of the ,brahmins#ddi1 says not a word about the ,buddhists1 though1 if he had been acquainted with their teaching1 he would assuredly have seen in them a fresh support to his theory of the affinity between ,christian heresies and pre-existing heathen philosophies4 ,sidenote3 ,a ,buddhist at ,athens4,with one doubtful exception--an ,indian fanatic attached to an embassy sent by king ,porus to ,augustus1 who astonished the ,greeks and ,romans by burning himself alive at ,athens#dej-there is apparently no notice in either heathen or ,christian writers1 which points to the presence of a ,buddhist within the limits of the ,roman ,empire1 till long after the ,essenes had ceased to exist#dea4 ,footnote #ddi3 ,hr4 i4 #bd4 ,footnote #dej3 ,the chief authority is ,nicolaus of ,damascus in ,strabo xv4 i4 #gc 7p4 #bgj74 ,the incident is mentioned also in ,dion ,cass4 liv4 #i4 ,nicolaus had met these ambassadors at ,antioch1 and gives an interesting account of the motley company and their strange presents4 ,this fanatic1 who was one of the number1 immolated himself in the presence of an astonished crowd1 and perhaps of the emperor himself1 at ,athens4 ,he anointed himself and then leapt smiling on the pyre4 ,the inscription on his tomb was 4 ,the tomb was visible at least as late as the age of ,plutarch1 who recording the self-immolation of ,calanus before ,alexander 7,vit4 ,alex4 #fi7 says1 1 4 ,strabo also places the two incidents in conjunction in another passage in which he refers to this person1 xv4 #a4 #d 7p4 #fhf7 1 444 ,the reasons for supposing this person to have been a ,buddhist1 rather than a ,brahmin1 are3 7#a7 ,the name 7which appears with some variations in the ,,mss of ,strabo71 being apparently the ,indian sramanakarja1 i4e4 #8teacher of the ascetics1' in other words1 a ,buddhist priest2 7#b7 ,the place ,bargosa1 i4e4 ,barygaza1 where ,buddhism flourished in that age4 ,see ,priaulx p4 #gh sq4 ,in ,dion ,cassius it is written 4 ,and have we not here an explanation of #a ,cor4 xiii4 #c1 if be the right reading8 ,the passage1 being written before the fires of the ,neronian persecution1 requires explanation4 ,now it is clear from ,plutarch that the #8,tomb of the ,indian' was one of the sights shown to strangers at ,athens3 and the ,apostle1 who observed the altar 1 was not likely to overlook the sepulchre with the strange inscription 4 ,indeed the incident would probably be pressed on his notice in his discussions with ,stoics and ,epicureans1 and he would be forced to declare himself as to the value of these ,indian self-immolations1 when he preached the doctrine of self-sacrifice4 ,we may well imagine therefore that the fate of this poor ,buddhist fanatic was present to his mind when he penned the words 444 1 4 ,indeed it would furnish an almost equally good illustration of the text1 whether we read or 4 ,dion ,cassius 7l4c47 suggests that the deed was done or 4 ,how much attention these religious suicides of the ,indians attracted in the ,apostolic age 7doubtless because the act of this ,buddhist priest had brought the subject vividly before men's minds in the ,west71 we may infer from the speech which ,josephus puts in the mouth of ,eleazar 7,b4,j4 vii4 #h4 #g71 444 444 1 1 444 ' 2 ,footnote #dea3 ,in the reign of ,claudius an embassy arrived from ,taprobane 7,ceylon72 and from these ambassadors ,pliny derived his information regarding the island1 ,n4,h4 vi4 #bd4 ,respecting their religion however he says only two words #8coli ,herculem1' by whom probably ,rama is meant 7,priaulx p4 #aaf74 ,from this and other statements it appears that they were ,tamils and not ,singalese1 and thus belonged to the non-,buddhist part of the island2 see ,priaulx p4 #ia sq4 ,sidenote3 ,the alleged coincidences prove nothing4 ,and1 if so1 the coincidences must be very precise1 before we are justified in attributing any peculiarities of ,essenism to ,buddhist influences4 ,this however is far from being the case4 ,they both exhibit a well-organized monastic society3 but the monasticism of the ,buddhist priests1 with its systematized mendicancy1 has little ,sidenote3 ,monasticism4 in common with the monasticism of the ,essene recluse1 whose life was largely spent in manual labour4 ,sidenote3 ,asceticism4,they both enjoin celibacy1 both prohibit the use of flesh and of wine1 both abstain from the slaughter of animals4 ,but1 as we have already seen1 such resemblances prove nothing1 for they may be explained by the independent development of the same religious principles4 ,one coincidence1 and one only1 is noticed by ,hilgenfeld1 which at first sight seems more striking and might suggest a historical connexion4 ,sidenote3 ,four orders and four steps4,he observes that the four orders of the ,essene community are derived from the four steps of ,buddhism4 ,against this it might fairly be argued that such coincidences of numbers are often purely accidental1 and that in the present instance there is no more reason for connecting the four steps of ,buddhism with the four orders of ,essenism than there would be for connecting the ten precepts of ,buddha with the ,ten ,commandments of ,moses4 ,but indeed a nearer examination will show that the two have nothing whatever in common except the number4 ,the four steps or paths of ,buddhism are not four grades of an external order1 but four degrees of spiritual progress on the way to nirvana or annihilation1 the ultimate goal of the ,buddhist's religious aspirations4 ,they are wholly unconnected with the ,buddhist monastic system1 as an organization4 ,a reference to the ,buddhist notices collected in ,hardy's ,eastern ,monachism 7p4 #bhj sq47 will at once dispel any suspicion of a resemblance4 ,a man may attain to the highest of these four stages of ,buddhist illumination instantaneously4 ,he does not need to have passed through the lower grades1 but may even be a layman at the time4 ,some merit obtained in a previous state of existence may raise him per saltum to the elevation of a rahat1 when all earthly desires are crushed and no future birth stands between him and nirvana4 ,sidenote3 ,buddhist influences seen first in ,manicheism4,there remains therefore no coincidence which would suggest any historical connexion between ,essenism and ,buddhism4 ,indeed it is not till some centuries later1 when ,manicheism starts into being1 that we find for the first time any traces of the influence of ,buddhism on the religions of the ,west#deb4 ,footnote #deb3 ,even its influence on ,manicheism however is disputed in a learned article in the ,home and ,foreign ,review ,,iii4 p4 #adc sq4 7#ahfc71 by ,mr ,p4 ,le ,page ,renouf 7see ,academy #ahgc1 p4 #cii74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #c4 ,,essenism ,,and ,,christianity4 ,sidenote3 ,the theory which explains ,christianity as an outgrowth of ,essenism1 ,it has become a common practice with a certain class of writers to call ,essenism to their aid in accounting for any distinctive features of ,christianity1 which they are unable to explain in any other way4 ,wherever some external power is needed to solve a perplexity1 here is the deus ex machina whose aid they most readily invoke4 ,constant repetition is sure to produce its effect1 and probably not a few persons1 who want either the leisure or the opportunity to investigate the subject for themselves1 have a lurking suspicion that the ,founder of ,christianity may have been an ,essene1 or at all events that ,christianity was largely indebted to ,essenism for its doctrinal and ethical teaching#dec4 ,indeed1 when very confident and sweeping assertions are made1 it is natural to presume that they rest on a substantial basis of fact4 ,thus for instance we are told by one writer that ,christianity is #8,essenism alloyed with foreign elements'#ded3 while another1 who however approaches the subject in a different spirit1 says2 #8,it will hardly be doubted that our ,saviour ,himself belonged to this holy brotherhood4 ,this will especially be apparent1 when we remember that the whole ,jewish community at the advent of ,christ was divided into three parties1 the ,pharisees1 the ,sadducees1 and the ,essenes1 and that every ,jew had to belong to one of these sects4 ,jesus who in all things conformed to the ,jewish law1 and who was holy1 harmless1 undefiled1 and separate from sinners1 would therefore naturally associate ,himself with that order of ,judaism which was most congenial to his nature'4#dee,sidenote3 tested by facts4,i purpose testing these strong assertions by an appeal to facts4 ,footnote #dec3 ,de ,quincey's attempt to prove that the ,essenes were actually ,christians 7,works ,,vi p4 #bgj sq41 ,,ix p4 #bec sq471 who used the machinery of an esoteric society to inculcate their doctrines #8for fear of the ,jews1' is conceived in a wholly different spirit from the theories of the writers mentioned in the text2 but it is even more untenable and does not deserve serious refutation4 ,footnote #ded3 ,grtz ,,iii p4 #bag4 ,footnote #dee3 ,ginsburg ,essenes p4 #bd4 ,sidenote3 ,our ,lord need not have belonged to any sect4 ,for the statements involved in those words of the last extract which ,i have underlined1 no authority is given by the writer himself2 nor have ,i been able to find confirmation of them in any quarter4 ,on the contrary the frequent allusions which we find to the vulgar herd1 the 1 the am haarets1 who are distinguished from the disciples of the schools#def1 suggest that a large proportion of the people was unattached to any sect4 ,if it had been otherwise1 we might reasonably presume that our ,lord1 as one who #8in all things conformed to the ,jewish law1' would have preferred attaching ,himself to the ,pharisees who #8sat in ,moses' seat' and whose precepts ,he recommended ,his disciples to obey#deg1 rather than to the ,essenes who in one important respect at least--the repudiation of the temple sacrifices--acted in flagrant violation of the ,mosaic ordinances4 ,footnote #def3 ,see above1 p4 #acj4 ,footnote #deg3 ,matt4 xxiii4 #b1 #c4 ,sidenote3 ,the argument from the silence of the ,new ,testament answered4 ,this preliminary barrier being removed1 we are free to investigate the evidence for their presumed connexion4 ,and here we are met first with a negative argument1 which obviously has great weight with many persons4 ,why1 it is asked1 does ,jesus1 who so unsparingly denounces the vices and the falsehoods of ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 never once mention the ,essenes by way of condemnation1 or indeed mention them by name at all8 ,why1 except that ,he himself belonged to this sect and looked favourably on their teaching8 ,this question is best answered by another4 ,how can we explain the fact1 that throughout the enormous mass of talmudical and early rabbinical literature this sect is not once mentioned by name1 and that even the supposed allusions to them1 which have been discovered for the first time in the present century1 turn out on investigation to be hypothetical and illusory8 ,the difficulty is much greater in this latter instance2 but the answer is the same in both cases4 ,the silence is explained by the comparative insignificance of the sect1 their small numbers and their retired habits4 ,their settlements were far removed from the great centres of political and religious life4 ,their recluse habits1 as a rule1 prevented them from interfering in the common business of the world4 ,philo and ,josephus have given prominence to them1 because their ascetic practices invested them with the character of philosophers and interested the ,greeks and ,romans in their history2 but in the national life of the ,jews they bore a very insignificant part#deh4 ,if the ,sadducees1 who held the highest offices in the hierarchy1 are only mentioned directly on three occasions in the ,gospels#dei1 it can be no surprise that the ,essenes are not named at all4 ,footnote #deh3 ,this fact is fully recognised by several recent writers1 who will not be suspected of any undue bias towards traditional views of ,christian history4 ,thus ,lipsius writes 7p4 #aij71 #8,in the general development of ,jewish life ,essenism occupies a far more subordinate place than is commonly ascribed to it4' ,and ,keim expresses himself to the same effect 7,i4 p4 #cje74 ,derenbourg also1 after using similar language1 adds this wise caution1 #8,in any case1 in the present state of our acquaintance with the ,essenes1 which is so imperfect and has no chance of being extended1 the greatest prudence is required of science1 if she prefers to be true rather than adventurous1 if she has at heart rather to enlighten than to surprise' 7p4 #dfa74 ,even ,grtz in one passage can write soberly on this subject3 #8,the ,essenes had throughout no influence on political movements1 from which they held aloof as far as possible' 7,,iii4 p4 #hf74 ,footnote #dei3 ,these are 7#a7 ,matt4 iii4 #g2 7#b7 ,matt4 xvi4 #a sq42 7#c7 ,matt4 xxii4 #bc sq41 ,mark xii4 #ah1 ,luke xx4 #bg4 ,sidenote3 ,the positive arguments for a connexion may be twofold4 ,as no stress therefore can be laid on the argument for silence1 any hypothesis of connexion between ,essenism and ,christianity must make good its claims by establishing one or both of these two points3 first1 that there is direct historical evidence of close intercourse between the two2 and secondly1 that the resemblances of doctrine and practice are so striking as to oblige1 or at least to warrant1 the belief in such a connexion4 ,if both these lines of argument fail1 the case must be considered to have broken down4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,absence of direct historical evidence of a connexion4 #a4 ,on the former point it must be premised that the ,gospel narrative does not suggest any hint of a connexion4 ,indeed its general tenor is directly adverse to such a supposition4 ,from first to last ,jesus and his disciples move about freely1 taking part in the common business1 even in the common recreations1 of ,jewish life4 ,the recluse ascetic brotherhood1 which was gathered about the shores of the ,dead ,sea1 does not once appear above the ,evangelists' horizon4 ,of this close society1 as such1 there is not the faintest indication4 ,sidenote3 ,two individual cases alleged4 ,but two individuals have been singled out1 as holding an important place either in the ,evangelical narrative or in the ,apostolic ,church1 who1 it is contended1 form direct and personal links of communication with this sect4 ,these are ,john the ,baptist and ,james the ,lord's brother4 ,the one is the forerunner of the ,gospel1 the first herald of the ,kingdom2 the other is the most prominent figure in the early ,church of ,jerusalem4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,john the ,baptist 7i7 ,john the ,baptist was an ascetic4 ,his abode was the desert2 his clothing was rough2 his food was spare2 he baptized his penitents4 ,therefore1 it is argued1 he was an ,essene4 ,between the premisses and the conclusion however there is a broad gulf1 which cannot very easily be bridged over4 ,sidenote3 not an ,essene4,the solitary independent life1 which ,john led1 presents a type wholly different from the cenobitic establishments of the ,essenes1 who had common property1 common meals1 common hours of labour and of prayer4 ,it may even be questioned whether his food of locusts would have been permitted by the ,essenes1 if they really ate nothing which had life 7#dfj74 ,and again2 his baptism as narrated by the ,evangelists1 and their lustrations as described in ,josephus1 have nothing in common except the use of water for a religious purpose4 ,when therefore we are told confidently that #8his manner of life was altogether after the ,essene pattern#dfa1' and that #8he without doubt baptized his converts into the ,essene order1' we know what value to attach to this bold assertion4 ,if positive statements are allowable1 it would be more true to fact to say that he could not possibly have been an ,essene4 ,the rule of his life was isolation2 the principle of theirs1 community#dfb4 ,footnote #dfj3 ,see above p4 #hf4 ,footnote #dfa3 ,grtz ,,iii4 p4 #bbj4 ,footnote #dfb3 1 ,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #c4 ,see also ,philo ,fragm4 #fcb 1 and the context4 ,sidenote3 ,external resemblances to ,john in ,banus1 ,in this mode of life ,john was not singular4 ,it would appear that not a few devout ,jews at this time retired from the world and buried themselves in the wilderness1 that they might devote themselves unmolested to ascetic discipline and religious meditation4 ,one such instance at all events we have in ,banus the master of ,josephus1 with whom the ,jewish historian1 when a youth1 spent three years in the desert4 ,this anchorite was clothed in garments made of bark or of leaves2 his food was the natural produce of the earth2 he bathed day and night in cold water for purposes of purification4 ,to the careless observer doubtless ,john and ,banus would appear to be men of the same stamp4 ,in their outward mode of life there was perhaps not very much difference#dfc4 ,the consciousness of a divine mission1 the gift of a prophetic insight1 in ,john was the real and all-important distinction between the two4 ,sidenote3 who was not an ,essene4,but here also the same mistake is made2 and we not uncommonly find ,banus described as an ,essene4 ,it is not too much to say however1 that the whole tenor of ,josephus' narrative is opposed to this supposition#dfd4 ,he says that when sixteen years old he desired to acquire a knowledge of the three sects of the ,jews before making his choice of one2 that accordingly he went through 77 all the three at the cost of much rough discipline and toil2 that he was not satisfied with the experience thus gained1 and hearing of this ,banus he attached himself to him as his zealous disciple 7 72 that having remained three years with him he returned to ,jerusalem2 and that then1 being nineteen years old1 he gave in his adhesion to the sect of the ,pharisees4 ,thus there is no more reason for connecting this ,banus with the ,essenes than with the ,pharisees4 ,the only natural interpretation of the narrative is that he did not belong to any of the three sects1 but represented a distinct type of religious life1 of which ,josephus was anxious to gain experience4 ,and his hermit life seems to demand this solution1 which the sequence of the narrative suggests4 ,footnote #dfc3 ,ewald 7,,vi4 p4 #fdi7 regards this ,banus as representing an extravagant development of the school of ,john1 and thus supplying a link between the real teaching of the ,baptist and the doctrine of the ,hemerobaptists professing to be derived from him4 ,footnote #dfd3 ,the passage is so important that ,i give it in full2 ,joseph4 ,vit4 #b ' 4 ' 1 1 1 4 1 4 4 1 1 1 1 1 4 ' 4 ' 444 ,sidenote3 ,general result4 ,of ,john himself therefore no traits are handed down which suggest that he was a member of the ,essene community4 ,he was an ascetic1 and the ,essenes were ascetics2 but this is plainly an inadequate basis for any such inference4 ,nor indeed is the relation of his asceticism to theirs a question of much moment for the matter in hand2 since this was the very point in which ,christ's mode of life was so essentially different from ,john's as to provoke criticism and to point a contrast#dfe4 ,but the later history of his real or supposed disciples has1 or may seem to have1 some bearing on this investigation4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,hemerobaptists4,towards the close of the first and the beginning of the second century we meet with a body of sectarians called in ,greek ,hemerobaptists#dff1 in ,hebrew ,toble-shacharith#dfg1 #8day' or #8morning bathers4' ,what were their relations to ,john the ,baptist on the one hand1 and to the ,essenes on the other8 ,owing to the scantiness of our information the whole subject is wrapped in obscurity1 and any restoration of their history must be more or less hypothetical2 but it will be possible at all events to suggest an account which is not improbable in itself1 and which does no violence to the extant notices of the sect4 ,footnote #dfe3 ,matt4 ix4 #ad sq41 xi4 #ag sq41 ,mark ii4 #ah sq41 ,luke v4 #cc1 vii4 #ca sq4 ,footnote #dff3 ,the word is generally taken to mean #8daily-bathers1' and this meaning is suggested by ,apost4 ,const4 vi4 #f 1 ' 7 1 1 ib4 #bc 1 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xvii4 #a 7p4 #cg7 ' 4 ,but1 if the word is intended as a translation of ,toble-shacharith #8morning bathers1' as it seems to be1 it must signify rather #8day-bathers'2 and this is more in accordance with the analogy of other compounds from 1 as 1 1 1 etc4 ,josephus 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e7 represents the ,essenes as bathing1 not at dawn1 but at the fifth hour1 just before their meal4 ,this is hardly consistent either with the name of the ,toble-shacharith1 or with the ,talmudical anecdote of them quoted above p4 #acb4 ,of ,banus he reports 7,vit4 #b7 that he #8bathed often day and night in cold water4' ,footnote #dfg3 ,see above p4 #acb4 ,sidenote3 7a7 ,their relation to ,john the ,baptist4 7a7 ,we must not hastily conclude1 when we meet with certain persons at ,ephesus about the years ,a4,d4 #ec1 #ed1 who are described as #8knowing only the baptism of ,john1' or as having been #8baptized unto ,john's baptism#dfh1' that we have here some early representatives of the ,hemerobaptist sect4 ,sidenote3 ,john's disciples at ,ephesus4,these were ,christians1 though imperfectly informed ,christians4 ,of ,apollos1 who was more fully instructed by ,aquila and ,priscilla1 this is stated in the most explicit terms#dfi4 ,of the rest1 who owed their fuller knowledge of the ,gospel to ,st ,paul1 the same appears to be implied1 though the language is not free from ambiguity#dgj4 ,but these notices have an important bearing on our subject2 for they show how profoundly the effect of ,john's preaching was felt in districts as remote as proconsular ,asia1 even after a lapse of a quarter of a century4 ,with these disciples it was the initial impulse towards ,christianity2 but to others it represented a widely different form of belief and practice4 ,sidenote3 ,professed followers at a later date4,the ,gospel of ,st ,john was written1 according to all tradition1 at ,ephesus in the later years of the first century4 ,again and again the ,evangelist impresses on his readers1 either directly by his own comments or indirectly by the course of the narrative1 the transient and subordinate character of ,john's ministry4 ,he was not the light1 says the ,evangelist1 but came to bear witness of the light#dga4 ,he was not the sun in the heavens3 he was only the waning lamp1 which shines when kindled from without and burns itself away in shining4 ,his light might well gladden the ,jews while it lasted1 but this was only #8for a season#dgb4' ,john himself lost no opportunity of bearing his testimony to the loftier claims of ,jesus#dgc4 ,from such notices it is plain that in the interval between the preaching of ,st ,paul and the ,gospel of ,st ,john the memory of the ,baptist at ,ephesus had assumed a new attitude towards ,christianity4 ,his name is no longer the sign of imperfect appreciation1 but the watchword of direct antagonism4 ,john had been set up as a rival ,messiah to ,jesus4 ,in other words1 this ,gospel indicates the spread of ,hemerobaptist principles1 if not the presence of a ,hemerobaptist community1 in proconsular ,asia1 when it was written4 ,in two respects these ,hemerobaptists distorted the facts of history4 ,sidenote3 ,the facts of history distorted by them4,they perverted ,john's teaching1 and they misrepresented his office4 ,his baptism was no more a single rite1 once performed and initiating an amendment of life2 it was a daily recurrence atoning for sin and sanctifying the person#dgd4 ,he himself was no longer the forerunner of the ,messiah2 he was the very ,messiah#dge4 ,sidenote3 ,spread of ,hemerobaptist principles4,in the latter half of the first century1 it would seem1 there was a great movement among large numbers of the ,jews in favour of frequent baptism1 as the one purificatory rite essential to salvation4 ,of this superstition we have had an instance already in the anchorite ,banus to whom ,josephus attached himself as a disciple4 ,its presence in the western districts of ,asia ,minor is shown by a ,sibylline poem1 dating about ,a4,d4 #hj1 which ,i have already had occasion to quote#dgf4 ,some years earlier these sectarians are mentioned by name as opposing ,james the ,lord's brother and the ,twelve at ,jerusalem#dgg4 ,nor is there any reason for questioning their existence as a sect in ,palestine during the later years of the ,apostolic age1 though the source from which our information comes is legendary1 and the story itself a fabrication4 ,but when or how they first connected themselves with the name of ,john the ,baptist1 and whether this assumption was made by all alike or only by one section of them1 we do not know4 ,such a connexion1 however false to history1 was obvious and natural2 nor would it be difficult to accumulate parallels to this false appropriation of an honoured name4 ,baptism was the fundamental article of their creed2 and ,john was the ,baptist of world-wide fame4 ,sidenote3 ,a wrong use made of ,john's name4,nothing more than this was needed for the choice of an eponym4 ,from ,st ,john's ,gospel it seems clear that this appropriation was already contemplated1 if not completed1 at ,ephesus before the first century had drawn to a close4 ,in the second century the assumption is recognised as a characteristic of these ,hemerobaptists1 or ,baptists1 as they are once called#dgh1 alike by those who allow and those who deny its justice#dgi4 ,even in our age the name of #8,john's disciples' has been given1 though wrongly given1 to an obscure sect in ,babylonia1 the ,mandeans1 whose doctrine and practice have some affinities to the older sect1 and of whom perhaps they are the collateral1 if not the direct1 descendants#dhj4 ,footnote #dfh3 ,the former expression is used of ,apollos1 ,acts xviii4 #bd2 the latter of #8certain disciples1' ,acts xix4 #a4 ,footnote #dfi3 ,this appears from the whole narrative1 but is distinctly stated in ver4 #be1 as correctly read1 1 not as in the received text4 ,footnote #dgj3 ,the in xix4 #a is slightly ambiguous1 and some expressions in the passage might suggest the opposite3 but seems decisive1 for the word would not be used absolutely except of ,christian disciples2 comp4 vi4 #a1 #b1 #g1 ix4 #aj1 #ai1 #bf1 #ch1 and frequently4 ,footnote #dga3 ,john i4 #h4 ,footnote #dgb3 ,john v4 #ce 444 ,the word is not only #8to burn1' but not unfrequently also #8to kindle1 to set on fire1' as e4g4 ,xen4 ,anab4 iv4 #d4 #ab 1 so that may mean either #8which burns away' or #8which is lighted4' ,with the former meaning it would denote the transitoriness1 with the latter the derivative character1 of ,john's ministry4 ,there seems no reason for excluding either idea here4 ,thus the whole expression would mean #8the lamp which is kindled and burns away1 and 7only so7 gives light4' ,for an example of two verbs or participles joined together1 where the second describes a result conditional upon the first1 see #a ,pet4 ii4 #bj 444 1 #a ,thess4 iv4 #a 4 ,footnote #dgc3 ,see ,john i4 #ae-cd1 iii4 #bc-cj1 v4 #cc sq43 comp4 x4 #da1 #db4 ,this aspect of ,st ,john's ,gospel has been brought out by ,ewald ,jahrb4 der ,bibl4 ,wissensch4 ,,iii4 p4 #aef sq42 see also ,geschichte ,,vii4 p4 #aeb sq41 die ,johanneischen ,schriften p4 #ac4 ,there is perhaps an allusion to these #8disciples of ,john' in #a ,joh4 v4 #f 1 ' 4442 comp4 ,acts i4 #e1 xi4 #af1 xix4 #d4 ,footnote #dgd3 ,apost4 ,const4 vi4 #f2 comp4 #bc4 ,see p4 #afb1 note #b4 ,footnote #dge3 ,clem4 ,recogn4 i4 #ed #8ex discipulis ,johannis1 qui 444 magistrum suum veluti ,christum praedicarunt1' ib4 #fj #8,ecce unus ex discipulis ,johannis adfirmabat ,christum ,johannem fuisse1 et non ,jesum2 in tantum1 inquit1 ut et ipse ,jesus omnibus hominibus et prophetis majorem esse pronuntiaverit ,johannem etc4'2 see also #fc4 ,footnote #dgf3 ,see above p4 #if4 ,footnote #dgg3 ,clem4 ,recogn4 l4c4 ,this portion of the ,clementine ,recognitions is apparently taken from an older ,judaizing romance1 the ,ascents of ,james 7see ,galatians pp4 #caf1 #cdi74 ,hegesippus also 7in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bb7 mentions the ,hemerobaptists in his list of ,jewish sects2 and it is not improbable that this list was given as an introduction to his account of the labours and martyrdom of ,st ,james 7see ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 ii4 #bc74 ,if so1 it was probably derived from the same source as the notice in the ,recognitions4 ,footnote #dgh3 ,they are called ,baptists by ,justin ,mart4 ,dial4 #aj1 p4 #cjg ,a4 ,he mentions them among other ,jewish sects1 without however alluding to ,john4 ,footnote #dgi3 ,by the author of the ,recognitions 7l4c47 who denies the claim2 and by the author of the ,homilies 7see below p4 #aff1 note #dhb71 who allows it4 ,footnote #dhj3 ,these ,mandeans are a rapidly diminishing sect living in the region about the ,tigris and the ,euphrates1 south of ,bagdad4 ,our most exact knowledge of them is derived from ,petermann 7,herzog's ,real-,encyklopdie s4 vv4 ,mender1 ,zabier1 and ,deutsche ,zeitschrift #ahed p4 #aha sq4 #ahef p4 #cca sq41 #cdb sq41 #cfc sq41 #chf sq47 who has had personal intercourse with them2 and from ,chwolson 7die ,ssabier u4 der ,ssabismus ,i4 p4 #ajj sq47 who has investigated the ,arabic authorities for their earlier history4 ,the names by which they are known are 7#a7 ,mendeans1 or more properly ,mandeans1 ,mandy1 contracted from ,mand dchy #8the word of life4' ,this is their own name among themselves1 and points to their ,gnostic pretentions4 7#b7 ,sabeans1 ,tsabiyun1 possibly from the root #8to dip' on account of their frequent lustrations 7,chwolson ,i4 p4 #aaj2 but see ,galatians p4 #cab71 though this is not the derivation of the word which they themselves adopt1 and other etymologies have found favour with some recent writers 7see ,petermann ,herzog's ,real-,encykl4 ,suppl4 ,,xviii4 p4 #cdb s4v4 ,zabier74 ,this is the name by which they are known in the ,koran and in ,arabic writers1 and by which they call themselves when speaking to others4 7#c7 ,nasoreans1 ,ntsry4 ,this term is at present confined to those among them who are distinguished in knowledge or in business4 7#d7 #8,christians of ,st ,john1 or ,disciples of ,st ,john' 7i4e4 the ,baptist74 ,this name is not known among themselves1 and was incorrectly given to them by ,european travellers and missionaries4 ,at the same time ,john the ,baptist has a very prominent place in their theological system1 as the one true prophet4 ,on the other hand they are not ,christians in any sense4 ,these ,mandeans1 the true ,sabeans1 must not be confused with the false ,sabeans1 polytheists and star-worshippers1 whose locality is ,northern ,mesopotamia4 ,chwolson 7,i4 p4 #aci sq47 has shown that these last adopted the name in the #ith century to escape persecution from the ,mohammedans1 because in the ,koran the ,sabeans1 as monotheists1 are ranged with the ,jews and ,christians1 and viewed in a more favourable light than polytheists4 ,the name however has generally been applied in modern times to the false rather than to the true ,sabeans4 ,sidenote3 7b7 ,their relation to the ,essenes4 7b7 ,of the connexion between this sect and ,john the ,baptist we have been able to give a probable1 though necessarily hypothetical account4 ,but when we attempt to determine its relation to the ,essenes1 we find ourselves entangled in a hopeless mesh of perplexities4 ,the notices are so confused1 the affinities so subtle1 the ramifications so numerous1 that it becomes a desperate task to distinguish and classify these abnormal ,jewish and ,judaizing heresies4 ,sidenote3 ,they were at first distinct1 if not antagonistic4 ,one fact however seems clear that1 whatever affinities they may have had originally1 and whatever relations they may have contracted afterwards with one another1 the ,hemerobaptists1 properly speaking1 were not ,essenes4 ,the ,sibylline poem which may be regarded as in some respects a ,hemerobaptist manifesto contains1 as we saw1 many traits inconsistent with pure ,essenism#dha4 ,in two several accounts1 the memoirs of ,hegesippus and the ,apostolic ,constitutions1 the ,hemerobaptists are expressly distinguished from the ,essenes#dhb4 ,in an early production of ,judaic ,christianity1 whose ,judaism has a strong ,essene tinge1 the ,clementine ,homilies1 they and their eponym are condemned in the strongest language4 ,the system of syzygies1 or pairs of opposites1 is a favourite doctrine of this work1 and in these ,john stands contrasted to ,jesus1 as ,simon ,magus to ,simon ,peter1 as the false to the true2 for according to this author's philosophy of history the manifestation of the false always precedes the manifestation of the true#dhc4 ,and again1 ,epiphanius speaks of them as agreeing substantially in their doctrines1 not with the ,essenes1 but with the ,scribes and ,pharisees#dhd4 ,his authority on such a point may be worth very little2 but connected with other notices1 it should not be passed over in silence4 ,yet1 whatever may have been their differences1 the ,hemerobaptists and the ,essenes had one point of direct contact1 their belief in the moral efficacy of lustrations4 ,when the temple and polity were destroyed1 the shock vibrated through the whole fabric of ,judaism1 loosening and breaking up existing societies1 and preparing the way for new combinations4 ,sidenote3 ,but after the destruction of the ,temple,more especially the cessation of the sacrificial rites must have produced a profound effect equally on those who1 like the ,essenes1 had condemned them already1 and on those who1 as possibly was the case with the ,hemerobaptists1 had hitherto remained true to the orthodox ritual4 ,sidenote3 there may have been a fusion4,one grave obstacle to friendly overtures was thus removed2 and a fusion1 more or less complete1 may have been the consequence4 ,at all events the relations of the ,jewish sects must have been materially affected by this great national crisis1 as indeed we know to have been the case4 ,in the confusion which follows1 it is impossible to attain any clear view of their history4 ,at the beginning of the second century however this pseudo-baptist movement received a fresh impulse from the pretended revelation of ,elchesai1 which came from the farther ,east#dhe4 ,henceforth ,elchesai is the prominent name in the history of those ,jewish and ,judaizing sects whose proper home is east of the ,jordan#dhf1 and who appear to have reproduced1 with various modifications derived from ,christian and ,heathen sources1 the ,gnostic theology and the pseudo-baptist ritual of their ,essene predecessors4 ,it is still preserved in the records of the only extant people who have any claim to be regarded as the religious heirs of the ,essenes4 ,elchesai is regarded as the founder of the sect of ,mandeans#dhg4 ,footnote #dha3 ,see p4 #if sq4 ,footnote #dhb3 ,hegesipp4 in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bb1 ,apost4 ,const4 vi4 #f4 ,so also the ,pseudo-,hieronymus in the ,indiculus de ,hresibus 7,corp4 ,hres4 ,i4 p4 #bhc1 ed4 ,oehler74 ,footnote #dhc3 ,clem4 ,hom4 ii4 #bc 1 4 ,it is then stated that1 as ,christ had twelve leading disciples1 so ,john had thirty4 ,this1 it is argued1 was a providential dispensation--the one number represents the solar1 the other the lunar period2 and so they illustrate another point in this writer's theory1 that in the syzygies the true and the false are the male and female principle respectively4 ,among these #cj disciples he places ,simon ,magus4 ,with this the doctrine of the ,mandeans stands in direct opposition4 ,they too have their syzygies1 but ,john with them represents the true principle4 ,footnote #dhd3 ,hr4 xvii4 #a 7p4 #cg7 4 ,but he adds that they resemble the ,sadducees #8not only in the matter of the resurrection of the dead1 but also in their unbelief and in the other points4' ,footnote #dhe3 ,see ,galatians p4 #caa sq4 on this ,book of ,elchesai4 ,footnote #dhf3 ,see above p4 #acg4 ,footnote #dhg3 ,see ,chwolson ,i4 p4 #aab sq41 ,,ii4 p4 #edc sq4 ,the ,arabic writer ,en-,nedim1 who lived towards the close of the tenth century1 says that the founder of the ,sabeans 7i4e4 ,mandeans7 was ,el-chasaich 77 the doctrine of two coordinate principles1 the male and female4 ,this notice1 as far as it goes1 agrees with the account of ,elchesai or ,elxai in ,hippolytus 7,hr4 ix4 #ac sq47 and ,epiphanius 7,hr4 xix4 #a sq474 ,but the derivation of the name ,elchesai given by ,epiphanius 7,hr4 xix4 #b7 7 7 is different and probably correct 7see ,galatians p4 #cab74 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,james the ,lord's ,brother 7ii7 ,but1 if great weight has been attached to the supposed connexion of ,john the ,baptist with the ,essenes1 the case of ,james the ,lord's brother has been alleged with still more confidence4 ,here1 it is said1 we have an indisputable ,essene connected by the closest family ties with the ,founder of ,christianity4 ,sidenote3 invested with ,essene characteristics4,james is reported to have been holy from his birth2 to have drunk no wine nor strong drink2 to have eaten no flesh2 to have allowed no razor to touch his head1 no oil to anoint his body2 to have abstained from using the bath2 and lastly to have worn no wool1 but only fine linen#dhh4 ,here we have a description of ,nazarite practices at least and 7must it not be granted7 of ,essene tendencies also4 ,but what is our authority for this description8 ,the writer1 from whom the account is immediately taken1 is the ,jewish-,christian historian ,hegesippus1 who flourished about ,a4,d4 #agj4 ,he cannot therefore have been an eye-witness of the facts which he relates4 ,sidenote3 ,but the account comes from untrustworthy sources4,and his whole narrative betrays its legendary character4 ,thus his account of ,james's death1 which follows immediately on this description1 is highly improbable and melodramatic in itself1 and directly contradicts the contemporary notice of ,josephus in its main facts#dhi4 ,from whatever source therefore ,hegesippus may have derived his information1 it is wholly untrustworthy4 ,nor can we doubt that he was indebted to one of those romances with which the ,judaizing ,christians of ,essene tendencies loved to gratify the natural curiosity of their disciples respecting the first founders of the ,church#dij4 ,in like manner ,essene portraits are elsewhere preserved of the ,apostles ,peter#dia and ,matthew#dib1 which represent them as living on a spare diet of herbs and berries4 ,i believe also that ,i have elsewhere pointed out the true source of this description in ,hegesippus1 and that it is taken from the #8,ascents of ,james#dic1' a ,judo-,christian work stamped1 as we happen to know1 with the most distinctive ,essene features#did4 ,but if we turn from these religious novels of ,judaic ,christianity to earlier and more trustworthy sources of information--to the ,gospels or the ,acts or the ,epistles of ,st ,paul--we fail to discover the faintest traces of ,essenism in ,james4 ,sidenote3 ,no ,essene features in the true portraits of ,james or of the earliest disciples4#8,the historical ,james1' says a recent writer1 #8shows ,pharisaic but not ,essene sympathies#die4' ,this is true of ,james1 as it is true of the early disciples in the mother ,church of ,jerusalem generally4 ,the temple-ritual1 the daily-sacrifices1 suggested no scruples to them4 ,the only distinction of meats1 which they recognised1 was the distinction of animals clean and unclean as laid down by the ,mosaic law4 ,the only sacrificial victims1 which they abhorred1 were victims offered to idols4 ,they took their part in the religious offices1 and mixed freely in the common life1 of their fellow-,israelites1 distinguished from them only in this1 that to their ,hebrew inheritance they superadded the knowledge of a higher truth and the joy of a better hope4 ,it was altogether within the sphere of orthodox ,judaism that the ,jewish element in the ,christian brotherhood found its scope4 ,essene peculiarities are the objects neither of sympathy nor of antipathy4 ,in the history of the infant ,church for the first quarter of a century ,essenism is as though it were not4 ,footnote #dhh3 ,hegesippus in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 ii4 #bc4 ,footnote #dhi3 ,see ,galatians p4 #cdh sq4 ,footnote #dij3 ,see ,galatians p4 #caa4 ,footnote #dia3 ,clem4 ,hom4 xii4 #f1 where ,st ,peter is made to say 1 2 comp4 xv4 #g 4 ,footnote #dib3 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pdag4 ii4 #a 7p4 #agd7 44 ,footnote #dic3 ,see ,galatians p4 #cdi1 note4 ,footnote #did3 ,epiphanius 7,hr4 xxx4 #af7 mentions two points especially1 in which the character of this work is shown3 7#a7 ,it represented ,james as condemning the sacrifices and the fire on the altar 7see above pp4 #acd-acf73 7#b7 ,it published the most unfounded calumnies against ,st ,paul4 ,footnote #die3 ,lipsius1 ,schenkel's ,bibel-,lexicon1 p4 #aia4 ,sidenote3 ,essene influences visible before the close of the ,apostolic age4 ,but a time came1 when all this was changed4 ,even as early as the year #eh1 when ,st ,paul wrote to the ,romans1 we detect practices in the ,christian community of the metropolis1 which may possibly have been due to ,essene influences#dif4 ,five or six years later1 the heretical teaching which threatened the integrity of the ,gospel at ,coloss shows that this type of ,judaism was already strong enough within the ,church to exert a dangerous influence on its doctrinal purity4 ,then came the great convulsion--the overthrow of the ,jewish polity and nation4 ,this was the turning-point in the relations between ,essenism and ,christianity1 at least in ,palestine4 ,sidenote3 ,consequences of the ,jewish war4,the ,essenes were extreme sufferers in the ,roman war of extermination4 ,it seems probable that their organization was entirely broken up4 ,thus cast adrift1 they were free to enter into other combinations1 while the shock of the recent catastrophe would naturally turn their thoughts into new channels4 ,at the same time the nearer proximity of the ,christians1 who had migrated to ,pera during the war1 would bring them into close contact with the new faith and subject them to its influences1 as they had never been subjected before#dig4 ,but1 whatever may be the explanation1 the fact seems certain1 that after the destruction of ,jerusalem the ,christian body was largely reinforced from their ranks4 ,the ,judaizing tendencies among the ,hebrew ,christians1 which hitherto had been wholly ,pharisaic1 are henceforth largely ,essene4 ,footnote #dif3 ,rom4 xiv4 #b1 #ba4 ,footnote #dig3 ,see ,galatians p4 #caj sq4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,do the resemblances favour the theory of a connexion8 #b4 ,if then history fails to reveal any such external connexion with ,essenism in ,christ and ,his ,apostles as to justify the opinion that ,essene influences contributed largely to the characteristic features of the ,gospel1 such a view1 if tenable at all1 must find its support in some striking coincidence between the doctrines and practices of the ,essenes and those which its ,founder stamped upon ,christianity4 ,this indeed is the really important point2 for without it the external connexion1 even if proved1 would be valueless4 ,the question is not whether ,christianity arose amid such and such circumstances1 but how far it was created and moulded by those circumstances4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,observance of the sabbath4 7i7 ,now one point which especially strikes us in the ,jewish historian's account of the ,essenes1 is their strict observance of certain points in the ,mosaic ceremonial law1 more especially the ultra-,pharisaic rigour with which they kept the sabbath4 ,how far their conduct in this respect was consistent with the teaching and practice of ,christ may be seen from the passages quoted in the parallel columns which follow3 #8,jesus went on the sabbath-day through the corn fields2 and his disciples began to pluck the ears of corn and to eat#dih4444 ,but when the ,pharisees saw it1 they said unto him1 #8,behold1 thy disciples do that which it is not lawful to do upon the sabbath-day4 ,but he said unto them1 ,have ye not read what ,david did4444 ,the sabbath was made for man1 and not man for the sabbath4 ,therefore the ,son of ,man is ,lord even of the sabbath-day4444' #8,it is lawful to do well on the sabbath-days' 7,matt4 xii4 #a-ab2 ,mark ii4 #bc4-;iii4 #f2 ,luke vi4 #a-aa1 xiv4 #a-f4 ,see also a similar incident in ,luke xiii4 #aj-ag74 #8,the ,jews therefore said unto him that was cured2 ,it is the sabbath-day2 it is not lawful for thee to carry thy bed4 ,but he answered them1 ,he that made me whole1 the same said unto me1 ,take up thy bed and walk4444 ,therefore the ,jews did persecute ,jesus and sought to slay him1 because he did these things on the sabbath-day4 ,but ,jesus answered them1 ,my ,father worketh hitherto1 and ,i work1 etc4 7,john v4 #aj-ah2 comp4 vii4 #bb1 #bc74' #8,and it was the sabbath-day when ,jesus made the clay1 and opened his eyes4444 ,therefore said some of the ,pharisees1 ,this man is not of ,god1 because he keepeth not the sabbath-day 7,john ix4 #ad1 #af74' #8,and they avoid 444 touching any work 7 7 on the sabbath-day more scrupulously than any of the ,jews 7 72 for they do not venture so much as to move a vessel#dii1 nor to perform the most necessary offices of life 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #i74' ,footnote #dih3 ,grtz 7,,iii4 p4 #bcc7 considers this narrative an interpolation made from a ,pauline point of view 7#8eine paulinistische ,tendenz-interpolation'74 ,this theory of interpolation1 interposing wherever the evidence is unfavourable1 cuts up all argument by the roots4 ,in this instance however ,grtz is consistently carrying out a principle1 which he broadly lays down elsewhere4 ,he regards it as the great merit of ,baur and his school1 that they explained the origin of the ,gospels by the conflict of two opposing camps1 the ,ebionite and the ,pauline4 #8,by this master-key1' he adds1 #8criticism was first put in a position to test what is historical in the ,gospels1 and what bears the stamp of a polemical tendency 7was einen tendentisen polemischen ,charakter hat74 ,indeed by this means the element of trustworthy history in the ,gospels melts down to a minimum' 7,,iii4 p4 #bbd74 ,in other words the judgment is not to be pronounced upon the evidence1 but the evidence must be mutilated to suit the judgment4 ,the method is not new4 ,the sectarians of the second century1 whether ,judaic or anti-,judaic1 had severally their #8master-key4' ,the master-key of ,marcion was a conflict also--the antagonism of the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,under his hands the historical element in the ,new ,testament dissolved rapidly4 ,the master-key of the anti-,marcionite writer of the ,clementine ,homilies was likewise a conflict1 though of another kind--the conflict of fire and water1 of the sacrificial and the baptismal systems4 ,wherever sacrifice was mentioned with approval1 there was a #8,tendenz-interpolation' 7see above p4 #acf74 ,in this manner again the genuine element in the ,old ,testament melted down to a minimum4 ,footnote #dii3 ,grtz however 7,,iii4 p4 #bbh7 sees a coincidence between ,christ's teaching and ,essenism in this notice4 ,not to do him injustice1 ,i will translate his own words 7correcting however several misprints in the ,greek73 #8,for the connexion of ,jesus with the ,essenes compare moreover ,mark xi4 #af with ,josephus ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #i ' 4' ,he does not explain what this notice1 which refers solely to the scrupulous observance of the sabbath1 has to do with the profanation of the temple1 with which the passage in the ,gospel is alone concerned4 ,i have seen ,grtz's history described as a #8masterly' work4 ,the first requisites in a historian are accuracy in stating facts and sobriety in drawing inferences4 ,without these1 it is difficult to see what claims a history can have to this honourable epithet3 and in those portions of his work1 which ,i have consulted1 ,i have not found either4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,lustrations and other ceremonial observances4 7ii7 ,but there were other points of ceremonial observance1 in which the ,essenes superadded to the law4 ,of these the most remarkable was their practice of constant lustrations4 ,in this respect the ,pharisee was sufficiently minute and scrupulous in his observances2 but with the ,essene these ablutions were the predominant feature of his religious ritual4 ,here again it will be instructive to compare the practice of ,christ and ,his disciples with the practice of the ,essenes4 #8,and when they saw some of his disciples eat bread with defiled 7that is to say1 unwashen7 hands2 for the ,pharisees and all the ,jews1 except they wash their hands oft 771 eat not444,the ,pharisees and scribes asked him1 ,why walk not thy disciples according to the tradition of the elders4444 ,but he answered 444 ,ye hypocrites1 laying aside the commandment of ,god1 ye hold the tradition of men4444' #8,not that which goeth into the mouth defileth the man2 but that which cometh out of the mouth1 this defileth the man4444 ,let them alone1 they be blind leaders of the blind4444' #8,to eat with unwashen hands defileth not the man 7,matt4 xv4 #a-bj1 ,mark vii4 #a-bc74' #8,so they wash their whole body 7 7 in cold water2 and after this purification 77 444 being clean 77 they come to the refectory 7to dine74444 ,and when they have returned 7from their day's work7 they sup in like manner 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #e74' #8,after a year's probation 7the novice7 is admitted to closer intercourse 7 71 and the lustral waters in which he participates have a higher degree of purity 7 1 #g74' #8,it is a custom to wash after it1 as if polluted by it 7 #i74' #8,and when the ,pharisee saw it1 he marvelled that he had not first washed before dinner 7 74 ,and the ,lord said unto him3 ,now do ye ,pharisees make clean the outside of the cup and the platter4444 ,ye fools 444 behold all things are clean unto you 7,luke xi4 #ch-da74' #8,racked and dislocated1 burnt and crushed1 and subjected to every instrument of torture 444 to make them eat strange food 7 7 444 they were not induced to submit 7 #aj74' #8,exercising themselves in 444 divers lustrations 7 444 1 #ab74' ,sidenote3 ,avoidance of strangers4 ,connected with this idea of external purity is the avoidance of contact with strangers1 as persons who would communicate ceremonial defilement4 ,and here too the ,essene went much beyond the ,pharisee4 ,the ,pharisee avoided ,gentiles or aliens1 or those whose profession or character placed them in the category of #8sinners'2 but the ,essene shrunk even from the probationers and inferior grades of his own exclusive community4 ,here again we may profitably compare the sayings and doings of ,christ with the principles of this sect4 #8,and when the scribes and ,pharisees saw him eat with the publicans and sinners they said unto the disciples1 ,why eateth your ,master with the publicans and the sinners4444' 7,mark ii4 #ae sq42 ,matth4 ix4 #aj sq41 ,luke v4 #cj sq47 #8,they say 444 a friend of publicans and sinners 7,matth4 xi4 #ai74' #8,the ,pharisees and the scribes murmured1 saying1 ,this man receiveth sinners and eateth with them 7,luke xv4 #b74' #8,they all murmured saying that he was gone to be a guest with a man that is a sinner 7,luke xix4 #g74' #8,behold1 a woman in the city that was a sinner 444 began to wash his feet with her tears1 and did wipe them with the hairs of her head and kissed his feet4444 ,now when the ,pharisee which had bidden him saw it1 he spake within himself saying1 ,this man1 if he had been a prophet1 would have known who and what manner of woman this is that toucheth him2 for she is a sinner 7,luke vii4 #cg sq474' #8,and after this purification they assemble in a private room1 where no person of a different belief 7 1 i4e4 not an ,essene7 is permitted to enter2 and 7so7 being by themselves and clean 7 7 they present themselves at the refectory 771 as if it were a sacred precinct 7 #e74' #8,and they are divided into four grades according to the time passed under the discipline3 and the juniors are regarded as so far inferior to the seniors1 that1 if they touch them1 the latter wash their bodies clean 771 as if they had come in contact with a foreigner 7 1 #aj74' ,in all these minute scruples relating to ceremonial observances1 the denunciations which are hurled against the ,pharisees in the ,gospels would apply with tenfold force to the ,essenes4 ,sidenote3 7iii7 ,asceticism4 7iii7 ,if the lustrations of the ,essenes far outstripped the enactments of the ,mosaic law1 so also did their asceticism4 ,i have given reasons above for believing that this asceticism was founded on a false principle1 which postulates the malignity of matter and is wholly inconsistent with the teaching of the ,gospel#ejj4 ,but without pressing this point1 of which no absolutely demonstrative proof can be given1 it will be sufficient to call attention to the trenchant contrast in practice which ,essene habits present to the life of ,christ4 ,he who #8came eating and drinking' and was denounced in consequence as #8a glutton and a wine-bibber'#eja1 ,sidenote3 ,eating and drinking4,he whose first exercise of power is recorded to have been the multiplication of wine at a festive entertainment1 and whose last meal was attended with the drinking of wine and the eating of flesh1 could only have excited the pity1 if not the indignation1 of these rigid abstainers4 ,and again1 attention should be directed to another kind of abstinence1 where the contrast is all the more speaking1 because the matter is so trivial and the scruple so minute4 ,footnote #ejj3 ,see above p4 #hg4 ,footnote #eja3 ,matt4 xi4 #ai1 ,luke vii4 #cd4 #8,my head with oil thou didst not anoint 7,luke vii4 #df74' #8,thou1 when thou fastest1 anoint thy head 7,matt4 vi4 #ag74' #8,and they consider oil a pollution 771 and though one is smeared involuntarily1 he rubs his body clean 7 1 #c74' ,and yet it has been stated that #8the ,saviour of the world 444 showed what is required for a holy life in the ,sermon on the ,mount by a description of the ,essenes#ejb4' ,footnote #ejb3 ,ginsburg ,essenes p4 #ad4 ,sidenote3 ,celibacy4 ,but much stress has been laid on the celibacy of the ,essenes2 and our ,lord's saying in ,matt4 xix4 #ab is quoted to establish an identity of doctrine4 ,yet there is nothing special in the language there used4 ,nor is there any close affinity between the stern invectives against marriage which ,josephus and ,philo attribute to the ,essene1 and the gentle concession #8,he that is able to receive it1 let him receive it4' ,the best comment on our ,lord's meaning here is the advice of ,st ,paul#ejc1 who was educated not in the ,essene1 but in the ,pharisaic school4 ,moreover this saying must be balanced by the general tenour of the ,gospel narrative4 ,when we find ,christ discussing the relations of man and wife1 gracing the marriage festival by ,his presence1 again and again employing wedding banquets and wedded life as apt symbols of the highest theological truths1 without a word of disparagement or rebuke1 we see plainly that we are confronted with a spirit very different from the narrow rigour of the ,essenes4 ,footnote #ejc3 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bf-ca4 ,sidenote3 7iv7 ,avoidance of the ,temple sacrifices4 7iv7 ,but not only where the ,essenes superadded to the ceremonial law1 does their teaching present a direct contrast to the phenomena of the ,gospel narrative4 ,the same is true also of those points in which they fell short of the ,mosaic enactments4 ,i have already discussed at some length the ,essene abstention from the temple sacrifices#ejd4 ,there can1 ,i think1 be little doubt that they objected to the slaughter of sacrificial victims altogether4 ,but for my present purpose it matters nothing whether they avoided the temple on account of the sacrifices1 or the sacrifices on account of the temple4 ,christ did neither4 ,certainly ,he could not have regarded the temple as unholy2 for his whole time during his sojourns at ,jerusalem was spent within its precincts4 ,it was the scene of ,his miracles1 of ,his ministrations1 of ,his daily teaching#eje4 ,and in like manner it is the common rendezvous of ,his disciples after ,him#ejf4 ,nor again does ,he evince any abhorrence of the sacrifices4 ,on the contrary ,he says that the altar consecrates the gifts#ejg2 ,he charges the cleansed lepers to go and fulfil the ,mosaic ordinance and offer the sacrificial offerings to the priests#ejh4 ,sidenote3 ,practice of ,christ and ,his disciples4,and ,his practice also is conformable to ,his teaching4 ,he comes to ,jerusalem regularly to attend the great festivals1 where sacrifices formed the most striking part of the ceremonial1 and ,he himself enjoins preparation to be made for the sacrifice of the ,paschal lamb4 ,if ,he repeats the inspired warning of the older prophets1 that mercy is better than sacrifice#eji1 this very qualification shows approval of the practice in itself4 ,nor is ,his silence less eloquent than ,his utterances or ,his actions4 ,throughout the ,gospels there is not one word which can be construed as condemning the sacrificial system or as implying a desire for its cessation until everything is fulfilled4 ,footnote #ejd3 ,see p4 #acd sq4 ,footnote #eje3 ,matt4 xxi4 #ab sq41 #bc sq41 xxiv4 #a sq41 xxvi4 #ee1 ,mark xi4 #aa1 #ae sq41 #bg1 xii4 #ce1 xiii4 #a sq41 xiv4 #di1 ,luke ii4 #df1 xix4 #de1 xx4 #a sq41 xxi4 #cg sq41 xxii4 #ec1 ,john ii4 #ad sq41 v4 #ad1 vii4 #ad1 viii4 #b1 #bj1 #ei1 x4 #bc1 xi4 #ef1 xviii4 #bj4 ,footnote #ejf3 ,luke xxiv4 #ec1 ,acts ii4 #df1 iii4 #a sq41 v4 #bj sq41 #db4 ,footnote #ejg3 ,matt4 xxiii4 #ah sq43 comp4 v4 #bc1 #bd4 ,footnote #ejh3 ,matt4 viii4 #d1 ,mark i4 #dd1 ,luke v4 #ad4 ,footnote #eji3 ,matt4 ix4 #ac1 xii4 #g4 ,sidenote3 7v7 ,denial of the resurrection of the body4 7v7 ,this last contrast refers to the ceremonial law4 ,but not wide is the divergence on an important point of doctrine4 ,the resurrection of the body is a fundamental article in the belief of the early disciples4 ,this was distinctly denied by the ,essenes#eaj4 ,however gross and sensuous may have been the conceptions of the ,pharisees on this point1 still they so far agreed with the teaching of ,christianity1 as against the ,essenes1 in that the risen man could not1 as they held1 be pure soul or spirit1 but must necessarily be body and soul conjoint4 ,footnote #eaj3 ,see above p4 #hh4 ,sidenote3 ,some supposed coincidences considered4 ,thus at whatever point we test the teaching and practice of our ,lord by the characteristic tenets of ,essenism1 the theory of affinity fails4 ,there are indeed several coincidences on which much stress has been laid1 but they cannot be placed in the category of distinctive features4 ,they are either exemplifications of a higher morality1 which may indeed have been honourably illustrated in the ,essenes1 but is in no sense confined to them1 being the natural outgrowth of the moral sense of mankind whenever circumstances are favourable4 ,or they are more special1 but still independent developments1 which owe their similarity to the same influences of climate and soil1 though they do not spring from the same root4 ,to this latter class belong such manifestations as are due to the social conditions of the age or nation1 whether they result from sympathy with1 or from repulsion to1 those conditions4 ,sidenote3 ,simplicity and brotherly love4 ,thus1 for instance1 much stress has been laid on the aversion to war and warlike pursuits1 on the simplicity of living1 and on the feeling of brotherhood which distinguished ,christians and ,essenes alike4 ,but what is gained by all this8 ,it is quite plain that ,christ would have approved whatever was pure and lovely in the morality of the ,essenes1 just as ,he approved whatever was true in the doctrine of the ,pharisees1 if any occasion had presented itself when ,his approval was called for4 ,but it is the merest assumption to postulate direct obligation on such grounds4 ,it is said however1 that the moral resemblances are more particular than this4 ,sidenote3 ,prohibition of oaths4,there is for instance ,christ's precept #8,swear not at all 444 but let your communication be ,yea1 yea1 ,nay1 nay4' ,have we not here1 it is urged1 the very counterpart to the ,essene prohibition of oaths#eaa8 ,yet it would surely be quite as reasonable to say that both alike enforce that simplicity and truthfulness in conversation which is its own credential and does not require the support of adjuration1 both having the same reason for laying stress on this duty1 because the leaders of religious opinion made artificial distinctions between oath and oath1 as regards their binding force1 and thus sapped the foundations of public and private honesty#eab4 ,and indeed this avoidance of oaths is anything but a special badge of the ,essenes4 ,it was inculcated by ,pythagoreans1 by ,stoics1 by philosophers and moralists of all schools#eac4 ,when ,josephus and ,philo called the attention of ,greeks and ,romans to this feature in the ,essenes1 they were simply asking them to admire in these practical philosophers among the #8barbarians' the realisation of an ideal which their own great men had laid down4 ,even within the circles of ,pharisaism language is occasionally heard1 which meets the ,essene principle half-way#ead4 ,footnote #eaa3 ,jos4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #f ' 1 1 ,philo ,omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab 7,,ii4 p4 #deh7 444 444 ,accordingly ,josephus relates 7,ant4 xv4 #aj4 #d7 that ,herod the ,great excused the ,essenes from taking the oath of allegiance to him4 ,yet they were not altogether true to their principles2 for ,josephus says 7,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g71 that on initiation into the sect the members were bound by fearful oaths 7 7 to fulfil certain conditions2 and he twice again in the same passage mentions oaths 71 7 in this connexion4 ,footnote #eab3 ,on the distinctions which the ,jewish doctors made between the validity of different kinds of oaths1 see the passages quoted in ,lightfoot and ,schttgen on ,matt4 v4 #cc sq4 ,the ,talmudical tract ,shebhuoth tells its own tale1 and is the best comment on the precepts in the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,footnote #eac3 ,see e4g4 the passages in ,wetstein on ,matt4 v4 #cg4 ,footnote #ead3 ,baba ,metsia #di a4 ,see also ,lightfoot on ,matt4 v4 #cd4 ,sidenote3 ,community of goods4 ,and again2 attention has been called to the community of goods in the infant ,church of ,christ1 as though this were a legacy of ,essenism4 ,but here too the reasonable explanation is1 that we have an independent attempt to realise the idea of brotherhood--an attempt which naturally suggested itself without any direct imitation1 but which was soon abandoned under the pressure of circumstances4 ,indeed the communism of the ,christians was from the first wholly unlike the communism of the ,essenes4 ,the surrender of property with the ,christians was not a necessary condition of entrance into an order2 it was a purely voluntary act1 which might be withheld without foregoing the privileges of the brotherhood#eae4 ,and the common life too was obviously different in kind1 at once more free and more sociable1 unfettered by rigid ordinances1 respecting individual liberty1 and altogether unlike a monastic rule4 ,footnote #eae3 #ead3 ,acts v4 #d4 ,not less irrelevant is the stress1 which has been laid on another point of supposed coincidence in the social doctrines of the two communities4 ,sidenote3 ,prohibition of slavery4,the prohibition of slavery was indeed a highly honourable feature in the ,essene order#eaf1 but it affords no indication of a direct connexion with ,christianity4 ,it is true that this social institution of antiquity was not less antagonistic to the spirit of the ,gospel1 than it was abhorrent to the feelings of the ,essene2 and ultimately the influence of ,christianity has triumphed over it4 ,but the immediate treatment of the question was altogether different in the two cases4 ,the ,essene brothers proscribed slavery wholly2 they produced no appreciable results by the proscription4 ,the ,christian ,apostles1 without attempting an immediate and violent revolution in society1 proclaimed the great principle that all men are equal in ,christ1 and left it to work4 ,it did work1 like leaven1 silently but surely1 till the whole lump was leavened4 ,in the matter of slavery the resemblance to the ,stoic is much closer than to the ,essene#eag4 ,the ,stoic however began and ended in barren declamation1 and no practical fruits were reaped from his doctrine4 ,footnote #eaf3 ,philo ,omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab 7,,ii4 p4 #deh7 ' ' 4441 ,fragm4 ,,ii4 p4 #fcb 1 ,jos4 ,ant4 xviii4 ,i4 #e 4 ,footnote #eag3 ,see for instance the passages from ,seneca quoted in ,philippians p4 #cje4 ,sidenote3 ,respect paid to poverty4 ,moreover prominence has been given to the fact1 that riches are decried1 and a preference is given to the poor1 in the teaching of our ,lord and ,his ,apostles4 ,here again1 it is urged1 we have a distinctly ,essene feature4 ,we need not stop to enquire with what limitations this prerogative of poverty1 which appears in the ,gospels1 must be interpreted2 but1 quite independently of this question1 we may fairly decline to lay any stress on such a coincidence1 where all other indications of a direct connexion have failed4 ,the ,essenes1 pursuing a simple and ascetic life1 made it their chief aim to reduce their material wants as far as possible1 and in doing so they necessarily exalted poverty4 ,ascetic philosophers in ,greece and ,rome had done the same4 ,christianity was entrusted with the mission of proclaiming the equal rights of all men before ,god1 of setting a truer standard of human worth than the outward conventions of the world1 of protesting against the tyranny of the strong and the luxury of the rich1 of redressing social inequalities1 if not always by a present compensation1 at least by a future hope4 ,the needy and oppressed were the special charge of its preachers4 ,it was the characteristic feature of the #8,kingdom of ,heaven1' as described by the prophet whose words gave the keynote to the ,messianic hopes of the nation1 that the glad-tidings should be preached to the poor#eah4 ,the exaltation of poverty therefore was an absolute condition of the ,gospel4 ,footnote #eah3 ,is4 lxi4 ,i4 1 quoted in ,luke iv4 #ah4 ,there are references to this particular part of the prophecy again in ,matt4 xi4 #e1 ,luke vii4 #bb1 and probably also in the beatitude 4441 ,matt4 v4 #c1 ,luke vi4 #bj4 ,sidenote3 ,the preaching of the ,kingdom wrongly ascribed to the ,essenes4 ,the mention of the kingdom of heaven leads to the last point on which it will be necessary to touch before leaving this subject4 #8,the whole ascetic life of the ,essenes1' it has been said1 #8aimed only at furthering the ,kingdom of ,heaven and the ,coming ,age4' ,thus ,john the ,baptist was the proper representative of this sect4 #8,from the ,essenes went forth the first call that the ,messiah must shortly appear1 ,the kingdom of heaven is at hand'#eai4 #8,the announcement of the kingdom of heaven unquestionably went forth from the ,essenes'#ebj4 ,for this confident assertion there is absolutely no foundation in fact2 and1 as a conjectural hypothesis1 the assumption is highly improbable4 ,footnote #eai3 ,grtz ,gesch4 ,,iii4 p4 #bai4 ,footnote #ebj3 ib4 p4 #dgj4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,essenes not prophets1 but fortune-tellers4 ,as fortune-tellers or soothsayers1 the ,essenes might be called prophets2 but as preachers of righteousness1 as heralds of the kingdom1 they had no claim to the title4 ,throughout the notices in ,josephus and ,philo we cannot trace the faintest indication of ,messianic hopes4 ,nor indeed was their position at all likely to foster such hopes#eba4 ,the ,messianic idea was built on a belief in the resurrection of the body4 ,the ,essenes entirely denied this doctrine4 ,the ,messianic idea was intimately bound up with the national hopes and sufferings1 with the national life1 of the ,jews4 ,the ,essenes had no interest in the ,jewish polity2 they separated themselves almost entirely from public affairs4 ,sidenote3 ,they had no vivid ,messianic expectations4,the deliverance of the individual is the shipwreck of the whole1 it has been well said1 was the plain watchword of ,essenism#ebb4 ,how entirely the conception of a ,messiah might be obliterated1 where ,judaism was regarded only from the side of a mystic philosophy1 we see from the case of ,philo4 ,throughout the works of this voluminous writer only one or two faint and doubtful allusions to a personal ,messiah are found#ebc4 ,the philosophical tenets of the ,essenes no doubt differed widely from those of ,philo2 but in the substitution of the individual and contemplative aspect of religion for the national and practical they were united2 and the effect in obscuring the ,messianic idea would be the same4 ,when therefore it is said that the prominence given to the proclamation of the ,messiah's kingdom is a main link which connects ,essenism and ,christianity1 we may dismiss the statement as a mere hypothesis1 unsupported by evidence and improbable in itself4 ,footnote #eba3 ,lipsius ,schenkel's ,bibel-,lexikon s4v4 ,esser p4 #aij1 ,keim ,jesus von ,nazara ,i4 p4 #cje4 ,both these writers express themselves very decidedly against the view maintained by ,grtz4 #8,the ,essene art of soothsaying1' writes ,lipsius1 #8has absolutely nothing to do with the ,messianic prophecy4 #8,of all this1' says ,keim1#8there is no trace4' ,footnote #ebb3 ,keim l4c4 ,footnote #ebc3 ,how little can be made out of ,philo's ,messianic utterances by one who is anxious to make the most possible out of them1 may be seen from ,gfrrer's treatment of the subject1 ,philo ,i4 p4 #dhf sq4 ,the treatises which bear on this topic are the de ,prmiis et ,pnis 7,i4 p4 #djh1 ed4 ,mangey7 and the de ,execrationibus 7,i4 p4 #dbi74 ,they deserve to be read1 if only for the negative results which they yield4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 ,,character ,,and ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,epistle4 ,sidenote3 ,the understanding of the heresy necessary4 ,without the preceding investigation the teaching of this epistle would be very imperfectly understood2 for its direction was necessarily determined by the occasion which gave rise to it4 ,only when we have once grasped the nature of the doctrine which ,st ,paul is combating1 do we perceive that every sentence is instinct with life and meaning4 ,sidenote3 ,the errors though twofold sprang from one root4 ,we have seen that the error of the heretical teachers was twofold4 ,they had a false conception in theology1 and they had a false basis of morals4 ,it has been pointed out also1 that these two were closely connected together1 and had their root in the same fundamental error1 the idea of matter as the abode of evil and thus antagonistic to ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,so the answer to both is in the same truth4 ,as the two elements of the heretical doctrine were derived from the same source1 so the reply to both was sought by the ,apostle in the same idea1 the conception of the ,person of ,christ as the one absolute mediator between ,god and man1 the true and only reconciler of heaven and earth4 ,but though they are thus ultimately connected1 yet it will be necessary for the fuller understanding of ,st ,paul's position to take them apart1 and to consider first the theological and then the ethical teaching of the epistle4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the theological teaching of the heretics4 #a4 ,this ,colossian heresy was no coarse and vulgar development of falsehood4 ,it soared far above the ,pharisaic ,judaism which ,st ,paul refutes in the ,epistle to the ,galatians4 ,the questions in which it was interested lie at the very root of our religious consciousness4 ,sidenote3 ,its lofty motive1,the impulse was given to its speculations by an overwhelming sense of the unapproachable majesty of ,god1 by an instinctive recognition of the chasm which separates ,god from man1 from the world1 from matter4 ,its energy was sustained by the intense yearning after some mediation which might bridge over this chasm1 might establish inter-communion between the finite and the ,infinite4 ,up to this point it was deeply religious in the best sense of the term4 ,sidenote3 but complete failure4 ,the answer which it gave to these questions we have already seen4 ,in two respects this answer failed signally4 ,on the one hand it was drawn from the atmosphere of mystical speculation4 ,it had no foundation in history1 and made no appeal to experience4 ,on the other hand1 notwithstanding its complexity1 it was unsatisfactory in its results2 for in this plurality of mediators none was competent to meet the requirements of the case4 ,god here and man there--no angel or spirit1 whether one or more1 being neither ,god nor man1 could truly reconcile the two4 ,thus as regards credentials it was without a guarantee2 while as regards efficiency it was wholly inadequate4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,apostle's answer is in the ,person of ,christ4 ,the ,apostle pointed out to the ,colossians a more excellent way4 ,it was the one purpose of ,christianity to satisfy those very yearnings which were working in their hearts1 to solve that very problem which had exercised their minds4 ,in ,christ they would find the answer which they sought4 ,his life--,his cross and resurrection--was the guarantee2 ,sidenote3 ,the mediator in the world and in the ,church4,his ,person--the ,word ,incarnate--was the solution4 ,he alone filled up1 ,he alone could fill up1 the void which lay between ,god and man1 could span the gulf which separated the ,creator and creation4 ,this solution offered by the ,gospel is as simple as it is adequate4 ,to their cosmical speculations1 and to their religious yearnings alike1 ,jesus ,christ is the true answer4 ,in the ,world1 as in the ,church1 ,he is the one only mediator1 the one only reconciler4 ,this two-fold idea runs like a double thread through the fabric of the ,apostle's teaching in those passages of the epistle where he is describing the ,person of ,christ4 ,it will be convenient for the better understanding of ,st ,paul's teaching to consider these two aspects of ,christ's mediation apart--its function in the natural and in the spiritual order respectively4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,in the ,universe4 7i7 ,the heresy of the ,colossian teachers took its rise1 as we saw1 in their cosmical speculations4 ,it was therefore natural that the ,apostle in replying should lay stress on the function of the ,word in the creation and government of the world4 ,this is the aspect of ,his work most prominent in the first of the two distinctly ,christological passages4 ,the ,apostle there predicates of the ,word1 not only prior1 but absolute existence4 ,all things were created through ,him1 are sustained in ,him1 are tending towards ,him4 ,thus ,he is the beginning1 middle1 and end1 of creation4 ,this ,he is1 because ,he is the very image of the ,invisible ,god1 because in ,him dwells the plenitude of ,deity4 ,sidenote3 ,importance of this aspect of the ,person of ,christ1 ,this creative and administrative work of ,christ the ,word in the natural order of things is always emphasized in the writings of the ,apostles1 when they touch upon the doctrine of ,his ,person4 ,it stands in the forefront of the prologue to ,st ,john's ,gospel3 it is hardly less prominent in the opening of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews4 ,his mediatorial function in the ,church is represented as flowing from ,his mediatorial function in the world4 ,with ourselves this idea has retired very much into the background4 ,though in the creed common to all the ,churches we profess our belief in ,him1 as the ,being #8through whom all things were created1' yet in reality this confession seems to exercise very little influence on our thoughts4 ,and the loss is serious4 ,how much our theological conceptions suffer in breadth and fulness by the neglect1 a moment's reflexion will show4 ,how much more hearty would be the sympathy of theologians with the revelations of science and the developments of history1 if they habitually connected them with the operation of the same ,divine ,word who is the centre of all their religious aspirations1 it is needless to say4 ,through the recognition of this idea with all the consequences which flow from it1 as a living influence1 more than in any other way1 may we hope to strike the chords of that #8vaster music1' which results only from the harmony of knowledge and faith1 of reverence and research4 ,sidenote3 notwithstanding difficulties yet unsolved4 ,it will be said indeed1 that this conception leaves untouched the philosophical difficulties which beset the subject2 that creation still remains as much a mystery as before4 ,this may be allowed4 ,but is there any reason to think that with our present limited capacities the veil which shrouds it ever will be or can be removed8 ,the metaphysical speculations of twenty-five centuries have done nothing to raise it4 ,the physical investigations of our own age from their very nature can do nothing2 for1 busied with the evolution of phenomena1 they lie wholly outside this question1 and do not even touch the fringe of the difficulty4 ,but meanwhile revelation has interposed and thrown out the idea1 which1 if it leaves many questions unsolved1 gives a breadth and unity to our conceptions1 at once satisfying our religious needs and linking our scientific instincts with our theological beliefs4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,in the ,church4 7ii7 ,but1 if ,christ's mediatorial office in the physical creation was the starting point of the ,apostle's teaching1 ,his mediatorial office in the spiritual creation is its principal theme4 ,the cosmogonies of the false teachers were framed not so much in the interests of philosophy as in the interests of religion2 and the ,apostle replies to them in the same spirit and with the same motive4 ,if the function of ,christ is unique in the ,universe1 so is it also in the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,its absolute character4,he is the sole and absolute link between ,god and humanity4 ,nothing short of ,his personality would suffice as a medium of reconciliation between the two4 ,nothing short of ,his life and work in the flesh1 as consummated in ,his passion1 would serve as an assurance of ,god's love and pardon4 ,his cross is the atonement of mankind with ,god4 ,he is the ,head with whom all the living members of the body are in direct and immediate communication1 who suggests their manifold activities to each1 who directs their several functions in subordination to the healthy working of the whole1 from whom they individually receive their inspiration and their strength4 ,sidenote3 ,hence angelic mediations are fundamentally wrong4 ,and being all this ,he cannot consent to share ,his prerogative with others4 ,he absorbs in ,himself the whole function of mediation4 ,through ,him alone1 without any interposing link of communication1 the human soul has access to the ,father4 ,here was the true answer to those deep yearnings after spiritual communion with ,god1 which sought1 and could not find1 satisfaction in the manifold and fantastic creations of a dreamy mysticism4 ,the worship of angels might have the semblance of humility2 but it was in fact a contemptuous defiance of the fundamental idea of the ,gospel1 a flat denial of the absolute character of ,christ's ,person and office4 ,it was a severance of the proper connexion with the ,head1 an amputation of the disordered limb1 which was thus disjoined from the source of life and left to perish for want of spiritual nourishment4 ,sidenote3 ,christ's mediation in the ,church justified by ,his mediation in the ,world4 ,the language of the ,new ,testament writers is beset with difficulties1 so long as we conceive of our ,lord only in connexion with the ,gospel revelation3 but1 when with the ,apostles we realise in ,him the same ,divine ,lord who is and ever has been the light of the whole world1 who before ,christianity wrought first in mankind at large through the avenues of the conscience1 and afterwards more particularly in the ,jews through a special though still imperfect revelation1 then all these difficulties fall away4 ,then we understand the significance1 and we recognise the truth1 of such passages as these3 #8,no man cometh unto the ,father1 but by me'3 #8,there is no salvation in any other'2 #8,he that disbelieveth the ,son shall not see life1 but the wrath of ,god abideth upon him#ebd4' ,the exclusive claims advanced in ,christ's name have their full and perfect justification in the doctrine of the ,eternal ,word4 ,footnote #ebd3 ,joh4 xiv4 #f1 ,acts iv4 #ab1 ,joh4 iii4 #cf4 ,sidenote3 ,relation of the doctrine of the ,word ,the old dispensation is primarily the revelation of the absolute sovereignty of ,god4 ,it vindicates this truth against two opposing forms of error1 which in their extreme types are represented by ,pantheism and ,manicheism respectively4 ,sidenote3 to the monotheism of the ,old ,testament4,the ,pantheist identifies ,god with the world3 the ,manichee attributes to the world an absolute existence1 independent of ,god4 ,with the ,pantheist sin ceases to have any existence3 for it is only one form of ,god's working4 ,with the ,manichee sin is inherent in matter1 which is antagonistic to ,god4 ,the teaching of the ,old ,testament1 of which the key-note is struck in the opening chapters of ,genesis1 is a refutation of both these errors4 ,god is distinct from the world1 and ,he is the ,creator of the world4 ,evil is not inherent in ,god1 but neither is it inherent in the material world4 ,sin is the disobedience of intelligent beings whom ,he has created1 and whom ,he has endowed with a free-will1 which they can use or misuse4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,new ,testament is complementary to the ,old4 ,the revelation of the ,new ,testament is the proper complement to the revelation of the ,old4 ,it holds this position in two main respects4 ,if the ,old ,testament sets forth the absolute unity of ,god--,his distinctness from and sovereignty over ,his creatures--the ,new ,testament points out how ,he holds communion with the world and with humanity1 how man becomes one with ,him4 ,and again1 if the ,old ,testament shows the true character of sin1 the ,new ,testament teaches the appointed means of redemption4 ,on the one hand the monotheism of the ,old ,testament is supplemented by the theanthropism#ebe of the ,new4 ,thus the theology of revelation is completed4 ,on the other hand1 the hamartiology of the ,old ,testament has its counterpart in the soteriology of the ,new4 ,thus the economy of revelation is perfected4 ,footnote #ebe3 ,i am indebted for the term theanthropism1 as describing the substance of the new dispensation1 to an article by ,prof4 ,westcott in the ,contemporary ,review ,,iv4 p4 #dag 7,december1 #ahfg72 but it has been used independently1 though in very rare instances1 by other writers4 ,the value of terms such as ,i have employed here in fixing ideas is enhanced by their strangeness1 and will excuse any appearance of affectation4 ,in applying the terms theanthropism and soteriology to the ,new ,testament1 as distinguished from the ,old1 it is not meant to suggest that the ideas involved in them were wholly wanting in the ,old1 but only to indicate that the conceptions1 which were inchoate and tentative and subsidiary in the one1 attain the most prominent position and are distinctly realised in the other4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,the ethical error of the heretics4 #b4 ,when we turn from the theology of these ,colossian heretics to their ethical teaching1 we find it characterised by the same earnestness4 ,of them it might indeed be said that they did #8hunger and thirst after righteousness4' ,sidenote3 ,their practical earnestness1,escape from impurity1 immunity from evil1 was a passion with them4 ,but it was no less true that notwithstanding all their sincerity they #8went astray in the wilderness'2 #8hungry and thirsty1 their soul fainted within them4' ,by their fatal transference of the abode of sin from the human heart within to the material world without1 they had incapacitated themselves from finding the true antidote4 ,sidenote3 but fundamental misconception and consequent failure4 ,where they placed the evil1 there they necessarily sought the remedy4 ,hence they attempted to fence themselves about1 and to purify their lives by a code of rigorous prohibitions4 ,their energy was expended on battling with the physical conditions of human life4 ,their whole mind was absorbed in the struggle with imaginary forms of evil4 ,necessarily their character was moulded by the thoughts which habitually engaged them4 ,where the #8elements of the world1' the #8things which perish in the using#ebf1' engrossed all their attention1 it could not fail but that they should be dragged down from the serene heights of the spiritual life into the cloudy atmosphere which shrouds this lower earth4 ,footnote #ebf3 ii4 #bj1 #bb4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul substitutes a principle for ordinances4 ,st ,paul sets himself to combat this false tendency4 ,for negative prohibitions he substitutes a positive principle2 for special enactments1 a comprehensive motive4 ,he tells them that all their scrupulous restrictions are vain1 because they fail to touch the springs of action4 ,if they would overcome the evil1 they must strike at the root of the evil4 ,their point of view must be entirely changed4 ,they must transfer themselves into a wholly new sphere of energy4 ,this transference is nothing less than a migration from earth to heaven--from the region of the external and transitory to the region of the spiritual and eternal#ebg4 ,for a code of rules they must substitute a principle of life1 which is one in its essence but infinite in its application1 which will meet every emergency1 will control every action1 will resist every form of evil4 ,footnote #ebg3 iii4 #a sq4 ,sidenote3 ,this principle is the heavenly life in ,christ4 ,this principle they have in ,christ4 ,with ,him they have died to the world2 with ,him they have risen to ,god4 ,christ1 the revelation of ,god's holiness1 of ,god's righteousness1 of ,god's love1 is light1 is life1 is heaven4 ,with ,him they have been translated into a higher sphere1 have been brought face to face with the ,eternal ,presence4 ,let them only realise this translation4 ,it involves new insight1 new motives1 new energies4 ,they will no more waste themselves upon vexatious special restrictions3 for they will be furnished with a higher inspiration which will cover all the minute details of action4 ,they will not exhaust their energies in crushing this or that rising desire but they will kill the whole body#ebh of their earthly passions through the strong arm of this personal communion with ,god in ,christ4 ,footnote #ebh3 ii4 #aa 1 iii4 #e with ver4 #h 1 and ver4 #i 4 ,see the notes on the several passages4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul's doctrine of faith and works considered in the light of this principle4 ,when we once grasp this idea1 which lies at the root of ,st ,paul's ethical teaching1 the moral difficulty which is supposed to attach to his doctrine of faith and works has vanished4 ,it is simply an impossibility that faith should exist without works4 ,though in form he states his doctrine as a relation of contrast between the two1 in substance it resolves itself into a question of precedence4 ,faith and works are related as principle and practice4 ,faith--the repose in the unseen1 the recognition of eternal principles of truth and right1 the sense of personal obligations to an ,eternal ,being who vindicates these principles--must come first4 ,faith is not an intellectual assent1 nor a sympathetic sentiment merely4 ,it is the absolute surrender of self to the will of a ,being who has a right to command this surrender4 ,it is this which places men in personal relation to ,god1 which 7in ,st ,paul's language7 justifies them before ,god4 ,for it touches the springs of their actions2 it fastens not on this or that detail of conduct1 but extends throughout the whole sphere of moral activity2 and thus it determines their character as responsible beings in the sight of ,god4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,the ,christology of this epistle ,from the above account it will have appeared that the distinctive feature of this epistle is its ,christology4 ,the doctrine of the ,person of ,christ is here stated with greater precision and fulness than in any other of ,st ,paul's epistles4 ,it is therefore pertinent to ask 7even though the answer must necessarily be brief7 what relation this statement bears to certain other enunciations of the same doctrine2 ,sidenote3 considered in relation toto those for instance which occur elsewhere in ,st ,paul's own letters1 to those which are found in other ,apostolic writings1 and to those which appear in the fathers of the succeeding generations4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the ,christology of ,st ,paul's earlier epistles #a4 ,the ,christology of the ,colossian ,epistle is in no way different from that of the ,apostle's earlier letters4 ,it may indeed be called a development of his former teaching1 but only as exhibiting the doctrine in fresh relations1 as drawing new deductions from it1 as defining what had hitherto been left undefined1 not as superadding any foreign element to it4 ,the doctrine is practically involved in the opening and closing words of his earliest extant epistle3 #8,the ,church which is in ,god the ,father and the ,lord ,jesus ,christ'2 #8,the grace of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ be with you#ebi4' ,the main conception of the ,person of ,christ1 as enforced in the ,colossian ,epistle1 alone justifies and explains this language1 which otherwise would be emptied of all significance4 ,and again2 it had been enunciated by the ,apostle explicitly1 though briefly1 in the earliest directly doctrinal passage which bears on the subject2 #8,one ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 through whom are all things and we through ,him#ecj4' ,sidenote3 the same in substance but,the absolute universal mediation of the ,son is declared as unreservedly in this passage from the ,first ,epistle to the ,corinthians1 as in any later statement of the ,apostle3 and1 ,sidenote3 less fully developedif all the doctrinal and practical inferences which it implicitly involves were not directly emphasized at this early date1 it was because the circumstances did not yet require explicitness on these points4 ,new forms of error bring into prominence new aspects of the truth4 ,the heresies of ,laodicea and ,coloss have been invaluable to the later ,church in this respect4 ,the ,apostle himself1 it is not too much to say1 realised with ever increasing force the manifoldness1 the adaptability1 the completeness of the ,christian idea1 notwithstanding its simplicity1 as he opposed it to each successive development of error4 ,the ,person of ,christ proved the complete answer to false speculations at ,coloss1 as it had been found the sovereign antidote to false practices at ,corinth4 ,all these unforeseen harmonies must have appeared to him1 as they will appear to us1 fresh evidences of its truth4 ,footnote #ebi3 #a ,thess4 i4 #a1 v4 #bh4 ,footnote #ecj3 #a ,cor4 viii4 #f ' ' 4 ,the expression ' implies the conception of the ,logos1 even where the term itself is not used4 ,see the dissertation on the doctrine of the ,logos in the ,apostolic writers4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,the ,christology of other ,apostolic writings4 ,sidenote3 ,their fundamental identity4 #b4 ,and when we turn from ,st ,paul to the other ,apostolic writings which dwell on the ,person of ,christ from a doctrinal point of view1 we find them enunciating it in language which implies the same fundamental conception1 though they may not always present it in exactly the same aspect4 ,more especially in the ,epistle to the ,hebrews first1 and in the ,gospel of ,st ,john afterwards1 the form of expression is identical with the statement of ,st ,paul4 ,in both these writings the universe is said to have been created or to exist by or through ,him4 ,this is the crucial expression1 which involves in itself all the higher conceptions of the ,person of ,christ#eca4 ,the ,epistle to the ,hebrews seems to have been written by a disciple of ,st ,paul immediately after the ,apostle's death1 and therefore within some five or six years from the date which has been assigned to the ,colossian letter4 ,the ,gospel of ,st ,john1 if the traditional report may be accepted1 dates about a quarter of a century later2 but it is linked with our epistle by the fact that the readers for whom it was primarily intended belonged to the neighbouring districts of ,proconsular ,asia4 ,thus it illustrates1 and is illustrated by1 the teaching of ,st ,paul in this letter4 ,more especially by the emphatic use of the term ,logos1 which ,st ,paul for some reason has suppressed1 it supplies the centre round which the ideas gather1 and thus gives unity and directness to the conception4 ,footnote #eca3 ,joh4 i4 #c ' 4441 ,heb4 i4 #b ' 4 ,sidenote3 ,firmness of the apostolic idea4 ,in the ,christology of these ,apostolic writings there is a firmness and precision which leaves no doubt about the main conception present to the mind of the writers4 ,the idea of ,christ as an intermediate being1 neither ,god nor man1 is absolutely and expressly excluded4 ,on the one hand ,his humanity is distinctly emphasized4 ,on the other ,he is represented as existing from eternity1 as the perfect manifestation of the ,father1 as the absolute mediator in the creation and government of the world4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,the ,christology of the succeeding ages4 #c4 ,but1 when we turn from these ,apostolic statements to the writings of succeeding generations1 we are struck with the contrast#ecb4 ,a vagueness1 a flaccidity1 of conception betrays itself in their language4 ,footnote #ecb3 ,the remarks on the theology of the ,apostolic ,fathers1 as compared with the ,apostles1 in ,dorner's ,lehre von der ,person ,christi ,i4 p4 #acj sq4 seem to me perfectly just and highly significant4 ,see also de ,pressens ,trois ,premiers ,sicles ,,ii4 p4 #djf sq4 on the unsystematic spirit of the ,apostolic ,fathers4 ,sidenote3 ,its looseness of conception4 ,in the ,apostolic ,fathers and in the earlier ,apologists we find indeed for the most part a practical appreciation of the ,person of ,christ1 which leaves nothing to be desired2 but as soon as they venture upon any directly dogmatic statement1 we miss at once the firmness of grasp and clearness of conception which mark the writings of the ,apostles4 ,if they desire to emphasize the majesty of ,his ,person1 they not unfrequently fall into language which savours of patripassianism#ecc4 ,if on the other hand they wish to present ,him in ,his mediatorial capacity1 they use words which seem to imply some divine being1 who is ,god and yet not quite ,god1 neither ,creator nor creature#ecd4 ,footnote #ecc3 ,see for instance the passages quoted in the note on ,clem4 ,rom4 #b 4 ,footnote #ecd3 ,the unguarded language of ,justin for instance illustrates the statement in the text4 ,on the one hand ,petavius1 ,theol4 ,dogm4 de ,trin4 ii4 #c4 #b1 distinctly accuses him of ,arianism3 on the other ,bull1 ,def4 ,fid4 ,nic4 ii4 #d4 #a sq41 indignantly repudiates the charge and claims him as strictly orthodox4 ,petavius indeed approaches the subject from the point of view of later ,western theology and1 unable to appreciate ,justin's doctrine of the ,logos1 does less than justice to this father2 but nevertheless ,justin's language is occasionally such as no ,athanasian could have used4 ,the treatment of this father by ,dorner 7,lehre ,i4 p4 #dad sq47 is just and avoids both extremes4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,apostolic idea applied in later ages4 ,the ,church needed a long education1 before she was fitted to be the expositor of the true ,apostolic doctrine4 ,a conflict of more than two centuries with ,gnostics1 ,ebionites1 ,sabellians1 ,arians1 supplied the necessary discipline4 ,the true successors of the ,apostles in this respect are not the fathers of the second century1 but the fathers of the third and fourth centuries4 ,in the expositors of the ,nicene age we find indeed technical terms and systematic definitions1 which we do not find in the ,apostles themselves2 but1 unless ,i have wholly misconceived the nature of the heretical teaching at ,coloss and the purport of ,st ,paul's reply1 the main idea of ,christ's ,person1 with which he here confronts this ,gnostic ,judaism1 is essentially the same as that which the fathers of these later centuries opposed to the ,sabellianism and the ,arianism of their own age4 ,if ,i mistake not1 the more distinctly we realise the nature of the heresy1 the more evident will it become that any conception short of the perfect deity and perfect humanity of ,christ would not have furnished a satisfactory answer2 and this is the reason why ,i have dwelt at such length on the character of the ,colossian false teaching1 and why ,i venture to call especial attention to this part of my subject4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,style of this epistle4 ,of the style of the letter to the ,colossians ,i shall have occasion to speak hereafter1 when ,i come to discuss its genuineness4 ,it is sufficient to say here1 that while the hand of ,st ,paul is unmistakable throughout this epistle1 we miss the flow and the versatility of the ,apostle's earlier letters4 ,sidenote3 ,its ruggedness and compression1 ,a comparison with the ,epistles to the ,corinthians and to the ,philippians will show the difference4 ,it is distinguished from them by a certain ruggedness of expression1 a #8want of finish' often bordering on obscurity4 ,what account should be given of this characteristic1 it is impossible to say4 ,the divergence of style is not greater than will appear in the letters of any active-minded man1 written at different times and under different circumstances4 ,the epistles which ,i have selected for contrast suggest that the absence of all personal connexion with the ,colossian ,church will partially1 if not wholly1 explain the diminished fluency of this letter4 ,sidenote3 but essential vigour4,at the same time no epistle of ,st ,paul is more vigorous in conception or more instinct with meaning4 ,it is the very compression of the thoughts which creates the difficulty4 ,if there is a want of fluency1 there is no want of force4 ,feebleness is the last charge which can be brought against this epistle4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,analysis4 ,the following is an analysis of the epistle3 ,i4 ,,introductory 7i4 #a-ac74 7#a7 i4 #a1 #b4 ,opening salutation4 7#b7 i4 #c-h4 ,thanksgiving for the progress of the ,colossians hitherto4 7#c7 i4 #i-ac4 ,prayer for their future advance in knowledge and well-doing through ,christ4 ,this leads the ,apostle to speak of ,christ as the only path of progress4 ,,ii4 ,,doctrinal 7i4 #ac-;ii4 #c74 ,the ,person and ,office of ,christ4 7#a7 i4 #ac1 #ad4 ,through the ,son we have our deliverance1 our redemption4 7#b7 i4 #ae-ai4 ,the ,preeminence of the ,son2 7i7 ,as the ,head of the natural ,creation1 the ,universe 7i4 #ae-ag72 7ii7 ,as the ,head of the new moral ,creation1 the ,church 7i4 #ah74 ,thus ,he is first in all things2 and this1 because the pleroma has its abode in ,him 7i4 #ai74 7#c7 i4 #bj-;ii4 #c4 ,the ,work of the ,son--a work of reconciliation2 7i7 ,described generally 7i4 #bj74 7ii7 ,applied specially to the ,colossians 7i4 #ba-bc74 7iii7 ,st ,paul's own part in carrying out this work4 ,his sufferings and preaching4 ,the #8mystery' with which he is charged 7i4 #bd-bg74 ,his anxiety on behalf of all 7i4 #bh1 #bi73 and more especially of the ,colossian and neighbouring ,churches 7ii4 #a-c74 ,this expression of anxiety leads him by a direct path to the next division of the epistle4 ,,iii4 ,,polemical 7ii4 #d-;iii4 #d74 ,warning against errors4 7#a7 ii4 #d-h4 ,the ,colossians charged to abide in the truth of the ,gospel as they received it at first1 and not to be led astray by a strange philosophy which the new teachers offer4 7#b7 ii4 #i-ae4 ,the truth stated first positively and then negatively4 ,in the passage which follows 7ii4 #i-bc7 it will be observed how ,st ,paul vibrates between the theological and practical bearings of the truth1 marked 1 1 respectively4 7i7 ,positively4 77 ,the pleroma dwells wholly in ,christ and is communicated through ,him 7ii4 #i1 #aj74 77 ,the true circumcision is a spiritual circumcision 7ii4 #aa1 #ab74 7ii7 ,negatively4 ,christ has 77 annulled the law of ordinances 7ii4 #ad72 77 triumphed over all spiritual agencies1 however powerful 7ii4 #ae74 7#c7 ii4 #af-;iii4 #d4 ,obligations following thereupon4 7i7 ,consequently the ,colossians must not 77 either submit to ritual prohibitions 7ii4 #af1 #ag71 77 or substitute the worship of inferior beings for allegiance to the ,head 7ii4 #ah1 #ai74 7ii7 ,on the contrary this must henceforth be their rule3 #a4 ,they have died with ,christ2 and with ,him they have died to their old life1 to earthly ordinances 7ii4 #bj-bc74 #b4 ,they have risen with ,christ2 and with ,him they have risen to a new life1 to heavenly principles 7iii4 #a-d74 ,,iv4 ,,hortatory 7iii4 #e-;iv4 #f74 ,practical application of this death and this resurrection4 7#a7 iii4 #e-ab4 ,comprehensive rules4 7i7 ,what vices are to be put off1 being mortified in this death 7iii4 #e-aa74 7ii7 ,what graces are to be put on1 being quickened through this resurrection 7iii4 #ab-ag74 7#b7 iii4 #ac-;iv4 #f4 ,special precepts4 7a7 ,the obligations ,of wives and husbands 7iii4 #ah1 #ai72 ,of children and parents 7iii4 #bj1 #ba72 ,of slaves and masters 7iii4 #bb-;iv4 #a74 7b7 ,the duty of prayer and thanksgiving2 with special intercession on the ,apostle's behalf 7iv4 #b-d74 7c7 ,the duty of propriety in behaviour towards the unconverted 7iv4 #e1 #f74 ,v4 ,,personal 7iv4 #g-ah74 7#a7 iv4 #g-i4 ,explanations relating to the letter itself4 7#b7 iv4 #aj-ad4 ,salutations from divers persons4 7#c7 iv4 #ae-ag4 ,salutations to divers persons4 ,a message relating to ,laodicea4 7#d7 iv4 #ah4 ,farewell4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,we ,,speak ,,wisdom ,,among ,,them ,,that ,,are ,,perfect4 ,,yet ,,not ,,the ,,wisdom ,,of ,,this ,,world4 ,,but ,,we ,,speak ,,the ,,wisdom ,,of ,,god ,,in ,a ,,mystery4 -------------- ,iste vas electionis ,vires omnes rationis ,human transgreditur3 ,super choros angelorum ,raptus1 cli secretorum ,doctrinis imbuitur4 ,de hoc vase tam fecundo1 ,tam electo et tam mundo1 ,tu nos1 ,christe1 complue2 ,nos de luto1 nos de fce1 ,tua sancta purga prece1 ,regno tuo statue4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #a1 #b 1 1 #b #a1 #b4 #8,,paul1 an apostle of ,christ ,jesus by no personal merit but by ,god's gracious will alone1 and ,,timothy1 our brother in the faith1 to the consecrated people of ,god in ,coloss1 the brethren who are stedfast in their allegiance and faithful in ,christ4 ,may grace the well-spring of all mercies1 and peace the crown of all blessings1 be bestowed upon you from ,god our ,father4' #a4 ,on the exceptional omission of this title in some of ,st ,paul's epistles see ,phil4 i4 #a4 ,though there is no reason for supposing that his authority was directly impugned in the ,colossian ,church1 yet he interposes by virtue of his ,apostolic commission and therefore uses his authoritative title4 ,as in #a ,cor4 i4 #a1 #b ,cor4 i4 #a1 ,ephes4 i4 #a1 #b ,tim4 i4 #a4 ,these passages show that the words cannot have a polemical bearing4 ,if they had been directed against those who questioned his ,apostleship1 they would probably have taken a stronger form4 ,the expression must therefore be regarded as a renunciation of all personal worth1 and a declaration of ,god's unmerited grace2 comp4 ,rom4 ix4 #af 4 ,the same words are used in other connexions in ,rom4 xv4 #cb1 #b ,cor4 viii4 #e1 where no polemical reference is possible4 ,the name of this disciple is attached to the ,apostle's own in the heading of the ,philippian letter1 which was probably written at an earlier stage in his ,roman captivity4 ,it appears also in the same connexion in the ,epistle to ,philemon1 but not in the ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 though these two letters were contemporaneous with one another and with the ,colossian letter4 ,for an explanation of the omission1 see the introduction to that epistle4 ,in the ,epistles to the ,philippians and to ,philemon the presence of ,timothy is forgotten at once 7see ,phil4 i4 #a74 ,in this epistle the plural is maintained throughout the thanksgiving 7vv4 #c1 #d1 #g1 #h1 #i71 but afterwards dropped1 when the ,apostle begins to speak in his own person 7i4 #bc1 #bd71 and so he continues to the end4 ,the exceptions 7i4 #bh1 iv4 #c7 are rather apparent than real4 ,timothy is again designated simply #8the brother' in #b ,cor4 i4 #a1 ,philem4 #a1 but not in ,heb4 xiii4 #bc1 where the right reading is 4 ,the same designation is used of ,quartus 7,rom4 xvi4 #bc71 of ,sosthenes 7#a ,cor4 i4 #a71 of ,apollos 7#a ,cor4 xvi4 #ab72 comp4 #b ,cor4 viii4 #ah1 ix4 #c1 #e1 xii4 #ah4 ,as some designation seemed to be required1 and as ,timothy could not be called an ,apostle 7see ,galatians1 p4 #if1 note #b71 this1 as the simplest title1 would naturally suggest itself4 #b4 ,for the reasons why this form is preferred here1 while is adopted in the heading of the epistle1 see above1 p4 #af sq4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #c 4 #c #8saints1' i4e4 the people consecrated to ,god1 the ,israel of the new covenant2 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #a4 ,this mode of address marks the later epistles of ,st ,paul4 ,in his earlier letters 7#a1 #b ,thess41 #a1 #b ,cor41 ,gal47 he writes 1 4 ,the change begins with the ,epistle to the ,romans1 and from that time forward the ,apostle always uses in various combinations in addressing ,churches 7,rom41 ,phil41 ,col41 ,ephes474 ,for a similar phenomenon1 serving as a chronological mark1 see the note on 1 iv4 #ah4 ,the word must here be treated as a substantive in accordance with its usage in parallel passages1 and not as an adjective connected with 4 ,see the next note4 ,this unusual addition is full of meaning4 ,some members of the ,colossian ,church were shaken in their allegiance1 even if they had not fallen from it4 ,the ,apostle therefore wishes it to be understood that1 when he speaks of the saints1 he means the true and stedfast members of the brotherhood4 ,in this way he obliquely hints at the defection4 ,thus the words are a supplementary explanation of 4 ,he does not directly exclude any1 but he indirectly warns all4 ,the epithet cannot mean simply #8believing'2 for then it would add nothing which is not already contained in and 4 ,its passive sense1 #8trustworthy1 stedfast1 unswerving1' must be prominent here1 as in ,acts xvi4 #ae 4 ,see ,galatians p4 #aee4 most naturally connected with both words 1 though referring chiefly to 2 comp4 ,ephes4 vi4 #ba 1 #a ,tim4 i4 #b 4 ,for the expression 1 1 see also #a ,cor4 iv4 #ag1 ,ephes4 i4 #a4 ,the ,apostle assumes that the ,colossian brethren are #8stedfast in ,christ4' ,their state thus contrasts with the description of the heretical teacher1 who 7ii4 #ai7 4 444 ,on this form of salutation see the note to #a ,thess4 i4 #a4 ,the only instance in ,st ,paul's epistles1 where the name of the ,father stands alone in the opening benediction without the addition of ,jesus ,christ4 ,the omission was noticed by ,origen 7,rom4 #a4 #h1 ,,iv4 p4 #dfg71 and by ,chrysostom 7ad loc4 ,,xi4 p4 #cbd1 ,hom4 in #b ,cor4 ,,xxx1 x4 p4 #fea74 ,but transcribers naturally aimed at uniformity1 and so in many copies we find the addition 4 ,the only other exception to the ,apostle's usual form is in #a ,thessalonians1 where the benediction is shorter still1 1 and where likewise the copyists have supplied words to lengthen it out in accordance with ,st ,paul's common practice4 #c-h4 #8,we never cease to pour forth our thanksgiving to ,god the ,father of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ on your account1 whensoever we pray to ,him4 ,we are full of thankfulness for the tidings of the faith which ye have in ,christ ,jesus1 and the love which ye show towards all the people of ,god1 while ye look forward to the hope which is stored up for you in heaven as a treasure for the life to come4 ,this hope was communicated to you in those earlier lessons1 when the ,gospel was preached to you in its purity and integrity--the one universal unchangeable ,gospel1 which was made known to you1 even as it was carried throughout the world1 approving itself by its fruits wheresoever it is planted4 ,for1 as elsewhere1 so also in you1 these fruits were manifested from the first day when ye received your lessons in1 and apprehended the power of1 the genuine ,gospel1 which is not a law of ordinances but a dispensation of grace1 not a device of men but a truth of ,god4 ,such was the word preached to you by ,epaphras1 our beloved fellow-servant in our ,master's household1 who in our absence and on our behalf has ministered to you the ,gospel of ,christ1 and who now brings back to us the welcome tidings of the love which ye show in the ,spirit4' #c4 ,see the notes on #a ,thess4 i4 #b4 ,if the be omitted1 as the balance of authorities appears to suggest1 the form of words here is quite exceptional4 ,elsewhere it runs 1 ,rom4 ,,xv4 #f1 #b ,cor4 i4 #c1 xi4 #ca1 ,ephes4 i4 #c 7v4l471 #a ,pet4 i4 #c2 comp4 ,rev4 i4 #f3 and in analogous cases1 such as 1 the rule is the same4 ,see the note on ,clem4 ,rom4 #g4 ,in iii4 #ag however we have 1 where the evidence is more decisive and the expression quite as unusual4 ,on the authorities for the various readings here see the detached note4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #d1 #e #d 1 1 #e 444 ,we here meet the same difficulty about the connexion of the clauses1 which confronts us in several of ,st ,paul's opening thanksgivings4 ,the words and must clearly be taken together1 because the emphasis of would be inexplicable1 if it stood at the beginning of a clause4 ,but are they to be attached to the preceding or to the following sentence8 ,the connexion with the previous words is favoured by ,st ,paul's usual conjunction of 7see the note on ,phil4 i4 #c71 and by the parallel passage in ,ephes4 i4 #af4 ,thus the words will mean #8,we give thanks for you always in our prayers4' ,for this absolute use of see ,matt4 vi4 #g1 ,acts xvi4 #be4 #d4 #8having heard' from ,epaphras 7ver4 #h72 for the ,apostle had no direct personal knowledge of the ,colossian ,church3 see the introduction1 p4 #bg sq4 to be connected with 4 ,the strict classical language would require 4 41 but the omission of the article is common to the ,new ,testament 7e4g4 ver4 #h72 see the note on #a ,thess4 i4 #a1 and ,winer xx4 p4 #afi 7ed4 ,moulton74 ,the preposition here and in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #ae1 denotes the sphere in which their faith moves1 rather than the object to which it is directed 7comp4 #a ,cor4 iii4 #e72 for1 if the object had been meant1 the natural preposition would have been or 7e4g4 ii4 #e74 ,this is probably the case also in the passages where at first sight it might seem otherwise1 e4g4 #a ,tim4 iii4 #ac1 #b ,tim4 iii4 #ae2 for compare #b ,tim4 i4 #ac 1 where the meaning is unambiguous4 ,there is however authority in the ,,lxx for the use of with 1 1 to denote the object1 in ,jer4 xii4 #f1 ,ps4 lxxviii4 #bb1 and perhaps in ,mark i4 #ae1 ,rom4 iii4 #be1 and 7more doubtfully still7 in ,joh4 iii4 #ae4 ,see the detached note on the various readings4 #e4 #8for the hope1' i4e4 looking to the hope4 ,the following reasons seem decisive in favour of connecting 1 not with 1 but with 4441 whether be retained or not4 7#a7 ,the great distance of is against the former connexion2 7#b7 ,the following clause1 4441 suggests that the words describe the motives of the ,colossians for well-doing1 rather than the reasons of the ,apostle for thanksgiving3 7#c7 ,the triad of ,christian graces1 which ,st ,paul delights to associate together1 would otherwise be broken up4 ,this last argument seems conclusive2 see especially the corresponding thanksgiving in #a ,thess4 i4 #c1 4441 with the note there4 ,the order is the same here1 as there2 and it is the natural sequence4 ,faith rests on the past2 love works in the present2 hope looks to the future4 ,they may be regarded as the efficient1 material1 and final causes respectively of the spiritual life4 ,compare ,polycarp ,phil4 #c 1 1 4 ,the hope here is identified with the object of the hope3 see the passages quoted on ,gal4 v4 #e4 ,the sense of 1 as of the corresponding words in any language1 oscillates between the subjective feeling and the objective realisation2 comp4 ,rom4 viii4 #bd 4441 where it passes abruptly from the one to the other4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #f 1 1 #f 1 #8which is stored up4' ,it is the of the ,gospels 7,matt4 vi4 #bj1 #ba1 ,luke xii4 #cd1 xviii4 #bb74 #8of which ye were told in time past4' ,the preposition seems intended to contrast their earlier with their later lessons--the true ,gospel of ,epaphras with the false gospel of their recent teachers 7see the next note74 ,the expression would gain force1 if we might suppose that the heretical teachers obscured or perverted the doctrine of the resurrection 7comp4 #b ,tim4 ii4 #ah72 and their speculative tenets were not unlikely to lead to such a result4 ,but this is not necessary2 for under any circumstances the false doctrine1 as leading them astray1 tended to cheat them of their hope2 see ver4 #bc4 ,the common interpretations1 which explain - as meaning either #8before its fulfilment' or #8before my writing to you1' seem neither so natural in themselves nor so appropriate to the context4 #8the truth of the ,gospel1' i4e4 the true and genuine ,gospel as taught by ,epaphras1 and not the spurious substitute of these later pretenders3 comp4 ver4 #f 4 ,see also ,gal4 ii4 #e1 #ad1 where a similar contrast is implied in the use of 4 #f4 #8which reached you4' ,the expression is not uncommon in classical writers2 comp4 in ,acts xii4 #bj1 ,gal4 iv4 #ah1 #bj4 ,so also 7,acts viii4 #dj71 7e4g4 ,acts xxv4 #ae71 and even 7,luke xi4 #g74 ,see ,winer l4 p4 #eaf sq4 ,for a similar hyperbole see ,rom4 i4 #h 2 comp4 #a ,thess4 i4 #h1 #b ,cor4 ii4 #ad1 4 ,more lurks under these words than appears on the surface4 ,the true ,gospel1 the ,apostle seems to say1 proclaims its truth by its universality4 ,the false gospels are the outgrowths of local circumstances1 of special idiosyncrasies2 the true ,gospel is the same everywhere4 ,the false gospels address themselves to limited circles2 the true ,gospel proclaims itself boldly throughout the world4 ,heresies are at best ethnic3 truth is essentially catholic4 ,see ver4 #bc 1 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #f 1 1 ' #8is constantly bearing fruit4' ,the fruit1 which the ,gospel bears without fail in all soils and under every climate1 is its credential1 its verification1 as against the pretensions of spurious counterfeits4 ,the substantive verb should here be taken with the participle1 so as to express continuity of present action2 as in #b ,cor4 ix4 #ab 4441 ,phil4 ii4 #bf 4 ,it is less common in ,st ,paul than in some of the ,canonical writers1 e4g4 ,st ,mark and ,st ,luke2 but probably only because he deals less in narrative4 ,of the middle no other instance has been found4 ,the voice is partially illustrated by 1 1 1 though1 as involving a different sense of - #8to wear1' these words are not exact parallels4 ,here the use of the middle is the more marked1 inasmuch as the active occurs just below 7ver4 #aj7 in the same connexion1 4 ,this fact however points to the force of the word here4 ,the middle is intensive1 the active extensive4 ,the middle denotes the inherent energy1 the active the external diffusion4 ,the ,gospel is essentially a reproductive organism1 a plant whose #8seed is in itself4' ,for this #8dynamic' middle see ,moulton's note on ,winer xxxviii4 p4 #cai4 ,the ,gospel is not like those plants which exhaust themselves in bearing fruit and wither away4 ,the external growth keeps pace with the reproductive energy4 ,while describes the inner working1 gives the outward extension of the ,gospel4 ,the words are not found in the received text1 but the authority in their favour is overwhelming4 ,the comparison is thus doubled back1 as it were1 on itself4 ,this irregularity disappears in the received text1 1 where the insertion of before straightens the construction4 ,for a similar irregularity see #a ,thess4 iv4 #a 1 ' 1 1 1 where again the received text simplifies the construction1 though in a different way1 by omitting the first and the words 4 ,in both cases the explanation of the irregularity is much the same2 the clause reciprocating the comparison 7here 1 there 7 is an afterthought springing out of the ,apostle's anxiety not to withhold praise where praise can be given4 ,for the appearance of in both members of the comparison1 444 1 comp4 ,rom4 i4 #ac 2 and in the reversed order below1 iii4 #ac 1 7with the note73 see also ,winer liii4 p4 #edi 7ed4 ,moulton74 ,the correlation of the clauses is thus rendered closer1 and the comparison emphasized4 ,the accusative is governed by both verbs equally1 #8,ye were instructed in and fully apprehended the grace of ,god4' ,for this sense of see below1 ver4 #bc4 ,for as denoting #8advanced knowledge1 thorough appreciation1' see the note on 1 ver4 #i4 ,st ,paul's synonyme for the ,gospel4 ,in ,acts xx4 #bd he describes it as his mission to preach 4 ,the true ,gospel as taught by ,epaphras was an offer of free grace1 a message from ,god2 the false gospel1 as superposed by the heretical teachers1 was a code of rigorous prohibitions1 a system of human devising4 ,it was not but 7ii4 #ad72 not but 1 7ii4 #h1 #bj1 #bb74 ,for ,god's power and goodness it substituted self-mortification and self-exaltation4 ,the ,gospel is called again in #b ,cor4 vi4 #a1 viii4 #i1 with reference to the same leading characteristic which the ,apostle delights to dwell upon 7e4g4 ,rom4 iii4 #bd1 v4 #ae1 ,eph4 ii4 #e1 #h71 and which he here tacitly contrasts with the doctrine of the later intruders4 ,the false teachers of ,coloss1 like those of ,galatia1 would lead their hearers 7,gal4 ii4 #ba72 to accept their doctrine was 7,gal4 v4 #d74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #g1 #h 1 #g 1 1 #h 4 i4e4 #8in its genuine simplicity1 without adulteration'3 see the note on 1 ver4 #e4 #g4 #8even as ye were instructed in it1' the clause being an explanation of the preceding 2 comp4 ii4 #g 4 ,on the insertion of before in the received text1 and the consequent obscuration of the sense1 see above1 p4 #bi sq4 ,the insertion however was very natural1 inasmuch as is an ordinary collocation of particles and has occurred twice in the preceding verse4 ,on the notices of ,epaphras1 and on his work as the evangelist of the ,colossians1 see above1 p4 #bi sq41 p4 #cd sq41 and the note on iv4 #ab4 ,see iv4 #g4 ,the word does not occur elsewhere in ,st ,paul4 ,as the evangelist of ,coloss1 ,epaphras had represented ,st ,paul there and preached in his stead2 see above1 p4 #cj4 ,the other reading might be interpreted in two ways3 either 7#a7 ,it might describe the personal ministrations of ,epaphras to ,st ,paul as the representative of the ,colossians 7see a similar case in ,phil4 ii4 #be1 iv4 #ah71 and so it might be compared with ,philem4 #ac 2 but this interpretation is hardly consistent with 4 ,or 7#b7 ,it might refer to the preaching of ,epaphras for the good of the ,colossians2 but the natural construction in this case would hardly be 7of which there is no direct example71 but either 7,rom4 xv4 #h7 or 7#a ,pet4 i4 #ab74 ,the balance of external authority however is against it4 ,partly by the accidental interchange of similar sounds1 partly by the recurrence of in the context 7vv4 #c1 #i71 and partly also from ignorance of the historical circumstances1 would readily be substituted for 4 ,see the detached note on various readings4 #h4 #8,as he preached to you from us1 so also he brought back to us from you the tidings1 etc4' to be connected with 4 #8,the fruit of the ,spirit is love1' ,gal4 v4 #bb4 ,for the omission of the article1 1 see the note on ver4 #d4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #i #i 1 ' 1 #i-ad4 #8,hearing then that ye thus abound in works of faith and love1 we on our part have not ceased1 from the day when we received the happy tidings1 to pray on your behalf4 ,and this is the purport of our petitions2 that ye may grow more and more in knowledge1 till ye attain to the perfect understanding of ,god's will1 being endowed with all wisdom to apprehend ,his verities and all intelligence to follow ,his processes1 living in the mind of the ,spirit--to the end that knowledge may manifest itself in practice1 that your conduct in life may be worthy of your profession in the ,lord1 so as in all ways to win for you the gracious favour of ,god your ,king4 ,thus1 while ye bear fruit in every good work1 ye will also grow as the tree grows1 being watered and refreshed by this knowledge1 as by the dew of heaven3 thus will ye be strengthened in all strength1 according to that power which centres in and spreads from ,his glorious manifestation of ,himself1 and nerved to all endurance under affliction and all long-suffering under provocation1 not only without complaining1 but even with joy3 thus finally 7for this is the crown of all71 so rejoicing ye will pour forth your thanksgiving to the ,universal ,father1 who prepared and fitted us all--you and us alike--to take possession of the portion which ,his goodness has allotted to us among the saints in the kingdom of light4 ,yea1 by a strong arm ,he rescued us from the lawless tyranny of ,darkness1 removed us from the land of our bondage1 and settled us as free citizens in our new and glorious home1 where ,his ,son1 the offspring and the representative of ,his love1 is ,king2 even the same1 who paid our ransom and thus procured our redemption from captivity--our redemption1 which 7be assured7 is nothing else than the remission of our sins4' #i4 #8for this cause1' i4e4 #8by reason of your progressive faith and love1' referring not solely to 444 but to the whole of the preceding description4 ,for in an exactly similar connexion1 see #a ,thess4 ii4 #ac2 comp4 ,ephes4 i4 #ae 444 ,in all these cases the denotes the response of the ,apostle's personal feeling to the favourable character of the news2 #8we on our part4' ,this idea of correspondence is still further emphasized by the repetition of the same words3 ' 7ver4 #f71 ' 7ver4 #i74 ,the words have an exact parallel in ,mark xi4 #bd 7as correctly read7 4 ,with words like 1 1 etc41 the earlier and stronger force of 1 implying design1 glides imperceptibly into its later and weaker use1 signifying merely purport or result1 so that the two are hardly separable1 unless one or other is directly indicated by something in the context4 ,see the notes on ,phil4 i4 #i1 and comp4 ,winer xliv4 p4 #dbj sq4 ,a favourite word in the later epistles of ,st ,paul2 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #i4 ,in all the four epistles of the first ,roman captivity it is an element in the ,apostle's opening prayer for his correspondents' well-being 7,phil4 i4 #i1 ,ephes4 i4 #ag1 ,philem4 #f1 and here74 ,the greater stress which is thus laid on the contemplative aspects of the ,gospel may be explained partly by ,st ,paul's personal circumstances1 partly by the requirements of the ,church4 ,his enforced retirement and comparative leisure would lead his own thoughts in this direction1 while at the same time the fresh dangers threatening the truth from the side of mystic speculation required to be confronted by an exposition of the ,gospel from a corresponding point of view4 ,the compound is an advance upon 1 denoting a larger and more thorough knowledge4 ,so ,chrysostom here1 1 4 ,comp4 ,justin ,mart4 ,dial4 #c4 p4 #bba ,a1 1 4 ,so too ,st ,paul himself contrasts 1 1 with 1 1 as the partial with the complete1 in two passages1 ,rom4 i4 #ba1 #ch1 #a ,cor4 xiii4 #ab4 ,with this last passage 7 1 7 compare ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 i4 #ag1 p4 #cfi1 ' 1 where ' is commonly but wrongly translated #8without proper recognition' 7comp4 ,tatian ad ,grc4 #dj74 ,hence also is used especially of the knowledge of ,god and of ,christ1 as being the perfection of knowledge3 e4g4 ,prov4 ii4 #e1 ,hos4 iv4 #a1 vi4 #f1 ,ephes4 i4 #ag1 iv4 #ac1 #b ,pet4 i4 #b1 #h1 ii4 #bj1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 ii4 #a1 p4 #agc4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #aj 1 #aj #8wisdom and intelligence4' ,the two words are frequently found together3 e4g4 ,exod4 xxxi4 #c1 ,deut4 iv4 #f1 #a ,chron4 xxii4 #ab1 #b ,chron4 i4 #aj sq41 ,is4 xi4 #b1 xxix4 #ad1 ,dan4 ii4 #bj1 ,baruch iii4 #bc1 #a ,cor4 i4 #ai1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #cb4 ,so too 1 ,prov4 xvi4 #ba1 ,matt4 xi4 #be1 and elsewhere4 ,in the parallel passage1 ,eph4 i4 #h1 the words are 1 and the substitution of for there is instructive4 ,the three words are mentioned together1 ,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic4 i4 #ac1 as constituting the intellectual 77 virtues4 is mental excellence in its highest and fullest sense2 ,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic4 vi4 #g 444 7see ,waitz on ,arist4 ,organ4 ,,ii4 p4 #bie sq471 ,cicero de ,off4 i4 #dc #8princeps omnium virtutum1' ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 ii4 #b1 p4 #aha1 444 4 ,the ,stoic definition of 1 as 1 is repeated by various writers3 e4g4 ,cic4 de ,off4 ii4 #e1 ,philo4 ,congr4 erud4 grat4 #ad1 p4 #ecj1 ,joseph4 ,macc4 #b1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 ii4 #b1 p4 #aha1 ,strom4 i4 #e1 p4 #ccc1 ,aristob4 in ,eus4 ,prp4 ,ev4 xiii4 #ab p4 #ffg74 ,and the glorification of by heathen writers was even surpassed by its apotheosis in the ,proverbs and in the ,wisdom of ,solomon4 ,while #8wisdom' is thus primary and absolute 7,eth4 ,nic4 vi4 #g 71 both #8intelligence' and #8prudence' are derivative and special 7,eth4 ,nic4 vi4 #ab ' 74 ,they are both applications of to details1 but they work on different lines2 for1 while is critical1 is practical2 while apprehends the bearings of things1 suggests lines of action3 see ,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic4 vi4 #aa 444 4 ,for see #b ,tim4 ii4 #g 1 4 ,this relation of to explains why in almost every case 77 precedes 771 where they are found together1 and also why in ,baruch iii4 #bc 1 1 we find implying a tentative1 partial1 approach to 4 ,the relation of to will be considered more at length in the note on the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #h4 ,the word is emphatic from its position4 ,the false teachers also offered a 1 but it had only a show of wisdom 7ii4 #bc72 it was an empty counterfeit calling itself philosophy 7ii4 #h72 it was the offspring of vanity nurtured by the mind of the flesh 7ii4 #ah74 ,see #b ,cor4 i4 #ab 1 where a similar contrast is implied1 and #a ,cor4 i4 #bj1 ii4 #e1 #f1 #ac1 iii4 #ai1 where it is directly expressed by 1 1 1 1 etc4 #aj4 444 ,so #a ,thess4 ii4 #ab1 ,ephes4 iv4 i2 comp4 ,phil4 i4 #bg4 ,the infinitive here denotes the consequence 7not necessarily the purpose7 of the spiritual enlightenment described in 4442 see ,winer xliv4 p4 #cii sq4 ,with the received text 444 the connexion might be doubtful2 but this reading is condemned by external evidence4 ,the emphasis of the sentence would be marred by the insertion of 4 ,the end of all knowledge1 the ,apostle would say1 is conduct4 i4e4 #8of ,christ4' ,in #a ,thess4 ii4 #ab indeed we have 2 but ,st ,paul's common1 and apparently universal1 usage requires us to understand of ,christ4 i4e4 #8to please ,god in all ways'2 comp4 #a ,thess4 iv4 #a 4 ,as this word was commonly used to describe the proper attitude of men towards ,god1 the addition of would not be necessary3 ,philo ,quis rer4 div4 her4 #bd 7,i4 p4 #dij7 7 1 de ,abrah4 #be 7,,ii4 p4 #bj7 1 de ,vict4 ,off4 #h 7,,ii4 p4 #beg7 1 with other passages quoted by ,loesner4 ,otherwise it is used especially of ingratiating oneself with a sovereign or potentate1 e4g4 ,polyb4 vi4 #b4 #ab2 and perhaps in the higher connexion1 in which it occurs in the text1 the idea of a king is still prominent1 as e4g4 ,philo de ,mund4 ,op4 #ej 7,i4 p4 #cd7 4 ,towards men this complaisance is always dangerous and most commonly vicious2 hence is a bad quality in ,aristotle 8 7,eth4 ,eud4 ii4 #c 7 as also in ,theophrastus 7,char4 #e 71 but towards the ,king of kings no obsequiousness can be excessive4 ,the of ,aristotle and ,theophrastus presents the same moral contrast to the here1 as to in such passages as #a ,thess4 ii4 #d1 ,gal4 i4 #aj4 ,opposed to the commended here is condemned below1 iii4 #bb4 444 i4e4 #8not only showing the fruits of your faith before men 7,matt4 vii4 #af71 but yourselves growing meanwhile in moral stature 7,eph4 iv4 #ac74' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #aa #aa #8by the knowledge4' ,the other readings1 1 1 are unsuccessful attempts to define the construction4 ,the simple instrumental dative represents the knowledge of ,god as the dew or the rain which nurtures the growth of the plant2 ,deut4 xxxii4 #b1 ,hos4 xiv4 #e4 #aa4 ,a word found more than once in the ,greek versions of the ,old ,testament1 ,ps4 lxvii 7lxviii74 #bi 7,,lxx71 ,eccles4 x4 #aj 7,,lxx71 ,dan4 ix4 #bg 7,theod471 ,ps4 lxiv 7lxv74 #d 7,aq471 ,job xxxvi4 #i 7,aq471 but not occurring elsewhere in the ,new ,testament1 except in ,heb4 xi4 #cd and as a various reading in ,ephes4 vi4 #aj4 ,the compound however appears several times in ,st ,paul and elsewhere4 ,the power communicated to the faithful corresponds to1 and is a function of1 the ,divine might whence it comes4 ,unlike or 1 the word in the ,new ,testament is applied solely to ,god4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ab #ab #ab 4 ,the #8glory' here1 as frequently1 stands for the majesty or the power or the goodness of ,god1 as manifested to men2 e4g4 ,eph4 i4 #f1 #ab1 #ag1 iii4 #af2 comp4 ver4 #bg1 below4 ,the 1 the bright light over the mercy-seat 7,rom4 ix4 #d71 was a symbol of such manifestations4 ,god's revelation of ,himself to us1 however this revelation may be made1 is the one source of all our highest strength 7 44474 #8endurance and long-suffering4' ,the two words occur in the same context in #b ,cor4 vi4 #d1 #f1 #b ,tim4 iii4 #aj1 ,james v4 #aj1 #aa1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #eh1 ,ign4 ,ephes4 #c4 ,they are distinguished in ,trench ,synon4 liii4 p4 #ahd sq4 ,the difference of meaning is best seen in their opposites4 ,while is the temper which does not easily succumb under suffering1 is the self-restraint which does not hastily retaliate a wrong4 ,the one is opposed to cowardice or despondency1 the other to wrath or revenge 7,prov4 xv4 #ah1 xvi4 #cb2 see also the note on iii4 #ab74 ,while is closely allied to hope 7#a ,thess4 i4 #c71 is commonly connected with mercy 7e4g4 ,exod4 xxxiv4 #f74 ,this distinction however1 though it applies generally1 is not true without exception4 ,thus in ,is4 lvii4 #ae is opposed to 1 where we should rather have expected 2 and is used similarly in ,james v4 #g4 ,so ,james i4 #b1 #c1 444 1 4443 comp4 #a ,pet4 iv4 #ac1 and see below i4 #bd4 ,this parallel points to the proper connexion of 1 which should be attached to the preceding words4 ,on the other hand some would connect it with for the sake of preserving the balance of the three clauses1 1 1 2 and this seems to be favoured by ,phil4 i4 #d 3 but when it is so connected1 the emphatic position of cannot be explained2 nor indeed would these words be needed at all1 for is in itself an act of rejoicing4 #ab4 most naturally coordinated with the preceding participles and referred to the ,colossians4 ,the duty of thanksgiving is more than once enforced upon them below1 ii4 #g1 iii4 #ag1 iv4 #b2 comp4 #a ,thess4 v4 #ah4 ,on the other hand the first person 1 which follows1 has led others to connect with the primary verb of the sentence1 ver4 #i4 ,but the sudden transition from the second to the first person is quite after ,st ,paul's manner 7see the note on ii4 #ac1 #ad1 444 71 and cannot create any difficulty4 #8who made us competent'2 comp4 #b ,cor4 iii4 #f4 ,on the various readings see the detached note4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ac #ac #8the parcel of the lot1' #8the portion which consists in the lot1' being the genitive of apposition3 see ,winer lix4 p4 #fff sq41 and comp4 ,ps4 xv 7xvi74 #e 4 ,in ,acts viii4 #ba and are coordinated2 in ,gen4 xxxi4 #ad1 ,num4 xviii4 #bj1 ,is4 lvii4 #f1 and 4 ,the inheritance of ,canaan1 the allotment of the promised land1 here presents an analogy to1 and supplies a metaphor for1 the higher hopes of the new dispensation1 as in ,heb4 iii4 #g-;iv4 #aa4 ,see also below1 iii4 #bd 1 and ,ephes4 i4 #ah4 ,st ,chrysostom writes1 1 referring to ,luke xvii4 #aj4 ,it is not won by us1 but allotted to us4 best taken with the expression 444 ,for the omission of the definite article1 1 see above1 vv4 #b1 #d1 #h4 ,the portion of the saints is situated in the kingdom of light4 ,for the whole context compare ,st ,paul's narrative in ,acts xxvi4 #ah 1 1 where all the ideas and many of the expressions recur4 ,see also ,acts xx4 #cb1 in another of ,st ,paul's later speeches4 ,as a classical parallel1 ,plato ,resp4 vii4 p4 #eah ,a1 1 is quoted4 #ac4 #8,we were slaves in the land of darkness4 ,god rescued us from this thraldom4 ,he transplanted us thence1 and settled us as free colonists and citizens in the kingdom of ,his ,son1 in the realms of light4' #8rescued1 delivered us' by ,his strong arm1 as a mighty conqueror3 comp4 ii4 #ae 4 ,on the form see ,a4 ,buttmann1 p4 #bi3 comp4 ,clem4 ,rom4 #ee1 and see the note on 1 ib4 #f4 here #8arbitrary power1 tyranny4' ,the word properly signifies #8liberty of action' 771 and thence1 like the corresponding ,english word #8license1' invokes two secondary ideas1 of which either may be so prominent as to eclipse the other2 7#a7 #8authority1' #8delegated power' 7e4g4 ,luke xx4 #b72 or 7#b7 #8tyranny1' #8lawlessness1' #8unrestrained or arbitrary power4' ,for this second sense comp4 e4g4 ,demosth4 ,f4,l4 p4 #dbh 1 ,xenoph4 ,hiero #e 7speaking of tyrants71 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,eum4 #ac 1 ,vit4 ,alex4 #cc 1 ,herodian ii4 #d 4 ,this latter idea of a capricious unruly rule is prominent here4 ,the expression occurs also in ,luke xxii4 #ec1 where again the idea of disorder is involved4 ,the transference from darkness to light is here represented as a transference from an arbitrary tyranny1 an 1 to a well-ordered sovereignty1 a 4 ,this seems also to be ,st ,chrysostom's idea2 for he explains by 1 adding ' 1 4 #8removed1' when they were baptized1 when they accepted ,christ4 ,the image of is supplied by the wholesale transportation of peoples 7 or 71 of which the history of oriental monarchies supplied so many examples4 ,see ,joseph4 ,ant4 ix4 #aa4 #a 1 speaking of ,tiglath-,pileser and the ,transjordanic tribes4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ac 1 ,not of inferior angels1 as the false teachers would have it 7ii4 #ah71 but of ,his own ,son4 ,the same contrast between a dispensation of angels and a dispensation of the ,son underlies the words here1 which is explicitly brought out in ,heb4 i4 #a-;ii4 #h2 see especially i4 #b 1 compared with ii4 #e 4 ,severianus has rightly caught the idea underlying here2 1 4 #8of ,his love4' ,as love is the essence of the ,father 7#a ,joh4 iv4 #h1 #af71 so is it also of the ,son4 ,the mission of the ,son is the revelation of the ,father's love2 for as ,he is the 1 the ,father's love is perfectly represented in ,him 7see #a ,joh4 iv4 #i74 ,st ,augustine has rightly interpreted ,st ,paul's words here1 de ,trin4 ,,xv4 #ai 7,,viii4 p4 #iic7 #8,caritas quippe ,patris 444 nihil est quam ejus ipsa natura atque substantia 444 ac per hoc filius caritatis ejus nullus est alius quam qui de ejus substantia est genitus4' ,thus these words are intimately connected with the expressions which follow1 7ver4 #ae71 and 7ver4 #ai74 ,the loose interpretation1 which makes equivalent to 1 destroys the whole force of the expression4 ,in the preceding verses we have a striking illustration of ,st ,paul's teaching in two important respects4 ,first4 ,the reign of ,christ has already begun4 ,his kingdom is a present kingdom4 ,whatever therefore is essential in the kingdom of ,christ must be capable of realisation now4 ,there may be some exceptional manifestation in the world to come1 but this cannot alter its inherent character4 ,in other words the sovereignty of ,christ is essentially a moral and spiritual sovereignty1 which has begun now and will only be perfected hereafter4 ,secondly4 ,corresponding to this1 and equally significant1 is his language in speaking of individual ,christians4 ,he regards them as already rescued from the power of darkness1 as already put in possession of their inheritance as saints4 ,they are potentially saved1 because the knowledge of ,god is itself salvation1 and this knowledge is within their reach4 ,such is ,st ,paul's constant mode of speaking4 ,he uses the language not of exclusion1 but of comprehension4 ,he prefers to dwell on their potential advantages1 rather than on their actual attainments4 ,he hopes to make them saints by dwelling on their calling as saints4 ,see especially ,ephes4 ii4 #f 444 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ad 1 #ad 1 #ad 4 #ad4 ,for the reading 1 which is possibly correct here1 and which carries out the idea enforced in the last note1 see the detached note on the various readings4 ,in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #g1 there is the same variation of reading4 #8ransom1 redemption4' ,the image of a captive and enslaved people is still continued3 ,philo ,omn4 prob4 lib4 #ag 7,,ii4 p4 #dfc7 444 1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,pomp4 #bd 4 ,the metaphor however has changed from the victor who rescues the captive by force of arms 7ver4 #ac 7 to the philanthropist who releases him by the payment of a ransom4 ,the clause which follows in the received text1 1 is interpolated from the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #g4 ,so in the parallel passage ,ephes4 i4 #g the ,apostle defines as 4 ,may not this studied precision point to some false conception of put forward by the heretical teachers8 ,later ,gnostics certainly perverted the meaning of the term1 applying it to their own formularies of initiation4 ,this is related of the ,marcosians by ,irenus i4 #ac4 #f 4441 i4 #ba4 #a 1 1 ib4 #d 7with the whole context71 and ,hippolytus ,hr4 vi4 #da 1 444 7comp4 ix4 #ac74 ,in support of their nomenclature they perverted such passages as the text1 ,iren4 i4 #ba4 #b 4 ,it seems not improbable that the communication of similar mystical secrets1 perhaps connected with their angelology 7ii4 #ah71 was put forward by these ,colossian false teachers as an 4 ,compare the words in the baptismal formula of the ,marcosians as given in ,iren4 i4 #ba4 #c 7comp4 ,theodt4 ,hr4 ,fab4 i4 #i7 1 where the last words 7which have been differently interpreted7 must surely mean #8communion with the 7spiritual7 powers4' ,thus it is a parallel to 1 which appears in an alternative formula of these heretics given likewise by ,irenus in the context2 for this latter is explained in ,clem4 ,alex4 ,exc4 ,theod4 p4 #igd1 1 1 4 ,any direct historical connexion between the ,colossian heretics and these later ,gnostics of the ,valentinian school is very improbable2 but the passages quoted will serve to show how a false idea of would naturally be associated with an esoteric doctrine of angelic powers4 ,see the note on i4 #bh 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ae #ae 1 #ae sq4 ,in the passage which follows ,st ,paul defines the ,person of ,christ1 claiming for ,him the absolute supremacy1 7#a7 ,in relation to the ,universe1 the ,natural ,creation 7vv4 #ae-ag72 7#b7 ,in relation to the ,church1 the new ,moral ,creation 7ver4 #ah72 and he then combines the two1 1 explaining this twofold sovereignty by the absolute indwelling of the pleroma in ,christ1 and showing how1 as a consequence1 the reconciliation and harmony of all things must be effected in ,him 7vv4 #ai1 #bj74 ,as the idea of the ,logos underlies the whole of this passage1 though the term itself does not appear1 a few words explanatory of this term will be necessary by way of preface4 ,the word then1 denoting both #8reason' and #8speech1' was a philosophical term adopted by ,alexandrian ,judaism before ,st ,paul wrote1 to express the manifestation of the ,unseen ,god1 the ,absolute ,being1 in the creation and government of the ,world4 ,it included all modes by which ,god makes himself known to man4 ,as ,his reason1 it denoted ,his purpose or design2 as ,his speech1 it implied ,his revelation4 ,whether this was conceived merely as the divine energy personified1 or whether the conception took a more concrete form1 ,i need not stop now to enquire4 ,a fuller account of the matter will be found in the dissertation at the end of this volume4 ,it is sufficient for the understanding of what follows to say that ,christian teachers1 when they adopted this term1 exalted and fixed its meaning by attaching to it two precise and definite ideas3 7#a7 #8,the ,word is a ,divine ,person1' 2 and 7#b7 #8,the ,word became incarnate in ,jesus ,christ1' 4 ,it is obvious that these two propositions must have altered materially the significance of all the subordinate terms connected with the idea of the 2 and that therefore their use in ,alexandrian writers1 such as ,philo1 cannot be taken to define1 though it may be brought to illustrate1 their meaning in ,st ,paul and ,st ,john4 ,with these cautions the ,alexandrian phraseology1 as a providential preparation for the teaching of the ,gospel1 will afford important aid in the understanding of the ,apostolic writings4 #ae-ag4 #8,he is the perfect image1 the visible representation1 of the unseen ,god4 ,he is the ,firstborn1 the absolute ,heir of the ,father1 begotten before the ages2 the ,lord of the ,universe by virtue of primogeniture1 and by virtue also of creative agency4 ,for in and through ,him the whole world was created1 things in heaven and things on earth1 things visible to the outward eye and things cognisable by the inward perception4 ,his supremacy is absolute and universal4 ,all powers in heaven and earth are subject to ,him4 ,this subjection extends even to the most exalted and most potent of angelic beings1 whether they be called ,thrones or ,dominations or ,princedoms or ,powers1 or whatever title of dignity men may confer upon them4 ,yes3 ,he is first and ,he is last4 ,through ,him1 as the mediatorial ,word1 the universe has been created2 and unto ,him1 as the final goal1 it is tending4 ,in ,him is no before or after4 ,he is pre-existent and self-existent before all the worlds4 ,and in ,him1 as the binding and sustaining power1 universal nature coheres and consists4' #ae4 444 ,the ,person of ,christ is described first in relation more especially to ,deity1 as 1 and secondly in relation more especially to created things1 as 4 ,the fundamental conception of the ,logos involves the idea of mediation between ,god and creation4 ,a perverted view respecting the nature of the mediation between the two lay1 as we have seen1 at the root of the heretical teaching at ,coloss 7p4 #cd1 p4 #aja sq41 p4 #aha sq471 and required to be met by the true doctrine of ,christ as the ,eternal ,logos4 #8the image4' ,this expression is used repeatedly by ,philo1 as a description of the ,logos2 de ,mund4 ,op4 #h 7,i4 p4 #f7 1 de ,confus4 ling4 #bj 7,i4 p4 #dai7 1 1 ib4 #bh 7,i4 p4 #dbg7 4441 de ,profug4 #ai 7,i4 p4 #efa7 444 1 de ,monarch4 ii4 #e 7,,ii4 p4 #bbe7 ' 1 de ,somn4 i4 #da 7,i4 p4 #fef71 etc4 ,for the use which ,philo made of the text ,gen4 i4 #bf1 #bg1 ' 1 ' 1 see the note on iii4 #aj4 ,still earlier than ,philo1 before the idea of the had assumed such a definite form1 the term was used of the ,divine personified in ,wisd4 vii4 #bf 444 4 ,st ,paul himself applies the term to our ,lord in an earlier epistle1 #b ,cor4 iv4 #d 7comp4 iii4 #ah 74 ,closely allied to also is 1 which appears in the same connexion in ,heb4 i4 #c 1 a passage illustrated by ,philo de ,plant4 #e 7,i4 p4 #ccb7 4 ,see also ,phil4 ii4 #f 4 ,beyond the very obvious notion of likeness1 the word involves two other ideas2 7#a7 ,representation4 ,in this respect it is allied to 1 and differs from 74 ,in the resemblance may be accidental1 as one egg is like another2 but implies an archetype of which it is a copy1 as ,greg4 ,naz4 ,orat4 #cj 7,i4 p4 #eed7 says 4 ,so too ,io4 ,damasc4 de ,imag4 i4 #i 7,i4 p4 #caa7 2 comp4 ,philo de ,mund4 ,op4 #bc 7,i4 p4 #af74 ,on this difference see ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,synon4 xv4 p4 #dg4 ,the might be the result of direct imitation 77 like the head of a sovereign on a coin1 or it might be due to natural causes 77 like the parental features in the child1 but in any case it was derived from its prototype3 see ,basil4 de ,spir4 ,sanct4 #ah #de 7,,iii4 p4 #ch74 ,the word itself however does not necessarily imply perfect representation4 ,thus man is said to be the image of ,god2 #a ,cor4 xi4 #g 1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #cc 444 4 ,thus again an early ,judo-,christian writer so designates the duly appointed bishop1 as the representative of the divine authority2 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #fb 4 ,the idea of perfection does not lie in the word itself1 but must be sought from the context 7e4g4 ver4 #ai74 ,the use which was made of this expression1 and especially of this passage1 in the ,christological controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries may be seen from the patristic quotations in ,petav4 ,theol4 ,dogm4 de ,trin4 ii4 #aa4 #i sq41 vi4 #e4 #f4 7#b7 ,manifestation4 ,this idea comes from the implied contrast to 4 ,st ,chrysostom indeed maintains the direct opposite1 arguing that1 as the archetype is invisible1 so the image must be invisible also1 4 ,so too ,hilary c4 ,const4 ,imp4 #ba 7,,ii4 p4 #cgh7 #8ut imago invisibilis ,dei1 etiam per id quod ipse invisibilis est1 invisibilis ,dei imago esset4' ,and this was the view of the ,nicene and post-,nicene fathers generally4 ,but the underlying idea of the 1 and indeed of the generally1 is the manifestation of the hidden3 comp4 ,philo de ,vit4 ,moys4 ii4 #ab 7,,ii4 p4 #add7 4 ,and adopted into ,christian theology1 the doctrine of the expresses this conception still more prominently by reason of the ,incarnation2 comp4 ,tertull4 adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai #8,scientes filium semper retro visum1 si quibus visus est in ,dei nomine1 ut imaginem ipsius1' ,hippol4 c4 ,noet4 #g 1 ib4 #ab1 #ac1 ,orig4 in ,ioann4 vi4 #b 7,,iv4 p4 #ajd74 ,among the post-,nicene fathers too ,st ,basil has caught the right idea1 ,epist4 xxxviii4 #h 7,,iii4 p4 #aba7 444 444 4 ,the ,word1 whether pre-incarnate or incarnate1 is the revelation of the unseen ,father3 comp4 ,john i4 #ah 1 1 1 xiv4 #i1 #aj 1 2 7compared with vi4 #df 44474 ,the epithet however must not be confined to the apprehension of the bodily senses1 but will include the cognisance of the inward eye also4 #8the ,first-born of all creation4' ,the word has a twofold parentage3 7#a7 ,like it is closely connected with and taken from the ,alexandrian vocabulary of the ,logos4 ,the word however which ,philo applies to the is not but 3 de ,agric4 #ab 7,i4 p4 #cjh7 1 de ,somn4 i4 #cg 7,i4 p4 #fec7 1 de ,confus4 ling4 i4 #bh 7,i4 p4 #dbg7 3 comp4 ib4 i4 #ad 7,i4 p4 #dad7 1 3 and this designation is several times applied to the 4 ,again in ,quis rer4 div4 her4 #bd 7,i4 p4 #dhi7 the language of ,exod4 xiii4 #b 444 is so interpreted as to apply to the ,divine ,word4 ,these appellations1 #8the first-begotten1 the eldest son1' are given to the ,logos by ,philo1 because in his philosophy it includes the original conception1 the archetypal idea1 of creation1 which was afterwards realised in the material world4 ,among the early ,christian fathers ,justin ,martyr again and again recognises the application of the term to the ,word2 ,apol4 i4 #bc 7p4 #fh7 1 ib4 #df 7p4 #hc7 444 1 ib4 #cc 7p4 #ge ,c7 4 ,so too ,theophilus ad ,antol4 ii4 #bb 1 4 7#b7 ,the word had also another not less important link of connexion with the past4 ,the ,messianic reference of ,ps4 lxxxix4 #bh1 4441 seems to have been generally allowed4 ,so at least it is interpreted by ,r4 ,nathan in ,shemoth ,rabba #ai1 fol4 #aah4 #d1 #8,god said1 ,as ,i made ,jacob a first-born 7,exod4 iv4 #bb71 so also will ,i make king ,messiah a first-born 7,ps4 lxxxix4 #bh74' ,hence #8the first-born' 771 used absolutely1 became a recognised title of ,messiah4 ,the way had been paved for this ,messianic reference of by its prior application to the ,israelites1 as the prerogative race1 ,exod4 iv4 #bb #8,israel is my son1 my first-born'3 comp4 ,psalm4 ,salom4 xviii4 #d ' 1 #d ,esdr4 vi4 #eh #8nos populus tuus1 quem vocasti primogenitum1 unigenitum1' where the combination of the two titles applied in the ,new ,testament to the ,son is striking4 ,here1 as elsewhere 7see the note on ,gal4 iii4 #af 44471 the terms are transferred from the race to the ,messiah1 as the representative1 the embodiment1 of the race4 ,as the ,person of ,christ was the ,divine response alike to the philosophical questionings of the ,alexandrian ,jew and to the patriotic hopes of the ,palestinian1 these two currents of thought meet in the term as applied to our ,lord1 who is both the true ,logos and the true ,messiah4 ,for this reason1 we may suppose1 as well as for others1 the ,christian ,apostles preferred to 1 which 7as we may infer from ,philo7 was the favourite term with the ,alexandrians1 because the former alone would include the ,messianic reference as well4 ,the main ideas then which the word involves are twofold2 the one more directly connected with the ,alexandrian conception of the ,logos1 the other more nearly allied to the ,palestinian conception of the ,messiah4 7#a7 ,priority to all creation4 ,in other words it declares the absolute pre-existence of the ,son4 ,at first sight it might seem that ,christ is here regarded as one1 though the earliest1 of created things4 ,this interpretation however is not required by the expression itself4 ,the fathers of the fourth century rightly called attention to the fact that the ,apostle writes not 1 but 2 e4g4 ,basil1 c4 ,eunom4 iv 7p4 ,i4 p4 #bib74 ,much earlier1 in ,clem4 ,alex4 ,exc4 ,theod4 #aj 7p4 #igj71 though without any direct reference to this passage1 the is contrasted with the 1 the highest order of angelic beings2 and the word occurs more than once elsewhere in his writings 7e4g4 ,strom4 v4 #ad1 p4 #fii74 ,nor again does the genitive case necessarily imply that the ,himself belonged to the 1 as will be shown presently4 ,and if this sense is not required by the words themselves1 it is directly excluded by the context4 ,it is inconsistent alike with the universal agency in creation which is ascribed to ,him in the words following1 1 and with the absolute pre-existence and self-existence which is claimed for ,him just below1 4 ,we may add also that it is irreconcileable with other passages in the ,apostolic writings1 while it contradicts the fundamental idea of the ,christian consciousness4 ,more especially the description must be interpreted in such a way that it is not inconsistent with ,his other title of 1 unicus1 alone of ,his kind and therefore distinct from created things4 ,the two words express the same eternal fact2 but while states it in itself1 places it in relation to the ,universe4 ,the correct interpretation is supplied by ,justin ,martyr1 ,dial4 #ajj 7p4 #cbf ,d7 4 ,he does not indeed mention this passage1 but it was doubtless in his mind1 for he elsewhere uses the very expression 1 ,dial4 #he 7p4 #caa ,b71 #ach 7p4 #cfg ,d72 comp4 also #hd 7p4 #caj ,b71 where the words occur4 7#b7 ,sovereignty over all creation4 ,god's #8first-born' is the natural ruler1 the acknowledged head1 of ,god's household4 ,the right of primogeniture appertains to ,messiah over all created things4 ,thus in ,ps4 lxxxix4 #bh after the explanation is added1 1 i4e4 7as the original implies7 #8above all the kings of the earth4' ,in its ,messianic reference this secondary idea of sovereignty predominated in the word 1 so that from this point of view would mean #8,sovereign ,lord over all creation by virtue of primogeniture4' ,the of the ,apostolic writer 7,heb4 i4 #b7 exactly corresponds to the of the ,psalmist 7lxxxix4 #bh71 and doubtless was tacitly intended as a paraphrase and application of this ,messianic passage4 ,so again in ,heb4 xii4 #bc1 1 the most probable explanation of the word is that which makes it equivalent to #8heirs of the kingdom1' all faithful ,christians being ipso facto 1 because all are kings4 ,nay1 so completely might this idea of dominion by virtue of priority eclipse the primary sense of the term #8first-born' in some of its uses1 that it is given as a title to ,god ,himself by ,r4 ,bechai on the ,pentateuch1 fol4 #abd4 #d1 #8,who is primogenitus mundi1' 1 i4e4 1 as it would be rendered in ,greek4 ,in this same work again1 fol4 #gd4 #d1 ,exod4 xiii4 #b is falsely interpreted so that ,god is represented as calling ,himself #8primogenitus'3 see ,schttgen p4 #ibb4 ,for other instances of secondary uses of in the ,old ,testament1 where the idea of #8priority of birth' is over-shadowed by and lost in the idea of #8pre-eminence1' see ,job xviii4 #ac #8the first-born of death1' ,is4 xiv4 #cj #8the first-born of the poor'4 #8of all creation1' rather than #8of every created thing4' ,the three senses of in the ,new ,testament2 are 7#a7 creation1 as the act of creating1 e4g4 ,rom4 i4 #bj 3 7#b7 creation1 as the aggregate of created things1 ,mark xiii4 #ai ' 7where the parallel passage1 ,matt4 xxiv4 #ba1 has ' 71 ,rom4 viii4 #bb 3 7#c7 a creation1 a single created thing1 a creature1 e4g4 ,rom4 viii4 #ci 1 ,heb4 iv4 #ac 4 ,as without the definite article is sometimes used of the created world generally 7e4g4 ,mark xiii4 #ai71 and indeed belongs to the category of anarthrous nouns like 1 1 1 etc4 7see ,winer xix4 p4 #adi sq471 it is best taken so here4 ,indeed 1 in the sense of 1 would be awkward in this connexion2 for seems to require either a collective noun1 or a plural 4 ,in ver4 #bc the case is different 7see the note there74 ,the anarthrous is found in ,judith ix4 #ab 1 while occurs in ,judith xvi4 #ad1 ,mark xvi4 #ae1 ,rom4 viii4 #bb1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #ai1 ,mart4 ,polyc4 #ad4 ,for 1 signifying #8all1' and not #8every1' when attached to this class of nouns1 see ,winer xviii4 p4 #acg4 ,the genitive case must be interpreted so as to include the full meaning of 1 as already explained4 ,it will therefore signify3 #8,he stands in the relation of to all creation1' i4e4 #8,he is the ,firstborn1 and1 as the ,firstborn1 the absolute ,heir and sovereign ,lord1 of all creation4' ,the connexion is the same as in the passage of ,r4 ,bechai already quoted1 where ,god is called primogenitus mundi4 ,another explanation which would connect the genitive with the first part of the compound alone 7-71 comparing ,joh4 i4 #ae1 #cj1 1 unduly strains the grammar1 while it excludes the idea of #8heirship1 sovereignty4' ,the history of the patristic exegesis of this expression is not without a painful interest4 ,all the fathers of the second and third centuries without exception1 so far as ,i have noticed1 correctly refer it to the ,eternal ,word and not to the ,incarnate ,christ1 to the ,deity and not to the humanity of our ,lord4 ,so ,justin l4c41 ,theophilus l4c41 ,clement of ,alexandria ,exc4 ,theod4 #g1 #h1 #ai 7pp4 #ifg1 #igc71 ,tertullian adv4 ,prax4 #g1 adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai1 ,hippolytus ,hr4 x4 #cc1 ,origen c4 ,cels4 vi4 #dg1 #fc1 #fd1 in ,ioann4 i4 #bb 7,,iv4 p4 #ba71 xix4 #e 7p4 #cje71 xxviii4 #ad 7p4 #cib71 ,cyprian ,test4 ii4 #a1 ,novatian de ,trin4 #af1 and the ,synod of ,antioch 7,routh's ,rel4 ,sacr4 ,,iii4 pp4 #bij1 #bic74 ,the ,arian controversy however gave a different turn to the exegesis of the passage4 ,the ,arians fastened upon the expression 1 and drew from it the inference that the ,son was a created being4 ,the great use which they made of the text appears from the document in ,hilary1 ,fragm4 ,hist4 ,op4 ,,ii4 p4 #fdd4 ,the right answer to this false interpretation we have already seen4 ,many orthodox fathers however1 not satisfied with this1 transferred the expression into a new sphere1 and maintained that describes the ,incarnate ,christ4 ,by so doing they thought to cut up the ,arian argument by the roots4 ,as a consequence of this interpretation1 they were obliged to understand the and the in the context of the new spiritual creation1 the of #b ,cor4 v4 #ag1 ,gal4 vi4 #ae4 ,thus interpreted1 here becomes nearly equivalent to in ,rom4 viii4 #bi4 ,the arguments alleged in favour of this interpretation are mainly twofold3 7#a7 ,that1 if applied to the ,divine nature1 would contradict which elsewhere describes the nature of the ,eternal ,son4 ,but those who maintained1 and rightly maintained1 that 7,luke ii4 #g7 did not necessarily imply that the ,lord's mother had other sons1 ought not to have been led away by this fallacy4 7#b7 ,that in other passages 7e4g4 ,rom4 viii4 #bi1 ,rev4 i4 #e1 and just below1 ver4 #ah7 is applied to the humanity of ,christ4 ,but elsewhere1 in ,heb4 i4 #f 4441 the term must almost necessarily refer to the pre-existence of the ,son2 and moreover the very point of the ,apostle's language in the text 7as will be seen presently7 is the parallelism in the two relations of our ,lord--,his relation to the natural creation1 as the ,eternal ,word1 and ,his relation to the spiritual creation1 as the ,head of the ,church--so that the same word 7 ver4 #ae1 ver4 #ah7 is studiously used of both4 ,a false exegesis is sure to bring a nemesis on itself4 ,logical consistency required that this interpretation should be carried farther2 and ,marcellus1 who was never deterred by any considerations of prudence1 took this bold step4 ,he extended the principle to the whole context1 including even 1 which likewise he interpreted of our ,lord's humanity4 ,in this way a most important ,christological passage was transferred into an alien sphere2 and the strongest argument against ,arianism melted away in the attempt to combat ,arianism on false grounds4 ,the criticisms of ,eusebius on ,marcellus are perfectly just3 ,eccl4 ,theol4 i4 #bj 7p4 #if7 1 1 4442 comp4 ib4 ii4 #i 7p4 #fg71 iii4 #f sq4 7p4 #age71 c4 ,marcell4 i4 #a 7p4 #f71 i4 #b 7p4 #ab71 ii4 #c 7pp4 #dc1 #df sq41 #dh74 ,the objections to this interpretation are threefold3 7#a7 ,it disregards the history of the terms in their connexion with the pre-,christian speculations of ,alexandrian ,judaism4 ,these however1 though directly or indirectly they were present to the minds of the earlier fathers and kept them in the right exegetical path1 might very easily have escaped a writer in the fourth century4 7#b7 ,it shatters the context4 ,to suppose that such expressions as 1 or ' 444 1 or 1 refer to the work of the ,incarnation1 is to strain language in a way which would reduce all theological exegesis to chaos2 and yet this1 as ,marcellus truly saw1 is a strictly logical consequence of the interpretation which refers to ,christ's humanity4 7#c7 ,it takes no account of the cosmogony and angelology of the false teachers against which the ,apostle's exposition here is directed 7see above1 pp4 #aja sq41 #aaj sq41 #aha sq474 ,this interpretation is given by ,st ,athanasius c4 ,arian4 ii4 #fb sq4 7,i4 p4 #dai sq47 and appears again in ,greg4 ,nyss4 c4 ,eunom4 ii 7,,ii4 pp4 #dea-dec1 #dib71 ib4 iii 7,,ii4 p4 #edj-ede71 de ,perf4 7,,iii4 p4 #bij sq471 ,cyril ,alex4 ,thes4 #be1 p4 #bcf sq41 de ,trin4 ,dial4 iv4 p4 #eag sq41 vi4 p4 #fbe sq41 ,anon4 ,chrysost4 ,op4 ,,viii4 p4 #bbc1 appx4 7quoted as ,chrysostom by ,photius ,bibl4 #bgg74 ,so too ,cyril expresses himself at the ,council of ,ephesus1 ,labb4 ,conc4 ,,iii4 p4 #feb 7ed4 ,colet474 ,st ,athanasius indeed does not confine the expression to the condescension 77 of the ,word in the ,incarnation1 but includes also a prior condescension in the ,creation of the world 7see ,bull ,def4 ,fid4 ,nic4 iii4 #i4 #a1 with the remarks of ,newman ,select ,treatises of ,s4 ,athanasius ,i4 pp4 #bgh1 #cfh sq474 ,this double reference however only confuses the exegesis of the passage still further1 while theologically it might lead to very serious difficulties4 ,in another work1 ,expos4 ,fid4 #c 7,i4 p4 #hj71 he seems to take a truer view of its meaning4 ,st ,basil1 who to an equally clear appreciation of doctrine generally unites a sounder exegesis than ,st ,athanasius1 while mentioning the interpretation which refers the expression to ,christ's human nature1 himself prefers explaining it of the ,eternal ,word2 c4 ,eunom4 iv 7,i4 p4 #bib74 ,of the ,greek commentators on this passage1 ,chrysostom's view is not clear2 ,severianus 7,cram4 ,cat4 p4 #cjc7 and ,theodoret understand it rightly of the ,eternal ,word2 while ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7,cram4 ,cat4 pp4 #cjf1 #cjh1 #cji1 ,rab4 ,maur4 ,op4 ,,vi4 p4 #eaa sq4 ed4 ,migne7 expresses himself very strongly on the opposite side4 ,like ,marcellus1 he carries the interpretation consistently into the whole context1 explaining to refer not to the original creation 77 but to the moral re-creation 771 and referring to the ,incarnation in the same way4 ,at a later date1 when the pressure of an immediate controversy has passed away1 the ,greek writers generally concur in the earlier and truer interpretation of the expression4 ,thus ,john ,damascene 7de ,orthod4 ,fid4 iv4 #h1 ,i4 p4 #beh sq471 ,theophylact 7ad loc471 and ,,oecumenius 7ad loc471 all explain it of ,christ's ,divine ,nature4 ,among ,latin writers1 there is more diversity of interpretation4 ,while ,marius ,victorinus 7adv4 ,arium i4 #bd1 p4 #ajeh1 ed4 ,migne71 ,hilary of ,poictiers 7,tract4 in ii ,ps4 #bh sq4 ,i4 p4 #dg sq4 de ,trin4 viii4 #ej1 ,,ii4 p4 #bdh sq471 and ,hilary the commentator 7ad loc471 take it of the ,divine ,nature1 ,augustine 7,expos4 ad ,rom4 #ef1 ,,iii4 p4 #iad7 and ,pelagius 7ad loc47 understand it of the ,incarnate ,christ4 ,this sketch of the history of the interpretation of the expression would not be complete without a reference to another very different explanation4 ,isidore of ,pelusium1 ,epist4 iii4 #ca 7p4 #bfh71 would strike out a new path of interpretation altogether 7 71 and for the passive suggests reading the active 1 alluding to the use of this latter word in ,homer 7,il4 xvii4 #e 444 3 comp4 ,plat4 ,thet4 #aea ,c 74 ,thus ,st ,paul is made to say that ,christ 1 1 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #af #af 1 #af4 444 ,we have in this sentence the justification of the title given to the ,son in the preceding clause1 4 ,it must therefore be taken to explain the sense in which this title is used4 ,thus connected1 it shows that the ,himself is not included in 2 for the expression used is not or 1 but -words which are absolute and comprehensive1 and will admit no exception4 #8in ,him1' as below ver4 #ag 4 ,for the preposition comp4 ,acts xvii1 #bh 4 ,all the laws and purposes which guide the creation and government of the ,universe reside in ,him1 the ,eternal ,word1 as their meeting-point4 ,the ,apostolic doctrine of the ,logos teaches us to regard the ,eternal ,word as holding the same relation to the ,universe which the ,incarnate ,christ holds to the ,church4 ,he is the source of its life1 the centre of all its developments1 the mainspring of all its motions4 ,the use of to describe ,his relations to the ,church abounds in ,st ,paul 7e4g4 ,rom4 viii4 #a1 #b1 xii4 #e1 xvi4 #c1 #g1 #i1 etc41 #a ,cor4 i4 #cj1 iv4 #ae1 #ag1 vii4 #ci1 xv4 #ah1 #bb1 etc471 and more especially in the ,epistles to the ,colossians and ,ephesians 7e4g4 below ii4 #g1 #aj74 ,in the present passage1 as in ver4 #ag1 the same preposition is applied also to ,his relations to the ,universe2 comp4 ,joh4 i4 #d 7more especially if we connect the preceding with it74 ,thus it is part of the parallelism which runs through the whole passage1 and to which the occurrence of in both relations gives the key4 ,the ,judo-,alexandrian teachers represented the ,logos1 which in their view was nothing more than the ,divine mind energizing1 as the where the eternal ideas1 the 1 had their abode2 ,philo de ,mund4 ,op4 #d 7,i4 p4 #d7 1 ib4 #e 7p4 #d7 1 ib4 #aj 7p4 #h7 444 2 and see especially de ,migr4 ,abr4 ,i4 p4 #dcg7 444 1 4 ,the ,apostolic teaching is an enlargement of this conception1 inasmuch as the ,logos is no longer a philosophical abstraction but a ,divine ,person3 see ,hippol4 ,hr4 x4 #cc 1 444 3 comp4 ,orig4 in ,ioann4 i4 #bb1 ,,iv4 p4 #ba4 ,the aorist is used here2 the perfect below4 describes the definite historical act of creation2 the continuous and present relations of creation to the ,creator3 comp4 ,joh4 i4 #c with ib4 1 #a ,cor4 ix4 #bb with ib4 1 #b ,cor4 xii4 #ag with ver4 #ah 1 #a ,joh4 iv4 #i ' with ver4 #aj 4 #8the universe of things1' not #8all things severally1' but #8all things collectively4' ,with very few exceptions1 wherever this phrase occurs elsewhere1 it stands in a similar connexion2 see below1 vv4 #ag1 #bj1 iii4 #aa1 ,rom4 xi4 #cf1 #a ,cor4 viii4 #f1 xi4 #ab1 xii4 #f1 xv4 #bg1 #bh1 #b ,cor4 v4 #ah1 ,eph4 i4 #aj1 #aa1 #bc1 iv4 #aj1 ,heb4 i4 #c1 ii4 #h1 ,rev4 iv4 #aa4 ,compare ,rom4 viii4 #cb 1 #b ,cor4 iv4 #ae ' 1 with #a ,cor4 iii4 #bb 444 2 and ,phil4 iii4 #h with ,matt4 xvi4 #bf 4 ,thus it will appear that is nearly equivalent to #8the universe4' ,it stands midway between and 4 ,the last however is not a scriptural phrase2 for1 while with it involves the idea of connexion1 it suggests also the unscriptural idea of self-contained unity1 the great world-soul of the ,stoic pantheist4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #af 1 1 444 ,this division of the universe is not the same with the following1 as if were equivalent to and to 4 ,it should rather be compared with ,gen4 i4 #a 1 ii4 #a 1 xiv4 #ai 1 ,rev4 x4 #f 4 ,it is a classification by locality1 as the other is a classification by essences4 ,heaven and earth together comprehend all space2 and all things whether material or immaterial are conceived for the purposes of the classification as having their abode in space4 ,thus the sun and the moon would belong to 1 but they would be 2 while the human soul would be classed among but would be regarded as 2 see below ver4 #bj4 ,it is difficult to say whether 444 should be expunged or retained4 ,the elements in the decision are2 7#a7 ,the facility either of omission or of addition in the first clause1 owing to the termination of 3 7#b7 ,the much greater authority for the omission in the first clause than in the second4 ,these two combined suggest that was omitted accidentally in the first clause1 and then expunged purposely in the second for the sake of uniformity4 ,on the other hand there is 7#c7 ,the possibility of insertion in both cases either for the sake of grammatical completeness or owing to the parallel passages1 ver4 #bj1 ,ephes4 i4 #aj4 ,on the whole the reasons for their omission preponderate4 ,at all events we can hardly retain the one without the other4 444 #8,things material and immaterial1' or1 according to the language of philosophy1 and 3 comp4 ,plato ,phd4 #gi ,a 1 1 1 1 1 1 444 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 1 1 444 #8whether they be thrones or lordships1 etc4' ,the subdivision is no longer exhaustive4 ,the ,apostle singles out those created beings that from their superior rank had been or might be set in rivalry with the ,son4 ,a comparison with the parallel passage ,ephes4 i4 #ba1 4441 brings out the following points3 7#a7 ,no stress can be laid on the sequence of the names1 as though ,st ,paul were enunciating with authority some precise doctrine respecting the grades of the celestial hierarchy4 ,the names themselves are not the same in the two passages4 ,while 1 1 1 are common to both1 is peculiar to the one and to the other4 ,nor again is there any correspondence in the sequence4 ,neither does take the place of 1 nor do the three words common to both appear in the same order1 the sequence being 4 4 4 4 in ,eph4 i4 #ba1 and 4 4 4 4 here4 7#b7 ,an expression in ,eph4 i4 #ba shows the ,apostle's motive in introducing these lists of names3 for he there adds 1 i4e4 #8of every dignity or title 7whether real or imaginary7 which is reverenced1' etc42 for this is the force of 7see the notes on ,phil4 ii4 #i1 and ,eph4 l4c474 ,hence it appears that in this catalogue ,st ,paul does not profess to describe objective realities1 but contents himself with repeating subjective opinions4 ,he brushes away all these speculations without enquiring how much or how little truth there may be in them1 because they are altogether beside the question4 ,his language here shows the same spirit of impatience with this elaborate angelology1 as in ii4 #ah4 7#c7 ,some commentators have referred the terms used here solely to earthly potentates and dignities4 ,there can be little doubt however that their chief and primary reference is to the orders of the celestial hierarchy1 as conceived by these ,gnostic ,judaizers4 ,this appears from the context2 for the words immediately precede this list of terms1 while in the mention of and in other expressions the ,apostle clearly contemplates the rivalry of spiritual powers with ,christ4 ,it is also demanded by the whole design and purport of the letter1 which is written to combat the worship paid to angels4 ,the names too1 more especially 1 are especially connected with the speculations of ,jewish angelology4 ,but when this is granted1 two questions still remain4 ,first2 are evil as well as good spirits included1 demons as well as angels8 ,and next2 though the primary reference is to spiritual powers1 is it not possible that the expression was intended to be comprehensive and to include earthly dignities as well8 ,the clause added in the parallel passage1 4441 encourages us thus to extend the ,apostle's meaning2 and we are led in the same direction by the comprehensive words which have preceded here1 444 ,nor is there anything in the terms themselves which bars such an extension2 for1 as will be seen1 the combination is applied not only to good angels but to bad1 not only to spiritual powers but to earthly4 ,compare ,ignat4 ,smyrn4 #f 4 ,thus guided1 we may paraphrase the ,apostle's meaning as follows3 #8,you dispute much about the successive grades of angels2 you distinguish each grade by its special title2 you can tell how each order was generated from the preceding2 you assign to each its proper degree of worship4 ,meanwhile you have ignored or you have degraded ,christ4 ,i tell you1 it is not so4 ,he is first and foremost1 ,lord of heaven and earth1 far above all thrones or dominations1 all princedoms or powers1 far above every dignity and every potentate--whether earthly or heavenly--whether angel or demon or man--that evokes your reverence or excites your fear4' ,see above1 pp4 #ajc sq4 ,jewish and ,judo-,christian speculations respecting the grades of the celestial hierarchy took various forms4 ,in the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs 7,levi #c71 which as coming near to the ,apostolic age supplies a valuable illustration 7see ,galatians p4 #cjg sq471 these orders are arranged as follows3 7#a7 1 1 these two in the highest or seventh heaven2 7#b7 in the sixth heaven2 7#c7 in the fifth heaven2 7#d7 in the fourth heaven2 7#e7 in the third heaven2 7#f7 7i4e4 of visitations1 retributions7 in the second heaven3 or perhaps the denizens of the sixth and fifth heavens1 7#b7 and 7#c71 should be transposed4 ,the lowest heaven is not peopled by any spirits4 ,in ,origen de ,princ4 i4 #e4 #c1 ib4 i4 #f4 #b1 ,i4 pp4 #ff1 #gj 7comp4 i4 #h4 #a1 ib4 p4 #gd71 we have five classes1 which are given in an ascending scale in this order2 7#a7 angels 7sancti angeli1 72 7#b7 princedoms 7principatus1 1 72 7#c7 powers 7potestates1 72 7#d7 thrones 7throni vel sedes1 72 7#e7 dominations 7dominationes1 72 though elsewhere1 in ,ioann4 i4 #cd1 ,,iv4 p4 #cd1 he seems to have a somewhat different classification in view4 ,in ,ephrem ,syrus ,op4 ,syr4 ,i4 p4 #bgj 7where the translation of ,benedetti is altogether faulty and misleading7 the ranks are these3 7#a7 1 1 2 7#b7 1 1 2 7#c7 1 1 1 2 these three great divisions being represented by the 1 the 1 and the respectively in ,deut4 i4 #ae1 on which passage he is commenting4 ,the general agreement between these will be seen at once4 ,this grouping also seems to underlie the conception of ,basil of ,seleucia ,orat4 #ci 7p4 #bjg71 who mentions them in this order2 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,on the other hand the arrangement of the pseudo-,dionysius1 who so largely influenced subsequent speculations1 is quite different and probably later 7,dion4 ,areop4 ,op4 ,i4 p4 #ge1 ed4 ,cord472 7#a7 1 1 2 7#b7 1 1 2 7#c7 1 1 4 ,but the earlier lists for the most part seem to suggest as their common foundation a classification in which 1 1 belonged to the highest order1 and 1 to the next below4 ,thus it would appear that the ,apostle takes as an illustration the titles assigned to the two highest grades in a system of the celestial hierarchy which he found current1 and which probably was adopted by these ,gnostic ,judaizers4 ,see also the note on ii4 #ah4 ,in all systems alike these #8thrones' belong to the highest grade of angelic beings1 whose place is in the immediate presence of ,god4 ,the meaning of the name however is doubtful3 7#a7 ,it may signify the occupants of thrones which surround the throne of ,god2 as in the imagery of ,rev4 iv4 #d 7comp4 xi4 #af1 xx4 #d74 ,the imagery is there taken from the court of an earthly king3 see ,jer4 lii4 #cb4 ,this is the interpretation given by ,origen de ,princ4 i4 #e4 #c 7p4 #ff71 i4 #f4 #b 7p4 #gj7 #8judicandi vel regendi 444 habentes officium4' ,or 7#b7 ,they were so called1 as supporting or forming the throne of ,god2 just as the chariot-seat of the ,almighty is represented as resting on the cherubim in ,ezek4 i4 #bf1 ix4 #c1 x4 #a sq41 xi4 #bb1 ,ps4 xviii4 #aj1 #a ,chron4 xxviii4 #ah4 ,so apparently ,clem4 ,alex4 ,proph4 ,ecl4 #eg 7p4 #ajjc7 444 4 ,from this same imagery of the prophet the later mysticism of the ,kabbala derived its name #8wheels1' which it gave to one of its ten orders of ,sephiroth4 ,adopting this interpretation1 several fathers identify the #8thrones' with the cherubim3 e4g4 ,greg4 ,nyss4 ad ,eunom4 i 7,,ii4 p4 #cdi sq471 ,chrysost4 de ,incompr4 ,nat4 iii4 #e 7,i4 p4 #dfg71 ,theodoret 7ad loc471 ,august4 in ,psalm4 xcviii4 #c 7iv4 p4 #ajfa74 ,this explanation was adopted also by the pseudo-,dionysius de ,cl4 ,hier4 #g 7,i4 p4 #hj71 without however identifying them with the cherubim2 and through his writings it came to be generally adopted4 ,the former interpretation however is more probable2 for 7#a7 ,this highly symbolical nomenclature accords better with a later stage of mystic speculation1 like the ,kabbala2 and 7#b7 ,it seems natural to treat as belonging to the same category with 1 1 1 which are concrete words borrowed from different grades of human rank and power4 ,as implying regal dignity1 naturally stands at the head of the list4 #8dominations1' as ,ephes4 i4 #ba4 ,these appear to have been regarded as belonging to the first grade1 and standing next in dignity to the 4 ,this indeed would be suggested by their name4 1 as ,ephes4 i4 #ba4 ,these two words occur very frequently together4 ,in some places they refer to human dignities1 as ,luke xii4 #aa1 ,tit4 iii4 #a 7comp4 ,luke xx4 #bj72 in others to a spiritual hierarchy4 ,and here again there are two different uses3 sometimes they designate good angels1 e4g4 below ii4 #aj1 ,ephes4 iii4 #aj2 sometimes evil spirits1 e4g4 ii4 #ae1 ,ephes4 vi4 #ab3 while in one passage at least 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #bd7 both may be included4 ,in ,rom4 viii4 #ch we have without 7except as a v4 l471 and in #a ,pet4 iii4 #bb without 1 in connexion with the angelic orders4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #af ' ' 444 #8,as all creation passed out from ,him1 so does it all converge again towards ,him4' ,for the combination of prepositions see ,rom4 xi4 #cf ' 4 ,he is not only the but also the 1 not only the but also the of creation1 not only the first but also the last in the history of the ,universe3 ,rev4 xxii4 #ac4 ,for this double relation of ,christ to the ,universe1 as both the initial and the final cause1 see ,heb4 ii4 #aj ' ' 1 where ' is nearly equivalent to of the text4 ,in the ,judaic philosophy of ,alexandria the preposition with the genitive was commonly used to describe the function of the ,logos in the creation and government of the world2 e4g4 de ,cherub4 #ce 7,i4 p4 #afb7 where ,philo1 enumerating the causes which combine in the work of ,creation1 describes ,god as ' 1 matter as 1 and the ,word as ' 2 comp4 de ,mon4 ii4 #e 7,,ii4 p4 #bbe7 444 ' 4 ,the ,christian ,apostles accepted this use of to describe the mediatorial function of the ,word in creation2 e4g4 ,john i4 #c ' 4441 ib4 ver4 #aj ' 1 ,heb4 i4 #b ' 4 ,this mediatorial function however has entirely changed its character4 ,to the ,alexandrian ,jew it was the work of a passive tool or instrument 7de ,cherub4 l4c4 ' 1 1 444 ' 72 but to the ,christian ,apostle it represented a cooperating agent4 ,hence the ,alexandrian ,jew frequently and consistently used the simple instrumental dative to describe the relation of the ,word to the ,creator1 e4g4 ,quod ,deus immut4 #ab 7,i4 p4 #bha7 1 ,leg4 ,all4 i4 #i 7,i4 p4 #dg7 1 comp4 ib4 iii4 #ca 7,i4 p4 #ajf7 444 4 ,this mode of speaking is not found in the ,new ,testament4 #8unto ,him4' ,as of the ,father it is said elsewhere1 #a ,cor4 viii4 #f 1 so here of the ,son we read ' 4 ,all things must find their meeting-point1 their reconciliation1 at length in ,him from whom they took their rise--in the ,word as the mediatorial agent1 and through the ,word in the ,father as the primary source4 ,the ,word is the final cause as well as the creative agent of the ,universe4 ,this ultimate goal of the present dispensation in time is similarly stated in several passages4 ,sometimes it is represented as the birth-throe and deliverance of all creation through ,christ2 as ,rom4 viii4 #ai sq4 1 444 4 ,sometimes it is the absolute and final subjection of universal nature to ,him2 as #a ,cor4 xv4 #bh 4 ,sometimes it is the reconciliation of all things through ,him2 as below1 ver4 #bj ' 4 ,sometimes it is the recapitulation1 the gathering up in one head1 of the ,universe in ,him2 as ,ephes4 i4 #aj 4 ,the image involved in this last passage best illustrates the particular expression in the text 444 2 but all alike enunciate the same truth in different terms4 ,the ,eternal ,word is the goal of the ,universe1 as ,he was the starting-point4 ,it must end in unity1 as it proceeded from unity3 and the centre of this unity is ,christ4 ,this expression has no parallel1 and could have none1 in the ,alexandrian phraseology and doctrine4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ag #ag 1 #ag4 444 #8and ,,he ,,is before all things'3 comp4 ,joh4 viii4 #eh 1 7and perhaps also viii4 #bd1 #bh1 xiii4 #ai74 ,the imperfect might have sufficed 7comp4 ,joh4 i4 #a71 but the present declares that this pre-existence is absolute existence4 ,the here corresponds exactly to the in ,st ,john1 and this again is illustrated by ,exod4 iii4 #ad4 ,the verb therefore is not an enclitic1 but should be accentuated 4 ,see ,basil adv4 ,eunom4 iv 7,i4 p4 #bid7 1 ' 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,the is as necessary for the completeness of the meaning1 as the 4 ,the one emphasizes the personality1 as the other declares the pre-existence4 ,for this emphatic see again ver4 #ah2 comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #ad1 iv4 #aj1 #aa1 #a ,joh4 ii4 #b1 and esp4 ,rev4 xix4 #ae 444 4 ,the other interpretation which explains of superiority in rank1 and not of priority in time1 is untenable for several reasons4 7#a7 ,this would most naturally be expressed otherwise in ,biblical language1 as 7e4g4 ,rom4 ix4 #e1 ,eph4 iv4 #f71 or 7,eph4 i4 #bb71 or 7,eph4 i4 #ba1 iv4 #aj74 7#b7 ,the key to the interpretation is given by the analogous words in the context1 esp4 1 vv4 #ae1 #ah4 7#c7 ,nothing short of this declaration of absolute pre-existence would be adequate to introduce the statement which follows1 4 #8before all things4' ,in the ,latin it was translated #8ante omnes1' i4e4 thronos1 dominationes1 etc42 and so ,tertullian adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai #8,quomodo enim ante omnes1 si non ante omnia8 ,quomodo ante omnia1 si non primogenitus conditionis8' ,but the neuter 1 standing in the context before and after1 requires the neuter here also4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ah 4 #ah 1 #8hold together1 cohere4' ,he is the principle of cohesion in the universe4 ,he impresses upon creation that unity and solidarity which makes it a cosmos instead of a chaos4 ,thus 7to take one instance7 the action of gravitation1 which keeps in their places things fixed and regulates the motions of things moving1 is an expression of ,his mind4 ,similarly in ,heb4 i4 #c ,christ the ,logos is described as 7sustaining the universe7 4 ,here again the ,christian ,apostles accept the language of ,alexandrian ,judaism1 which describes the ,logos as the of the ,universe2 e4g4 ,philo de ,profug4 #bj 7,i4 p4 #efb7 444 1 de ,plant4 #b 7,i4 p4 #cca7 1 ,quis rer4 div4 her4 #ch 7,i4 p4 #ejg7 3 and for the word itself see ,quis rer4 div4 her4 #ab 7,i4 p4 #dha7 1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #bg 4 ,in the same connexion is used1 ,ecclus4 xliii4 #bf4 ,the indices to ,plato and ,aristotle amply illustrate this use of 4 ,this mode of expression was common also with the ,stoics4 #ah4 #8,and not only does ,he hold this position of absolute priority and sovereignty over the ,universe--the natural creation4 ,he stands also in the same relation to the ,church--the new spiritual creation4 ,he is its head1 and it is ,his body4 ,this is ,his prerogative1 because ,he is the source and the beginning of its life1 being the ,first-born from the dead4 ,thus in all things--in the spiritual order as in the natural--in the ,church as in the ,world--,he is found to have the pre-eminence4' ,the elevating influence of this teaching on the choicest spirits of the subapostolic age will be seen from a noble passage in the noblest of early ,christian writings1 ,epist4 ad ,diogn4 #g 444 444 1 1 1 ' 444 1 1 444 ,see the whole context4 #8and ,he1' repeated from the preceding verse1 to emphasize the identity of the ,person who unites in ,himself these prerogatives3 see on ver4 #ag1 and comp4 ver4 #ah 1 ver4 #ai ' 4 ,the ,creator of the ,world is also the ,head of the ,church4 ,there is no blind ignorance1 no imperfect sympathy1 no latent conflict1 in the relation of the demiurgic power to the ,gospel dispensation1 as the heretical teachers were disposed consciously or unconsciously to assume 7see above1 p4 #aja sq41 p4 #aaj sq471 but an absolute unity of origin4 #8the head1' the inspiring1 ruling1 guiding1 combining1 sustaining power1 the mainspring of its activity1 the centre of its unity1 and the seat of its life4 ,in his earlier epistles the relations of the ,church to ,christ are described under the same image 7#a ,cor4 xii4 #ab-bg2 comp4 vi4 #ae1 x4 #ag1 ,rom4 xii4 #d sq472 but the ,apostle there takes as his starting-point the various functions of the members1 and not1 as in these later epistles1 the originating and controlling power of the ,head4 ,comp4 i4 #bd1 ii4 #ai1 ,eph4 i4 #bb sq41 ii4 #af1 iv4 #d1 #ab1 #ae sq41 v4 #bc1 #cj4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ah 1 in apposition with 3 comp4 i4 #bd 1 1 ,eph4 i4 #bc4 #8the origin1 the beginning4' ,the term is here applied to the ,incarnate ,christ in relation to the ,church1 because it is applicable to the ,eternal ,word in relation to the ,universe1 ,rev4 iii4 #ad 4 ,the parallelism of the two relations is kept in view throughout4 ,the word here involves two ideas3 7#a7 ,priority in time2 ,christ was the first-fruits of the dead1 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #bj1 #bc73 7#b7 ,originating power2 ,christ was also the source of life1 ,acts iii4 #ad 2 comp4 ,acts v4 #ca1 ,heb4 ii4 #aj4 ,he is not merely the principium principiatum but the principium principians 7see ,trench ,epistles to the ,seven ,churches p4 #ahc sq474 ,he rose first from the dead1 that others might rise through ,him4 ,the word 1 like 7see the note on ,phil4 i4 #e71 being absolute in itself1 does not require the definite article4 ,indeed the article is most commonly omitted where occurs as a predicate1 as will appear from several examples to be gathered from the extracts in ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #hge sq41 ,stob4 ,ecl4 ,phys4 i4 #aj4 #ab sq4 ,comp4 also ,aristot4 ,met4 x4 #g1 p4 #ajfd1 444 1 ,onatas in ,stob4 ,ecl4 ,phys4 i4 #b4 #ci 1 ,tatian4 ad ,grc4 #d 444 1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 iv4 #be1 p4 #fch1 1 1 1 ,method4 de ,creat4 #c 7p4 #ajj1 ed4 ,jahn7 444 1 pseudo-,dionys4 de ,div4 ,nom4 v4 #f 1 #aj 4 ,the text is read with the definite article1 1 in one or two excellent authorities at least2 but the obvious motive which would lead a scribe to aim at greater distinctness renders the reading suspicious4 ,comp4 ,rev4 i4 #e 4 ,his resurrection from the dead is ,his title to the headship of the ,church2 for #8the power of ,his resurrection' 7,phil4 iii4 #aj7 is the life of the ,church4 ,such passages as ,gen4 xlix4 #c1 ,deut4 xxi4 #ag1 where the is called and superior privileges are claimed for him as such1 must necessarily be only very faint and partial illustrations of the connexion between and here1 where the subject-matter and the whole context point to a fuller meaning of the words4 ,the words here correspond to ver4 #ae1 so that the parallelism between ,christ's relations to the ,universe and to the ,church is thus emphasized4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ai 1 #ai 1 444 ,as ,he is first with respect to the ,universe1 so it was ordained that ,he should become first with respect to the ,church as well4 ,the here answers in a manner to the of ver4 #ag4 ,thus and are contrasted as the absolute being and the historical manifestation4 ,the relation between ,christ's headship of the ,universe by virtue of ,his ,eternal ,godhead and ,his headship of the ,church by virtue of ,his ,incarnation and ,passion and ,resurrection is somewhat similarly represented in ,phil4 ii4 #f sq4 444 444 444 444 #8in all things' not in the ,universe only but in the ,church also4 1 writes ,theodoret1 1 1 1 4 ,thus is neuter and not masculine1 as it is sometimes taken4 ,either construction is grammatically correct1 but the context points to the former interpretation here2 and this is the common use of 1 e4g4 iii4 #aa1 ,eph4 i4 #bc1 ,phil4 iv4 #ab4 ,for the neuter compare ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #i 4 ,on the other hand in ,demosth4 ,amat4 p4 #adaf the context shows that is masculine4 #8,he ,himself'2 see the note on above4 #ai1 #bj4 #8,and this absolute supremacy is ,his1 because it was the ,father's good pleasure that in ,him all the plenitude of ,deity should have its home2 because ,he willed through ,him to reconcile the ,universe once more to ,himself4 ,it was ,god's purpose to effect peace and harmony through the blood of ,christ's cross1 and so to restore all things1 whatsoever and wheresoever they be1 whether on the earth or in the heavens4' #ai4 444 ,the eternal indwelling of the ,godhead explains the headship of the ,church1 not less than the headship of the ,universe4 ,the resurrection of ,christ1 whereby ,he became the of the ,church1 was the result of and the testimony to ,his deity2 ,rom4 i4 #d 444 4 sc4 1 the nominative being understood2 see ,winer lviii4 p4 #fee sq41 lxiv4 p4 #gce sq42 comp4 ,james i4 #ab 7the right reading71 iv4 #f4 ,here the omission is the more easy1 because 1 etc4 7like 7 are used absolutely of ,god's good purpose1 e4g4 ,luke ii4 #ad 7or 71 ,phil4 ii4 #ac 1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #dj 2 see the note in ,clem4 ,rom4 #b4 ,for the expression generally comp4 #b ,macc4 xiv4 #ce 1 1 4 ,the alternative is to consider personified as the nominative2 but it is difficult to conceive ,st ,paul so speaking1 more especially as with personification would suggest personality4 ,the indeed is personified in ,clem4 ,alex4 ,exc4 ,theod4 #dc 7p4 #igi7 1 and in ,iren4 i4 #b4 #f 4441 i4 #ab4 #d ' 2 but the phraseology of the ,valentinians1 to which these passages refer1 cannot be taken as an indication of ,st ,paul's usage1 since their view of the was wholly different4 ,a third interpretation is found in ,tertullian adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai1 who translates in semetipso1 taking as the nominative to 3 and this construction is followed by some modern critics4 ,but1 though grammatically possible1 it confuses the theology of the passage hopelessly4 #8the plenitude1' a recognised technical term in theology1 denoting the totality of the ,divine powers and attributes2 comp4 ii4 #i4 ,see the detached note on 4 ,on the relation of this statement to the speculations of the false teachers at ,coloss see the introduction1 pp4 #ajb1 #aab4 ,another interpretation1 which explains as referring to the ,church 7comp4 ,ephes4 i4 #bb71 though adopted by several fathers1 is unsuited to the context and has nothing to recommend it4 #8should have its permanent abode4' ,the word occurs again in the same connexion1 ii4 #i4 ,the false teachers probably1 like their later counterparts1 maintained only a partial and transient connexion of the with the ,lord4 ,hence ,st ,paul declares in these two passages that it is not a but a 4 ,the two words 1 1 occur in the ,,lxx as the common renderings of and respectively1 and are distinguished as the permanent and the transitory2 e4g4 ,gen4 xxxvi4 #dd 7xxxvii4 #a7 7comp4 ,hos4 x4 #e71 ,philo ,sacr4 ,ab4 et ,ca4 #aj 7,i4 p4 #agj ,m7 1 1 ,greg4 ,naz4 ,orat4 xiv4 7,i4 p4 #bga ed4 ,caillau7 2 2 comp4 ,orat4 vii4 7,i4 p4 #bjj74 ,see also the notes on ,ephes4 ii4 #ai1 and on ,clem4 ,rom4 #a4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bj #bj ' #bj4 ,the false teachers aimed at effecting a partial reconciliation between ,god and man through the interposition of angelic mediators4 ,the ,apostle speaks of an absolute and complete reconciliation of universal nature to ,god1 effected through the mediation of the ,incarnate ,word4 ,their mediators were ineffective1 because they were neither human nor divine4 ,the true mediator must be both human and divine4 ,it was necessary that in ,him all the plenitude of the ,godhead should dwell4 ,it was necessary also that ,he should be born into the world and should suffer as a man4 ' i4e4 1 as appears from the preceding 1 and the following 1 ' 4 ,this expression ' has been already applied to the ,preincarnate ,word in relation to the ,universe 7ver4 #af72 it is now used of the ,incarnate ,word in relation to the ,church4 sc4 4 ,the personal pronoun 1 instead of the reflexive 1 is no real obstacle to this way of connecting the words 7see the next note74 ,the alternative would be to take as governing 1 but this mode of expression is harsh and improbable4 ,the same double compound is used below1 ver4 #ba and ,ephes4 ii4 #af1 in place of the usual 4 ,it may be compared with 1 ,acts iii4 #ba4 ,tertullian1 arguing against the dualism of ,marcion who maintained an antagonism between the demiurge and the ,christ1 lays stress on the compound1 adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai #8conciliari extraneo possent1 reconciliari vero non alii quam suo4' ,the word corresponds to here and in ,ephes4 ii4 #af1 implying a restitution to a state from which they had fallen1 or which was potentially theirs1 or for which they were destined4 ,similarly ,st ,augustine on ,gal4 iv4 #e remarks that the word used of the is not accipere 77 but recipere 774 ,see the note there4 ,the whole universe of things1 material as well as spiritual1 shall be restored to harmony with ,god4 ,how far this restoration of universal nature maybe subjective1 as involved in the changed perceptions of man thus brought into harmony with ,god1 and how far it may have an objective and independent existence1 it were vain to speculate4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #ba 1 1 ' 1 #ba #8to ,him1' i4e4 #8to ,himself4' ,the reconciliation is always represented as made to the ,father4 ,the reconciler is sometimes the ,father ,himself 7#b ,cor4 v4 #ah1 #ai 444 71 sometimes the ,son 7,ephes4 ii4 #af3 comp4 ,rom4 v4 #aj1 #aa74 ,excellent reasons are given 7,bleek ,hebr4 ,,ii4 p4 #fi1 ,a4 ,buttmann ,gramm4 p4 #ig7 for supposing that the reflexive pronoun etc4 is never contracted into etc4 in the ,greek ,testament4 ,but at the same time it is quite clear that the oblique cases of the personal pronoun are there used very widely1 and in cases where we should commonly find the reflexive pronoun in classical authors3 e4g4 ,ephes4 i4 #d1 #e 444 444 4 ,see also the instances given in ,a4 ,buttmann p4 #ih4 ,it would seem indeed that etc4 may be used for etc4 in almost every connexion1 except where it is the direct object of the verb4 ,the word occurs in the ,,lxx1 ,prov4 x4 #aj1 and in ,hermes in ,stob4 ,ecl4 ,phys4 xli4 #de4 ,the substantive 7see ,matt4 v4 #i7 is found several times in classical writers4 ' ,the external authority for and against these words is nearly evenly balanced3 but there would obviously be a tendency to reject them as superfluous4 ,they are a resumption of the previous ' 4 ,for other examples see ii4 #ac 1 ,rom4 viii4 #bc 1 ,gal4 ii4 #ae1 #af 1 ,ephes4 i4 #ac 1 iii4 #a1 #ad 1 where words are similarly repeated for the sake of emphasis or distinctness4 ,in #b ,cor4 xii4 #g there is a repetition of 1 where again it is omitted in several excellent authorities4 #ba-bc4 #8,and ye too--ye ,gentiles--are included in the terms of this peace4 ,in times past ye had estranged yourselves from ,god4 ,your hearts were hostile to ,him1 while ye lived on in your evil deeds4 ,but now1 in ,christ's body1 in ,christ's flesh which died on the ,cross for your atonement1 ye are reconciled to ,him again4 ,he will present you a living sacrifice1 an acceptable offering unto ,himself1 free from blemish and free even from censure1 that ye may stand the piercing glance of ,him whose scrutiny no defect can escape4 ,but this can only be1 if ye remain true to your old allegiance1 if ye hold fast 7as ,i trust ye are holding fast7 by the teaching of ,epaphras1 if the edifice of your faith is built on solid foundations and not reared carelessly on the sands1 if ye suffer not yourselves to be shifted or shaken but rest firmly on the hope which ye have found in the ,gospel--the one universal unchangeable ,gospel1 which was proclaimed to every creature under heaven1 of which ,i ,paul1 unworthy as ,i am1 was called to be a minister4' #ba4 #8estranged1' not 1 #8strangers'2 comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #ab1 iv4 #ah4 ,see the note on ver4 #bj4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bb 1 #bb #ba 4 #8hostile to ,god1' as the consequence of 1 not #8hateful to ,god1' as it is taken by some4 ,the active rather than the passive sense of is required by the context1 which 7as commonly in the ,new ,testament7 speaks of the sinner as reconciled to ,god1 not of ,god as reconciled to the sinner3 comp4 ,rom4 v4 #aj 444 ,it is the mind of man1 not the mind of ,god1 which must undergo a change1 that a reunion may be effected4 #8in your mind1 intent4' ,for the dative of the part affected compare ,ephes4 iv4 #ah 1 ,luke i4 #ea 4 ,so 1 1 ,matt4 v4 #h1 xi4 #bi1 ,acts vii4 #ea1 #b ,cor4 ix4 #g1 #a ,thess4 ii4 #ag2 1 #a ,cor4 xiv4 #bj4 444 #8in the midst of1 in the performance of your wicked works'2 the same use of the preposition as e4g4 ii4 #bc1 iv4 #b4 ,here1 as frequently1 77 admits an aorist1 because it denotes not #8at the present moment1' but #8in the present dispensation1 the present order of things'3 comp4 e4g4 ver4 #bf1 ,rom4 v4 #aa1 vii4 #f1 xi4 #cj1 #ca1 xvi4 #bf1 ,ephes4 ii4 #ac1 iii4 #e1 #b ,tim4 i4 #aj1 #a ,pet4 i4 #ab1 ii4 #aj1 #be4 ,in all these passages there is a direct contrast between the old dispensation and the new1 more especially as affecting the relation of the ,gentiles to ,god4 ,the aorist is found also in ,classical writers1 where a similar contrast is involved2 e4g4 ,plato ,symp4 #aic ,a 1 1 1 ,isus de ,cleon4 her4 #bj 444 444 4 ,the reasons for preferring this reading1 though the direct authority for it is so slight1 are given in the detached note on the various readings4 ,but1 whether or be preferred1 the construction requires explanation4 ,if be adopted1 it is perhaps best to treat as introducing the apodosis1 the foregoing participial clause serving as the protasis3 #8,and you1 though ye were once estranged 444 yet now hath he reconciled1' in which case the first will be governed directly by 2 see ,winer ,gramm4 liii4 p4 #eec4 ,if this construction be adopted1 will describe the result of 1 #8so as to present you'2 but will still be the nominative to as in #b ,cor4 v4 #ai4 ,if on the other hand be taken1 it is best to regard as a direct indicative clause substituted for the more regular participial form for the sake of greater emphasis3 see the note on ver4 #bf 444 4 ,in this case will be governed directly by 1 and will itself govern 4441 the second being a repetition of the first2 #8,and you who once were estranged 444 but now ye have been reconciled 444 to present you1 ,i say1 holy and without blemish4' ,for the repetition of 1 which was needed to disentangle the construction1 see the note on ' ver4 #bj4 #bb4 ,it has been supposed that ,st ,paul added these words1 which are evidently emphatic1 with a polemical aim either2 7#a7 ,to combat docetism4 ,of this form of error however there is no direct evidence till a somewhat later date3 or 7#b7 ,to combat a false spiritualism which took offence at the doctrine of an atoning sacrifice4 ,but for this purpose they would not have been adequate1 because not explicit enough4 ,it seems simpler therefore to suppose that they were added for the sake of greater clearness1 to distinguish the natural body of ,christ intended here from the mystical body mentioned just above ver4 #ah4 ,similarly in ,ephes4 ii4 #ad is used rather than 1 because occurs in the context 7ver4 #af7 of ,christ's mystical body4 ,the same expression1 1 which we have here1 occurs also below1 ii4 #aa1 but with a different emphasis and meaning4 ,there the emphasis is on 1 the contrast lying between the whole body and a single member 7see the note72 whereas here is the emphatic part of the expression1 the antithesis being between the material and the spiritual4 ,compare also ,ecclus4 xxiii4 #af 4 ,marcion omitted as inconsistent with his views1 and explained to mean the ,church4 ,hence the comment of ,tertullian adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai1 #8utique in eo corpore1 in quo mori potuit per carnem1 mortuus est1 non per ecclesiam sed propter ecclesiam1 corpus commutando pro corpore1 carnale pro spiritali4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bc 1 1 #bc ,if the construction which ,i have adopted be correct1 this is said of ,god ,himself1 as in #b ,cor4 iv4 #ad 4 ,this construction seems in all respects preferable to connecting directly with and interpreting the words1 #8,ye have been reconciled so that ye should present yourselves 77 444 before ,him4' ,this latter interpretation leaves the 444 without a government1 and it gives to the second a reflexive sense 7as if or 71 which is at least harsh4 #8without blemish' rather than #8without blame1' in the language of the ,new ,testament2 see the noteon ,ephes4 i4 #d4 ,it is a sacrificial word1 like 1 1 etc4 ,the verb also is used of presenting a sacrifice in ,rom4 xii4 #a 4441 ,lev4 xvi4 #g 7v4 l473 comp4 ,luke ii4 #bb4 an advance upon 1 #8in whom not only no blemish is found1 but against whom no charge is brought'3 comp4 #a ,tim4 vi4 #ad 1 4 ,the word occurs again in #a ,cor4 i4 #h1 #a ,tim4 iii4 #aj1 ,tit4 i4 #f1 #g4 #8before ,him1' i4e4 #8,himself1' as in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #d2 if the construction here adopted be correct4 ,for this use of the personal pronoun instead of the reflexive see the note on 1 ver4 #bj4 ,but does refer to ,god's future judgment or ,his present approbation8 ,the latter seems more probable1 both because the expression certainly has this meaning in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #d1 and because 1 1 1 etc41 are commonly so used2 e4g4 ,rom4 xiv4 #bb1 #a ,cor4 i4 #bi1 #b ,cor4 ii4 #ag1 iv4 #b1 vii4 #ab1 xii4 #ai1 etc4 ,on the other hand1 where the future judgment is intended1 a different expression is found1 #b ,cor4 v4 #aj 4 ,thus ,god is here regarded1 not as the judge who tries the accused1 but as the who examines the victims 7,polyc4 ,phil4 #d1 see the note on ,ephes4 i4 #d74 ,compare ,heb4 iv4 #ab1 #ac for a closely allied metaphor4 ,the passage in ,jude #bd1 1 though perhaps referring to final approval1 is too different in expression to influence the interpretation of ,paul's language here4 #bc4 ,on the force of these particles see ,gal4 iii4 #d4 ,they express a pure hypothesis in themselves1 but the indicative mood following converts the hypothesis into a hope4 #8ye abide by1 ye adhere to1' with a dative2 the common construction of in ,st ,paul3 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #bd4 ,in this connexion is perhaps #8your faith1' rather than #8the faith4' 444 #8built on a foundation and so firm'2 not like the house of the foolish man in the parable who built 1 ,luke vi4 #di4 ,for comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #ag4 ,the consequence of is 3 ,clem4 ,rom4 #cc 4 ,the words 1 1 etc41 are not uncommonly applied to buildings1 e4g4 #a ,tim4 iii4 #ae4 ,comp4 ,ign4 ,ephes4 #aj 4 #8not constantly shifting1' a present tense2 the same idea as expressed from the negative side1 as in #a ,cor4 xv4 #eh 1 1 ,polyc4 ,phil4 #aj #8firmi in fide et immutabiles4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bc 1 1 4 444 #8the hope held out by the ,gospel1' being a subjective genitive1 as in ,ephes4 i4 #ah 7comp4 iv4 #d74 #8among every creature1' in fulfilment of the ,lord's last command1 ,mark xvi4 #ae 4 ,here however the definitive article1 though found in the received text1 1 must be omitted in accordance with the best authorities4 ,for the meanings of 1 1 see the note on ver4 #ae4 ,the expression must not be limited to man4 ,the statement is given in the broadest form1 all creation animate and inanimate being included1 as in ,rev4 v4 #ac 444 444 ,for the hyperbole compare #a ,thess4 i4 #h 4 ,to demand statistical exactness in such a context would be to require what is never required in similar cases4 ,the motive of the ,apostle here is at once to emphasize the universality of the genuine ,gospel1 which has been offered without reserve to all alike1 and to appeal to its publicity1 as the credential and guarantee of its truth3 see the notes on ver4 #f and on ver4 #bh 4 444 ,why does ,st ,paul introduce this mention of himself so abruptly8 ,his motive can hardly be the assertion of his ,apostolic authority1 for it does not appear that this was questioned2 otherwise he would have declared his commission in stronger terms4 ,we can only answer that impressed with the dignity of his office1 as involving the offer of grace to the ,gentiles1 he cannot refrain from magnifying it4 ,at the same time this mention enables him to link himself in bonds of closer sympathy with the ,colossians1 and he passes on at once to his relations with them3 comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #b-i1 #a ,tim4 i4 #aa sq41 in which latter passage the introduction of his own name is equally abrupt4 i4e4 #8weak and unworthy as ,i am'3 comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #h 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bd #bd 1 #bd-bg4 #8,now when ,i see the full extent of ,god's mercy1 now when ,i ponder over ,his mighty work of reconciliation1 ,i cannot choose but rejoice in my sufferings4 ,yes1 ,i ,paul the persecutor1 ,i ,paul the feeble and sinful1 am permitted to supplement--,i do not shrink from the word--to supplement the afflictions of ,christ4 ,despite all that ,he underwent1 ,he the ,master has left something still for me the servant to undergo4 ,and so my flesh is privileged to suffer for ,his body--,his spiritual body1 the ,church4 ,i was appointed a minister of the ,church1 a steward in ,god's household1 for this very purpose1 that ,i might administer my office on your behalf1 might dispense to you ,gentiles the stores which ,his bountiful grace has provided4 ,thus ,i was charged to preach without reserve the whole ,gospel of ,god1 to proclaim the great mystery which had remained a secret through all the ages and all the generations from the beginning1 but which now in these last times was revealed to ,his holy people4 ,for such was ,his good pleasure4 ,god willed to make known to them1 in all its inexhaustible wealth thus displayed through the call of the ,gentiles1 the glorious revelation of this mystery--,christ not the ,saviour of the ,jews only1 but ,christ dwelling in you1 ,christ become to you the hope of glory4' #bd4 ,a sudden outburst of thanksgiving1 that he1 who was less than the least1 who was not worthy to be called an ,apostle1 should be allowed to share and even to supplement the sufferings of ,christ4 ,the relative 1 which is found in some authorities1 is doubtless the repetition of the final syllable of 2 but its insertion would be assisted by the anxiety of scribes to supply a connecting link between the sentences4 ,the genuine reading is more characteristic of ,st ,paul4 ,the abruptness1 which dispenses with a connecting particle1 has a parallel in ,tim4 i4 #ab 4441 where also the common text inserts a link of connexion1 444 ,compare also #b ,cor4 vii4 #i 1 4441 where again there is no connecting particle4 ,the thought underlying seems to be this3 #8,if ever ,i have been disposed to repine at my lot1 if ever ,i have felt my cross almost too heavy to bear1 yet now-now1 when ,i contemplate the lavish wealth of ,god's mercy--now when ,i see all the glory of bearing a part in this magnificent work--my sorrow is turned to joy4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bd #8,i fill up on my part'1 #8,i supplement4' ,the single compound occurs several times 7e4g4 #a ,cor4 xiv4 #af1 xvi4 #ag1 ,gal4 vi4 #b72 another double compound twice 7#b ,cor4 ix4 #ab1 xi4 #i2 comp4 ,wisd4 xix4 #d1 v4l472 but only here in the ,,lxx or ,new ,testament4 ,for this verb compare ,demosth4 de ,symm4 p4 #ahb 1 7where should be taken as the subject to 71 ,dion ,cass4 xliv4 #dh ' 444 1 1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 vii4 #ab p4 #hgh 444 1 ,apollon4 ,constr4 ,or4 i4 #c 7p4 #ac sq47 1 ,ptol4 ,math4 ,comp4 vi4 #i 7,i4 p4 #dce ed4 ,halma7 ' 444 ,the substantive occurs in ,diog4 ,laert4 x4 #dh4 ,so too ,xen4 ,hell4 ii4 #d4 #aa1 #ab 1 444 444 4 ,compare also ,themist4 ,paraphr4 ,arist4 #dc ,b 1 and ,joseph4 ,ant4 xviii4 #i4 #g4 ,the meaning of in this compound will be plain from the passages quoted4 ,it signifies that the supply comes from an opposite quarter to the deficiency4 ,this idea is more or less definitely expressed in the context of all the passages1 in the words which are spaced4 ,the force of in ,st ,paul is often explained as denoting simply that the supply corresponds in extent to the deficiency4 ,this interpretation practically deprives of any meaning1 for alone would denote as much4 ,if indeed the supply had been the subject of the verb1 and the sentence had run 4441 this idea might perhaps be reached without sacrificing the sense of 2 but in such a passage as this1 where one personal agent is mentioned in connexion with the supply and another in connexion with the deficiency1 the one forming the subject and the other being involved in the object of the verb1 the can only describe the correspondence of these personal agents4 ,so interpreted1 it is eminently expressive here4 ,the point of the ,apostle's boast is that ,christ the sinless ,master should have left something for ,paul the unworthy servant to suffer4 ,the right idea has been seized and is well expressed by ,photius ,amphil4 #aba 7,i4 p4 #gji ,migne7 1 ' 1 1 444 ,similar in meaning1 though not identical1 is the expression in #b ,cor4 i4 #e1 where the sufferings of ,christ are said to #8overflow' 77 upon the ,apostle4 ,the theological difficulty which this plain and natural interpretation of is supposed to involve will be considered in the note on 4 #8the things lacking4' ,this same word #8deficiency' occurs with #a ,cor4 xvi4 #ag1 ,phil4 ii4 #cj1 and with #b ,cor4 ix4 #ab1 xi4 #i4 ,its direct opposite is #8abundance1 superfluity1' #b ,cor4 viii4 #ac1 #ad2 comp4 ,luke xxi4 #d4 ,another interpretation1 which makes an antithesis to 1 explaining it as #8the later' as opposed to the earlier #8sufferings of ,christ1' is neither supported by the usage of the word nor consistent with 4 #8of the afflictions of ,christ1' i4e4 which ,christ endured4 ,this seems to be the only natural interpretation of the words4 ,others have explained them as meaning #8the afflictions imposed by ,christ1' or #8the afflictions endured for ,christ's sake1' or #8the afflictions which resemble those of ,christ4' ,all such interpretations put a more or less forced meaning on the genitive4 ,all alike ignore the meaning of in which points to a distinction of persons suffering4 ,others again suppose the words to describe ,st ,paul's own afflictions regarded as ,christ's1 because ,christ suffers in ,his suffering ,church2 e4g4 ,augustine in ,psalm4 cxlii4 #c 7,,iv4 p4 #aeij7 #8,patitur1 inquit1 adhuc ,christus pressuram1 non in carne sua in qua ascendit in clum1 sed in carne mea qu adhuc laborat in terra1' quoting ,gal4 ii4 #bj4 ,this last is a very favourite explanation1 and has much to recommend it4 ,it cannot be charged with wresting the meaning of 4 ,moreover it harmonizes with ,st ,paul's mode of speaking elsewhere4 ,but1 like the others1 it is open to the fatal objection that it empties the first preposition in of any force4 ,the central idea in this interpretation is the identification of the suffering ,apostle with the suffering ,christ1 whereas emphasizes the distinction between the two4 ,it is therefore inconsistent with this context1 however important may be the truth which it expresses4 ,the theological difficulty1 which these and similar explanations are intended to remove1 is imaginary and not real4 ,there is a sense in which it is quite legitimate to speak of ,christ's afflictions as incomplete1 a sense in which they may be1 and indeed must be1 supplemented4 ,for the sufferings of ,christ may be considered from two different points of view4 ,they are either satisfactori or dificatori4 ,they have their sacrificial efficacy1 and they have their ministerial utility4 7#a7 ,from the former point of view the ,passion of ,christ was the one full perfect and sufficient sacrifice1 oblation1 and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world4 ,in this sense there could be no of ,christ's sufferings2 for1 ,christ's sufferings being different in kind from those of ,his servants1 the two are incommensurable4 ,but in this sense the ,apostle would surely have used some other expression such as 7i4 #bj1 ,eph4 ii4 #af etc471 or 7i4 #bb1 ,rom4 v4 #aj1 ,heb4 ii4 #ad1 etc471 but hardly 4 ,indeed 1 #8affliction1' is not elsewhere applied in the ,new ,testament in any sense to ,christ's sufferings1 and certainly would not suggest a sacrificial act4 7#b7 ,from the latter point of view it is a simple matter of fact that the afflictions of every saint and martyr do supplement the afflictions of ,christ4 ,the ,church is built up by repeated acts of self-denial in successive individuals and successive generations4 ,they continue the work which ,christ began4 ,they bear their part in the sufferings of ,christ 7#b ,cor4 i4 #g 1 ,phil4 iii4 #aj 72 but ,st ,paul would have been the last to say that they bear their part in the atoning sacrifice of ,christ4 ,this being so1 ,st ,paul does not mean to say that his own sufferings filled up all the 1 but only that they went towards filling them up4 ,the present tense denotes an inchoate1 and not a complete act4 ,these will never be fully supplemented1 until the struggle of the ,church with sin and unbelief is brought to a close4 ,thus the idea of expiation or satisfaction is wholly absent from this passage2 and with it is removed the twofold temptation which has beset theologians of opposite schools4 7#a7 ,on the one hand ,protestant commentators1 rightly feeling that any interpretation which infringed the completeness of the work wrought by ,christ's death must be wrong1 because it would make ,st ,paul contradict himself on a cardinal point of his teaching1 have been tempted to wrest the sense of the words4 ,they have emptied of its proper force2 or they have assigned a false meaning to 2 or they have attached a non-natural sense to the genitive 4 7#b7 ,on the other hand ,romanist commentators1 while protesting 7as they had a right to do7 against these methods of interpretation1 have fallen into the opposite error4 ,they have found in this passage an assertion of the merits of the saints1 and 7as a necessary consequence7 of the doctrine of indulgences4 ,they have not observed that1 if the idea of vicarious satisfaction comes into the passage at all1 the satisfaction of ,st ,paul is represented here as the same in kind with the satisfaction of ,christ1 however different it may be in degree2 and thus they have truly exposed themselves to the reproach which ,estius indignantly repudiates on their behalf1 #8quasi ,christus non satis passus sit ad redemptionem nostram1 ideoque supplemento martyrum opus habeat2 quod impium est sentire1 quodque ,catholicos dicere non minus impie calumniantur hretici4' ,it is no part of a commentator here to enquire generally whether the ,roman doctrine of the satisfaction of the saints can in any way be reconciled with ,st ,paul's doctrine of the satisfaction of ,christ4 ,it is sufficient to say that1 so far as regards this particular passage1 the ,roman doctrine can only be imported into it at the cost of a contradiction to the ,pauline doctrine4 ,it is only fair to add however that ,estius himself says1 #8qu quidem doctrina1 etsi ,catholica et ,apostolica sit1 atque aliunde satis probetur1 ex hoc tamen ,apostoli loco nobis non videtur admodum solide statui posse4' ,but ,roman ,catholic commentators generally find this meaning in the text1 as may be seen from the notes of ,lapide4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #be 1 #be ,an antithesis of the ,apostle's own flesh and ,christ's body4 ,this antithetical form of expression obliges ,st ,paul to explain what he means by the body of ,christ1 2 comp4 ver4 #ah4 ,contrast the explanation in ver4 #bb 1 and see the note there4 #be4 444 #8stewardship in the house of ,god4' ,the word seems to have two senses3 7#a7 #8,the actual administration of a household'2 7#b7 #8,the office of the administrator4' ,for the former meaning see the note on ,ephes4 i4 #aj2 for the latter sense1 which it has here1 compare #a ,cor4 ix4 #ag 1 ,luke xvi4 #b-d1 ,isaiah xxii4 #ai1 #ba4 ,so the ,apostles and ministers of the ,church are called 1 #a ,cor4 iv4 #a1 #b1 ,tit4 i4 #g3 comp4 #a ,pet4 iv4 #aj4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4#bf 1 1 #bf #8to youward1' i4e4 #8for the benefit of you1 the ,gentiles'2 being connected with 1 as in ,ephes4 iii4 #b 2 comp4 ,rom4 xv4 #af 4 #8to fulfil1' i4e4 #8to preach fully1' #8to give its complete development to'2 as ,rom4 xv4 #ai 4 ,thus #8the word of ,god' here is #8the ,gospel1' as in most places 7#a ,cor4 xiv4 #cf1 #b ,cor4 ii4 #ag1 iv4 #b1 etc471 though not always 7e4g4 ,rom4 ix4 #f71 in ,st ,paul1 as also in the ,acts4 ,the other interpretation1 #8to accomplish the promise of ,god1' though suggested by such passages as #a ,kings ii4 #bg 1 #b ,chron4 xxxvi4 #ba 1 etc41 is alien to the context here4 #bf4 ,this is not the only term borrowed from the ancient mysteries1 which ,st ,paul employs to describe the teaching of the ,gospel4 ,the word just below1 ver4 #bh1 seems to be an extension of the same metaphor4 ,in ,phil4 iv4 #ab again we have the verb 3 and in ,ephes4 i4 #ad is perhaps an image derived from the same source4 ,so too the ,ephesians are addressed as in ,ign4 ,ephes4 #ab4 ,the ,christian teacher is thus regarded as a 7see ,epict4 iii4 #ba4 #ac sq47 who initiates his disciples into the rites4 ,there is this difference however2 that1 whereas the heathen mysteries were strictly confined to a narrow circle1 the ,christian mysteries are freely communicated to all4 ,there is therefore an intentional paradox in the employment of the image by ,st ,paul4 ,see the notes on below4 ,thus the idea of secresy or reserve disappears when is adopted into the ,christian vocabulary by ,st ,paul3 and the word signifies simply #8a truth which was once hidden but now is revealed1' #8a truth which without special revelation would have been unknown4' ,of the nature of the truth itself the word says nothing4 ,it may be transcendental1 incomprehensible1 mystical1 mysterious1 in the modern sense of the term 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #ea1 ,eph4 v4 #cb73 but this idea is quite accidental1 and must be gathered from the special circumstances of the case1 for it cannot be inferred from the word itself4 ,hence is almost universally found in connexion with words denoting revelation or publication2 e4g4 1 1 ,rom4 xvi4 #be1 ,ephes4 iii4 #c1 #e1 #b ,thess4 ii4 #g2 ,rom4 xvi4 #bf1 ,ephes4 i4 #i1 iii4 #c1 #aj1 vi4 #ai2 ,col4 iv4 #c1 ,rom4 xvi4 #bf1 #a ,tim4 iii4 #af2 iv4 #c1 #a ,cor4 ii4 #g1 xiv4 #b2 1 #a ,cor4 xv4 #ea4 ,but the one special #8mystery' which absorbs ,st ,paul's thoughts in the ,epistles to the ,colossians and ,ephesians is the free admission of the ,gentiles on equal terms to the privileges of the covenant4 ,for this he is a prisoner2 this he is bound to proclaim fearlessly 7iv4 #c1 ,ephes4 vi4 #ai72 this1 though hidden from all time1 was communicated to him by a special revelation 7,ephes4 iii4 #c sq472 in this had ,god most signally displayed the lavish wealth of ,his goodness 7ver4 #bg1 ii4 #b sq41 ,ephes4 i4 #f sq41 iii4 #h sq474 ,in one passage only throughout these two epistles is applied to anything else1 ,ephes4 v4 #cb4 ,the same idea of the appears very prominently also in the thanksgiving 7added apparently later than the rest of the letter7 at the end of the ,epistle to the ,romans1 xvi4 #be sq4 444 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bg 1 1 #bg 444 ,the preposition is doubtless temporal here1 being opposed to 1 as in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 iii4 #i3 comp4 ,rom4 xvi4 #be 1 #a ,cor4 ii4 #g 4 ,so too ' 1 ,acts iii4 #ba1 xv4 #ah1 ,ps4 xcii4 #c1 etc42 1 ,matt4 xiii4 #ce1 xxv4 #cd1 etc4 ,an is made up of many 2 comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #ba 1 ,is4 li4 #i 7where the ,hebrew has the plural #8generations'74 ,hence the order here4 ,not only was this mystery unknown in remote periods of antiquity1 but even in recent generations4 ,it came upon the world as a sudden surprise4 ,the moment of its revelation was the moment of its fulfilment4 #bg4 #8willed1' #8was pleased4' ,it was ,god's grace3 it was no merit of their own4 ,see the note on i4 #a 4 444 ,an indicative clause is substituted for a participial1 which would otherwise have been more natural1 for the sake of emphasizing the statement2 comp4 ver4 #bb 1 and see ,winer lxiii4 p4 #gag4 ,the #8wealth of ,god1' as manifested in ,his dispensation of grace1 is a prominent idea in these epistles2 comp4 ii4 #b1 ,ephes4 i4 #g1 #ah1 iii4 #h1 #af2 comp4 ,rom4 xi4 #cc4 ,see above p4 #dc sq4 ,st ,paul uses the neuter and the masculine forms indifferently in these epistles 7e4g4 ,ephes4 i4 #g1 ,ephes4 i4 #ah71 as in his other letters 7e4g4 #b ,cor4 viii4 #b1 ,rom4 ix4 #bc74 ,in most passages however there are various readings4 ,on the neuter forms 1 1 etc41 see ,winer ix4 p4 #gf4 i4e4 #8of the glorious manifestation4' ,this word in ,hellenistic ,greek is frequently used of a bright light2 e4g4 ,luke ii4 #i 1 ,acts xxii4 #aa 1 #a ,cor4 xv4 #da 1 1 etc4 #b ,cor4 iii4 #g 4 ,hence it is applied generally to a divine manifestation1 even where there is no physical accompaniment of light2 and more especially to the revelation of ,god in ,christ 7e4g4 ,joh4 i4 #ad1 #b ,cor4 iv4 #d1 etc474 ,the expression occurs again1 ,rom4 ix4 #bc1 ,ephes4 i4 #ah1 iii4 #af4 ,see above ver4 #aa with the note4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bh 1 1 #bh #bg 4 i4e4 #8as exhibited among the ,gentiles4' ,it was just here that this #8mystery1' this dispensation of grace1 achieved its greatest triumphs and displayed its transcendant glory2 1 writes ,chrysostom1 4 ,here too was its wealth2 for it overflowed all barriers of caste or race4 ,judaism was #8beggarly' 7,gal4 iv4 #i7 in comparison1 since its treasures sufficed only for a few4 ,the antecedent is probably 2 comp4 ii4 #b 1 444 #8,christ in you1' i4e4 #8you ,gentiles4' ,not ,christ1 but ,christ given freely to the ,gentiles1 is the #8mystery' of which ,st ,paul speaks2 see the note on above4 ,thus the various reading1 for 1 though highly supported1 interferes with the sense4 ,with compare ' ,matt4 i4 #bc4 ,it may be a question however1 whether means #8within you' or #8among you4' ,the former is perhaps the more probable interpretation1 as suggested by ,rom4 viii4 #aj1 #b ,cor4 xiii4 #e1 ,gal4 iv4 #ai2 comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #ag 4 comp4 #a ,tim4 i4 #b2 so ,ign4 ,eph4 #ba1 ,magn4 ,philad4 #e1 etc41 applied to our ,lord4 #bh1 #bi4 #8,this ,christ we1 the ,apostles and ,evangelists1 proclaim without distinction and without reserve4 ,we know no restriction either of persons or of topics4 ,we admonish every man and instruct every man4 ,we initiate every man in all the mysteries of wisdom4 ,it is our single aim to present every man fully and perfectly taught in ,christ4 ,for this end ,i train myself in the discipline of self-denial2 for this end ,i commit myself to the arena of suffering and toil1 putting forth in the conflict all that energy which ,he inspires1 and which works in me so powerfully4' #bh4 #8we1' the preachers2 the same opposition as in #a ,cor4 iv4 #h1 #aj1 ix4 #aa1 #b ,cor4 xiii4 #e sq41 #a ,thess4 ii4 #ac sq41 etc4 ,the ,apostle hastens1 as usual1 to speak of the part which he was privileged to bear in this glorious dispensation4 ,he is constrained to magnify his office4 ,see the next note1 and comp4 ver4 #bc4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bh 1 444 as in ,st ,paul's own language at ,thessalonica1 ,acts xvii4 #c 1 and at ,athens1 ,acts xvii4 #bc 1 in both which passages1 as here1 emphasis is laid on the person of the preacher4 #8admonishing4' ,the two words and present complementary aspects of the preacher's duty1 and are related the one to the other1 as to 1 #8warning to repent1 instructing in the faith4' ,for the relation of to ,see ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #fh 1 p4 #deb 4 ,the two verbs and are connected in ,plato ,protag4 #cbc ,d1 ,legg4 #hde ,b1 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #df 7comp4 p4 #ci71 ,dion ,chrys4 ,or4 xxxiii4 p4 #cfi2 the substantives and in ,plato ,resp4 #cii ,b4 ,similarly and occur together in ,arist4 ,rhet4 ii4 #ah4 ,for the two functions of the preacher's office1 corresponding respectively to the two words1 see ,st ,paul's own language in ,acts xx4 #ba 444 4 three times repeated for the sake of emphasizing the universality of the ,gospel4 ,this great truth1 for which ,st ,paul gave his life1 was now again endangered by the doctrine of an intellectual exclusiveness taught by the ,gnosticizers at ,coloss1 as before it had been endangered by the doctrine of a ceremonial exclusiveness taught by the ,judaizers in ,galatia4 ,see above pp4 #gg1 #ib1 #ih sq4 ,for the repetition of compare especially #a ,cor4 x4 #a sq41 where is five times1 and ib4 xii4 #bi1 #cj1 where it is seven times repeated2 see also ,rom4 ix4 #f1 #g1 xi4 #cb1 #a ,cor4 xii4 #ac1 xiii4 #g1 xiv4 #ca1 etc4 ,transcribers have been offended at this characteristic repetition here1 and consequently have omitted in one place or other4 ,the ,gnostic spoke of a blind faith for the many1 of a higher for the few4 ,st ,paul declares that the fullest wisdom is offered to all alike4 ,the character of the teaching is as free from restriction1 as are the qualifications of the recipients4 ,comp4 ii4 #b1 #c 444 4 ,see the note on 1 ver4 #bb4 ,so #a ,cor4 ii4 #f1 #g 444 4 ,in both these passages the epithet is probably a metaphor borrowed from the ancient mysteries1 where it seems to have been applied to the fully instructed1 as opposed to the novices3 comp4 ,plato ,phdr4 #bdi ,c 444 #bej ,b1 ,c 444 1 ,symp4 #bji ,e 444 444 ' ' 1 ,plut4 ,fragm4 de ,an4 vi4 #b 7v4 p4 #gbf ,wyttenb47 7with the context71 ,dion ,chrys4 ,or4 xii4 p4 #bjc 2 see ,valcknaer on ,eurip4 ,hippol4 #be1 and ,lobeck ,aglaoph4 p4 #cc sq41 p4 #abf sq4 ,somewhat similarly in the ,,lxx #a ,chron4 xxv4 #h stands for #8the teachers 7or the wise7 and the scholars4' ,so also in #b ,pet4 i4 #af we seem to have the same metaphor4 ,as an illustration it may be mentioned that ,plato and ,aristotle called the higher philosophy 1 because those who have transcended the bounds of the material1 l4 1 ,plut4 ,mor4 #chb ,d1 ,e4 ,for other metaphorical expressions in ,st ,paul1 derived from the mysteries1 see above on ver4 #bf4 ,influenced probably by this heathen use of 1 the early ,christians applied it to the baptized1 as opposed to the catechumens3 e4g4 ,justin ,dial4 #h 7p4 #bbe ,c7 1 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #bi 1 1 4441 xi4 #cf 444 4442 and for later writers see ,suicer ,thes4 s4 vv4 1 4 ,at all events we may ascribe to its connexion with the mysteries the fact that it was adopted by ,gnostics at a later date1 and most probably by the ,gnosticizers at this time1 to distinguish the possessors of the higher from the vulgar herd of believers3 see the passages quoted in the note on ,phil4 iii4 #ae4 ,while employing the favourite ,gnostic term1 the ,apostle strikes at the root of the ,gnostic doctrine4 ,the language descriptive of the heathen mysteries is transferred by him to the ,christian dispensation1 that he may thus more effectively contrast the things signified4 ,the true ,gospel also has its mysteries1 its hierophants1 its initiation3 but these are open to all alike4 ,in ,christ every believer is 1 for he has been admitted as of its most profound1 most awful1 secrets4 ,see again the note on 1 ii4 #c4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,i4 #bi #bi 4 #bi4 i4e4 1 #8that ,i may initiate all mankind in the fulness of this mystery1' #8that ,i may preach the ,gospel to all without reserve4' ,if ,st ,paul had been content to preach an exclusive ,gospel1 he might have saved himself from more than half the troubles of his life4 ,this word is used especially of the labour undergone by the athlete in his training1 and therefore fitly introduces the metaphor of 3 comp4 #a ,tim4 iv4 #aj 7the correct reading71 and see the passages quoted on ,phil4 ii4 #af4 #8contending in the lists1' the metaphor being continued in the next verse 7ii4 #a71 2 comp4 iv4 #ab4 ,these words 1 1 1 are only found in ,st ,paul and the ,pauline writings 7,luke1 ,hebrews7 in the ,new ,testament4 ,they occur in every group of ,st ,paul's ,epistles4 ,the use here most resembles #a ,thess4 ii4 #b 4 ,comp4 ,eph4 iii4 #bj4 ,for the difference between and see the note on ,gal4 v4 #f4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #a1 #b ,,ii4 #a 1 1 #b ,,ii4 #a-c4 #8,i spoke of an arena and a conflict in describing my apostolic labours4 ,the image was not lightly chosen4 ,i would have you know that my care is not confined to my own direct and personal disciples4 ,i wish you to understand the magnitude of the struggle1 which my anxiety for you costs me--for you and for your neighbours of ,laodicea and for all who1 like yourselves1 have never met me face to face in the flesh4 ,i am constantly wrestling in spirit1 that the hearts of all such may be confirmed and strengthened in the faith2 that they may be united in love2 that they may attain to all the unspeakable wealth which comes from the firm conviction of an understanding mind1 may be brought to the perfect knowledge of ,god's mystery1 which is nothing else than ,christ--,christ containing in ,himself all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden away4' #a4 444 as in #a ,cor4 xi4 #c4 ,the corresponding negative form1 1 is the more common expression in ,st ,paul2 ,rom4 i4 #ac1 xi4 #be1 #a ,cor4 x4 #a1 xii4 #a1 #b ,cor4 i4 #h1 #a ,thess4 iv4 #ac4 ,the arena of the contest to which in the preceding verse refers may be either outward or inward4 ,it will include the #8fightings without1' as well as the #8fears within4' ,here however the inward struggle1 the wrestling in prayer1 is the predominant idea1 as in iv4 #ab 444 ,the ,laodiceans were exposed to the same doctrinal perils as the ,colossians3 see above pp4 #b1 #da sq4 ,the ,hierapolitans are doubtless included in 444 7comp4 iv4 #ac71 but are not mentioned here by name1 probably because they were less closely connected with ,coloss 7see iv4 #ae sq471 and perhaps also because the danger was less threatening there4 444 #8and all who1 like yourselves1 have not seen1 etc4'2 where the introduces the whole class to which the persons previously enumerated belong2 so ,acts iv4 #f 1 ,rev4 xviii4 #ag 4 ,even a simple will sometimes introduce the general after the particular1 e4g4 ,acts v4 #bi 1 ,ar4 ,nub4 #dac 1 etc42 see ,khner ,gramm4 #eba1 ,,ii4 p4 #gia4 ,on the other hand 1 occurring in an enumeration1 sometimes introduces a different class from those previously mentioned1 as e4g4 in ,herod1 vii4 #ahe4 ,as a pure grammatical question therefore it is uncertain whether ,st ,paul's language here implies his personal acquaintance with his correspondents or the contrary4 ,but in all such cases the sense of the context must be our guide4 ,in the present instance is quite out of place1 unless the ,colossians and ,laodiceans also were personally unknown to the ,apostle4 ,there would be no meaning in singling out individuals who were known to him1 and then mentioning comprehensively all who were unknown to him3 see above p4 #bh1 note #hd4 ,hence we may infer from the expression here1 that ,st ,paul had never visited ,coloss-an inference which has been already shown 7p4 #bc sq47 to accord both with the incidental language of this epistle elsewhere and with the direct historical narrative of the ,acts4 ,for this ending of the #crd pers4 plur4 perfect in - see ,winer xiii4 p4 #ij4 ,the received text reads 4 ,in this passage the form has the higher support2 but below in ver4 #ah the preponderance of authority favours rather than 4 ,on the use of the form in see ,buttmann ,ausf4 ,griech4 ,sprachl4 #hd1 ,i4 p4 #cbe4 #b4 #8encouraged1 confirmed1' i4e4 #8comforted' in the older and wider meaning of the word1 7#8confortati'71 but not with its modern and restricted sense3 see ,phil4 ii4 #a4 ,for comp4 iv4 #h1 ,ephes4 vi4 #bb1 #b ,thess4 ii4 #ag4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #c 1 1 1 #c ,they met the ,apostle heart to heart1 though not face to face4 ,we have here the same opposition of and as in #a ,thess4 ii4 #ag1 though less directly expressed2 see ver4 #e4 where we should expect 1 but the substitution of the third person for the second is suggested by the immediately preceding 4 ,this substitution confirms the interpretation of already given4 ,unless the ,colossians are included in 1 they must be excluded by 4 ,yet this exclusion is hardly conceivable in such a context4 #8they being united1 compacted1' for must here have its common meaning1 as it has elsewhere in this and the companion epistle3 ver4 #ai 444 1 ,ephes4 iv4 #af 4 ,otherwise we might be disposed to assign to this verb here the sense which it always bears in the ,,lxx 7e4g4 in ,is4 xl4 #ac1 #ad1 quoted in #a ,cor4 ii4 #af71 #8instructed1 taught1' as it is rendered in the ,vulgate4 ,its usage in the ,acts is connected with this latter sense2 e4g4 ix4 #bb #8proving1' xvi4 #aj #8concluding'2 and so in xix4 #cc 7the best supported reading7 can only mean #8instructed ,alexander4' ,for the different sense of the nominative absolute see the note on iii4 #af4 ,the received text substitutes here4 for love is the 7iii4 #ad7 of perfection4 #8and brought unto1' the thought being supplied from the preceding 1 which involves an idea of motion1 comp4 ,joh4 xx4 #g 4 ,this reading is better supported than either or 1 while1 as the intermediate reading1 it also explains the other two4 #8the full assurance1' for such seems to be the meaning of the substantive wherever it occurs in the ,new ,testament2 #a ,thess4 i4 #e 1 ,heb4 vi4 #aa 1 x4 #bb 1 comp4 ,clem4 ,rom4 #db 4 ,with the exception of #a ,thess4 i4 #e however1 all the ,biblical passages might bear the other sense #8fulness'3 see ,bleek on ,heb4 vi4 #aa4 ,for the verb see the note on below1 iv4 #ab4 ,see the note on i4 #i4 444 #8the mystery of ,god1 even ,christ in whom1 etc41' being in apposition with 2 comp4 i4 #bg 444 1 #a ,tim4 iii4 #af 1 444 ,the reasons for adopting the reading are given in the detached note on various readings4 ,other interpretations of this reading are2 7#a7 #8the ,god ,christ1' taking in apposition with 2 or 7#b7 #8the ,god of ,christ1' making it the genitive after 3 but both expressions are without a parallel in ,st ,paul4 ,the mystery here is not #8,christ1' but #8,christ as containing in ,himself all the treasures of wisdom'2 see the note on i4 #bg 4 ,for the form of the sentence comp4 ,ephes4 iv4 #ae1 #af 1 444 #c4 ,so ver4 #b1 ii4 #bh4 ,these repetitions serve to emphasize the character of the ,gospel1 which is as complete in itself1 as it is universal in its application4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #d 4 #d ,the two words occur together again ,rom4 xi4 #cc 1 #a ,cor4 xii4 #h4 ,they are found in conjunction also several times in the ,,lxx of ,eccles4 i4 #g1 #af1 #ah1 ii4 #ba1 #bf1 ix4 #aj1 where is represented by and by 4 ,while is simply intuitive1 is ratiocinative also4 ,while applies chiefly to the apprehension of truths1 superadds the power of reasoning about them and tracing their relations4 ,when ,bengel on #a ,cor4 xii4 #h sq4 says1 #8,cognitio est quasi visus2 sapientia visus cum sapore1' he is so far right2 but when he adds1 #8cognitio1 rerum agendarum2 sapientia1 rerum aeternarum1' he is quite wide of the mark4 ,substantially the same1 and equally wrong1 is ,st ,augustine's distinction de ,trin4 xii4 #bj1 #be 7,,viii4 pp4 #ibc1 #ibf7 #8intelligendum est ad contemplationem sapientiam 1 ad actionem scientiam pertinere 444 quod alia sit intellectualis cognitio aeternarum rerum1 alia rationalis temporalium' 7comp4 xiv4 #c1 p4 #idh71 and again de ,div4 ,qust4 ad ,simpl4 ii4 #b #c 7,,vi4 p4 #aad7 #8ita discerni probabiliter solent1 ut sapientia pertineat ad intellectum ternorum1 scientia vero ad ea qu sensibus corporis experimur4' ,this is directly opposed to usage4 ,in ,aristotle ,eth4 ,nic4 i4 #a is opposed to 4 ,in ,st ,paul it is connected with the apprehension of eternal mysteries1 #a ,cor4 xiii4 #b 4 ,on the relation of to see above1 i4 #i4 ,so #a ,cor4 ii4 #g 1 4 ,as before in 7i4 #bh71 so here again in the ,apostle adopts a favourite term of the ,gnostic teachers1 only that he may refute a favourite doctrine4 ,the word apocrypha was especially applied to those esoteric writings1 for which such sectarians claimed an auctoritas secreta 7,aug4 c4 ,faust4 xi4 #b1 ,,viii4 p4 #bai7 and which they carefully guarded from publication after the manner of their ,jewish prototypes the ,essenes 7see above p4 #hi sq473 comp4 ,iren4 i4 #bj4 #a 1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 i4 #ae 7p4 #ceg7 1 ib4 iii4 #d 7p4 #ebd7 4 ,see also the application of the text ,prov4 ix4 #ag to these heretics in ,strom4 i4 #ai 7p4 #cge74 ,thus the word apocrypha in the first instance was an honourable appellation applied by the heretics themselves to their esoteric doctrine and their secret books2 but owing to the general character of these works the term1 as adopted by orthodox writers1 got to signify #8false1' #8spurious4' ,the early fathers never apply it1 as it is now applied1 to deutero-canonical writings1 but confine it to supposititious and heretical works3 see ,smith's ,dictionary of the ,bible s4v4 ,in the text ,st ,paul uses it 1 as he uses 4 #8,all the richest treasures of that secret wisdom1' he would say1 #8on which you lay so much stress1 are buried in ,christ1 and being buried there are accessible to all alike who seek ,him4' ,but1 while the term is adopted because it was used to designate the secret doctrine and writings of the heretics1 it is also entirely in keeping with the metaphor of the #8treasure'2 e4g4 ,is4 xlv4 #c 1 #a ,macc4 i4 #bc 1 ,dan4 xi4 #dc 3 comp4 ,matt4 xiii4 #dd4 ,the stress thus laid on will explain its position4 ,it is not connected with 1 but must be taken apart as a secondary predicate3 comp4 ver4 #aj 1 iii4 #a 1 ,james i4 #ag 1 444 #d-g4 #8,i do not say this without a purpose4 ,i wish to warn you against any who would lead you astray by specious argument and persuasive rhetoric4 ,for ,i am not an indifferent spectator of your doings4 ,although ,i am absent from you in my flesh1 yet ,i am present with you in my spirit4 ,i rejoice to behold the orderly array and the solid phalanx which your faith towards ,christ presents against the assaults of the foe4 ,i entreat you therefore not to abandon the ,christ1 as you learnt from ,epaphras to know ,him1 even ,jesus the ,lord1 but to walk still in ,him as heretofore4 ,i would have you firmly rooted once for all in ,him4 ,i desire to see you built up higher in ,him day by day1 to see you growing ever stronger and stronger through your faith1 while you remain true to the lessons taught you of old1 so that you may abound in it1 and thus abounding may pour forth your hearts in gratitude to ,god the giver of all4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #e 1 #e 1 #d4 444 #8,i say all this to you1 lest you should be led astray by those false teachers who speak of another knowledge1 of other mysteries4' ,in other connexions will frequently refer to the words following 7e4g4 ,gal4 iii4 #ag1 #a ,cor4 i4 #ab72 but with it points to what has gone before1 as in ,joh4 v4 #cd 4 ,the reference in extends over vv4 #a-c1 and involves two statements2 7#a7 ,the declaration that all knowledge is comprehended in ,christ1 vv4 #b1 #c2 7#b7 ,the expression of his own personal anxiety that they should remain stedfast in this conviction1 vv4 #a1 #b4 ,this last point explains the language which follows1 444 #8lead you astray by false reasoning'1 as in ,daniel xiv4 #g 7,,lxx73 comp4 ,james i4 #bb1 ,ign4 ,magn4 #c4 ,it is not an uncommon word either in the ,,lxx or in classical writers4 ,the system against which ,st ,paul here contends professed to be a 7ver4 #h7 and had a 7ver4 #bc74 ,the words 7,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic4 i4 #a71 7,plat4 ,thet4 #afb ,e71 7,epictet4 i4 #h4 #g71 occur occasionally in classical writers1 but do not bear a bad sense1 being most frequently opposed to 1 as probable argument to strict mathematical demonstration4 ,this contrast probably suggested ,st ,paul's language in #a ,cor4 ii4 #d ' 4441 and may possibly have been present to his mind here4 #e4 frequently introduces the apodosis after or in ,st ,paul2 e4g4 ,rom4 vi4 #e1 #a ,cor4 ix4 #b1 #b ,cor4 iv4 #af1 v4 #af1 xi4 #f1 xiii4 #d 7v4 l474 #8in my spirit'1 not #8by the ,spirit'4 ,we have here the common antithesis of flesh and spirit1 or body and spirit3 comp4 #a ,cor4 v4 #c 1 4 ,st ,paul elsewhere uses another antithesis1 and 1 to express this same thing2 #a ,thess4 ii4 #ag4 #8rejoicing and beholding'4 ,this must not be regarded as a logical inversion4 ,the contemplation of their orderly array1 though it might have been first the cause1 was afterwards the consequence1 of the ,apostle's rejoicing4 ,he looked1 because it gave him satisfaction to look4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #f 1 4 #f 1 1 1 #8your orderly array'1 a military metaphor3 comp4 e4g4 ,xen4 ,anab4 i4 #b4 #ah 1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,pyrrh4 #af 4 ,the enforced companionship of ,st ,paul with the soldiers of the prtorian guard at this time 7,phil4 i4 #ac7 might have suggested this image4 ,at all events in the contemporary epistle 7,ephes4 vi4 #ad sq47 we have an elaborate metaphor from the armour of a soldier4 #8solid front1 close phalanx'1 a continuation of the metaphor3 comp4 #a ,macc4 ix4 #ad 4 ,somewhat similar are the expressions #a ,macc4 x4 #ej1 ,ecclus4 xxviii4 #aj4 ,for the connexion here compare #a ,pet4 v4 #i 1 ,acts xvi4 #e 4 #f4 444 i4e4 #8,let your conviction and conduct be in perfect accordance with the doctrines and precepts of the ,gospel as it was taught to you'4 ,for this use of #8ye received from your teachers1 were instructed in'1 comp4 #a ,cor4 xv4 #a1 #c1 ,gal4 i4 #i1 ,phil4 iv4 #i1 #a ,thess4 ii4 #ac1 iv4 #a1 #b ,thess4 iii4 #f4 ,the word implies either #8to receive as transmitted'1 or #8to receive for transmission'3 see the note on ,gal4 i4 #ab4 ,the of the protasis suggests a in the apodosis1 which in this case is unexpressed but must be understood4 ,the meaning of here is explained by the in i4 #g2 see the note there1 and comp4 below ver4 #g 4 #8the ,christ'1 rather than #8the ,gospel'1 because the central point in the ,colossian heresy was the subversion of the true idea of the ,christ4 #8even ,jesus the ,lord'1 in whom the true conception of the ,christ is realised3 comp4 ,ephes4 iv4 #bj1 #ba1 1 1 1 where the same idea is more directly expressed4 ,the genuine doctrine of the ,christ consists in 7#a7 the recognition of the historical person ,jesus1 and 7#b7 the acceptance of ,him as the ,lord4 ,this doctrine was seriously endangered by the mystic theosophy of the false teachers4 ,the same order which we have here occurs also in ,ephes4 iii4 #aa 7the correct reading74 #g4 ,two points may be noticed here2 7#a7 ,the expressive change of tenses2 #8firmly rooted' once for all1 1 1 #8built up and strengthened' from hour to hour4 7#b7 ,the rapid transition of metaphor1 1 1 1 the path1 the tree1 the building3 comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #ag 4 ,the metaphors of the plant and the building occur together in #a ,cor4 iii4 #i 1 4 ,the transition in this passage is made easier by the fact that 7,plut4 ,mor4 #cba ,d71 7,jer4 i4 #aj1 #a ,macc4 v4 #ea71 7,jos4 ,b4,j4 vii4 #h4 #g71 etc41 are not uncommonly used of cities and buildings4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #g #g 1 1 4 #8being built up1' as in #a ,cor4 iii4 #aj-ad4 ,after this verb we might have expected ' or ' 7#a ,cor4 iii4 #ab7 rather than 2 but in this and the companion epistle ,christ is represented rather as the binding element than as the foundation of the building3 e4g4 ,ephes4 ii4 #bj 1 1 1 4 ,the in does not necessarily refer to the original foundation1 but may point to the continued progress of the building by successive layers1 as e4g4 ,aristot4 ,rhet4 ad ,alex4 #d 7p4 #adbf7 4 ,hence is frequently used absolutely1 #8to build up' 7e4g4 ,jude #bj1 ,polyb4 iii4 #bg1 #d71 as here4 ,the repetition of emphasizes the main idea of the passage1 and indeed of the whole epistle4 #8by your faith'1 the dative of the instrument2 comp4 ,heb4 xiii4 #i 4 ,faith is1 as it were1 the cement of the building3 comp4 ,clem4 ,rom4 #bb 4 i4e4 #8remaining true to the lessons which you received from ,epaphras1 and not led astray by any later pretenders'3 comp4 i4 #f1 #g 1 4 444 ,the same ending occurs in iv4 #b4 ,thanksgiving is the end of all human conduct1 whether exhibited in words or in works4 ,for the stress laid on thanksgiving in ,st ,paul's epistles generally1 see the note on ,phil4 iv4 #f4 ,the words 1 1 1 occur in ,st ,paul's writings alone of the ,apostolic epistles4 ,in this epistle especially the duty of thanksgiving assumes a peculiar prominence by being made a refrain1 as here and in iii4 #ae1 #ag1 iv4 #b3 see also i4 #ab4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #h #h #h4 4 #h-ae4 #8,be on your guard2 do not suffer yourselves to fall a prey to certain persons who would lead you captive by a hollow and deceitful system1 which they call philosophy4 ,they substitute the traditions of men for the truth of ,god4 ,they enforce an elementary discipline of mundane ordinances fit only for children4 ,theirs is not the ,gospel of ,christ4 ,in ,christ the entire fulness of the ,godhead abides for ever1 having united itself with man by taking a human body4 ,and so in ,him--not in any inferior mediators--ye have your life1 your being1 for ye are filled from ,his fulness4 ,he1 ,i say1 is the ,head over all spiritual beings--call them principalities or powers or what you will4 ,in ,him too ye have the true circumcision--the circumcision which is not made with hands but wrought by the ,spirit--the circumcision which divests not of a part only but of the whole carnal body--the circumcision which is not of ,moses but of ,christ4 ,this circumcision ye have1 because ye were buried with ,christ to your old selves beneath the baptismal waters1 and were raised with ,him from those same waters to a new and regenerate life1 through your faith in the powerful working of ,god who raised ,him from the dead4 ,yes1 you--you ,gentiles who before were dead1 when ye walked in your transgressions and in the uncircumcision of your unchastened carnal heathen heart--even you did ,god quicken into life together with ,christ2 then and there freely forgiving all of us--,jews and ,gentiles alike--all our transgressions2 then and there cancelling the bond which stood valid against us 7for it bore our own signature71 the bond which engaged us to fulfil all the law of ordinances1 which was our stern pitiless tyrant4 ,ay1 this very bond hath ,christ put out of sight for ever1 nailing it to ,his cross and rending it with ,his body and killing it in ,his death4 ,taking upon ,him our human nature1 ,he stripped off and cast aside all the powers of evil which clung to it like a poisonous garment4 ,as a mighty conqueror ,he displayed these ,his fallen enemies to an astonished world1 leading them in triumph on ,his cross4' #h4 444 ,the form of the sentence is a measure of the imminence of the peril4 ,the usual construction with is a conjunctive2 e4g4 in ,luke xxi4 #h 4 ,here the substitution of an indicative shows that the danger is real2 comp4 ,heb4 iii4 #ab 4 ,for other instances of with a future indicative comp4 ,mark xiv4 #b 1 ,rom4 xi4 #ba 2 and see ,winer lvi4 p4 #fca sq4 ,this indefinite is frequently used by ,st ,paul1 when speaking of opponents whom he knows well enough but does not care to name3 see the note on ,gal4 i4 #g4 ,comp4 ,ign4 ,smyrn4 #e 444 1 1 4 #8makes you his prey1 carries you off body and soul'4 ,the word appears not to occur before ,st ,paul1 nor after him1 independently of this passage1 till a late date3 e4g4 ,heliod4 ,aeth4 x4 #ce 4 ,in ,tatian ad ,grc4 #bb it seems to be a reminiscence of ,st ,paul4 ,its full and proper meaning1 as appears from the passages quoted1 is not #8to despoil1' but #8to carry off as spoil'1 in accordance with the analogous compounds1 1 4 ,so too the closely allied word in ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #e 1 ,vit4 ,galb4 #e 1 1 4 ,the ,colossians had been rescued from the bondage of darkness2 they had been transferred to the kingdom of light2 they had been settled there as free citizens 7i4 #ab1 #ac72 and now there was danger that they should fall into a state worse than their former slavery1 that they should be carried off as so much booty4 ,comp4 #b ,tim4 iii4 #f 4 ,for the construction see the notes on ,gal4 i4 #g1 iii4 #ba4 ,the former passage is a close parallel to the words here1 444 ,the expression gives a directness and individuality to the reference1 which would have been wanting to the more natural construction 4 444 #8through his philosophy which is an empty deceit'4 ,the absence of both preposition and article in the second clause shows that describes and qualifies 4 ,clement therefore 7,strom4 vi4 #h1 p4 #gga7 had a right to contend that ,st ,paul does not here condemn #8philosophy' absolutely4 ,the of this passage corresponds to the of #a ,tim4 vi4 #bj4 ,but though #8philosophy' is not condemned1 it is disparaged by the connexion in which it is placed4 ,st ,chrysostom's comment is not altogether wrong1 1 4 ,the term was doubtless used by the false teachers themselves to describe their system4 ,though essentially ,greek as a name and as an idea1 it had found its way into ,jewish circles4 ,philo speaks of the ,hebrew religion and ,mosaic law as 7,leg4 ad ,cai4 #bc1 ,,ii4 p4 #efh1 de ,somn4 ii4 #ah1 ,i4 p4 #fge7 or 7,leg4 ad ,cai4 #cc1 ,,ii4 p4 #ehb7 or 7de ,mut4 ,nom4 #ci1 ,i4 p4 #fab74 ,the system of the ,essenes1 the probable progenitors of the false teachers at ,coloss1 he describes as 7,omn4 prob4 lib4 #ac1 ,,ii4 p4 #dei74 ,so too ,josephus speaks of the three ,jewish sects as 7,ant4 xviii4 #a4 #b1 comp4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #b74 ,it should be remembered also1 that in this later age1 owing to ,roman influence1 the term was used to describe practical not less than speculative systems1 so that it would cover the ascetic life as well as the mystic theosophy of these ,colossian heretics4 ,hence the ,apostle is here flinging back at these false teachers a favourite term of their own1 #8their vaunted philosophy1 which is hollow and misleading'4 ,the word indeed could claim a truly noble origin2 for it is said to have arisen out of the humility of ,pythagoras1 who called himself #8a lover of wisdom'1 ' 7,diog4 ,laert4 ,prom4 #ab2 comp4 ,cic4 ,tusc4 v4 #c74 ,in such a sense the term would entirely accord with the spirit and teaching of ,st ,paul2 for it bore testimony to the insufficiency of the human intellect and the need of a revelation4 ,but in his age it had come to be associated generally with the idea of subtle dialectics and profitless speculation2 while in this particular instance it was combined with a mystic cosmogony and angelology which contributed a fresh element of danger4 ,as contrasted with the power and fulness and certainty of revelation1 all such philosophy was #8foolishness' 7#a ,cor4 i4 #bj74 ,it is worth observing that this word1 which to the ,greeks denoted the highest effort of the intellect1 occurs here alone in ,st ,paul1 just as he uses 1 which was their term to express the highest moral excellence1 in a single passage only 7,phil4 iv4 #h2 see the note there74 ,the reason is much the same in both cases4 ,the ,gospel had deposed the terms as inadequate to the higher standard1 whether of knowledge or of practice1 which it had introduced4 ,on the attitude of the fathers towards philosophy1 while philosophy was a living thing1 see ,smith's ,dictionary of the ,bible s4v4 ,clement1 who was followed in the main by the earlier ,alexandrian fathers1 regards ,greek philosophy not only as a preliminary training 77 for the ,gospel1 but even as in some sense a covenant 77 given by ,god to the ,greeks 7,strom4 i4 #e1 p4 #cca1 vi4 #e1 p4 #gfa1 ib4 #h1 p4 #gga sq474 ,others1 who were the great majority and of whom ,tertullian may be taken as an extreme type1 set their faces directly against it1 seeing in it only the parent of all heretical teaching3 e4g4 de ,anim4 #b1 #c1 ,apol4 #df1 #dg4 ,in the first passage1 referring to this text1 he says1 #8,ab apostolo jam tunc philosophia concussio veritatis providebatur'2 in the second he asks1 #8,quid simile philosophus et ,christianus8' ,st ,paul's speech at ,athens1 on the only occasion when he is known to have been brought into direct personal contact with ,greek philosophers 7,acts xvii4 #ah71 shows that his sympathies would have been at least as strong with ,clement's representations as with ,tertullian's4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #h 1 444 ,the false teaching is described 7#a7 ,as regards its source-#8the traditions of men'2 7#b7 ,as regards its subject matter-#8the rudiments of the world'4 444 ,other systems1 as for instance the ceremonial mishna of the ,pharisees1 might fitly be described in this way 7,matt4 xv4 #b sq41 ,mark vii4 #c sq473 but such a description was peculiarly appropriate to a mystic theosophy like this of the ,colossian false teachers4 ,the teaching might be oral or written1 but it was essentially esoteric1 essentially traditional4 ,it could not appeal to sacred books which had been before all the world for centuries4 ,the ,essenes1 the immediate spiritual progenitors of these ,colossian heretics1 distinctly claimed to possess such a source of knowledge1 which they carefully guarded from divulgence2 ,b4,j4 ii4 #h4 #g 7see above pp4 #hi1 #ij sq41 #ie74 ,the various ,gnostic sects1 their direct or collateral spiritual descendants1 almost without exception traced their doctrines to a similar source3 e4g4 ,hippol4 ,hr4 v4 #g 1 vii4 #bj 1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 vii4 #ag 7p4 #hih7 1 1 1 1 4 ,so too a later mystic theology of the ,jews1 which had many affinities with the teaching of the ,christianized ,essenes at ,coloss1 was self-designated ,kabbala or #8tradition'1 professing to have been handed down orally from the patriarchs4 ,see the note on 1 ii4 #c4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #h 1 1 #8the rudiments1 the elementary teaching'2 comp4 ver4 #bj4 ,the same phrase occurs again ,gal4 iv4 #c 7comp4 ver4 #i74 ,as signifies primarily #8the letters of the alphabet'1 so as a secondary meaning it denotes #8rudimentary instruction'4 ,accordingly it is correctly interpreted by ,clement ,strom4 vi4 #h 7p4 #gga7 444 1 1 7i4e4 elementary7 7comp4 ib4 vi4 #ae1 p4 #gii71 and by ,tertullian adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai #8secundum elementa mundi1 non secundum clum et terram dicens1 sed secundum literas seculares'4 ,a large number of the fathers however explained the expression to refer to the heavenly bodies 7called 71 as marking the seasons1 so that the observance of #8festivals and new-moons and sabbaths' was a sort of bondage to them4 ,it would appear from ,tertullian's language that ,marcion also had so interpreted the words4 ,on this false interpretation see the note on ,gal4 iv4 #c4 ,it is quite out of place here3 for 7#a7 ,the context suggests some mode of instruction1 e4g4 here1 and in ver4 #bj2 7#b7 ,the keeping of days and seasons is quite subordinate to other external observances4 ,the rite of circumcision 7ver4 #aa71 and the distinction of meats 7ver4 #ba7 respectively1 are placed in close and immediate connexion with in the two places where it occurs1 whereas the observance of days and seasons 7ver4 #af7 stands apart from either4 #8of the world'1 that is1 #8belonging to the sphere of material and external things'4 ,see the notes on ,gal4 iv4 #c1 vi4 #ad4 #8,in ,christ'1 so the ,apostle seems to say1 #8you have attained the liberty and the intelligence of manhood2 do not submit yourselves again to a rudimentary discipline fit only for children 7 74 ,in ,christ you have been exalted into the sphere of the ,spirit3 do not plunge yourselves again into the atmosphere of material and sensuous things 7 74' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #i1 #aj #i 1 #aj #8not after ,christ'4 ,this expression is wide in itself1 and should be interpreted so as to supply the negative to both the preceding clauses2 #8,christ is neither the author nor the substance of their teaching3 not the author1 for they listen to human traditions 7 72 not the substance1 for they replace ,him by formal ordinances 7 7 and by angelic mediators#84 #i sq4 ,in explaining the true doctrine which is #8after ,christ'1 ,st ,paul condemns the two false principles1 which lay at the root of this heretical teaching2 7#a7 ,the theological error of substituting inferior and created beings angelic mediators for the divine ,head ,himself 7vv4 #i1 #aj72 and 7#b7 ,the practical error of insisting upon ritual and ascetic observances1 as the foundation of their moral teaching 7vv4 #aa-ad74 ,their theological speculations and their ethical code alike were at fault4 ,on the intimate connexion between these two errors1 as springing out of a common root1 the ,gnostic dualism of these false teachers1 see the introduction1 pp4 #cc sq41 #gi1 #hg1 #ahj sq4 444 ,the ,apostle justifies the foregoing charge that this doctrine was not 2 #8,in ,christ dwells the whole pleroma1 the entire fulness of the ,godhead1 whereas they represent it to you as dispersed among several spiritual agencies4 ,christ is the one fountain-head of all spiritual life1 whereas they teach you to seek it in communion with inferior creatures4' ,the same truths have been stated before 7i4 #ad sq47 more generally and they are now restated with direct and immediate reference to the heretical teaching4 #8has its fixed abode'4 ,on the force of this compound in relation to the false teaching1 see the note on i4 #ai4 #8all the plenitude'1 #8the totality of the divine powers and attributes'4 ,on this theological term see i4 #ai1 and the detached note at the end of the epistle4 #8of the ,godhead'4 #8,non modo divin virtutes1 sed ipsa divina natura'1 writes ,bengel4 ,for the difference between #8deitas'1 the essence1 and #8divinitas'1 the quality1 see ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 ii4 p4 #f4 ,the different force of the two words may be seen by a comparison of two passages in ,plutarch1 ,mor4 p4 #heg ,a 7where it means a divine inspiration or faculty1 and where no one would have used 71 and ,mor4 #dae ,c 1 ' 7where would be quite out of place1 because all without exception were 1 though they only became in rare instances and after long probation and discipline74 ,in the ,new ,testament the one word occurs here alone1 the other in ,rom4 i4 #bj alone4 ,so also 1 a very favourite expression in ,greek philosophy1 is found once only1 in ,acts xvii4 #bi1 where it is used with singular propriety2 for the ,apostle is there meeting the heathen philosophers on their own ground and arguing with them in their own language4 ,elsewhere he instinctively avoids a term which tends to obscure the idea of a personal ,god4 ,in the ,latin versions1 owing to the poverty of the language1 both and are translated by the same term divinitas2 but this was felt to be inadequate1 and the word deitas was coined at a later date to represent 3 ,august4 de ,civ4 ,dei vii4 #a1 ,,vii4 p4 #afb 7quoted in ,trench7 #8,hanc divinitatem vel1 ut sic dixerim1 deitatem3 nam et hoc verbo uti jam nostros non piget1 ut de ,grco expressius transferant id quod illi appellant etc4' #8bodily-wise'1 #8corporeally'1 i4e4 #8assuming a bodily form1 becoming incarnate'4 ,this is an addition to the previous statement in i4 #ai 4 ,the indwelling of the pleroma refers to the ,eternal ,word1 and not to the ,incarnate ,christ2 but is added to show that the ,word1 in whom the pleroma thus had its abode from all eternity1 crowned ,his work by the ,incarnation4 ,thus while the main statement of ,st ,paul corresponds to the opening sentence of ,st ,john1 the subsidiary adverb of ,st ,paul has its counterpart in the additional statement of ,st ,john4 ,all other meanings which have been assigned to here1 as #8wholly' 7,hieron4 in ,is4 xi4 #a sq41 ,,iv4 p4 #aef1 #8nequaquam per partes1 ut in ceteris sanctis'71 or #8really' 7,aug4 ,epist4 cxlix1 ,,ii4 p4 #eac #8,ideo corporaliter dixit1 quia illi umbratiliter seducebant'71 or #8essentially' 7,hilar4 de ,trin4 viii4 #ed1 ,,ii4 p4 #beb #8,dei ex ,deo significat veritatem etc4'1 ,cyril4 ,alex4 in ,theodoret4 ,op4 ,v4 p4 #cd 1 1 ,isid4 ,pelus4 ,ep4 iv4 #aff 71 are unsupported by usage4 ,nor again can the body be understood of anything else but ,christ's human body2 as for instance of the created ,world 7,theod4 ,mops4 in ,rab4 ,op4 ,,vi4 p4 #ebb7 or of the ,church 7,anon4 in ,chrysost4 ad loc474 ,according to these two last interpretations is taken to mean the ,universe 7#8universam naturam repletam ab eo'7 and the ,church 7 1 see ,ephes4 i4 #bc7 respectively1 because either of these may be said to reside in ,him1 as the source of its life1 and to stand to ,him in the relation of the body to the head 774 ,but these forced interpretations have nothing to recommend them4 ,st ,paul's language is carefully guarded4 ,he does not say 1 for the ,godhead cannot be confined to any limits of space2 nor 1 for this might suggest the unreality of ,christ's human body2 but 1 #8in bodily wise'1 #8with a bodily manifestation'4 ,the relation of to the clause which it qualifies will depend on the circumstances of the case3 comp4 e4g4 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #dbd ,e 1 i4e4 #8ratione corporis habita'1 ,athan4 ,exp4 ,fid4 #d 7,i4 p4 #ha7 1 i4e4 #8secundum corpus'1 ,ptolem4 in ,epiphan4 ,hr4 xxxiii4 #e 4 #aj4 #8and ye are in ,him'1 where should be separated from the following 2 comp4 ,john xvii4 #ba1 ,acts xvii4 #bh4 ,true life consists in union with ,him1 and not in dependence on any inferior being2 comp4 ver4 #ai 1 444 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #aj 1 #8being fulfilled'1 with a direct reference to the preceding 2 #8,your fulness comes from ,his fulness2 ,his is transfused into you by virtue of your incorporation in ,him'4 ,so too ,john i4 #af 1 ,ephes4 iii4 #ai 1 iv4 #ac 1 comp4 ,ign4 ,ephes4 init4 4 ,hence also the ,church1 as ideally regarded1 is called the of ,christ1 because all ,his graces and energies are communicated to her2 ,ephes4 i4 #bc 1 4 ,for the various reading see the detached note4 ,it was perhaps a correction made on the false supposition that referred to the 4 ,at all events it must be regarded as an impossible reading2 for the image would be altogether confused and lost1 if the were represented as the head4 ,and again is persistently said elsewhere of ,christ2 i4 #ah1 ii4 #ai1 ,ephes4 i4 #bb1 iv4 #ae1 v4 #bc4 ,hilary de ,trin4 ix4 #h 7,,ii4 p4 #bfd7 explains the as referring to the whole sentence 1 but this also is an inconceivable sense4 ,again it has been suggested that 7like 7 may be taken as equivalent to scilicet 7comp4 ,clem4 ,hom4 viii4 #bb72 but this would require 1 even if it were otherwise admissible here4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #aa #aa 1 ,the image expresses much more than the idea of sovereignty3 the head is also the centre of vital force1 the source of all energy and life3 see the note on ver4 #ai4 444 #8of every principality and power'1 and therefore of those angelic beings whom the false teachers adopted as mediators1 thus transferring to the inferior members the allegiance due to the ,head3 comp4 ver4 #ah sq4 ,for 1 see the note on i4 #af4 #aa4 ,the previous verses have dealt with the theological tenets of the false teachers4 ,the ,apostle now turns to their practical errors2 #8,you do not need the circumcision of the flesh2 for you have received the circumcision of the heart4 ,the distinguishing features of this higher circumcision are threefold4 7#a7 ,it is not external but inward1 not made with hands but wrought by the ,spirit4 7#b7 ,it divests not of a part only of the flesh1 but of the whole body of carnal affections4 7#c7 ,it is the circumcision not of ,moses or of the patriarchs1 but of ,christ'4 ,thus it is distinguished1 as regards first its character1 secondly its extent1 and thirdly its author4 ,the moment at which this is conceived as taking place is defined by the other aorists1 1 1 etc41 as the time of their baptism1 when they #8put on ,christ'4 i4e4 #8immaterial'1 #8spiritual'1 as ,mark xiv4 #eh1 #b ,cor4 v4 #a4 ,so 1 which is used in the ,n4 ,t4 of material temples and their furniture 7,acts vii4 #dh1 xvii4 #bd1 ,heb4 ix4 #aa1 #bd1 comp4 ,mark l4c471 and of the material circumcision 7,ephes4 ii4 #aa 74 ,in the ,,lxx occurs exclusively as a rendering of idols 71 e4g4 ,lev4 xxvi4 #a1 ,is4 ii4 #ah1 etc471 false gods 7 ,is4 xxi4 #i1 where perhaps they read 71 or images 7 ,lev4 xxvi4 #cj71 except in one passage1 ,is4 xvi4 #ab1 where it is applied to an idol's sanctuary4 ,owing to this association of the word the application which we find in the ,new ,testament would sound much more depreciatory to ,jewish ears than it does to our own2 e4g4 in ,st ,stephen's speech1 where the force of the passage is broken in the received text by the interpolation of 4 ,for illustrations of the typical significance of circumcision1 as a symbol of purity1 see the note on ,phil4 iii4 #c4 444 ,the words are chosen to express the completeness of the spiritual change4 7#a7 ,it is not an nor an 1 but an 4 ,the word is extremely rare1 and no earlier instances of it are produced2 see the note on ver4 #ae 4 7#b7 ,it is not a single member but the whole body1 which is thus cast aside2 see the next note4 ,thus the idea of completeness is brought out both in the energy of the action and in the extent of its operation1 as in iii4 #i 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ab 1 1 #ab 444 #8the whole body which consists of the flesh'1 i4e4 #8the body with all its corrupt and carnal affections'2 as iii4 #e 4 ,for illustrations of the expression see ,rom4 vi4 #f 1 vii4 #bd 1 ,phil4 iii4 #ba 4 ,thus here means #8the fleshly body' and not #8the entire mass of the flesh'2 but the contrast between the whole and the part still remains4 ,in i4 #bb the same expression occurs1 but with a different emphasis and meaning3 see the note there4 ,the words 1 inserted between and in the received text1 are clearly a gloss1 and must be omitted with the vast majority of ancient authorities4 #ab4 ,baptism is the grave of the old man1 and the birth of the new4 ,as he sinks beneath the baptismal waters1 the believer buries there all his corrupt affections and past sins2 as he emerges thence1 he rises regenerate1 quickened to new hopes and a new life4 ,this it is1 because it is not only the crowning act of his own faith but also the seal of ,god's adoption and the earnest of ,god's ,spirit4 ,thus baptism is an image of his participation both in the death and in the resurrection of ,christ4 ,see ,apost4 ,const4 iii4 #ag 1 4 ,for this twofold image1 as it presents itself to ,st ,paul1 see especially ,rom4 vi4 #c sq4 #8in the act of baptism'4 ,a distinction seems to be observed elsewhere in the ,new ,testament between #8baptism' properly so called1 and #8lustration' or #8washing' of divers kinds1 e4g4 of vessels 7,mark vii4 #d1 #h1 ,heb4 ix4 #aj74 ,even ,heb4 vi4 #b 1 which at first sight might seem to be an exception to this rule1 is perhaps not really so 7,bleek ad loc474 ,here however1 where the various readings and appear in competition1 the preference ought probably to be given to as being highly supported in itself 7see the detached note on various readings7 and as the less usual word in this sense4 ,there is no a priori reason why ,st ,paul should not have used with this meaning1 for it is so found in ,josephus ,ant4 xviii4 #e4 #b 7of ,john the ,baptist74 ,doubtless the form was more appropriate to describe the one final and complete act of ,christian baptism1 and it very soon obtained exclusive possession of the ground in ,greek2 but in ,st ,paul's age the other form may not yet have been banished4 ,in the ,latin ,version baptisma and baptismus are used indiscriminately3 and this is the case also with the ,latin fathers4 ,the substantive #8baptism' occurs so rarely in any sense in ,st ,paul 7only ,rom4 vi4 #d1 ,eph4 iv4 #e1 besides this passage71 or indeed elsewhere in the ,n4 ,t4 of ,christian baptism 7only in #a ,pet4 iii4 #ba71 that we have not sufficient data for a sound induction4 ,so far as the two words have any inherent difference of meaning1 denotes rather the act in process and the result4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ab 1 #ab4 4 i4e4 4 ,others would understand for the sake of the parallelism with ver4 #aa h 444 4 ,but this parallelism is not suggested by the sense3 while on the other hand there is obviously a very close connexion between and as the two complementary aspects of baptism2 comp4 ,rom4 vi4 #d sq4 444 444 1 1 #b ,tim4 ii4 #aa 1 4 ,in fact the idea of must be reserved for where it is wanted1 #8ye were raised together with ,him'4 444 #8through your faith in the operation1' being the objective genitive4 ,so ,st ,chrysostom1 1 4 ,only by a belief in the resurrection are the benefits of the resurrection obtained1 because only so are its moral effects produced4 ,hence ,st ,paul prays that he may #8know the power of ,christ's resurrection' 7,phil4 iii4 #aj74 ,hence too he makes this the cardinal article in the ,christian's creed1 #8,if thou 444 believest in thy heart that ,god raised ,him from the dead1 thou shalt be saved' 7,rom4 x4 #i74 ,for the influence of ,christ's resurrection on the moral and spiritual being1 see the note on ,phil4 l4c4 ,others take as the subjective genitive1 #8faith which comes from the operation etc4'1 arguing from a mistaken interpretation of the parallel passage ,ephes4 i4 #ai 7where should be connected1 not with 1 but with 44474 ,the former explanation however yields a better sense1 and the genitive after far more commonly describes the object than the source of the faith1 e4g4 ,rom4 iii4 #bb1 #bf1 ,gal4 iii4 #bb1 ,ephes4 iii4 #ab1 ,phil4 i4 #bg1 iii4 #i1 #b ,thess4 ii4 #ac4 #ac4 ,in the sentence which follows it seems necessary to assume a change of subject4 ,there can be little doubt that is the nominative to 3 for 7#a7 ,the parallel passage ,ephes4 ii4 #d1 #e directly suggests this4 7#b7 ,this is uniformly ,st ,paul's mode of speaking elsewhere4 ,it is always ,god who 1 1 1 1 etc41 with or in or through ,christ4 7#c7 ,though it might be possible to assign to the subject of 7see the note on i4 #bj71 yet a reference to some other person is more natural4 ,these reasons seem to decide the subject of 4 ,but at the same time it appears quite impossible to continue the same subject1 1 to the end of the sentence4 ,no grammatical meaning can be assigned to 1 by which it could be understood of ,god the ,father4 ,we must suppose therefore that a new subject1 1 is introduced meanwhile1 either with or with itself2 and of the two the former seems the easier point of transition4 ,for a similar instance of abrupt transition1 which is the more natural owing to the intimate connexion of the work of the ,son with the work of the ,father1 see e4g4 i4 #ag sq4 i4e4 #8you ,gentiles'4 ,this will appear from a study of the parallel passages iii4 #g1 #h1 ,ephes4 i4 #ac1 ii4 #a sq41 #aa1 #ac1 #ag1 #bb1 iii4 #b1 iv4 #ag2 see the notes on ,ephes4 i4 #ac1 and on just below4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ac #ac 1 444 #8by reason of your transgressions etc4' ,the are the actual definite transgressions1 while the is the impure carnal disposition which prompts to them4 ,for the dative comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #a1 #e1 where the same expression occurs2 see ,winer ,gramm4 xxxi4 p4 #bgj4 ,on the other hand in ,rom4 vi4 #aa 1 1 the dative has a wholly different meaning1 as the context shows4 ,the of the received text1 though highly supported1 is doubtless an interpolation for the sake of grammatical clearness4 444 ,the external fact is here mentioned1 not for its own sake but for its symbolical meaning4 ,the outward uncircumcision of the ,gentiles is a type of their unchastened carnal mind4 ,in other words1 though the literal meaning is not excluded1 the spiritual reference is most prominent1 as appears from ver4 #aa 4 ,hence ,theodore's comment1 77 4 ,at the same time the choice of the expression shows that the ,colossian converts addressed by ,st ,paul were mainly ,gentiles4 ,it has been questioned whether the life here spoken of should be understood in a spiritual sense of the regeneration of the moral being1 or in a literal sense of the future life of immortality regarded as conferred on the ,christian potentially now1 though only to be realised hereafter4 ,but is not such an issue altogether superfluous8 ,is there any reason to think that ,st ,paul would have separated these two ideas of life8 ,to him the future glorified life is only the continuation of the present moral and spiritual life4 ,the two are the same in essence1 however the accidents may differ4 ,moral and spiritual regeneration is salvation1 is life4 ,the pronoun is repeated for the sake of emphasis4 ,the omission in some good copies is doubly explained2 7#a7 ,by the desire to simplify the grammar2 7#b7 ,by the wish to relieve the awkwardness of the close proximity between and 4 ,this latter consideration has led a few good authorities to substitute for 1 and others to substitute for 4 ,for instances of those emphatic repetitions in ,st ,paul see the note on i4 #bj ' 4 #8with ,christ'1 as in ,ephes4 ii4 #e 4 ,on the inadmissibility of the reading see the note on i4 #bj4 #8having forgiven'1 as in ,luke vii4 #db sq41 #b ,cor4 ii4 #g1 #aj1 xii4 #ac1 ,ephes4 iv4 #cb2 see also the note on iii4 #ac below4 ,the idea of sin as a debt incurred to ,god 7,matt4 vi4 #ab 1 comp4 ,luke xi4 #d7 underlies this expression1 as it does also the commoner term for pardon1 #8remission'4 ,the image is carried out in the cancelled bond1 ver4 #ad4 ,the person is changed2 #8not to you ,gentiles only1 but to us all alike'4 ,st ,paul is eager to claim his share in the transgression1 that he may claim it also in the forgiveness4 ,for other examples of the change from the second to the first person1 see i4 #aj-ac1 iii4 #c1 #d1 ,ephes4 ii4 #b1 #c1 #ac1 #ad1 iv4 #ca1 #cb1 v4 #b 7the correct reading71 #a ,thess4 v4 #e1 where the motive of the change is similar4 ,see also ,gal4 iii4 #be1 #bf1 iv4 #e1 #f1 where there is the converse transition4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ad 1 1 #ad ' #ad4 #8having cancelled'4 ,the word 1 like 1 signifying #8to blot out1 to erase'1 is commonly opposed to #8to enter a name1 etc4'2 e4g4 ,arist4 ,pax #aaha1 ,lysias c4 ,nicom4 p4 #ahc1 ,plato ,resp4 vi4 p4 #eja ,b4 ,more especially is it so used in reference to an item in an account1 e4g4 ,demosth4 c4 ,aristog4 i4 p4 #gia 444 4 ' 444 #8the bond standing against us'4 ,the word 1 which means properly an autograph of any kind1 is used almost exclusively for a note of hand1 a bond or obligation1 as having the #8sign-manual' of the debtor or contractor3 e4g4 ,tobit v4 #c 7comp4 ix4 #e7 1 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #hbi ,a 4 ,it is more common in ,latin than in ,greek1 e4g4 ,cic4 ,fam4 vii4 #ah #8,misi cautionem chirographi mei'1 ,juv4 ,sat4 xvi4 #da #8,debitor aut sumptos pergit non reddere nummos1 vana supervacui dicens chirographa ligni' 7comp4 xiii4 #acg74 ,hence chirographum1 chirographarius1 are frequent terms in the ,roman law-books2 see ,hesse ,handlexicon zu den ,quellen des rmischen ,rechts s4v4 p4 #gd4 ,in the case before us the ,jewish people might be said to have signed the contract when they bound themselves by a curse to observe all the enactments of the law 7,deut4 xxvii4 #ad-bf2 comp4 ,exod4 xxiv4 #c72 and the primary reference would be to them4 ,but 1 1 seem to include ,gentiles as well as ,jews1 so that a wider reference must be given to the expression4 ,the therefore1 though referring primarily to the ,mosaic ordinances1 will include all forms of positive decrees in which moral or social principles are embodied or religious duties defined2 and the #8bond' is the moral assent of the conscience1 which 7as it were7 signs and seals the obligation4 ,the ,gentiles1 though #8not having a law1 are a law to themselves'1 1 1 ,rom4 ii4 #ad1 #ae4 ,see the notes on ,gal4 ii4 #ai1 iv4 #aa4 ,comp4 ,orig4 ,hom4 in ,gen4 xiii4 #d 7,,ii4 p4 #if74 #8consisting in ordinances'3 comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #ae 4 ,the word is here used in its proper sense of a #8decree'1 #8ordinance'1 corresponding to below1 ver4 #bj4 ,this is its only sense in the ,n4 ,t42 e4g4 ,luke ii4 #a1 ,acts xvii4 #g1 of the ,emperor's decrees2 ,acts xvi4 #d of the ,apostolic ordinances4 ,here it refers especially to the ,mosaic law1 as in ,joseph4 ,ant4 xv4 #e4 #c 1 ,philo ,leg4 ,all4 i4 #af 7,i4 p4 #ed7 1 #c ,macc4 i4 #c 4 ,comp4 ,iren4 ,fragm4 #ch 7p4 #hee ,stieren7 where1 immediately after a reference to our text1 is opposed to 4 ,in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 ii4 #ae1 this is the exclusive reference2 but here 7for reasons explained in the last note7 it seems best to give the term a secondary and more extensive application4 ,the dative is perhaps best explained as governed by the idea of involved in 7comp4 ,plat4 ,ep4 vii4 p4 #bdc ,a 72 as in #a ,tim4 ii4 #f 1 where depends on an implied 4 ,otherwise it is taken as closely connected with ' 1 #8the bond which was in force against us by reason of the ordinances'3 see ,winer xxxi4 p4 #bgc1 ,a4 ,buttmann p4 #hj4 ,possibly an has dropped out of the text before 1 owing to the similar ending 7comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #ae72 but1 if so1 the omission must date from the earliest age1 since no existing authorities exhibit any traces of such a reading2 see the note on ver4 #ah 1 and comp4 ,phil4 ii4 #a 4 ,a wholly different interpretation however prevails universally among ,greek commentators both here and in ,ephes4 ii4 #ae4 ,they take 1 1 to mean the #8doctrines or precepts of the ,gospel'1 and so to describe the instrument by which the abrogation of the law was effected4 ,so ,chrysostom1 ,severianus1 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 and ,theodoret1 followed by the later commentators ,,oecumenius and ,theophylact4 ,strangely enough they do not allude to the correct interpretation2 nor 7with the exception of the passage ascribed to ,irenus which is quoted above7 have ,i found any distinct traces of it in any ,greek father4 ,the grammatical difficulty would be taken to favour this interpretation1 which moreover was characteristic of the age when the battle of creeds was fought4 ,but it has been universally abandoned by modern interpreters1 as plainly inappropriate to the context and also as severing the substantive here from the verb in ver4 #bj4 ,the ,latin fathers1 who had either decretis or sententiis in their version1 were saved from this false interpretation2 e4g4 ,hilar4 de ,trin4 i4 #ab 7,,ii4 p4 #aj71 ix4 #aj 7,,ii4 p4 #bfe sq471 ,ambros4 ,apol4 ,dav4 #ac 7,i4 p4 #fih71 de ,fid4 iii4 #b 7,,ii4 p4 #dii71 ,august4 de ,pecc4 ,mer4 i4 #dg 7,x4 p4 #bf73 though they very commonly took 1 1 to refer to the decree of condemnation4 ,jerome however on ,ephes4 ii4 #ae 7,,vii4 p4 #eha7 follows the ,greeks4 ,the later ,christian sense of 1 meaning #8doctrine'1 came from its secondary classical use1 where it was applied to the authoritative and categorical #8sentences' of the philosophers3 comp4 ,just4 ,mart4 ,apol4 i4 #g 7p4 #ef ,d7 1 1 ,cic4 ,acad4 ii4 #i #8de suis decretis qu philosophi vocant '1 ,senec4 ,epist4 xcv4 #aj #8,nulla ars contemplativa sine decretis suis est1 qu ,grci vocant dogmata1 nobis vel decreta licet adpellare vel scita vel placita'4 ,see the indices to ,plutarch1 ,epictetus1 etc41 for illustrations of the use of the term4 ,there is an approach towards the ecclesiastical meaning in ,ignat4 ,magn4 #ac 1 ,barnab4 #a 7comp4 #i1 #aj74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ad 1 444 #8which was directly opposed to us'4 ,the former expression1 ' 1 referred to the validity of the bond2 the present1 1 describes its active hostility4 ,it is quite a mistake to suppose that the first preposition in mitigates its force1 as in 1 1 1 1 etc4 ,neither in classical writers nor in the ,,lxx has the word any shade of this meaning4 ,it is very commonly used for instance1 of things which are directly antagonistic and mutually exclusive3 e4g4 ,aristot4 de ,gen4 et ,corr4 i4 #g 7p4 #cbc7 444 444 444 7i4e4 self-contradictory7 4441 ,plato ,alcib4 ,sec4 #ach ,c 4 2 4 4444 #aci ,b 4 2 7i4e4 how can one thing have two direct opposites871 where the whole argument depends on this sense of 4 ,in compounds with the force of the preposition will generally be determined by the meaning of the other element in the compound2 and1 as 77 implies locality1 a local sense is communicated to 4 ,thus may be compared with 1 1 1 7,xen4 ,cyrop4 i4 #b4 #ab 1 #8to hunt down'71 7,xen4 ,anab4 i4 #h4 #ae 1 #8riding up'71 7,polyb4 i4 #ej4 #f 1 #8he brought up' his own ship74 ,with this meaning1 #8over against1' #8close in upon1' the preposition does not weaken but enhance the force of 1 so that the compound will denote #8direct1' #8close1' or #8persistent opposition4' 444 #8and ,he1 i4e4 ,christ1 hath taken it away'4 ,there is a double change in this clause3 7#a7 ,the participles 71 7 are replaced by a finite verb4 7#b7 ,the aorists 71 1 7 are replaced by a perfect4 ,the substitution of for in some copies betrays a consciousness on the part of the scribes of the dislocation produced by the new tense4 ,as a new subject1 1 must be introduced somewhere 7see the note on ver4 #ac71 the severance thus created suggests this as the best point of transition4 ,the perfect 1 #8,he hath removed it'1 is suggested by the feeling of relief and thanksgiving1 which rises up in the ,apostle's mind at this point4 ,for the strong expression 1 #8to remove and put out of sight'1 comp4 ,,lxx ,is4 lvii4 #b1 ,epictet4 iii4 #c4 #ae1 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #eai ,d2 so #b ,thess4 ii4 #g 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ae 1 #ae 444 #8,the abrogation was even more emphatic4 ,not only was the writing erased1 but the document itself was torn up and cast aside4' ,by is meant that the law of ordinances was nailed to the cross1 rent with ,christ's body1 and destroyed with ,his death3 see the notes on ,gal4 vi4 #ad ' 7the world1 the sphere of material ordinances7 1 where the idea is the same4 ,it has been supposed that in some cities the abrogation of a decree was signified by running a nail through it and hanging it up in public4 ,the image would thus gain force1 but there is no distinct evidence of such a custom4 #ae4 444 ,this word appears not to occur at all before ,st ,paul1 and rarely if ever after his time1 except in writers who may be supposed to have his language before them2 e4g4 ,hippol4 ,hr4 i4 #bd 4 ,in ,joseph4 ,ant4 vi4 #ad4 #b is only a variation for which seems to be the correct reading4 ,the word also appears in some texts of ,babrius ,fab4 xviii4 #c1 but it is merely a conjectural emendation4 ,thus the occurrence of here and in iii4 #i1 and of above in ver4 #aa1 is remarkable2 and the choice of an unusual1 if not a wholly new1 word must have been prompted by the desire to emphasize the completeness of the action4 ,the force of the double compound may be inferred from a passage of ,lysias1 where the two words and occur together2 c4 ,theomn4 i4 #aj 7p4 #aag7 4 ,here however the sense of is difficult4 ,the meaning generally assigned to it1 #8having spoiled1 stripped of their arms'1 disregards the middle voice4 ,st ,jerome is chiefly responsible for this common error of interpretation3 for in place of the ,old ,latin #8exuens se'1 which was grammatically correct1 he substituted #8exspolians' in his revised version4 ,in his interpretation however he was anticipated by the commentator ,hilary1 who read #8exuens' for #8exuens se' in his text4 ,discarding this sense1 as inconsistent with the voice1 we have the choice of two interpretations4 7#a7 ,the common interpretation of the ,latin fathers1 #8putting off the body'1 thus separating from 444 and understanding or with it2 comp4 #b ,cor4 v4 #c 4 ,so ,novat4 de ,trin4 #af #8exutus carnem'2 ,ambros4 ,expos4 ,luc4 v4 #ajg 7,i4 p4 #acha7 #8exuens se carnem'1 comp4 de ,fid4 iii4 #b 7,,ii4 p4 #dii72 ,hilar4 de ,trin4 i4 #ac 7,,ii4 p4 #aj7 #8exutus carnem' 7comp4 ix4 #aj1 p4 #bfe71 x4 #dh 7p4 #cee7 #8spolians se carne' 7comp4 ix4 #aa1 p4 #bff72 ,augustin4 ,epist4 #adi 7,,ii4 p4 #eac7 #8exuens se carne'1 etc4 ,this appears to have been the sense adopted much earlier in a ,docetic work quoted by ,hippol4 ,hr4 viii4 #aj 1 444 ,it is so paraphrased likewise in the ,peshito ,syriac and the ,gothic4 ,the reading 7omitting 71 found in some ancient authorities1 must be a corruption from an earlier text1 which had inserted the gloss after 1 while retaining 1 and which seems to have been in the hands of some of the ,latin fathers already quoted4 ,this interpretation has been connected with a common metaphorical use of 1 signifying #8to strip' and so #8to prepare for a contest'2 e4g4 ,plut4 ,mor4 #haa ,e 1 ,diod4 ,sic4 ii4 #bi 4 ,the serious objection to this rendering is1 that it introduces an isolated metaphor which is not explained or suggested by anything in the context4 7#b7 ,the common interpretation of the ,greek fathers2 #8having stripped off and put away the powers of evil'1 making govern 444 ,so ,chrysostom1 ,severianus1 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 and ,theodoret4 ,this also appears to have been the interpretation of ,origen1 in ,matt4 xii4 #be 7,,iii4 p4 #edd71 ib4 #dj 7p4 #efj71 in ,ioann4 vi4 #cg 7,,iv4 p4 #aee71 ib4 xx4 #bi 7p4 #cef71 though his language is not explicit1 and though his translators1 e4g4 in ,libr4 ,ies4 ,hom4 vii4 #c 7,,ii4 p4 #dac71 make him say otherwise4 ,the meaning then will be as follows4 ,christ took upon ,himself our human nature with all its temptations 7,heb4 iv4 #ae74 ,the powers of evil gathered about ,him4 ,again and again they assailed ,him2 but each fresh assault ended in a new defeat4 ,in the wilderness ,he was tempted by ,satan2 but ,satan retired for the time baffled and defeated 7,luke iv4 #ac ' 74 ,through the voice of ,his chief disciple the temptation was renewed1 and ,he was entreated to decline ,his appointed sufferings and death4 ,satan was again driven off 7,matt4 xvi4 #bc 1 1 3 comp4 ,matt4 viii4 #ca74 ,then the last hour came4 ,this was the great crisis of all1 when #8the power of darkness' made itself felt 7,luke xxii4 #ec 2 see above i4 #ac71 when the prince of the world asserted his tyranny 7,joh4 xii4 #cj 74 ,the final act in the conflict began with the agony of ,gethsemane2 it ended with the cross of ,calvary4 ,the victory was complete4 ,the enemy of man was defeated4 ,the powers of evil1 which had clung like a ,nessus robe about ,his humanity1 were torn off and cast aside for ever4 ,and the victory of mankind is involved in the victory of ,christ4 ,in ,his cross we too are divested of the poisonous clinging garments of temptation and sin and death2 1 says ,theodore1 1 7i4e4 7 ' 4 ,for the image of the garments comp4 ,is4 lxiv4 #f1 but especially ,zech4 iii4 #a sq41 #8,and he showed me ,joshua the high-priest standing before the angel of the ,lord and ,satan standing at his right hand to resist him4 ,and the ,lord said unto ,satan1 ,the ,lord rebuke thee1 ,o ,satan4444 ,now ,joshua was clothed with filthy garments4444 ,and ,he answered and spake unto those that stood before ,him saying ,take away the filthy garments from him4 ,and unto him ,he said ,behold1 ,i have caused thine iniquity to pass from thee'4 ,in this prophetic passage the image is used of ,his type and namesake1 the ,jesus of the ,restoration1 not in his own person1 but as the high-priest and representative of a guilty but cleansed and forgiven people1 with whom he is identified4 ,for the metaphor of more especially1 see ,philo ,quod det4 pot4 ins4 #ac 7,i4 p4 #aii7 1 where the image in the context is that of a wrestling bout4 ,this interpretation is grammatical2 it accords with ,st ,paul's teaching2 and it is commended by the parallel uses of the substantive in ver4 #aa 1 and of the verb in iii4 #i 444 ,the accomplished in us when we are baptized into ,his death is a counterpart to the which ,he accomplished by ,his death4 ,with ,him indeed it was only the temptation1 with us it is the sin as well as temptation2 but otherwise the parallel is complete4 ,in both cases it is a divestiture of the powers of evil1 a liberation from the dominion of the flesh4 ,on the other hand the common explanation #8spoiling' is not less a violation of ,st ,paul's usage 7iii4 #i7 than of grammatical rule4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ae 444 ,what powers are especially meant here will appear from ,ephes4 vi4 #ab 1 1 1 444 ,see the note on i4 #af4 #8displayed'1 as a victor displays his captives or trophies in a triumphal procession3 ,hor4 ,epist4 i4 #ag4 #cc #8captos ostendere civibus hostes'4 ,the word is extremely rare2 ,matt4 i4 #ai 7where it ought probably to be read for the more common word 71 ,act4 ,paul4 et ,petr4 #cc 4 ,nowhere does the word convey the idea of #8making an example' 77 but signifies simply #8to display1 publish1 proclaim'4 ,in the context of the last passage we have as the consequence1 1 i4e4 to proclaim his impieties4 ,the substantive occurs on the ,rosetta stone l4 #cj 7,boeckh1 ,c4 ,i4 #dfig7 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ae 1 4 #8boldly'1 not #8publicly'4 ,as is #8unreservedness1 plainness of speech' 7-1 its opposite being #8silence'71 so while applied still to language1 it may be opposed either 7#a7 to #8fear'1 as ,john vii4 #ac1 ,acts iv4 #bi1 or 7#b7 to #8ambiguity1 reserve'1 ,joh4 xi4 #ad1 xvi4 #be1 #bi2 but #8misgiving1 apprehension' in some form or other seems to be always the correlative idea4 ,hence1 when it is transferred from words to actions1 it appears always to retain the idea of #8confidence1 boldness'2 e4g4 #a ,macc4 iv4 #ah 1 ,test4 xii4 ,patr4 ,rub4 #d 1 ,jos4 ,ant4 ix4 #a,o4 #d ' ' 4 ,the idea of publicity may sometimes be connected with the word as a secondary notion1 e4g4 in ,joh4 vii4 #d1 where #8to assume a bold attitude' is opposed to 7comp4 xviii4 #bj72 but it does not displace the primary sense4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #af #af #af4 4 #8leading them in triumph'1 the same metaphor as in #b ,cor4 ii4 #ad 4441 where it is wrongly translated in the ,a4 ,v4 #8causeth us to triumph'4 ,here however it is the defeated powers of evil1 there the subjugated persons of men1 who are led in public1 chained to the triumphal car of ,christ4 ,this is the proper meaning and construction of 1 as found elsewhere4 ,this verb takes an accusative 7#a7 of the person over whom the triumph is celebrated1 e4g4 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,arat4 #ed 1 ,thes4 et ,rom4 ,comp4 #d 3 7#b7 of the spoils exhibited in the triumph1 e4g4 ,tatian c4 ,grc4 #bf 1 1 3 7#c7 more rarely of the substance of the triumph1 e4g4 ,vit4 ,camill4 #cj 444 1 i4e4 #8in the character of his country's saviour'4 ,the passive is #8to be led in triumph'1 #8to be triumphed over'1 e4g4 ,vit4 ,c4 ,marc4 #ce4 ,so the ,latins say #8triumphare aliquem' and #8triumphari'4 i4e4 3 comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #af 444 4 ,the violence of the metaphor is its justification4 ,the paradox of the crucifixion is thus placed in the strongest light--triumph in helplessness and glory in shame4 ,the convict's gibbet is the victor's car4 #af-ai4 #8,seeing then that the bond is cancelled1 that the law of ordinances is repealed1 beware of subjecting yourselves to its tyranny again4 ,suffer no man to call you to account in the matter of eating or drinking1 or again of the observance of a festival or a new moon or a sabbath4 ,these are only shadows thrown in advance1 only types of things to come4 ,the substance1 the reality1 in every case belongs to the ,gospel of ,christ4 ,the prize is now fairly within your reach4 ,do not suffer yourselves to be robbed of it by any stratagem of the false teachers4 ,their religion is an officious humility which displays itself in the worship of angels4 ,they make a parade of their visions1 but they are following an empty phantom4 ,they profess humility1 but they are puffed up with their vaunted wisdom1 which is after all only the mind of the flesh4 ,meanwhile they have substituted inferior spiritual agencies for the ,one true ,mediator1 the ,eternal ,word4 ,clinging to these lower intelligences1 they have lost their hold of the ,head2 they have severed their connexion with ,him1 on whom the whole body depends2 from whom it derives its vitality1 and to whom it owes its unity1 being supplied with nourishment and knit together in one by means of the several joints and attachments1 so that it grows with a growth which comes from ,god ,himself4' #af sq4 ,the two main tendencies of the ,colossian heresy are discernible in this warning 7vv4 #af-ai71 as they were in the previous statement 7vv4 #i-ae74 ,here however the order is reversed4 ,the practical error1 an excessive ritualism and ascetic rigour1 is first dealt with 7vv4 #af1 #ag72 the theological error1 the interposition of angelic mediators1 follows after 7vv4 #ah1 #ai74 ,the first is the substitution of a shadow for the substance2 the second is the preference of an inferior member to the head4 ,the reversal of order is owing to the connexion of the paragraphs2 the opening subject in the second paragraph being a continuation of the concluding subject in the first1 by the figure called chiasm3 comp4 ,gal4 iv4 #e4 not #8condemn you'1 but #8take you to task'2 as e4g4 ,rom4 xiv4 #c sq4 ,the judgment may or may not end in an acquittal2 but in any case it is wrong1 since these matters ought not to be taken as the basis of a judgment4 444 #8in eating and in drinking'2 ,rom4 xiv4 #ag 1 4441 ,heb4 ix4 #aj 1 1 comp4 #a ,cor4 viii4 #h 444 ,the first indication that the ,mosaic distinctions of things clean and unclean should be abolished is given by our ,lord ,himself3 ,mark vii4 #ad sq4 7the correct reading in ver4 #ai being 74 ,they were afterwards formally annulled by the vision which appeared to ,st ,peter3 ,acts x4 #aa sq4 ,the ordinances of the ,mosaic law applied almost exclusively to meats4 ,it contained no prohibitions respecting drinks except in a very few cases2 e4g4 of the priests ministering in the tabernacle 7,lev4 x4 #i71 of liquids contained in unclean vessels etc4 7,lev4 xi4 #cd1 #cf71 and of ,nazarite vows 7,num4 vi4 #c74 ,these directions1 taken in connexion with the rigid observances which the later ,jews had grafted on them 7,matt4 xxiii4 #bd71 would be sufficient to explain the expression1 when applied to the ,mosaic law by itself1 as in ,heb4 l4c4 ,the rigour of the ,colossian false teachers however1 like that of their ,jewish prototypes the ,essenes1 doubtless went far beyond the injunctions of the law4 ,it is probable that they forbad wine and animal food altogether3 see the introduction pp4 #hf1 #ajd sq4 ,for allusions in ,st ,paul to similar observances not required by the law1 see ,rom4 xiv4 #b 1 ver4 #ba 4441 #a ,tim4 iv4 #b1 #c 444 4441 ,tit4 i4 #ad 444 444 4 ,the correct reading seems to be 1 thus connecting together the words between which there is a natural affinity4 ,comp4 ,philo ,vit4 ,moys4 i4 #cc 7,,ii4 p4 #aaj7 1 ,ign4 ,trall4 #b 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ag 1 #ag #ag 4 #8in the matter of1' etc42 comp4 #b ,cor4 iii4 #aj1 ix4 #c 4 ,the expression seems originally to mean #8in the division or category'1 and in classical writers most commonly occurs in connexion with such words as 1 1 1 etc43 comp4 ,demosth4 c4 ,aristocr4 #adh 444 444 1 i4e4 #8in the capacity of4' ,hence it gets to signify more widely1 as here1 #8with respect to'1 #8by reason of'3 comp4 ,philo ,quod det4 pot4 ins4 #b 7,i4 p4 #aib7 1 in ,flacc4 #bj 7,,ii4 p4 #edb7 4 ,but lian ,v4 ,h4 viii4 #c 1 quoted by the commentators1 is a false parallel3 for is there governed by and means #8in his turn'4 444 ,the same three words occur together1 as an exhaustive enumeration of the sacred times among the ,jews1 in #a ,chron4 xxiii4 #ca1 #b ,chron4 ii4 #d1 xxxi4 #c1 ,ezek4 xlv4 #ag1 ,hos4 ii4 #aa1 ,justin ,dial4 #h1 p4 #bbf2 comp4 ,is4 i4 #ac1 #ad4 ,see also ,gal4 iv4 #aj 1 where the first three words correspond to the three words used here1 though the order is reversed4 ,the here1 like the there1 refers chiefly to the annual festivals1 the passover1 pentecost1 etc4 ,the here describes more precisely the monthly festival1 which is there designated more vaguely as 4 ,the here gives by name the weekly holy-day1 which is there indicated more generally by 4 ,see ,num4 xxviii4 #aa sq4 ,the forms and seem to be used indifferently in the common dialect1 though the latter is more common4 ,in the ,attic alone was held to be correct2 see ,lobeck ,phryn4 p4 #adh4 ,on the whole the preference should perhaps be given to here1 as supported by some authorities which are generally trustworthy in matters of orthography1 and as being the less usual form in itself4 #8a sabbath-day'1 not1 as the ,a4,v41 #8sabbath days'2 for the coordinated words 1 1 are in the singular4 ,the word is derived from the ,aramaic 7as distinguished from the ,hebrew7 form 1 and accordingly preserves the ,aramaic termination in 4 ,hence it was naturally declined as a plural noun1 1 4 ,the general use of 1 when a single sabbath-day was meant1 will appear from such passages as ,jos4 ,ant4 i4 #a4 #a 1 1 ib4 iii4 #aj4 #a 1 ,plut4 ,mor4 #afi ,c 1 ib4 #fga ,f 1 ,hor4 ,sat4 i4 #i4 #fi #8hodie tricesima sabbata'4 ,in the ,new ,testament is only once used distinctly of more than a single day1 and there the plurality of meaning is brought out by the attached numeral2 ,acts xvii4 #b 4 ,on the observance of days and seasons see again ,gal4 iv4 #aj1 ,rom4 xiv4 #e1 #f4 ,a strong anti-,judaic view on the subject is expressed in the ,epist4 ad ,diogn4 #d4 ,origen c4 ,cels4 viii4 #ba1 #bb1 after referring to ,thucyd4 i4 #gj 1 says 1 1 1 and he then goes on to explain what is the 1 the 1 the 1 of such a man4 ,the observance of sacred times was an integral part of the old dispensation4 ,under the new they have ceased to have any value1 except as a means to an end4 ,the great principle that #8the sabbath was made for man and not man for the sabbath'1 though underlying the ,mosaic ordinances1 was first distinctly pronounced by our ,lord4 ,the setting apart of special days for the service of ,god is a confession of our imperfect state1 an avowal that we cannot or do not devote our whole time to ,him4 ,sabbaths will then ultimately be superseded1 when our life becomes one eternal sabbath4 ,meanwhile the ,apostle's rebuke warns us against attributing to any holy days whatever a meaning and an importance which is alien to the spirit of the ,new ,covenant4 ,bengel on the text writes1 #8,sabbatum non laudatur1 non imperatur2 dominica memoratur1 non prcipitur4 ,qui profundius in mundi negotiis hrent1 his utilis et necessarius est dies definitus3 qui semper sabbatizant1 majori libertate gaudent'4 ,yes3 but these last are just they who will most scrupulously restrict their liberty1 so as 4 #ag4 ,two ideas are prominent in this image4 7#a7 ,the contrast between the ordinances of the ,law and the teaching of the ,gospel1 as the shadow and the substance respectively2 ,philo de ,conf4 ling4 #cg 7,i4 p4 #dcd7 1 ,joseph4 ,b4,j4 ii4 #b4 #e 2 comp4 ,philo in ,flacc4 #ai 7,,ii4 p4 #eda7 ' 1 4 7#b7 ,the conception of the shadow as thrown before the substance 7 1 says a ,greek commentator71 so that the ,law was a type and presage of the ,gospel2 ,heb4 x4 #a 7comp4 viii4 #e74 ,thus it implies both the unsubstantiality and the supersession of the ,mosaic ritual4 #8which things'1 whether distinctions of meats or observances of times4 ,if the other reading be taken1 it will refer to the preceding sentence generally1 as if the antecedent were #8the whole system of ordinances'4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ah 1 4 #ah 444 ,as the shadow belonged to ,moses1 so #8the substance belongs to ,christ'2 i4e4 the reality1 the antitype1 in each case is found in the ,christian dispensation4 ,thus the passover typifies the atoning sacrifice2 the unleavened bread1 the purity and sincerity of the true believer2 the pentecostal feast1 the ingathering of the first fruits2 the sabbath1 the rest of ,god's people2 etc4 #ah4 ,the ,christian's career is the contest of the stadium 71 ,acts xx4 #bd1 #b ,tim4 iv4 #g72 ,christ is the umpire1 the dispenser of the rewards 7#b ,tim4 iv4 #h72 life eternal is the bay wreath1 the victor's prize 71 #a ,cor4 ix4 #bd1 ,phil4 iii4 #ad74 ,the ,colossians were in a fair way to win this prize2 they had entered the lists duly2 they were running bravely3 but the false teachers1 thrusting themselves in the way1 attempted to trip them up or otherwise impede them in the race1 and thus to rob them of their just reward4 ,for the idea of compare especially ,gal4 v4 #g 444 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ah #8rob of the prize1 the '2 comp4 ,demosth4 ,mid4 p4 #edd 7one of the documents7 1 which presents a close parallel to the use of here4 ,see also ,eustath4 in ,il4 i4 #djc sq4 7p4 #dc7 1 1 ib4 ,opusc4 #bgg1 etc4 ,the false teachers at ,coloss are not regarded as umpires nor as successful rivals1 but simply as persons frustrating those who otherwise would have won the prize4 ,the word is wide enough to include such4 ,the two compounds and 7,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #ece ,c 7 only differ in this respect1 that deprivation is the prominent idea in the former word and trickery in the latter4 ,jerome1 ,epist4 cxxi4 ad ,algas4 7,i4 p4 #hgi71 sets down this word1 which he wrongly interprets #8bravium accipiat adversum vos'1 as one of ,st ,paul's ,cilicisms4 ,the passages quoted 7whether the document in the ,midias be authentic or not7 are sufficient to show that this statement is groundless4 #8taking delight in'1 #8devoting himself to'4 ,the expression is common in the ,,lxx1 most frequently as a translation of 1 #a ,sam4 xviii4 #bb1 #b ,sam4 xv4 #bf1 #a ,kings x4 #i1 #b ,chron4 ix4 #h1 ,ps4 cxi4 #a1 cxlvi4 #aj1 but in one passage of 1 #a ,chron4 xxviii4 #d4 ,so too ,test4 xii4 ,patr4 ,asher #a 4 ,comp4 also #a ,macc4 iv4 #db 1 and see below4 ,against this construction no valid objection has been urged4 ,otherwise is taken absolutely1 and various senses have been assigned to it1 such as #8imperiously' or #8designedly' or #8wilfully' or #8gladly1 readily'2 but these are either unsupported by usage or inappropriate to the context4 ,leclerc 7ad loc47 and ,bentley 7,crit4 ,sacr4 p4 #ei7 conjectured 2 ,toup 7,emend4 in ,suid4 ,,ii4 p4 #fc7 more plausibly 2 but the passages quoted show that no correction is needed4 ,humility is a vice with heathen moralists1 but a virtue with ,christian ,apostles2 see the note on ,phil4 ii4 #c4 ,in this passage1 which 7with ver4 #bc7 forms the sole exception to the general language of the ,apostles1 the divergence is rather apparent than real4 ,the disparagement is in the accompaniments and not in the word itself4 ,humility1 when it becomes self-conscious1 ceases to have any value2 and self-consciousness at least1 if not affectation1 is implied by 4 ,moreover the character of the in this case is further defined as 1 which was altogether a perversion of the truth4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ah 1 1 ,this word is closely connected with the preceding by the vinculum of the same preposition4 ,there was an officious parade of humility in selecting these lower beings as intercessors1 rather than appealing directly to the throne of grace4 ,the word refers properly to the external rites of religion1 and so gets to signify an over-scrupulous devotion to external forms2 as in ,philo ,quod det4 pot4 ins4 #g 7i4 p4 #aie7 1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,alex4 #b 3 comp4 ,acts xxvi4 #e1 and see the well-known remarks of ,coleridge on ,james i4 #bf1 #bg1 in ,aids to ,reflection p4 #ad4 ,in the ,,lxx 1 1 together occur four times 7,wisd4 xi4 #af1 xiv4 #af1 #ah1 #bg71 and in all these examples the reference is to idolatrous or false worship4 ,indeed generally the usage of the word exhibits a tendency to a bad sense4 ,for the angelology and angelolatry of these ,colossian false teachers1 more especially in its connexion with ,essene teaching1 see the introduction1 pp4 #hi sq41 #aja sq41 #aaj1 #aha sq4 ,for the prominence which was given to angelology in the speculations of the ,jews generally1 see the ,preaching of ,peter quoted in ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 vi4 #e 7p4 #gfj7 1 444 1 ,celsus in ,orig4 c4 ,cels4 v4 #f 7i4 p4 #ehj7 1 4441 comp4 ib4 i4 #bf 7p4 #cdd74 ,from ,jews it naturally spread to ,judaizing ,christians2 e4g4 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #cf 1 viii4 #ab sq41 ,test4 xii4 ,patr4 ,levi #c 7quoted above on i4 #af74 ,the interest however extended to more orthodox circles1 as appears from the strange passage in ,ignat4 ,trall4 #e 2 444 444 ,of angelology among ,gnostic sects see ,iren4 ii4 #cj4 #f1 ii4 #cb4 #e1 ,orig4 c4 ,cels4 vi4 #cj sq4 7,i4 p4 #fec71 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,exc4 ,theod4 p4 #igj sq41 ,pistis ,sophia pp4 #b1 #ai1 #bc1 etc4 444 literally #8invading what he has seen1' which is generally explained to mean #8parading' or #8poring over his visions'4 ,for this sense of 1 which takes either a genitive or a dative or an accusative1 comp4 ,philo de ,plant4 ,noe ii4 #ai 7i4 p4 #cda7 1 #b ,macc4 ii4 #cj 4 ,at a later date this sense becomes common1 e4g4 ,nemesius de ,nat4 ,hom4 p4 #fd 7ed4 ,matthi7 4 ,in ,xen4 ,symp4 iv4 #bg 1 the reading may be doubtful4 ,but though singly might mean #8his visions'1 and #8busying himself with'1 the combination #8invading what he has seen'1 thus interpreted1 is so harsh and incongruous as to be hardly possible2 and there was perhaps some corruption in the text prior to all existing authorities 7see the note on ,phil4 ii4 #a for a parallel case74 ,did the ,apostle write 7 7or 7 8 ,in this case the existing text might be explained partly by an attempt to correct the form 7 into or conversely1 and partly by the perplexity of transcribers when confronted with such unusual words4 ,this reading had suggested itself to me independently without the knowledge that1 so far as regards the latter word1 it had been anticipated by others in the conjecture 7or 7 4 ,the word #8to walk on emptiness'1 #8to tread the air'1 and so metaphorically 7like 1 1 1 etc47 #8to indulge in vain speculations'1 is not an uncommon word4 ,for its metaphorical sense especially see ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #ccf ,f ' 1 ,basil4 ,op4 ,i4 p4 #ace 444 4441 ib4 ,i4 p4 #eif 1 ,synes4 de ,insomn4 p4 #aef 4 ,though the precise form does not occur1 yet it is unobjectionable in itself4 ,for the other word which ,i have ventured to suggest1 or 1 see ,philo de ,somn4 ii4 #f 7,i4 p4 #ffe7 ' 1 ib4 #i 7p4 #ffg7 ' 1 ,quod ,deus immut4 #cf 7,i4 p4 #bih7 ' 4 ,the first and last passages more especially present striking parallels1 and show how germane to ,st ,paul's subject these ideas of #8suspension or balancing in the air' 7 or 7 and #8treading the void' 77 would be1 as expressing at once the spiritual pride and the emptiness of these speculative mystics2 see also de ,somn4 ii4 #b 7p4 #ffa7 1 ' 1 ' 1 1 4 ,the substantive1 or 1 is used sometimes of the instrument for suspending1 sometimes of the position of suspension4 ,in this last sense it describes the poising of a bird1 the floating of a boat on the waters1 the balancing on a rope1 and the like4 ,hence its expressiveness when used as a metaphor4 ,in the received text a negative is inserted1 4 ,this gives a very adequate sense #8intruding into those things which he has not seen'2 1 says ,chrysostom1 3 comp4 ,ezek4 xiii4 #c 4 ,but1 though the difficulty is thus overcome1 this cannot be regarded as the original reading of the text1 the authorities showing that the negative was an after insertion4 ,see the detached note on various readings4 ,for the form 1 which is better supported here than 1 see the note on ii4 #a4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ai 1 #ai #8vainly puffed up4' ,their profession of humility was a cloke for excessive pride3 for1 as ,st ,paul says elsewhere 7#a ,cor4 viii4 #a71 4 ,it may be questioned whether should be connected with the preceding or the following words4 ,its usual position in ,st ,paul1 before the words which it qualifies 7,rom4 xiii4 #d1 #a ,cor4 xv4 #b1 ,gal4 iv4 #aa2 there is an exceptional reason for the exceptional position in ,gal4 iii4 #d71 points to the latter construction4 444 #8the mind of his flesh'1 i4e4 unenlightened by the ,spirit2 comp4 ,rom4 viii4 #g 4 ,it would seem that the ,apostle is here taking up some watchword of the false teachers4 ,they doubtless boasted that they were directed 4 ,yes1 he answers1 but it is 4 ,compare ,rev4 ii4 #bd1 where the favourite ,gnostic boast is characterized by the addition of 7see ,galatians p4 #bih note #c74 ,comp4 ,august4 ,conf4 x4 #fg #8,quem invenirem qui me reconciliaret tibi8 ,ambiendum mihi fuit ad angelos8 ,qua prece8 quibus sacramentis8 ,multi conantes ad te redire1 neque per se ipsos valentes1 sicut audio1 tentaverunt hc et inciderunt in desiderium curiosarum visionum et digni habiti sunt illusionibus4 ,elati enim te qurebant doctrin fastu1 etc4' #ai4 #8not holding fast4' ,this is the most common construction and meaning of in the ,new ,testament2 e4g4 ,mark vii4 #h 2 comp4 ,cant4 iii4 #d 1 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ai 1 #8the ,head' regarded as a title1 so that a person is at once suggested1 and the relative which follows is masculine1 2 comp4 the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 iv4 #af 1 444 ,the supplication and worship of angels is a substitution of inferior members for the ,head1 which is the only source of spiritual life and energy4 ,see the introduction pp4 #cd1 #gh1 #aja sq41 #aha sq4 444 #8through the junctures and ligaments4' ,galen1 when describing the structure of the human frame1 more than once specifies the elements of union as twofold3 the body owes its compactness partly to the articulation1 partly to the attachment2 e4g4 ,op4 ,,ii4 p4 #gcd 7ed4 ,khn7 1 1 4 ,similarly1 though with a more general reference1 ,aristotle speaks of two kinds of union1 which he describes as #8contact' and #8cohesion' respectively2 ,metaph4 iv4 #d 7p4 #ajad7 1 4441 ,phys4 ,ausc4 iv4 #f 7p4 #bac7 1 7comp4 ib4 v4 #c1 p4 #bbg71 ,metaph4 x4 #c 7p4 #ajga7 4 ,the relation of contiguous surfaces and the connexion of different parts together effect structural unity4 ,this same distinction appears in the ,apostle's language here4 ,contact and attachment are the primary ideas in and respectively4 ,of the function of 1 #8contact'1 in physiology 7 7 ,aristotle speaks at some length in one passage1 de ,gen4 et ,corr4 i4 #f 7p4 #cbb sq474 ,it may be mentioned1 as illustrating ,st ,paul's image1 that ,aristotle in this passage lays great stress on the mutual sympathy and influence of the parts in contact1 describing them as and as ' 4 ,elsewhere1 like ,st ,paul here1 he uses the plural 2 de ,clo i4 #aa 7p4 #bhj7 1 1 1 de ,gen4 et ,corr4 i4 #h 7p4 #cbf7 1 ib4 #i 7p4 #cbg7 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ai 1 1 1 3 comp4 ,plat4 ,axioch4 p4 #cfe ,a 4 ,it is quite clear from these passages of ,aristotle1 more especially from the distinction of and 1 that are the joinings1 the junctures4 ,when applied to the human body they would be #8joints1' provided that we use the word accurately of the relations between contiguous limbs1 and not loosely 7as it is often used7 of the parts of the limbs themselves in the neighbourhood of the contact4 ,hippocrates indeed used as a physiological term in a different sense1 employing it as a synonyme for i4e4 the fasciculi of muscles 7see ,galen ,op4 ,,xix4 p4 #hg71 but this use was quite exceptional and can have no place here4 ,thus will be almost a synonyme for 1 differing however 7#a7 as being more wide and comprehensive1 and 7#b7 as not emphasizing so strongly the adaptation of the contiguous parts4 ,the considerations just urged seem decisive as to the meaning of the word4 ,some eminent modern critics however explain to be #8the senses'1 following ,theodoret on ,ephes4 iv4 #af 1 1 4 ,st ,chrysostom had led the way to this interpretation1 though his language is less explicit than ,theodoret's4 ,to such a meaning however there are fatal objections4 7#a7 ,this sense of is wholly unsupported4 ,it is true that touch lies at the root of all sensations1 and that this fact was recognised by ancient physiologists3 e4g4 ,aristot4 de ,anim4 i4 #ac 7p4 #dce7 4 ,but here the connexion ends2 and unless more cogent examples not hitherto adduced are forthcoming1 we are justified in saying that could no more be used for 1 than in ,english #8the touches' could be taken as a synonyme for #8the senses4' 7#b7 ,the image would be seriously marred by such a meaning4 ,the and would no longer be an exhaustive description of the elements of union in the anatomical structure2 the conjunction of things so incongruous under the vinculum of the same article and preposition1 1 would be unnatural2 and the intrusion of the #8senses' would be out of place1 where the result specified is the supply of nourishment 77 and the compacting of the parts 774 7#c7 ,all the oldest versions1 the ,latin1 the ,syriac1 and the ,memphitic1 explain it otherwise1 so as to refer in some way to the connexion of the parts of the body2 e4g4 in the ,old ,latin it is rendered nexus here and junctura in ,ephes4 iv4 #af4 #8bands1' #8ligaments4' ,the ,greek 1 like the ,english #8ligament1' has a general and a special sense4 ,in its general and comprehensive meaning it denotes any of the connecting bands which strap the body together1 such as muscles or tendons or ligaments properly so called2 in its special and restricted use it is a #8ligament' in the technical sense2 comp4 ,galen ,op4 ,,iv4 p4 #cfi 1 1 1 4 ,of the or ligaments properly so called ,galen describes at length the several functions and uses1 more especially as binding and holding together the 2 ,op4 ,i4 #bcf1 ,,ii4 #bfh1 #gci1 ,,iii4 #adi1 ,,iv4 #b1 etc41 comp4 ,tim4 ,locr4 de ,an4 ,mund4 p4 #eeg 7,opusc4 ,mythol4 etc4 ed4 ,gale74 ,in our text indeed must be taken in its comprehensive sense2 but the relation of the to the in ,st ,paul still remains the same as that of the to the in ,galen4 444 ,the two functions performed by the and are first the supply of nutriment etc4 771 and secondly the compacting of the frame 774 ,in other words they are the communication of life and energy1 and the preservation of unity and order4 ,the source of all 7 7 is ,christ ,himself the ,head2 but the channels of communication 7 4447 are the different members of ,his body1 in their relation one to another4 ,for #8bountifully furnished' see the note on ,gal4 iii4 #e4 ,somewhat similarly ,aristotle speaks of 1 ,pol4 iv4 #a 7p4 #abhh74 ,for examples of applied to functions of the bodily organs1 see ,galen ,op4 ,,iii4 p4 #fag 1 ,alex4 ,probl4 i4 #ha 4 ,for 1 #8joined together1 compacted'1 see the note on ii4 #b4 ,in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 iv4 #af1 this part of the image is more distinctly emphasized1 4 ,the difference corresponds to the different aims of the two epistles4 ,in the ,colossian letter the vital connexion with the ,head is the main theme2 in the ,ephesian1 the unity in diversity among the members4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #bj 4 #bj 444 ,by the two-fold means of contact and attachment nutriment has been diffused and structural unity has been attained1 but these are not the ultimate result2 they are only intermediate processes2 the end is growth4 ,comp4 ,arist4 ,metaph4 iv4 #d 7p4 #ajad7 ' 444 1 where growth is attributed to the same two physiological conditions as here4 i4e4 #8which partakes of ,god1 which belongs to ,god1 which has its abode in ,god4' ,thus the finite is truly united with the ,infinite2 the end which the false teachers strove in vain to compass is attained2 the ,gospel vindicates itself as the true theanthropism1 after which the human heart is yearning and the human intellect is feeling4 ,see above p4 #ahc sq4 ,with this conclusion of the sentence contrast the parallel passage ,ephes4 iv4 #af 1 where again the different endings are determined by the different motives of the two epistles4 ,the discoveries of modern physiology have invested the ,apostle's language with far greater distinctness and force than it can have worn to his own contemporaries4 ,any exposition of the nervous system more especially reads like a commentary on his image of the relations between the body and the head4 ,at every turn we meet with some fresh illustration which kindles it with a flood of light4 ,the volition communicated from the brain to the limbs1 the sensations of the extremities telegraphed back to the brain1 the absolute mutual sympathy between the head and the members1 the instantaneous paralysis ensuing on the interruption of continuity1 all these add to the completeness and life of the image4 ,but the following passages will show how even ancient scientific speculation was feeling after those physiological truths which the image involves2 ,hippocr4 de ,morb4 ,sacr4 p4 #cji 7ed ,foese7 444 1 1 444 444 1 444 444 444 444 7where the theory is mixed up with some curious physiological speculations71 ,galen ,op4 ,i4 #bce 1 444 1 1 1 ' 1 ib4 ,,iv4 p4 #aa 7i4e4 7 1 1 ' 1 1 444 ' ' 1 ' 1 ,,xiv4 p4 #cac h 7i4e4 7 4 ,plato had made the head the central organ of the reason 7,tim4 #fi sq43 see ,grote's ,plato ,,iii4 pp4 #bgb1 #bhg1 ,aristotle ,,ii4 p4 #agi sq471 if indeed the speculations of the ,timus may be regarded as giving his serious physiological views2 but he had postulated other centres of the emotions and appetites1 the heart and the abdomen4 ,aristotle1 while rightly refusing to localize the mind as mind1 had taken a retrograde step physiologically1 when he transferred the centre of sensation from the brain to the heart2 e4g4 de ,part4 ,anim4 ii4 #aj 7p4 #fef74 ,galen1 criticizing his predecessors1 says of ,aristotle 7i4e4 1 ' 7,op4 ,,iii4 p4 #fbe74 ,the ,stoics however 7 7 were even worse offenders2 and in reply to them more especially ,galen elsewhere discusses the question 1 ,op4 ,v4 p4 #bac sq4 ,bearing in mind all this diversity of opinion among ancient physiologists1 we cannot fail to be struck in the text not only with the correctness of the image but also with the propriety of the terms2 and we are forcibly reminded that among the ,apostle's most intimate companions at this time was one whom he calls #8the beloved physician' 7iv4 #ad74 #bj-bc4 #8,you died with ,christ to your old life4 ,all mundane relations have ceased for you4 ,why then do you--you who have attained your spiritual manhood--submit still to the rudimentary discipline of children8 ,why do you--you who are citizens of heaven--bow your necks afresh to the tyranny of material ordinances1 as though you were still living in the world8 ,it is the same old story again2 the same round of hard1 meaningless1 vexatious prohibitions1 #8,handle not1' #8,taste not1' #8,touch not4' ,what folly6 ,when all these things--these meats and drinks and the like--are earthly1 perishable1 wholly trivial and unimportant6 ,they are used1 and there is an end of them4 ,what is this1 but to draw down upon yourselves the denunciations uttered by the prophet of old8 ,what is this but to abandon ,god's word for precepts which are issued by human authority and inculcated by human teachers8 ,all such things have a show of wisdom1 ,i grant4 ,there is an officious parade of religious devotion1 an eager affectation of humility2 there is a stern ascetic rigour1 which ill-treats the body2 but there is nothing of any real value to check indulgence of the flesh4' #bj4 ,from the theological tenets of the false teachers the ,apostle turns to the ethical--from the objects of their worship to the principles of their conduct4 ,the baptism into ,christ1 he argues1 is death to the world4 ,the ,christian has passed away to another sphere of existence4 ,mundane ordinances have ceased to have any value for him1 because his mundane life has ended4 ,they belong to the category of the perishable2 he has been translated to the region of the eternal4 ,it is therefore a denial of his ,christianity to subject himself again to their tyranny1 to return once more to the dominion of the world4 ,see again the note on iii4 #a4 #8if ye died1 when ye were baptized into ,christ4' ,for this connexion between baptism and death see the notes on ii4 #aa1 iii4 #c4 ,this death has many aspects in ,st ,paul's teaching4 ,it is not only a dying with ,christ1 #b ,tim4 ii4 #aa 2 but it is also a dying to or from something4 ,this is sometimes represented as sin1 ,rom4 vi4 #b 7comp4 vv4 #g1 #h72 sometimes as self1 #b ,cor4 v4 #ad1 #ae 444 2 sometimes as the law1 ,rom4 vii4 #f 1 ,gal4 ii4 #ai 2 sometimes still more widely as the world1 regarded as the sphere of all material rules and all mundane interests1 so here and iii4 #c 4 ,in all cases ,st ,paul uses the aorist 1 never the perfect 2 for he wishes to emphasize the one absolute crisis1 which was marked by the change of changes4 ,when the aorist is wanted1 the compound verb is used2 when the perfect1 the simple verb 2 see ,buttmann ,ausf4 ,gramm4 #aad4 ,this rule holds universally in the ,greek ,testament4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #bj 1 444 i4e4 #8from the rudimentary1 disciplinary1 ordinances1 whose sphere is the mundane and sensuous'3 see the note on ver4 #h4 ,for the pregnant expression comp4 ,gal4 v4 #d 7so too ,rom4 vii4 #b1 #f71 #b ,cor4 xi4 #c 444 1 and see ,a4 ,buttmann p4 #bgg note4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #ba1 #bb 2 #ba #bb #8are ye overridden with precepts1 ordinances4' ,in the ,,lxx the verb is used several times1 meaning #8to issue a decree1' ,esth4 iii4 #i1 #a ,esdr4 vi4 #cc1 #b ,macc4 x4 #h1 xv4 #cf1 #c ,macc4 iv4 #aa4 ,elsewhere it is applied most commonly to the precepts of philosophers2 e4g4 ,justin ,apol4 i4 #g 7comp4 #d71 ,epict4 iii4 #g4 #ag sq4 444 4 ,here it would include alike the of the ,mosaic law 7ver4 #ad7 and the of the #8philosophy' denounced above 7ver4 #h74 ,both are condemned2 the one as superseded though once authoritative1 the other as wholly vexatious and unwarrantable4 ,examples are given in the following verse1 444 ,for the construction here1 where the more remote object1 which would stand in the dative with the active voice 7#b ,macc4 x4 #h 444 71 becomes the nominative of the passive1 compare ,matt4 ii4 #ab1 #bb1 ,mark x4 #de1 and see ,winer xxxix4 p4 #cbf1 ,a4 ,buttmann p4 #afc1 ,khner #cgh1 ,,ii4 p4 #aji4 #ba4 444 ,the ,apostle disparagingly repeats the prohibitions of the false teachers in their own words1 #8,handle not1 neither taste1 neither touch4' ,the rabbinical passages quoted in ,schttgen show how exactly ,st ,paul's language reproduces1 not only the spirit1 but even the form1 of these injunctions4 ,the ,latin commentators1 ,hilary and ,pelagius1 suppose these prohibitions to be the ,apostle's own1 thus making a complete shipwreck of the sense4 ,so too ,st ,ambrose de ,noe et ,arca #be 7,i4 p4 #bfg71 de ,abr4 i4 #f 7,i4 p4 #cjj74 ,we may infer from the language of ,st ,augustine who argues against it1 that this was the popular interpretation in his day3 ,epist4 cxix4 7,,ii4 p4 #eab7 #8tanquam prceptum putatur apostoli1 nescio quid tangere1 gustare1 attaminare1 prohibentis4' ,the ascetic tendency of the age thus fastened upon a slight obscurity in the ,greek and made the ,apostle recommend the very practices which he disparaged4 ,for a somewhat similar instance of a misinterpretation commonly received see the note on ver4 #ad4 ,jerome however 7,i4 p4 #hgh7 had rightly interpreted the passage1 illustrating it by the precepts of the ,talmud4 ,at a still earlier date ,tertullian1 ,adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai1 gives the correct interpretation4 ,these prohibitions relate to defilement contracted in divers ways by contact with impure objects4 ,some were doubtless reenactments of the ,mosaic law2 while others would be exaggerations or additions of a rigorous asceticism1 such as we find among the ,essene prototypes of these ,colossian heretics1 e4g4 the avoidance of oil1 of wine1 or of flesh-meat1 the shunning of contact with a stranger or a religious inferior1 and the like2 see pp4 #he sq4 ,for the religious bearing of this asceticism1 as springing from the dualism of these heretical teachers1 see above pp4 #gi1 #ajd sq4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #bb 1 ,the difference between and is not great1 and in some passages where they occur together1 it is hard to distinguish them3 e4g4 ,exod4 xix4 #ab 1 ,eur4 ,bacch4 #fag ' ' ' 1 ,arist4 de ,gen4 et ,corr4 i4 #h 7p4 #cbf7 1 2 ,dion ,chrys4 ,or4 xxxiv4 7,,ii4 p4 #ej7 ' 1 1 ,themist4 ,paraphr4 ,arist4 #ie 4 ,but is the stronger word of the two4 ,this arises from the fact that it frequently suggests1 though it does not necessarily involve1 the idea of a voluntary or conscious effort1 #8to take hold of'-a suggestion which is entirely wanting to the colourless word 2 comp4 ,themist4 ,paraphr4 ,arist4 #id 4 ,hence in ,xen4 ,cyrop4 i4 #c4 #e 1 1 1 1 1 1 444 ,thus the words chosen in the ,latin ,versions1 tangere for and attaminare or contrectare for 1 are unfortunate1 and ought to be transposed4 ,our ,english ,version1 probably influenced by the ,latin1 has erred in the same direction1 translating by #8touch' and by #8handle'4 ,here again they must be transposed4 #8,handle' is too strong a word for either2 though in default of a better it may stand for 1 which it more nearly represents4 ,thus the two words and being separate in meaning1 may well interpose2 and the three together will form a descending series1 so that1 as ,beza 7quoted in ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 xvii4 p4 #eg7 well expresses it1 #8decrescente semper oratione1 intelligatur crescere superstitio'4 ,on the other hand has been interpreted here as referring to the relation of husband and wife1 as e4g4 in #a ,cor4 vii4 #a 2 and the prohibition would then be illustrated by the teaching of the heretics in #a ,tim4 iv4 #c 4 ,but1 whatever likelihood there may be that the ,colossian false teachers also held this doctrine 7see above p4 #he sq471 it nowhere appears in the context1 and we should not expect so important a topic to be dismissed thus cursorily4 ,moreover is used as commonly in this meaning as 7see ,gataker ,op4 ,crit4 p4 #gi1 and examples might be multiplied72 so that all ground for assigning it to especially is removed4 ,both and refer to defilement incurred through the sense of touch1 though in different degrees2 #8,handle not1 nor yet taste1 nor even touch4' #bb4 #8,only consider what is the real import of this scrupulous avoidance4 ,why1 you are attributing an inherent value to things which are fleeting2 you yourselves are citizens of eternity1 and yet your thoughts are absorbed in the perishable'4 #8which things'1 i4e4 the meats and drinks and other material objects1 regarded as impure to the touch4 ,the antecedent to is implicitly involved in the prohibitions 444 #8are destined for corruption'4 ,for similar expressions see ,acts viii4 #bj 7comp4 ver4 #bc 444 1 #b 4 4 #ab 3 444 4 ,for the word 1 involving the idea of #8decomposition'1 see the note on ,gal4 vi4 #h4 ,the expression here corresponds to 71 ,matt4 xv4 #ag1 ,mark vii4 #ai4 #8in the consuming'4 ,while the verb is common1 the substantive is extremely rare3 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #bfg ,f 7i4e4 #8by such modes of consuming and abridging superfluities'71 ,dion4 ,hal4 ,a4 ,r4 i4 #eh 4 ,the unusual word was chosen for its expressiveness3 the here was an 2 the things could not be used without rendering them unfit for further use4 ,the subtlety of the expression in the original cannot be reproduced in any translation4 ,on the other hand the clause is sometimes interpreted as a continuation of the language of the ascetic teachers2 #8,touch not things which all lead to ruin by their abuse'4 ,this interpretation however has nothing to recommend it4 ,it loses the point of the ,apostle's argument2 while it puts upon a meaning which is at least not natural4 444 connected directly with vv4 #bj1 #ba1 so that the words 444 are a parenthetical comment4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #bb 444 ,the absence of both preposition and article before shows that the two words are closely connected4 ,they are placed here in their proper order2 for describes the source of authority and the medium of communication4 ,the expression is taken ultimately from ,isaiah xxix4 #ac1 where the words run in the ,,lxx1 1 4 ,the ,evangelists 7,matt4 xv4 #i1 ,mark vii4 #g71 quoting the passage1 substitute in the latter clause 4 ,the coincidences in ,st ,paul's language here with our ,lord's words as related in the ,gospels 7,matt4 xv4 #a-bj1 ,mark vii4 #a-bc7 are striking1 and suggest that the ,apostle had this discourse in his mind4 7#a7 ,both alike argue against these vexatious ordinances from the perishableness of meats4 7#b7 ,both insist upon the indifference of such things in themselves4 ,in ,mark vii4 #ai the ,evangelist emphasizes the importance of our ,lord's words on this occasion1 as practically abolishing the ,mosaic distinction of meats by declaring all alike to be clean 72 see the note on ver4 #af74 7#c7 ,both alike connect such ordinances with the practices condemned in the prophetic denunciation of ,isaiah4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,ii4 #bc #bc #bc4 #8,all such teaching is worthless4 ,it may bear the semblance of wisdom2 but it wants the reality4 ,it may make an officious parade of religious service2 it may vaunt its humility2 it may treat the body with merciless rigour2 but it entirely fails in its chief aim4 ,it is powerless to check indulgence of the flesh4' #8which sort of things'4 ,not only these particular precepts1 4441 but all precepts falling under the same category are condemned4 ,for this force of as distinguished from 1 see the notes on ,gal4 iv4 #bd1 v4 #ai1 ,phil4 iv4 #c4 ,the antecedent here is not 4441 but the prohibitions given in ver4 #ba4 444 #8having a reputation for wisdom'1 but not the reality4 ,the corresponding member1 which should be introduced by 1 is suppressed2 the oppositive clause being postponed and appearing later in a new form1 444 ,such suppressions are common in classical writers1 more especially in ,plato2 see ,khner #eca1 ,,ii4 p4 #hac sq41 ,jelf #gff1 and comp4 ,winer lxiii4 p4 #gai sq4 ,st ,jerome therefore is not warranted in attributing ,st ,paul's language here to #8imperitia artis grammatic' 7,epist4 cxxi1 ,op4 ,,ii4 p4 #hhd74 ,on the contrary it is just the license which an adept in a language would be more likely to take than a novice4 ,in this sentence is best taken as a single predicate1 so that is disconnected from 4 ,otherwise the construction 7for 7 would be supported by many parallels in the ,greek ,testament2 see ,winer xlv4 p4 #dcg4 ,the phrase 1 so far as ,i have observed1 has four meanings4 7,a7 ,two as applied to the thinking subject4 7i7 #8,to take account of1 to hold in account1 to pay respect to'3 e4g4 sch4 ,prom4 #bca 1 ,demosth4 de ,coron4 #aii 7 1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,philop4 #ah 444 7ii7 #8,to possess the reason or account or definition of'1 #8to have a scientific knowledge of'2 ,plato ,gorg4 p4 #dfe ,a ' 1 h 1 1 and so frequently4 ,these two senses are recognised by ,aristotle1 ,eth4 ,nic4 i4 #ac 7p4 #aajb71 where he distinguishes the meaning of the expressions and 4 7,b7 ,two as applied to the object of thought4 7iii7 #8,to have the credit or reputation of'1 as here4 ,this sense of 1 #8to be reputed'1 is more commonly found with an infinitive3 e4g4 ,plato ,epin4 #ihg ,b 4 7iv7 #8,to fulfil the definition of1 to possess the characteristics1 to have the nature of'2 e4g4 ,philo ,vit4 ,cont4 #d 7,,ii4 p4 #dgg7 1 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #fcg ,d 1 1 1 1 ib4 #fdj ,f 4 ,the senses of with other constructions1 or as used absolutely1 are very various1 e4g4 #8to be reasonable'1 #8to hold discourse'1 #8to bear a ratio'1 etc41 but do not come under consideration here4 ,nor again does such an expression as ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #eej ,c 1 #8not being in possession of1 not knowing1 the intention of the legislator'2 for the definite article removes it from the category of the cases considered4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 1 #8in volunteered1 self-imposed1 officious1 supererogatory service'4 ,one or both of these two ideas1 7i7 #8excessive readiness1 officious zeal1' 7ii7 #8affectation1 unreality1' are involved in this and similar compounds2 e4g4 1 1 1 1 1 3 these compounds being used most frequently1 though not always 7as this last word shows71 in a bad sense4 ,this mode of expression was naturalised in ,latin1 as appears from ,augustine ,epist4 cxlix4 #bg 7,,ii4 p4 #ead7 #8,sic enim et vulgo dicitur qui divitem affectat thelodives1 et qui sapientem thelosapiens1 et cetera hujusmodi'4 ,epiphanius1 when writing of the ,pharisees1 not content with the word here supplied by ,st ,paul1 coins a double compound 1 ,hr4 i4 #af 7p4 #cd74 ,the word is here disparaged by its connexion1 as in ver4 #ah 7see the note there74 ,the force of - may be regarded as carried on to it4 ,real genuine is commended below2 iii4 #ab4 #8hard treatment of the body'4 ,the expression is not uncommon1 being used most frequently1 not as here of ascetic discipline1 but rather of courageous exposure to hardship and danger in war1 e4g4 ,lysias ,or4 ,fun4 #be1 ,joseph4 ,b4,j4 iii4 #g4 #ah1 ,lucian ,anach4 #bd1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,pericl4 #aj2 in ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #acg ,c however of a student's toil1 and ib4 p4 #ace ,e1 more generally of the rigorous demands made by the soul on the body4 ,the substantive or does not often occur4 ,on the forms in - and - derived from adjectives in - see ,buttmann ,ausf4 ,gramm4 #aai1 ,,ii4 p4 #daf sq4 ,the great preponderance of manuscript authority favours the form here3 but in such questions of orthography the fact carries less weight than in other matters4 ,the before should probably be omitted2 in which case becomes an instrumental dative1 explaining 4 ,while the insertion would naturally occur to scribes1 the omission gives more point to the sentence4 ,the as the religious elements are thus separated from the as the practical rule4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 4 444 #8yet not really of any value to remedy indulgence of the flesh4' ,so interpreted the words supply the oppositive clause to 1 as the presence of the negative naturally suggests4 ,if the sentence had been undisturbed1 this oppositive clause would naturally have been introduced by 1 but the interposition of 444 has changed its form by a sort of attraction4 ,for this sense of comp4 ,lucian ,merc4 cond4 #ag 3 similarly ,hom4 ,il4 ix4 #cai 444 ,the preposition 1 like our ,english #8for'1 when used after words denoting utility1 value1 sufficiency1 etc41 not uncommonly introduces the object to check or prevent or cure which the thing is to be employed4 ,and even though utility may not be directly expressed in words1 yet if the idea of a something to be remedied is present1 this preposition is freely used notwithstanding4 ,see ,isocr4 ,phil4 #af 7p4 #he7 1 ,arist4 ,h4 ,a4 iii4 #ba 7p4 #ebb7 1 de ,respir4 #h 7p4 #dgd7 1 1 ,lucian ,pisc4 #bg 1 ,galen ,op4 ,,xii4 p4 #cii 1 4 #dbj 3 4441 p4 #dcj 444 1 p4 #dgf 1 p4 #dhb 1 p4 #ead ' 1 p4 #fja 4 ,these examples from ,galen are only a few out of probably some hundreds1 which might be collected from the treatise in which they occur1 the de ,compositione ,medicamentorum4 ,the language1 which the ,colossian false teachers would use1 may be inferred from the account given by ,philo of a ,judaic sect of mystic ascetics1 who may be regarded1 not indeed as their direct1 but as their collateral ancestors 7see p4 #hf1 note #bdf1 p4 #id71 the ,therapeutes of ,egypt2 de ,vit4 ,cont4 #d 7,,ii4 p4 #dgf sq47 1 444 ' 444 444 1 444 444 4 ,st ,paul apparently has before him some similar exposition of the views of the ,colossian heretics1 either in writing or 7more probably7 by report from ,epaphras4 ,in reply he altogether denies the claims of this system to the title of 2 he disputes the value of these 2 he allows that this is the great evil to be checked1 the fatal disease to be cured2 but he will not admit that the remedies prescribed have any substantial and lasting efficacy4 ,the interpretation here offered is not new1 but it has been strangely overlooked or despised4 ,the passages adduced will ,i trust show the groundlessness of objections which have been brought against it owing to the use of the preposition2 and in all other respects it seems to be far preferable to any rival explanation which has been suggested4 ,the favourite interpretations in ancient or modern times divide themselves into two classes1 according to the meaning assigned to 4 7#a7 ,it is explained in a good sense3 #8to satisfy the reasonable wants of the body'4 ,in this case is generally interpreted1 #8not holding it 7the body7 in any honour'4 ,so the majority of the fathers1 ,greek and ,latin4 ,this has the advantage of preserving the continuity of the words 4443 but it assigns an impossible sense to 4 ,for always denotes #8repletion'1 #8surfeiting'1 #8excessive indulgence'1 and cannot be used of a reasonable attention to the physical cravings of nature2 as ,galen says1 ,op4 ,,xv4 p4 #aac 3 and certainly neither the ,apostle nor the ,colossian ascetics were likely to depart from this universal rule4 ,to the long list of passages quoted in ,wetstein may be added such references as ,philo ,leg4 ad4 ,cai4 #a 7,,ii4 p4 #edf71 ,clem4 ,hom4 viii4 #ae1 ,justin ,dial4 #abf1 ,dion4 ,alex4 in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 vii4 #be2 but they might be increased to any extent4 7#b7 ,a bad sense is attached to 1 as usage demands4 ,and here two divergent interpretations have been put forward4 7i7 ,the proper continuity of the sentence is preserved1 and the words are regarded as an exposition of the doctrine of the false teachers from their own point of view4 ,so ,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 1 4 ,this able expositor however is evidently dissatisfied1 for he introduces his explanation with the words 1 4442 and his explanation has not been adopted by others4 ,either the sentence1 so interpreted1 becomes flat and unmeaning1 though it is obviously intended to clinch the whole matter2 or the ,apostle is made to confirm the value of the very doctrines which he is combating4 7ii7 ,the sentence is regarded as discontinuous2 and it is interpreted1 #8not of any real value' 7or #8not consisting in anything commendable'1 or #8not holding the body in any honour'7 but #8tending to gratify the carnal desires' 7or #8mind'74 ,this in some form or other is almost universally adopted by modern interpreters1 and among the ancients is found in the commentator ,hilary4 ,the objections to it are serious4 77 ,the dislocation of the sentence is inexplicable4 ,there is no indication either in the grammar or in the vocabulary that a separate and oppositive clause begins with 4441 but on the contrary everything points to an unbroken continuity4 77 ,the sense which it attaches to is either forced and unnatural1 or it makes the ,apostle say what he could not have said4 ,if could have the sense which ,hilary assigns to it1 #8sagina carnalis sensus traditio humana est'1 or indeed if it could mean #8the mind of the flesh' in any sense 7as it is generally taken by modern commentators71 this is what ,st ,paul might well have said4 ,but obviously conveys a very different idea from such expressions as 7ver4 #ah7 or 7,rom4 viii4 #f1 #g71 which include pride1 self-sufficiency1 strife1 hatred1 bigotry1 and generally everything that is earth-bound and selfish4 ,on the other hand1 if be taken in its natural meaning1 as applying to coarse sensual indulgences1 then ,st ,paul could not have said without qualification1 that this rigorous asceticism conduced 4 ,such language would defeat its own object by its extravagance4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #a ,,iii4 #a 1 1 ,,iii4 #a-d4 #8,if this be so2 if ye were raised with ,christ1 if ye were translated into heaven1 what follows8 ,why you must realise the change4 ,all your aims must centre in heaven1 where reigns the ,christ who has thus exalted you1 enthroned on ,god's right hand4 ,all your thoughts must abide in heaven1 not on the earth4 ,for1 ,i say it once again1 you have nothing to do with mundane things3 you died1 died once for all to the world3 you are living another life4 ,this life indeed is hidden now3 it has no outward splendour as men count splendour2 for it is a life with ,christ1 a life in ,god4 ,but the veil will not always shroud it4 ,christ1 our life1 shall be manifested hereafter2 then ye also shall be manifested with ,him and the world shall see your glory'4 #a4 444 #8,if then ye were raised'1 not #8have been raised'4 ,the aorist 1 like 7ii4 #bj71 refers to their baptism2 and the here is a resumption of the in ii4 #bj4 ,the sacrament of baptism1 as administered in the ,apostolic age1 involved a twofold symbolism1 a death or burial and a resurrection3 see the note on ii4 #ab4 ,in the rite itself these were represented by two distinct acts1 the disappearance beneath the water and the emergence from the water3 but in the change typified by the rite they are two aspects of the same thing1 #8like the concave and convex in a circle'1 to use an old simile4 ,the negative side--the death and burial--implies the positive side--the resurrection4 ,hence the form of the ,apostle's resumption1 1 4 ,the change involved in baptism1 if truly realised1 must pervade a man's whole nature4 ,it affects not only his practical conduct1 but his intellectual conceptions also4 ,it is nothing less than a removal into a new sphere of being4 ,he is translated from earth to heaven2 and with this translation his point of view is altered1 his standard of judgment is wholly changed4 ,matter is to him no longer the great enemy2 his position towards it is one of absolute neutrality4 ,ascetic rules1 ritual ordinances1 have ceased to have any absolute value1 irrespective of their effects4 ,all these things are of the earth1 earthy4 ,the material1 the transitory1 the mundane1 has given place to the moral1 the eternal1 the heavenly4 444 #8,cease to concentrate your energies1 your thoughts1 on mundane ordinances1 and realise your new and heavenly life1 of which ,christ is the pole-star'4 444 #8being seated on the right hand of ,god'1 where must not be connected with 2 see the note on 1 ii4 #c4 ,this participial clause is pertinent and emphatic1 for the session of ,christ implies the session of the believer also2 ,ephes4 ii4 #d-f 444 444 444 4442 comp4 ,rev4 iii4 #ba 1 ' 1 1 in the message addressed to the principal church of this district3 see above p4 #db4 1 says ,chrysostom1 2 2 1 1 1 2 4 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #b1 #c #b 1 4 #c 1 #b4 ,the same expression repeated for emphasis2 #8,you must not only seek heaven2 you must also think heaven4' ,for the opposition of and in connexion with 1 comp4 ,phil4 iii4 #ai1 #bj 1 2 see also ,theoph4 ad ,autol4 ii4 #ag4 ,extremes meet4 ,here the ,apostle points the antithesis to controvert a ,gnostic asceticism3 in the ,philippian letter he uses the same contrast to denounce an ,epicurean sensualism4 ,both alike are guilty of the same fundamental error2 both alike concentrate their thoughts on material1 mundane things4 #c4 #8ye died' in baptism4 ,the aorist denotes the past act2 the perfect the permanent effects4 ,for see the notes on ii4 #ab1 #bj4 #8is hidden1 is buried out of sight1 to the world'4 ,the ,apostle's argument is this3 #8,when you sank under the baptismal water1 you disappeared for ever to the world4 ,you rose again1 it is true1 but you rose only to ,god4 ,the world henceforth knows nothing of your new life1 and 7as a consequence7 your new life must know nothing of the world4' #8,neque ,christum'1 says ,bengel1 #8neque ,christianos novit mundus2 ac ne ,christiani quidem plane seipsos'2 comp4 ,joh4 xiv4 #ag-ai 1 1 444 1 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #d #d 1 1 4 #d 4 #d4 ,a fourth occurrence of the name of ,christ in this context2 comp4 ver4 #b 1 1 ver4 #c 4 ,a pronoun would have been more natural1 but less emphatic4 ,this is an advance on the previous statement1 1 in two respects3 7#a7 ,it is not enough to have said that the life is shared with ,christ4 ,the ,apostle declares that the life is ,christ4 ,comp4 #a ,joh4 v4 #ab 1 ,ign4 ,ephes4 #g 7of ,christ71 ,smyrn4 #d 1 ,ephes4 #c 1 ,magn4 #a 4 7#b7 ,for is substituted 4 ,the ,apostle hastens to include himself among the recipients of the bounty4 ,for this characteristic transition from the second person to the first see the note on ii4 #ac4 ,the reading here has very high support1 and on this account ,i have given it as an alternative2 but it is most probably a transcriber's correction1 for the sake of uniformity with the preceding4 444 #8,the veil which now shrouds your higher life from others1 and even partly from yourselves1 will then be withdrawn4 ,the world which persecutes1 despises1 ignores now1 will then be blinded1 with the dazzling glory of the revelation'4 ,comp4 #a ,joh4 iii4 #a1 #b 1 4 1 1 1 4441 ,clem4 ,rom4 #ej 7or 7 4 ,joh4 xvii4 #bb 1 1 ,rom4 viii4 #ag 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #e #e 1 1 1 1 1 #e-aa4 #8,so then realise this death to the world2 kill all your earthly members4 ,is it fornication1 impurity of whatever kind1 passion1 evil desire8 ,or again1 is it that covetousness which makes a religion1 an idolatry1 of greed8 ,do not deceive yourselves4 ,for all these things ,god's wrath will surely come4 ,in these sins ye1 like other ,gentiles1 indulged in times past1 when your life was spent amidst them4 ,but now everything is changed4 ,now you also must put away not this or that desire1 but all sins whatsoever4 ,anger1 wrath1 malice1 slander1 filthy abuse2 banish it from your lips4 ,be not false one to another in word or deed2 but cast off for ever the old man with his actions1 and put on the new1 who is renewed from day to day1 growing unto perfect knowledge and refashioned after the image of his ,creator4 ,in this new life1 in this regenerate man1 there is not1 there cannot be1 any distinction of ,greek or ,jew1 of circumcision or uncircumcision2 there is no room for barbarian1 for ,scythian1 for bond or free4 ,christ has displaced1 has annihilated1 all these2 ,christ is ,himself all things and in all things'4 #e4 ,the false doctrine of the ,gnostics had failed to check sensual indulgence 7ii4 #bc74 ,the true doctrine of the ,apostle has power to kill the whole carnal man4 ,the substitution of a comprehensive principle for special precepts--of the heavenly life in ,christ for a code of minute ordinances--at length attains the end after which the ,gnostic teachers have striven1 and striven in vain4 i4e4 #8,carry out this principle of death to the world 7ii4 #bj 1 iii4 #c 71 and kill everything that is mundane and carnal in your being'4 444 ,each person has a twofold moral personality4 ,there is in him the #8old man'1 and there is in him also #8the new' 7vv4 #i1 #aj74 ,the old man with all his members must be pitilessly slain4 ,it is plain that here is used1 like in ver4 #i1 not physically1 but morally4 ,our actual limbs may be either or 1 according as they are made instruments for the world or for ,christ3 just as we--our whole being--may identify ourselves with the or with the of our twofold potentiality4 ,for this use of the physical1 as a symbol of the moral of which it is the potential instrument1 compare ,matt4 v4 #bi sq4 1 444 ,i have ventured to punctuate after 4 ,thus 444 are prospective accusatives1 which should be governed directly by some such word as 4 ,but several dependent clauses interpose2 the last of these incidentally suggests a contrast between the past and the present2 and this contrast1 predominating in the ,apostle's mind1 leads to an abrupt recasting of the sentence1 in disregard of the original construction4 ,this opposition of and has a tendency to dislocate the construction in ,st ,paul1 as in i4 #bb 7or 71 i4 #bf 3 see the note on this latter passage4 ,for the whole run of the sentence 7the parenthetic relative clauses1 the contrast of past and present1 and the broken construction7 compare ,ephes4 ii4 #a-e 444 444 444 444 444 4 ,with the common punctuation the interpretation is equally awkward1 whether we treat and 444 as in direct apposition1 or as double accusatives1 or in any other way4 ,the case is best put by ,severianus1 1 444 1 2 but this is an evasion of the difficulty1 which consists in the direct apposition of the instruments and the activities1 from whatever point they are viewed4 444 ,the general order is from the less comprehensive to the more comprehensive4 ,thus is a special kind of uncleanness1 while is uncleanness in any form1 ,ephes4 v4 #c 2 comp4 ,gal4 v4 #ai 1 1 1 with the note there4 ,thus again 1 though frequently referring to this class of sins 7,rom4 i4 #bf1 #a ,thess4 iv4 #e71 would include other base passions which do not fall under the category of 1 as for instance gluttony and intemperance4 1 ,the two words occur together in #a ,thess4 iv4 #e 4 ,so in a passage closely resembling the text1 ,gal4 v4 #bd 4 ,the same vice may be viewed as a from its passive and an from its active side4 ,the word is not used here in the restricted sense which it has e4g4 in ,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic4 ii4 #d1 where it ranges with anger1 fear1 etc41 being related to as the species to the genus 7see ,gal4 l4c4 note74 ,in the ,greek ,testament has a much more comprehensive sense2 e4g4 ,joh4 viii4 #dd 4 ,here1 if anything1 is wider than 4 ,while includes all ungovernable affections1 reaches to all evil longings4 1 says ,chrysostom1 1 1 1 4 ,the epithet is added because is capable of a good sense3 comp4 #a ,cor4 x4 #f 4 #8and especially covetousness'4 ,impurity and covetousness may be said to divide between them nearly the whole domain of human selfishness and vice2 #8,si avaritia prostrata est1 exsurgit libido' 7,cypr4 de ,mort4 #c74 ,the one has been already dealt with2 the other needs now to be specially denounced2 comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #c 4 #8,homo extra ,deum'1 says ,bengel 7on ,rom4 i4 #bi71 #8qurit pabulum in creatura materiali vel per voluptatem vel per avaritiam4' ,comp4 ,test4 xii ,patr4 ,jud4 #ah 1 1 444 4 ,similarly ,lysis ,pythag4 #d 7,epistol4 ,grc4 p4 #fjb1 ed4 ,hercher7 ' i4e4 the vices 1 4 ,it must be remembered that is much wider than 7see ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 xxiv1 p4 #gg sq471 which itself is called 7#a ,tim4 vi4 #aj74 ,the attempt to give here and in other passages the sense of #8impurity' 7see e4g4 ,hammond on ,rom4 i4 #bi7 is founded on a misconception4 ,the words 1 1 will sometimes be used in relation to sins of uncleanness1 because such may be acts of injustice also4 ,thus adultery is not only impurity1 but it is robbery also3 hence #a ,thess4 iv4 #f 7see the note there74 ,in other passages again there will be an accidental connexion2 e4g4 ,ephes4 iv4 #ai 1 i4e4 #8with greediness'1 #8with entire disregard for the rights of others'4 ,but no where do the words in themselves suggest this meaning4 ,here the particles show that a new type of sin is introduced with 3 and in the parallel passage ,ephes4 v4 #c 7quoted above7 the same distinction is indicated by the change from the conjunctive particle to the disjunctive 4 ,it is an error to suppose that this sense of is supported by ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 iii4 #ab 7p4 #eea sq47 1 4 ,on the converse error of explaining to mean #8greediness'1 #8covetousness'1 see the note on #a ,thess4 ii4 #c4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #f 1 #f' 444 #8for it is idolatry'3 comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #e 1 7or 7 1 ,polyc4 ,phil4 #aa #8,si quis non abstinuerit se ab avaritia1 ab idololatria coinquinabitur' 7see ,philippians p4 #fc on the misunderstanding of this passage74 ,the covetous man sets up another object of worship besides ,god4 ,there is a sort of religious purpose1 a devotion of the soul1 to greed1 which makes the sin of the miser so hateful4 ,the idea of avarice as a religion may have been suggested to ,st ,paul by our ,lord's words1 ,matt4 vi4 #bd 1 though it is a mistake to suppose that ,mammon was the name of a ,syrian deity4 ,it appears however elsewhere in ,jewish writers of this and later ages3 e4g4 ,philo de ,mon4 i4 #b 7,,ii4 p4 #bad sq47 1 7with the whole context71 and ,shemoth ,rabba fol4 #aba4 #c #8,qui opes suas multiplicat per fnus1 ille est idololatra' 7with other passages quoted by ,wetstein and ,schttgen on ,ephes4 v4 #e74 ,st ,chrysostom1 ,hom4 in ,johann4 lxv 7,,viii4 p4 #cib sq471 enlarges on the cult of wealth--the consecration of it1 the worship paid to it1 the sacrifices demanded by it3 1 1 1 7p4 #cic74 ,the passage in ,test4 xii ,patr4 ,jud4 #ah is no real parallel to ,st ,paul's language1 though at first sight it seems to resemble it4 ,for 1 #8seeing that it'1 see the note on ,phil4 iv4 #c4 #f1 #g4 ' 444 ,the received text requires correction in two points4 7#a7 ,it inserts the words after 4 ,though this insertion has preponderating support1 yet the words are evidently interpolated from the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 v4 #f 4 ,we are therefore justified in rejecting them with other authorities1 few in number but excellent in character4 ,see the detached note on various readings4 ,when the sentence is thus corrected1 the parallelism of ' 444 444 may be compared with ,ephes4 i4 #aa h 444 h 444 h 1 and ii4 #ba1 #bb h 444 4 7#b7 ,the vast preponderance of authority obliges us to substitute for 4 #f4 ,this may refer either to the present and continuous dispensation1 or to the future and final judgment4 ,the present is frequently used to denote the certainty of a future event1 e4g4 ,matt4 xvii4 #aa1 ,joh4 iv4 #ba1 xiv4 #c1 whence is a designation of the ,messiah3 see ,winer xl4 p4 #ccb4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #g1 #h #g 1 #h 1 444 ,the clause having been struck out1 must necessarily be neuter and refer to the same as ' 4 ,independently of the rejection of the clause1 this neuter seems more probable in itself than the masculine3 for 7#a7 ,the expression is most commonly used of things1 not of persons1 especially in this and the companion epistle2 iv4 #e1 ,ephes4 ii4 #b1 #aj1 iv4 #ag1 v4 #b2 7#b7 ,the ,apostle would hardly denounce it as a sin in his ,colossian converts that they #8walked among the sons of disobedience'2 for the ,christian1 though not of the world1 is necessarily in the world3 comp4 #a ,cor4 v4 #aj4 ,the apparent parallel1 ,ephes4 ii4 #c 7where seems to be masculine71 does not hold1 because the addition 444 makes all the difference4 ,thus the rejection of the clause1 which was decided by textual considerations1 is confirmed by exegetical reasons4 #g4 #8ye1 like the other heathen' 7i4 #f 71 but in the next verse is rather #8ye yourselves'1 #8ye notwithstanding your former lives'4 444 #8,when ye lived in this atmosphere of sin1 when ye had not yet died to the world'4 #8in these things4' ,we should have expected 1 but is substituted as more emphatic and condemnatory3 comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #f 444 ,the two expressions and involve two distinct ideas1 denoting the condition of their life and the character of their practice respectively4 ,their conduct was conformable to their circumstances4 ,comp4 ,gal4 v4 #be 1 4 #h4 ,the errors of the past suggest the obligations of the present4 ,thus the ,apostle returns to the topic with which the sentence commenced4 ,but the violence of the contrast has broken up the grammar of the sentence3 see the note on ver4 #e4 #8not only those vices which have been specially named before 7ver4 #e71 but all of whatever kind4' ,the ,apostle accordingly goes on to specify sins of a wholly different type from those already mentioned1 sins of uncharitableness1 such as anger1 detraction1 malice1 and the like4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #i 1 1 1 1 #i 1 #8anger1 wrath'4 ,the one denotes a more or less settled feeling of hatred1 the other a tumultuous outburst of passion4 ,this distinction of the two words was fixed chiefly by the definitions of the ,stoics3 ,diog4 ,laert4 vii4 #aad 4 ,so ,ammianus 1 1 ,greg4 ,naz4 ,carm4 #cd 7,,ii4 p4 #fab7 1 4 ,they may be represented in ,latin by ira and furor2 ,senec4 de ,ira ii4 #cf #8,ajacem in mortem egit furor1 in furorem ira'1 and ,jerome in ,ephes4 iv4 #ca #8,furor incipiens ira est'3 see ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 xxxvii1 p4 #abc sq4 ,on other synonymes connected with and see the note on ,ephes4 iv4 #ca4 #8malice'1 or #8malignity'1 as it may be translated in default of a better word4 ,it is not 7at least in the ,new ,testament7 vice generally1 but the vicious nature which is bent on doing harm to others1 and is well defined by ,calvin 7on ,ephes4 iv4 #ca7 #8animi pravitas1 qu humanitati et quitati est opposita'4 ,this will be evident from the connexion in which it appears1 e4g4 ,rom4 i4 #bi1 ,eph4 iv4 #ca1 ,tit4 iii4 #c4 ,thus and 7which frequently occur together1 e4g4 #a ,cor4 v4 #h7 only differ in so far as the one denotes rather the vicious disposition1 the other the active exercise of it4 ,the word is carefully investigated in ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 xi4 p4 #ce sq4 #8evil speaking1 railing1 slandering'1 as frequently1 e4g4 ,rom4 iii4 #h1 xiv4 #af1 #a ,cor4 iv4 #ac 7v4l471 x4 #cj1 ,ephes4 iv4 #ca1 ,tit4 iii4 #b4 ,the word has the same twofold sense1 #8evil speaking' and #8blasphemy'1 in classical writers1 which it has in the ,new ,testament4 #8foul-mouthed abuse'4 ,the word1 as used elsewhere1 has two meanings3 7#a7 #8,filthy-talking'1 as defined in ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 ii4 #f 7p4 #ahi sq471 where it is denounced at length3 comp4 ,arist4 ,pol4 vii4 #ag1 ,epict4 ,man4 #cc1 ,plut4 ,mor4 #i1 and so commonly2 7#b7 #8,abusive language'1 as e4g4 ,polyb4 viii4 #ac4 #h1 xii4 #ac4 #c1 xxxi4 #aj4 #d4 ,if the two senses of the word had been quite distinct1 we might have had some difficulty in choosing between them here4 ,the former sense is suggested by the parallel passage ,ephes4 v4 #d 2 the second by the connexion with here4 ,but the second sense is derived from the first4 ,the word can only mean #8abuse'1 when the abuse is #8foul-mouthed'4 ,and thus we may suppose that both ideas1 #8filthiness' and #8evil-speaking'1 are included here4 #i4 444 #8putting off'4 ,do these aorist participles describe an action coincident with or prior to the 8 ,in other words are they part of the command1 or do they assign the reason for the command8 ,must they be rendered #8putting off'1 or #8seeing that ye did 7at your baptism7 put off'8 ,the former seems the more probable interpretation3 for 7#a7 ,though both ideas are found in ,st ,paul1 the imperative is the more usual2 e4g4 ,rom4 xiii4 #ab sq4 1 444 1 ,ephes4 vi4 #aa with ver4 #ad 444 4441 #a ,thess4 ,v4 #h 444 ,the one exception is ,gal4 iii4 #bg 1 4 7#b7 ,the #8putting on' in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 iv4 #bd1 is imperative1 not affirmative1 whether we read or 4 7#c7 ,the participles here are followed immediately by an imperative in the context1 ver4 #ab 1 where the idea seems to be the same4 ,for the synchronous aorist participle see ,winer xlv4 p4 #dcj4 ,st ,paul uses 1 7not 1 71 for the same reason for which he uses 7not 71 because it is a thing to be done once for all4 ,for the double compound see the notes on ii4 #aa1 #ae4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #aj1 #aa 1 #aj 1 ' #aa as ,rom4 vi4 #f1 ,ephes4 iv4 #bb4 ,with this expression compare 1 1 ,rom4 vii4 #bb1 #b ,cor4 iv4 #af1 ,ephes4 iii4 #af2 1 #a ,pet4 iii4 #d2 1 #8my insignificance'1 ,polycr4 in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bd4 #aj4 444 ,in ,ephes4 iv4 #bd it is 4 ,of the two words and 1 the former refers solely to time1 the other denotes quality also2 the one is new as being young1 the other new as being fresh3 the one is opposed to long duration1 the other to effeteness2 see ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 lx4 p4 #bjf4 ,here the idea which is wanting to 1 and which gives in the parallel passage1 is more than supplied by the addition 444 ,the or in these passages is not ,christ ,himself1 as the parallel expression might suggest1 and as it is actually used in ,ign4 ,ephes4 #bj 1 but the regenerate man formed after ,christ4 ,the idea here is the same as in 1 #b ,cor4 v4 #ag1 ,gal4 vi4 #ae3 comp4 ,rom4 vi4 #d 1 ,barnab4 #af 1 4 #8which is ever being renewed'4 ,the force of the present tense is explained by #b ,cor4 iv4 #af 4 ,compare also the use of the tenses in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 iv4 #bb sq4 1 1 4 ,for the opposite see ,ephes4 iv4 #bb 444 #8unto perfect knowledge'1 the true knowledge in ,christ1 as opposed to the false knowledge of the heretical teachers4 ,for the implied contrast see above pp4 #dd1 #ii sq4 7see the notes on i4 #i1 ii4 #c71 and for the word the note on i4 #i4 ,the words here are to be connected closely with 3 comp4 ,heb4 vi4 #f 4 ' 444 ,the reference is to ,gen4 i4 #bf ' 4442 comp4 ver4 #bh ' 4 ,see also ,ephes4 iv4 #bd 4 ,this reference however does not imply an identity of the creation here mentioned with the creation of ,genesis1 but only an analogy between the two4 ,the spiritual man in each believer's heart1 like the primal man in the beginning of the world1 was created after ,god's image4 ,the in this respect resembles the 4 ,the pronoun cannot be referred to anything else but the 1 the regenerate man2 and the aorist 7compare in the parallel passage ,ephes4 iv4 #bd7 refers to the time of this in ,christ4 ,see ,barnab4 #f 444 1 after which ,gen4 i4 #bf is quoted4 ,the new birth was a recreation in ,god's image2 the subsequent life must be a deepening of this image thus stamped upon the man4 ,the allusion to ,genesis therefore requires us to understand of ,god1 and not of ,christ1 as it is taken by ,st ,chrysostom and others2 and this seems to be demanded also by the common use of 4 ,but if ,christ is not 1 may ,he not be intended by the 8 ,in favour of this interpretation it may be urged 7#a7 ,that ,christ elsewhere is called the of ,god1 i4 #ae1 #b ,cor4 iv4 #d2 7#b7 ,that the ,alexandrian school interpreted the term in ,gen4 i4 #bf as denoting the ,logos2 thus ,philo de ,mund4 ,op4 #f 7,i4 p4 #e ,m7 1 7comp4 ib4 #g1 #bc1 #bd1 #dh71 ,fragm4 ,,ii4 p4 #fbe ,m 1 444 ,leg4 ,alleg4 i4 #ca1 #cb 7,i4 p4 #ajf sq474 ,hence ,philo speaks of the first man as 7de ,mund4 ,op4 #f71 and as 7ib4 #dh74 ,a pregnant meaning is thus given to 1 and ' is rendered #8after the fashion 7or pattern7 of the ,image'4 ,but this interpretation seems very improbable in ,st ,paul2 for 7#a7 ,in the parallel passage ,ephes4 iv4 #bd the expression is simply 1 which may be regarded as equivalent to ' here2 7#b7 ,the ,alexandrian explanation of ,gen4 i4 #bf just quoted is very closely allied to the ,platonic doctrine of ideas 7for the 1 so interpreted1 is the archetype or ideal pattern of the sensible world71 and thus it lies outside the range of those conceptions which specially recommended the ,alexandrian terminology of the ,logos to the ,apostles1 as a fit vehicle for communicating the truths of ,christianity4 #aa4 i4e4 #8in this regenerate life1 in this spiritual region into which the believer is transferred in ,christ4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #aa 1 1 #8,not only does the distinction not exist1 but it cannot exist4' ,it is a mundane distinction1 and therefore it has disappeared4 ,for the sense of 1 negativing not merely the fact but the possibility1 see the note on ,gal4 iii4 #bh4 444 ,comparing the enumeration here with the parallel passage ,gal4 iii4 #bh1 we mark this difference4 ,in ,galatians the abolition of all distinctions is stated in the broadest way by the selection of three typical instances2 religious prerogative 71 71 social caste 71 71 natural sex 71 74 ,here on the other hand the examples are chosen with special reference to the immediate circumstances of the ,colossian ,church4 7#a7 ,the ,judaism of the ,colossian heretics is met by 1 and as it manifested itself especially in enforcing circumcision1 this is further emphasized by 7see above1 p4 #gc74 7#b7 ,their ,gnosticism again is met by 1 4 ,they laid special stress on intelligence1 penetration1 gnosis4 ,the ,apostle offers the full privileges of the ,gospel to barbarians and even barbarians of the lowest type 7see p4 #ii sq474 ,in ,rom4 i4 #ad1 the division is almost synonymous with 4 7#c7 ,special circumstances1 connected with an eminent member of the ,church of ,coloss1 had directed his attention at this moment to the relation of masters and slaves4 ,hence he cannot leave the subject without adding 1 1 though this has no special bearing on the ,colossian heresy4 ,see above p4 #cc1 and the note on iii4 #bb1 together with the introduction to the ,epistle to ,philemon4 444 ,enforcing and extending the lesson of the previous clause4 ,this abolition of distinctions applies to religious privilege1 not only as inherited by birth 7 71 but also as assumed by adoption 7 74 ,if it is no advantage to be born a ,jew1 it is none to become as a ,jew2 comp4 #a ,cor4 vii4 #ai1 ,gal4 v4 #f1 vi4 #ae4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #aa 1 1 1 1 ,to the ,jew the whole world was divided into and 1 the privileged and unprivileged portions of mankind1 religious prerogative being taken as the line of demarcation 7see notes ,gal4 ii4 #c74 ,to the ,greek and ,roman it was similarly divided into and 1 again the privileged and unprivileged portion of the human race1 civilization and culture being now the criterion of distinction4 ,thus from the one point of view the is contrasted disadvantageously with the 1 while from the other he is contrasted advantageously with the 4 ,both distinctions are equally antagonistic to the ,spirit of the ,gospel4 ,the ,apostle declares both alike null and void in ,christ4 ,the twofold character of the ,colossian heresy enables him to strike at these two opposite forms of error with one blow4 ,the word properly denoted one who spoke an inarticulate1 stammering1 unintelligible language2 see ,max ,mller ,lectures on the ,science of ,language #ast ser4 p4 #ha sq41 #aad sq41 ,farrar ,families of ,speech p4 #ba3 comp4 #a ,cor4 xiv4 #aa4 ,hence it was adopted by ,greek exclusiveness and pride to stigmatize the rest of mankind1 a feeling embodied in the proverb 7,servius on ,verg4 n4 ii4 #ejd72 comp4 ,plato ,polit4 #bfb ,e h 1 444 4441 ,dionys4 ,hal4 ,rhet4 xi4 #e 1 444 ,so ,philo ,vit4 ,moys4 ii4 #e 7,,ii4 p4 #ach7 speaks of 1 1 as opposed to 4 ,it is not necessary to suppose that they adopted it from the ,egyptians1 who seem to have called non-,egyptian peoples berber 7see ,sir ,g4 ,wilkinson in ,rawlinson's ,herod4 ii4 #aeh72 for the onomatopia will explain its origin independently1 ,strabo xiv4 #b4 #bh 7p4 #ffb7 ' ' 1 444 ,the ,latins1 adopting the ,greek culture1 adopted the ,greek distinction also1 e4g4 ,cic4 de ,fin4 ii4 #ae #8,non solum ,grcia et ,italia1 sed etiam omnis barbaria'3 and accordingly ,dionysius1 ,ant4 ,rom4 i4 #fi1 classes the ,romans with the ,greeks as distinguished from the #8barbarians'--this twofold division of the human race being taken for granted as absolute and final4 ,so too in v4 #h1 having mentioned the ,romans1 he goes on to speak of 4 ,the older ,roman poets however1 writing from a ,greek point of view1 7more than half in irony7 speak of themselves as barbari and of their country as barbaria2 e4g4 ,plaut4 ,mil4 ,glor4 ii4 #b4 #eh #8poeta barbaro' 7of ,nvius71 ,asin4 ,prol4 ,,ii4 #8,maccus vortit barbare'1 ,pn4 iii4 #b4 #ba #8in barbaria boves'4 ,in this classification the ,jews necessarily ranked as #8barbarians'4 ,at times ,philo seems tacitly to accept this designation 7,vit4 ,moys4 l4c472 but elsewhere he resents it1 ,leg4 ad ,cai4 #ca 7,,ii4 p4 #egh7 1 1 1 ' 1 4 ,on the other hand the ,christian ,apologists with a true instinct glory in the #8barbarous' origin of their religion3 ,justin ,apol4 i4 #e 7p4 #ef ,a7 ' 1 ib4 #df 7p4 #hc ,d7 4441 ,tatian4 ad ,grc4 #bi 1 ib4 #ca 77 1 ib4 #ce ' 4 ,by glorying in the name they gave a practical comment on the ,apostle's declaration1 that the distinction of ,greek and barbarian was abolished in ,christ4 ,in a similar spirit ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 i4 #af 7p4 #cfa7 endeavours to prove that 4 #8,not till that word barbarian'1 writes ,prof4 ,max ,mller 7l4c4 p4 #aah71 #8was struck out of the dictionary of mankind and replaced by brother1 not till the right of all nations of the world to be classed as members of one genus or kind was recognised1 can we look even for the first beginnings of our science4 ,this change was effected by ,christianity4444 ,humanity is a word which you look for in vain in ,plato or ,aristotle2 the idea of mankind as one family1 as the children of one ,god1 is an idea of ,christian growth3 and the science of mankind1 and of the languages of mankind1 is a science which1 without ,christianity1 would never have sprung into life4 ,when people had been taught to look upon all men as brethren1 then and then only1 did the variety of human speech present itself as a problem that called for a solution in the eyes of thoughtful observers3 and ,i therefore date the real beginning of the science of language from the first day of ,pentecost4444 ,the common origin of mankind1 the differences of race and language1 the susceptibility of all nations of the highest mental culture1 these become1 in the new world in which we live1 problems of scientific1 because of more than scientific interest'4 ,st ,paul was the great exponent of the fundamental principle in the ,christian ,church which was symbolized on the day of ,pentecost1 when he declared1 as here1 that in ,christ there is neither nor 1 or as in ,rom4 i4 #ad that he himself was a debtor equally 4 ,the only other passage in the ,new ,testament 7besides those quoted7 in which occurs is ,acts xxviii4 #b1 #d1 where it is used of the people of ,melita4 ,if this ,melita be ,malta1 they would be of ,phnician descent4 the lowest type of barbarian4 ,there is the same collocation of words in ,dionys4 ,halic4 ,rhet4 xi4 #e1 #f 1 1 1 1 sch4 c4 ,ctes4 #agb 1 1 7of ,demosthenes74 ,the savageness of the ,scythians was proverbial4 ,the earlier ,greek writers indeed1 to whom omne ignotum was pro magnifico1 had frequently spoken of them otherwise 7see ,strabo vii4 #c4 #g sq41 p4 #cjj sq474 schylus for instance called them 1 ,fragm4 #ahi 7comp4 ,eum4 #gjc74 ,like the other ,hyperboreans1 they were a simple1 righteous people1 living beyond the vices and the miseries of civilisation4 ,but the common estimate was far different1 and probably far more true3 e4g4 #c ,macc4 vii4 #e 444 7comp4 #b ,macc4 iv4 #dg71 ,joseph4 c4 ,ap4 ii4 #cg 444 1 ,philo ,leg4 ad ,cai4 #b 7,,ii p4 #edg7 1 1 ,tertull4 adv4 ,marc4 i4 #a #8,scytha tetrior'4 ,in ,vit4 ,moys4 ii4 #d 7,i4 p4 #acg7 ,philo seems to place the ,egyptians and the ,scythians at the two extremes in the scale of barbarian nations4 ,the passages given in ,wetstein from classical writers are hardly less strong in the same direction4 ,anacharsis the ,scythian is said to have retorted 1 ,clem4 ,strom4 i4 #af 7p4 #cfd74 ,the ,jews had a special reason for their unfavourable estimate of the ,scythians4 ,in the reign of ,josiah hordes of these northern barbarians had deluged ,palestine and a great part of ,western ,asia 7,herod4 i4 #ajc-ajf74 ,the incident indeed is passed over in silence in the historical books2 but the terror inspired by these invaders has found expression in the prophets 7,ezek4 xxxviii1 xxxix1 ,jer4 i4 #ac sq41 vi4 #a sq471 and they left behind them a memorial in the ,greek name of ,beth-shean1 7,judith iii4 #aj1 #b ,macc4 xii4 #bi3 comp4 ,judges i4 #bg ,,lxx7 or 1 which seems to have been derived from a settlement on this occasion 7,plin4 ,n4,h4 v4 #af2 see ,ewald4 ,gesch4 ,,iii4 p4 #fhi sq41 ,grove s4v4 ,scythopolis in ,smith's ,bibl4 ,dict474 ,hence ,justin1 ,dial4 #bh 7p4 #bdf ,a71 describing the largeness of the new dispensation1 says 1 444 1 where he singles out two different but equally low types of barbarians1 the ,scythians being notorious for their ferocity1 the ,persians for their licentiousness 7,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 i4 #g1 p4 #aca1 ,strom4 iii4 #b1 p4 #eae1 and the ,apologists generally74 ,so too the ,pseudo-,lucian1 ,philopatris #ag1 satirising ,christianity1 4 1 4 4 1 4 ,from a misconception of this passage in the ,colossians1 heresiologers distinguished four main forms of heresy in the pre-,christian world1 1 1 1 2 so ,epiphan4 ,epist4 ad4 ,acac4 #b 1 1 1 1 1 3 comp4 ,hr4 i4 #d1 #g sq41 ,i4 p4 #e1 #h sq41 ,anaceph4 ,,ii4 pp4 #abg1 #abi sq4 444 #8,christ is all things and in all things4' ,christ has dispossessed and obliterated all distinctions of religious prerogative and intellectual preeminence and social caste2 ,christ has substituted ,himself for all these2 ,christ occupies the whole sphere of human life and permeates all its developments2 comp4 ,ephes4 i4 #bc 4 ,for 1 which is stronger than 1 see ,gal4 iii4 #bb with the note4 ,in this passage is probably neuter1 as in #b ,cor4 xi4 #f1 ,phil4 iv4 #ab1 #a ,tim4 iii4 ,,ii1 #b ,tim4 ii4 #g1 iv4 #e1 ,ephes4 iv4 #f1 vi4 #af4 ,in the parallel passage ,gal4 iii4 #bh the corresponding clause is 4 ,the inversion here accords with a chief motive of the epistle1 which is to assert the absolute and universal supremacy of ,christ2 comp4 i4 #ag sq41 ii4 #aj sq41 #ai4 ,the two parts of the antithesis are combined in our ,lord's saying1 ,joh4 xiv4 #bj 1 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ab 4 #ab 1 #ab-ae4 #8,therefore1 as the elect of ,god1 as a people consecrated to ,his service and specially endowed with ,his love1 array yourselves in hearts of compassion1 in kindliness and humility1 in a gentle and yielding spirit4 ,bear with one another3 forgive freely among yourselves4 ,as your ,master forgave you ,his servants1 so ought ye to forgive your fellow-servants4 ,and over all these robe yourselves in love2 for this is the garment which binds together all the graces of perfection4 ,and let the one supreme umpire in your hearts1 the one referee amidst all your difficulties1 be the peace of ,christ1 which is the destined goal of your ,christian calling1 in which is realised the unity belonging to members of one body4 ,lastly of all2 show your gratitude by your thanksgiving4' #ab4 #8,put on therefore'1 as men to whom ,christ has become all in all4 ,the incidental mention of ,christ as superseding all other relations gives occasion to this argumentative 3 comp4 iii4 #a1 #e4 #8as elect ones of ,god4' ,comp4 ,rom4 viii4 #cc1 ,tit4 i4 #a4 ,in the ,gospels and are distinguished as an outer and an inner circle 7,matt4 xxii4 #ad 1 71 being those summoned to the privileges of the ,gospel and those appointed to final salvation 7,matt4 xxiv4 #bb1 #bd1 #ca1 ,mark xiii4 #bj1 #bb1 #bg1 ,luke xviii4 #g74 ,but in ,st ,paul no such distinction can be traced4 ,with him the two terms seem to be coextensive1 as two aspects of the same process1 having special reference to the goal and to the starting-point4 ,the same persons are #8called' to ,christ1 and #8chosen out' from the world4 ,thus in #a ,thess4 i4 #d 444 the word clearly denotes election to ,church-membership4 ,thus also in #b ,tim4 ii4 #aj1 where ,st ,paul says that he endures all things 1 adding 4441 the uncertainty implied in these last words clearly shows that election to final salvation is not meant4 ,in the same sense he speaks of an individual ,christian as #8elect'1 ,rom4 xvi4 #ac4 ,and again in #a ,cor4 i4 #bf1 #bg 444 1 the words appear as synonymes4 ,the same is also the usage of ,st ,peter4 ,thus in an opening salutation he addresses whole ,christian communities as 7#a ,pet4 i4 #a2 comp4 v4 #ac 1 i4e4 probably 71 as ,st ,paul under similar circumstances 7,rom4 i4 #f1 #g1 #a ,cor4 i4 #b7 designates them 2 and in another passage 7#b ,pet4 i4 #aj7 he appeals to his readers to make their and sure4 ,the use of in #b ,joh4 #a4 #ac is apparently the same2 and in ,apoc4 xvii4 #ad ' this is also the case1 as we may infer from the addition of 1 which points to those who have been true to their #8calling and election'4 ,thus the ,gospels stand alone in this respect4 ,in fact denotes election by ,god not only to final salvation1 but to any special privilege or work1 whether it be 7#a7 ,church-membership1 as in the passages cited from the epistles2 or 7#b7 ,the work of preaching1 as when ,st ,paul 7,acts ix4 #ae7 is called 1 the object of the #8election' being defined in the words following1 4442 or 7#c7 ,the ,messiahship1 #a ,pet4 ii4 #d1 #f2 or 7#d7 ,the fatherhood of the chosen people1 as in the case of ,isaac and ,jacob1 ,rom4 ix4 #aa2 or 7#e7 ,the faithful remnant under the theocracy1 ,rom4 xi4 #e1 #g1 #bh4 ,this last application presents the closest analogy to the idea of final salvation3 but even here ,st ,paul treats and as coextensive1 ,rom4 xi4 #bh1 #bi 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ab 1 1 1 444 ,these are not to be taken as vocatives1 but as predicates further defining the meaning of 4 ,all the three terms 1 1 1 are transferred from the ,old ,covenant to the ,new1 from the ,israel after the flesh to the ,israel after the ,spirit4 ,for the two former comp4 #a ,pet4 ii4 #i 444 2 and for the sense of 1 #8the consecrated people of ,god'1 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #a4 ,for the third word1 1 see ,is4 v4 #a 4441 ,hos4 ii4 #be 7as quoted in ,rom4 ix4 #be74 ,in the ,new ,testament it seems to be used always of the objects of ,god's love3 e4g4 #a ,thess4 i4 #d 1 1 1 #b ,thess4 ii4 #ac 7comp4 ,jude #a72 and so probably ,rev4 xx4 #i 4 ,for the connexion of ,god's election and ,god's love see ,rom4 xi4 #bh 7quoted above71 #a ,thess4 l4c4 ,the is omitted in one or two excellent copies 7though it has the great preponderance of authorities in its favour71 and it is impossible not to feel how much the sentence gains in force by the omission1 1 1 72 comp4 #a ,pet4 ii4 #f4 #8a heart of pity'4 ,for the meaning of see the note on ,phil4 i4 #h1 and for the whole expression comp4 ,luke i4 #gh1 ,test4 xii ,patr4 ,zab4 #g1 #h4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ab 1 1 1 444 ,the two words and 1 #8kindliness' and #8humility'1 describe the ,christian temper of mind generally1 and this in two aspects1 as it affects either 7#a7 our relation to others 771 or 7#b7 our estimate of self 774 ,for see the note on ,gal4 v4 #bb2 for 1 the note on ,phil4 ii4 #c4 444 ,these next two words1 and 1 denote the exercise of the ,christian temper in its outward bearing towards others4 ,they are best distinguished by their opposites4 is opposed to #8rudeness1 harshness'1 7,plato ,symp4 #aig ,d71 7,arist4 ,h4 ,a4 ix4 i72 to #8resentment1 revenge1 wrath1' 7,prov4 xvi4 #cb71 7,herm4 ,mand4 v4 #a1 #b74 ,for the meaning of see above1 on i4 #aa2 for the form of 771 on ,gal4 v4 #bc4 ,the words are discussed in ,trench ,n4 ,t4 ,syn4 xlii4 p4 #adj sq41 xliii4 p4 #ade sq41 liii4 p4 #ahd sq4 ,they appear in connexion ,ephes4 iv4 #b1 ,ign4 ,polyc4 #f ' 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ac #ac 1 1 #ac4 1 ,the pronoun is varied1 as in ,ephes4 iv4 #cb 444 4441 #a ,pet4 iv4 #h-aj 444 444 4 ,the reciprocal differs from the reciprocal in emphasizing the idea of corporate unity3 hence it is more appropriate here 7comp4 ,ephes4 iv4 #b1 #cb7 with than with 2 comp4 ,xen4 ,mem4 iii4 #e4 #af 1 1 444 ' 1 where the propriety of the two words in their respective places will be evident2 and ib4 ii4 #g4 #ab h1 where the variation is more subtle but not less appropriate4 ,for instances of this use of see ,bleek ,hebrerbrief iii4 #ac 7p4 #dec sq471 ,khner ,griech4 ,gramm4 #dee 7,,ii4 p4 #dig sq474 i4e4 #8forgiving'2 see the note on ii4 #ac4 ,an a fortiori argument lurks under the use of 7rather than 73 if ,christ forgave them1 much more should they forgive themselves4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ad 1 #ad #8a complaint'4 ,as is #8to find fault with'1 referring most commonly to errors of omission1 so here is regarded as a debt1 which needs to be remitted4 ,the rendering of the ,a4 ,v4 #8a quarrel' 7 querela7 is only wrong as being an archaism4 ,the phrase occurs several times in classical ,greek1 but generally in poetry3 e4g4 ,eur4 ,orest4 #ajfi1 ,arist4 ,pax #ffd4 444 ,this must not be connected with the preceding words1 but treated as an independent sentence1 the being answered by the 4 ,for the presence of in both clauses of the comparison see the note on i4 #f4 ,the phenomenon is common in the best classical writers1 e4g4 ,xen4 ,mem4 i4 #f4 #c 444 4442 see the references in ,heindorf on ,plato ,phdo #fd ,c1 ,sophist4 #bag ,b1 and ,khner ,griech4 ,gramm4 #ebd 7,,ii4 p4 #gii74 ,this reading1 which is better supported than 1 is also more expressive4 ,it recalls more directly the lesson of the parable which enforces the duty of fellow-servant to fellow-servant2 ,matt4 xviii4 #bg 4443 comp4 below iv4 #a 4 ,the reading perhaps comes from the parallel passage ,ephes4 iv4 #cb 1 7or 74 sc4 4 #ad4 #8over and above all these'1 comp4 ,luke iii4 #bj 4 ,in ,luke xvi4 #bf1 ,ephes4 vi4 #af1 the correct reading is probably 4 ,love is the outer garment which holds the others in their places4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ae 1 4 #ae 1 4 sc4 1 from ver4 #ab4 #8which thing'1 i4e4 #8love'2 comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #e 1 1 ,ign4 ,rom4 #g 1 1 ,magn4 #aj 1 ,trall4 #g 4 ,though there are various readings in the passages of the ,ignatian ,epistles1 the seems to be right in every case4 ,these instances will show that may be referred to alone4 ,otherwise we might suppose the antecedent to be 1 but this hardly suits the sense4 ,the common reading is obviously a scribe's correction4 444 #8the bond of perfection'1 i4e4 the power1 which unites and holds together all those graces and virtues1 which together make up perfection4 1 says ,chrysostom1 h 1 3 comp4 ,clem4 ,rom4 #di 2 ,thus the ,pythagoreans 7,simplic4 in ,epictet4 p4 #bjh ,a7 4 ,so too ,themist4 ,orat4 i4 7p4 #e ,c7 77 1 4 ,the word will take a genitive either of the object bound or of the binding force3 e4g4 ,plato ,polit4 #caj ,a 1 where the and the 4 ,we have an instance of the one genitive 7the objective7 here1 of the other 7the subjective7 in ,ephes4 iv4 #c 7see the note there74 ,another explanation makes here1 #8the bundle1 the totality'1 as e4g4 ,herodian4 iv4 #ab 7comp4 ,ign4 ,trall4 #c 72 but this unusual metaphor is highly improbable and inappropriate here1 not to mention that we should expect the definite article in this case4 ,with either interpretation1 the function assigned to here is the same as when it is declared to be 1 ,rom4 xiii4 #aj 7comp4 ,gal4 v4 #ad74 ,see also the all-embracing office which is assigned to it in #a ,cor4 xiii4 #ae4 #8,christ's peace'1 which ,he left as a legacy to ,his disciples3 ,joh4 xiv4 #bg 1 2 comp4 ,ephes4 ii4 #ad with the context4 ,the common reading has a parallel in ,phil4 iv4 #g4 #8be umpire'1 for the idea of a contest is only less prominent here1 than in #a ,cor4 ix4 #bd1 ,phil4 iii4 #ad 7see the note there74 1 writes ,chrysostom1 4 ,wherever there is a conflict of motives or impulses or reasons1 the peace of ,christ must step in and decide which is to prevail2 1 says ,chrysostom again1 1 1 4 ,for this metaphor of some one paramount consideration acting as umpire1 where there is a conflict of internal motives1 see ,polyb4 ii4 #ce4 #c 1 ,philo de ,migr4 ,abr4 #ab 7,i4 p4 #ddf7 ' 7 444 7comp4 de ,ebriet4 #ai1 ,i4 p4 #cfh71 ,jos4 ,b4 ,j4 vi4 #b4 #f 444 4 ,somewhat similarly 7,polyb4 xxvii4 #ad4 #d7 or 7,athen4 xv4 p4 #fgj ,a7 are made 4 ,in other passages1 where or is said 1 this implies that1 while man proposes1 ,god disposes4 ,in ,philo 7,qui rer4 div4 her4 #ai1 ,i4 p4 #dhf7 is a rough synonyme for 7de ,abrah4 #ad1 ,,ii4 p4 #aj1 etc473 and in ,josephus 7,ant4 vi4 #c4 #a7 and are used together of the same action4 ,in all such cases it appears that the idea of a decision and an award is prominent in the word1 and that it must not be taken to denote simply rule or power4 444 ,comp4 #a ,cor4 vii4 #ae 4 #8,as ye were called as members of one body1 so let there be one spirit animating that body'3 ,ephes4 iv4 #d h h 4 ,this passage strikes the keynote of the companion ,epistle to the ,ephesians 7see esp4 ii4 #af sq41 iv4 #c sq474 #8,and to crown all forget yourselves in thanksgiving towards ,god'3 see the notes on i4 #ab1 ii4 #g4 ,the adjective 1 though not occurring elsewhere in the ,greek ,bible1 is not uncommon in classical writers1 and like the ,english #8grateful'1 has two meanings2 either 7#a7 #8pleasurable' 7e4g4 ,xen4 ,cyr4 ii4 #b4 #a72 or 7#b7 #8thankful' 7e4g4 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 no4 #afbe71 as here4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #af 4 #af #af1 #ag4 #8,let the inspiring word of ,christ dwell in your hearts1 enriching you with its boundless wealth and endowing you with all wisdom4 ,teach and admonish one another with psalms1 with hymns of praise1 with spiritual songs of all kinds4 ,only let them be pervaded with grace from heaven4 ,sing to ,god in your hearts and not with your lips only4 ,and generally2 whatever ye do1 whether in word or in deed1 let everything be done in the name of ,jesus ,christ4 ,and 7again ,i repeat it7 pour out your thanksgiving to ,god the ,father through ,him'4 #af4 #8the word of ,christ'1 being the subjective genitive1 so that ,christ is the speaker4 ,though and occur frequently1 is found here only4 ,there seems to be no direct reference in this expression to any definite body of truths either written or oral1 but denotes the presence of ,christ in the heart1 as an inward monitor3 comp4 #a ,joh4 ii4 #ad 1 with ib4 i4 #aj 1 and so perhaps ,acts xviii4 #e 7the correct reading74 #8in your hearts'1 not #8among you'2 comp4 ,rom4 viii4 #i1 #aa 1 #b ,tim4 i4 #e1 #ad1 and ,lev4 xxvi4 #ab1 as quoted in #b ,cor4 vi4 #af1 4 ,see above p4 #dc sq41 and the note on i4 #bg4 #8in every kind of wisdom'4 ,it seems best to take these words with the preceding clause1 though ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 ii4 #d 7p4 #aid7 attaches them to what follows4 ,for this position of 1 at the end of the sentence to which it refers1 comp4 i4 #i1 ,ephes4 i4 #h4 ,the connexion here adopted is also favoured by the parallel passage ,ephes4 v4 #ah1 #ai 7see the note below74 ,another passage i4 #bh has a double bearing3 while the connexion favours our taking here with the following words1 the order suggests their being attached to the preceding clause4 444 ,the participles are here used for imperatives1 as frequently in hortatory passages1 e4g4 ,rom4 xii4 #i sq41 #af sq41 ,ephes4 iv4 #b1 #c1 ,hebr4 xiii4 #e1 #a ,pet4 ii4 #ab81 iii4 #a1 #g1 #i1 #ae1 #af4 ,it is not1 as some insist1 that the participle itself has any imperatival force2 nor1 as maintained by others1 that the construction should be explained by the hypothesis of a preceding parenthesis or of a verb substantive understood or by any other expedient to obtain a regular grammatical structure 7see ,winer1 xlv4 p4 #dda sq41 lxii4 p4 #gjg1 lxiii4 p4 #gaf1 lxiv4 p4 #gcb74 ,but the absolute participle1 being 7so far as regards mood7 neutral in itself1 takes its colour from the general complexion of the sentence4 ,thus it is sometimes indicative 7e4g4 #b ,cor4 vii4 #e1 and frequently71 sometimes imperative 7as in the passages quoted71 sometimes optative 7as above1 ii4 #b1 #b ,cor4 ix4 #aa1 comp4 ,ephes4 iii4 #ag74 ,on the distinction of and see the note on i4 #bh2 they describe respectively the positive and the negative side of instruction4 ,on the reciprocal see the note on iii4 #ac4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #af 444 to be connected with the preceding sentence1 as suggested by ,ephes4 v4 #ah sq4 1 1 4 ,the datives describe the instruments of the and 4 ,the three words 1 1 1 are distinguished1 so far as they are distinguishable1 in ,trench ,n4,t4 ,syn4 lxxviii4 p4 #bgi sq4 ,they are correctly defined by ,gregory ,nyssen in ,psalm4 c4 iii 7,i4 p4 #bie7 1 444 2 see also ,hippol4 p4 #aia sq4 7ed4 de ,lagarde74 ,in other words1 while the leading idea of is a musical accompaniment and that of praise to ,god1 is the general word for a song1 whether accompanied or unaccompanied1 whether of praise or on any other subject4 ,thus it was quite possible for the same song to be at once 1 1 and 4 ,in the text the reference in 1 we may suppose1 is specially1 though not exclusively 7#a ,cor4 xiv4 #bf71 to the ,psalms of ,david1 which would early form part of the religious worship of the ,christian brotherhood4 ,on the other hand would more appropriately designate those hymns of praise which were composed by the ,christians themselves on distinctly ,christian themes1 being either set forms of words or spontaneous effusions of the moment4 ,the third word gathers up the other two1 and extends the precept to all forms of song1 with the limitation however that they must be 4 ,st ,chrysostom treats here as an advance upon 1 which in one aspect they are2 1 he says1 1 1 1 4 ,psalmody and hymnody were highly developed in the religious services of the ,jews at this time3 see ,philo in ,flacc4 #ad 7,,ii4 p4 #ece7 1 de ,vit4 ,cont4 #c 7,,ii4 p4 #dgf7 1 1 #aj 7p4 #dhd7 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4441 #aa 7p4 #dhe7 4441 with the whole context4 ,they would thus find their way into the ,christian ,church from the very beginning4 ,for instances of singing hymns or psalms in the ,apostolic age see ,acts iv4 #bd1 xvi4 #be1 #a ,cor4 xiv4 #ae1 #bf4 ,hence even in ,st ,paul's epistles1 more especially his later epistles1 fragments of such hymns appear to be quoted2 e4g4 ,ephes4 v4 #ad 7see the note there74 ,for the use of hymnody in the early ,church of the succeeding generations see ,plin4 ,epist4 x4 #ig #8,ante lucem convenire1 carmenque ,christo quasi ,deo dicere secum invicem1' ,anon4 ,hippolytus in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bh ' 7 4 ,the reference in the text is not solely or chiefly to public worship as such4 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,pd4 ii4 #d 7p4 #aid7 treats it as applying to social gatherings2 and again ,tertullian says of the agape1 ,apol4 #ci #8,ut quisque de scripturis sanctis vel de proprio ingenio potest1 provocatur in medium ,deo canere1' and of the society of husband and wife1 ,ad ,uxor4 ii4 #h #8,sonant inter duos psalmi et hymni1 et mutuo provocant quis melius ,domino suo cantet4' ,on the psalmody etc4 of the early ,christians see ,bingham ,antiq4 xiv4 c4 #a1 and especially ,probst ,lehre und ,gebet p4 #bef sq4 #8in ,god's grace'2 comp4 #b ,cor4 i4 #ab ' 4 ,these words are perhaps best connected with the preceding clause1 as by ,chrysostom4 ,thus the parallelism with is preserved4 ,the correct reading is 1 not 4 ,for 1 #8divine grace'1 see ,phil4 i4 #g with the note4 ,the definite article seems to exclude all lower senses of here1 such as #8acceptableness'1 #8sweetness' 7see iv4 #f74 ,the interpretation #8with gratitude'1 if otherwise tenable 7comp4 #a ,cor4 x4 #cj71 seems inappropriate here1 because the idea of thanksgiving is introduced in the following verse4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ag1 #ah 1 #ag 1 1 ' 4 #ah 1 1 444 ,this external manifestation must be accompanied by the inward emotion4 ,there must be the thanksgiving of the heart1 as well as of the lips2 comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #ai 7probably the correct reading71 where #8with the heart' brings out the sense more distinctly4 #ag4 444 ,this is probably a nominative absolute1 as ,matt4 x4 #cb 444 7comp4 ,luke xii4 #h71 ,luke xii4 #aj 444 1 ,john xvii4 #b 1 4442 comp4 ,matt4 vii4 #bd 7v4l474 sc4 1 as the following suggests2 comp4 ver4 #bc4 444 ,this is the great practical lesson which flows from the theological teaching of the epistle4 ,hence the reiteration of 1 1 etc41 vv4 #ah1 #bj1 #bb1 #bc1 #bd4 ,see above p4 #ajd4 ,on this refrain see the notes on i4 #ab1 ii4 #g4 ,this1 which is quite the best authenticated reading1 gives a very unusual1 if not unique1 collocation of words1 the usual form being either or 4 ,the before in the received text is an obvious emendation4 ,see the note on i4 #c1 and the appendix on various readings4 #ah-ba4 #8,ye wives1 be subject to your husbands1 for so it becomes you in ,christ4 ,ye husbands1 love and cherish your wives1 and use no harshness towards them4 ,ye children1 be obedient to your parents in all things2 for this is commendable and lovely in ,christ4 ,ye parents1 vex not your children1 lest they lose heart and grow sullen'4 #ah sq4 ,these precepts1 providing for the conduct of ,christians in private households1 should be compared with ,ephes4 v4 #bb-vi4 #i1 #a ,pet4 ii4 #ah-;iii4 #g1 ,tit4 ii4 #a sq42 see also ,clem4 ,rom4 #a1 ,polyc4 ,phil4 #d sq4 #8,ye wives'1 the nominative with the definite article being used for a vocative1 as frequently in the ,new ,testament1 e4g4 ,matt4 xi4 #bf1 ,mark v4 #da1 ,luke viii4 #ed2 see ,winer xxix4 p4 #bbg sq4 ,the frequency of this use is doubtless due to the fact that it is a reproduction of the ,hebrew idiom4 ,in the instances quoted from classical writers 7see ,bernhardy ,syntax p4 #fg7 the address is not so directly vocative1 the nominative being used rather to define or select than to summon the person in question4 ,the of the received text may have been inserted 7as it is inserted also in ,ephes4 v4 #bd7 from ,ephes4 v4 #bb1 ,tit4 ii4 #e1 #a ,pet4 iii4 #a1 #e1 in all which passages this same injunction occurs4 ,the scribes however show a general fondness for this adjective2 e4g4 ,mark xv4 #bj1 ,luke ii4 #c1 ,acts i4 #ai1 ,ephes4 iv4 #bh1 #a ,thess4 ii4 #ae1 iv4 #aa4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #ai-bb 4 #ai 1 4 #bj 1 4 #ba 1 1 4 #bb 1 ,the imperfect1 as ,ephes4 v4 #d 7the correct reading72 comp4 ,clem4 ,hom4 ,contest4 #c 1 1 ,xen4 de ,re ,equestr4 xii4 #ad 2 and see ,d',orville on ,charito viii4 #b 7p4 #fii sq474 ,the common uses of the imperfect 1 1 etc41 in classical writers do not present a very exact parallel2 for they imply that the thing which ought to have been done has been left undone4 ,and so we might interpret ,acts xxii4 #bb 7the correct reading74 ,here however there can hardly be any such reference2 and the best illustration is the ,english past tense #8ought' 7 #8owed'71 which is used in the same way4 ,the past tense perhaps implies an essential priori obligation4 ,the use of 1 1 occasionally approximates to this2 e4g4 ,eur4 ,andr4 #dbc4 ,the idea of #8propriety' is the link which connects the primary meaning of such words as 1 1 1 #8aiming at or pertaining to'1 with their ultimate meaning of moral obligation4 ,the word occurs in the ,new ,testament only here and in the contemporary epistles1 ,ephes4 v4 #d1 ,philem4 #h4 probably to be connected with 1 rather than with 2 comp4 ver4 #bj 4 #ai4 444 #8show no bitterness1 behave not harshly'2 comp4 ,lynceus in ,athen4 vi4 p4 #bdb ,c 1 ,joseph4 ,ant4 v4 #g4 ,i 1 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #deg ,a 4 ,so also in the ,,lxx1 ,jerem4 xliv 7xxxvii74 #ae1 #c ,esdr4 iv4 #ca4 ,this verb and its compounds occur frequently in classical writers4 #bj4 as ver4 #bb4 ,the rule is stated absolutely1 because the exceptions are so few that they may be disregarded4 #8is well pleasing1 commendable'4 ,the received text supplies this adjective with a dative of reference 7from ,ephes4 v4 #aj71 but is unquestionably the right reading4 ,with the reading thus corrected 1 like ver4 #ah1 must be taken absolutely1 as perhaps in ,rom4 xii4 #b 3 comp4 ,phil4 iv4 #h 444 4 ,the qualification implies #8as judged by a ,christian standard'1 #8as judged by those who are members of ,christ's body4' #ba4 #8provoke1 irritate'4 ,the other reading has higher support1 but is doubtless taken from the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 vi4 #d4 #8,irritation' is the first consequence of being too exacting with children1 and irritation leads to moroseness 774 ,in #b ,cor4 ,,ix4 #b is used in a good sense and produces the opposite result1 not despondency but energy4 #8lose heart1 become spiritless'1 i4e4 #8go about their task in a listless1 moody1 sullen frame of mind'4 #8,fractus animus'1 says ,bengel1 #8pestis juventutis'4 ,in ,xen4 ,cyr4 i4 #f4 #ac is opposed to 1 and in ,thuc4 ii4 #hh and elsewhere is opposed to 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #bc 1 1 ' 1 4 #bc 1 #bb4 4 #bb4-;iv4 #a4 #8,ye slaves1 be obedient in all things to the masters set over you in the flesh1 not rendering them service only when their eyes are upon you1 as aiming merely to please men1 but serving in all sincerity of heart1 as living in the sight of ,god and standing in awe of ,him4 ,and in every thing that ye do1 work faithfully and with all your soul1 as labouring not for men1 but for the great ,lord and ,master ,himself2 knowing that ye have a ,master1 from whom ye will receive the glorious inheritance as your recompense1 whether or not ye may be defrauded of your due by men4 ,yes1 ,christ is your ,master and ye are his slaves4 ,he that does a wrong shall be requited for his wrong-doing4 ,i say not this of slaves only1 but of masters also4 ,there is no partiality1 no respect of persons1 in ,god's distribution of rewards and punishments4 ,therefore1 ye masters1 do ye also on your part deal justly and equitably by your slaves1 knowing that ye too have a ,master in heaven'4 #bb4 ,the relations of masters and slaves1 both here and in the companion epistle 7,ephes4 vi4 #e-i71 are treated at greater length than is usual with ,st ,paul4 ,here especially the expansion of this topic1 compared with the brief space assigned to the duties of wives and husbands 7vv4 #ah1 #ai71 or of children and parents 7vv4 #bj1 #ba71 deserves to be noticed4 ,the fact is explained by a contemporary incident in the ,apostle's private life4 ,his intercourse with ,onesimus had turned his thoughts in this direction4 ,see above1 p4 #cc1 and the introduction to the ,epistle to ,philemon3 comp4 also the note on ver4 #aa4 #8eye-service'1 as ,ephes4 vi4 #f3 comp4 ,apost4 ,const4 iv4 #ab ' 4 ,this happy expression would seem to be the ,apostle's own coinage4 ,at least there are no traces of it earlier4 ,compare ii4 #bc4 ,the reading is better supported than 1 though the plural is rendered slightly more probable in itself by its greater difficulty4 again in ,ephes4 vi4 #f4 ,it is a ,,lxx word1 ,ps4 lii4 #f1 where the ,greek entirely departs from the ,hebrew3 comp4 also ,ign4 ,rom4 #b1 ,justin ,apol4 i4 #b 7p4 #ec ,e74 ,so or 1 ,timo ,phlias4 in ,diog4 ,laert4 iv4 #db 7vv4 #aa474 as in ,ephes4 vi4 #e1 i4e4 #8with undivided service'2 a ,,lxx expression1 #a ,chron4 xxix4 #ag1 ,wisd4 i4 #a4 #8the one ,lord and ,master'1 as contrasted with 3 the idea being carried out in the following verses4 ,the received text1 by substituting 1 blunts the edge of the contrast4 #bc4 i4e4 #8do it diligently'1 an advance upon 4 ,for the use of rather than in antitheses1 see ,winer lv4 p4 #fja sq4 ,the negative here is wholly unconnected with the imperative1 and refers solely to 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iii4 #bd1 #be 1 1 #bd #be #bd4 #8,however you may be treated by your earthly masters1 you have still a ,master who will recompense you4' ,the absence of the definite article here 7comp4 iv4 #a7 is the more remarkable1 because it is studiously inserted in the context1 vv4 #bb-bd1 1 1 4 ,in the parallel passage ,ephes4 vi4 #h it is 3 for the difference between the two see ,gal4 i4 #ab4 #8the just recompense'1 a common word both in the lxx and in classical writers1 though not occurring elsewhere in the ,new ,testament2 comp4 ,luke xiv4 #ab1 ,rom4 xi4 #i4 ,the double compound involves the idea of #8exact requital'4 #8which consists in the inheritance'1 the genitive of apposition3 see the note on 1 i4 #ab4 ,there is a paradox involved in this word3 elsewhere the and the are contrasted 7,matt4 xxi4 #ce-ch1 etc41 ,rom4 viii4 #ae-ag1 ,gal4 iv4 #a1 #g71 but here the is the 4 ,this he is because1 though 1 he is 7#a ,cor4 vii4 #bb7 and thus 7,gal4 iv4 #g72 comp4 ,hermas ,sim4 v4 #b 7with the context74 444 i4e4 #8you serve as your master the great ,master ,christ4' ,this clause is added to explain who is meant by the preceding 4 ,for this application of compare 7besides the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 vi4 #f-i7 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bb 444 ,it seems best to take here as an indicative1 rather than as an imperative2 for 7#a7 ,the indicative is wanted to explain the previous 2 7#b7 ,the imperative would seem to require 1 as in ,ephes4 vi4 #g 7the correct text74 ,on the other hand see ,rom4 xii4 #aa4 #be4 444 ,who is this unrighteous person 8 ,the slave who defrauds his master of his service1 or the master who defrauds his slave of his reward8 ,some interpreters confine it exclusively to the former2 others to the latter4 ,it seems best to suppose that both are included4 ,the connexion of the sentence 7where 1 not 1 is certainly the right reading7 points to the slave4 ,on the other hand the expression which follows1 4441 suggests the master4 ,thus there seems to be a twofold reference2 the warning is suggested by the case of the slave1 but it is extended to the case of the master2 and this accords with the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 vi4 #h 1 4 ,the recent fault of ,onesimus would make the ,apostle doubly anxious to emphasize the duties of the slave towards the master1 lest in his love for the offender he should seem to condone the offence4 ,this same word is used by ,st ,paul to describe the crime of ,onesimus in ,philem4 #ah4 ,but on the other hand it is the ,apostle's business to show that justice has a double edge4 ,there must be a reciprocity between the master and the slave4 ,the philosophers of ,greece taught1 and the laws of ,rome assumed1 that the slave was a chattel4 ,but a chattel could have no rights4 ,it would be absurd to talk of treating a chattel with justice4 ,st ,paul places the relations of the master and the slave in a wholly different light4 ,justice and equity are the expression of the ,divine mind3 and with ,god there is no 4 ,with ,him the claims of the slave are as real as the claims of the master4 ,for this sense of the middle1 #8to recover'1 #8to get back'1 and so 7with an accusative of the thing to be recompensed71 #8to be requited for'1 see e4g4 ,lev4 xx4 #ag 1 #b ,cor4 v4 #aj 2 comp4 ,barnab4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #a 1 4 ,,iv4 #a 1 1 4 #d 1 1 4 ,in the parallel passage ,ephes4 vi4 #h1 the form is certainly 3 here it is more doubtful1 the authorities being more equally divided between and 4 ,see however the note on iv4 #i4 ,on this word see the note ,gal4 ii4 #f4 ,this 1 though generally found on the side of rank and power1 may also be exercised in favour of the opposite2 ,levit4 xix4 #ae 4 ,there would be a tendency in the mind of the slave to assume that1 because the of man was on the side of the master1 there must be a corresponding of ,god on the side of the slave4 ,this assumption is corrected by ,st ,paul4 ,,iv4 #a4 #8equity'1 #8fairness'2 comp4 ,plut4 ,sol4 et ,popl4 ,comp4 #c 4 ,somewhat similarly ,lysias ,or4 ,fun4 #gg 7speaking of death7 1 ' 4 ,it seems a mistake to suppose that here has anything to do with the treatment of slaves as equals 7comp4 ,philem4 #af74 ,when connected with 1 the word naturally suggests an even-handed1 impartial treatment1 and is equivalent to the ,latin quitas3 comp4 ,arist4 ,top4 vi4 #e 7p4 #adc7 77 1 ,philo de ,creat4 ,princ4 #ad 7,,ii4 p4 #cgc7 444 1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 vi4 #f 7p4 #gfd7 4 ,thus in ,arist4 ,eth4 ,nic4 v4 #a and are regarded as synonymes1 and in ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #gai the relation of to is discussed4 ,the word here is used in the same sense in which the adjective occurs in the common expressions 1 1 etc4 ,philo1 describing the ,essene condemnation of slavery1 says1 ,omn4 prob4 lib4 #ab 7,,ii4 p4 #deg7 1 1 1 4441 but he possibly does mean #8equality' rather than #8equity4' #8exhibit on your part4' ,the middle 1 #8to afford from oneself1' will take different shades of meaning according to the context1 as #8to furnish one's quota' 7e4g4 ,herod4 viii4 #a1 #b7 or #8to put forward one's representative' 7esp4 of witnesses1 e4g4 ,plato ,apol4 #ai ,d74 ,here the idea is #8reciprocation'1 the master's duty as corresponding to the slave's4 as ,ephes4 vi4 #i2 comp4 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bb 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #b-d #b 1 #c 1 1 1 ' #d #b-f4 #8,be earnest and unceasing in prayer2 keep your hearts and minds awake while praying3 remember also 7as ,i have so often told you7 that thanksgiving is the goal and crown of prayer4 ,meanwhile in your petitions forget not us--myself ,paul--my fellow-labourer ,timothy--your evangelist ,epaphras--all the teachers of the ,gospel2 but pray that ,god may open a door for the preaching of the word1 to the end that we may proclaim the free offer of grace to the ,gentiles--that great mystery of ,christ for which ,i am now a prisoner in bonds4 ,so shall ,i declare it fearlessly1 as ,i am bound to proclaim it4 ,walk wisely and discreetly in all your dealings with unbelievers2 allow no opportunity to slip through your hands1 but buy up every passing moment4 ,let your language be always pervaded with grace and seasoned with salt4 ,so will you know how to give a fit answer to each man1 as the occasion demands4' #b4 #8cling closely to'1 #8remain constant to' 7comp4 ,mark iii4 #i1 ,acts viii4 #ac1 x4 #g71 and so #8continue stedfast in'4 ,this word occurs again with 1 1 ,acts i4 #ad1 ii4 #db1 vi4 #d1 ,rom4 xii4 #ab4 ,the construction is with a simple dative both in the ,new ,testament 7ll4 cc47 and in classical writers1 except where it stands absolutely 7,acts ii4 #df1 ,rom4 xiii4 #f74 ,the injunction here corresponds to the of #a ,thess4 v4 #ag4 ,long continuance in prayer is apt to produce listlessness4 ,hence the additional charge that the heart must be awake1 if the prayer is to have any value4 ,the word is not to be taken literally here1 but metaphorically4 ,in ,matt4 xxvi4 #da etc41 1 the idea is not quite the same4 as the crown of all prayer2 see the notes on i4 #ab1 ii4 #g4 #c4 #8us'1 #8the ,apostles and preachers of the ,gospel'1 with reference more especially to ,timothy 7i4 #a7 and ,epaphras 7iv4 #ab1 #ac74 ,where the ,apostle speaks of himself alone1 he uses the singular 7ver4 #c1 #d 1 74 ,indeed there is no reason to think that ,st ,paul ever uses an #8epistolary' plural1 referring to himself solely3 see the note on #a ,thess4 iii4 #a4 444 ,on the sense of after etc41 see the note on i4 #i4 #8a door of admission for the word'1 i4e4 #8an opportunity of preaching the ,gospel'1 as #a ,cor4 xvi4 #i 1 #b ,cor4 ii4 #ab 3 comp4 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #fgd ,d 1 444 4 ,similarly 7 is used in #a ,thess4 i4 #i1 ii4 #a4 ,the converse application of the metaphor appears in ,acts xiv4 #bg 1 where the door is opened not to the teachers1 but to the recipients of the ,gospel4 ,according to another interpretation 7suggested by ,ephes4 vi4 #ai 7 it is explained #8the door of our speech'1 i4e4 #8our mouth'3 comp4 ,ps4 cxli 7cxl74 #c1 ,mic4 vii4 #e1 ,ecclus4 xxviii4 #be4 ,but the parallel passages do not favour this sense1 nor will the words themselves admit it4 ,in that case for we should require 4 #8,the word' here is #8the ,gospel'1 as frequently4 #8so as to speak'1 the infinitive of the consequence1 like ver4 #f 2 see ,winer xliv1 p4 #djj4 444 i4e4 the doctrine of the free admission of the ,gentiles4 ,for the leading idea which ,st ,paul in these epistles attaches to #8the mystery' of the ,gospel1 see the note on i4 #bf4 ' ,st ,paul might have been still at large1 if he had been content to preach a ,judaic ,gospel4 ,it was because he contended for ,gentile liberty1 and thus offended ,jewish prejudices1 that he found himself a prisoner4 ,see ,acts xxi4 #bh1 xxii4 #ba1 #bb1 xxiv4 #e1 #f1 xxv4 #f1 #h4 ,the other reading1 ' 1 destroys the point of the sentence4 #b ,tim4 ii4 #i 1 ,philem4 #i 4 #d4 444 ,this is best taken as dependent on the previous clause 444 4 ,for instances of a double 1 where the second is not coordinated with1 but subordinated to1 the first1 see the note on ,gal4 iii4 #ad4 ,the immediate purport of the ,colossians' prayers must be that the ,apostle should have all opportunities of preaching the ,gospel3 the ulterior object1 that he should use these opportunities boldly4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #e1 #f 1 4 #e 1 #f #e4 ,matt4 x4 #af 4 #8those without the pale' of the ,church1 the unbelievers2 as in #a ,cor4 v4 #ab1 #ac1 #a ,thess4 iv4 #ab4 ,so 1 #a ,tim4 iii4 #g4 ,the believers on the other hand are 1 #a ,cor4 v4 #ab4 ,this mode of speaking was derived from the ,jews1 who called the heathen 7,schttgen on #a ,cor4 l4c471 translated ,ecclus4 ,prol4 and ,joseph4 ,ant4 xv4 #i4 #b4 444 #8buying up the opportunity for yourselves1 letting no opportunity slip you1 of saying and doing what may further the cause of ,god'3 comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #af4 ,the expression occurs also in ,dan4 ii4 #h 1 i4e4 #8are eager to gain time'4 ,somewhat similar are the phrases 1 4 ,in much the same sense ,ignatius says1 ,polyc4 #c 4 ,for this sense of #8coemo' 7closely allied in meaning to 71 see ,polyb4 iii4 #db4 #b ' 4441 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,crass4 #b4 ,more commonly the word signifies #8to redeem' 7see the note on ,gal4 iii4 #ac71 and some would assign this sense to it here2 but no appropriate meaning is thus obtained4 ,in ,mart4 ,polyc4 #b it means #8buying off'1 a sense in which occurs several times4 ,the reason for the injunction is added in ,ephes4 v4 #af1 3 the prevailing evil of the times makes the opportunities for good more precious4 #f4 #8with grace1 favour'1 i4e4 #8acceptableness'1 #8pleasingness'2 comp4 ,eccles4 x4 #ab 1 ,ps4 xliv 7xlv74 #c 1 ,eccles4 xxi4 #af 4 ,in classical writers is a still more common connexion2 e4g4 ,demosth4 c4 ,phil4 i4 #ch1 ,dionys4 ,hal4 de ,lys4 #aj1 #aa1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,mar4 #dd4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #g 1 1 1 4 #g comp4 ,mark ix4 #ej 1 7 4 ,the salt has a twofold purpose4 7#a7 ,it gives a flavour to the discourse and recommends it to the palate3 comp4 ,job vi4 #f 2 in which passage the first clause was rendered by ,symmachus 2 ,this is the primary idea of the metaphor here1 as the word seems to show4 7#b7 ,it preserves from corruption and renders wholesome2 ,ign4 ,magn4 #aj 1 4 ,hence the ,pythagorean saying1 ,diog4 ,laert4 viii4 ,i4 #ce 4 ,it may be inferred that this secondary application of the metaphor was present to the ,apostle's mind here1 because in the parallel epistle1 ,ephes4 iv4 #bi1 he says 444 ,in the first application the opposite to would be #8insipid' 7,luke xiv4 #cd72 in the second1 #8corrupt'4 ,heathen writers also insisted that discourse should be #8seasoned with salt'2 e4g4 ,cic4 de ,orat4 i4 #cd #8facetiarum quidam lepos quo1 tanquam sale1 perspergatur omnis oratio'4 ,they likewise dwelt on the connexion between and 2 e4g4 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #ead ,f 1 1 p4 #fig ,d 7comp4 p4 #fhe ,a7 1 1 p4 #ffi ,a 444 1 ,dion4 ,chrys4 ,or4 xviii4 #ac4 ,their notion of #8salt' however was wit1 and generally the kind of wit which degenerated into the denounced by ,st ,paul in ,ephes4 v4 #d 7see the note there74 ,the form is common in the ,,lxx and ,greek ,testament4 ,otherwise it is rare3 see ,buttmann ,gramm4 ,i4 p4 #bbj1 and comp4 ,plut4 ,mor4 #ffh ,f4 #8so as to know'2 see the note on ver4 #c4 #8,not only must your conversation be opportune as regards the time2 it must also be appropriate as regards the person'4 ,the ,apostle's precept was enforced by his own example1 for he made it a rule to become 1 7#a ,cor4 ix4 #bb74 #g-i4 #8,you will learn everything about me from ,tychicus1 the beloved brother who has ministered to me and served with me faithfully in the ,lord4 ,this indeed was my purpose in sending him to you3 that you might be informed how matters stand with me1 and that he might cheer your hearts and strengthen your resolves by the tidings4 ,onesimus will accompany him--a faithful and beloved brother1 who is one of yourselves1 a ,colossian4 ,these two will inform you of all that is going on here4' #g4 ' #8all that relates to me'2 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #ab1 and comp4 ,bion in ,diog4 ,laert4 iv4 #dg4 ,so ,acts xxv4 #ad 4 ,on this word see the note ,phil4 i4 #bb4 ,tychicus was charged by ,st ,paul at this same time with a more extended mission4 ,he was entrusted with copies of the circular letter1 which he was enjoined to deliver in the principal churches of proconsular ,asia 7see above1 p4 #cg1 and the introduction to the ,epistle to the ,ephesians74 ,this mission would bring him to ,laodicea1 which was one of these great centres of ,christianity 7see p4 #h72 and1 as ,coloss was only a few miles distant1 the ,apostle would naturally engage him to pay a visit to the ,colossians4 ,at the same time the presence of an authorised delegate of ,st ,paul1 as ,tychicus was known to be1 would serve to recommend ,onesimus1 who owing to his former conduct stood in every need of such a recommendation4 ,the two names and occur in proximity in ,phrygian inscriptions found at ,altentash 7,bennisoa87 ,boeckh #chegr sqq4 appx4 ,tychicus was a native of proconsular ,asia 7,acts xx4 #d7 and perhaps of ,ephesus 7#b ,tim4 iv4 #ab3 see ,philippians p4 #aa74 ,he is found with ,st ,paul at three different epochs in his life4 7#a7 ,he accompanied him when on his way eastward at the close of the third missionary journey ,a4,d4 #eh 7,acts xx4 #d71 and probably like ,trophimus 7,acts xxi4 #bi7 went with him to ,jerusalem 7for the words must be struck out in ,acts xx4 #d74 ,it is probable indeed that ,tychicus1 together with others mentioned among the ,apostle's numerous retinue on this occasion1 was a delegate appointed by his own church according to the ,apostle's injunctions 7#a ,cor4 xvi4 #c1 #d7 to bear the contributions of his brethren to the poor ,christians of ,juda2 and if so1 he may possibly be the person commended as the brother 7#b ,cor4 viii4 #ah73 but this will depend on the interpretation of the best supported reading in ,acts xx4 #e 4 7#b7 ,we find ,tychicus again in ,st ,paul's company at the time with which we are immediately concerned1 when this epistle was written1 probably towards the end of the first ,roman captivity ,a4,d4 #fb1 #fc 7see ,philippians p4 #ca sq474 7#c7 ,once more1 at the close of ,st ,paul's life 7about ,a4,d4 #fg71 he appears again to have associated himself with the ,apostle1 when his name is mentioned in connexion with a mission to ,crete 7,tit4 iii4 #ab7 and another to ,ephesus 7#b ,tim4 iv4 #ab74 ,for the legends respecting him1 which are slight and insignificant1 see ,act4 ,sanct4 ,boll4 ,april4 #bi 7,,iii4 p4 #fai74 ,tychicus is not so common a name as some others which occur in the ,new ,testament1 e4g4 ,onesimus1 ,trophimus2 but it is found occasionally in inscriptions belonging to ,asia ,minor1 e4g4 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 #biah1 #cffe1 #cheg c1 #cheg r1 7comp4 #chfe i1 etc472 and persons bearing it are commemorated on the coins of both ,magnesia ad ,mandrum 7,mionnet ,,iii4 p4 #aec sq41 ,suppl4 ,,vi4 p4 #bcf7 and ,magnesia ad ,sipylum 7ib4 ,,iv4 p4 #gj74 ,the name occurs also in ,roman inscriptions2 e4g4 ,muratori1 pp4 ,,dccccxvii1 ,,mcccxciv1 ,,mmlv4 ,along with several other proper names similarly formed1 this word is commonly accentuated 7,chandler ,greek ,accentuation #bee71 and so it stands in all the critical ,seditions1 though according to rule 7,winer vi4 p4 #eh7 it should be 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #h #h 1 444 ,the connexion of the words is not quite obvious4 ,it seems best however to take as referring to the whole clause rather than to alone3 for 7#a7 ,the two substantives are thus bound together by the preceding and the following in a natural way3 7#b7 ,the attachment of to is suggested by the parallel passage ,ephes4 vi4 #ba 4 ,the question of connecting with as well need not be entertained1 since the idea of 1 #8a ,christian brother'1 is complete in itself3 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #ad4 ,the adjective will here have its passive sense1 #8trustworthy1 stedfast'1 as also in ver4 #i3 see ,galatians p4 #aed sq4 #8minister'1 but to whom8 ,to the churches1 or to ,st ,paul himself8 ,the following suggests the latter as the prominent idea here4 ,so in ,acts xix4 #bb ,timothy and ,erastus are described as 4 ,tychicus himself also was one of several who ministered to ,st ,paul about that same time 7,acts xx4 #d74 ,it is not probable however1 that has here its strict official sense1 #8a deacon'1 as in ,rom4 xvi4 #a1 ,phil4 i4 #a1 #a ,tim4 iii4 #h1 #ab4 ,the word does not occur elsewhere in ,st ,paul1 except in i4 #g1 where it is said of ,epaphras4 ,it is probably owing to the fact of ,st ,paul's applying the term in both these passages to persons whom he calls 1 that seems to have been adopted as a customary form of address in the early ,church on the part of a bishop1 when speaking of a deacon4 ,in ,ignatian letters for instance1 the term is never used except of deacons2 ,ephes4 #b1 ,magn4 #b1 ,philad4 #d1 ,smyrn4 #ab4 ,where the martyr has occasion to speak of a bishop or a presbyter some other designation is used instead4 #h4 #8,i send1' or #8,i have sent1' being the epistolary aorist2 see the note on 1 ,gal4 vi4 #aa4 ,tychicus appears to have accompanied the letter itself4 ,for similar instances of the epistolary 1 1 etc41 see #b ,cor4 viii4 #ah1 #bb1 ix4 #c1 ,ephes4 vi4 #bb1 ,phil4 ii4 #be1 #bh1 ,philem4 #aa1 ,hebr4 xiii4 #bb1 ,polyc4 ,phil4 #ac4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #i 1 #i 1 4 4 ,this must be preferred to the received reading1 1 for two independent reasons4 7#a7 ,the preponderance of ancient authority is decidedly in its favour4 7#b7 ,the emphatic seems imperatively to demand it4 ,st ,paul in the context twice states the object of ,tychicus' visit to be that the ,colossians might be informed about the ,apostle's own doings1 ' 7ver4 #g71 and 4 ,he could hardly therefore have described #8the very purpose' of his mission in the same breath as something quite different4 ,it is urged indeed1 that this is a scribe's alteration to bring the passage into accordance with ,ephes4 vi4 #ba4 ,but against this it may fairly be argued that1 on any hypothesis as regards the authorship and relation of the two letters1 this strange variation from to in the author himself is improbable4 ,on the other hand a transcriber was under a great temptation to substitute for owing to the following 1 and this temptation would become almost irresistible1 if by any chance had been written for in the copy before him1 as we find to be the case in some ,,mss4 ,see the detached note on various readings4 444 i4e4 #8encourage you to persevere by his tidings and exhortations'4 ,the phrase occurs again1 ,ephes4 vi4 #bb1 #b ,thess1 ii4 #ag3 see above ii4 #b4 ,the prominent idea in all these passages is not comfort or consolation but perseverance in the right way4 #i4 ,see above1 p4 #cc1 and the introduction to the ,epistle to ,philemon4 444 ,the man whom the ,colossians had only known hitherto1 if they knew him at all1 as a worthless runaway slave1 is thus commended to them as no more a slave but a brother1 no more dishonest and faithless but trustworthy1 no more an object of contempt but of love2 comp4 ,philem4 #aa1 #af4 ,this form has rather better support from the ,,mss than 3 see also above1 iii4 #be4 ,on the ,attic future from verbs in - in the ,greek ,testament generally see ,winer xiii4 p4 #hh1 ,a4 ,buttmann p4 #cb sq4 ,is there any decisive instance of these ,attic forms in ,st ,paul1 except in quotations from the ,,lxx 7e4g4 ,rom4 x4 #ai1 xv4 #ab78 #aj-ad4 #8,i send you greeting from ,aristarchus who is a fellow-prisoner with me2 from ,marcus1 ,barnabas' cousin1 concerning whom ,i have already sent you directions1 that you welcome him heartily1 if he pays you a visit2 and from ,jesus1 surnamed ,justus2 all three ,hebrew converts4 ,they alone of their fellow-countrymen have worked loyally with me in spreading the kingdom of ,god2 and their stedfastness has indeed been a comfort to me in the hour of trial4 ,greeting also from ,epaphras1 your fellow-townsman1 a true servant of ,christ1 who is ever wrestling in his prayers on your behalf1 that ye may stand firm in the faith1 perfectly instructed and fully convinced in every will and purpose of ,god4 ,i bear testimony to the earnestness with which he labours for you and the brethren of ,laodicea and those of ,hierapolis4 ,greeting also from ,luke the physician1 my very dear friend1 and from ,demas4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #aj #aj #aj4 ,the salutations to ,philemon are sent from the same persons as to the ,colossians1 except that in the former case the name of ,jesus ,justus is omitted4 the ,thessalonian4 ,he had started with ,st ,paul on his voyage from ,jerusalem to ,rome1 but probably had parted from the ,apostle at ,myra 7see ,philippians p4 #cc sq474 ,if so1 he must have rejoined him at ,rome at a later date4 ,on this ,aristarchus see ,philippians p4 #aj and the introduction to the ,epistles to the ,thessalonians4 ,he would be well known in proconsular ,asia1 which he had visited from time to time2 ,acts xix4 #bi1 xx4 #d1 xxvii4 #b4 ,in ,philem4 #bc this honourable title is withheld from ,aristarchus and given to ,epaphras4 ,in ,rom4 xvi4 #g ,st ,paul's kinsmen1 ,andronicus and ,junias1 are so called4 ,on the possibility of its referring to a spiritual captivity or subjection see ,philippians p4 #aa4 ,in favour of this meaning it may be urged1 that1 though ,st ,paul as a prisoner was truly a 1 he was not strictly an #8a prisoner of war'2 nor could he have called himself so1 except by a confusion of the actual and metaphorical4 ,if on the other hand refers to a physical captivity1 it cannot easily be explained by any known fact4 ,the incident in ,acts xix4 #bi is hardly adequate4 ,the most probable solution would be1 that his relations with ,st ,paul in ,rome excited suspicion and led to a temporary confinement4 ,another possible hypothesis is that he voluntarily shared the ,apostle's captivity by living with him4 doubtless ,john ,mark1 who had been associated with ,st ,paul in his earlier missionary work2 ,acts xii4 #be1 xv4 #cg sq4 ,this commendatory notice is especially interesting as being the first mention of him since the separation some twelve years before1 ,acts xv4 #ci4 ,in the later years of the ,apostle's life he entirely effaced the unfavourable impression left by his earlier desertion2 #b ,tim4 iv4 #aa 4 ,this notice is likewise important in two other respects4 7#a7 ,mark appears here as commended to a church of proconsular ,asia1 and intending to visit those parts4 ,to the churches of this same region he sends a salutation in #a ,pet4 v4 #ac2 and in this district apparently also he is found some few years later than the present time1 #b ,tim4 iv4 #aa4 7#b7 ,mark is now residing at ,rome4 ,his connexion with the metropolis appears also from #a ,pet4 v4 #ac1 if there 7as seems most probable7 be rightly interpreted of ,rome2 and early tradition speaks of his ,gospel as having been written for the ,romans 7,iren4 iii4 #a4 #a2 comp4 ,papias in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ci74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #aj 1 1 #8the cousin'4 ,the term is applied to cousins german1 the children whether of two brothers or of two sisters or of a brother and sister1 as it is carefully defined in ,pollux iii4 #bh4 ,this writer adds that means neither more nor less than 4 ,as a synonyme we find 1 which however is condemned as a vulgarism2 ,phryn4 p4 #cjf 7ed4 ,lobeck74 ,many instances of are found in different authors of various ages 7e4g4 ,herod1 vii4 #e1 #hb1 ix4 #aj1 ,thucyd4 i4 #acb1 ,plato ,charm4 #aed ,b1 ,gorg4 #dga ,b1 ,andoc4 de ,myst4 #dg1 ,isus ,hagn4 ,her4 #h sq41 ,demosth4 c4 ,macart4 #bd1 #bg1 etc41 ,dion4 ,hal4 ,a4 ,r4 i4 #gi1 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,thes4 #g1 ,vit4 ,cs4 #a1 ,vit4 ,brut4 #ac1 ,lucian ,dial4 ,mort4 xxix4 #a1 ,hegesipp4 in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bb71 where the relationship is directly defined or already known1 and there is no wavering as to the meaning4 ,this sense also it has in the ,,lxx1 ,num4 xxxvi4 #aa4 ,in very late writers however 7e4g4 ,io4 ,malalas ,chron4 xvii4 p4 #dbd1 ,io4 ,damasc4 adv4 ,const4 ,cab4 #ab1 ,,ii4 p4 #fba2 but in ,theodt4 ,h4,e4 v4 #ci1 which is also quoted by ,e4 ,a4 ,sophocles ,gr4 ,lex4 s4v4 for this meaning1 the text is doubtful7 the word comes to be used for a nephew1 properly 2 and to this later use the rendering of our ,english versions must be traced4 ,the ,german translations also 7,luther and the ,zrich7 have #8,neffe'4 ,the earliest of the ancient versions 7,latin1 ,syriac1 ,egyptian7 seem all to translate it correctly2 not so in every case apparently the later4 ,there is no reason to suppose that ,st ,paul would or could have used it in any other than its proper sense4 ,st ,mark's relationship with ,barnabas may have been through his mother ,mary1 who is mentioned ,acts xii4 #ab4 ,the incidental notice here explains why ,barnabas should have taken a more favourable view of ,mark's defection than ,st ,paul1 ,acts xv4 #cg-ci4 ,the notices in this passage and in #b ,tim4 iv4 #aa show that ,mark had recovered the ,apostle's good opinion4 ,the studious recommendation of ,st ,mark in both passages indicates a desire to efface the unfavourable impression of the past4 ,the name of ,mark occurs in five different relations1 as 7#a7 ,the early disciple1 ,john ,mark1 ,acts xii4 #ab1 #be1 xv4 #ci2 7#b7 ,the later companion of ,st ,paul1 here and ,philem4 #bd1 #b ,tim4 iv4 #aa2 7#c7 ,the companion and #8son' of ,st ,peter1 #a ,pet4 v4 #ac2 7#d7 ,the evangelist2 7#e7 ,the bishop of ,alexandria4 ,out of these notices some writers get three or even four distinct persons 7see the note of ,cotelier on ,apost4 ,const4 ii4 #eg74 ,even ,tillemont 7,mem4 ,eccl4 ,,ii4 p4 #hi sq41 #ejc sq47 assumes two ,marks1 supposing 7#a7 7#b7 to refer to one person1 and 7#c7 7#d7 7#e7 to another4 ,his main reason is that he cannot reconcile the notices of the first with the tradition 7,euseb4 ,h4,e4 ii4 #ae1 #af7 that ,st ,mark the evangelist accompanied ,st ,peter to ,rome in ,a4 ,d4 #dc1 having first preached the ,gospel in ,alexandria 7p4 #eae74 ,to most persons however this early date of ,st ,peter's visit to ,rome will appear quite irreconcilable with the notices in the ,apostolic writings1 and therefore with them ,tillemont's argument will carry no weight4 ,but in fact ,eusebius does not say1 either that ,st ,mark went with ,st ,peter to ,rome1 or that he had preached in ,alexandria before this4 ,the ,scriptural notices suggest that the same ,mark is intended in all the occurrences of the name1 for they are connected together by personal links 7,peter1 ,paul1 ,barnabas72 and the earliest forms of tradition likewise identify them4 ,on the affectionate tone of ,st ,paul's language1 whenever he mentions ,barnabas after the collision at ,antioch 7,gal4 ii4 #aa sq47 and the separation of missionary spheres 7,acts xv4 #ci71 see the note on ,gal4 ii4 #ac4 ,it has been inferred from the reference here1 that inasmuch as ,mark has rejoined ,st ,paul1 ,barnabas must have died before this epistle was written 7about ,a4 ,d4 #fc72 and this has been used as an argument against the genuineness of the letter bearing his name 7,hefele ,sendschr4 d4 ,apost4 ,barnab4 p4 #bi sq472 but this argument is somewhat precarious4 ,from #a ,cor4 ix4 #f we may infer that he was still living1 ,a4 ,d4 #eg4 ,the notices bearing on the biography of ,barnabas are collected and discussed by ,hefele1 p4 #a sq4 ,these injunctions must have been communicated previously either by letter or by word of mouth3 for it cannot be a question here of an epistolary aorist4 ,the natural inference is1 that they were sent by ,st ,paul himself1 and not by any one else1 e4g4 by ,st ,peter or ,st ,barnabas1 as some have suggested4 ,thus the notice points to earlier communications between the ,apostle and ,coloss4 ,but what was their tenour8 ,it seems best to suppose that this is given in the next clause 444 ,by an abrupt change to the oratio recta the injunction is repeated as it was delivered2 comp4 ,ps4 cv 7civ74 #ae 444 ,after verbs signifying #8to command1 charge1 etc4'1 there is a tendency to pass from the oblique to the direct2 e4g4 ,luke v4 #ad1 ,acts i4 #d1 xxiii4 #bb4 ,the reading gives the right sense1 but can hardly be correct4 ,if this construction be not accepted1 it is vain to speculate what may have been the tenour of the injunction4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #aa 1 1 1 #aa 1 1 #aa4 ,he is not mentioned elsewhere4 ,even in the ,epistle to ,philemon his name is omitted4 ,probably he was not a man of any prominence in the ,church1 but his personal devotion to the ,apostle prompted this honourable mention4 ,for the story which makes him bishop of ,eleutheropolis in ,palestine1 see ,le ,quien ,oriens ,christ4 in ,,iii4 p4 #fcc4 ,a common name or surname of ,jews and proselytes1 denoting obedience and devotion to the law4 ,it is applied to two persons in the ,new ,testament1 besides this ,jesus2 7#a7 ,joseph ,barsabbas1 ,acts i4 #bc2 7#b7 ,a proselyte at ,corinth1 ,acts xviii4 #g4 ,it occurs twice in the list of early ,jewish ,christian bishops of ,jerusalem1 in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iii4 #ce1 iv4 #e4 ,it was borne by a ,jew of ,tiberias who wrote the history of the ,jewish war 7,joseph4 ,vit4 #i1 #fe71 and by a son of the historian ,josephus himself 7ib4 #a74 ,it occurs in the rabbinical writings 7 or 1 ,schttgen on ,acts4 i4 #bc1 ,zunz ,judennamen p4 #bj71 and in monumental inscriptions from ,jewish cemeteries in various places 7,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 no4 #iibb1 #iibe2 ,revue ,archologique #ahfj1 ,,ii4 p4 #cdh2 ,garrucci ,dissertazioni ,archeologiche ,,ii4 p4 #ahb74 ,so also the corresponding female name ,justa 7,garrucci l4c4 p4 #ahj74 ,in ,clem4 ,hom4 ii4 #ai1 iii4 #gc1 iv4 #a1 xiii4 #g1 the ,syrophnician woman of the ,gospels is named 1 doubtless because she is represented in this ,judaizing romance as a proselytess xiii4 #g7 who strictly observes the ,mosaic ordinances 7 ii4 #bj71 and is contrasted with the heathen #8dogs' 7 ii4 #ai7 who disregard them4 ,in some cases ,justus might be the only name of the person1 as a ,latin rendering of the ,hebrew ,zadok2 while in others1 as here and in ,acts i4 #bc1 it is a surname4 ,its ,greek equivalent1 1 is the recognised epithet of ,james the ,lord's brother3 see ,galatians1 p4 #cdh4 444 i4e4 #8converts from ,judaism' 7see the note ,gal4 ii4 #ab71 or perhaps #8belonging to the ,circumcision'2 but in this latter case 1 though without the article1 must be used in a concrete sense1 like 1 for #8the ,jews'4 ,of ,mark and of ,jesus the fact is plain from their name or their connexions4 ,of ,aristarchus we could not have inferred a ,jewish origin1 independently of this direct statement4 i4e4 of the ,jewish ,christians in ,rome4 ,on this antagonism of the converts from the ,circumcision in the metropolis1 see ,philippians p4 #af sq4 ,the words however must not be closely pressed1 as if absolutely no ,jewish ,christian besides had remained friendly2 they will only imply that among the more prominent members of the body the ,apostle can only name these three as stedfast in their allegiance3 comp4 ,phil4 ii4 #bj 444 444 7with the note74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #ab 4 #ab 1 1 1 444 ,see the note on i4 #ac4 444 #8men whom ,i found etc4'2 comp4 ,acts xxviii4 #ae 1 and see ,philippians p4 #ag4 ,for 1 not specifying the individuals1 but referring them to their class characteristics1 see the notes on ,gal4 iv4 #bd1 v4 #ai1 ,phil4 iii4 #g1 iv4 #c4 #8encouragement'1 #8comfort'4 ,the range of meaning in this word is even wider than in or 7see the note ,phil4 ii4 #a74 ,the verb denotes either 7#a7 #8to exhort1 encourage' 7,herod4 v4 #ajd1 ,apoll4 ,rhod4 ii4 #fd72 7#b7 #8to dissuade' 7,herod4 ix4 #ed1 #ee72 7#c7 #8to appease'1 #8quiet' 7,plut4 ,vit4 ,pomp4 #ac1 ,mor4 p4 #gcg ,c72 or 7#d7 #8to console1 comfort' 7sch4 ,eum4 #ejg74 ,the word however1 and its derivates 1 1 1 1 were used especially as medical terms1 in the sense of #8assuaging'1 #8alleviating'2 e4g4 ,hippocr4 pp4 #cib1 #cic1 #cid1 ,galen ,,xiv4 p4 #cce1 #ddf1 ,plut4 ,mor4 pp4 #dc ,d1 #adb ,d2 and perhaps owing to this usage1 the idea of consolation1 comfort1 is on the whole predominant in the word2 e4g4 ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #ef ,a 1 p4 #aah ,a 1 ,vit4 ,cim4 #d 4 ,in ,plut4 ,mor4 p4 #eii ,b and are contrasted1 as the right and wrong method of dealing with the sorrows of the exile2 and the former is said to be the part of men 444 #ab4 ,his full name would be ,epaphroditus1 but he is always called by the shortened form ,epaphras1 and must not be confused with the ,philippian ,epaphroditus 7see ,philippians p4 #fj71 who also was with ,st ,paul at one period of his ,roman captivity4 ,of ,epaphras1 as the evangelist of ,coloss1 and perhaps of the neighbouring towns1 see above1 pp4 #bi sq41 #cd sq4 #8who belongs to you'1 #8who is one of you'1 i4e4 a native1 or at least an inhabitant1 of ,coloss1 as in the case of ,onesimus ver4 #i2 comp4 ,acts iv4 #f1 xxi4 #h1 ,rom4 xvi4 #aj1 #aa1 #a ,cor4 xii4 #af1 ,phil4 iv4 #bb1 etc4 4 4 ,this title1 which the ,apostle uses several times of himself1 is not elsewhere conferred on any other individual1 except once on ,timothy 7,phil4 i4 #a71 and probably points to exceptional services in the cause of the ,gospel on the part of ,epaphras4 #8wrestling'2 comp4 ,rom4 xv4 #cj 4 ,see also the great of prayer in ,luke xxii4 #dd4 ,comp4 ,justin ,apol4 ii4 #ac 7p4 #ea ,b7 4 ,see also i4 #bi1 ii4 #a1 with the notes4 #8stand fast'1 doubtless the correct reading rather than which the received text has2 comp4 ,matt4 ii4 #i1 xxvii4 #aa1 where also the received text substitutes the weaker word4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #ac 4 #ac #8fully persuaded'4 ,the verb has several senses4 7#a7 #8,to fulfil1 accomplish'2 #b ,tim4 iv4 #e 1 ib4 ver4 #ag 1 ,clem4 ,hom4 xix4 #bd 4 ,so perhaps ,hermas ,sim4 #b 444 1 though it is a little difficult to carry the same sense into the latter clause1 where the word seems to signify rather #8to satisfy'4 7#b7#8,to persuade fully1 to convince'2 ,rom4 iv4 #ba 1 xiv4 #e 1 ,clem4 ,rom4 #db 4441 ,ign4 ,magn4 #h 1 ib4 #aa 4441 ,philad4 inscr4 1 ,smyrn4 #a 1 ,mart4 ,ign4 #g 1 ,clem4 ,hom4 ,ep4 ad ,iac4 #aj 1 ib4 xix4 #bd 4 ,so too ,,lxx ,eccles4 viii4 #aa 4 7#c7 #8,to fill'2 ,rom4 xv4 #ac 7a doubtful v4 l471 ,clem4 ,rom4 #ed 2 ,test4 xii ,patr4 ,dan #b 1 where it means #8,i was filled with'1 i4e4 #8,i was fully bent on'1 a sense closely allied to the last4 ,from this account it will be seen that there is in the usage of the word no justification for translating it #8most surely believed' in ,luke i4 #a 1 and it should therefore be rendered #8fulfilled1 accomplished'4 ,the word is almost exclusively biblical and ecclesiastical2 and it seems clear that the passage from ,ctesias in ,photius 7,bibl4 #gb7 is not quoted with verbal exactness4 ,in ,isocr4 ,trapez4 #h the word is now expunged from the text on the authority of the ,,mss4 ,for the substantive see the note on ii4 #b above4 ,the reading of the received text here1 1 must be rejected as of inferior authority4 444 #8in every thing willed by ,god'2 comp4 #a ,kings ix4 #aa4 ,so the plural in ,acts xiii4 #bb1 ,ephes4 ii4 #c1 and several times in the ,,lxx4 ,the words are best connected directly with 4 ,the passages quoted in the last note amply illustrate this construction4 ,the preposition may denote 7#a7 ,the abode of the conviction1 as ,rom4 xiv4 #e 2 or 7#b7 ,the object of the conviction1 as ,ign4 ,magn4 ,,ii 1 ,philad4 inscr4 2 or 7#c7 ,the atmosphere1 the surroundings1 of the conviction1 as ,philad4 inscr4 74 ,this last seems to be its sense here4 ,the connexion 444 1 though legitimate in itself 7,rom4 v4 #b1 #a ,cor4 xv4 #a71 is not favoured by the order of the words here4 #ac4 #8much toil'1 both inward and outward1 though from the connexion the former notion seems to predominate1 as in ii4 #a2 comp4 ,plat4 ,phdr4 p4 #bdg ,b 4 ,of the two variations which transcribers have substituted for the correct reading1 emphasizes the former idea and the latter4 ,the true reading is more expressive than either4 ,the word however is very rare in the ,new ,testament 7occurring only ,rev4 xvi4 #aj1 #aa1 xxi4 #d1 besides this passage71 and was therefore liable to be changed4 444 ,the neighbouring cities are taken in their geographical order1 commencing from ,coloss2 see above1 p4 #b4 ,epaphras1 though a ,colossian1 may have been the evangelist of the two larger cities also4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #ad 4 #ad 1 4 ,this form has not the same overwhelming preponderance of authority in its favour here and in vv4 #ae1 #af1 as in ii4 #a1 but is probably correct in all these places4 ,it is quite possible however1 that the same person would write and indifferently4 ,even the form is found in ,mionnet1 ,suppl4 ,,vii4 p4 #eha4 ,another variation is the contraction of - into -2 e4g4 1 which occurs frequently in the edict of ,diocletian4 #ad4 ,st ,luke had travelled with ,st ,paul on his last journey to ,jerusalem 7,acts xxi4 #a sq474 ,he had also accompanied him two years later from ,jerusalem to ,rome 7,acts xxvii4 #b sq474 ,and now again1 probably after another interval of two years 7see ,philippians p4 #ca sq471 we find him in the ,apostle's company4 ,it is not probable that he remained with ,st ,paul in the meanwhile 7,philippians p4 #ce71 and this will account for his name not occurring in the ,epistle to the ,philippians4 ,he was at the ,apostle's side again in his second captivity 7#b ,tim4 iv4 #aa74 ,lucas is doubtless a contraction of ,lucanus4 ,several ,old ,latin ,,mss write out the name ,lucanus in the superscription and subscription to the ,gospel1 just as elsewhere ,apollos is written in full ,apollonius4 ,on the frequent occurrence of this name ,lucanus in inscriptions see ,ephem4 ,epigr4 ,,ii4 p4 #bh 7#ahgd74 ,the shortened form ,lucas however seems to be rare4 ,he is here distinguished from 7ver4 #aa74 ,this alone is fatal to his identification 7mentioned as a tradition by ,origen ad loc47 with the ,lucius1 ,st ,paul's #8kinsman' 7i4e4 a ,jew2 see ,philippians pp4 #ag1 #aga1 #agc71 who sends a salutation from ,corinth to ,rome 7,rom4 xvi4 #ba74 ,it is equally fatal to the somewhat later tradition that he was one of the seventy 7,dial4 c4 ,marc4 #a in ,orig4 ,op4 ,i4 p4 #hjf1 ed4 ,de la ,rue2 ,epiphan4 ,hr4 li4 #aa74 ,the identification with ,lucius of ,cyrene 7,acts xiii4 #ac7 is possible but not probable4 ,though the example of ,patrobius for ,patrobas 7,rom4 xvi4 #ad7 shows that such a contraction is not out of the question1 yet probability and testimony alike point to ,lucanus1 as the longer form of the ,evangelist's name4 ,indications of medical knowledge have been traced both in the third ,gospel and in the ,acts2 see on this point ,smith's ,voyage and ,shipwreck of ,st ,paul p4 #f sq4 7ed4 #b74 ,it has been observed also1 that ,st ,luke's first appearance in company with ,st ,paul 7,acts xvi4 #aj7 nearly synchronizes with an attack of the ,apostle's constitutional malady 7,gal4 iv4 #ac1 #ad72 so that he may have joined him partly in a professional capacity4 ,this conjecture is perhaps borne out by the personal feeling which breathes in the following 4 ,but whatever may be thought of these points1 there is no ground for questioning the ancient belief 7,iren4 iii4 #ad4 #a sq47 that the physician is also the ,evangelist4 ,st ,paul's motive in specifying him as the physician may not have been to distinguish him from any other bearing the same name1 but to emphasize his own obligations to his medical knowledge4 ,the name in this form does not appear to have been common4 ,the tradition that ,st ,luke was a painter is quite late 7,niceph4 ,call4 ii4 #dc74 ,it is worthy of notice that the two ,evangelists are mentioned together in this context1 as also in ,philem4 #bd1 #b ,tim4 iv4 #aa4 #8the beloved one'1 not to be closely connected with 1 for is complete in itself2 comp4 ,philem4 #a1 ,rom4 xvi4 #ab 7comp4 vv4 #e1 #h1 #i71 #c ,joh4 #a4 ,for the form compare the expression in the ,gospels1 ,matt4 iii4 #ag1 etc4 1 4442 where a comparison of ,is4 xlii4 #a1 as quoted in ,matt4 xii4 #ah1 seems to show that 444 forms a distinct clause from 4 ,on the probability that this person was a ,thessalonian 7#b ,tim4 iv4 #aj7 and that his name was ,demetrius1 see the introduction to the ,epistles to the ,thessalonians4 ,he appears in close connexion with ,st ,luke in ,philem4 #bd1 as here4 ,in #b ,tim4 iv4 #aj their conduct is placed in direct contrast1 444 ' 4 ,there is perhaps a foreshadowing of this contrast in the language here4 ,while ,luke is described with special tenderness as 1 1 ,demas alone is dismissed with a bare mention and without any epithet of commendation4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #ae1 #af #ae ' 4 #af #ae-ag4 #8,greet from me the brethren who are in ,laodicea1 especially ,nymphas1 and the church which assembles in their house4 ,and when this letter has been read among you1 take care that it is read also in the ,church of the ,laodiceans1 and be sure that ye also read the letter which ,i have sent to ,laodicea1 and which ye will get from them4 ,moreover give this message from me to ,archippus2 ,take heed to the ministry which thou hast received from me in ,christ1 and discharge it fully and faithfully4' #ae4 as the context shows1 an inhabitant of ,laodicea4 ,the name in full would probably be ,nymphodorus1 as ,artemas 7,tit4 iii4 #ab7 for ,artemidorus1 ,zenas 7,tit4 iii4 #ac7 for ,zenodorus1 ,theudas 7,acts v4 #cf7 for ,theodorus1 ,olympas 7,rom4 xvi4 #ae7 for ,olympiodorus1 and probably ,hermas 7,rom4 xvi4 #ad7 for ,hermodorus 7see ,philippians p4 #agd74 ,other names in occurring in the ,new ,testament and representing different terminations are ,amplias 7,ampliatus1 a v4 l471 ,antipas 7,antipater71 ,demas 7,demetrius871 ,epaphras 7,epaphroditus71 ,lucas 7,lucanus71 ,parmenas 7,parmenides71 ,patrobas 7,patrobius71 ,silas 7,sylvanus71 ,stephanas 7,stephanephorus71 and perhaps ,junias 7,junianus1 ,rom4 xvi4 #g74 ,for a collection of names with this contraction1 found in different places1 see ,chandler ,greek ,accentuation #cd2 comp4 ,lobeck ,pathol4 p4 #eje sq4 ,some remarkable instances are found in the inscriptions2 e4g4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 etc42 see esp4 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 ,,iii4 pp4 #ajgb1 #ajig4 ,the name ,nymphodorus is found not unfrequently2 e4g4 ,herod4 vii4 #acg1 ,thuc4 ii4 #bi1 ,athen4 i4 p4 #ai ,f1 vi4 p4 #bfe ,c1 ,mionnet ,suppl4 ,,vi4 p4 #hh1 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 no4 #aeh1 etc4 ,the contracted form however is very rare1 though it appears to occur in a ,spartan inscription1 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 no4 #abdj 7 4 ,in ,murat4 ,,mdxxxv4 #f1 is an inscription to one ,nu4 ,aquilius ,nymphas1 a freedman1 where the dative is ,nymphadi4 ,other names from which ,nymphas might be contracted are ,nymphius1 ,nymphicus1 ,nymphidius1 ,nymphodotus1 the first and last being the most common4 ,those1 who read in the following clause1 take it as a woman's name 71 not 72 and the name ,nymphe1 ,nympha1 ,nympa1 etc41 occurs from time to time in ,latin inscriptions2 e4g4 ,inscr4 ,hisp4 #ajii1 #aghc1 #cgfc1 ,inscr4 ,as4 ,prov4 etc4 #ebe1 ,murator4 ,,cmxxiv4 #a1 ,,mclix4 #h1 ,,mccxcv4 #i1 ,,mdxci4 #c4 ,but a ,doric form of the ,greek name here seems in the highest degree improbable4 ' 444 ,the same expression is used of ,prisca and ,aquila both at ,rome 7,rom4 xvi4 #e7 and at ,ephesus 7#a ,cor4 xvi4 #ai71 and also of ,philemon1 whether at ,coloss or at ,laodicea is somewhat uncertain 7,philem4 #b72 comp4 ,acts xii4 #ab 444 1 and see ,philippians p4 #ef4 ,perhaps similar gatherings may be implied by the expressions in ,rom4 xvi4 #ad1 #ae 1 7,probst ,kirchliche ,disciplin p4 #ahb1 #ahgc74 ,see also ,act4 ,mart4 ,justin4 #c 7,,ii4 p4 #bfb ed4 ,otto71 ,clem4 ,recogn4 x4 #ga #8,theophilus 444 domus su ingentem basilicam ecclesi nomine consecraret' 7where the word #8basilica' was probably introduced by the translator ,ruffinus74 ,of the same kind must have been the #8collegium quod est in domo ,sergi ,paulin' 7de ,rossi ,roma ,sotteranea ,i4 p4 #bji72 for the ,christians were first recognised by the ,roman government as #8collegia' or burial clubs1 and protected by this recognition doubtless held their meetings for religious worship4 ,there is no clear example of a separate building set apart for ,christian worship within the limits of the ,roman empire before the third century1 though apartments in private houses might be specially devoted to this purpose4 ,this1 ,i think1 appears as a negative result from the passages collected in ,bingham ,,viii4 ,i4 #ac and ,probst p4 #aha sq4 with a different view4 ,hence the places of ,christian assembly were not commonly called till quite late 7,ignat4 ,magn4 #g is not really an exception71 but 1 1 1 and the like 7,euseb4 ,h4,e4 vii4 #cj1 viii4 #ac1 ix4 #i1 etc474 ,the difficulty of this reading has led to the two corrections1 and 1 of which the former appears in the received text and the latter is supported by one or two very ancient authorities4 ,of these alternative readings however1 is condemned by its simplicity1 and has arisen from the form 1 which prima facie would look like a woman's name1 and yet hardly can be so4 ,we should require to know more of the circumstances to feel any confidence in explaining 4 ,a simple explanation is that denotes #8,nymphas and his friends'1 by a transition which is common in classical writers2 e4g4 ,xen4 ,anab4 iii4 #c4 #g 77 444 ' 4441 iv4 #e4 #cc ' 1 7 3 see also ,khner ,gramm4 #cga 7,,ii4 p4 #gg71 ,bernhardy ,syntax p4 #bhh4 ,or perhaps may refer not to the whole body of the ,laodicean ,church1 but to a family of ,colossian ,christians established in ,laodicea4 ,under any circumstances this is only a section of mentioned in ver4 #af4 ,on the authorities for the various readings see the detached note4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #af ' 1 #af4 #8the letter'1 which has just been concluded1 for these salutations have the character of a postscript2 comp4 ,rom4 xvi4 #bb 1 #b ,thess4 iii4 #ad 1 ,mart4 ,polyc4 #bj 4 ,such examples however do not countenance the explanation which refers in #a ,cor4 v4 #i to the ,first ,epistle itself1 occurring 7as it does7 in the middle of the letter 7comp4 #b ,cor4 vii4 #h74 #8cause that'2 so ,john xi4 #cg1 ,apoc4 xiii4 #ae4 ,in such cases the is passing away from its earlier sense of design to its later sense of result4 ,a corresponding classical expression is or 1 e4g4 ,xen4 ,cyr4 vi4 #c4 #ah4 ,a similar charge is given in #a ,thess4 v4 #bg4 ,the precaution here is probably suggested by the distastefulness of the ,apostle's warnings1 which might lead to the suppression of the letter4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #ag 1 4 #ag 1 1 4 i4e4 #8the letter left at ,laodicea1 which you will procure thence'4 ,for this abridged expression compare ,luke xi4 #ac 1 xvi4 #bf 7v4 l47 1 ,susann4 #bf 1 444 ,for instances of this proleptic use of the preposition in classical writers1 where it is extremely common1 see ,khner ,gr4 #ddh 7,,ii4 p4 #dgd71 ,jelf ,gr4 #fdg1 ,matthi ,gr4 #eif3 e4g4 ,plat4 ,apol4 #cb ,b 1 ,xen4 ,cyr4 vii4 #b4 #e 1 ,isocr4 ,paneg4 #ahg 7 4 ,there are good reasons for the belief that ,st ,paul here alludes to the so-called ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 which was in fact a circular letter addressed to the principal churches of proconsular ,asia 7see above p4 #cg1 and the introduction to the ,epistle to the ,ephesians74 ,tychicus was obliged to pass through ,laodicea on his way to ,coloss1 and would leave a copy there1 before the ,colossian letter was delivered4 ,for other opinions respecting this #8letter from ,laodicea' see the detached note4 444 #8see that ye also read'4 ,at first sight it might seem as though this also were governed by 1 like the former2 but1 inasmuch as would be somewhat awkward in this connexion1 it is perhaps better to treat the second clause as independent and elliptical1 7 444 ,this is suggested also by the position of before 2 comp4 ,gal4 ii4 #aj 7with the note74 ,ellipses before are frequent2 e4g4 ,john ix4 #c1 #b ,cor4 viii4 #ac1 #b ,thess4 iii4 #i1 #a ,joh4 ii4 #ai4 #ag4 7 ,why does not the ,apostle address himself directly to ,archippus8 ,it might be answered that he probably thought the warning would come with greater emphasis1 when delivered by the voice of the ,church4 ,or the simpler explanation perhaps is1 that ,archippus was not resident at ,coloss but at ,laodicea3 see the introduction to the ,epistle to ,philemon4 ,on this warning itself see above1 p4 #db4 #8look to'1 as #b ,joh4 #h 444 ,more commonly it has the accusative of the thing to be avoided2 see ,phil4 iii4 #b 7with the note74 ,from the stress which is laid upon it1 the here would seem to refer1 as in the case of ,timothy cited below1 to some higher function than the diaconate properly so called4 ,in ,acts xii4 #be the same phrase1 1 is used of a temporary ministration1 the collection and conveyance of the alms for the poor of ,jerusalem 7,acts xi4 #bi72 but the solemnity of the warning here points to a continuous office1 rather than an immediate service4 i4e4 probably ' 4 ,the word suggests1 though it does not necessarily imply1 a mediate rather than a direct reception3 see the note ,gal4 i4 #ab4 ,archippus received the charge immediately from ,st ,paul1 though ultimately from ,christ4 #8,non enim sequitur'1 writes ,bengel1 #8a ,domino 7#a ,cor4 xi4 #bc71 sed in ,domino'4 #8fulfil'1 i4e4 #8discharge fully'2 comp4 #b ,tim4 iv4 #e 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,iv4 #ah #ah 4 4 ' 4 #ah4 #8,i add this salutation with my own hand1 signing it with my name ,paul4 ,be mindful of my bonds4 ,god's grace be with you4' 444 ,the letter was evidently written by an amanuensis 7comp4 ,rom4 xvi4 #bb74 ,the final salutation alone1 with the accompanying sentence 4441 was in the ,apostle's own handwriting4 ,this seems to have been the ,apostle's general practice1 even where he does not call attention to his own signature4 ,in #b ,thess4 iii4 #ag sq41 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #ba1 as here1 he directs his readers' notice to the fact1 but in other epistles he is silent4 ,in some cases however he writes much more than the final sentence4 ,thus the whole letter to ,philemon is apparently in his own handwriting 7see ver4 #ai71 and in the ,epistle to the ,galatians he writes a long paragraph at the close 7see the note on vi4 #aa74 ,the same phrase occurs in #b ,thess4 iii4 #ag1 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #ba4 ,for the construction comp4 e4g4 ,philo ,leg4 ad ,cai4 #h 7,,ii4 p4 #eed7 1 and see ,khner #djf 7,,ii4 p4 #bdb71 ,jelf #dfg4 ,his bonds establish an additional claim to a hearing4 ,he who is suffering for ,christ has a right to speak on behalf of ,christ4 ,the appeal is similar in ,ephes4 iii4 #a 4 41 which is resumed again 7after a long digression7 in iv4 #a 444 7comp4 vi4 #bj 74 ,so too ,philem4 #i 444 4 ,these passages seem to show that the appeal here is not for himself1 but for his teaching--not for sympathy with his sufferings but for obedience to the ,gospel4 ,his bonds were not his own2 they were 7,philem4 #ac74 ,in ,heb4 x4 #cd the right reading is not 1 but 7comp4 xiii4 #c74 ,somewhat similar is the appeal to his in ,gal4 vi4 #ag1 #8,henceforth let no man trouble me4' ,see the notes on ,philem4 #aj1 #ac4 444 ,this very short form of the final benediction appears only here and in #a ,tim4 vi4 #ba1 #b ,tim4 iv4 #bb4 ,in ,tit4 iii4 #ae is inserted1 and so in ,heb4 xiii4 #be4 ,in ,ephes4 vi4 #bd the form so far agrees with the examples quoted1 that is used absolutely1 though the end is lengthened out4 ,in all the earlier epistles is defined by the addition of 2 #a ,thess4 v4 #bh1 #b ,thess4 iii4 #ah1 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #bc1 #b ,cor4 xiii4 #ac1 ,gal4 vi4 #ah1 ,rom4 xvi4 #bj1 #bd1 ,phil4 iv4 #bc4 ,thus the absolute in the final benediction may be taken as a chronological note4 ,a similar phenomenon has been already observed 7 1 7 in the opening addresses3 see the note on i4 #b4 ,on some ,various ,readings in the ,epistle#ece4 ,sidenote3 ,harmonistic readings4 ,in one respect the letters to the ,ephesians and ,colossians hold a unique position among the ,epistles of ,st ,paul1 as regards textual criticism4 ,they alone have been exposed1 or exposed in any considerable degree1 to those harmonizing tendencies in transcribers1 which have had so great an influence on the text of the ,synoptic ,gospels4 ,sidenote3 ,preponderant evidence 7#a7 for the correct reading2 ,in such cases there is sometimes no difficulty in ascertaining the correct reading4 ,the harmonistic change is condemned by the majority of the oldest and best authorities2 or there is at least a nearly even balance of external testimony1 and the suspicious character of the reading is quite sufficient to turn the scale4 ,thus we cannot hesitate for a moment about such readings as i4 #ad 7from ,ephes4 i4 #g71 or iii4 #af 1 and 7for 7 in the same verse 7both from ,ephes4 v4 #ai74 ,sidenote3 7#b7 against the correct reading4 ,in other instances again there can hardly be any doubt about the text1 even though the vast preponderance of authority is in favour of the harmonistic reading2 and these are especially valuable because they enable us to test the worth of our authorities4 ,such examples are3 ,footnote #ece3 ,the references to the patristic quotations in the following pages have all been verified4 ,i have also consulted the ,egyptian and ,syriac ,versions in every case1 and the ,armenian and ,latin in some instances1 before giving the readings4 ,as regards the ,,mss1 ,i have contented myself with the collations as given in ,tregelles and ,tischendorf1 not verifying them unless ,i had reason to suspect an error4 ,the readings of the ,memphitic ,version are very incorrectly given even by the principal editors1 such as ,tregelles and ,tischendorf2 the translation of ,wilkins being commonly adopted1 though full of errors1 and no attention being paid to the various readings of ,boetticher's text4 ,besides the errors corrected in the following pages1 ,i have also observed these places where the text of this version is incorrectly reported2 ii4 #g not omitted2 ii4 #ac the second not omitted2 ii4 #ag the singular 771 not the plural 772 iii4 #d 1 not 2 iii4 #af 1 not 2 iii4 #bb 1 not 2 iv4 #c doubtful whether ' or ' 2 and probably there are others4 ,sidenote3 ,examples4 ,sidenote3 iii4 #f1 words inserted4iii4 #f4 ,the omission of the words 7taken from ,ephes4 v4 #f74 ,apparently the only extant ,,ms in favour of the omission is ,b4 ,in ,d however they are written 7though by the first hand7 in smaller letters and extend beyond the line 7in both ,greek and ,latin71 whence we may infer that they were not found in a copy which was before the transcriber4 ,they are wanting also in the ,thebaic ,version and in one form of the thiopic 7,polyglott74 ,they were also absent from copies used by ,clement of ,alexandria 7,pd4 iii4 #aa1 p4 #bie1 where however they are inserted in the printed texts2 ,strom4 iii4 #e1 p4 #eca71 by ,cyprian 7,epist4 lv4 #bg1 p4 #fde ed4 ,hartel71 by an unknown writer 7de ,sing4 ,cler4 #ci1 in ,cypr4 ,op4 ,,iii4 p4 #bae71 by the ,ambrosian ,hilary 7ad loc471 and by ,jerome 7,epist4 xiv4 #e1 ,i4 p4 #cb71 though now found apparently in all the ,latin ,,mss4 ,sidenote3 iii4 #ba4 4 iii4 #ba4 is only found in ,b ,k and in later hands of ,d 7with its transcript ,e7 among the uncial ,,mss4 ,all the other uncials read 1 which is taken from ,ephes4 vi4 #d4 ,in this case however the reading of ,b is supported by the greater number of cursives1 and it accordingly has a place in the received text4 ,the versions 7so far as we can safely infer their readings7 go almost entirely with the majority of uncials4 ,sidenote3 ,syriac version misrepresented4,the true readings of the ,syriac ,versions are just the reverse of those assigned to them even by the chief critical editors1 ,tregelles and ,tischendorf4 ,thus in the ,peshito the word used is the ,aphel of 1 the same mood of the same verb being employed to translate 1 not only in ,rom4 x4 #ai1 but even in the parallel passage ,ephes4 vi4 #d4 ,the word in the text of the ,harclean is the same1 1 but in the margin the alternative is given4 ,white interprets this as saying that the text is and the margin 1 and he is followed by ,tregelles and ,tischendorf4 ,but in this version1 as in the ,peshito1 the former word translates in ,rom4 x4 #ai1 ,ephes4 vi4 #d2 while in the ,peshito the latter word is adopted to render in #b ,cor4 ix4 #b 7the only other passage in the ,n4 ,t4 where occurs74 ,in the ,harclean of #b ,cor4 ix4 #b a different word from either1 1 is used4 ,it seems tolerably clear therefore that was read in the text of both ,peshito and ,harclean here1 while was given in the margin of the latter4 ,sidenote3 ,latin versions4,the ,latin ,versions seem also to have read 2 for the ,old ,latin has #8ad iram 7or in iram or ad iracundiam7 provocare1 and the ,vulgate ad indignationem provocare' here1 while both have ad iracundiam provocare in ,ephes4 vi4 #d4 ,the ,memphitic too has the same rendering in both passages4 ,of the earlier ,greek fathers ,clement1 ,strom4 iv4 #h 7p4 #eic71 reads 3 and it is found in ,chrysostom and some later writers4 ,sidenote3 ,great value of ,b4 ,these examples show how singularly free ,b is from this passion for harmonizing1 and may even embolden us to place reliance on its authority in extreme cases4 ,sidenote3 ,parallel passages4 ,sidenote3 ,col4 iii4 #af1 ,eph4 v4 #ai4 ,for instance1 the parallel passages ,ephes4 v4 #ai and ,col4 iii4 #af stand thus in the received text3 ,,ephesians4 4 ,,colossians4 4 ,and ,a carries the harmonizing tendency still further by inserting before in ,ephes4 from the parallel passage4 ,in ,b they are read as follows3 4 4 ,sidenote3 ,alterations for the sake of harmonizing4 ,here are seven divergences from the received text4 7#a7 ,the insertion of before in ,ephes42 7#b7 ,the omission of 1 1 attaching 1 1 in ,col42 7#c7 ,the omission of in ,ephes42 7#d7 ,the insertion of before in ,col42 7#e7 ,the omission of before in ,ephes42 7#f7 ,the substitution of for in ,col42 7#g7 ,the substitution of for in ,col4 ,of these seven divergences the fourth alone does not affect the question3 of the remaining six1 the readings of ,b in 7#b71 7#f71 7#g7 are supported by the great preponderance of the best authorities1 and are unquestionably right4 ,in 7#a71 7#c71 7#e7 however the case stands thus3 ,sidenote3 4 7#a7 ,b1 ,p1 with the cursives #ag1 #fg99991 #gc1 #aaf1 #aah1 and in ,latin1 d1 e1 vulg41 with the ,latin commentators ,victorinus1 ,hilary and ,jerome4 ,of these however it is clear that the ,latin authorities can have little weight in such a case1 as the preposition might have been introduced by the translator4 ,all the other ,greek ,,mss with several ,greek fathers omit 4 ,sidenote3 4 7#c7 omitted in ,b1 d1 e4 ,of the ,ambrosian ,hilary ,tischendorf says #8fluct4 lectio'2 but his comment #8,in quo enim est spiritus1 semper spiritualia meditatur' seems certainly to recognise the word4 ,it appears to be found in every other authority4 ,sidenote3 4 7#e7 99 ,b with ,origen in ,cramer's ,catena1 p4 #bja4 ,k ,l1 and the vast majority of later ,,mss1 the ,armenian and thiopic ,versions1 ,euthalius 7,tischendorf's ,,ms71 ,theodoret1 and others4 ,the ,harclean ,syriac 7text7 is quoted by ,tischendorf and ,tregelles in favour of 1 but it is impossible to say whether the translator had or had not the preposition4 c ,a ,d ,f ,g ,p1 #dg1 #hpe2 the ,old ,latin1 ,vulgate1 ,memphitic1 ,peshito ,syriac1 and ,gothic ,versions1 together with the margin of the ,harclean ,syriac2 the fathers ,basil 7,,ii4 p4 #dfd71 ,victorinus 7probably71 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 the ,ambrosian ,hilary1 ,jerome1 and others4 ,chrysostom 7as read in the existing texts7 wavers between and 4 ,this form of the reading is an attempt to bring ,ephes4 into harmony with ,col41 just as 7#f7 is an attempt to bring ,col4 into harmony with ,ephes4 ,it will be seen how slenderly ,b is supported2 and yet we can hardly resist the impression that it has the right reading in all three cases4 ,in the omission of more especially1 where the support is weakest1 this impression must1 ,i think1 be very strong4 ,sidenote3 ,excellence of ,b elsewhere4 ,this highly favourable estimate of ,b is our starting-point2 and on the whole it will be enhanced as we proceed4 ,thus for instance in i4 #bb and ii4 #b we shall find this ,,ms alone 7with one important ,latin father7 retaining the correct text2 in the latter case amidst a great complication of various readings4 ,and when again1 as in iv4 #h1 we find ,b for once on the side of a reading which might otherwise be suspected as a harmonistic change1 this support alone will weigh heavily in its favour4 ,other cases in which ,b 7with more or less support7 preserves the correct reading against the mass of authorities are ii4 #b 1 ii4 #g 1 ii4 #ac 7omitting 71 v4 #ab 1 together with several instances which will appear in the course of the following investigation4 ,on the other hand its value must not be overestimated4 ,sidenote3 ,false readings in ,b4,thus in iv4 #c ' #ecf there can be little doubt that the great majority of ancient authorities correctly read ' 1 though ,b ,f ,g have ' 3 but the variation is easily explained4 ,a single stroke1 whether accidental or deliberate1 alone would be necessary to turn the neuter into a masculine and make the relative agree with the substantive nearest to it in position4 ,again in ii4 #aj 1 the reading of ,b which substitutes for is plainly wrong1 though supported in this instance by ,d ,f ,g #dg991 by the ,latin text d1 and by ,hilary in one passage 7de ,trin4 ix4 #h1 ,,ii4 p4 #bfc71 though elsewhere 7ib4 i4 #ac1 ,i4 p4 #aj7 he reads 4 ,but here again we have only an instance of a very common interchange4 ,whether for grammatical reasons or from diplomatic confusion or from some other cause1 five other instances of this interchange occur in this short epistle alone2 i4 #ae for ,f ,g2 i4 #ah for ,f ,g2 i4 #bd for ,c ,d99 etc42 i4 #bg for ,c ,d ,k ,l etc42 iii4 #ad for 99 ,d4 ,such readings again as the omission of i4 #i by ,b ,k1 or of ' in i4 #bj by ,b ,d99 ,f ,g etc41 or of in iv4 #af by ,b alone1 need not be considered1 since the motive for the omission is obvious1 and the authority of ,b will not carry as great weight as it would in other cases4 ,similarly the insertion of in i4 #ah1 1 by ,b1 #dg1 #fg99991 bscr1 and of in ii4 #ae1 1 by ,b alone1 do not appear to deserve consideration1 because in both instances these readings would suggest themselves as obvious improvements4 ,in other cases1 as in the omission of before 7i4 #bj71 and of in 7iii4 #ae71 the scribe of ,b has erred as any scribe might err4 ,footnote #ecf3 ,in this passage ,b 7with some few other authorities7 has for 1 thus substituting a commoner expression 7ii4 #b1 #a ,cor4 iv4 #a1 ,rev4 x4 #g2 comp4 #a ,cor4 ii4 #a1 v4l47 for a less common 7,ephes4 iii4 #d74 99 99 99 99 99 ,the various readings in this epistle are more perplexing than perhaps in any portion of ,st ,paul's ,epistles of the same length4 ,the following deserve special consideration4 i4 #c 4 ,sidenote3 i4 #c 1 ,on this very unusual collocation ,i have already remarked in the notes 7p4 #aii74 ,the authorities stand as follows3 7#a7 ,b ,c994 7#b7 ,d99 ,f ,g ,chrysostom4 ,one or other is also the reading of the ,old ,latin 7d1 e1 g1 harl4999971 of the ,memphitic1 the two ,syriac 7,peshito and ,harclean71 the thiopic1 and the ,arabic 7,erpenius1 ,bedwell1 ,leipzig7 ,versions2 and of ,augustine 7de ,unit4 ,eccl4 #de1 ,,ix4 p4 #cfh7 and ,cassiodorus 7,,ii4 p4 #acea1 ,migne74 7#c7 ,a ,c#b ,dc ,k ,l ,p and apparently all the other ,,mss2 the ,vulgate and ,armenian ,versions2 ,euthalius 7,tischendorf's ,,ms71 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7transl471 ,theodoret1 the ,ambrosian ,hilary1 and others4 ,a comparison of these authorities seems to show pretty clearly that was the original reading4 ,the other two were expedients for getting rid of a very unusual collocation of words4 ,sidenote3 compared with iii4 #ag1,the scribes have felt the same difficulty again in iii4 #ag ' 1 and there again we find inserted before 4 ,in this latter instance however the great preponderance of ancient authority is in favour of the unusual form 4 ,sidenote3 and i4 #ab4 ,it is worth observing also that in i4 #ab1 where has the highest support1 there is sufficient authority for to create a suspicion that there too it may be possibly the correct reading4 ,thus is read in #cg1 while stands in ,f ,g4 ,one or other must have been the reading of some ,old ,latin and ,vulgate texts 7f1 g1 m1 fuld471 of the ,peshito ,syriac1 of the ,memphitic 7in some texts2 for others read simply71 of the ,arabic 7,bedwell71 of the ,armenian 7,uscan71 and of ,origen 7,,ii4 p4 #dea1 the ,latin translator72 while several other authorities1 ,greek and ,latin1 read 4 ,sidenote3 ,unique collocation4 ,there is no other instance of this collocation of words1 1 in the ,greek ,testament1 so far as ,i remember2 and it must be regarded as peculiar to this epistle4 i4 #d 4 ,sidenote3 i4 #d 4 ,here the various readings are2 7#a7 ,b4 7#b7 ,a ,c ,d99 ,f ,g ,p #ag1 #cg1 #dg2 the ,old ,latin and ,vulgate1 ,memphitic 7apparently71 and ,harclean ,syriac ,versions2 the ,ambrosian ,hilary1 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7transl471 and others4 7#c7 4 ,dc ,k ,l2 the ,peshito ,syriac 7apparently71 and ,armenian 7apparently7 ,versions2 ,chrysostom1 ,theodoret and others4 ,if the question were to be decided by external authority alone1 we could not hesitate4 ,it is important however to observe that 7#b7 conforms to the parallel passage ,philem4 #e 1 while 7#c7 conforms to the other parallel passage ,ephes4 i4 #ae 4 ,thus1 though is so highly supported and though it helps out the sense1 it is open to suspicion4 ,still the omission in ,b may be an instance of that impatience of apparently superfluous words1 which sometimes appears in this ,,ms4 i4 #g 4 ,sidenote3 i4 #g 4 ,here there is a conflict between ,,mss and ,versions4 7#a7 ,a ,b 99 ,d99 ,f ,g1 #c1 #ac1 #cc1 #dc1 #eb1 #hj1 #ia1 #aji4 ,this must also have been the reading of the ,ambrosian ,hilary 7though the editors make him write #8pro vobis'71 for he explains it #8qui eis ministravit gratiam ,christi vice ,apostoli4' 7#b7 c ,c ,db ,k ,l ,p1 #ag1 #cg1 #dg1 and many others2 the ,vulgate1 the ,peshito and ,harclean ,syriac1 the ,memphitic1 ,gothic1 and ,armenian ,versions2 ,chrysostom1 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7transl471 and ,theodoret 7in their respective texts1 for with the exception of ,chrysostom there is nothing decisive in their comments71 with others4 ,the ,old ,latin is doubtful2 d1 e having vobis and g nobis4 ,though the common confusion between these two words even in the best ,,mss is a caution against speaking with absolute certainty1 yet such a combination of the highest authorities as we have here for does not leave much room for doubt3 and considerations of internal criticism point in the same direction4 ,see the note on the passage4 i4 #ab 4 ,sidenote3 i4 #ab 4 ,against this1 which is the reading of all the other ancient authorities1 we have 7#b7 ,d99 ,f ,g1 #ag1 #hj1 with the ,latin authorities d1 e1 f1 g1 m1 and the ,gothic1 ,armenian1 and thiopic ,versions4 ,it is so read also by the ,ambrosian ,hilary1 by ,didymus de ,trin4 iii4 #d 7p4 #cdf71 and by ,vigilius ,thapsensis c4 ,varim4 i4 #ej 7p4 #dji74 7#c7 1 found in ,b alone4 ,here the confusion between and would be easy1 more especially at a period prior to the earliest existing ,,mss1 when the iota adscript was still written2 while at the same time would suggest itself to scribes as the obvious word in such a connexion4 ,it is a ,western reading4 ,the text of ,b obviously presents a combination of both readings4 i4 #ad 4 ,sidenote3 i4 #ad or 8 ,for ,b1 the ,memphitic ,version1 and the ,arabic 7,bedwell1 ,leipzig71 read 4 ,this is possibly the correct reading4 ,in the parallel passage1 ,ephes4 i4 #g1 several authorities 799 ,d991 the ,memphitic and thiopic ,versions1 and the translator of ,irenus v4 #ad4 #c7 similarly read for 4 ,it may be conjectured that in these authorities was a harmonistic change in ,ephes4 i4 #g1 to conform to the text which they or their predecessors had in ,col4 i4 #ad4 ,tischendorf on ,ephes4 l4c4 says #8aut utroque loco aut ,paulum scripsisse puto'2 but if any inference can be drawn from the phenomena of the ,,mss1 they point rather to a different tense in the two passages4 i4 #bb 4 ,sidenote3 i4 #bb 4 ,this reading is perhaps the highest testimony of all to the great value of ,b4 ,the variations are2 7#a7 ,b4 ,this also seems to be the reading of ,hilary of ,poitiers ,in xci ,psalm4 #i 7,i4 p4 #bgj71 who transfers the ,apostle's language into the first person1 #8cum aliquando essemus alienati et inimici sensus ejus in factis malis1 nunc autem reconciliati sumus corpore carnis ejus4' 7#b7 #ag4 7#c7 ,d99 ,f ,g1 and the ,latin authorities d1 e1 g1 m1 the ,gothic ,version1 the translator of ,irenus 7v4 #ad4 #c71 and others4 7#d7 1 all the other authorities4 ,of these 7#b7 is obviously a corruption of 7#a7 from similarity of sound2 and 7#c7 is an emendation1 though a careless emendation1 of 7#a7 for the sake of the grammar4 ,it should have been 4 ,the reading therefore must lie between and 4 ,this latter however is probably a grammatical correction to straighten the syntax4 ,in the ,memphitic a single letter for would make the difference between and 2 but no variation from the latter is recorded4 ii4 #b 1 4 ,sidenote3 ii4 #b 4 ,the various readings here are very numerous and at first sight perplexing2 but the result of an investigation into their several claims is far from unsatisfactory4 ,the reading which explains all the rest may safely be adopted as the original4 ,sidenote3 ,original reading4 7#a7 4 ,this is the reading of ,b and of ,hilary of ,poitiers1 de ,trin4 ix4 #fb 7,i4 p4 #cjf71 who quotes the passage sacramenti ,dei ,christi in quo etc41 and wrongly explains it #8,deus ,christus sacramentum est'4 ,sidenote3 ,variations2 ,all the other variations are derived from this1 either by explanation or by omission or by amplification4 ,sidenote3 7a7 by interpretation1 ,by explanation we get2 7#b7 1 the reading of ,d1 with the ,latin authorities d1 e1 which have ,dei quod est ,christus4 ,so it is quoted by ,vigilius ,thapsensis c4 ,varim4 i4 #bj 7p4 #chj71 and in a slightly longer form by ,augustine de ,trin4 xiii4 #bd 7,,viii4 p4 #idd7 mysterium ,dei quod est ,christus ,jesus4 7#c7 4 ,so it is twice quoted by ,clement of ,alexandria ,strom4 v4 #aj 7p4 #fhc71 ib4 #ab 7p4 #fid72 or 1 the reading of #ag4 ,so the ,ambrosian ,hilary 7both text and commentary7 has ,dei in ,christo4 ,and the ,armenian has the same lengthened out1 ,dei in ,christo ,jesu 7,zohrab7 or ,dei patris in ,christo ,jesu 7,uscan74 7#d7 ,domini quod de ,christo is the thiopic rendering4 ,whether this represents another various reading in the ,greek or whether the paraphrase is the translator's own1 it is impossible to say4 ,sidenote3 7b7 by omission1 ,the two following variations strive to overcome the difficulty by omission2 7#e7 1 the reading of ,d by a second hand1 of ,p1 #cg1 #fg99991 #ga1 #hj1 #aaf4 7#f7 1 the reading of ,euthalius in ,tischendorf's ,,ms2 but ,tischendorf adds the caution #8sed non satis apparet'4 ,sidenote3 7c7 by amplification2 ,all the remaining readings are attempts to remedy the test by amplification4 ,they fall into two classes2 those which insert so as to make dependent on it1 7#g71 7#h71 and those which separate from by the interposition of a 1 7#i71 7#aj71 7#aa74 ,sidenote3 7i7 by inserting to govern 2 7#g7 1 the reading of 7by the first hand74 ,tischendorf also adds bscr99 and oscr2 but ,i read ,scrivener's collations differently 7,cod4 ,aug4 p4 #ejf73 or 1 the reading of ,a ,c1 #d4 ,one or other is the reading of the ,thebaic ,version 7given by ,griesbach7 and of the ,arabic 7,leipz474 ,a lengthened form of the same1 ,dei patris ,christi ,jesu1 appears in the oldest ,,mss of the ,vulgate1 am4 fuld4 f3 and the same is also the reading of the ,memphitic 7,boetticher74 7#h7 4 ,so 7the third hand71 bscr991 oscr1 and a corrector in the ,harclean ,syriac4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 by separating from by a conjunction4 7#i7 1 the simplest form of the other class of emendations by amplification4 ,it is found in ,cyril ,thes4 p4 #bhg4 7#aj7 4 ,so #dg1 #gc1 the ,peshito ,syriac 7ed4 princeps and ,schaaf74 ,and so it stands in the commentators ,chrysostom 7but with various readings7 and ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7,spicil4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #aca ,dei patris et ,christi1 but in ,rab4 ,maur4 ,op4 ,,vi4 p4 #eba ,dei patris ,christi ,jesu74 ,pelagius has ,dei patris et ,christi ,jesu1 and so the ,memphitic 7,wilkins74 ,sidenote3 ,the common text the latest development4 7#aa7 4 ,this1 which may be regarded as the latest development1 is the reading of the received text4 ,it is found in ,d 7third hand7 ,k ,l1 and in the great majority of cursives2 in the text of the ,harclean ,syriac1 and in ,theodoret and others4 ,besides these readings some copies of the ,vulgate exhibit other variations2 e4g4 demid4 ,dei patris et ,domini nostri ,christi ,jesu1 tolet4 ,dei ,christi ,jesu patris et ,domini4 ,it is not necessary to add any remarks4 ,the justification of as the original reading will have appeared in the variations to which it has given rise4 ,the passage is altogether an instructive lesson in textual criticism4 ii4 #af 4 ,sidenote3 ii4 #af or 8 ,in this reading ,b stands alone among the ,,mss2 but it is supported by the ,peshito ,syriac and ,memphitic ,versions1 by ,tertullian 7adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ai71 and by ,origen 7in ,ioann4 x4 #aa1 ,,iv4 p4 #agd74 ,the testimony of ,tertullian however is invalidated by the fact that he uses et as the connecting particle throughout the passage2 and the ,peshito ,syriac also has #8and' for in the two last clauses1 though not in the second4 ,the rest have 4 ,this may be explained as a very obvious1 though not very intelligent1 alteration of scribes to conform to the disjunctive particles in the context1 4 ,in this same context it is probable that ,b retains the right form 7supported here by ,f ,g and others7 as against the ,attic 4 ,in the same way in iii4 #be and iv4 #i ,b 7with some others7 has resisted the tendency to ,attic forms4 ii4 #ah 4 ,sidenote3 ii4 #ah1 the omission of the negative4 ,that this is the oldest reading which the existing texts exhibit1 will appear from the following comparison of authorities4 7#a7 7 ,a ,b 99 ,d991 #ag991 #bh1 #fg99992 the ,old ,latin authorities d1 e1 m2 the ,memphitic1 thiopic1 and ,arabic 7,leipz47 ,versions2 ,tertull4 c4 ,marc4 v4 #ai 7#8ex visionibus angelicis'2 and apparently ,marcion himself also72 ,origen 7c4 ,cels4 v4 #h1 ,i4 p4 #ehc1 though the negative is here inserted by ,de la ,rue1 and in ,cant4 ii1 ,,iii4 p4 #fc1 in his qu videt72 ,lucifer 7,de non conv4 c4 hr4 p4 #ghb ,migne72 the ,ambrosian ,hilary 7ad loc4 explaining it #8,inflantur motum pervidentes stellarum1 quas angelos vocat'74 ,so too the unknown author of ,qust4 ex ,n4 ,t4 ii4 #fb in ,august4 ,op4 ,,iii4 ,appx4 p4 #aef4 ,jerome 7,epist4 cxxi ad ,alg4 #aj1 ,i4 p4 #hhj7 mentions both readings 7with and without the negative7 as found in the ,greek text3 and ,augustine 7,epist4 #adi1 ,,ii4 p4 #ead71 while giving the preference to qu non vidit1 says that some ,,mss have qu vidit4 7#b7 77 c ,c ,dbc ,k ,l ,p1 and the great majority of cursives2 7#c7 ,f ,g4 ,the negative is also read in g2 in the ,vulgate1 the ,gothic1 both the ,syriac1 and the ,armenian ,versions2 in the translator of ,origen ,in ,rom4 ix4 #db 7,,iv4 p4 #ffe71 in ,ambrose ,in ,psalm4 cxviii ,exp4 xx 7,i4 p4 #abbb71 and in the commentators ,pelagius1 ,chrysostom1 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7,spic4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #acb #8qu nec sciunt'71 ,theodoret1 and others4 ,from a review of these authorities we infer that the insertion of the negative was a later correction1 and that 7or 7 represents the prior reading4 ,in my note ,i have expressed my suspicion that 7or 7 is itself corrupt1 and that the original reading is lost4 ,sidenote3 ,the form 4 ,the unusual form is found in ,b99 ,c ,d ,p1 and is therefore to be preferred to 4 ii4 #bc 4 ,sidenote3 ii4 #bc4 ,is to be omitted8 ,here is found in all the ,greek copies except ,b1 but is omitted in these ,latin authorities1 m1 the translator of ,origen 7,in ,rom4 ix4 #db1 ,,iv4 p4 #ffe71 ,hilary of ,poitiers 7,tract4 in xiv ,ps4 #g1 p4 #gc71 the ,ambrosian ,hilary1 ,ambrose 7de ,noe #be1 p4 #bfg71 and ,paulinus 7,epist4 #ej1 p4 #bib sq474 ,we have more than once found ,b and ,hilary alone in supporting the correct reading 7i4 #bb1 ii4 #b72 and this fact gives weight to their joint authority here4 ,the omission also seems to explain the impossible reading of d1 e1 which have in religione et humilitate sensus et vexationem corporis1 where for et vexationem1 we should probably read ad vexationem1 as in the ,ambrosian ,hilary4 ,there was every temptation for a scribe to insert the so as to make range with the other datives3 while on the other hand a finer appreciation of the bearing of the passage suggests that ,st ,paul would have dissociated it1 so as to give it a special prominence4 ,a similar instance occurs in iii4 #ab 1 1 where ,b omits the with #ag and the ,thebaic ,version#ecg4 ,in #bai is read for 4 ,the great gain in force leads to the suspicion that this omission may be correct1 notwithstanding the enormous preponderance of authority on the other side4 ,footnote #ecg3 ,it is true that in the text 7,spicil4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #abc1 ,rab4 ,maur4 ,op4 ,,vii4 p4 #eci1 ,migne7 he is credited with the later ,latin reading ut cognoscat qu circa vos sunt1 but his comment implies the other2 #8,quoniam omnia vobis nota faciet ,tychicus illa qu erga me sunt1 propterea a me directus est cum ,onesimo fratre qui a vobis venerat1 ut nota vobis faciant qu erga nos sunt et oblectent vos per suum adventum 1 omnia qu hic aguntur manifesta facientes vobis4' ,see ,spicil4 ,solesm4 l4c42 the comment is mutilated in ,rab4 ,maur4 ,op4 l4c4 iv4 #h4 4 ,sidenote3 iv4 #h 4 ,of the various readings of this passage ,i have already spoken 7p4 #bi sq41 note #a1 p4 #cja74 ,the authorities are as follows3 7#a7 ,a ,b ,d99 ,f ,g ,p1 #aj1 #ag1 #cc1 #ce1 #cg1 #dd1 #dg1 #ga1 #aaa1 #aaf1 #acg2 d1 e1 g2 the ,armenian and thiopic ,versions2 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia#ecg1 ,theodoret#ech1 ,jerome 7on ,ephes4 vi4 #ba sq41 ,,vii4 p4 #fhb71 and ,euthalius 7,tischendorf's ,,ms74 ,this is also the reading of 991 except that it has for 4 7#b7 c ,c ,dbc ,k ,l and the majority of cursives2 the ,memphitic1 ,gothic1 ,vulgate1 and both ,syriac ,versions2 the ,ambrosian ,hilary1 ,jerome 7on ,philem4 ,i1 ,,vii4 p4 #gdh71 ,chrysostom 7expressly71 and others4 ,footnote #ech3 ,in the text2 but in the commentary he is made to write 1 1 1 an impossible reading4 ,sidenote3 ,the various readings accounted for4 ,the internal evidence is considered in the note on the passage1 and found to accord with the vast preponderance of external authority in favour of 4 ,the reading of by the first hand exhibits a transitional stage4 ,it would appear as though the transcriber intended it to be read 4 ,at all events this is the reading of ,,iii and of ,io4 ,damasc4 ,op4 ,,ii4 p4 #bad4 ,the variation is thus easily explained4 7#a7 would be accidentally substituted for 2 7#b7 would then be read 2 7#c7 the awkward and superfluous would be omitted4 ,in illustration of the tendency to conform the persons of the two verbs 1 1 7see p4 #cja7 it may be mentioned that #ag reads 1 1 both here and in ,ephes4 vi4 #bb4 iv4 #ae4 ' 4 ,sidenote3 iv4 #ae 4 ,the readings here are3 7#a7 ,a ,c ,p1 #e1 #i1 #ag1 #bc1 #cd1 #ci1 #dg1 #gc2 together with the ,memphitic ,version1 the ,arabic 7,leipz471 and ,euthalius 7,tischendorf's ,,ms74 ,the ,memphitic ,version is commonly but wrongly quoted in favour of 1 owing to a mistranslation of ,wilkins4 ,but both ,wilkins and ,boetticher give without any various reading 1 i4e4 4 ,this seems also to be the reading of ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7,spic4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #acc7 qu in domo eorum est ecclesia2 though in ,rab4 ,maur4 ,op4 ,,vi4 p4 #edj his text runs qu in domo ejus est ecclesiam1 and he is made to say ,nympham cum omnibus suis qui in domo ejus sunt4 7#b7 ,b #fg99994 7#c7 ,d ,f ,g ,k ,l and the great majority of cursives2 and so the ,gothic ,version1 ,chrysostom1 and ,theodoret 7the latter distinctly74 ,sidenote3 ,nymphas or ,nympha8 ,the singular1 whether or 1 is the reading of the old ,latin and ,vulgate1 which have ejus1 and of the ,armenian4 ,the pronoun is also singular in the ,peshito and ,harclean ,syriac4 ,in this language the same consonants express masculine and feminine alike1 the difference lying in the pointing and vocalisation4 ,and here the copies are inconsistent with themselves4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,syriac versions4,in the ,peshito 7both the editio princeps and ,schaaf7 the proper name is vocalised as a feminine ,numph 7 71 and yet is treated as having a masculine affix ' 4 ,in the text of the ,harclean is pointed thus1 as a feminine 2 while the margin gives the alternative reading 7without the point7 4 ,the name itself is written ,nympha1 which according to the transliteration of this version might stand either for a masculine 7as ,barnaba1 ,luka1 in the context1 for 1 7 or for a feminine 7since ,demas1 ,epaphras1 are written with an s7#eci4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,latin authorities4,the ,latin ejus leaving the gender undetermined1 the ,latin commentators were free to take either ,nymphas or ,nympha2 and1 as ,nympha was common ,latin form of 1 they would naturally adopt the female name4 ,so the commentator ,hilary distinctly4 ,footnote #eci3 ,more probably the latter4 ,in ,rom4 xvi the terminations - and for the feminine and masculine names respectively are carefully reproduced in the ,harclean ,version4 ,in ver4 #ae indeed we have ,julias1 but the translator doubtless considered the name to be a contraction for ,julianus4 ,the proper ,syriac termination -a seems only to be employed for the ,greek - in very familiar names such as ,barnaba1 ,luka4 ,it should be added that the word is accentuated as a masculine in ,dc ,l ,p1 and as a feminine in ,bc and ,euthalius 7,tischendorf's ,,ms474 ,on the meaning of 4 ,sidenote3 ,the meaning of the verb 4 ,the verb has two senses4 ,it signifies either 7#a7 #8,to fill'1 e4g4 ,acts ii4 #b 2 or 7#b7 #8,to fulfil1 complete1 perfect1 accomplish'1 e4g4 ,matt4 xxvi4 #ef 1 ,rom4 xiii4 #h 1 ,acts xii4 #be 4 ,the latter sense indeed is derived from the former1 but practically it has become separate from it4 ,the word occurs altogether about a hundred times in the ,new ,testament1 and for every one instance of the former sense there are at least four of the latter4 ,sidenote3 ,false issue raised respecting ,sidenote3 resulting in theological confusion ,in the investigations which have hitherto been made into the signification of the derived substantive 1 as it occurs in the ,new ,testament1 an almost exclusive prominence has been given to the former meaning of the verb2 and much confusion has arisen in consequence4 ,the question has been discussed whether has an active or a passive sense1 whether it describes the filling substance or the filled receptacle3 and not unfrequently critics have arrived at the result that different grammatical senses must be attached to it in different passages1 even within the limits of the same epistle4 ,thus it has been maintained that the word has a passive sense #8id quod impletur' in ,ephes4 i4 #bc 1 1 and an active sense #8id quod implet' in ,ephes4 iii4 #ai 4 ,indeed so long as we see in only the sense #8to fill'1 and refuse to contemplate the sense #8to complete'1 it seems impossible to escape from the difficulties which meet us at every turn1 otherwise than by assigning to its derivative both an active and a passive sense2 but the greatest violence is thus done to the connexion of theological ideas4 ,sidenote3 and disregard of grammar4 ,moreover the disregard of lexical rules is not less violent#edj4 ,substantives in -1 formed from the perfect passive1 appear always to have a passive sense4 ,they may denote an abstract notion or a concrete thing2 they may signify the action itself regarded as complete1 or the product of,sidenote3 ,meaning of substantives in -4 the action2 but in any case they give the result of the agency involved in the corresponding verb4 ,such for example are #8a message'1 #8a knot'1 #8a silver-made vessel'1 #8a plan'1 #8a righteous deed' or #8an ordinance'1 #8an investigation'1 #8a proclamation'1 #8a hindrance'1 #8a likeness'1 #8a vision'1 #8a carpet'1 #8a round thing'1 etc4 ,in many cases the same word will have two meanings1 both however passive2 it will denote both the completed action and the result or object of the action3 e4g4 the #8robbery' or the #8booty'1 the #8exchange' or the #8thing given or taken in exchange'1 the #8hunt' or the #8prey'1 the #8tread' or the #8carpet'1 and the like4 ,but in all cases the word is strictly passive2 it describes that which might have stood after the active verb1 either as the direct object or as the cognate notion4 ,sidenote3 ,apparent exceptions4,the apparent exceptions are only apparent4 ,sometimes this deceptive appearance is in the word itself4 ,thus #8a veil' seems to denote #8that which covers'1 but it is really derived from another sense and construction of 1 not #8to hide'1 but #8to wrap round' 7e4g4 ,hom4 ,il4 v4 #cae ' 1 xxi4 #cba 71 and therefore is strictly passive4 ,sometimes again we may be led astray by the apparent connexion with the following genitive4 ,thus in ,plut4 ,mor4 #gh ,e the word does not mean1 as might appear at first sight1 #8a thing showing'1 but #8a thing shown'1 #8a demonstration given'2 nor in #b ,thess4 i4 #e must we explain #8a thing proving'1 but #8a thing proved'1 #8a proof'4 ,and the same is probably the case also with such expressions as 7,critias in ,athen4 xiii4 p4 #fjj ,d71 7sch4 ,pers4 #adg71 and the like2 where the substantives in - are no more deprived of their passive sense by the connexion1 than they are in or 2 though in such instances the license of poetical construction may often lead to a false inference4 ,analogous to this last class of cases is ,eur4 ,troad4 #hbd 1 not #8the filling'1 but #8the fulness of the cups1 the brimming cups1 of ,zeus4' ,footnote #edj3 ,the meaning of this word is the subject of a paper ,de vocis vario sensu in ,n4 ,t4 in ,storr's ,opusc4 ,acad4 ,i4 p4 #add sq41 and of an elaborate note in ,fritzsche's ,rom4 ,,ii4 p4 #dfi sq4 ,storr attempts to show that it always has an active sense #8id quod implet' in the ,new ,testament4 ,fritzsche rightly objects to assigning a persistently active sense to a word which has a directly passive termination3 and he himself attributes to it two main senses1 #8id quod impletur' and #8id quo res impletur'1 the latter being the more common4 ,he apparently considers that he has surmounted the difficulties involved in ,storr's view1 for he speaks of this last as a passive sense1 though in fact it is nothing more than #8id quod implet' expressed in other words4 ,in ,rom4 xiii4 #aj he concedes an active sense #8legis completio'1 h4 e4 #8observatio'4 ,sidenote3 connected with the second sense of 4 ,now if we confine ourselves to the second of the two senses above ascribed to 1 it seems possible to explain in the same way1 at all events in all the theological passages of ,st ,paul and ,st ,john1 without doing any violence to the grammatical form4 ,as is #8to complete'1 so is #8that which is completed'1 i4e4 the complement#eda1 the full tale1 the entire number or quantity1 the plenitude1 the perfection4 ,footnote #eda3 ,the ,english word complement has two distinct senses4 ,it is either 7i7 the complete set1 the entire quantity or number1 which satisfies a given standard or cadre1 as e4g4 the complement of a regiment2 or 7ii7 the number or quantity which1 when added to a preexisting number or quantity1 produces completeness2 as e4g4 the complement of an angle1 i4e4 the angle by which it falls short of being a complete right angle4 ,in other words1 it is either the whole or the part4 ,as a theological term1 corresponds to the first of these two senses2 and with this meaning alone the word #8complement' will be used in the following dissertation4 ,sidenote3 ,its uses in ,classical writers4 ,this indeed is the primary sense to which its commonest usages in classical ,greek can be most conveniently referred4 ,thus it signifies 7#a7 ,sidenote3 7#a7 #8,a ship's crew4' #8,a ship's crew'3 e4g4 ,xen4 ,hell4 i4 #f4 #af 77 4 ,in this sense1 which is very frequent1 it is generally explained as having an active force1 #8that which fills the ships'2 and this very obvious explanation is recommended by the fact that is a recognized expression for #8manning a ship'1 e4g4 ,xen4 ,hell4 i4 #f4 #bd4 ,but is used not only of the crew which mans a ship1 but also of the ship which is manned with a crew2 e4g4 ,polyb4 i4 #di4 #d1 #e 444 1 ,lucian ,ver4 ,hist4 ii4 #cg1 #ch1 444 2 and it is difficult to see how the word could be transferred from the crew to the ship as a whole1 if the common explanation were correct4 ,fritzsche 7,rom4 ,,ii4 p4 #dfi sq471 to whom ,i am chiefly indebted for the passages quoted in this paragraph1 has boldly given the word two directly opposite senses in the two cases1 explaining it in the one #8ea quibus naves complentur1 h4 e4 vel socii navales vel milites classiarii vel utrique'1 and in the other #8id quod completur1 v4 c4 navigium'2 but this severance of meaning can hardly be maintained4 ,on the other hand1 if we suppose that the crew is so called as #8the complement1' 7i4e4 #8not that which fills the ship1' but #8that which is itself full or complete in respect of the ship'71 we preserve the passive sense of the word1 while at the same time the transference to the fully equipped and manned vessel itself becomes natural4 ,in this sense #8a complement' we have the word used again of an army1 ,sidenote3 7#b7 #8,population4',aristid4 ,or4 ,i4 p4 #cha 4 7#b7 ,it sometimes signifies #8the population of a city'1 ,arist4 ,pol4 iii4 #ac 7p4 #abhd7 7comp4 iv4 #d1 p4 #abia74 ,clearly the same idea of completeness underlies this meaning of the word1 so that here again it signifies #8the complement'3 comp4 ,dion4 ,hal4 ,a4 ,r4 vi4 #ea ' 4441 ,eur4 ,ion #ffc ' #8the whole body of his friends'4 ,sidenote3 7#c7 #8,total amount4'7#c7 #8,the entire sum'1 ,arist4 ,vesp4 #ffj ' 1 #8,from these sources a total of nearly two thousand talents accrues to us'4 ,sidenote3 7#d7 #8,entire term4'7#d7 #8,the full term'1 ,herod4 iii4 #bb ' 4 ,sidenote3 7#e7 #8,fulfilment4'7#e7 #8,the perfect attainment'1 #8the full accomplishment'1 e4g4 ,philo de ,abr4 #df 7,,ii4 p4 #ci7 4 ,in short the fundamental meaning of the word generally1 though perhaps not universally1 is neither #8the filling material'1 nor #8the vessel filled'2 but #8that which is complete in itself'1 or in other words #8plenitude1 fulness1 totality1 abundance'4 ,sidenote3 ,use of in the ,gospels4 ,matt4 ix4 #af4 ,in the ,gospels the uses of the word present some difficulty4 7#a7 ,in ,matt4 ix4 #af 1 it refers to the which has gone before2 but need not therefore be equivalent to so as to mean the patch itself1 as is often assumed4 ,the following pronoun is most naturally referred to 2 and if so describes #8the completeness'1 which results from the patch4 ,the statement is thus thrown into the form of a direct paradox1 the very completeness making the garment more imperfect than before4 ,sidenote3 ,mark ii4 #ba4;,in the parallel passage ,mark ii4 #ba the variations are numerous1 but the right reading seems certainly to be ' 1 444 ,the received text omits the preposition before 1 but a glance at the authorities is convincing in favour of its insertion4 ,in this case the construction will be 7nom47 ' 7i4e4 1 which has been mentioned immediately before71 7 72 #8,the completeness takes away from the garment1 the new completeness of the old garment'1 where the paradox is put still more emphatically4 ,sidenote3 ,mark vi4 #dc4 7#b7 ,in ,mark vi4 #dc the right reading is 1 i4e4 #8full' or #8complete measures'1 where the apposition to obviates the temptation to explain as #8ea qu implent'4 ,sidenote3 ,mark viii4 #bj4,on the other hand in ,mark viii4 #bj 2 this would be the prima facie explanation2 comp4 ,eccles4 iv4 #f 4 ,but it is objectionable to give an active sense to under any circumstances2 and if in such passages the patch itself is meant1 it must still be so called1 not because it fills the hole1 but because it is itself fulness or full measure as regards the defect which needs supplying4 ,sidenote3 ,usage in ,st4 ,paul's ,epistles4 ,from the ,gospels we pass to the ,epistles of ,st ,paul1 whose usage bears more directly on our subject4 ,and here the evidence seems all to tend in the same direction4 ,sidenote3 #a ,cor4 x4 #bf47a7 ,in #a ,cor4 x4 #bf it occurs in a quotation from ,ps4 xxiv 7xxiii74 #a4 ,the expressions 1 1 occur several times in the ,,lxx 7e4g4 ,ps4 xcvi 7xcv74 #aa1 ,jer4 viii4 #af71 where is a translation of 1 a word denoting primarily #8fulness'1 but having in its secondary uses a considerable latitude of meaning ranging between #8contents' and #8abundance'4 ,this last sense seems to predominate in its ,greek rendering 1 and indeed the other is excluded altogether in some passages1 e4g4 ,cant4 v4 #ac 4 ,sidenote3 ,rom4 xiii4 #aj47b7 ,in ,rom4 xiii4 #aj 1 the best comment on the meaning of the word is the context1 ver4 #h 1 so that here means the #8completeness' and so #8fulfilment1 accomplishment'3 see the note on ,gal4 v4 #ad4 ,sidenote3 ,rom4 xv4 #bi47c7 ,in ,rom4 xv4 #bi 1 it plainly has the sense of #8fulness1 abundance'4 ,sidenote3 ,gal4 iv4 #d47d7 ,in ,gal4 iv4 #d and ,sidenote3 ,eph4 i4 #aj4;,ephes4 i4 #aj 1 its force is illustrated by such passages as ,mark i4 #ae 4441 ,luke xxi4 #bd 7comp4 ,acts ii4 #a1 vii4 #bc1 #cj1 ix4 #bc1 xxiv4 #bg71 so that the expressions will mean #8the full measure of the time1 the full tale of the seasons'4 ,sidenote3 ,rom4 xi4 #be47e7 ,in ,rom4 xi4 #be 1 it seems to mean #8the full number'1 #8the whole body'1 7whether the whole absolutely1 or the whole relatively to ,god's purpose71 of whom only a part had hitherto been gathered into the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,rom4 xi4 #ab47f7 ,in an earlier passage in this chapter the same expression occurs of the ,jews1 xi4 #ab 1 4 ,here the antithesis between and 1 #8failure' and #8fulness'1 is not sufficiently direct to fix the sense of 2 and 7in the absence of anything to guide us in the context7 we may fairly assume that it is used in the same sense of the ,jews here1 as of the ,gentiles in ver4 #be4 ,sidenote3 ,general result4 ,thus1 whatever hesitation may be felt about the exact force of the word as it occurs in the ,gospels1 yet substantially one meaning runs through all the passages hitherto quoted from ,st ,paul4 ,in these has its proper passive force1 as a derivative from #8to make complete'4 ,it is #8the full complement1 the entire measure1 the plenitude1 the fulness'4 ,there is therefore a presumption in favour of this meaning in other passages where it occurs in this ,apostle's writings4 ,sidenote3 ,theological passages in ,we now come to those theological passages in the ,epistles to the ,colossians and ,ephesians and in the ,gospel of ,st ,john1 for the sake of which this investigation has been undertaken4 ,they are as follows2 ,sidenote3 ,colossians and ,ephesians4 ,col4 i4 #ai 4 ,col4 ii4 #i 1 4 ,ephes4 i4 #bc 1 1 4 ,ephes4 iii4 #ai 4 ,ephes4 iv4 #ac 1 4 ,sidenote3 ,st4 ,john4 ,john i4 #ad1 #af 7 1 7 444 4 ,sidenote3 ,ignatius4 ,to these should be added two passages from the ,ignatian ,epistles#edb1 which as belonging to the confines of the ,apostolic age afford valuable illustration of the ,apostolic language4 ,ephes4 inscr4 1 1 #edc 444 444 ,trall4 inscr4 1 444 444 7 1 4 ,footnote #edb3 ,the first of the two passages is contained in the short ,syriac recension of the ,ignatian ,epistles1 though loosely translated2 the other is wanting there4 ,i need not stop to enquire whether the second was written by ,st ,ignatius himself or by an interpolator4 ,the interpolated epistles1 if they be interpolated1 can hardly be later than the middle of the second century and are therefore early enough to afford valuable illustrations of the ,apostles' language4 ,footnote #edc3 ,the common texts read 1 but there can be little doubt 7from a comparison of the authorities7 that should be struck out4 ,the present ,syriac text has et perfect for 2 but there is no reason for supposing that the ,syriac translator had another reading before him4 ,a slight change in the ,syriac1 for 1 would bring this ,version into entire accordance with the ,greek2 and the confusion was the more easy1 because the latter word occurs in the immediate context4 ,or the translator may have indulged in a paraphrase according to his wont2 just as in the longer ,latin ,version here is translated replet4 ,sidenote3 ,the term has a recognised value ,it will be evident1 ,i think1 from the passages in ,st ,paul1 that the word #8fulness1 plenitude'1 must have had a more or less definite theological value when he wrote4 ,this inference1 which is suggested by the frequency of the word1 seems almost inevitable when we consider the form of the expression in the first passage quoted1 ,col4 i4 #ai4 ,the absolute use of the word1 #8all the fulness'1 would otherwise be unintelligible1 for it does not explain itself4 ,in my notes ,i have taken to be the nominative to 1 but if the subject of the verb were 1 as some suppose1 the inference would be still more necessary4 ,the word however1 regarded as a theological term1 does not appear to have been adopted1 like so many other expressions in the ,apostolic writers#edd1 from the nomenclature of ,alexandrian ,judaism4 ,sidenote3 derived from ,palestine and not ,alexandria4,at least no instance of its occurrence in this sense is produced from ,philo4 ,we may therefore conjecture that it had a ,palestinian origin1 and that the ,essene ,judaizers of ,coloss1 whom ,st ,paul is confronting1 derived it from this source4 ,in this case it would represent the ,hebrew 1 of which it is a translation in the ,,lxx1 and the ,aramaic or some other derivative of the same root1 such being its common rendering in the ,peshito4 ,footnote #edd3 ,see the notes on ,col4 i4 #ae sq4 ,sidenote3 ,it denotes the totality of the ,divine powers1 etc4 in the ,colossian letter4 ,the sense in which ,st ,paul employs this term was doubtless the sense which he found already attached to it4 ,he means1 as he explicitly states in the second ,christological passage of the ,colossian ,epistle 7ii4 #i71 the pleroma1 the plenitude of #8the ,godhead' or #8of ,deity'4 ,in the first passage 7i4 #ai71 though the word stands without the addition 1 the signification required by the context is the same4 ,the true doctrine of the one ,christ1 who is the absolute mediator in the creation and government of the world1 is opposed to the false doctrine of a plurality of mediators1 #8thrones1 dominions1 principalities1 powers'4 ,an absolute and unique position is claimed for ,him1 because in ,him resides #8all the pleroma'1 i4e4 the full complement1 the aggregate of the ,divine attributes1 virtues1 energies4 ,this is another way of expressing the fact that ,he is the ,logos1 for the ,logos is the synthesis of all the various 1 in and by which ,god manifests ,himself whether in the kingdom of nature or in the kingdom of grace4 ,sidenote3 ,analogy to its usage elsewhere3 e4g4 ,this application is in entire harmony with the fundamental meaning of the word4 ,the term has been transferred to the region of theology1 but in itself it conveys exactly the same idea as before4 ,it implies that all the several elements which are required to realise the conception specified are present1 and that each appears in its full proportions4 ,sidenote3 in ,philo of the family,thus ,philo1 describing the ideal state of prosperity which will result from absolute obedience to ,god's law1 mentions among other blessings the perfect development of the family3 #8,men shall be fathers and fathers too of goodly sons1 and women shall be mothers of goodly children1 so that each household shall be the pleroma of a numerous kindred1 where no part or name is wanting of all those which are used to designate relations1 whether in the ascending line1 as parents1 uncles1 grandfathers1 or again in the descending line in like manner1 as brothers1 nephews1 sons' sons1 daughters' sons1 cousins1 cousins' sons1 kinsmen of all degrees#ede4' ,sidenote3 and in ,aristotle1 of the state4,so again ,aristotle1 criticizing the ,republic of ,plato1 writes2 #8,socrates says that a city 7or state7 is composed of four classes1 as its indispensable elements 7 73 by these he means the weaver1 the husbandman1 the shoemaker1 and the builder2 and again1 because these are not sufficient by themselves1 he adds the smith and persons to look after the necessary cattle1 and besides them the merchant and the retail dealer3 these together make up the pleroma of a city in its simplest form 7 72 thus he assumes that a city is formed to supply the bare necessities of life 7 7 etc4'#edf4 ,from these passages it will be seen that the adequacy implied by the word1 as so used1 consists not less in the variety of the elements than in the fulness of the entire quantity or number4 ,footnote #ede3 de ,prm4 et ,pn4 #ah 7,,ii4 p4 #dbe74 ,the important words are 1 444 ,the construction of the subsequent part of the sentence is obscure2 and for we should probably read 4 ,footnote #edf3 ,arist4 ,pol4 iv4 #d 7p4 #abia74 ,sidenote3 ,transition from ,colossians to ,ephesians4 ,so far the explanation seems clear4 ,but when we turn from the ,colossian letter to the ,ephesian1 it is necessary to bear in mind the different aims of the two epistles4 ,while in the former the ,apostle's main object is to assert the supremacy of the ,person of ,christ1 in the latter his principal theme is the life and energy of the ,church1 as dependent on ,christ#edg4 ,so the pleroma residing in ,christ is viewed from a different aspect1 no longer in relation to ,god1 so much as in relation to the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,corresponding application of to the ,church4,it is that plenitude of ,divine graces and virtues which is communicated through ,christ to the ,church as ,his body4 ,the ,church1 as ideally regarded1 the bride #8without spot or wrinkle or any such thing'1 becomes in a manner identified with ,him#edh4 ,all the ,divine graces which reside in ,him are imparted to her2 ,his #8fulness' is communicated to her3 and thus she may be said to be ,his pleroma 7i4 #bc74 ,this is the ideal ,church4 ,the actual militant ,church must be ever advancing1 ever struggling towards the attainment of this ideal4 ,hence the ,apostle describes the end of all offices and administrations in the ,church to be that the collective body may attain its full and mature growth1 or 7in other words7 may grow up to the complete stature of ,christ's fulness#edi4 ,but ,christ's fulness is ,god's fulness4 ,hence in another passage he prays that the brethren may by the indwelling of ,christ be fulfilled till they attain to the pleroma of ,god 7iii4 #ai74 ,it is another way of expressing the continuous aspiration and effort after holiness which is enjoined in our ,lord's precept1 #8,ye shall be perfect as your heavenly ,father is perfect'#eej4 ,footnote #edg3 ,see the notes on ,col4 ii4 #ai 7p4 #bff74 ,footnote #edh3 ,ephes4 v4 #bg sq4 ,footnote #edi3 ,the ,apostle in this passage 7,ephes4 iv4 #ac7 is evidently contemplating the collective body1 and not the individual believers4 ,he writes 1 not 1 and 1 not 4 ,as he has said before 1 so now he describes the result of these various partial graces bestowed on individuals to be the unity and mature growth of the whole1 #8the building up of the body'1 444 1 4 ,this corporate being must grow up into the one colossal ,man1 the standard of whose spiritual and moral stature is nothing less than the pleroma of ,christ ,himself4 ,footnote #eej3 ,matt4 v4 #dh4 ,sidenote3 ,gospel of ,st4 ,john4 ,the ,gospel of ,st ,john1 written in the first instance for the same ,churches to which the ,epistle to the ,ephesians was sent1 has numerous and striking points of resemblance with ,st ,paul's letter4 ,this is the case here4 ,as ,st ,paul tells the ,ephesians that the ideal ,church is the pleroma of ,christ and that the militant ,church must strive to become the pleroma of ,christ1 so ,st ,john 7i4 #ad sq47 after describing our ,lord as 1 i4e4 the unique and absolute representative of the ,father1 and as such #8full 77 of grace and of truth'1 says that they1 the disciples1 had #8received out of ,his pleroma' ever fresh accessions of grace4 ,each individual believer in his degree receives a fraction of that pleroma which is communicated whole to the ideal ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,ignatian letters4 ,the use of the word is not very different in the ,ignatian letters4 ,st ,ignatius greets this same ,ephesian ,church1 to which ,st ,paul and ,st ,john successively here addressed the language already quoted1 as #8blessed in greatness by the pleroma of ,god the ,father1' i4e4 by graces imparted from the pleroma4 ,to the ,trallians again he sends a greeting #8in the pleroma'1 where the word denotes the sphere of ,divine gifts and operations1 so that is almost equivalent to or 4 ,sidenote3 ,gnostic sects4 ,when we turn from ,catholic ,christianity to the ,gnostic sects we find this term used1 though 7with one important exception7 not in great frequency4 ,probably however1 if the writings of the earlier ,gnostics had been preserved1 we should have found that it occupied a more important place than at present appears4 ,one class of early ,gnostics separated the spiritual being ,christ from the man ,jesus2 they supposed that the ,christ entered ,jesus at the time of ,his baptism and left him at the moment of ,his crucifixion4 ,thus the ,christ was neither born as a man nor suffered as a man4 ,in this way they obviated the difficulty1 insuperable to the ,gnostic mind1 of conceiving the connexion between the highest spiritual agency and gross corporeal matter which was involved in the ,catholic doctrine of the ,incarnation and ,passion1 and which ,gnostics of another type more effectually set aside by the theory of docetism1 i4e4 by assuming that the human body of our ,lord was only a phantom body and not real flesh and blood4 ,irenus represents the former class as teaching that #8,jesus was the receptacle of the ,christ'1 and that the ,christ #8descended upon him from heaven in the form of a dove and after ,he had declared 7to mankind7 the nameless ,father1 entered 7again7 into the pleroma imperceptibly and invisibly'#eea4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,cerinthians4,here no names are given4 ,but in another passage he ascribes precisely the same doctrine1 without however naming the pleroma1 to ,cerinthus#eeb4 ,and in a third passage1 which links together the other two1 this same father1 after mentioning this heresiarch1 again alludes to the doctrine which maintained that the ,christ1 having descended on ,jesus at his baptism1 #8flew back again into ,his own pleroma'#eec4 ,in this last passage indeed the opinions of ,cerinthus are mentioned in connexion with those of other ,gnostics1 more especially the ,valentinians1 so that we cannot with any certainty attribute this expression to ,cerinthus himself4 ,but in the first passage the unnamed heretics who maintained this return of the ,christ #8into the pleroma' are expressly distinguished from the ,valentinians2 and presumably therefore the allusion is to the ,cerinthians1 to whom the doctrine1 though not the expression1 is ascribed in the second passage4 ,sidenote3 ,connexion of this use with ,st ,paul and with the ,colossian heretics4,thus there seems to be sufficient reason for attributing the use of the term to ,cerinthus#eed4 ,this indeed is probable on other grounds4 ,the term pleroma1 we may presume1 was common to ,st ,paul and the ,colossian heretics whom he controverts4 ,to both alike it conveyed the same idea1 the totality of the divine powers or attributes or agencies or manifestations4 ,but after this the divergence begins4 ,they maintained that a single divine power1 a fraction of the pleroma1 resided in our ,lord3 the ,apostle urges on the contrary1 that the whole pleroma has its abode in ,him#eee4 ,the doctrine of ,cerinthus was a development of the ,colossian heresy1 as ,i have endeavoured to show above#eef4 ,he would therefore inherit the term pleroma from it4 ,sidenote3 ,the pleroma localized4,at the same time he seems to have given a poetical colouring to his doctrine1 and so doing to have treated the pleroma as a locality1 a higher spiritual region1 from which this divine power1 typified by the dove-like form1 issued forth as on wings1 and to which1 taking flight again1 it reascended before the ,passion4 ,if so1 his language would prepare the way for the still more elaborate poetic imagery of the ,valentinians1 in which the pleroma1 conceived as a locality1 a region1 an abode of the divine powers1 is conspicuous4 ,footnote #eea3 iii4 #af4 #a #8,quoniam autem sunt qui dicunt ,iesum quidem receptaculum ,christi fuisse1 in quem desuper quasi columbam descendisse1 et quum indicasset innominabilem ,patrem1 incomprehensibiliter et invisibiliter intrasse in pleroma'4 ,footnote #eeb3 i4 #bf4 #a #8post baptismum descendisse in eum ab ea principalitate1 qu est super omnia1 ,christum figura columb2 et tunc annuntiasse incognitum ,patrem et virtutes perfecisse3 in fine autem revolasse iterum ,christum de ,iesu et ,iesum passum esse et resurrexisse1 etc4' ,footnote #eec3 iii4 #aa4 #a #8iterum revolasse in suum pleroma'4 ,this expression is the connecting link between the other two passages4 ,this third passage is quoted more at length1 above1 p4 #aab3 but ,i ought to have stated there that illi is referred by several critics to the ,valentinians1 and that certainly some characteristic errors of the ,valentinian teaching are specified immediately after4 ,the probable explanation seems to be that illi is intended to include the ,gnostics generally1 and that ,irenus mentions in illustration the principal errors of ,gnostic teaching1 irrespective of the schools to which they belong4 ,he goes on to say that ,st ,john in his ,gospel desired to exclude #8omnia talia'4 ,footnote #eed3 ,i have not been able however to verify the statement in ,harvey's ,irenus ,i4 p4 lxxiii that #8,the ,valentinian notion of a spiritual marriage between the souls of the elect and the angels of the ,pleroma originated with ,cerinthus'4 ,footnote #eee3 ,see p4 #aja sq41 and the notes on i4 #ai4 ,footnote #eef3 p4 #ajg sq4 ,sidenote3 ,the term avoided by ,basilides1 ,the attitude of later ,gnostics towards this term is widely divergent4 ,the word is not1 so far as ,i am aware1 once mentioned in connexion with the system of ,basilides4 ,indeed the nomenclature of this heresiarch belongs to a wholly different type2 and1 as he altogether repudiated the doctrine of emanations#eeg1 it is not probable that he would have any fondness for a term which was almost inextricably entangled with this doctrine4 ,footnote #eeg3 ,hippol4 ,r4 ,h4 vii4 #bb 4 ,basilides asked why the absolute ,first ,cause should be likened to a spider spinning threads from itself1 or a smith or carpenter working up his materials4 ,the later ,basilideans1 apparently influenced by ,valentinianism1 superadded to the teaching of their founder in this respect2 but the strong language quoted by ,hippolytus leaves no doubt about the mind of ,basilides himself4 ,sidenote3 but prominent in ,valentinianism4 ,on the other hand with ,valentinus and the ,valentinians the doctrine of the pleroma was the very key-stone of their system2 and1 since at first sight it is somewhat difficult to connect their use of the term with ,st ,paul's1 a few words on this subject may not be out of place4 ,sidenote3 ,poetic teaching of ,valentinus4 ,valentinus then dressed his system in a poetic imagery not unlike the myths of his master ,plato4 ,but a myth or story involves action1 and action requires a scene of action4 ,hence the mysteries of theology and cosmogony and redemption call for a topographical representation1 and the pleroma appears not as an abstract idea1 but as a locality4 ,sidenote3 ,topographical conception of the pleroma4 ,the ,valentinian system accordingly maps out the universe of things into two great regions1 called respectively the pleroma and the kenoma1 the #8fulness' and the #8void'4 ,from a ,christian point of view these may be described as the kingdoms of light and of darkness respectively4 ,sidenote3 ,antithesis of pleroma and kenoma4,from the side of ,platonism1 they are the regions of real and of phenomenal existences--the world of eternal archetypes or ideas1 and the world of material and sensible things4 ,the identification of these two antitheses was rendered easy for the ,gnostic2 because with him knowledge was one with morality and with salvation1 and because also matter was absolutely bound up with evil4 ,it is difficult to say whether the ,platonism or the ,christianity predominates in the ,valentinian theology2 but the former at all events is especially prominent in their conception of the relations between the pleroma and the kenoma4 ,sidenote3 ,pleroma the abode of the ons4 ,the pleroma is the abode of the ons1 who are thirty in number4 ,these ons are successive emanations1 of which the first pair sprang immediately from the preexistent ,bythus or ,depth4 ,this ,bythus is deity in itself1 the absolute first principle1 as the name suggests2 the profound1 unfathomable1 limitless1 of whom or of which nothing can be predicated and nothing known4 ,here again we have something like a local representation4 ,the ons or emanations are plainly the attributes and energies of deity2 they are1 or they comprise1 the eternal ideas or archetypes of the ,platonic philosophy4 ,in short they are deity relative1 deity under self-imposed limitations1 deity derived and divided up1 as it were1 so as at length to be conceivable4 ,sidenote3 ,different forms of ,valentinianism4 ,the topographical relation of ,bythus to the derived ons was differently given in different developments of the ,valentinian teaching4 ,according to one representation he was outside the pleroma2 others placed his abode within it1 but even in this case he was separated from the rest by ,horus 771 a personified ,boundary or ,fence1 whom none1 not even the ons themselves1 could pass#eeh4 ,the former mode of representation might be thought to accord better with the imagery1 at the same time that it is more accurate if regarded as the embodiment of a philosophical conception4 ,nevertheless the latter was the favourite mode of delineation2 and it had at least this recommendation1 that it combined in one all that is real1 as opposed to all that is phenomenal4 ,in this pleroma every existence which is suprasensual and therefore true has its abode4 ,footnote #eeh3 ,for the various modes in which the relation of the absolute first principle to the pleroma was represented in different ,valentinian schools1 see ,iren4 i4 #a4 #a1 i4 #b4 #d1 i4 #aa4 #a1 #c1 #e1 i4 #ab4 #a1 etc4 ,the main distinction is that stated in the text3 the first principle was represented in two ways2 either 7i7 as a monad1 outside the pleroma2 or 7ii7 as a dyad1 a syzygy1 most commonly under the designation of and 1 included within the pleroma but fenced off from the other ons4 ,the ,valentinian doctrine as given by ,hippolytus 7vi4 #bi sq47 represents the former type4 ,there are good1 though perhaps not absolutely decisive1 reasons for supposing that this father gives the original teaching of ,valentinus himself4 ,for 7#a7 this very doctrine of the monad seems to point to an earlier date4 ,it is the link which connects the system of ,valentinus not only with ,pythagoreanism to which 7as ,hippolytus points out7 he was so largely indebted1 but also with the teaching of the earlier heresiarch ,basilides1 whose first principle likewise was a monad1 the absolute nothing1 the non-existent ,god4 ,the conception of the first principle as a dyad seems to have been a later1 and not very happy1 modification of the doctrine of the founder1 being in fact an extension of the principle of syzygies which ,valentinus with a truer philosophical conception had restricted to the derived essences4 7#b7 ,the exposition of ,hippolytus throughout exhibits a system at once more consistent and more simple1 than the luxuriant developments of the later ,valentinians1 such as ,ptolemus and ,marcus4 7#c7 ,the sequence of his statement points to the same conclusion4 ,he gives a consecutive account of some one system1 turning aside from time to time to notice the variations of different ,valentinian schools from this standard and again resuming the main thread of his exposition4 ,it seems most natural therefore that he should have taken the system of the founder as his basis4 ,on the other hand ,irenus 7i4 #aa4 #a7 states that ,valentinus represented the first principle as a dyad 7 or 1 and 73 but there is no evidence that he had any direct or indirect knowledge of the writings of ,valentinus himself1 and his information was derived from the later disciples of the school1 more especially from the ,ptolemans4 ,sidenote3 ,kenoma1 the region of phenomena4 ,separated from this celestial region by ,horus1 another ,horus or ,boundary1 which1 or who1 like the former is impassable1 lies the #8kenoma' or #8void'--the kingdom of this world1 the region of matter and material things1 the land of shadow and darkness#eei4 ,here is the empire of the ,demiurge or ,creator1 who is not a celestial on at all1 but was born in this very void over which he reigns4 ,here reside all those phenomenal1 deceptive1 transitory things1 of which the eternal counterparts are found only in the pleroma4 ,footnote #eei3 ,iren4 i4 #d4 #a1 #b1 ii4 #c4 #a1 ii4 #d4 #a1 #c1 ii4 #e4 #a1 ii4 #h4 #a-c1 ii4 #ad4 #c1 iii4 #be4 #f1 #g1 etc4 ,sidenote3 ,platonism of this antithesis4 ,it is in this antithesis that the ,platonism of the ,valentinian theory reaches its climax4 ,all things are set off one against another in these two regions#efj3 just as ,the swan on still ,st ,mary's lake ,floats double1 swan and shadow4 ,not only have the thirty ons their terrestrial counterparts2 but their subdivisions also are represented in this lower region4 ,the kenoma too has its ogdoad1 its decad1 its dodecad1 like the pleroma#efa4 ,there is one ,sophia in the supramundane region1 and another in the mundane2 there is one ,christ who redeems the ons in the spiritual world1 and a second ,christ who redeems mankind1 or rather a portion of mankind1 in the sensible world4 ,there is an on ,man and another on ,ecclesia in the celestial kingdom1 the ideal counterparts to the ,human ,race and the ,christian ,church of the terrestrial4 ,even individual men and women1 as we shall see presently1 have their archetypes in this higher sphere of intelligible being4 ,footnote #efj3 ,iren4 i4 #f4 #c1 i4 #g4 #a sq41 ii4 #ad4 #c1 ii4 #ae4 #c sq41 ii4 #bj4 #e1 ii4 #cj4 #c1 etc4 ,footnote #efa3 ,iren4 i4 #e4 #b1 ii4 #ad4 #c2 comp4 ,hippol4 vi4 #cd4 ,sidenote3 ,the localization of the pleroma carried out in detail4 ,the topographical conception of the pleroma moreover is carried out in the details of the imagery4 ,the second ,sophia1 called also ,achamoth1 is the desire1 the offspring1 of her elder namesake1 separated from her mother1 cast out of the pleroma1 and left #8stranded' in the void beyond#efb1 being prevented from returning by the inexorable ,horus who guards the frontier of the supramundane kingdom4 ,the second ,christ--a being compounded of elements contributed by all the ons#efc--was sent down from the pleroma1 first of all at the eve of creation to infuse something like order and to provide for a spiritual element in this lower world2 and secondly1 when ,he united ,himself with the man ,jesus for the sake of redeeming those who were capable of redemption#efd4 ,at the end of all things ,sophia ,achamoth1 and with her the spiritual portion of mankind1 shall be redeemed and received up into the pleroma1 while the psychical portion will be left outside to form another kingdom under the dominion of their father the ,demiurge4 ,this redemption and ascension of ,achamoth 7by a perversion of a scriptural image7 was represented as her espousals with the ,saviour1 the second ,christ2 and the pleroma1 the scene of this happy union1 was called the bridal-chamber#efe4 ,indeed the localization of the pleroma is as complete as language can make it4 ,the constant repetition of the words #8within' and #8without'1 #8above' and #8beneath'1 in the development of this philosophical and religious myth still further impresses this local sense on the term#eff4 ,footnote #efb3 ,iren4 i4 #d4 #a 7 444 ,the ,greek ,,ms reads 1 but the rendering of the early ,latin translation #8in umbr et8 vacuitatis locis' leaves no doubt about the word in the original text4 ,tertullian says of this ,achamoth 7adv4 ,valent4 #ad7 #8explosa est in loca luminis aliena 444 in vacuum atque inane illud ,epicuri'4 ,see note #efg4 ,footnote #efc3 ,iren4 i4 #b4 #f1 ,hippol4 vi4 #cb4 ,footnote #efd3 ,they quoted1 as referring to this descent of the second ,christ into the kenoma1 the words of ,st ,paul1 ,phil4 ii4 #g 2 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,exc4 ,theod4 #ce 7p4 #igh74 ,footnote #efe3 ,iren4 i4 #g4 #a 1 3 comp4 ,hippol4 vi4 #cd 4 ,footnote #eff3 ,this language is so frequent that special references are needless4 ,in ,iren4 ii4 #e4 #c we have a still stronger expression1 #8in ventre pleromatis'4 ,sidenote3 ,the connexion with ,st4 ,paul's use of the term obscured1 ,in this topographical representation the connexion of meaning in the word pleroma as employed by ,st ,paul and by ,valentinus respectively seems at first sight to be entirely lost4 ,when we read of the contrast between the pleroma and the kenoma1 the fulness and the void1 we are naturally reminded of the plenum and the vacuum of physical speculations4 ,the sense of pleroma1 as expressing completeness and so denoting the aggregate or totality of the ,divine powers1 seems altogether to have disappeared4 ,sidenote3 owing partly to the false antithesis ,but in fact this antithesis of was1 so far as we can make out1 a mere after-thought1 and appears to have been borrowed1 as ,irenus states1 from the physical theories of ,democritus and ,epicurus#efg4 ,it would naturally suggest itself both because the opposition of and was obvious1 and because the word materially assisted the imagery as a description of the kingdom of waste and shadow4 ,but in itself it is a false antithesis4 ,sidenote3 borrowed from physical philosophers2,the true antithesis appears in another1 and probably an earlier1 term used to describe the mundane kingdom4 ,in this earlier representation1 which there is good reason for ascribing to ,valentinus himself1 it is called not #8the void'1 but #8the deficiency1 incompleteness'#efh4 ,sidenote3 but reappears in their common phraseology4,moreover the common phraseology of the ,valentinian schools shows that the idea suggested by this opposition to was not the original idea of the term4 ,they speak of 1 1 #8the whole aggregate of the ons'#efi4 ,and this 7making allowance for the personification of the ons7 corresponds exactly to its use in ,st ,paul4 ,footnote #efg3 ,iren4 ii4 #ad4 #c #8,umbram autem et vacuum ipsorum a ,democrito et ,epicuro sumentes sibimetipsis aptaverunt1 quum illi primum multum sermonem fecerint de vacuo et de atomis'4 ,footnote #efh3 ,hippol4 vi4 #ca 7i4e4 as standing between the and 7 1 1 4 ,irenus represents the ,marcosians as designating the ,demiurge i4 #ag4 #b1 i4 #ai4 #a1 ii4 prf4 #a1 ii4 #a4 #a 7comp4 i4 #ad4 #a74 ,this was perhaps intended originally as an antithesis to the name of the ,christ1 who was 4 ,the ,marcosians however apparently meant ,sophia ,achamoth by this 4 ,this transference from the whole to the part would be in strict accordance with their terminology3 for as they called the supramundane ons 7,iren4 i4 #ad4 #b1 #e2 quoted in ,hippol4 vi4 #dc1 #df71 so also by analogy they might designate the mundane ,powers 7comp4 ,iren4 i4 #af4 #c74 ,the term1 as it occurs in the document used by ,hippolytus1 plainly denotes the whole mundane region4 ,hippolytus does not use the word 1 though so common in ,irenus4 ,this fact seems to point to the earlier date of the ,valentinian document which he uses1 and so to bear out the result arrived at in a previous note 7p4 #ccb7 that we have here a work of ,valentinus himself4 ,the word appears also in ,exc4 ,theod4 #bb 7p4 #igd74 ,footnote #efi3 e4g4 ,hippol4 vi4 #cd1 ,iren4 i4 #b4 #f4 ,see especially ,iren4 ii4 #g4 #c #8,quoniam enim pleroma ipsorum triginta ,aeones sunt1 ipsi testantur'4 ,sidenote3 ,the original meaning shown by other uses4 ,again the teaching of the ,valentinian schools supplies other uses which serve to illustrate its meaning4 ,not only does the supramundane kingdom as a whole bear this name1 but each separate on1 of which that kingdom is the aggregation1 is likewise called a pleroma#egj4 ,this designation is given to an on1 because it is the fulness1 the perfection1 of which its mundane counterpart is only a shadowy and defective copy4 ,nor does the narrowing of the term stop here4 ,there likewise dwells in this higher region a pleroma1 or eternal archetype1 not only of every comprehensive mundane power1 but of each individual man2 and to wed himself with this heavenly partner1 this ,divine ideal of himself1 must be the study of his life4 ,sidenote3 ,interpretation of ,john iv4 #ag1 #ah4,the profound moral significance1 which underlies the exaggerated ,platonism and perverse exegesis of this conception1 will be at once apparent4 ,but the manner in which the theory was carried out is curiously illustrated by the commentary of the ,valentinian ,heracleon on our ,lord's discourse with the ,samaritan woman#ega4 ,this woman1 such is his explanation1 belongs to the spiritual portion of mankind4 ,but she had had six#egb husbands1 or in other words she had entangled herself with the material world1 had defiled herself with sensuous things4 ,the husband however1 whom she now has1 is not her husband2 herein she has spoken rightly3 the ,saviour in fact means #8her partner from the pleroma'4 ,hence she is bidden to go and call him2 that is1 she must find #8her pleroma1 that coming to the ,saviour with him 7or it71 she may be able to obtain from ,him the power and the union and the combination with her pleroma' 7 74 #8,for'1 adds ,heracleon1 #8,he did not speak of a mundane 77 husband when ,he told her to call him1 since ,he was not ignorant that she had no lawful husband'4 ,footnote #egj3 ,see the passages from ,irenus quoted above1 note #efh2 comp4 ,exc4 ,theod4 #cb1 #cc 7p4 #igg74 ,similarly is a synonym for the ons1 1 ,exc4 ,theod4 #be 7p4 #ige74 ,footnote #ega3 ,heracleon in ,orig4 in ,ioann4 xiii1 iv4 p4 #bje sq4 ,the passages are collected in ,stieren's ,irenus p4 #idg sq4 ,see especially p4 #iej 1 ' 1 1 444 1 4 ,lower down ,heracleon says 4 ,by this last expression ,i suppose he means that the great on ,man of the ,ogdoad1 the eternal archetype of mankind1 comprises in itself archetypes corresponding to each individual man and woman1 not indeed of the whole human race 7for the ,valentinian would exclude the psychical and carnal portion from any participation in this higher region7 but of the spiritual portion thereof4 ,footnote #egb3 ,origen expressly states that ,heracleon read for 4 ,the number six was supposed to symbolize the material creature3 see ,heracleon on #8the forty and six years' of ,john ii4 #bj 7,stieren p4 #idg74 ,there is no reason to think that ,heracleon falsified the text here2 he appears to have found this various reading already in his copy4 ,sidenote3 ,valentinians accept ,st ,paul and ,st ,john1 ,impossible as it seems to us to reconcile the ,valentinian system with the teaching of the ,apostles1 the ,valentinians themselves felt no such difficulty4 ,they intended their philosophy not to supersede or contradict the ,apostolic doctrine1 but to supplement it and to explain it on philosophical principles4 ,hence the ,canon of the ,valentinians comprehended the ,canon of ,catholic ,christianity in all its essential parts1 though some ,valentinian schools at all events supplemented it with ,apocryphal writings4 ,more particularly the ,gospel of ,st ,john and the ,epistles to the ,colossians and ,ephesians were regarded with especial favour2 and those passages which speak of the pleroma are quoted more than once in their writings to illustrate their teaching4 ,sidenote3 and quote them in support of their views4,by isolating a few words from the context and interpreting them wholly without reference to their setting1 they had no difficulty in finding a confirmation of their views1 where we see only an incongruity or even a contradiction4 ,for instance1 their second ,christ--the redeemer of the spiritual element in the mundane world--was1 as we saw1 compacted of gifts contributed by all the ons of the pleroma4 ,hence he was called #8the common fruit of the pleroma'1 #8the fruit of all the pleroma'#egc1 #8the most perfect beauty and constellation of the pleroma'#egd2 hence also he was designated #8,all' 77 and #8,all things' 77#ege4 ,accordingly1 to this second ,christ1 not to the first1 they applied these texts2 ,col4 iii4 #aa #8,and ,he is all things'1 ,rom4 xi4 #cf #8,all things are unto ,him and from ,him are all things'1 ,col4 ii4 #i #8,in ,him dwelleth all the fulness of the ,godhead'1 ,ephes4 i4 #aj #8,to gather together in one all things in ,christ through ,god'#egf4 ,so too they styled him 71 with a reference to ,col4 i4 #ai1 because #8all the pleroma was pleased through ,him to glorify the ,father'#egg4 ,and inasmuch as this second ,christ was according to the ,valentinian theory instrumental in the creation of the mundane powers1 they quoted1 or rather misquoted1 as referring to this participation in the work of the ,demiurge1 the passage ,col4 i4 #af #8,in ,him were created all things1 visible and invisible1 thrones1 deities1 dominions'#egh4 ,indeed it seems clear that these adaptations were not always afterthoughts1 but that in several instances at least their nomenclature was originally chosen for the sake of fitting the theory to isolated phrases and expressions in the ,apostolic writings1 however much it might conflict with the ,apostolic doctrine in its main lines#egi4 ,footnote #egc3 ,the expression is in ,hippolytus vi4 #cb1 #cd1 #cf 7pp4 #aij1 #aia1 #aib1 #aic1 #aif74 ,in ,irenus i4 #h4 #e it is 4 ,footnote #egd3 ,iren4 i4 #b4 #f 4 ,footnote #ege3 ,iren4 i4 #b4 #f1 i4 #c4 #d4 ,footnote #egf3 ,iren4 i4 #c4 #d4 ,the passages are given in the text as they are quoted by ,irenus from the ,valentinians4 ,three out of the four are incorrect4 ,footnote #egg3 ,iren4 i4 #ab4 #d2 comp4 ,exc4 ,theod4 #ca 7p4 #igg7 4 ,footnote #egh3 ,iren4 i4 #d4 #e 1 1 1 1 1 where the misquotation is remarkable4 ,in ,exc4 ,theod4 #dc 7p4 #igi7 the words run 1 1 1 1 1 444 7the last words being taken from ,phil4 ii4 #i sq474 ,footnote #egi3 ,thus they interpreted ,ephes4 iii4 #ba as referring to their generated ons3 ,iren4 i4 #c4 #a4 ,similar is the use which they made of expressions in the opening chapter of ,st ,john1 where they found their first ,ogdoad described3 ib4 i4 #h4 #e4 ,sidenote3 ,use of the term by the ,docet ,the heretics called ,docet by ,hippolytus have no connexion with docetism1 as it is generally understood1 i4e4 the tenet that ,christ's body was not real flesh and blood1 but merely a phantom body4 ,their views on this point1 as represented by this father1 are wholly different#ehj4 ,of their system generally nothing need be said here1 except that it is largely saturated with ,valentinian ideas and phrases4 ,from the ,valentinians they evidently borrowed their conception of the pleroma1 by which they understood the aggregate1 or 7as localized7 the abode1 of the ons4 ,with them1 as with the ,valentinians1 the ,saviour is the common product of all the ons#eha2 and in speaking of him they echo a common ,valentinian phrase #8the pleroma of the entire ons'#ehb4 ,footnote #ehj3 ,r4 ,h4 viii4 #aj 7p4 #bfg74 ,footnote #eha3 ib4 viii4 #i4 ,footnote #ehb3 ib4 viii4 #aj 7p4 #bff74 ,sidenote3 and by two ,ophite sects4 ,the ,ophite heresy1 ,proteus-like1 assumes so many various forms1 that the skill of critics has been taxed to the utmost to bind it with cords and extract its story from it4 ,it appears however from the notices of ,hippolytus1 that the term pleroma was used in a definite theological sense by at least two branches of the sect1 whom he calls ,naassenes and ,perat4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,naassenes4 ,of the ,naassenes ,hippolytus tells us that among other images borrowed from the ,christian and ,jewish ,scriptures1 as well as from heathen poetry1 they described the region of true knowledge--their kingdom of heaven1 which was entered by initiation into their mysteries--as the land flowing with milk and honey1 #8which when the perfect 7the true ,gnostics1 the fully initiated7 have tasted1 they are freed from subjection to kings 77 and partake of the pleroma4' ,here is a plain allusion to ,joh4 i4 #af4 #8,this'1 the anonymous ,naassene writer goes on to say1 #8is the pleroma1 through which all created things coming into being are produced and fulfilled 77 from the ,uncreated'#ehc4 ,here again1 as in the ,valentinian system1 the conception of the pleroma is strongly tinged with ,platonism4 ,the pleroma is the region of ideas1 of archetypes1 which intervenes between the author of creation and the material world1 and communicates their specific forms to the phenomenal existences of the latter4 ,footnote #ehc3 ,r4 ,h4 v4 #h4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,perat4 ,the theology of the second ,ophite sect1 the ,perat1 as described by ,hippolytus1 is a strange phenomenon4 ,sidenote3 ,their theology,they divided the universe into three regions1 the uncreate1 the self-create1 and the created4 ,again the middle region may be said to correspond roughly to the ,platonic kingdom of ideas4 ,but their conception of deity is entirely their own4 ,they postulate three of every being2 three ,gods1 three ,words1 three ,minds 7i4e4 as we may suppose three ,spirits71 three ,men4 ,thus there is a ,god for each region1 just as there is a ,man4 ,in full accordance with this perverse and abnormal theology is their application of ,st ,paul's language4 ,sidenote3 and corresponding application of 4,their ,christ has three natures1 belonging to these three kingdoms respectively2 and this completeness of ,his being is implied by ,st ,paul in ,col4 i4 #ai1 ii4 #i1 which passages are combined in their loose quotation or paraphrase1 #8,all the pleroma was pleased to dwell in him bodily1 and there is in him all the godhead'1 i4e4 7as ,hippolytus adds in explanation7 #8of this their triple division 7 7'#ehd4 ,this application is altogether arbitrary1 having no relation whatever to the theological meaning of the term in ,st ,paul4 ,it is also an entire departure from the conception of the ,cerinthians1 ,valentinians1 and ,naassenes1 in which this meaning1 however obscured1 was not altogether lost4 ,these three heresies took a horizontal section of the universe1 so to speak1 and applied the term as coextensive with the supramundane stratum4 ,the ,perat on the other hand divided it vertically1 and the pleroma1 in their interpretation of the text1 denoted the whole extent of this vertical section4 ,there is nothing in common between the two applications beyond the fundamental meaning of the word1 #8completeness1 totality'4 ,footnote #ehd3 ,r4 ,h4 v4 #ab4 ,sidenote3 ,pistis ,sophia4 ,the extant ,gnostic work1 called ,pistis ,sophia1 was attributed at one time on insufficient grounds to ,valentinus4 ,it appears however to exhibit a late development of ,ophitism#ehe1 far more ,christian and less heathen in its character than those already considered4 ,in this work the word pleroma occurs with tolerable frequency2 but its meaning is not easily fixed4 ,sidenote3 ,frequent use of the term4,early in the treatise it is said that the disciples supposed a certain #8mystery'1 of which ,jesus spoke1 to be #8the end of all the ends' and #8the head 77 of the ,universe' and #8the whole pleroma'#ehf4 ,here we seem to have an allusion to the ,platonic kingdom of ideas1 i4e4 of intelligible being1 of absolute truth1 as reproduced in the ,valentinian pleroma4 ,and the word is used sometimes in connexion with the completeness of revelation or the perfection of knowledge4 ,thus our ,lord is represented as saying to ,his disciples1 #8,i will tell you the whole mystery and the whole pleroma1 and ,i will conceal nothing from you from this hour2 and in perfection will ,i perfect you in every pleroma and in every perfection and in every mystery1 which things are the perfection of all the perfections and the pleroma of all the pleromas'#ehg4 ,elsewhere however ,mary1 to whom ,jesus is represented as making some of his chief revelations1 is thus addressed by ,him2 #8,blessed art thou above 77 all women that are on the earth1 for thou shalt be pleroma of all the pleromas and perfection of all the perfections'#ehh1 where the word must be used in a more general sense4 ,footnote #ehe3 ,see ,kstlin in ,theolog4 ,jahrb4 ,tbingen #ahed1 p4 #ahe4 ,footnote #ehf3 ,pistis ,sophia p4 #c sq4 ,footnote #ehg3 ib4 p4 #ae sq43 comp4 pp4 #d1 #fj1 #ge1 #ahg1 #bge4 ,footnote #ehh3 ib4 p4 #bh sq43 comp4 p4 #ef4 ,on p4 #g is opposed to 1 apparently in the sense of #8completion'4 ,sidenote3 ,monoimus the ,arabian4 ,one heresy still remains to be noticed in connexion with this word4 ,hippolytus has preserved an account of the teaching of ,monoimus the ,arabian1 of whom previously to the discovery of this father's treatise we knew little more than the name4 ,in this strange form of heresy the absolute first principle is the uncreate1 imperishable1 eternal ,man4 ,i need not stop to enquire what this statement means4 ,it is sufficient for the present purpose to add that this eternal ,man is symbolized by the letter 1 the #8one iota'1 the #8one tittle' of the ,gospel#ehi2 and this 1 as representing the number ten1 includes in itself all the units from one to nine4 #8,this'1 added ,monoimus1 #8is 7meant by7 the saying 7of scripture7 ,all the pleroma was pleased to dwell upon the ,son of ,man bodily'#eij4 ,here the original idea of the word as denoting completeness1 totality1 is still preserved4 ,footnote #ehi3 ,matt4 v4 #ah4 ,footnote #eij3 ,r4 ,h4 viii4 #ac4 ,the ,epistle from ,laodicea#eia4 ,sidenote3 ,different theories classified4 ,the different opinions respecting the epistle thus designated by ,st ,paul1 which have been held in ancient or modern times1 will be seen from the following table2 #a4 ,an ,epistle written by the ,laodiceans2 to 77 ,st ,paul2 77 ,epaphras2 77 ,coloss4 #b4 ,an ,epistle written by ,st ,paul from ,laodicea4 77 #a ,timothy2 77 #a ,thessalonians2 77 #b ,thessalonians2 77 ,galatians4 #c4 ,an ,epistle addressed to the ,laodiceans by 7a7 ,st ,john 7the ,first ,epistle72 7b7 ,some companion of ,st ,paul 7,epaphras or ,luke72 7c7 ,st ,paul himself2 7i7 ,a lost ,epistle4 7ii7 ,one of the ,canonical ,epistles4 77 ,hebrews2 77 ,philemon2 77 ,ephesians4 7iii7 ,the ,apocryphal ,epistle4 ,footnote #eia3 ,the work of ,anger1 ,ueber den ,laodicenerbrief 7,leipzig #ahdc71 is very complete4 ,he enumerates and discusses very thoroughly the opinions of his predecessors1 omitting hardly anything relating to the literature of the subject which was accessible at the time when he wrote4 ,his exposition of his own view1 though not less elaborate1 is less satisfactory4 ,a later monograph by ,a4 ,sartori1 ,ueber den ,laodicenserbrief 7,lbeck #ahec71 is much slighter and contributes nothing new4 ,in this maze of conflicting hypotheses we might perhaps be tempted to despair of finding our way and give up the search as hopeless4 ,yet ,i venture to think that the true identification of the epistle in question is not1 or at least ought not to be1 doubtful4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,an epistle written by the ,laodiceans4 #a4 ,the opinion that the epistle was addressed by the ,laodiceans to ,st ,paul1 and not conversely1 found much support in the age of the ,greek commentators4 ,it is mentioned by ,st ,chrysostom as held by #8some persons'1 though he himself does not pronounce a definite opinion on the subject#eib4 ,sidenote3 ,advocates of this theory4,it is eagerly advocated by ,theodore of ,mopsuestia4 ,he supposes that the letter of the ,laodiceans contained some reflexions on the ,colossian ,church1 and that ,st ,paul thought it good for the ,colossians to hear what their neighbours said of them#eic4 ,theodoret1 though not mentioning ,theodore by name1 follows in his footsteps#eid4 ,the same opinion is also expressed in a note ascribed to ,photius in the ,,oecumenian ,catena4 ,this view seems to have been very widely entertained in ancient times4 ,it possibly underlies the ,latin ,version #8ea qu ,laodicensium est'#eie3 it is distinctly expressed in the rendering of the ,peshito1 #8that which was written by the ,laodiceans'#eif4 ,at a more recent date too it found great favour4 ,it was adopted on the one hand by ,calvin#eig and ,beza#eih and ,davenant and ,lightfoot#eii1 on the other by ,baronius#fjj and ,lapide and ,estius1 besides other very considerable names#fja4 ,latterly its popularity has declined1 but it has secured the support of one or two commentators even in the present century4 ,footnote #eib3 ad loc4 1 ' 4 ,footnote #eic3 ,rab4 ,maur4 ,op4 ,,vi4 p4 #edj 7,migne7 #8,non quia ad ,laodicenses scribit4 ,unde quidam falsam epistolam ad ,laodicenses ex nomine beati ,pauli confingendam esse existimaverunt2 nec enim erat vera epistola4 stimaverunt autem quidam illam esse1 qu in hoc loco est significata4 ,apostolus vero non ad ,laodicenses dicit sed ex ,laodicea2 quam illi scripserunt ad apostolum1 in quam aliqua reprehensionis digna inferebantur1 quam etiam hac de causa jussit apud eos legi1 ut ipsi reprehendant seipsos discentes qu de ipsis erant dicta' 7see ,spic4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #acc7 etc4 ,footnote #eid3 ,after repeating the argument based on the expression 1 ,theodoret says 4 ,footnote #eie3 ,this however may be questioned4 ,on the other hand ,beza 7ad loc471 ,whitaker 7,disputation on ,scripture pp4 #ajh1 #cjc1 #dfh sq41 #ebf1 #eca1 ,parker ,society's ed471 and others1 who explain the passage in this way1 urge that it is required by the ,greek 1 and complain that the other interpretation depends on the erroneous ,latin rendering4 ,footnote #eif3 ,or1 #8that which was written from ,laodicea4' ,the difference depends on the vocalisation of which may be either 7#a7 #8,laodicea1' as in vv4 #ac1 #ae1 or 7#b7 #8the ,laodiceans1' as in the previous clause in this same ver4 #af4 ,footnote #eig3 ,calvin is very positive2 #8,bis hallucinati sunt qui ,paulum arbitrati sunt ad ,laodicenses scripsisse4 ,non dubito quin epistola fuerit ad ,paulum missa4444 ,impostura autem nimis crassa fuit1 quod nebulo nescio quis hoc prtextu epistolam supponere ausus est adeo insulsam1 ut nihil a ,pauli spiritu magis alienum fingi queat4' ,the last sentence reveals the motive which unconsciously led so many to adopt this unnatural interpretation of ,st ,paul's language4 ,footnote #eih3 ad loc4 #8,multo fdius errarunt qui ex hoc loco suspicati sunt quandam fuisse epistolam ,pauli ad ,laodicenses 444 quum potius significet ,paulus epistolam aliquam ad se missam ,laodicea1 aut potius qua responsuri essent ,laodicenses ,colossensibus4' ,footnote #eii3 ,works ,,ii4 p4 #cbf4 ,footnote #fjj3 ,ann4 ,eccl4 s4 a4 #fj1 xiii4 ,footnote #fja3 e4g4 ,tillemont ,mem4 ,eccl4 p4 #egf4 ,sidenote3 ,reasons for it4 ,the underlying motive of this interpretation was to withdraw the support which the apocryphal epistle seemed to derive from this reference1 without being obliged at the same time to postulate a lost epistle of ,st ,paul4 ,the critical argument adduced in its support was the form of expression1 4 ,sidenote3 ,objections to it4,the whole context however points to a different explanation4 ,the ,colossian and ,laodicean ,epistles are obviously regarded as in some sense companion epistles1 of which the ,apostle directs an interchange between the two ,churches4 ,and again1 if the letter in question had been written by the ,laodiceans to ,st ,paul1 why should he enjoin the ,colossians to get it from ,laodicea8 ,how could he assume that a copy had been kept by the ,laodiceans2 or1 if kept1 would be given up when required8 ,indeed the difficulties in this hypothesis are so great1 that nothing but the most imperious requirements of the ,greek language would justify its acceptance4 ,but the expression in the original makes no such demand4 ,it is equally competent for us to explain either #8the letter written from ,laodicea'1 or #8the letter to be procured from ,laodicea'1 as the context may suggest4 ,the latter accords at least as well with ,greek usage as the former#fjb4 ,footnote #fjb3 ,see the note on iv4 #af4 ,sidenote3 ,views respecting the person addressed4 ,the vast majority of those who interpret the expression in this way assume that the letter was written to 77 ,st ,paul4 ,the modifications of this view1 which suppose it addressed to some one else1 need hardly be considered4 ,the theory for instance1 which addresses it to 77 ,epaphras#fjc1 removes none of the objections brought against the simpler hypothesis4 ,another opinion1 which takes 77 the ,colossians themselves to have been the recipients#fjd1 does indeed dispose of one difficulty1 the necessity of assuming a copy kept by the ,laodiceans1 but it is even more irreconcileable with the language of the context4 ,why then should ,st ,paul so studiously charge them to see that they read it8 ,why above all should he say 1 #8ye also'1 when they were the only persons who would read it as a matter of course8 ,footnote #fjc3 e4g4 ,storr ,opusc4 ,,ii4 p4 #abd sq4 ,footnote #fjd3 ,so for instance ,corn4 ,lapide1 as an alternative1 #8vel certe ad ipsos ,colossenses1 ut vult ,theodor4'2 but ,i do not find anything of the kind in ,theodoret4 ,this view also commends itself to ,beza4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,a letter written from ,laodicea by ,st ,paul4 #b4 ,a second class of identifications rests on the supposition that it was a letter written from ,laodicea1 though not by the ,laodiceans themselves4 ,the considerations which recommend this hypothesis for acceptance are the same as in the last case4 ,it withdraws all support from the apocryphal ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 and it refrains from postulating a lost ,apostolic epistle4 ,it is not exposed to all the objections of the other theory1 but it introduces new difficulties still more serious4 ,here a choice of several epistles is offered to us4 ,sidenote3 #a ,timothy477 ,the ,first ,epistle to ,timothy4 ,this view is distinctly maintained by ,john ,damascene#fje and by ,theophylact#fjf2 but it took its rise much earlier4 ,it appears in the margin of the ,philoxenian ,syriac#fjg1 and it seems to have suggested the subscriptions found in many authorities at the close of that epistle4 ,the words are found in ,,akl #dg etc41 and many of these define the place meant by the addition 4 ,a similar note is found in some ,latin ,,mss4 ,it is quite possible that this subscription was prior to the theory respecting the interpretation of ,col4 iv4 #af1 and gave rise to it2 but the converse is more probable1 and in some ,,mss 7ascr1 #gd7 the bearing of this subscription on ,col4 iv4 #af is emphasized1 4 ,this identification has not been altogether without support in later times#fjh4 ,sidenote3 #a ,thessalonians477 ,the ,first ,epistle to the ,thessalonians4 ,a final colophon in the ,philoxenian ,syriac asserts that it was #8written from ,laodicea'3 and the same is stated in a later hand of d1 #8scribens a ,laodicea'4 ,again an thiopic ,,ms1 though giving ,athens as the place of writing1 adds that it was #8sent with ,timotheus1 ,tychicus1 and ,onesimus#fji4' ,this identification was perhaps suggested by the fact that #a ,thessalonians follows next after ,colossians in the common order of ,st ,paul's ,epistles4 ,sidenote3 #b ,thessalonians477 ,the ,second ,epistle to the ,thessalonians4 ,in the ,peshito 7as given by ,schaaf#fji7 there is a final colophon stating that this epistle #8was written from ,laodicea of ,pisidia and was sent by the hand of ,tychicus#faj'4 ,though the addition of ,pisidia wrongly defines the place as ,laodicea ,combusta1 instead of ,laodicea ad ,lycum1 yet the mention of the messenger's name shows plainly that the identification with the missing epistle of ,col4 iv4 #af was contemplated4 ,so too the ,memphitic #8per ,silvanum et ,tychicum'1 and a ,latin prologue #8per ,titum et ,onesimum'4 ,again an thiopic ,,ms points to the same identification1 though strangely confused in its statements4 ,in the superscription we are told that this epistle was written when the ,apostle was at ,laodicea1 but in the subscription that it #8was written at ,athens to ,laodicea and sent by ,tychicus'2 while the prolegomena state that it was written and left at ,laodicea1 and that afterwards1 when ,st ,paul wrote his letter to the ,colossians from ,rome1 he gave directions that it should be transmitted to the ,thessalonians by the ,colossians#faa4 ,sidenote3 ,galatians477 ,the ,epistle to the ,galatians#fab4 ,this might have been chosen1 partly because it affords no internal data for deciding where it was written1 partly because like the ,colossian ,epistle it is directed against a form of ,judaism1 and the advocates of this hypothesis might not be careful to distinguish the two types1 though very distinct in themselves4 ,i find no support for it in the subscriptions1 except the notice #8per ,tychicum' in some ,slavonic ,,mss4 ,footnote #fje3 ,op4 ,,ii4 p4 #bad 7ed4 ,lequien7 4 ,but he adds 444 ' 4 ,footnote #fjf3 ad loc4 2 4 1 ' 4 ,footnote #fjg3 ad loc4 #8,propter eam qu est ad ,timotheum dixit4' ,footnote #fjh3 ,it is adopted by ,erasmus in his paraphrase2 #8vicissim vos legatis epistolam qu ,timotheo scripta fuit ex ,laodicensium urbe'3 but in his commentary he does not commit himself to it4 ,for other names see ,anger p4 #ag1 note k4 ,footnote #fji3 ,catal4 ,bibl4 ,bodl4 ,cod4 thiop4 p4 #bc4 ,footnote #faj3 ,in the editio princeps 7,vienna #aeee7 the latter part of this colophon1 #8and was sent by the hand of ,tychicus1' is wanting4 ,footnote #faa3 ,catal4 ,bibl4 ,bodl4 ,cod4 thiop4 p4 #bc4 ,footnote #fab3 ,bloch1 quoted in ,anger p4 #ag note l4 ,sidenote3 ,objections to these solutions4 ,the special difficulties attending this class of solutions are manifold4 7#a7 ,it does not appear that ,st ,paul had ever been at ,laodicea when he wrote the letter to the ,colossians4 7#b7 ,all the epistles thus singled out are separated from the ,colossian letter by an interval of some years at least4 7#c7 ,in every case they can with a high degree of probability be shown to have been written elsewhere than at ,laodicea4 ,indeed1 as ,st ,paul had been long a prisoner either at ,csarea or at ,rome1 when he wrote to ,coloss1 he could not have despatched a letter recently from ,laodicea4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,a letter to the ,laodiceans written by 7a7 ,st ,john4 7b7 ,a companion of ,st ,paul4 7c7 ,st ,paul4 #c4 ,thus we are thrown back on some form of the solution which makes it a letter written to the ,laodiceans4 ,and here we may at once reject the hypothesis that the writer was 7a7 ,st ,john#fac4 ,the ,first ,epistle of ,st ,john1 which has been selected1 was written 7as is allowed on all hands7 much later than this date4 ,nor again does ,st ,paul's language favour the alternative1 which others have maintained1 that the letter in question was written by 7b7 one of ,st ,paul's companions1 e4g4 ,epaphras or ,luke#fad4 ,the writer must therefore have been 7c7 ,st ,paul himself4 ,footnote #fac3 ,a conjecture of ,lightfoot's 7,works ,,ii4 pp4 #cbf1 #cci1 ,london #afhd71 but he does not lay much stress on it4 ,he offers it #8rather then conceive that any epistle of ,paul is lost4' ,see also ,anger p4 #ag1 note m4 ,footnote #fad3 ,baumgarten ,comm4 ad loc41 quoted by ,anger p4 #be1 note g4 ,on this assumption three alternatives offer themselves4 ,sidenote3 7i7 ,a lost letter4 7i74 ,we may suppose that the epistle in question has been lost4 ,it has been pointed out elsewhere that the ,apostle must have written many letters which are not preserved in our ,canon#fae4 ,thus there is no a priori objection to this solution2 and1 being easy and obvious in itself1 it has found common support in recent times4 ,if therefore we had no positive reasons for identifying the ,laodicean letter with one of the extant epistles of our ,canon1 we might at once close with this account of the matter4 ,but such reasons do exist4 ,and moreover1 as we are obliged to suppose that at least three letters--the ,epistles to the ,colossians1 to the ,ephesians1 and to ,philemon--were despatched by ,st ,paul to ,asia ,minor at the same time1 it is best not to postulate a fourth1 unless we are obliged to do so4 ,footnote #fae3 ,philippians p4 #acf sq4 ,sidenote3 7ii7 ,a ,canonical epistle4 7ii74 ,but1 if it was not a lost letter1 with which of the ,canonical ,epistles of ,st ,paul can we identify it with most probability8 ,was it ,sidenote3 77 ,hebrews4 ,philastrius4 77 ,the ,epistle to the ,hebrews8 ,the supporters of this hypothesis are able to produce ancient evidence of a certain kind1 though not such as carries any real weight4 ,philastrius1 writing about the close of the fourth century1 says that some persons ascribed the authorship of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews to ,luke the ,evangelist1 and adds that it was asserted 7apparently by these same persons1 though this is not quite clear7 to have been written to the ,laodiceans#faf4 ,sidenote3 ,supposed testimony of ,,ms ,g4,again in the ,grco-,latin ,,ms ,g of ,st ,paul's ,epistles1 the ,codex ,boernerianus1 probably written in the ninth century1 after the ,epistle to ,philemon1 which breaks off abruptly at ver4 #bj1 a vacant space is left1 as if for the conclusion of this epistle3 and then follows a fresh title ad laudicenses incipit epistola ,this is evidently intended as the heading to another epistle4 ,no other epistle however succeeds1 but the leaf containing this title is followed by several leaves1 which were originally left blank1 but were filled at a later date with extraneous matter4 ,what then was this ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 which was intended to follow1 but which the scribe was prevented from transcribing8 ,as the ,epistle to the ,hebrews is not found in this ,,ms1 and as in the common order of the ,pauline ,epistles it would follow the ,epistle to ,philemon1 the title has frequently been supposed to refer to it4 ,this opinion however does not appear at all probable4 ,anger#fag indeed argues in its favour on the ground that in the companion ,,ms ,f1 the ,codex ,augiensis1 which 7so far as regards the ,greek text7 must have been derived immediately from the same archetype#fah1 the ,epistle to the ,hebrews does really follow4 ,but what are the facts8 ,sidenote3 ,relation of ,g to ,f4,it is plain that the ,greek texts of ,g and ,f came from the same original3 but it is equally plain that the two scribes had different ,latin texts before them--that of ,g being the ,old ,latin1 and that of ,f ,jerome's revised ,vulgate4 ,no argument therefore derived from the ,latin text holds good for the ,greek4 ,but the phenomena of both ,,mss alike#fai show that the ,greek text of their common archetype ended abruptly at ,philem4 #bj 7probably owing to the loss of the final leaves of the volume74 ,the two scribes therefore were left severally to the resources of their respective ,latin ,,mss4 ,the scribe of ,f1 whose ,greek and ,latin texts are in parallel columns1 concluded the ,epistle to ,philemon in ,latin1 though he could not match it with its proper ,greek2 and after this he added the ,epistle to the ,hebrews in ,latin1 no longer however leaving a blank column1 as he had done for the last few verses of ,philemon4 ,on the other hand the ,latin text in ,g is interlinear1 the ,latin words being written above the ,greek to interpret them4 ,when therefore the ,greek text came to an end the scribe's work was done1 for he could no longer interlineate4 ,but he left a blank space for the remainder of ,philemon1 hoping doubtless hereafter to find a ,greek ,,ms from which he could fill it in2 and he likewise gave the title of the epistle which he found next in his ,latin copy1 in ,greek as well as in ,latin4 ,the ,greek title however he had to supply for himself4 ,this is clear from the form1 which shows it to have been translated from the ,latin by a person who had the very smallest knowledge of ,greek4 ,no ,greek in the most barbarous age would have written for or 4 ,the is a ,latin corruption au for ao1 and the termination is a ,latin's notion of the ,greek accusative4 ,thus the whole word is a reproduction of the ,latin #8,laudicenses1' the en being represented as usual by the ,greek #fbj4 ,sidenote3 ,the spurious ,laodicean ,epistle intended4,if so1 we have only to ask what writing would probably appear as ,epistola ad ,laudicenses in a ,latin copy2 and to this question there can be only one answer4 ,the apocryphal ,epistle to the ,laodiceans occurs frequently in the ,latin ,bibles1 being found at least two or three centuries before the ,,ms ,g was written4 ,though it does not usually follow the ,epistle to ,philemon1 yet its place varies very considerably in different ,latin copies1 and an instance will be given below#fba where it actually occurs in this position4 ,footnote #faf3 ,hr4 lxxxix #8,sunt alii quoque qui epistolam ,pauli ad ,hebros non adserunt esse ipsius1 sed dicunt aut ,barnab esse apostoli aut ,clementis de urbe ,roma episcopi2 alii autem ,luc evangelist aiunt epistolam etiam ad ,laodicenses scriptam4 ,et quia addiderunt in ea qudam non bene sentientes1 inde non legitur in ecclesia2 et si legitur a quibusdam1 non tamen in ecclesia legitur populo1 nisi tredecim epistol ipsius1 et ad ,hebros interdum4 ,et in ea quia rhetorice scripsit1 sermone plausibili1 inde non putant esse ejusdem apostoli2 et quia factum ,christum dicit in ea ,heb4 iii4 #b1 inde non legitur2 de pnitentia autem ,heb4 vi4 #d1 x4 #bf propter ,novatianos que4 ,cum ergo factum dicit ,christum1 corpore1 non divinitate1 dicit factum1 cum doceat ibidem quod divin sit et patern substanti filius1 ,qui est splendor glori1 inquit1 et imago substanti ejus ,heb4 i4 #c' etc4 ,oehler punctuates the sentence with which we are concerned thus3 #8alii autem ,luc evangelist4 ,aiunt epistolam etiam ad ,laodicenses scriptam1' and in his note he adds #8videlicet ,pauli esse apostoli4' ,thus he supposes the clause to refer to the apocryphal ,epistle to the ,laodiceans3 and ,fabricius explains the reference similarly4 ,such a reference however would be quite out of place here4 ,the whole paragraph before and after is taken up with discussing the ,epistle to the ,hebrews2 and the interposition of just six words1 referring to a wholly different matter1 is inconceivable4 ,we must therefore punctuate either #8alii autem ,luc evangelist aiunt epistolam1 etiam ad ,laodicenses scriptam'1 or #8alii autem ,luc evangelist aiunt2 epistolam etiam ad ,laodicenses scriptam4' ,in either case it will mean that some persons supposed the ,epistle to the ,hebrews to have been written to the ,laodiceans4 ,footnote #fag3 ,laodicenerbrief p4 #bi sq4 ,footnote #fah3 ,if indeed the ,greek text of ,f was not copied immediately from ,g1 as has been recently maintained by ,mr ,hort in the ,journal of ,philology ,,iii4 p4 #fg4 ,the divergent phenomena of the two ,latin texts seem to me unfavourable to this hypothesis2 but it ought not to be hastily rejected4 ,footnote #fai3 ,volkmar1 the editor of ,credner's ,geschichte des ,neutestamentlichen ,kanon p4 #bii1 with strange carelessness speaks of #8the appearance 7das ,vorkommen7 of the ,laodicean ,epistle in both the ,codices ,augiensis and ,boernerianus which in other respects are closely allied4' ,there is no mention of it in the ,codex ,augiensis4 ,footnote #fbj3 ,it is curious that this ,,ms1 which was written by an ,irish scribe1 should give the same corrupt form1 ,laudac- for ,laodac-1 which we find in the ,book of ,armagh2 see below p4 #cdh4 ,footnote #fba3 ,see p4 #ceb4 ,it occurs also in this position in the list of ,aelfric 7see below p4 #cfb71 where the order of the ,pauline ,epistles is 444 ,col41 ,hebr41 #a1 #b ,tim41 ,tit41 ,philem41 ,laod4 ,sidenote3 ,this identification unsatisfactory4 ,thus beyond the notice in ,philastrius there is no ancient support for the identification of the missing letter of ,col4 iv4 #af with the ,epistle to the ,hebrews2 and doubtless the persons to whom ,philastrius alludes had no more authority for their opinion than their modern successors4 ,critical conjecture1 not historical tradition1 led them to this result4 ,the theory therefore must stand or fall by its own merits4 ,it has been maintained by one or two modern writers#fbb1 chiefly on the ground of some partial coincidences between the ,epistles to the ,hebrews and the ,colossians2 but the general character and purport of the two is wholly dissimilar1 and they obviously deal with antagonists of a very different type4 ,the insuperable difficulty of supposing that two epistles so unlike in style were written by the same person to the same neighbourhood at or about the same time would still remain1 even though the ,pauline authorship of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews should be for a moment granted4 ,footnote #fbb3 ,see especially ,schneckenburger ,beitrge p4 #aec sq4 ,sidenote3 77 ,philemon4 77 ,the ,epistle to ,philemon has been strongly advocated by ,wieseler#fbc1 as the letter to which ,st ,paul refers in this passage4 ,for this identification it is necessary to establish two points2 7#a7 that ,philemon lived not at ,coloss1 but at ,laodicea2 and 7#b7 that the letter is addressed not to a private individual1 but to a whole church4 ,for the first point there is something to be said4 ,though for reasons explained elsewhere the abode of ,philemon himself appears to have been at ,coloss1 wherever ,archippus may have resided#fbd1 still two opinions may very fairly be held on this point4 ,but ,wieseler's arguments entirely fail to establish his other position4 ,sidenote3 ,this epistle does not answer the conditions4,the theme1 the treatment1 the whole tenour of the letter1 mark it as private3 and the mere fact that the ,apostle's courtesy leads him to include in the opening salutation the ,christians who met at ,philemon's house is powerless to change its character4 ,why should a letter1 containing such intimate confidences1 be read publicly in the ,church1 not only at ,laodicea but at ,coloss1 by the express order of the ,apostle8 ,the tact and delicacy of the ,apostle's pleading for ,onesimus would be nullified at one stroke by the demand for publication4 ,footnote #fbc3 ,some earlier writers who maintained this view are mentioned by ,anger1 p4 #be1 note f4 ,it has since been more fully developed and more vigorously urged by ,wieseler1 first in a programme ,commentat4 de ,epist4 ,laodicena quam vulgo perditam putant #ahdd1 and afterwards in his well known work ,chronol4 des ,apostol4 ,zeit4 p4 #dej sq4 ,it may therefore be identified with his name4 ,he speaks of it with much confidence as #8scarcely open to a doubt1' but he has not succeeded in convincing others4 ,footnote #fbd3 ,see the introduction to the ,epistle to ,philemon4 ,sidenote3 77 ,ephesians4 77 ,but may we not identify the letter in question with the ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 which also is known to have been despatched at the same time with the ,epistle to the ,colossians8 ,unlike the ,epistle to ,philemon1 it was addressed not to a private person but to a church or churches4 ,if therefore it can be shown that the ,laodiceans were the recipients1 either alone or with others1 we have found the object of our search4 ,sidenote3 ,this is the true solution4,the arguments in favour of this solution are reserved for the introduction to that epistle4 ,meanwhile it is sufficient to say that educated opinion is tending1 though slowly1 in this direction1 and to express the belief that ultimately this view will be generally received#fbe4 ,footnote #fbe3 ,see above p4 #cg4 ,sidenote3 7iii7 ,the extant un-canonical ,epistle to the ,laodiceans4 7iii7 ,another wholly different identification remains to be mentioned4 ,it was neither a lost epistle nor a ,canonical epistle1 thought some1 but the writing which is extant under the title of the #8,epistle to the ,laodiceans1' though not generally received by the ,church4 ,of the various opinions held respecting this apocryphal letter ,i shall have to speak presently4 ,it is sufficient here to say that the advocates of its genuineness fall into two classes4 ,either they assign to it a place in the ,canon with the other ,epistles of ,st ,paul1 or they acquiesce in its exclusion1 holding that the ,church has authority to pronounce for or against the ,canonicity even of ,apostolic writings4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,general character of the spurious epistle4 ,the apocryphal ,epistle to the ,laodiceans is a cento of ,pauline phrases strung together without any definite connexion or any clear object4 ,they are taken chiefly from the ,epistle to the ,philippians1 but here and there one is borrowed elsewhere1 e4g4 from the ,epistle to the ,galatians4 ,of course it closes with an injunction to the ,laodiceans to exchange epistles with the ,colossians4 ,the ,apostle's injunction in ,col4 iv4 #af suggested the forgery1 and such currency as it ever attained was due to the support which that passage was supposed to give to it4 ,unlike most forgeries1 it had no ulterior aim4 ,it was not framed to advance any particular opinions1 whether heterodox or orthodox4 ,it has no doctrinal peculiarities4 ,thus it is quite harmless1 so far as falsity and stupidity combined can ever be regarded as harmless4 99 99 99 99 99 ,among the more important ,,mss which contain this epistle are the following4 ,the letters in brackets give the designations adopted in the apparatus of various readings which follows4 #a4 ,fuldensis ,f4 ,the famous ,,ms of the ,vulgate ,n4 ,t4 written for ,victor ,bishop of ,capua1 by whom it was read and corrected in the years #edf1 #edg2 edited by ,ern4 ,ranke1 ,marburgi et ,lipsi #ahfh4 ,the ,laodicean ,epistle occurs between ,col4 and #a ,tim4 without any indication of doubtful authenticity1 except that it has no argument or table of contents1 like the other epistles4 ,the scribe however has erroneously interpolated part of the argument belonging to #a ,tim4 between the title and the epistle2 see p4 #bia sq4 of ,ranke's edition4 #b4 ,cavensis4 ,a ,,ms of the whole ,latin ,bible1 at the ,monastery of ,la ,cava near ,salerno1 ascribed to the #fth or #gth or #hth century4 ,see ,vercellone ,var4 ,lect4 ,vulg4 ,lat4 ,bibl4 ,i4 p4 lxxxviii4 ,unfortunately we have no account of the readings in the ,laodicean ,epistle 7for which it would be the most important authority after the ,codex ,fuldensis71 except the last sentence quoted by ,mai ,nov4 ,patr4 ,bibl4 ,i4 #b4 p4 #fc1 #8,et facite legi ,colossensium vobis4' ,laod4 here occurs between ,col4 and #a ,thess4 7,mai p4 #fb74 ,dr ,westcott 7,smith's ,dict4 of the ,bible s4v4 ,vulgate1 p4 #agac7 has remarked that the two oldest authorities for the interpolation of the three heavenly witnesses in #a ,joh4 v4 #g1 this ,la ,cava ,,ms and the ,speculum published by ,mai1 also support the ,laodicean ,epistle 7see ,mai l4c4 pp4 #g1 #fb sq474 ,the two phenomena are combined in another very ancient ,,ms1 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #aa1heb1 described below4 #c4 ,armachanus ,a4 ,a ,,ms of the ,n4 ,t41 now belonging to ,trinity ,college1 ,dublin1 and known as the #8,book of ,armagh4' ,it was written in the year #hjg1 as ascertained by ,bp4 ,graves2 see the ,proceedings of the ,royal ,irish ,academy ,,iii4 pp4 #caf1 #cef4 ,the ,laodicean ,epistle follows ,colossians on fol4 #ach1 but with the warning that ,jerome denies its genuineness4 ,the text of the ,laodicean ,epistle in this ,,ms is not so pure as might have been anticipated from its antiquity4 ,i owe the collation of readings which is given below to the kindness of ,dr ,reeves1 who is engaged in editing the ,,ms4 #d4 ,darmstadiensis ,d4 ,a fol4 ,,ms of the whole ,bible1 defective from ,apoc4 xxii4 #ab to the end1 now in the ,grand-ducal library at ,darmstadt1 but formerly belonging to the ,cathedral ,library at ,cologne2 presented by ,hermann ,pius1 ,archbishop of ,cologne from ,a4,d4 #hij-ibe4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 ,a collation was made for ,anger1 from whom 7p4 #add7 this account is taken4 #e4 ,bernensis no4 #ccd ,b4 ,a #dto ,,ms of miscellaneous contents1 ending with the ,pauline ,epistles1 the last being the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 written in the #ith cent4 ,the ,laodicean ,epistle is a fragment1 ending with #8,gaudete in ,christo et prcavete sordibus in lucro' 7ver4 #ac74 ,this account is taken by ,anger from ,sinner ,catal4 ,cod4 ,,mss4 ,bibl4 ,bern4 ,i4 p4 #bh4 ,in his ,addenda 7p4 #agi7 ,anger gives a collation of this ,,ms4 #f4 ,toletanus ,t ,a ,,ms of the ,latin ,bible belonging to the ,cathedral ,library at ,toledo1 and written about the #hth century3 see ,westcott in ,smith's ,dict4 of the ,bible1 s4v4 ,vulgate p4 #agaj1 ,vercellone ,var4 ,lect4 ,i4 p4 lxxxiv4 sq4 ,the readings in the ,laodicean ,epistle are taken from ,joh4 ,mariana ,schol4 in ,vet4 et ,nov4 ,test41 where it is printed in full4 ,the edition which ,i have used is dated ,paris #afbj 7p4 #hca74 ,the text however cannot be assumed to be strictly accurate1 as ,mariana had a printed copy of the epistle before him1 from which at all events he supplied in brackets words wanting in the ,,ms 7see ,anger p4 #add71 and which may have influenced his readings in other ways4 ,in this ,,ms ,laod4 follows ,col4 #g4 ,parisiensis ,reg4 ,lat4 #c 7formerly #cefb7fbf ,p#a4 ,a ,latin ,bible1 in one volume fol41 called after ,anowaretha by whom it was given to the monastery of ,glanfeuille 7,st ,maur71 and ascribed in the printed ,catalogue to the #ith cent4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 on fol4 #cgi4 ,footnote #fbf3 ,so at least ,i find the number given in my notes4 ,but in ,bentl4 ,crit4 ,sacr4 p4 xxxvii it is #cefa4 #h4 ,parisiensis ,reg4 ,lat4 #f ,p#b4 ,a ,,ms of the ,latin ,bible in #d vols4 fol41 according to the ,catalogue probably written in the #ajth cent4 84 ,it belonged formerly to the ,duc de ,noailles4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 ,it contains numerous corrections in a later hand either between the lines or in the margin4 ,the two hands are distinguished as ,p#b991 ,p#b99994 #i4 ,parisiensis ,reg4 ,lat4 #bej 7formerly #cegb7 ,p#c4 ,a fol4 ,,ms of the ,n4 ,t41 described in the ,catalogue as probably belonging to end of the #ith cent4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 ,it has a few corrections in a later hand4 ,the two hands are distinguished as ,p#c991 ,p#c99994 ,these three ,parisian ,,mss ,i collated myself1 but ,i had not time to examine them as carefully as ,i could have wished4 #aj4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #aa1heb4 ,g4 ,an important ,,ms of ,st ,paul's ,epistles written in the #ith cent4 ,it formerly belonged to the monastery of ,st ,gall1 being one of the books with which the library there was enriched by ,hartmot who was ,abbot from ,a4,d4 #hgb to #hhd or #hhe4 ,laod4 follows ,heb4 and has no capitula like the other epistles4 #aa4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #aj1edf ,c4 ,a fol4 ,,ms of the ,vulgate1 commonly known as #8,charlemagne's ,bible1' but probably belonging to the age of ,charles the ,bald 7 #hgg74 ,laod4 stands between ,heb4 and ,apoc4 ,it has no argument or capitula4 #ab4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,reg4 #a4 ,e4 vii1 viii ,r4 ,an ,english ,,ms of the ,latin ,bible from ,christ ,church1 ,canterbury1 written about the middle of the #ajth cent4 ,laod4 follows ,heb4 ,this is the most ancient ,,ms1 so far as ,i am aware1 in which the epistle has capitulations4 ,it is here given in its fullest form1 and thus presents the earliest example of what may be called the modern recension4 #ac4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,harl4 #bhcc1 #bhcd ,h#a4 ,a ,,ms of the #acth cent4 written for the ,cathedral of ,angers4 ,laod4 follows ,apoc4 ,the readings of the four preceding ,,mss are taken from the collations in ,westcott ,canon ,appx4 ,e p4 #egb sq4 7ed4 #d74 #ad4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,harl4 #caca ,h#b4 ,a smallish #dto4 of the #abth cent41 said to be of ,german origin1 with marginal and interlinear glosses in some parts4 ,laod4 stands between ,philem4 and ,heb4 ,it has no heading but only a red initial letter ,p4 ,at the end is ',expl4 ,epla ad ,laodicenses4 ,prologus ad ,ebreos4' #ae4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,sloane #eci ,s4 ,a small fol4 of the #abth cent41 said to be ,german4 ,it contains ,st ,paul's ,epistles with glosses4 ,the gloss on ,col4 iv4 #af #8et ea qu est ,laodicensium etc4' runs #8quam ego eis misi ut ipsi michi ut videatis hic esse responsum4' ,laod4 follows ,heb41 and has no glosses4 ,the two last ,,mss ,i collated myself4 #af4 ,bodl4 ,laud4 ,lat4 #ac 7formerly #haj7 ,l#a4 ,a #dto ,,ms in double columns of the #acth cent4 containing the ,latin ,bible4 ,see ,catal4 ,bibl4 ,laud4 ,cod4 ,lat4 p4 #aj4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 ,notwithstanding the date of the ,,ms1 it gives a very ancient text of this epistle4 #ag4 ,bodl4 ,laud4 ,lat4 #h 7formerly #geg7 ,l#b4 ,a fol4 ,,ms of the ,latin ,bible1 belonging to the end of the #abth cent4 ,see ,catal4 ,bibl4 ,laud4 ,cod4 ,lat4 p4 #i4 ,this is the same ,,ms1 which ,anger describes 7p4 #ade7 as #aae;,c 7its original mark71 and of which he gives a collation4 ,laod4 stands between #b ,thess4 and #a ,tim4 ,i am indebted for collations of these two ,laudian ,,mss to the kindness of the ,rev4 ,j4 ,wordsworth1 ,fellow of ,brasenose ,college4 #ah4 ,vindob4 #bhg ,v4 ,the ,pauline ,epp41 written by ,marianus ,scotus 7i4e4 the ,irishman71 ,a4,d4 #ajgi4 ,see ,alter ,nov4 ,test4 ad ,cod4 ,vindob4 ,grce ,expressum ,,ii4 p4 #ajdj sq41 ,denis ,cod4 ,,mss ,lat4 ,bibl4 ,vindob4 ,i4 no4 lviii1 ,zeuss ,grammatica ,celtica p4 xviii 7ed4 #b74 ,the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans is transcribed from this ,,ms by ,alter l4c4 p4 #ajfg sq4 ,it follows ,col4 #ai4 ,trin4 ,coll4 ,cantabr4 ,b4 #e4 #a ,x4 ,a fol4 ,,ms of the ,latin ,bible1 written probably in the #abth century4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 ,i have given a collation of this ,,ms1 because 7like ,brit4 ,mus4 ,reg4 #a4 ,e4 viii7 it is an early example of the completed form4 ,the epistle is preceded by capitula1 as follows4 ,,incipiunt ,,capitula ,,epistole ,,ad ,,laodicenses4 #a4 ,paulus ,apostolus pro ,laodicensibus domino gratias refert et hortatur eos ne a seductoribus decipiantur4 #b4 ,de manifestis vinculis apostoli in quibus letatur et gaudet4 #c4 ,monet ,laodicenses apostolus ut sicut sui audierunt praesentia ita retineant et sine retractu faciant4 #d4 ,hortatur apostolus ,laodicenses ut fide sint firmi et qu integra et vera et deo placita sunt faciant4 et salutatio fratrum4 ,,expliciunt ,,capitula4 ,,incipit ,,epistola ,,beati ,,pauli ,,apostoli ,,ad ,,laodicenses4 ,these capitulations may be compared with those given by ,dr ,westcott from ,reg4 #a4 ,e4 viii1 with which they are nearly identical4 ,besides these nineteen ,,mss1 of which 7with the exception of ,cavensis7 collations are given below1 it may be worth while recording the following1 as containing this epistle4 ,among the ,lambeth ,,mss are 7i7 no4 #d1 large folio1 #abth or #acth cent4 ,laod4 stands between ,col4 and #a ,thess4 7ii7 no4 #ij1 small folio1 #acth or #adth cent4 ,laod4 stands between ,col4 and #a ,thess4 without title or heading of any kind4 ,apparently a good text4 7iii7 no4 #cdh1 #dto1 #aeth cent4 ,laod4 stands between ,col4 and #a ,thess41 without heading etc4 7iv7 no4 #edd1 #hvo1 #aeth cent4 ,laod4 stands between ,col4 and #a ,thess41 without heading etc4 7v7 no4 #aaeb1 #dto1 #acth or #adth cent4 ,laod4 occupies the same position as in the four preceding ,,mss and has no heading or title4 ,the first and last of these five ,,mss are collated by ,dr ,westcott 7,canon p4 #egb sq474 ,i inspected them all4 ,in the ,bodleian ,library at ,oxford belonging to the ,canonici collection are 7i7 ,canon4 ,bibl4 #hb 7see ,catal4 p4 #bgg71 very small #dto1 #acth cent41 containing parts of the ,n4 ,t4 ,st ,paul's ,epp4 are at the end of the volume1 following ,apoc4 ,laod4 intervenes between ,tit4 and ,philem41 beginning #8,explicit epistola ad titum4 ,incipit ad laud4'1 and ending #8,explicit epistola ad laudicenses4 ,incipit ad phylemonem'4 7ii7 ,canon4 ,bibl4 #g 7see ,catal4 p4 #bea71 small #dto1 beginning of #adth cent41 containing ,evv41 ,acts1 ,cath4 ,epp41 ,apoc41 ,paul4 ,epp4 ,laod4 is at the end4 7iii7 ,canon4 ,bibl4 #af 7,catal4 p4 #bef71 small #dto1 containing the ,n4 ,t41 #aeth cent41 written by the hand #8,stephani de ,tautaldis'4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 7iv7 ,canon4 ,bibl4 #be 7,catal4 p4 #beh71 very small #dto1 mutilated1 early part of #aeth cent4 ,it contains a part of ,st ,paul's ,epp4 7beginning in the middle of ,gal47 and the ,apocalypse4 ,laod4 follows ,col4 ,for information respecting these ,,mss ,i am indebted to the ,rev4 ,j4 ,wordsworth4 ,in the ,university ,library1 ,cambridge1 ,i have observed the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans in the following ,,mss4 7i7 ,dd4 #e4 #eb 7see ,catal4 ,i4 p4 #bgc71 #dto1 double columns1 #adth cent4 ,laod4 is between ,col4 and #a ,thess4 7ii7 ,ee4 ,i4 #i 7see ,catal4 ,,ii4 p4 #aj71 #dto1 double columns1 very small neat hand1 #aeth cent4 ,it belonged to ,st ,alban's4 ,laod4 is between ,col4 and #a ,thess4 7iii7 ,mm4 #c4 #b 7see ,catal4 ,,iv4 p4 #agd71 fol41 ,latin ,bible1 double columns1 #acth cent4 ,laod4 is between ,col4 and #a ,thess41 but the heading is #8,explicit epistola ad ,colocenses1 et hic incipit ad thesalocenses'1 after which ,laod4 follows immediately4 ,at the top of the page is #8,ad ,laudonenses'4 7iv7 ,ee4 ,i4 #af 7see ,catal4 ,,ii4 p4 #af71 #dto1 double columns1 ,latin ,bible1 #acth or #adth cent4 ,the order of the ,n4 ,t4 is ,evv41 ,acts1 ,cath4 ,epp41 ,paul ,epp41 ,apoc4 ,here ,laod4 is between ,heb4 and ,rev42 it is treated like the other books1 except that it has no prologue4 ,in the ,college ,libraries at ,cambridge ,i have accidentally noticed the following ,,mss as containing the epistle2 for ,i have not undertaken any systematic search4 7i7 ,st ,peter's1 ,o4 #d4 #f1 fol41 #b columns1 #acth cent41 ,latin ,bible4 ,the order of the ,n4 ,t4 is ,evv41 ,acts1 ,cath4 ,epp41 ,paul ,epp41 ,apoc4 ,the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans is between ,heb4 and ,apoc4 7ii7 ,sidney 4 #e4 #aa1 fol41 #b columns1 ,latin ,bible1 #acth cent4 ,the order of the ,n4 ,t4 is ,evv41 ,paul4 ,epp41 ,acts1 ,cath4 ,epp41 ,apoc42 and ,laod4 is between #b ,thess4 and #a ,tim4 7iii7 ,emman4 #b4 #a4 #f1 large fol41 ,latin ,bible1 early #adth cent4 ,the order of the ,n4 ,t4 is different from the last1 being ,evv41 ,acts1 ,cath4 ,epp41 ,paul4 ,epp42 ,apoc42 but ,laod4 is in the same position1 between #b ,thess4 and #a ,tim4 ,notice of a few other ,,mss1 in which this epistle occurs1 will be found in ,hody de ,bibl4 ,text4 ,orig4 p4 #ffd1 and in ,anger p4 #ade sq4 ,this list1 slight and partial as it is1 will serve to show the wide circulation of the ,laodicean ,epistle4 ,at the same time it will have been observed that its position varies very considerably in different copies4 7i7 ,the most common position is immediately after ,colossians1 as the notice in ,col4 iv4 #af would suggest4 ,this is its place in the most ancient authorities1 e4g4 the ,fulda1 ,la ,cava1 and ,toledo ,,mss1 and the ,book of ,armagh4 7ii7 ,another position is after #b ,thess4 ,so ,laud4 ,lat4 #h1 ,sidn4 ,delta4 #e4 #aa1 ,emman4 #b4 #a4 #f3 see also ,,mss in ,hody ,bibl4 ,text4 ,orig4 p4 #ffd4 ,it must be remembered that in the ,latin ,bibles the ,epistles to the ,thessalonians sometimes precede and sometimes follow the ,epistle to the ,colossians4 ,hence we get three arrangements in different ,,mss2 7#a7 #a1 #b ,thess41 ,col41 ,laod42 7#b7 ,col41 ,laod41 #a1 #b ,thess42 7#c7 ,col41 #a1 #b ,thess41 ,laod4 7iii7 ,it occurs at least in one instance between ,titus and ,philemon2 ,oxon4 ,bodl4 ,canon4 #hb4 ,mai also 7,nov4 ,patr4 ,bibl4 ,i4 #b4 p4 #fc7 mentions a #8very ancient ,,ms'1 in which it stands between ,titus and #a ,john2 but he does not say how ,titus and #a ,john appear in such close neighbourhood4 7iv7 ,again it follows ,philemon in ,brit4 ,mus4 ,harl4 #caca4 ,this also must have been its position in the ,latin ,,ms which the scribe of the ,codex ,boernerianus had before him3 see above p4 #cdf4 7v7 ,another and somewhat common position is after ,hebrews2 e4g4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #aa1heb1 ,add4 #aj1edf1 ,reg4 ,i4 ,e4 viii1 ,sloane #eci1 ,camb4 ,univ4 ,ee4 ,i4 #af1 ,pet4 ,o4 #d4 #f4 ,see also ,hody l4c4 7vi7 ,it is frequently placed at the end of the ,new ,testament1 and so after the ,apocalypse when the ,apocalypse comes last1 e4g4 ,harl4 #bhcc4 ,sometimes the ,pauline ,epistles follow the ,apocalypse1 so that ,laod4 occurs at the end at once of the ,pauline ,epistles and of the ,n4 ,t42 e4g4 ,bodl4 ,canon4 ,lat4 #g4 ,other exceptional positions1 e4g4 after ,galatians or after #c ,john1 are found in versions and printed texts 7see ,anger p4 #adc72 but no authority of ,latin ,,mss is quoted for them4 ,the ,codex ,fuldensis1 besides being the oldest ,,ms1 is also by far the most trustworthy4 ,in some instances indeed a true reading may be preserved in later ,,mss1 where it has a false one2 but such cases are rare4 ,the text however was already corrupt in several places at this time2 and the variations in the later ,,mss are most frequently attempts of the scribes to render it intelligible by alteration or amplification4 ,such for instance is the case with the mutilated reading #8quod est' 7ver4 #ac71 which is amplified1 even as early as the ,book of ,armagh1 into #8quodcunque optimum est'1 though there can be little doubt that the expression represents of ,phil4 iii4 #b1 and the missing word therefore is #8reliquum'4 ,the greatest contrast to ,f is presented by such ,,mss as ,,rx1 where the epistle has not only been filled out to the amplest proportions1 but also supplied with a complete set of capitulations like the ,canonical books4 ,though for this reason these two ,,mss have no great value1 yet they are interesting as being among the oldest which give the amplified text1 and ,i have therefore added a collation of them4 ,on the other hand some much later ,,mss1 especially ,l#a1 preserve a very ancient text1 which closely resembles that of ,f4#fbg ,footnote #fbg3 ,the epistle has been critically edited by ,anger ,laodicenerbrief p4 #aee sq4 and ,westcott ,canon ,app4 ,e4 p4 #egb4 ,i have already expressed my obligations to both these writers for their collations of ,,mss4 ,in the apparatus of various readings1 which is subjoined to the epistle1 ,i have not attempted to give such minute differences of spelling as e and ae1 or c and t 7,laodicia1 ,laoditia71 nor is the punctuation of the ,,mss noted4 ,,ad ,,laodicenses4 ,sidenote3 ,text of the epistle4 ,paulus ,apostolus non ab hominibus neque per hominem sed per ,ihesum ,christum1 fratribus qui sunt ,laodiciae4 #b;,gratia vobis et pax a ,deo patre et ,domino ,ihesu ,christo4 #c;,gratias ago ,christo per omnem orationem meam1 quod permanentes estis in eo et perseverantes in operibus eius1 promissum expectantes in diem iudicii4 #d,neque destituant vos quorundam vaniloquia insinuantium1 ut vos avertant a veritate evangelii quod a me praedicatur4 #e;,et nunc faciet ,deus ut qui sunt ex me ad profectum veritatis evangelii deservientes et facientes benignitatem operum quae salutis vitae aeternae4 #f;,et nunc palam sunt vincula mea quae patior in ,christo2 quibus laetor et gaudeo4 #g;,et hoc mihi est ad salutem perpetuam2 quod ipsum factum orationibus vestris et administrante ,spiritu sancto1 sive per vitam sive per mortem4 #h;,est enim mihi vivere in ,christo et mori gaudium4 #i;,et id ipsum in vobis faciet misericordia sua1 ut eandem dilectionem habeatis et sitis unianimes4 #aj;,ergo1 dilectissimi1 ut audistis praesentia mei1 ita retinete et facite in timore ,dei1 et erit vobis vita in aeternum3 #aa;,est enim ,deus qui operatur in vos4 #ab;,et facite sine retractu quaecumque facitis4 #ac;al#ac;,et quod est reliquum1 dilectissimi1 gaudete in ,christo2 et praecavete sordidos in lucro4 #ad,omnes sint petitiones vestrae palam apud ,deum2 et estote firmi in sensu ,christi4 #ae;,et quae integra et vera et pudica et iusta et amabilia1 facite4 #af;,et quae audistis et accepistis in corde retinete2 et erit vobis pax4 #ah,salutant vos sancti4 #ai;,gratia ,domini ,ihesu cum spiritu vestro4 #bj;,et facite legi ,colosensibus et ,colosensium vobis4 ,inc4 ad laodicenses ,f2 ,incipit epistola ad laodicenses 7laudicenses ,p#b,r7 ,,bdp#a,p#b,p#c;,,crh#b,,sv2 ,epistola ad laodicenses ,,tm 7if this heading be not due to the editors themselves72 ,incipit epistola pauli ad laodicenses ,,gh#a2 ,incipit epistola beati pauli ad laodicenses ,x2 ,incipit aepistola ad laudicenses sed hirunimus eam negat esse pauli ,a3 no heading in ,l#a,l#b;,h#b4 apostolus om4 ,,tm4 hominibus homine ,g4 ihesum christum christum ihesum ,t4 christum add4 #8et deum patrem omnipotentem qui suscitavit eum a mortuis' ,,rx4 fratribus qui sunt his qui sunt fratribus ,a4 ,for fratribus ,b has fratres4 laodiciae laodicae ,t2 ladoicie ,l2 laudaciae ,a2 laudiciae ,r2 laodiceae ,b4 #b4 patre et patre nostro ,l#a2 patre nostro ,h#a;,h#b,,sm2 nostro ,a4 domino add4 nostro ,p#b,p#c,,rgl#b4 #c4 christo deo meo ,,dp#a,p#b,p#c;,,cl#a2 deo meo et christo ihesu ,,rx4 meam memoriam ,m4 permanentes estis estis permanentes ,,agr4 in operibus eius in operibus bonis ,h#a;,h#b,s2 om ,,bdtp#a,p#b,p#c;,,cm4 promissum expectantes promissa expectantes ,t2 et promissum expectantes ,m2 promissionem expectantes ,v2 sperantes promissionem ,,ag2 sperantes promissum ,,rx4 diem die ,,btdp#a,p#c;,,gcrh#a;,h#b,,sl#a,,vmx4 iudicii iudicationis ,,grx4 #d4 neque add4 enim ,r4 destituant distituant ,a2 destituunt ,h#a2 destituat ,m1 ,spec42 destituit ,,dp#a,p#c;,,cm2 distituit ,b2 destitui ,p#b2 disturbat ,t4 vaniloquia vaniloquentia ,,bdtp#a,p#b,p#c;,,gcvm2 vaneloquentia1 ,spec4 insinuantium insinuantium se ,,gm2 insanientium ,h#a,s2 insimulantium ,t4 ut sed ut ,,ba2 sed peto ne ,r2 seductorum ne ,x4 vos om4 ,t4 avertant ,spec42 evertant ,,fml#b2 evertent ,b4 evangelii aevanguelii ,a 7and so below74 #e4 et nunc 444 veritatis evangelii om4 ,l4 faciet deus deus faciet ,,ag4 ut add4 sint ,g4 qui que 7altered from qui7 ,p#c99 7or ,p#c999974 me add4 perveniant ,,tm2 add4 proficiant ,v4 ad profectum imperfectum ,a2 ad perfectum ,r2 in profectum ,g4 veritatis evangelii evangelii veritatis ,v4 deservientes add4 sint ,p#b9999,p#c9999;,h#a;,h#b,s4 ,for deservientes ,,rx have dei servientes4 et facientes repeated in ,l#a4 ,for facientes benignitatem operum ,t has benignitatem operum facientes4 operum eorum ,,rx2 opera ,l#b4 quae om4 ,m2 add4 sunt ,,ap#b9999;,,gcrh#a;,h#b,,svx4 ,it is impossible to say in many cases whether a scribe intended operum quae or operumque4 ,ranke prints operumque in ,f4 salutis add4 et ,l#a4 #f4 nunc n non ,l#b4 palam sunt sunt palam ,g2 sunt 7om4 palam7 ,a4 ,christo add4 ,ihesu 7iesu7 ,,dp#a,p#b,p#c;,,cvx4 quibus in quibus ,,trmp#b4 et ut ,c4 #g4 mihi michi ,h#a,s 7and so below72 enim 7for mihi7 ,m4 factum fletum ,l#b,m2 factum est ,,tp#c9999;,h#a,s4 orationibus operationibus ,b4 vestris meis ,,dp#a4 et est ,m3 om4 ,,tgrl#a,x4 administrante spiritu sancto administrantem spiritum sanctum ,,fbl#b2 amministrante spiritum sanctum ,,dcp#a,p#b99 7but there is an erasure in ,p#a74 ,for administrante ,l#a,x have amministrante2 and for spiritu sancto ,g transposes and reads sancto spiritu4 per mortem mortem 7om4 per7 ,h#a4 #h4 est enim etenim ,t4 mihi om4 ,m4 vivere vivere vita ,,dtp#a,p#b,p#c;,,cvh#a;,h#b,s2 vere vita ,,fl#a,,rmx2 vera vita ,b2 vere 7altered into vivere prima manu7 vita ,l#b4 gaudium lucrum et gaudium ,a2 gaudium ut lucrum ,h#b,p#b99992 gaudium vel lucrum ,h#a,s4 #i4 et om4 ,t2 qui 7om4 et7 ,v4 id ipsum in ipsum ,,fbl#b2 in idipsum ,l#a,v2 ipsum ,p#b;,,gm2 ipse ,,tah#a;,h#b,,srx4 in vobis vobis ,p#b2 in nobis ,h#b4 misericordia sua misericordiam suam ,,fbdap#a,p#b,p#c;,,ch#a;,h#b,,rsvl#a,,x l#b 7but written misericordi su in several cases74 et om4 ,l#a2 ut ,v4 unianimes unanimes ,,bdtp#a,p#b,p#c;,,gch#a,,rl#a,l#b,,vmsx 4 #aj4 ergo ego ,h#b4 ut et ,l#b4 praesentia mei praesentiam ei ,,dp2 praesentiam ,g99992 in praesentia mei ,p#c99992 praesentiam mihi ,m2 presenciam eius ,l#b2 praesentiam dei ,a2 prsentiam domini 7dn7 ,p#b9999;,h#a;,h#b,s4 ita om4 ,,dp#a,p#b9999,p#c;,,cx4 retinete retinere ,a2 sentite ,t4 in cum ,,tm2 om4 ,b4 timore timorem ,,ab4 dei domini ,h#a,s4 vita pax et vita ,,rx4 in aeternum in aeterno ,a2 in aeterna ,g992 aeterna 7eterna7 ,g9999,,pl#a4 #aa4 ,est enim 444 vos om4 787 ,t4 enim om4 ,b4 vos vobis ,,gah#a;,h#b,,srvp#b9999 7or ,p#b997 ,p#c9999,,mx4 #ab4 retractu retractatu ,,bp#b,,rl#b2 retractatione ,,agv2 tractu ,t2 reatu ,h#a,s4 ,in ,p#b9999 ut peccato is added2 in ,h#b t peccato4 quaecumque quodcumque ,,tm4 #ac4 quod est reliquum quod est ,,fbtdp#a,p#b99,p#c99,,rcl#a,l#b,,mx2 quod est optimum ,,gh#a;,h#b,,sv2 quodcunque optimum est ,a2 quodcunque est obtimum ,p#b99992 quod bonum est ,p#c99993 see p4 #cef4 dilectissimi dilectissime ,b4 christo domino ,,dp#a,p#b,p#c;,,cx4 sordidos add4 omnes ,p#b9999;,h#a;,h#b,s2 add4 homines ,a4 in ut ,l#a4 lucro lucrum ,,rx4 #ad4 omnes in omnibus ,g2 homines 7attached to the preceding sentence7 ,,tm4 sint omitted here and placed after palam ,h#a,s4 apud aput ,f2 ante ,,ag4 deum dominum ,a4 firmi in sensu christi sensu firmi in christo ihesu ,r4 #ae4 quae add4 sunt ,r4 integra intigra2 add4 sunt ,t4 vera add4 sunt ,,dp#a,p#b,p#c;,,cvx4 pudica et iusta iusta et pudica ,r4 iusta iusta et casta ,,agv2 casta et iusta ,p#b9999;,h#a;,h#b,s4 amabilia add4 sunt ,,th#a;,h#b,,sm2 add4 et sancta ,,rx4 #af4 audistis add4 et vidistis ,l#b4 accepistis accipistis ,a4 pax add4 ver4 #ag1 salutate omnes fratres 7sanctos for fratres ,,gv7 in osculo sancto ,,agp#b9999;,h#a;,h#b,,srvx4 #ah4 sancti omnes sancti ,,agrh#a,,svx2 sancti omnes ,h#b2 add4 in christo ihesu ,,rx4 #ai4 domini ihesu domini nostri ihesu 7iesu7 christi ,,dtap#a,p#b,p#c;,,gch#a;,h#b,,svmrx4 #bj4 et add4 hanc ,h#a;,h#b,,sp#b99994 legi add4 epistolam ,l#a,p#c9999 colosensibus et om4 ,,ftdp#a,p#b99,p#c;,,cvl#a,l#b4 ,they are also omitted in the ,la ,cava ,,ms2 see above p4 #cdh4 colosensium add4 epistolam ,l#b4 ,the words colosensibus1 colosensium1 are commonly written with a single s1 more especially in the oldest ,,mss4 ,in ,l#a the form is cholosensium4 ,the last sentence et facite etc4 is entirely omitted in ,m4 ,in ,,rx it is expanded into et facite legi colosensibus hanc epistolam et colosensium 7colosensibus ,r7 vos legite4 deus autem et pater domini nostri ihesu christi custodiat vos immaculatos in christo ihesu cui est honor et gloria in secula seculorum4 amen4 ,subscriptions4 ,explicit ,p#b,p#c;,h#a2 ,exp4 ad laodicenses ,f2 ,explicit epistola ad laodicenses 7laudicenses ,r7 ,,dp#a;,,gch#b,,srvx4 ,there is no subscription in ,,al#a,l#b1 and none is given for ,,tm4 ,sidenote3 ,notes on the epistle4 ,the following notes are added for the sake of elucidating one or two points of difficulty in the text or interpretation of the epistle4 #d ,neque ,this is the passage quoted in the ,speculum #ej published by ,mai ,nov4 ,patr4 ,bibl4 ,i4 #b4 p4 #fb sq41 #8,item ad ,laodicenses3 ,neque destituat vos quorundam vaneloquentia 7sic7 insinuantium1 ut vos avertant a veritate evangelii quod a me praedicatur'4 ,we ought possibly to adopt the reading #8destituat 444 vaniloquentia' of this and other old mss in preference to the #8destituant 444 vaniloquia' of ,f4 #8,vaniloquium' however is the rendering of #a ,tim4 i4 #f1 and is supported by such analogies as inaniloquium1 maliloquium1 multiloquium1 stultiloquium1 etc42 see ,hagen ,sprachl4 ,errter4 zur ,vulgata p4 #gd1 ,roensch ,das ,neue ,testament ,tertullians p4 #gaj4 destituant ,properly #8leave in the lurch' and so #8cheat'1 #8beguile'1 e4g4 ,cic4 pro ,rosc4 ,am4 #dj #8induxit1 decepit1 destituit1 adversariis tradidit1 omni fraude et perfidia fefellit4' ,in ,heb4 ix4 #bf is translated #8ad destitutionem peccati'4 ,the original here may have been or 4 insinuantium ,in late ,latin this word means little more than #8to communicate'1 #8to inculcate'1 #8to teach'3 see the references in ,roensch ,itala u4 ,vulgata p4 #chg1 ,heumann ,handlexicon des rmischen ,rechts s4v41 ,ducange ,glossarium s4v4 ,so too #8insinuator' ,tertull4 ad ,nat4 ii4 #a1 #8insinuatrix' ,august4 ,ep4 #aaj 7,,ii4 p4 #cag74 ,in ,acts xvii4 #c it is the rendering of 4 #e ut qui sunt etc4 ,the passage1 as it stands1 is obviously corrupt2 and a comparison with ,phil4 i4 #ab ' seems to reveal the nature of the corruption4 7#a7 ,for #8qui' we should probably read #8qu'1 which indeed is found in some late ,,mss of no authority4 7#b7 ,there is a lacuna somewhere in the sentence1 probably after #8evangelii'4 ,the original therefore would run in this form #8ut qu sunt ex me ad profectum veritatis eveniant 444 deservientes etc41' the participles belonging to a separate sentence of which the beginning is lost4 ,the supplements #8perveniant'1 #8proficiant'1 found in some ,,mss give the right sense1 though perhaps they are conjectural4 ,the ,vulgate of ,phil4 i4 #ab is #8qu circa me sunt magis ad profectum venerunt evangelii'4 ,in the latter part of the verse it is impossible in many cases to say whether a ,,ms intends #8operum qu' or #8operumque'2 but the former is probably correct1 as representing 3 unless indeed this sentence also is corrupt or mutilated4 #g administrante etc4 ,considering the diversity of readings here1 we may perhaps venture on the emendation #8administratione spiritus sancti'1 as this more closely resembles the passage on which our text is founded1 ,phil4 i4 #ai 444 #ab retractu #8wavering'1 #8hesitation'4 ,for this sense of #8retractare'1 #8to rehandle1 discuss'1 and so #8to question1 hesitate'1 and even #8to shirk1 decline'1 see ,oehler ,tertullian1 index p4 cxciii1 ,roensch ,n4 ,t4 ,tertullian's p4 #ffi1 ,ducange ,glossarium s4v43 comp4 e4g4 ,iren4 v4 #aa4 #a #8ne relinqueretur qustio his qui infideliter retractant de eo'4 ,so #8retractator' is equivalent to #8detractator' in ,tert4 de ,jejun4 #ae #8retractatores hujus officii' 7see ,oehler's note72 and in #a ,sam4 xiv4 #ci #8absque retractatione morietur' is the rendering of #8dying he shall die'1 4 ,here the expression probably represents 444 of ,phil4 ii4 #ad1 which in the ,old ,latin is #8sine 444 detractionibus'4 ,all three forms occur1 retractus 7,tert4 ,scorp4 #a71 retractatus 7,tert4 ,apol4 #d1 adv4 ,marc4 i4 #a1 v4 #c1 adv4 ,prax4 #b1 and frequently71 retractatio 7,cic4 ,tusc4 v4 #bi1 #8sine retractatione' and so frequently2 #a ,sam4 l4 c74 ,here #8retractus' must be preferred1 both as being the least common form and as having the highest ,,ms authority4 ,in ,tert4 ,scorp4 #a however it is not used in this same sense4 #ac quod est reliquum ,i have already spoken of this passage1 p4 #ceb1 and shall have to speak of it again1 p4 #ceg4 ,the oldest and most trustworthy ,,mss have simply #8quod est'4 ,the word #8reliquum' must be supplied1 as ,anger truly discerned 7p4 #afc72 for the passage is taken from ,phil4 iii4 #a 1 1 4 ,see the ,vulgate translation of in #a ,cor4 vii4 #bi4 ,later and less trustworthy authorities supply #8optimum' or #8bonum'4 #ad in sensu ,christi #8in the mind of ,christ'3 for in #a ,cor4 ii4 #af is rendered #8sensum ,christi'4 #bj facite legi etc4 ,though the words #8,colosensibus et' are wanting in very many of the authorities which are elsewhere most trustworthy1 yet ,i have felt justified in retaining them with other respectable copies1 because 7#a7 ,the homoteleuton would account for their omission even in very ancient ,,mss2 7#b7 ,the parallelism with ,col4 iv4 #af requires their insertion2 7#c7 ,the insertion is not like the device of a ,latin scribe1 who would hardly have manipulated the sentence into a form which savours so strongly of a ,greek original4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,theory of a ,greek original discussed4 ,it is the general1 though not universal1 opinion that this epistle was altogether a forgery of the ,western ,church#fbh2 and consequently that the ,latin is not a translation from a lost ,greek original1 but preserves the earliest form of the epistle4 ,though the forgery doubtless attained its widest circulation in the ,west1 there are1 ,i venture to think1 strong reasons for dissenting from this opinion4 ,footnote #fbh3 e4g4 ,anger ,laodicenerbrief p4 #adb sq41 ,westcott ,canon p4 #ded sq4 7ed4 #d74 ,erasmus asks boldly1 #8,qui factum est ut hc epistola apud ,latinos extet1 cum nullus sit apud ,grcos1 ne veterum quidem1 qui testetur eam a se lectam8' ,the accuracy of this statement will be tested presently4 ,sidenote3 ,frequent ,grecisms in the epistle4 ,if we read the epistle in its most authentic form1 divested of the additions contributed by the later ,,mss1 we are struck with its cramped style4 ,altogether it has not the run of a ,latin original4 ,and1 when we come to examine it in detail1 we find that this constraint is due very largely to the fetters imposed by close adherence to ,greek idiom4 ,thus for instance we have ver4 #e #8qui or qu sunt ex me'1 or 2 operum qu salutis1 2 ver4 #f palam vincula mea qu patior1 2 ver4 #ac sordidos in lucro1 2 ver4 #bj et facite legi ,colosensibus et ,colosensium vobis1 4 ,it is quite possible indeed that parallels for some of these anomalies may be found in ,latin writers4 ,thus ,tert4 c4 ,marc4 i4 #bc #8redundantia justiti super scribarum et ,pharisorum' is quoted to illustrate the genitive #8,colossensium' ver4 #bj4fbi ,the ,greek cast however is not confined to one or two expressions but extends to the whole letter4 ,footnote #fbi3 ,anger1 p4 #afe4 ,sidenote3 ,it differs widely from the ,old ,latin and ,vulgate ,versions4 ,but a yet stronger argument in favour of a ,greek original remains4 ,this epistle1 as we saw1 is a cento of passages from ,st ,paul4 ,if it had been written originally in ,latin1 we should expect to find that the passages were taken directly from the ,latin versions4 ,this however is not the case4 ,thus compare ver4 #f #8palam sunt vincula mea' with ,phil4 i4 #ac #8ut vincula mea manifesta fierent'3 ver4 #g #8orationibus vestris et administrante spiritu sancto' administratione spiritus sancti'8 with ,phil4 i4 #ai #8per vestram obsecrationem 7,v4 orationem7 et subministrationem spiritus sancti'2 ver4 #i #8ut eandem dilectionem habeatis et sitis unianimes' with ,phil4 ii4 #b #8eandem caritatem habentes1 unanimes'2 ver4 #aj #8ergo1 dilectissimi1 ut audistis prsentia mei 444 facite in timore' with ,phil4 ii4 #ab #8,propter quod 7,v4 ,itaque7 dilectissimi mihi 7,v4 charissimi mei7 sicut semper obaudistis 7,v4 obedistis7 444 prsentia 7,v4 in prsentia7 mei 444 cum timore 7,v4 metu7 444 operamini'2 ver4 #aa1 #ab #8,est enim ,deus qui operatur in vos 7v4 #a4 vobis74 ,et facite sine retractu qucumque facitis' with ,phil4 ii4 #ac1 #ad ,deus enim est qui operatur in vobis 444 ,omnia autem facite sine 444 detractionibus 7,v4 hsitationibus7'2 ver4 #ac quod est reliquum1 dilectissimi1 gaudete in ,christo et prcavete' with ,phil4 iii4 #a1 #b #8de ctero1 fratres mei1 gaudete in ,domino 444 ,videte'2 ib4 #8sordidos in lucro' with the ,latin renderings of #a ,tim4 iii4 #h #8turpilucros' 7,v4 #8turpe lucrum sectantes'71 ,tit4 i4 #g turpilucrum 7,v4 #8turpis lucri cupidum'72 ver4 #ad #8sint petitiones vestr palam apud ,deum' with ,phil4 iv4 #f #8postulationes 7,v4 petitiones7 vestr innotescant apud ,deum'2 ver4 #bj #8facite legi ,colosensibus et ,colosensium vobis' with ,col4 iv4 #af #8facite ut et in ,laodicensium ecclesia legatur et eam qu ,laodicensium 7,,mss ,laodiciam7 est ut 7om4 ,v47 vos legatis'4 ,these examples tell their own tale4 ,sidenote3 ,thus internal evidence favours a ,greek original4,the occasional resemblances to the ,latin ,version are easily explained on the ground that reminiscences of this version would naturally occur to the translator of the epistle4 ,the habitual divergences from it are only accounted for on the hypothesis that the original compiler was better acquainted with the ,new ,testament in ,greek than in ,latin1 and therefore presumably that he wrote in ,greek4 ,sidenote3 ,external testimony to the same effect4 ,and1 if we are led to this conclusion by an examination of the epistle itself1 we shall find it confirmed by an appeal to external testimony4 ,there is ample evidence that a spurious ,epistle to the ,laodiceans was known to ,greek writers1 as well as ,latin1 at a sufficiently early date4 ,sidenote3 ,muratorian ,fragment4,a mention of such an epistle occurs as early as the ,muratorian ,fragment on the ,canon 7about ,a4,d4 #agj71 where the writer speaks of two letters1 one to the ,laodiceans and another to the ,alexandrians1 as circulated under the name of ,paul#fcj4 ,the bearing of the words however is uncertain4 ,he may be referring to the ,marcionite recension of the canonical ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 which was entitled by that heretic an ,epistle to the ,laodiceans#fca4 ,or1 if this explanation of his words be not correct 7as perhaps it is not71 still we should not feel justified in assuming that he is referring to the extant apocryphal epistle4 ,indeed we should hardly expect that an epistle of this character would be written and circulated at so early a date4 ,the reference in ,col4 iv4 #af offered a strong temptation to the forger1 and probably more than one unscrupulous person was induced by it to try his hand at falsification#fcb4 ,but1 however this may be1 it seems clear that before the close of the fourth century our epistle was largely circulated in the ,east and ,west alike4 ,sidenote3 ,jerome4#8,certain persons'1 writes ,jerome in his account of ,st ,paul1 #8read also an ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 but it is rejected by all#fcc'4 ,no doubt is entertained1 that this father refers to our epistle4 ,sidenote3 ,theodore4,if then we find that about the same time ,theodore of ,mopsuestia also mentions an ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 which he condemns as spurious#fcd1 it is a reasonable inference that the same writing is meant4 ,sidenote3 ,theodoret4,in this he is followed by ,theodoret#fce2 and indeed the interpretations of ,col4 iv4 #af given by the ,greek ,fathers of this age were largely influenced as we have seen1 by the presence of a spurious epistle which they were anxious to discredit#fcf4 ,sidenote3 #bnd ,council of ,nica4,even two or three centuries later the epistle seems to have been read in the ,east4 ,at the ,second ,council of ,nica 7,a4,d4 #ghg7 it was found necessary to warn people against #8a forged ,epistle to the ,laodiceans' which was #8circulated1 having a place in some copies of the ,apostle#fcg4' ,footnote #fcj3 ,canon ,murat4 p4 #dg 7ed4 ,tregelles74 ,the passage stands in the ,,ms1 #8,fertur etiam ad ,laudecenses alia ad ,alexandrinos ,pauli nomine fincte ad heresem ,marcionis et alia plura qu in catholicam eclesiam recepi non potest4' ,there is obviously some corruption in the text4 ,one very simple emendation is the repetition of #8alia'1 so that the words would run #8ad ,laudicenses alia1 alia ad ,alexandrinos'4 ,in this case fincte 7 finct7 might refer to the two epistles first mentioned1 and the ,latin would construe intelligibly4 ,the writing described as #8ad ,laodicenses alia' might then be the ,epistle to the ,ephesians under its ,marcionite title1 the writer probably not having any personal knowledge of it1 but supposing from its name that it was a different and a forged writing4 ,but what can then be the meaning of #8alia ad ,alexandrinos'8 ,is it1 as some have thought1 the ,epistle to the ,hebrews8 ,but this could not under any circumstances be described as #8fincta ad hresem ,marcionis'1 even though we should strain the meaning of the preposition and interpret the words #8against the heresy of ,marcion'4 ,and again our knowledge of ,marcion's ,canon is far too full to admit the hypothesis that it included a spurious ,epistle to the ,alexandrians1 of which no notice is elsewhere preserved4 ,we are therefore driven to the conclusion that there is a hiatus here1 as in other places of this fragment1 probably after #8,pauli nomine'2 and #8finct' will then refer not to the two epistles named before1 but to the mutilated epistles of ,marcion's ,canon which he had #8tampered with to adapt them to his heresy'4 ,in this case the letter #8ad ,laudicenses' may refer to our apocryphal epistle or to some earlier forgery4 ,footnote #fca3 ,see the introduction to the ,epistle to the ,ephesians4 ,footnote #fcb3 ,timotheus1 who became ,patriarch of ,constantinople in #eaa1 while still a presbyter1 includes in a list of apocryphal works forged by the ,manicheans i4e4 1 ,meurse p4 #aag 7quoted by ,fabricius1 ,cod4 ,apocr4 ,n4 ,t4 ,i44 p4 #aci74 ,anger 7p4 #bg7 suggests that there is a confusion of the ,marcionites and ,manicheans here4 ,i am disposed to think that ,timotheus recklessly credits the ,manicheans with several forgeries of which they were innocent1 among others with our apocryphal ,epistle to the ,laodiceans4 ,still it is possible that there was another ,laodicean ,epistle forged by these heretics to support their peculiar tenets4 ,footnote #fcc3 ,vir4 ,ill4 #e 7,,ii4 p4 #hdj7 #8,legunt quidam et ad ,laodicenses1 sed ab omnibus exploditur'4 ,footnote #fcd3 ,the passage is quoted above1 p4 #cda1 note #eic4 ,footnote #fce3 4 ,footnote #fcf3 ,anger 7p4 #adc7 argues against a ,greek original on the ground that the ,eastern ,church1 unlike the ,latin1 did not generally interpret ,col4 iv4 #af as meaning an epistle written to the ,laodiceans4 ,the fact is true1 but the inference is wrong1 as the language of the ,greek commentators themselves shows4 ,footnote #fcg3 ,act4 vi4 ,tom4 v 7,labbe viii4 p4 #aabe ed4 ,colet47 1 4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,the ,greek restored4 ,the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans then in the original ,greek would run somewhat as follows#fch3 4 ,sidenote3 a ,gal4 i4 #a4 a ' ' 1 4 ,sidenote3 b ,gal4 i4 #c42 ,phil4 i4 #b4b;b 4 ,sidenote3 c ,phil4 i4 #c4 #c;c 1 1 ,sidenote3 d ,gal4 v4 #e4;d ,sidenote3 e #b ,pet4 ii4 #i2 iii4 #g2 cf4 ,phil4 ii4 #af4;e 4 #d ,sidenote3 f #a ,tim4 i4 #f4;f ,sidenote3 g #b ,tim4 iv4 #d4;g ,sidenote3 h ,col4 i4 #e2 ,gal4 ii4 #e1 #ad4;h ,sidenote3 i ,gal4 i4 #aa 7cf4 i4 #h74;i ' 4 #e ,sidenote3 k ,phil4 i4 #ab4k 99 99 99 4 #f ,sidenote3 l ,phil4 i4 #ac4l 1 1 ,sidenote3 m ,matt4 v4 #ab2 cf4 ,phil4 i4 #ahm 4 #g ,sidenote3 n ,phil4 i4 #ai4n 1 1 ,sidenote3 o ,phil4 i4 #bj4o 7 4 ,sidenote3 p ,phil4 i4 #ba4hp 4 #i 1 ,sidenote3 q ,phil4 ii4 #b4q 1 4 ,sidenote3 r ,phil4 ii4 #ab4ajr1 1 1 ,sidenote3 s #b ,thess4 ii4 #e 7see vulg474s 1 ,sidenote3 t ,phil4 ii4 #ac4aat 4 ,sidenote3 u ,phil4 ii4 #ad4ab u ,sidenote3 x ,col4 iii4 #ag1 #bc4x 4 ,sidenote3 y ,phil4 iii4 #a4ac y 1 1 4 ,sidenote3 z #a ,tim4 iii4 #h2 ,tit4 i4 #g4z4 ,sidenote3 a ,phil4 iv4 #f4ad;a 4 ,sidenote3 b #a ,cor4 xv4 #eh4;b ,sidenote3 c #a ,cor4 ii4 #af4;c 4 ,sidenote3 d ,phil4 iv4 #h1 #i4ae;d 1 4 #af 1 1 ' 4 ,sidenote3 e ,phil4 iv4 #bb4 #ah;e 4 ,sidenote3 f ,phil4 iv4 #bc4 #ai;f 4 ,sidenote3 g ,col4 iv4 #af4 #bj;g 1 4 ,footnote #fch3 ,a ,greek version is given in ,elias ,hutter's ,polyglott ,new ,testament 7,noreb4 #aeii72 see ,anger p4 #adg note g4 ,but ,i have retranslated the epistle anew1 introducing the ,pauline passages1 of which it is almost entirely made up1 as they stand in the ,greek ,testament4 ,the references are given in the margin4 99 99 99 99 99 ,sidenote3 ,scanty circulation in the ,east1 ,but1 though written originally in ,greek1 it was not among ,greek ,christians that this epistle attained its widest circulation4 ,in the latter part of the #hth century indeed1 when the ,second ,council of ,nica met1 it had found its way into some copies of ,st ,paul's ,epistles#fci4 ,but the denunciation of this ,council seems to have been effective in securing its ultimate exclusion4 ,we discover no traces of it in any extant ,greek ,,ms1 with the very doubtful exception which has already been considered#fdj4 ,sidenote3 but wide diffusion in the ,west4,but in the ,latin ,church the case was different4 ,st ,jerome1 as we saw1 had pronounced very decidedly against it4 ,yet even his authority was not sufficient to stamp it out4 ,at least as early as the sixth century it found a place in some copies of the ,latin ,bibles3 and before the close of that century its genuineness was affirmed by perhaps the most influential theologian whom the ,latin ,church produced during the eleven centuries which elapsed between the age of ,jerome and ,augustine and the era of the ,reformation4 ,sidenote3 ,gregory the ,great4,gregory the ,great did not indeed affirm its canonicity4 ,he pronounced that the ,church had restricted the canonical ,epistles of ,st ,paul to fourteen1 and he found a mystical explanation of this limitation in the number itself1 which was attained by adding the number of the ,commandments to the number of the ,gospels and thus fitly represented the teaching of the ,apostle which combines the two#fda4 ,but at the same time he states that the ,apostle wrote fifteen2 and1 though he does not mention the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans by name1 there can be little doubt that he intended to include this as his fifteenth epistle1 and that his words were rightly understood by subsequent writers as affirming its ,pauline authorship4 ,the influence of this great name is perceptible in the statements of later writers4 ,sidenote3 ,haymo of ,halberstadt4,haymo of ,halberstadt1 who died ,a4,d4 #hec1 commenting on ,col4 iv4 #af1 says1 ,the ,apostle #8enjoins the ,laodicean ,epistle to be read to the ,colossians1 because though it is very short and is not reckoned in the ,canon1 yet still it has some use#fdb'4,sidenote3 ,hervey of ,dole4 ,and between two or three centuries later ,hervey of ,dole 7c4 ,a4,d4 #aacj71 if it be not ,anselm of ,laon#fdc1 commenting on this same passage1 says3 #8,although the ,apostle wrote this epistle also as his fifteenth or sixteenth#fdd1 and it is established by ,apostolic authority like the rest1 yet holy ,church does not reckon more than fourteen1' and he proceeds to justify this limitation of the ,canon with the arguments and in the language of ,gregory#fde4 ,others however did not confine themselves to the qualified recognition given to the epistle by the great ,bishop of ,rome4 ,gregory had carefully distinguished between genuineness and canonicity2 but this important distinction was not seldom disregarded by later writers4 ,sidenote3 ,english ,church4 ,aelfric4,in the ,english ,church more especially it was forgotten4 ,thus ,aelfric abbot of ,cerne1 who wrote during the closing years of the tenth century1 speaks as follows of ,st ,paul3 #8,fifteen epistles wrote this one ,apostle to the nations by him converted unto the faith3 which are large books in the ,bible and make much for our amendment1 if we follow his doctrine that was teacher of the ,gentiles'4 ,he then gives a list of the ,apostle's writings1 which closes with #8one to ,philemon and one to the ,laodiceans2 fifteen in all as loud as thunder to faithful people#fdf'4 ,sidenote3 ,john of ,salisbury4,again1 nearly two centuries later ,john of ,salisbury1 likewise writing on the ,canon1 reckons #8,fifteen epistles of ,paul included in one volume1 though it be the wide-spread and common opinion of nearly all that there are only fourteen2 ten to churches and four to individuals3 supposing that the one addressed to the ,hebrews is to be reckoned among the ,epistles of ,paul1 as ,jerome the doctor of doctors seems to lay down in his preface1 where he refuteth the cavils of those who contended that it was not ,paul's4 ,but the fifteenth is that which is addressed to the ,church of the ,laodiceans2 and though1 as ,jerome saith1 it be rejected by all1 nevertheless was it written by the ,apostle4 ,nor is this opinion assumed on the conjecture of others1 but it is confirmed by the testimony of the ,apostle himself3 for he maketh mention of it in the ,epistle to the ,colossians in these words1 ,when this epistle shall have been read among you1 etc4 7,col4 iv4 #af7fdg'4 ,aelfric and ,john are the typical theologians of the ,church in this country in their respective ages4 ,the ,conquest effected a revolution in ecclesiastical and theological matters4 ,the ,old ,english ,church was separated from the ,anglo-,norman ,church in not a few points both of doctrine and of discipline4 ,yet here we find the representative men of learning in both agreed on this one point--the authorship and canonicity of the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans4 ,from the language of ,john of ,salisbury however it appears that such was not the common verdict at least in his age1 and that on this point the instinct of the many was more sound than the learning of the few4 ,nor indeed was it the undisputed opinion even of the learned in this country during this interval4 ,sidenote3 ,the epistle repudiated by ,lanfranc4,the first ,norman ,archbishop1 ,lanfranc1 an ,italian by birth and education1 explains the passage in the ,colossian ,epistle as referring to a letter written by the ,laodiceans to the ,apostle1 and adds that otherwise #8there would be more than thirteen ,epistles of ,paul#fdh'4 ,thus he tacitly ignores the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 with which he can hardly have been unacquainted4 ,footnote #fci3 ,quoted above1 p4 #cei1 note #fcg4 ,footnote #fdj3 ,see above1 p4 #cae sq4 ,footnote #fda3 ,greg4 ,magn4 ,mor4 in ,iob4 xxxv4 #be 7,,iii4 p4 #dcc1 ed4 ,gallicc47 #8,recte vita ecclesi multiplicata per decem et quattuor computatur2 quia utrumque testamentum custodiens1 et tam secundum ,legis decalogum quam secundum quattuor ,evangelii libros vivens1 usque ad perfectionis culmen extenditur4 ,unde et ,paulus apostolus quamvis epistolas quindecim scripserit1 sancta tamen ecclesia non amplius quam quatuordecim tenet1 ut ex ipso epistolarum numero ostenderet quod doctor egregius ,legis et ,evangelii secreta rimasset'4 ,footnote #fdb3 ,patrol4 ,lat4 ,,cxvii4 p4 #gfe 7ed4 ,migne7 #8,et eam qu erat ,laodicensium ideo prcipit ,colossensibus legi1 quia1 licet perparva sit et in ,canone non habeatur1 aliquid tamen utilitatis habet'4 ,he uses the expression #8eam qu erat ,laodicensium'1 because was translated in the ,latin ,bible #8eam qu ,laodicensium est'4 ,footnote #fdc3 ,see ,galatians p4 #bcb on the authorship of this commentary4 ,footnote #fdd3 ,a third ,epistle to the ,corinthians being perhaps reckoned as the #aeth2 see ,fabric4 ,cod4 ,apocr4 ,nov4 ,test4 ,,ii p4 #hff4 ,footnote #fde3 ,patrol4 ,lat4 ,,clxxxi4 p4 #acee sq4 7ed4 ,migne7 #8et ea similiter epistola1 qu ,laodicensium est1 i4e4 quam ego ,laodicensibus misi1 legatur vobis4 ,quamvis et hanc epistolam quintamdecimam vel sextamdecimam apostolus scripserit1 et auctoritas eam apostolica sicut ctera firmavit1 sancta tamen ecclesia non amplius quam quatuordecim tenet1 ut ex ipso epistolarum numero ostenderet etc4' ,at the end of the notes to the ,colossians he adds #8,hucusque protenditur epistola qu missa est ad ,colossenses4 ,congruum autem videtur ut propter notitiam legentium subjiciamus eam qu est ad ,laodicenses directa2 quam1 ut diximus1 in usu non habet ecclesia4 ,est ergo talis4' ,then follows the text of the ,laodicean ,epistle1 but it is not annotated4 ,footnote #fdf3 ,a ,saxon ,treatise concerning the ,old and ,new ,testament by lfricus ,abbas1 p4 #bh 7ed4 ,w4 ,l',isle1 ,london #afbc74 ,footnote #fdg3 ,ioann4 ,sarisb4 ,epist4 #adc 7,i4 p4 #baj ed4 ,giles7 #8,epistol ,pauli quindecim uno volumine comprehens1 licet sit vulgata et fere omnium communis opinio non esse nisi quatuordecim1 decem ad ecclesias1 quatuor ad personas2 si tamen illa qu ad ,hebros est connumeranda est epistolis ,pauli1 quod in prfatione ejus astruere videtur doctorum doctor ,hieronymus1 illorum dissolvens argutias qui eam ,pauli non esse contendebant4 ,cterum quintadecima est illa qu ecclesi ,laodicensium scribitur2 et licet1 ut ait ,hieronymus1 ab omnibus explodatur1 tamen ab apostolo scripta est3 neque sententia hc de aliorum prsumitur opinione sed ipsius apostoli testimonio roboratur4 ,meminit enim ipsius in epistola ad ,colossenses his verbis1 ,quum lecta fuerit apud vos hc epistola1 etc4' ,footnote #fdh3 ,patrol4 ,lat4 ,,cl4 p4 #cca 7ed4 ,migne7 on ,col4 iv4 #af #8,hc si esset apostoli1 ad ,laodicenses diceret1 non ,laodicensium2 et plusquam tredecim essent epistol ,pauli'4 ,we should perhaps read xiiii for xiii1 #8quatuordecim' for #8tredecim'1 as ,lanfranc is not likely to have questioned the ,pauline authorship of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews4 ,sidenote3 ,occurrence in ,,mss of all ages and countries4 ,indeed the safest criterion of the extent to which this opinion prevailed1 is to be found in the manuscripts4 ,at all ages from the sixth to the fifteenth century we have examples of its occurrence among the ,pauline ,epistles and most frequently without any marks which imply doubt respecting its canonicity4 ,these instances are more common in proportion to the number of extant ,,mss in the earlier epoch than in the later#fdi4 ,in one of the three or four extant authorities for the ,old ,latin ,version of the ,pauline ,epistles it has a place#fej4 ,in one of the two most ancient copies of ,jerome's revised ,vulgate it is found#fea4 ,among the first class ,,mss of this latter ,version its insertion is almost as common as its omission4 ,this phenomenon moreover is not confined to any one country4 ,italy1 ,spain1 ,france1 ,ireland1 ,england1 ,germany1 ,switzerland--all the great nations of ,latin ,christendom--contribute examples of early manuscripts in which this epistle has a place#feb4 ,footnote #fdi3 ,the proportion however is very different in different collections4 ,in the ,cambridge ,university ,library ,i found the epistle in four only out of some thirty ,,mss ,which ,i inspected2 whereas in the ,lambeth ,library the proportion was far greater4 ,footnote #fej3 ,the ,speculum of ,mai1 see above1 p4 #cdh4 ,footnote #fea3 ,the ,codex ,fuldensis1 which was written within a few years of the ,codex ,amiatinus4 ,footnote #feb3 ,the list of ,,mss given above p4 #cdh sq4 will substantiate this statement4 ,sidenote3 ,versions4 ,and1 when the ,scriptures came to be translated into the vernacular languages of modern ,europe1 this epistle was not uncommonly included4 ,sidenote3 ,albigensian4,thus we meet with an ,albigensian version1 which is said to belong to the thirteenth century#fec4 ,sidenote3 ,bohemian4,thus too it is found in the ,bohemian language1 both in manuscript and in the early printed ,bibles1 in various recensions#fed4 ,sidenote3 ,german4,and again an old ,german translation is extant1 which1 judging from linguistic peculiarities1 cannot be assigned to a later date than about the fourteenth century1 and was printed in not less than fourteen editions of the ,german ,bible at the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries1 before ,luther's version appeared#fee4 ,sidenote3 ,english4,in the early ,english ,bibles too it has a place4 ,though it was excluded by both ,wycliffe and ,purvey1 yet it did not long remain untranslated and appears in two different and quite independent versions1 in ,,mss written before the middle of the fifteenth century#fef4 ,the prologue prefixed to the commoner of the two forms runs as follows3 ,sidenote3 ,english prologue4 #8,laodicensis ben also ,colocenses1 as tweye townes and oo peple in maners4 ,these ben of ,asie1 and among hem hadden be false apostlis1 and disceyuede manye4 ,therfore the postle bringith hem to mynde of his conuersacion and trewe preching of the gospel1 and excitith hem to be stidfast in the trewe witt and loue of ,crist1 and to be of oo wil4 ,but this pistil is not in comyn ,latyn bookis1 and therfor it was but late translatid into ,englisch tunge#feg4' ,footnote #fec3 ,an account of this ,,ms1 which is at ,lyons1 is given by ,reuss in the ,revue de ,thologie v4 p4 #ccd 7,strassb4 #aheb74 ,he ascribes the translation of the ,new ,testament to the #acth century1 and dates the ,,ms a little later4 ,footnote #fed3 ,this version is printed by ,anger1 p4 #agj sq4 ,footnote #fee3 ,see ,anger1 p4 #adi sq41 p4 #aff sq4 ,footnote #fef3 ,these two versions are printed in ,lewis's ,new ,testament translated by ,j4 ,wiclif 7#agca7 p4 #ii sq41 and in ,forshall and ,madden's ,wycliffite ,versions of the ,holy ,bible 7#ahej7 ,,iv4 p4 #dch sq4 ,they are also given by ,anger p4 #afh sq4 7#ahdc71 who takes the rarer form from ,lewis and the other from a ,dresden ,,ms4 ,dr ,westcott also has printed the commoner version in his ,canon1 p4 #deg 7ed4 #d71 from ,forshall and ,madden4 ,of one of these two versions ,forshall and ,madden give a collation of several ,,mss2 the other is taken from a single ,,ms 7,i4 p4 xxxii74 ,lewis does not state whence he derived the rarer of these two versions1 but there can be little doubt that it came from the same ,,ms ,pepys4 #bjgc 7belonging to ,magd4 ,coll4 ,cambridge7 from which it was taken by ,forshall and ,madden 7,i4 p4 lvii72 since he elsewhere mentions using this ,,ms 7p4 #ajd74 ,the version is not known to exist in any other4 ,forshall and ,madden give the date of the ,,ms as about #addj4 ,footnote #feg3 ,from ,forshall and ,madden1 ,,iv4 p4 #dch4 ,the earliest ,,mss which contain the common version of the ,laodicean ,epistle 7to which this prologue is prefixed7 date about ,a4,d4 #adcj4 ,sidenote3 ,two ,versions of the epistle4 ,the two forms of the epistle in its ,english dress are as follows#feh4 ,the version on the left hand is extant only in a single ,,ms2 the other1 which occupies the right column1 is comparatively common4 #8,poul1 apostle1 not of men1 ne bi man1 but bi ,jhesu ,crist1 to the britheren that ben of ,laodice1 grace to ou1 and pees of ,god the fadir1 and of the ,lord ,jhesu ,crist4 ,gracis ,i do to ,crist bi al myn orisoun1 that e be dwellinge in him and lastinge1 bi the biheest abidinge in the dai of doom4 ,ne he vnordeynede vs of sum veyn speche feynynge1 that vs ouerturne fro the sothfastnesse of the gospel that of me is prechid4 ,also now schal ,god do hem leuynge1 and doynge of blessdnesse of werkis1 which heelthe of lyf is4 ,and now openli ben my boondis1 whiche ,i suffre in ,crist ,jhesu1 in whiche ,i glad and ioie4 ,and that is to me heelthe euerlastynge1 that that ,i dide with oure preieris1 and mynystringe the ,holy ,spirit1 bi lijf or bi deeth4 ,it is forsothe to me lijf into ,crist1 and to die ioie withouten eende4 ,in vs he schal do his merci1 that e haue the same louynge1 and that e be of o wil4 ,therfore1 derlyngis1 as e han herd in presence of me1 hold e1 and do e in drede of ,god2 and it schal be to ou lijf withouten eend4 ,it is forsothe ,god that worchith in vs4 ,and do e withouten ony withdrawinge1 what soeuere e doon4 ,and that it is1 derlyngis1 ioie e in ,crist1 and flee e maad foul in clay4 ,alle oure axingis ben open anentis ,god1 and be e fastned in the witt of ,crist4 ,and whiche been hool1 and sooth1 and chast1 and rightwijs1 and louable1 do e2 and whiche herden and take in herte1 hold e2 and it schal be to ou pees4 ,holi men greeten ou weel1 in the grace of oure ,lord ,jhesu ,crist1 with the ,holi ,goost4 ,and do e that pistil of ,colosensis to be red to ou4 ,amen4 #8,poul1 apostle1 not of men1 ne by man1 but bi ,jhesu ,crist1 to the britheren that ben at ,laodice1 grace to ou1 and pees of ,god the fadir1 and of the ,lord ,jhesu ,crist4 ,i do thankyngis to my ,god bi al my preier1 that e be dwelling and lastyng in him1 abiding the biheest in the day of doom4 ,for neithir the veyn spekyng of summe vnwise men hath lettide ou1 the whiche wolden turne ou fro the treuthe of the gospel1 that is prechid of me4 ,and now hem that ben of me1 to the profit of truthe of the gospel1 ,god schal make disseruyng1 and doyng benygnyte of werkis1 and helthe of euerlasting lijf4 ,and now my boondis ben open1 which ,y suffre in ,crist ,jhesu1 in whiche ,y glade and ioie4 ,and that is to me to euerlastyng helthe1 that this same thing be doon by oure preiers1 and mynystryng of the ,holi ,goost1 either bi lijf1 either bi deeth4 ,forsothe to me it is lijf to lyue in ,crist1 and to die ioie4 ,and his mercy schal do in ou the same thing1 that e moun haue the same loue1 and that e be of oo will4 ,therfore1 e weel biloued britheren1 holde e1 and do e in the dreede of ,god1 as e han herde the presence of me2 and lijf schal be to ou withouten eende4 ,sotheli it is ,god that worchith in ou4 ,and1 my weel biloued britheren1 do e without eny withdrawyng what euer thingis e don4 ,joie e in ,crist1 and eschewe e men defoulid in lucre1 either foul wynnyng4 ,be alle oure askyngis open anentis ,god1 and be e stidefast in the witt of ,crist4 ,and do e tho thingis that ben hool1 and trewe1 and chaast1 and iust1 and able to be loued2 and kepe e in herte tho thingis that e haue herd and take2 and pees schal be to ou4 ,alle holi men greten ou weel4 ,the grace of oure ,lord ,jhesu ,crist be with oure spirit4 ,and do e that pistil of ,colocensis to be red to ou4 ,footnote #feh3 ,printed from ,forshall and ,madden l4c4 ,i am assured by those who are thoroughly conversant with old ,english1 that they can discern no difference of date in these two versions1 and that they both belong probably to the early years of the #aeth century4 ,the rarer version is taken from a better ,latin text than the other4 ,sidenote3 ,revival of learning and condemnation of the epistle4 ,thus for more than nine centuries this forged epistle hovered about the doors of the sacred ,canon1 without either finding admission or being peremptorily excluded4 ,at length the revival of learning dealt its death-blow to this as to so many other spurious pretensions4 ,as a rule1 ,roman ,catholics and ,reformers were equally strong in their condemnation of its worthlessness4 ,the language of ,erasmus more especially is worth quoting for its own sake1 and must not be diluted by translation3 ,sidenote3 ,strictures of ,erasmus4 #8,nihil habet ,pauli prter voculas aliquot ex cteris ejus epistolis mendicatas4444 ,non est cujusvis hominis ,paulinum pectus effingere4 ,tonat1 fulgurat1 meras flammas loquitur ,paulus4 ,at hc1 prterquam quod brevissima est1 quam friget1 quam jacet6444 ,quanquam quid attinet argumentari8 ,legat1 qui volet1 epistolam4444 ,nullum argumentum efficacius persuaserit eam non esse ,pauli quam ipsa epistola4 ,et si quid mihi naris est1 ejusdem est opificis qui nniis suis omnium veterum theologorum omnia scripta contaminavit1 conspurcavit1 perdidit1 ac prcipue ejus qui pr cteris indignus erat ea contumelia1 nempe ,d4 ,hieronymi#fei'4 ,footnote #fei3 ,on ,col4 iv4 #af4 ,erasmus is too hard upon the writer of this letter1 when he charges him with such a mass of forgeries4 ,he does not explain how this hypothesis is consistent with the condemnation of the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans in ,hieron4 ,vir4 ,ill4 #e 7quoted above p4 #cei74 ,sidenote3 ,exceptions4 ,but some eccentric spirits on both sides were still found to maintain its genuineness4 ,sidenote3 ,prtorius4,thus on the one hand the ,lutheran ,steph4 ,prtorius prefaces his edition of this epistle 7,a4,d4 #aeie7 with the statement that he #8restores it to the ,christian ,church'2 he gives his opinion that it was written #8either by the ,apostle himself or by some other ,apostolic man'3 he declares that to himself it is #8redolent of the spirit and grace of the most divine ,paul'2 and he recommends younger teachers of the ,gospel to #8try their strength in explaining it'1 that thus #8accustoming themselves gradually to the ,apostolic doctrine they may extract thence a flavour sweeter than ambrosia and nectar#ffj4' ,sidenote3 ,stapleton4,on the other hand the ,jesuit ,stapleton was not less eager in his advocacy of this miserable cento4 ,to him its genuineness had a controversial value4 ,along with several other apocryphal writings which he accepted in like manner1 it was important in his eyes as showing that the ,church had authority to exclude even ,apostolic writings from the ,canon1 if she judged fit#ffa4 ,but such phenomena were quite abnormal4 ,the dawn of the ,reformation epoch had effectually scared away this ghost of a ,pauline epistle1 which 7we may confidently hope7 has been laid for ever and will not again be suffered to haunt the mind of the ,church4 ,footnote #ffj3 ,pauli ,apostoli ad ,laodicenses ,epistola1 ,latine et ,germanice1 ,hamburg1 #aeie1 of which the preface is given in ,fabricius ,cod4 ,apocr4 ,nov4 ,test4 ,,ii4 p4 #hfg4 ,it is curious that the only two arguments against its genuineness which he thinks worthy of notice are 7#a7 ,its brevity2 which he answers by appealing to the ,epistle to ,philemon2 and 7#b7 ,its recommendation of works 7#8quod scripsit opera esse facienda qu sunt salutis tern'72 which he explains to refer to works that proceed of faith4 ,footnote #ffa3 ,see ,bp4 ,davenant on ,col4 iv4 #af3 #8,detestanda ,stapletonis opinio1 qui ipsius ,pauli epistolam esse statuit1 quam omnes patres ut adulterinam et insulsam repudiarunt3 nec sanior conclusio1 quam inde deducere voluit1 posse nimirum ecclesiam germanam et veram apostoli ,pauli epistolam pro sua authoritate e ,canone excludere'4 ,so also ,whitaker ,disputation on ,scripture passim 7see the references given above1 p4 #cda1 note #eie74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,epistle ,,to ,,philemon4 ,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,epistle4 ,sidenote3 ,unique character of the epistle4 ,the ,epistle to ,philemon holds a unique place among the ,apostle's writings4 ,it is the only strictly private letter which has been preserved4 ,the ,pastoral ,epistles indeed are addressed to individuals1 but they discuss important matters of ,church discipline and government4 ,evidently they were intended to be read by others besides those to whom they are immediately addressed4 ,on the other hand the letter before us does not once touch upon any question of public interest4 ,it is addressed apparently to a layman4 ,it is wholly occupied with an incident of domestic life4 ,the occasion which called it forth was altogether common-place4 ,it is only one sample of numberless letters which must have been written to his many friends and disciples by one of ,st ,paul's eager temperament and warm affections1 in the course of a long and chequered life4 ,sidenote3 ,its value4,yet to ourselves this fragment1 which has been rescued1 we know not how1 from the wreck of a large and varied correspondence1 is infinitely precious4 ,nowhere is the social influence of the ,gospel more strikingly exerted2 nowhere does the nobility of the ,apostle's character receive a more vivid illustration than in this accidental pleading on behalf of a runaway slave4 ,sidenote3 ,the persons addressed4 ,the letter introduces us to an ordinary household in a small town of ,phrygia4 ,four members of it are mentioned by name1 the father1 the mother1 the son1 and the slave4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,philemon4 #a4 ,the head of the family bears a name which1 for good or for evil1 was not unknown in connexion with ,phrygian story4 ,sidenote3 ,occurrence of the name in ,phrygia4,the legend of ,philemon and ,baucis1 the aged peasants who entertained not angels but gods unawares1 and were rewarded by their divine guests for their homely hospitality and their conjugal love#ffb1 is one of the most attractive in ,greek mythology1 and contrasts favourably with many a revolting tale in which the powers of ,olympus are represented as visiting this lower earth4 ,it has a special interest too for the ,apostolic history1 because it suggests an explanation of the scene at ,lystra1 when the barbarians would have sacrificed to the ,apostles1 imagining that the same two gods1 ,zeus and ,hermes1 had once again deigned to visit1 in the likeness of men1 those regions which they had graced of old by their presence#ffc4 ,again1 in historical times we read of one ,philemon who obtained an unenviable notoriety at ,athens by assuming the rights of ,athenian citizenship1 though a ,phrygian and apparently a slave#ffd4 ,otherwise the name is not distinctively ,phrygian4 ,it does not occur with any special frequency in the inscriptions belonging to this country2 and though several persons bearing this name rose to eminence in literary history1 not one1 so far as we know1 was a ,phrygian4 ,footnote #ffb3 ,ovid4 ,met4 vii4 #fbf sq4 #8,jupiter huc1 specie mortali1 cumque parente ,venit ,atlantiades positis caducifer alis' etc4 ,footnote #ffc3 ,acts xiv4 #aa 444 ,there are two points worth observing in the ,phrygian legend1 as illustrating the ,apostolic history4 7#a7 ,it is a miracle1 which opens the eyes of the peasant couple to the divinity of their guests thus disguised2 7#b7 ,the immediate effect of this miracle is their attempt to sacrifice to their divine visitors1 #8dis hospitibus mactare parabant'4 ,the familiarity with this beautiful story may have suggested to the barbarians of ,lystra1 whose #8,lycaonian speech' was not improbably a dialect of ,phrygian1 that the same two gods1 ,zeus and ,hermes1 had again visited this region on an errand at once of beneficence and of vengeance1 while at the same time it would prompt them to conciliate the deities by a similar mode of propitiation1 4 ,footnote #ffd3 ,aristoph4 ,av4 #gfb 444 ' 1 4 ,sidenote3 ,this ,philemon a ,colossian ,the ,philemon with whom we are concerned was a native1 or at least an inhabitant1 of ,coloss4 ,this appears from the fact that his slave is mentioned as belonging to that place4 ,it may be added also1 in confirmation of this view1 that in one of two epistles written and despatched at the same time ,st ,paul announces the restoration of ,onesimus to his master1 while in the other he speaks of this same person as revisiting ,coloss#ffe4 ,on the other hand it would not be safe to lay any stress on the statement of ,theodoret1 that ,philemon's house was still standing at ,coloss when he wrote#fff1 for traditions of this kind have seldom any historical worth4 ,footnote #ffe3 ,compare ,col4 iv4 #i with ,philem4 #aa sq4 ,footnote #fff3 ,theodoret in his preface to the epistle says 4 ,this is generally taken to mean that ,philemon's house was still standing1 when ,theodoret wrote4 ,this may be the correct interpretation1 but the language is not quite explicit4 ,sidenote3 converted by ,st ,paul4 ,philemon had been converted by ,st ,paul himself#ffg4 ,at what time or under what circumstances he received his first lessons in the ,gospel1 we do not know3 but the ,apostle's long residence at ,ephesus naturally suggests itself as the period when he was most likely to have become acquainted with a citizen of ,coloss#ffh4 ,footnote #ffg3 ver4 #ai4 ,footnote #ffh3 ,see above1 p4 #cj sq4 ,sidenote3 ,his evangelical zeal1 ,philemon proved not unworthy of his spiritual parentage4 ,though to ,epaphras belongs the chief glory of preaching the ,gospel at ,coloss#ffi1 his labours were well seconded by ,philemon4 ,the title of #8fellow-labourer1' conferred upon him by the ,apostle#fgj1 is a noble testimony to his evangelical zeal4 ,like ,nymphas in the neighbouring ,church of ,laodicea#fga1 ,philemon had placed his house at the disposal of the ,christians at ,coloss for their religious and social gatherings#fgb4 ,like ,gaius#fgc1 to whom the only other private letter in the ,apostolic ,canon is addressed#fgd1 he was generous in his hospitalities4 ,sidenote3 and wide hospitality4,all those with whom he came in contact spoke with gratitude of his kindly attentions#fge4 ,of his subsequent career we have no certain knowledge4 ,sidenote3 ,legendary martyrdom4,legendary story indeed promotes him to the bishopric of ,coloss#fgf1 and records how he was martyred in his native city under ,nero#fgg4 ,but this tradition or fiction is not entitled to any credit4 ,all that we really know of ,philemon is contained within this epistle itself4 ,footnote #ffi3 ,see above1 p4 #ca sq4 ,footnote #fgj3 ver4 #a 4 ,footnote #fga3 ,col4 iv4 #ae4 ,footnote #fgb3 ver4 #b ' 4 ,the ,greek commentators1 ,chrysostom and ,theodoret1 suppose that ,st ,paul designates ,philemon's own family 7including his slaves7 by this honourable title of 1 in order to interest them in his petition4 ,this is plainly wrong4 ,see the note on ,col4 iv4 #ae4 ,footnote #fgc3 #c ,joh4 #e sq4 ,footnote #fgd3 ,i take the view that the addressed in the ,second ,epistle of ,st ,john is some church personified1 as indeed the whole tenour of the epistle seems to imply3 see esp4 vv4 #d1 #g sq4 ,the salutation to the #8elect lady' 7ver4 #a7 from her #8elect sister' 7ver4 #ae7 will then be a greeting sent to one church from another2 just as in #a ,peter1 the letter is addressed at the outset 444 7i4 #a7 and contains at the close a salutation from 7v4 #ac74 ,footnote #fge3 vv4 #e1 #g4 ,footnote #fgf3 ,apost4 ,const4 vii4 #df 1 1 4 ,the ,greek ,mena however make ,philemon bishop of ,gaza2 see ,tillemont ,i4 p4 #egd note lxvi4 ,footnote #fgg3 ,see ,tillemont ,i4 pp4 #bij1 #egd1 for the references4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,apphia his wife4 #b4 ,it is a safe inference from the connexion of the names that ,apphia was the wife of ,philemon#fgh4 ,the commentators assume without misgiving that we have here the familiar ,roman name ,appia1 though they do not explain the intrusion of the aspirate#fgi4 ,this seems to be a mistake4 ,sidenote3 ,a strictly ,phrygian name4,the word occurs very frequently on ,phrygian inscriptions as a proper name1 and is doubtless of native origin4 ,at ,aphrodisias and ,philadelphia1 at ,eumenia and ,apamea ,cibotus1 at ,stratonicea1 at ,philomelium1 at zani and ,cotium and ,dorylum1 at almost all the towns far and near1 which were either ,phrygian or subject to ,phrygian influences1 and in which any fair number of inscriptions has been preserved1 the name is found4 ,if no example has been discovered at ,coloss itself1 we must remember that not a single proper name has been preserved on any monumental inscription at this place4 ,it is generally written either ,apphia or ,aphphia#fhj2 more rarely ,aphia1 which is perhaps due merely to the carelessness of the stonecutters#fha4 ,sidenote3 ,its affinities,but1 so far as ,i have observed1 it always preserves the aspirate4 ,its diminutive is ,apphion or ,aphphion or ,aphion#fhb4 ,the allied form ,aphphias or ,aphias1 also a woman's name1 is found1 though less commonly#fhc2 and we likewise frequently meet with the shorter form ,apphe or ,aphphe#fhd4 ,the man's name corresponding to ,apphia is ,apphianos1 but this is rare#fhe4 ,the root would appear to be some ,phrygian term of endearment or relationship#fhf4 ,sidenote3 and analogies4,it occurs commonly in connexion with other ,phrygian names of a like stamp1 more especially ,ammia1 which undergoes the same modifications of form1 ,amia1 ,ammias1 ,ammion or ,amion1 ,ammiane or ,ammiana1 with the corresponding masculine ,ammianos#fhg4 ,with these we may also compare ,tatia1 ,tatias1 ,tation1 ,tatiane or ,tatiana1 ,tatianos4 ,similar too is the name ,papias or ,pappias1 with the lengthened form ,papianos1 to which corresponds the feminine ,papiane#fhh4 ,so again we have ,nannas or ,nanas1 ,nanna or ,nana1 with their derivatives1 in these ,phrygian inscriptions#fhi4 ,sidenote3 ,not to be confused with the ,latin ,appia4,there is a tendency in some of the allied forms of ,apphia or ,aphphia to drop the aspirate so that they are written with a pp1 more especially in ,appe#fij1 but not in the word itself2 nor have ,i observed conversely any disposition to write the ,roman name ,appia with an aspirate1 ,apphia or ,aphphia#fia4 ,even if such a disposition could be proved1 the main point for which ,i am contending can hardly be questioned4 ,with the overwhelming evidence of the inscriptions before us1 it is impossible to doubt that ,apphia is a native ,phrygian name#fib4 ,footnote #fgh3 ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 #chad 4 ,in the following inscriptions also a wife bearing the name ,apphia 7,aphphia1 ,aphia7 or ,apphion 7,aphphion1 ,aphion7 is mentioned in connexion with her husband2 #bgbj1 #bghb1 #bhcf1 #cddf1 #bgge b1 c1 d1 #bhcg b1 #chdi1 #cijb m1 #cifb1 #dada1 #dbgg1 #dcba f1 #chdf z#ag1 etc4 ,m4 ,renan 7,saint ,paul p4 #cfj7 says1 #8,appia1 diaconesse de cette ville'4 ,like other direct statements of this same writer1 as for instance that the ,colossians sent a deputation to ,st ,paul 7,l',antechrist p4 #ij71 this assertion rests on no authority4 ,footnote #fgi3 ,they speak of as a softened form of the ,latin ,appia1 and quote ,acts xxviii4 #ae1 where however the form is 4 ,even ,ewald writes the word ,appia4 ,footnote #fhj3 1 no4 #bghb1 #bhce1 #biej1 #cdcb1 #cddf1 #bgge b1 c1 d1 #bhcg b1 #cijb m1 #cifb1 #dabd1 #dade3 1 no4 #chad1 #dada1 #dbgg1 #dcba f1 #chbg l1 #chdf z1 #chdf z#ag4 ,so far as ,i could trace any law1 the form is preferred in the northern and more distant towns like zani and ,cotium1 while prevails in the southern towns in the more immediate neighbourhood of ,coloss1 such as ,aphrodisias4 ,this accords with the evidence of our ,,mss1 in which is the best supported form1 though is found in some4 ,in ,theod4 ,mops4 7,cramer's ,cat4 p4 #aje7 it becomes by a common corruption2 and ,old ,latin copies write the dative ,apphiadi from the allied form ,apphias4 ,the most interesting of these inscriptions mentioning the name is no4 #bghb at ,aphrodisias1 where there is a notice of 4 1 1 444 ,footnote #fha3 no4 #bgbj1 #chbg4 ,footnote #fhb3 or #bgcc1 #bhcf1 #cbie1 #chdi1 #cijb m1 #dbjg2 #chdf z#cd and #chdf z#ca2 and even 1 #cafg1 #cbgh4 ,in #cijb m the mother's name is and the daughter's 4 ,footnote #fhc3 1 #cfig1 #cihc2 #chgi4 ,footnote #fhd3 #chaf1 #ccij1 #dadc2 #cgif1 #dabb4 ,footnote #fhe3 ,it is met with at the neighbouring town of ,hierapolis1 in the form no4 #ciaa4 ,it also occurs on coins of not very distant parts of ,asia ,minor1 being written either or 2 ,mionnet ,,iii4 p4 #agi1 #ahd1 ,,iv4 p4 #fe1 #fg1 ,suppl4 ,,vi4 p4 #bic1 ,,vii4 p4 #cfe4 ,footnote #fhf3 ,suidas 3 1 and so ,bekk4 ,anecd4 p4 #dda4 ,eustath4 ,il4 p4 #efe says 1 4441 and he adds 1 4 ,these words were found in writers of ,attic comedy 7,pollux iii4 #gd 2 comp4 ,xenarchus 1 ' 1 1 ,meineke ,fragm4 ,com4 ,,iii4 p4 #fag73 and doubtless they were heard commonly in ,attic homes4 ,but were they not learnt in the nursery from ,phrygian slaves8 appears in two inscriptions almost as a proper name1 #bfcg 1 #cbgg 4 ,in no4 #dbjg 7at ,telmissus7 we have 1 so that it seems sometimes to have been employed side by side with a ,greek name2 comp4 no4 #ciab a 444 1 quoted above p4 #dh4 ,this will account for the frequency of the names1 ,apphia1 ,apphion1 etc4 ,in ,theocr4 ,,xv4 #ac we have 1 and in ,callim4 ,hym4 ,dian4 #f 1 as a term of endearment applied to a father4 ,footnote #fhg3 ,this appears from the fact that ,ammias and ,ammianos appear sometimes as the names of mother and son respectively in the same inscriptions2 e4g4 #chdf z#hb1 #chdg k1 #chhb i4 ,footnote #fhh3 ,on the name ,papias or ,pappias see above p4 #dh4 ,footnote #fhi3 ,see ,boeckh ,corp4 ,inscr4 ,,iii4 p4 #ajhe for the names 1 etc4 ,footnote #fij3 ,we have not only the form several times 7e4g4 #chbg x1 #chdf p1 #chdf x1 #chdf z#df1 etc472 but also #chbg g1 #chdf n1 #chdf z#gg1 still as a woman's name4 ,these all occur in the same neighbourhood1 at ,cotium and zani4 ,i have not noticed any instance of this phenomenon in the names ,apphia1 ,apphion2 though probably1 where ,roman influences were especially strong1 there would be a tendency to transform a ,phrygian name into a ,roman1 e4g4 ,apphia into ,appia1 and ,apphianus into ,appianus4 ,footnote #fia3 ,in the ,greek historians of ,rome for instance the personal name is always and the road 2 so too in ,acts xxviii4 #ae it is 4 ,footnote #fib3 ,the point to be observed is that examples of these names are thickest in the heart of ,phrygia1 that they diminish in frequency as ,phrygian influence becomes weaker1 and that they almost1 though not entirely1 disappear in other parts of the ,greek and ,roman world4 ,sidenote3 ,her share in the letter4 ,of this ,phrygian matron we know nothing more than can be learnt from this epistle4 ,the tradition or fiction which represents her as martyred together with her husband may be safely disregarded4 ,st ,paul addresses her as a ,christian#fic4 ,equally with her husband she had been aggrieved by the misconduct of their slave ,onesimus1 and equally with him she might interest herself in the penitent's future well-being4 ,footnote #fic3 ver4 #b 4 ,see the note4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,archippus1 the son4 #c4 ,with less confidence1 but still with a reasonable degree of probability1 we may infer that ,archippus1 who is likewise mentioned in the opening salutation1 was a son#fid of ,philemon and ,apphia4 ,the inscriptions do not exhibit the name in any such frequency either in ,phrygia or in the surrounding districts1 as to suggest that it was characteristic of these parts#fie4 ,sidenote3 ,his office,our ,archippus held some important office in the ,church#fif2 but what this was1 we are not told4 ,st ,paul speaks of it as a #8ministry' 774 ,some have interpreted the term technically as signifying the diaconate2 but ,st ,paul's emphatic message seems to imply a more important position than this4 ,others again suppose that he succeeded ,epaphras as bishop of ,coloss1 when ,epaphras left his native city to join the ,apostle at ,rome#fig2 but the assumption of a regular and continuous episcopate in such a place as ,coloss at this date seems to involve an anachronism4 ,more probable than either is the hypothesis which makes him a presbyter4 ,or perhaps he held a missionary charge1 and belonged to the order of #8evangelists#fih4' ,another question too arises respecting ,archippus4 ,where was he exercising this ministry1 whatever it may have been8 ,at ,coloss1 or at ,laodicea8 ,sidenote3 and abode1,his connexion with ,philemon would suggest the former place4 ,but in the ,epistle to the ,colossians his name is mentioned immediately after the salutations to the ,laodiceans and the directions affecting that ,church2 and this fact seems to connect him with ,laodicea4 ,sidenote3 ,laodicea1 rather than ,coloss4,on the whole this appears to be the more probable solution#fii4 ,laodicea was within walking distance of ,coloss#gjj4 ,archippus must have been in constant communication with his parents1 who lived there2 and it was therefore quite natural that1 writing to the father and mother1 ,st ,paul should mention the son's name also in the opening address1 though he was not on the spot4 ,an early tradition1 if it be not a critical inference from the allusion in the ,colossian letter1 makes him bishop not of ,coloss1 but of ,laodicea#gja4 ,footnote #fid3 ,so ,theodore of ,mopsuestia4 ,but ,chrysostom 1 and ,theodoret 4 ,footnote #fie3 ,it occurs in two ,smyrnan inscriptions1 no4 #cadc1 #cbbd4 ,footnote #fif3 ,col4 iv4 #ag 1 4 ,footnote #fig3 ,so the ,ambrosian ,hilary on ,col4 iv4 #ag4 ,footnote #fih3 ,ephes4 iv4 #aa bears testimony to the existence of the office of evangelist at this date4 ,footnote #fii3 ,it is adopted by ,theodore of ,mopsuestia4 ,on the other hand ,theodoret argues against this view on critical grounds2 1 ' 3 but he does not allege any traditional support for his own opinion4 ,footnote #gjj3 ,see above pp4 #b1 #ae4 ,footnote #gja3 ,apost4 ,const4 vii1 #df quoted above p4 #cgb1 note #fgf4 ,sidenote3 ,his career4 ,of the apprehensions which the ,apostle seems to have entertained respecting ,archippus1 ,i have already spoken#gjb4 ,it is not improbable that they were suggested by his youth and inexperience4 ,st ,paul here addresses him as his #8fellow-soldier#gjc1' but we are not informed on what spiritual campaigns they had served in company4 ,of his subsequent career we have no trustworthy evidence4 ,tradition represents him as having suffered martyrdom at ,coloss with his father and mother4 ,footnote #gjb3 ,see p4 #db4 ,footnote #gjc3 ver4 #b 4 ,see the note4 ,sidenote3 #d4 ,onesimus4 #d4 ,but far more important to the history of ,christianity than the parents or the son of the family1 is the servant4 ,the name ,onesimus was very commonly borne by slaves4 ,like other words signifying utility1 worth1 and so forth1 it naturally lent itself to this purpose#gjd4 ,accordingly the inscriptions offer a very large number of examples in which it appears as the name of some slave or freedman#gje2 ,sidenote3 ,a servile name4and even where this is not the case1 the accompaniments frequently show that the person was of servile descent1 though he might never himself have been a slave#gjf4 ,indeed it occurs more than once as a fictitious name for a slave#gjg1 a fact which points significantly to the social condition naturally suggested by it4 ,in the inscriptions of proconsular ,asia it is found#gjh2 but no stress can be laid on this coincidence1 for its occurrence as a proper name was doubtless coextensive with the use of the ,greek language4 ,more important is the fact that in the early history of ,christianity it attains some eminence in this region4 ,sidenote3 ,its prominence among the ,christians of proconsular ,asia4,one ,onesimus is bishop of ,ephesus in the first years of the second century1 when ,ignatius passes through ,asia ,minor on his way to martyrdom1 and is mentioned by the saint in terms of warm affection and respect#gji4 ,another1 apparently an influential layman1 about half a century later urges ,melito bishop of ,sardis to compile a volume of extracts from the scriptures2 and to him this father dedicates the work when completed#gaj4 ,thus it would appear that the memory of the ,colossian slave had invested the name with a special popularity among ,christians in this district4 ,footnote #gjd3 e4g4 ,chresimus1 ,chrestus1 ,onesiphorus1 ,symphorus1 ,carpus1 etc4 ,so too the corresponding female names ,onesime1 ,chreste1 ,sympherusa1 etc43 but more commonly the women's names are of a different cast of meaning1 ,arescusa1 ,prepusa1 ,terpusa1 ,thallusa1 ,tryphosa1 etc4 ,footnote #gje3 e4g4 in the ,corp4 ,inscr4 ,lat4 ,,iii4 p4 #cbc1 no4 #badf1 p4 #cei1 no4 #bgbc1 p4 #ihf1 no4 #fajg 7where it is spelled ,honesimus72 and in ,muratori1 ,,cc4 #f1 ,,dxxix4 #e1 ,,cmlxviii4 #d1 ,,miii4 #b1 ,,mdxviii4 #b1 ,,mdxxiii4 #d1 ,,mdli4 #i1 ,,mdlxxi4 #e1 ,,mdlxxv4 #a1 ,,mdxcii4 #h1 ,,mdxcvi4 #g1 ,,mdcvi4 #b1 ,,mdcx4 #ai1 ,,mdcxiv4 #ag1 #ci2 and the corresponding female name ,onesime in ,,mccxxxix4 #ab1 ,,mdxlvi4 #f1 ,,mdcxii4 #i4 ,a more diligent search than ,i have made would probably increase the number of examples very largely4 ,footnote #gjf3 e4g4 ,corp4 ,inscr4 ,lat4 ,,iii4 p4 #bch1 no4 #adfg1 ,d4 ,m4 ,m4 ,,avr ,,onesimo ,,carpion ,,avg ,,lib ,,tabvl ,,filio4 ,in the next generation any direct notice of servile origin would disappear2 but the names very often indicate it4 ,it need not however necessarily denote low extraction3 see e4g4 ,liv4 xliv4 #af4 ,footnote #gjg3 ,menander ,inc4 #cab 7,meineke ,fragm4 ,com4 ,,iv4 p4 #cjj71 where the addressed is a slave1 as appears from the mention of his 1 i4e4 master2 ,galen de ,opt4 ,doctr4 ,i 7,i4 p4 #da ed4 ,khn71 where there is a reference to a work of ,phavorinus in which was introduced one ,onesimus 2 ,anthol4 ,grc4 ,,ii4 p4 #afa1 where the context shows that the person addressed as ,onesimus is a slave2 ib4 ,,ii4 p4 #dhb1 where the master1 leaving legacies to his servants1 says ' 1 444 ,see also the use of the name in the ,latin play quoted ,suet4 ,galb4 #ac 7according to one reading74 ,footnote #gjh3 ,it occurs as near to ,coloss as ,aphrodisias2 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 no4 #bgdc4 ,footnote #gji3 ,ign4 ,ephes4 ,i4 444 2 see also #b1 #e1 #f4 ,footnote #gaj3 ,melito in ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bf 4 444 ,sidenote3 ,position and conduct of ,onesimus4 ,onesimus represented the least respectable type of the least respectable class in the social scale4 ,he was regarded by philosophers as a #8live chattel'1 a #8live implement#gaa'2 and he had taken philosophy at her word4 ,he had done what a chattel or an implement might be expected to do1 if endued with life and intelligence4 ,he was treated by the law as having no rights#gab2 and he had carried the principles of the law to their logical consequences4 ,he had declined to entertain any responsibilities4 ,there was absolutely nothing to recommend him4 ,he was a slave1 and what was worse1 a ,phrygian slave2 and he had confirmed the popular estimate of his class#gac and nation#gad by his own conduct4 ,he was a thief and a runaway4 ,his offence did not differ in any way1 so far as we know1 from the vulgar type of slavish offences4 ,he seems to have done just what the representative slave in the ,roman comedy threatens to do1 when he gets into trouble4 ,he had #8packed up some goods and taken to his heels#gae4' ,rome was the natural cesspool for these offscourings of humanity#gaf4 ,in the thronging crowds of the metropolis was his best hope of secresy4 ,in the dregs of the city rabble he would find the society of congenial spirits4 ,footnote #gaa3 ,aristot4 ,pol4 i4 #d 7p4 #abec7 1 ,eth4 ,nic4 viii4 #ac 7p4 #aafa7 1 ' 4 ,see also the classification of #8implements' in ,varro1 de ,re rust4 ,i4 #ag4 #a #8,instrumenti genus vocale et semivocale et mutum3 vocale1 in quo sunt servi2 semivocale1 in quo boves2 mutum1 in quo plaustra'4 ,footnote #gab3 ,dig4 iv4 #e #8,servile caput nullum jus habet' 7,paulus72 ib4 l4 #ag #8,in personam servilem nulla cadit obligatio' 7,ulpianus74 ,footnote #gac3 ,plaut4 ,pseud4 ,i4 #b1 #f #8,ubi data occasiost1 rape1 clepe1 tene1 harpaga1 bibe1 es1 fuge2 hoc eorum opust'2 ,ovid4 ,amor4 i4 #ae4 #ag #8,dum fallax servus'4 ,footnote #gad3 ,cicero speaks thus of ,phrygia and the neighbouring districts2 pro ,flacc4 #bg #8,utrum igitur nostrum est an vestrum hoc proverbium ,phrygem plagis fieri solere meliorem8 ,quid de tota ,caria8 ,nonne hoc vestra voce vulgatum est2 si quid cum periculo experiri velis1 in ,care id potissimum esse faciendum8 ,quid porro in ,grco sermone tam tritum est1 quam si quis despicatui ducitur1 ut ,mysorum ultimus esse dicatur8 ,nam quid ego dicam de ,lydia8 ,quis unquam ,grcus comdiam scripsit in qua servus primarum partium non ,lydus esset'3 comp4 ,alciphr4 ,epist4 iii4 #ch 4442 ,apollod4 ,com4 7,meineke1 ,,iv4 p4 #dea7 444 ,this last passage refers to the cowardice with which1 besides all their other bad qualities1 the ,phrygians were credited3 comp4 ,anon4 ,com4 7ib4 ,,iv4 p4 #feb7 1 ,tertull4 de ,anim4 #bj #8,comici ,phrygas timidos illudunt'3 see ,ribbeck ,com4 ,lat4 p4 #ajf4 ,footnote #gae3 ,ter4 ,phorm4 i4 #d4 #ac #8aliquid convasassem1 atque hinc me protinam conjicerem in pedes'4 ,footnote #gaf3 ,sall4 ,cat4 xxxvii4 #e #8,romam sicuti in sentinam confluxerant'3 comp4 ,tac4 ,ann4 xv4 #dd4 ,sidenote3 ,his encounter with ,st ,paul in ,rome ,but at ,rome the ,apostle spread his net for him1 and he was caught in its meshes4 ,how he first came in contact with the imprisoned missionary1 we can only conjecture4 ,was it an accidental encounter with his fellow-townsman ,epaphras in the streets of ,rome which led to the interview8 ,was it the pressure of want which induced him to seek alms from one whose large-hearted charity must have been a household word in his master's family8 ,or did the memory of solemn words1 which he had chanced to overhear at those weekly gatherings in the upper chamber at ,coloss1 haunt him in his loneliness1 till1 yielding to the fascination1 he was constrained to unburden himself to the one man who could soothe his terrors and satisfy his yearnings8 ,whatever motive may have drawn him to the ,apostle's side--whether the pangs of hunger or the gnawings of conscience--when he was once within the range of attraction1 he could not escape4 ,sidenote3 and conversion4,he listened1 was impressed1 was convinced1 was baptized4 ,the slave of ,philemon became the freedman of ,christ#gag4 ,st ,paul found not only a sincere convert1 but a devoted friend1 in his latest son in the faith4 ,aristotle had said that there ought not to be1 and could not be1 any friendship with a slave qua slave1 though there might be qua man#gah2 and others had held still stronger language to the same effect4 ,the ,apostle did not recognize the philosopher's subtle distinction4 ,for him the conventional barrier between slave and free had altogether vanished before the dissolving presence of an eternal verity#gai4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul's affection for him4,he found in ,onesimus something more than a slave1 a beloved brother both as a slave and as a man1 #8both in the flesh and in the ,lord#gbj4' ,the great capacity for good which appears in the typical slave of ,greek and ,roman fiction1 notwithstanding all the fraud and profligacy overlying it1 was evoked and developed here by the inspiration of a new faith and the incentive of a new hope4 ,the genial1 affectionate1 winning disposition1 purified and elevated by a higher knowledge1 had found its proper scope4 ,altogether this new friendship was a solace and a strength to the ,apostle in his weary captivity1 which he could ill afford to forego4 ,to take away ,onesimus was to tear out ,paul's heart#gba4 ,footnote #gag3 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bb4 ,footnote #gah3 ,eth4 ,nic4 viii4 #ac 7p4 #aafa7 ' ' 1 1 ' 1 1 ' 444 ,on the views of ,aristotle respecting slavery see ,becker's ,charikles ,,iii4 p4 #b sq4 7ed4 #b1 #ahed7 with the editor ,k4 ,f4 ,hermann's references to the literature of the subject1 p4 #e4 ,footnote #gai3 #a ,cor4 vii4 #ba sq41 ,gal4 iii4 #bh1 ,col4 iii4 #aa4 ,with this contrast the expression attributed to a speaker in ,macrob4 ,sat4 i4 #aa #8quasi vero curent divina de servis'4 ,footnote #gbj3 ,philem4 #af4 ,footnote #gba3 ver4 #ab4 ,sidenote3 ,necessity for his return ,but there was an imperious demand for the sacrifice4 ,onesimus had repented1 but he had not made restitution4 ,he could only do this by submitting again to the servitude from which he had escaped4 ,philemon must be made to feel that1 when ,onesimus was gained for ,christ1 he was regained for his old master also4 ,but if the claim of duty demanded a great sacrifice from ,paul1 it demanded a greater still from ,onesimus4 ,sidenote3 notwithstanding the risk4,by returning he would place himself entirely at the mercy of the master whom he had wronged4 ,roman law1 more cruel than ,athenian1 practically imposed no limits to the power of the master over his slave#gbb4 ,the alternative of life or death rested solely with ,philemon1 and slaves were constantly crucified for far lighter offences than his#gbc4 ,a thief and a runaway1 he laid no claim to forgiveness4 ,footnote #gbb3 ,dig4 i4 #f #8,in potestate sunt servi dominorum2 quae quidem potestas juris gentium est3 nam apud omnes peraeque gentes animadvertere possumus dominis in servos vitae necisque potestatem fuisse'4 ,comp4 ,senec4 de ,clem4 i4 #ah #8,cum in servum omnia liceant'4 ,footnote #gbc3 ,so the mistress in ,juv4 ,sat4 vi4 #bai sq4 #8,pone crucem servo4 ,meruit quo crimine servus supplicium8 quis testis adest8 quis detulit8444 ,o demens1 ita servus homo est8 nil fecerit1 esto4 ,hoc volo1 sic jubeo1 etc4' ,compare the words of the slave in ,plautus ,mil4 ,glor4 ii4 #d4 #ai #8,noli minitari3 scio crucem futuram mihi sepulcrum3 ,ibi mei sunt majores siti1 pater1 avos1 proavos1 abavos'4 ,sidenote3 ,mediation of ,tychicus ,sidenote3 supplemented by the ,apostle's letter4 ,a favourable opportunity occurred for restoring ,onesimus to his master4 ,tychicus1 as the bearer of letters from the ,apostle to ,laodicea and ,coloss1 had occasion to visit those parts4 ,he might undertake the office of mediator1 and plead the cause of the penitent slave with the offended master4 ,under his shelter ,onesimus would be safer than if he encountered ,philemon alone4 ,but ,st ,paul is not satisfied with this precaution4 ,he will with his own hand write a few words of eager affectionate entreaty1 identifying himself with the cause of ,onesimus4 ,so he takes up his pen4 ,sidenote3 ,analysis of the letter4 ,after the opening salutation to ,philemon and the members of his family1 he expresses his thankfulness for the report which has reached his ears of his friend's charitable deeds4 ,it is a great joy and encouragement to the ,apostle that so many brethren have had cause to bless his name4 ,this wide-spread reputation for kindliness emboldens him to reveal his object in writing4 ,though he has a right to command1 he prefers rather to entreat4 ,he has a petition to prefer on behalf of a child of his own4 ,this is none other than ,onesimus1 whom ,philemon will remember only as a worthless creature1 altogether untrue to his name1 but who now is a reformed man4 ,he would have wished to detain ,onesimus1 for he can ill afford to dispense with his loving services4 ,indeed ,philemon would doubtless have been glad thus to minister vicariously to the ,apostle's wants4 ,but a benefit which wears the appearance of being forced1 whether truly so or not1 loses all its value1 and therefore he sends him back4 ,nay1 there may have been in this desertion a ,divine providence which it would ill become him ,paul to thwart4 ,onesimus may have been withheld from ,philemon for a time1 that he might be restored to him for ever4 ,he may have left as a slave1 that he might return more than a slave4 ,to others--to the ,apostle himself especially--he is now a dearly beloved brother4 ,must he not be this and more than this to ,philemon1 whether in earthly things or in heavenly things8 ,he therefore begs ,philemon to receive ,onesimus as he would receive himself4 ,as for any injury that he may have done1 as for any money that he may owe1 the ,apostle makes himself responsible for this4 ,the present letter may be accepted as a bond1 a security for repayment4 ,yet at the same time he cannot refrain from reminding ,philemon that he might fairly claim the remission of so small an amount4 ,does not his friend owe to him his own soul besides8 ,yes1 he has a right to look for some filial gratitude and duty from one to whom he stands in the relation of a spiritual father4 ,philemon will surely not refuse him this comfort in his many trials4 ,he writes in the full confidence that he will be obeyed2 he is quite sure that his friend will do more than is asked of him4 ,at the same time he trusts to see him before very long1 and to talk over this and other matters4 ,philemon may provide him a lodging3 for he hopes through their prayers that he may be liberated1 and given back to them4 ,then follow the salutations1 and the letter ends with the ,apostle's benediction4 ,sidenote3 ,result of the appeal4 ,of the result of this appeal we have no certain knowledge4 ,it is reasonable to suppose however that ,philemon would not belie the ,apostle's hopes2 that he would receive the slave as a brother2 that he would even go beyond the expressed terms of the ,apostle's petition1 and emancipate the penitent4 ,but all this is a mere conjecture4 ,one tradition makes ,onesimus bishop of ,ephesus#gbd4 ,but this obviously arises from a confusion with his namesake1 who lived about half a century later#gbe4 ,sidenote3 ,legendary history4,another story points to ,bera in ,macedonia as his see#gbf4 ,this is at least free from the suspicion of having been suggested by any notice in the ,apostolic writings3 but the authority on which it rests does not entitle it to much credit4 ,the legend of his missionary labours in ,spain and of his martyrdom at ,rome may have been built on the hypothesis of his continuing in the ,apostle's company1 following in the ,apostle's footsteps1 and sharing the ,apostle's fate4 ,another story1 which gives a circumstantial account of his martyrdom at ,puteoli1 seems to confuse him with a namesake who suffered1 or was related to have suffered1 in the ,decian persecution#gbg4 ,footnote #gbd3 ,see ,acta ,sanct4 ,boll4 xvi ,febr4 7,,ii4 p4 #heg sq4 ed4 nov47 for the authorities1 if they deserve the name4 ,footnote #gbe3 ,if we take the earlier date of the ,epistles of ,st ,ignatius1 ,a4,d4 #ajg1 we get an interval of #dd years between the ,onesimus of ,st ,paul and the ,onesimus of ,ignatius4 ,it is not altogether impossible therefore that the same person may be intended4 ,but on the other hand the language of ,ignatius 7,ephes4 #a sq47 leaves the impression that he is speaking of a person comparatively young and untried in office4 ,footnote #gbf3 ,apost4 ,const4 vii4 #df1 quoted above1 p4 #cgb1 note #fgf4 ,footnote #gbg3 ,for these ecclesiastical legends see ,act4 ,sanct4 l4c4 p4 #heh sq4 ,sidenote3 ,depreciation of the epistle in early times4 ,the estimate formed of this epistle at various epochs has differed widely4 ,in the fourth century there was a strong bias against it4 ,the #8spirit of the age' had no sympathy with either the subject or the handling4 ,like the spirit of more than one later age1 it was enamoured of its own narrowness1 which it mistook for largeness of view1 and it could not condescend to such trivialities as were here offered to it4 ,its maxim seemed to be ,de minimis non curat evangelium4 ,of what account was the fate of a single insignificant slave1 long since dead and gone1 to those before whose eyes the battle of the creeds was still raging8 ,this letter taught them nothing about questions of theological interest1 nothing about matters of ecclesiastical discipline2 and therefore they would have none of it4 ,they denied that it had been written by ,st ,paul4 ,it mattered nothing to them that the ,church from the earliest ages had accepted it as genuine1 that even the remorseless #8higher criticism' of a ,marcion had not ventured to lay hands on it#gbh4 ,it was wholly unworthy of the ,apostle4 ,if written by him1 they contended1 it must have been written when he was not under the influence of the ,spirit3 its contents were altogether so unedifying4 ,sidenote3 ,reply of the fathers4,we may infer from the replies of ,jerome#gbi1 of ,chrysostom#gcj1 and of ,theodore of ,mopsuestia#gca1 that they felt themselves to be stemming a fierce current of prejudice which had set in this direction4 ,but they were strong in the excellence of their cause1 and they nobly vindicated this epistle against its assailants4 ,footnote #gbh3 ,hieron4 ,comm4 in ,philem4 ,prf4 ,,vii4 p4 #gdc #8,pauli esse epistolam ad ,philemonem saltem ,marcione auctore doceantur3 qui1 quum cteras epistolas ejusdem vel non susceperit vel qudam in his mutaverit atque corroserit1 in hanc solam manus non est ausus mittere1 quia sua illam brevitas defendebat'4 ,st ,jerome has in his mind the passage of ,tertullian adv4 ,marc4 v4 #ba #8,soli huic epistol brevitas sua profuit1 ut falsarias manus ,marcionis evaderet'4 ,footnote #gbi3 ib4 p4 #gdb sq4 #8,qui nolunt inter epistolas ,pauli eam recipere qu ad ,philemonem scribitur1 aiunt non semper apostolum nec omnia ,christo in se loquente dixisse1 quia nec humana imbecillitas unum tenorem ,sancti ,spiritus ferre potuisset etc4444 ,his et cteris istius modi volunt aut epistolam non esse ,pauli qu ad ,philemonem scribitur aut1 etiamsi ,pauli sit1 nihil habere quod dificare nos possit etc4444 sed mihi videntur1 dum epistolam simplicitatis arguunt1 suam imperitiam prodere1 non intelligentes quid in singulis sermonibus virtutis et sapienti lateat'4 ,footnote #gcj3 ,argum4 in ,philem4 ' 1 1 1 4441 and he goes on to discuss the value of the epistle at some length4 ,footnote #gca3 ,spicil4 ,solesm4 ,i4 ,w4 #adi #8,quid vero ex ea lucri possit acquiri1 convenit manifestius explicare1 quia nec omnibus id existimo posse esse cognitum2 quod maxime heri jam ipse a nobis disseri postulasti'2 ib4 p4 #aeb #8,de his et nunc superius dixi1 quod non omnes similiter arbitror potius se 7potuisse87 prospicere'4 ,sidenote3 ,high estimate of modern writers4 ,in modern times there has been no disposition to under-rate its value4 ,even ,luther and ,calvin1 whose bias tended to the depreciation of the ethical as compared with the doctrinal portions of the scriptures1 show a true appreciation of its beauty and significance4 ,sidenote3 ,luther4#8,this epistle'1 writes ,luther1 #8showeth a right noble lovely example of ,christian love4 ,here we see how ,st ,paul layeth himself out for poor ,onesimus1 and with all his means pleadeth his cause with his master3 and so setteth himself as if he were ,onesimus1 and had himself done wrong to ,philemon4 ,even as ,christ did for us with ,god the ,father1 thus also doth ,st ,paul for ,onesimus with ,philemon4444 ,we are all his ,onesimi1 to my thinking'4 ,sidenote3 ,calvin4#8,though he handleth a subject'1 says ,calvin1 #8which otherwise were low and mean1 yet after his manner he is borne up aloft unto ,god4 ,with such modest entreaty doth he humble himself on behalf of the lowest of men1 that scarce anywhere else is the gentleness of his spirit portrayed more truly to the life4' ,and the chorus of admiration has been swelled by later voices from the most opposite quarters4 ,sidenote3 ,later writers4#8,the single ,epistle to ,philemon1' says one quoted by ,bengel1 #8very far surpasses all the wisdom of the world'#gcb4 #8,nowhere'1 writes ,ewald1 #8can the sensibility and warmth of a tender friendship blend more beautifully with the loftier feeling of a commanding spirit1 a teacher and an ,apostle1 than in this letter1 at once so brief1 and yet so surpassingly full and significant#gcc4' #8,a true little chef d'uvre of the art of letter-writing1' exclaims ,m4 ,renan characteristically#gcd4 #8,we have here'1 writes ,sabatier1 #8only a few familiar lines1 but so full of grace1 of salt1 of serious and trustful affection1 that this short epistle gleams like a pearl of the most exquisite purity in the rich treasure of the ,new ,testament#gce'4 ,even ,baur1 while laying violent hands upon it1 is constrained to speak of this #8little letter' as #8making such an agreeable impression by its attractive form' and as penetrated #8with the noblest ,christian spirit'#gcf4 ,footnote #gcb3 ,franke ,prf4 ,n4 ,t4 ,grc4 p4 #bf1 #bg1 quoted by ,bengel on ,philem4 #a4 ,footnote #gcc3 ,die ,sendschreiben etc4 p4 #deh4 ,footnote #gcd3 ,l',antechrist p4 #if4 ,footnote #gce3 ,l',aptre ,paul p4 #aid4 ,he goes on to say2 #8,never has the precept which ,paul himself gave at the end of his letter to the ,colossians been better realised1 1 444 7,col4 iv4 #f74' ,footnote #gcf3 ,paulus p4 #dgf4 ,sidenote3 ,the epistle compared with a letter of ,pliny1 ,the ,epistle to ,philemon has more than once been compared with the following letter addressed to a friend by the younger ,pliny on a somewhat similar occasion#gcg3 ,your freedman1 with whom you had told me you were vexed1 came to me1 and throwing himself down before me clung to my feet1 as if they had been yours4 ,he was profuse in his tears and his entreaties2 he was profuse also in his silence4 ,in short1 he convinced me of his penitence4 ,i believe that he is indeed a reformed character1 because he feels that he has done wrong4 ,you are angry1 ,i know2 and you have reason to be angry1 this also ,i know3 but mercy wins the highest praise just when there is the most righteous cause for anger4 ,you loved the man1 and1 ,i hope1 will continue to love him3 meanwhile it is enough1 that you should allow yourself to yield to his prayers4 ,you may be angry again1 if he deserves it2 and in this you will be the more readily pardoned if you yield now4 ,concede something to his youth1 something to his tears1 something to your own indulgent disposition4 ,do not torture him1 lest you torture yourself at the same time4 ,for it is torture to you1 when one of your gentle temper is angry4 ,i am afraid lest ,i should appear not to ask but to compel1 if ,i should add my prayers to his4 ,yet ,i will add them the more fully and unreservedly1 because ,i scolded the man himself with sharpness and severity2 for ,i threatened him straitly that ,i would never ask you again4 ,this ,i said to him1 for it was necessary to alarm him2 but ,i do not use the same language to you4 ,for perchance ,i shall ask again1 and shall be successful again2 only let my request be such1 as it becomes me to prefer and you to grant4 ,farewell4 ,footnote #gcg3 ,plin4 ,ep4 ix4 #ba4 ,sidenote3 as an expression of character4 ,the younger ,pliny is the noblest type of a true ,roman gentleman1 and this touching letter needs no words of praise4 ,yet1 if purity of diction be excepted1 there will hardly be any difference of opinion in awarding the palm to the ,christian ,apostle4 ,as an expression of simple dignity1 of refined courtesy1 of large sympathy1 and of warm personal affection1 the ,epistle to ,philemon stands unrivalled4 ,and its pre-eminence is the more remarkable because in style it is exceptionally loose4 ,it owes nothing to the graces of rhetoric2 its effect is due solely to the spirit of the writer4 ,sidenote3 ,its higher interest4 ,but the interest which attaches to this short epistle as an expression of individual character is far less important than its significance as exhibiting the attitude of ,christianity to a widely spread and characteristic social institution of the ancient world4 ,sidenote3 ,slavery among the ,hebrews4 ,slavery was practised by the ,hebrews under the sanction of the ,mosaic law1 not less than by the ,greeks and ,romans4 ,but though the same in name1 it was in its actual working something wholly different4 ,the ,hebrew was not suffered either by law-giver or by prophet to forget that he himself had been a bondman in the land of ,egypt2 and all his relations to his dependents were moulded by the sympathy of this recollection4 ,his slaves were members of his family2 they were members also of the ,holy ,congregation4 ,they had their religious1 as well as their social1 rights4 ,if ,hebrews1 their liberty was secured to them after six years' service at the outside4 ,if foreigners1 they were protected by the laws from the tyranny and violence of their masters4 ,considering the conditions of ancient society1 and more especially of ancient warfare1 slavery as practised among the ,hebrews was probably an escape from alternatives which would have involved a far greater amount of human misery4 ,still even in this form it was only a temporary concession1 till the fulness of time came1 and the world was taught that #8in ,christ is neither bond nor free#gch'4 ,footnote #gch3 ,on slavery among the ,hebrews see the admirable work of ,prof4 ,goldwin ,smith ,does the ,bible sanction ,american slavery8 p4 #a sq4 ,among the ,jews the slaves formed only a small fraction of the whole population#gci4 ,they occupy a very insignificant place in the pictures of ,hebrew life and history which have been handed down to us4 ,sidenote3 ,large number of slaves in ,greece and ,rome4,but in ,greece and ,rome the case was far different4 ,in our enthusiastic eulogies of free1 enlightened1 democratic ,athens1 we are apt to forget that the interests of the many were ruthlessly sacrificed to the selfishness of the few4 ,the slaves of ,attica on the most probable computation were about four times as numerous as the citizens1 and about three times as numerous as the whole free population of the state1 including the resident aliens#gdj4 ,they were consigned for the most part to labour in gangs in the fields or the mines or the factories1 without any hope of bettering their condition4 ,in the light of these facts we see what was really meant by popular government and equal rights at ,athens4 ,the proportions of the slave population elsewhere were even greater4 ,in the small island of gina1 scarcely exceeding forty ,english square miles in extent1 there were #dgj1jjj slaves2 in the contracted territory of ,corinth there were not less than #dfj1jjjgda4 ,the statistics of slave-holding in ,italy are quite as startling4 ,we are told that wealthy ,roman landowners sometimes possessed as many as ten or twenty thousand slaves1 or even more#gdb4 ,we may indeed not unreasonably view these vague and general statements with suspicion3 but it is a fact that1 a few years before the ,christian era1 one ,claudius ,isidorus left by will more than four thousand slaves1 though he had incurred serious losses by the civil war#gdc4 ,footnote #gci3 ,in ,ezra ii4 #fe the number of slaves compared with the number of free is a little more than one to six4 ,footnote #gdj3 ,boeckh ,public ,economy of ,athens p4 #ce sq4 ,according to a census taken by ,demetrius ,phalereus there were in the year #cji ,b4 ,c4 #ba1jjj citizens1 #aj1jjj residents1 and #djj1jjj slaves 7,ctesicles in ,athen4 vi4 p4 #bgb ,b74 ,this would make the proportion of slaves to citizens nearly twenty to one4 ,it is supposed however that the number of citizens here includes only adult males1 whereas the number of slaves may comprise both sexes and all ages4 ,hence ,boeckh's estimate which is adopted in the text4 ,for other calculations see ,wallon ,histoire de l',esclavage ,i4 p4 #bba sq4 ,footnote #gda3 ,athen4 l4c4 p4 #bgb ,b1 ,d4 ,the statement respecting gina is given on the authority of ,aristotle2 that respecting ,corinth on the authority of ,epitimus4 ,footnote #gdb3 ,athen4 l4c4 444 4 ,see ,becker ,gallus ,,ii4 p4 #aac 7ed4 #c74 ,footnote #gdc3 ,plin4 ,n4,h4 xxxiii4 #dg4 ,sidenote3 ,cruelty of ,roman law towards slaves4 ,and these vast masses of human beings had no protection from ,roman law#gdd4 ,the slave had no relationships1 no conjugal rights4 ,cohabitation was allowed to him at his owner's pleasure1 but not marriage4 ,his companion was sometimes assigned to him by lot#gde4 ,the slave was absolutely at his master's disposal2 for the smallest offence he might be scourged1 mutilated1 crucified1 thrown to the wild beasts#gdf4 ,only two or three years before the letter to ,philemon was written1 and probably during ,st ,paul's residence in ,rome1 a terrible tragedy had been enacted under the sanction of the law#gdg4 ,sidenote3 ,murder of ,pedanius ,secundus4,pedanius ,secundus1 a senator1 had been slain by one of his slaves in a fit of anger or jealousy4 ,the law demanded that in such cases all the slaves under the same roof at the time should be put to death4 ,on the present occasion four hundred persons were condemned to suffer by this inhuman enactment4 ,the populace however interposed to rescue them1 and a tumult ensued4 ,the ,senate accordingly took the matter into deliberation4 ,among the speakers ,c4 ,cassius strongly advocated the enforcement of the law4 #8,the disposition of slaves1' he argued1 #8were regarded with suspicion by our ancestors1 even when they were born on the same estates or in the same houses and learnt to feel an affection for their masters from the first4 ,now however1 when we have several nations among our slaves1 with various rites1 with foreign religions or none at all1 it is not possible to keep down such a rabble except by fear4' ,these sentiments prevailed1 and the law was put in force4 ,but the roads were lined by a military guard1 as the prisoners were led to execution1 to prevent a popular outbreak4 ,this incident illustrates not only the heartless cruelty of the law1 but also the social dangers arising out of slavery4 ,indeed the universal distrust had already found expression in a common proverb1#8,as many enemies as slaves#gdh4' ,but this was not the only way in which slavery avenged itself on the ,romans4 ,the spread of luxury and idleness was a direct consequence of the state of things4 ,work came to be regarded as a low and degrading1 because a servile occupation4 ,meanwhile sensuality in its vilest forms was fostered by the tremendous power which placed the slave at the mercy of the master's worst passions#gdi4 ,footnote #gdd3 ,on the condition of ,greek and ,roman slaves the able and exhaustive work of ,wallon ,histoire de l',esclavage dans l',antiquit 7,paris #ahdg7 is the chief authority4 ,see also ,becker and ,marquardt ,rm4 ,alterth4 v4 #a4 p4 #aci sq42 ,becker ,charikles ,,ii4 p4 #a sq41 ,gallus ,,ii4 p4 #ii sq4 ,the practical working of slavery among the ,romans is placed in its most favourable light in ,gaston ,bossier1 ,la ,religion ,romaine ,,ii4 p4 #cdc sq4 7,paris #ahgd74 ,footnote #gde3 ,rm4 ,alterth4 l4c4 p4 #ahd sq42 ,gallus ,,ii4 p4 #add sq4 ,in this1 as in other respects1 the cruelty of the legislature was mitigated by the humanity of individual masters2 and the inscriptions show that male and female slaves in many cases were allowed to live together through life as man and wife1 though the law did not recognise or secure their union4 ,it was reserved for ,constantine to take the initiative in protecting the conjugal and family rights of slaves by legislature2 ,cod4 ,theod4 ii4 #be4 #a4 ,footnote #gdf3 ,wallon ,,ii4 p4 #agg sq42 ,rm4 ,alterth4 l4c42 ,gallus ,,ii4 p4 #ade sq42 ,rein ,privatrecht der ,rmer p4 #eeb sq4 ,hadrian first took away from masters the power of life and death over their slaves2 ,spart4 ,vit4 ,hadr4 #ah #8,servos a dominis occidi vetuit eosque jussit damnari per judices1 si digni essent'4 ,for earlier legislative enactments which had afforded a very feeble protection to slaves1 see below p4 #cic4 ,footnote #gdg3 ,tac4 ,ann4 xiv4 #db4 ,this incident took place ,a4 ,d4 #fa4 ,the law in question was the ,senatusconsultum ,silonianum1 passed under ,augustus ,a4 ,d4 #aj4 ,footnote #gdh3 ,senec4 ,ep4 ,mor4 #dg #8,deinde ejusdem arroganti proverbium jactatur totidem hostes esse quot servos'2 comp4 ,macrob4 i4 ,,ii4 #ac4 ,see also ,festus p4 #bfa 7,ed4 ,mueller7 #8,quot servi tot hostes in proverbio est4' ,footnote #gdi3 ,see the saying of ,haterius in the elder ,seneca ,controv4 iv4 ,prf41 #8,impudicitia in ingenuo crimen est1 in servo necessitas1 in liberto officium'1 with its context4 ,wallon 7,i4 p4 #ccb7 sums up the condition of the slave thus3 #8,l'esclave appartenait au matre3 par lui mme1 il n'tait rien1 il n'avait rien4 ,voil le principe2 et tout ce qu'on en peut tirer par voie de consquence formait aussi1 en fait1 l'tat commun des esclaves dans la plupart des pays4 ,a toutes les poques1 dans toutes les situations de la vie1 cette autorit souveraine plane sur eux et modifie leur destine par ses rigueurs comme par son indifference4 ,dans l'ge de la force et dans la plnitude de leurs facults1 elle les vouait1 son choix1 soit au travail1 soit au vice2 au travail les natures grossires2 au vice1 les natures plus dlicates1 nourries pour le plaisir du matre1 et qui lorsqu'il en tait las1 taient relgues dans la prostitution a son profit4 ,avant et aprs l'ge du travail1 abandonns a leur faiblesse ou a leurs infirmits2 enfants1 ils grandissaient dans le dsordre2 viellards1 ils mouraient souvent dans la misre2 morts1 ils taient quelquefois dlaisss sur la voie publique4444' ,sidenote3 ,christianity not revolutionary4 ,with this wide-spread institution ,christianity found itself in conflict4 ,how was the evil to be met8 ,slavery was inwoven into the texture of society2 and to prohibit slavery was to tear society into shreds4 ,nothing less than a servile war with its certain horrors and its doubtful issues must have been the consequence4 ,such a mode of operation was altogether alien to the spirit of the ,gospel4 #8,the ,new ,testament'1 it has been truly said1 #8is not concerned with any political or social institutions2 for political and social institutions belong to particular nations and particular phases of society'4 #8,nothing marks the divine character of the ,gospel more than its perfect freedom from any appeal to the spirit of political revolution#gej'4 ,it belongs to all time3 and therefore1 instead of attacking special abuses1 it lays down universal principles which shall undermine the evil4 ,footnote #gej3 ,g4 ,smith ,does the ,bible etc48 pp4 #ie1 #if4 ,sidenote3 ,st ,paul's treatment of the case of ,onesimus4 ,hence the ,gospel never directly attacks slavery as an institution3 the ,apostles never command the liberation of slaves as an absolute duty4 ,it is a remarkable fact that ,st ,paul in this epistle stops short of any positive injunction4 ,the word #8emancipation' seems to be trembling on his lips1 and yet he does not once utter it4 ,he charges ,philemon to take the runaway slave ,onesimus into his confidence again2 to receive him with all affection2 to regard him no more as a slave but as a brother2 to treat him with the same consideration1 the same love1 which he entertains for the ,apostle himself to whom he owes everything4 ,in fact he tells him to do very much more than emancipate his slave1 but this one thing he does not directly enjoin4 ,st ,paul's treatment of this individual case is an apt illustration of the attitude of ,christianity towards slavery in general4 ,sidenote3 ,his language respecting slavery elsewhere4 ,similar also is his language elsewhere4 ,writing to the ,corinthians1 he declares the absolute equality of the freeman and the slave in the sight of ,god#gea4 ,it follows therefore that the slave may cheerfully acquiesce in his lot1 knowing that all earthly distinctions vanish in the light of this eternal truth4 ,if his freedom should be offered to him1 he will do well to accept it1 for it puts him in a more advantageous position#geb3 but meanwhile he need not give himself any concern about his lot in life4 ,so again1 when he addresses the ,ephesians and ,colossians on the mutual obligations of masters and slaves1 he is content to insist on the broad fact that both alike are slaves of a heavenly ,master1 and to enforce the duties which flow from its recognition#gec4 ,he has no word of reproach for the masters on the injustice of their position2 he breathes no hint to the slaves of a social grievance needing redress4 ,footnote #gea3 #a ,cor4 vii4 #ba sq4 ,footnote #geb3 ,the clause1 ' 1 1 has been differently interpreted from early times1 either as recommending the slave to avail himself of any opportunity of emancipation1 or as advising him to refuse the offer of freedom and to remain in servitude4 ,the earliest commentator whose opinion ,i have observed1 ,origen 7in ,cram4 ,cat4 p4 #adj71 interprets it as favourable to liberty1 but he confuses the meaning by giving a metaphorical sense to slavery1 4 ,again1 ,severianus 7ib4 p4 #ada7 distinctly explains it as recommending a state of liberty4 ,on the other hand ,chrysostom1 while mentioning that #8certain persons' interpret it 1 1 himself supposes ,st ,paul to advise the slave's remaining in slavery4 ,and so ,theodoret and others4 ,the balance of argument seems to be decidedly in favour of the former view4 7#a7 ,the actual language must be considered first4 ,and here 7i7 the particles will suit either interpretation4 ,if they are translated #8even though'1 the clause recommends the continuance in slavery4 ,but may be equally well taken with 1 and the words will then mean #8if it should be in your power to obtain your freedom'4 ,so above ver4 #aa 3 comp4 ,luke xi4 #ah ' 1 #a ,pet4 iii4 #ad ' 4 7ii7 ,the expression seems to direct the slave to avail himself of some new opportunity offered1 and therefore to recommend liberty2 comp4 ix4 #ab1 #ae4 7#b7 ,the immediate context will admit either interpretation4 ,if slavery be preferred1 the sentence is continuous4 ,if liberty1 the clause ' 444 is parenthetical4 ,in this latter case its motive is to correct misapprehension1 as if the ,apostle would say1 #8,when ,i declare the absolute indifference of the two states in the sight of ,god1 ,i do not mean to say that you should not avail yourselves of freedom1 if it comes in your way2 it puts you in a more advantageous position1 and you will do well to prefer it'4 ,such a corrective parenthesis is altogether after ,st ,paul's manner1 and indeed instances occur in this very context3 e4g4 ver4 #aa 4441 ver4 #ae 444 ,this last passage is an exact parallel1 for the of ver4 #af is connected immediately with ver4 #ad1 the parenthesis being disregarded as here4 7#c7 ,the argument which seems decisive is the extreme improbability that ,st ,paul should have recommended slavery in preference to freedom4 ,for 7i7 ,such a recommendation would be alien to the spirit of a man whose sense of political right was so strong1 and who asserted his citizenship so stanchly on more than one occasion 7,acts xvi4 #cg1 xxii4 #bh74 7ii7 ,the independent position of the freeman would give him an obvious advantage in doing the work of ,christ1 which it is difficult to imagine ,st ,paul enjoining him deliberately to forego4 7iii7 ,throughout the passage the ,apostle1 while maintaining the indifference of these earthly relations in the sight of ,god1 yet always gives the preference to a position of independence1 whenever it comes to a ,christian naturally and without any undue impatience on his part4 ,the spirit which animates ,st ,paul's injunctions here may be seen from vv4 #h1 #aa1 #ae1 #bf1 #bg etc4 ,footnote #gec3 ,ephes4 vi4 #e-i1 ,col4 iii4 #bb-;iv4 #a4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,christian idea fatal to slavery4 ,but meanwhile a principle is boldly enunciated1 which must in the end prove fatal to slavery4 ,when the ,gospel taught that ,god had made all men and women upon earth of one family2 that all alike were ,his sons and ,his daughters2 that1 whatever conventional distinctions human society might set up1 the supreme ,king of ,heaven refused to acknowledge any2 that the slave notwithstanding his slavery was ,christ's freedman1 and the free notwithstanding his liberty was ,christ's slave2 when the ,church carried out this principle by admitting the slave to her highest privileges1 inviting him to kneel side by side with his master at the same holy table2 when in short the ,apostolic precept that #8in ,christ ,jesus is neither bond nor free' was not only recognised but acted upon1 then slavery was doomed4 ,henceforward it was only a question of time4 ,here was the idea which must act as a solvent1 must disintegrate this venerable institution1 however deeply rooted and however widely spread4 ,sidenote3 ,its general tendency4#8,the brotherhood of man1 in short1 is the idea which ,christianity in its social phase has been always striving to realise1 and the progress of which constitutes the social history of ,christendom4 ,with what difficulties this idea has struggled2 how it has been marred by revolutionary violence1 as well as impeded by reactionary selfishness2 to what chimerical hopes1 to what wild schemes1 to what calamitous disappointments1 to what desperate conflicts1 it has given birth2 how often being misunderstood and misapplied1 it has brought not peace on earth but a sword--it is needless here to rehearse4 ,still1 as we look back over the range of past history1 we can see beyond doubt that it is towards this goal that ,christianity as a social principle has been always tending and still tends#ged4' ,footnote #ged3 ,g4 ,smith ,does the ,bible etc48 p4 #aba4 ,sidenote3 ,its effects on slavery4 ,and this beneficent tendency of the ,gospel was felt at once in its effects on slavery4 ,the ,church indeed1 even in the ardour of her earliest love1 did not prohibit her sons from retaining slaves in their households4 ,it is quite plain from extant notices1 that in the earlier centuries1 as in the later1 ,christians owned slaves#gee like their heathen neighbours1 without forfeiting consideration among their fellow-believers4 ,but nevertheless the ,christian idea was not a dead-letter4 ,sidenote3 ,protection and manumission of slaves4,the chivalry of the ,gospel which regarded the weak and helpless from whatever cause1 as its special charge1 which extended its protection to the widow1 the orphan1 the sick1 the aged1 and the prisoner1 was not likely to neglect the slave4 ,accordingly we find that one of the earliest forms which ,christian benevolence took was the contribution of funds for the liberation of slaves#gef4 ,sidenote3 ,honours paid to slave martyrs4,but even more important than overt acts like these was the moral and social importance with which the slave was now invested4 ,among the heroes and heroines of the ,church were found not a few members of this class4 ,when slave girls like ,blandina in ,gaul or ,felicitas in ,africa1 having won for themselves the crown of martyrdom1 were celebrated in the festivals of the ,church with honours denied to the most powerful and noblest born of mankind1 social prejudice had received a wound which could never be healed4 ,footnote #gee3 ,athenag4 ,suppl4 #ce 1 ' 4 ,it would even appear that the domestic servant who betrayed ,polycarp 7,mart4 ,polyc4 #f7 was a slave1 for he was put to the torture4 ,comp4 ,justin4 ,apol4 ii4 #ab4 ,footnote #gef3 ,ignat4 ,polyc4 #d 1 ,apost4 ,const4 iv4 #i 1 1 1 1 1 444 ,sidenote3 ,christianity predominant4 ,while the ,church was still kept in subjection1 moral influence and private enterprise were her only weapons4 ,but ,christianity was no sooner seated on the throne of the ,csars than its influence began to be felt in the imperial policy#geg4 ,sidenote3 ,legislation of ,constantine4,the legislation of ,constantine1 despite its startling inequalities1 forms a unique chapter in the statute book of ,rome4 ,in its mixed character indeed it reflects the transitional position of its author4 ,but after all allowance made for its very patent defects1 its general advance in the direction of humanity and purity is far greater than can be traced in the legislation even of the most humane and virtuous of his heathen predecessors4 ,more especially in the extension of legal protection to slaves1 and in the encouragement given to emancipation1 we have an earnest of the future work which ,christianity was destined to do for this oppressed class of mankind1 though the relief which it gave was after all very partial and tentative#geh4 ,footnote #geg3 ,it must not however be forgotten that1 even before ,christianity became the predominant religion1 a more humane spirit had entered into ,roman legislation4 ,the important enactment of ,hadrian has been already mentioned1 p4 #chg1 note #gdf4 ,even earlier the lex ,petronia 7of which the date is uncertain7 had prohibited masters from making their slaves fight with wild beasts in mere caprice and without an order from a judge 7,dig4 xlviii4 #h4 #aa72 and ,claudius 7,a4,d4 #dg71 finding that the practice of turning out sick slaves into the streets to die was on the increase1 ordered that those who survived this treatment should have their freedom 7,dion ,cass4 lx4 #bi1 ,suet4 ,claud4 #be74 ,for these and similar enactments of the heathen emperors see ,wallon ,,iii4 p4 #fj sq41 ,rm4 ,alterth4 ,v4 ,i4 #aig1 ,rein ,privatrecht d4 ,rmer p4 #efj sq4 ,the character of this exceptional legislation is the strongest impeachment of the general cruelty of the law2 while at the same time subsequent notices show how very far from effective it was even within its own narrow limits4 ,see for instance the passage in ,galen1 v4 p4 #ag 7ed4 ,khn7 444 7comp4 ib4 p4 #ehd71 or ,seneca de ,ira iii4 #c4 #f #8eculei et fidicul et ergastula et cruces et circundati defossis corporibus ignes et cadavera quoque trahens uncus1 varia vinculorum genera1 varia pnarum1 lacerationes membrorum1 inscriptiones frontis et bestiarum immanium cave4' ,on the causes of these ameliorations in the law see ,rm4 ,alterth4 ,v4 #a4 p4 #aii4 ,footnote #geh3 ,on the legislation of ,constantine affecting slavery see ,de ,broglie ,l',eglise et l',empire ,romain1 ,i4 p4 #cjd sq4 7ed4 #e71 ,chawner ,influence of ,christianity upon the ,legislation of ,constantine the ,great1 p4 #gc sq41 ,wallon ,,iii4 p4 #dad sq4 ,the legislation of ,justinian is still more honourably distinguished for its alleviation of the evils of slavery4 ,sidenote3 ,subsequent activity of the ,church4 ,and on the whole this part has been faithfully and courageously performed by the ,church4 ,there have been shameful exceptions now and then3 there has been occasional timidity and excess of caution4 ,the commentaries of the fathers on this epistle are an illustration of this latter fault#gei4 ,much may be pardoned to men who shrink from seeming to countenance a violent social revolution4 ,but notwithstanding1 it is a broad and patent fact that throughout the early and middle ages the influence of the ,church was exerted strongly on the side of humanity in this matter#gfj4 ,the emancipation of slaves was regarded as a principal aim of the higher ,christian life#gfa2 the amelioration of serfdom was a matter of constant solicitude with the rulers of the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,the conquests and hopes of the present time4 ,and at length we seem to see the beginning of the end4 ,the rapid strides towards emancipation during the present generation are without a parallel in the history of the world4 ,the abolition of slavery throughout the ,british ,empire at an enormous material sacrifice is one of the greatest moral conquests which ,england has ever achieved4 ,the liberation of twenty millions of serfs throughout the ,russian dominions has thrown a halo of glory round the name of ,alexander ,,ii41 which no time can dim4 ,the emancipation of the negro in the vast republic of the ,new ,world was a victory not less important than either to the well-being of the human race4 ,thus within the short period of little more than a quarter of a century this reproach of civilisation and humanity has been wiped out in the three greatest empires of the world4 ,it is a fit sequel to these achievements1 that at length a well directed attack should have been made on the central fortress of slavery and the slave-trade1 the interior of ,africa4 ,may we not venture to predict that in future ages1 when distance of view shall have adjusted the true relations of events1 when the brilliancy of empires and the fame of wars shall have sunk to their proper level of significance1 this epoch will stand out in the history of mankind as the era of liberation8 ,if so1 the ,epistle to ,philemon1 as the earliest prelude to these magnificent social victories1 must be invested with more than common interest for our generation4 ,footnote #gei3 ,e4g4 ,chrysostom and ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7,spic4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #aeb74 ,yet ,st ,chrysostom himself pleads the cause of slaves earnestly elsewhere4 ,in ,hom4 xl4 ad #a ,cor4 x4 p4 #che he says of slavery1 #8,it is the penalty of sin and the punishment of disobedience4 ,but when ,christ came1 he annulled even this1 ,for in ,christ ,jesus there is no slave nor free4 ,therefore it is not necessary to have a slave2 but1 if it should be necessary1 then one only or at most a second'4 ,and he then tells his audience that if they really care for the welfare of slaves1 they must #8buy them1 and having taught them some art that they may maintain themselves1 set them free4' #8,i know1' he adds1 #8that ,i am annoying my hearers2 but what can ,i do8 ,for this purpose ,i am appointed1 and ,i will not cease speaking so4' ,on the attitude of this father towards slavery see ,mhler p4 #hi sq4 ,footnote #gfj3 ,on the influence of ,christianity in this respect see ,wallon ,,iii4 p4 #cad sq41 ,schmidt ,essai historique sur la ,socit ,civile dans le ,monde ,romain etc4 p4 #bbh sq4 7#ahec71 ,mhler ,gesammelte ,schriften ,,ii4 p4 #ed sq41 ,g4 ,smith ,does the ,bible etc48 p4 #ie sq41 ,e4 ,s4 ,talbot ,slavery as affected by ,christianity 7#ahfi71 ,lecky ,rationalism in ,europe ,,ii4 p4 #bee sq41 ,european ,morals ,,ii4 p4 #fe sq4 ,footnote #gfa3 ,mhler p4 #ii sq41 ,schmidt p4 #bdf sq41 ,lecky ,e4 ,m4 ,,ii4 p4 #gc sq4 4 ,,where ,,the ,,spirit ,,of ,,the ,,lord ,,is1 ,,there ,,is ,,liberty4 ,,who ,,is ,,weak1 ,,and ,i ,,am ,,not ,,weak8 ,,who ,,is ,,offended1 ,,and ,i ,,burn ,,not8 99 99 99 99 99 ,such ever was love's way3 to rise1 it stoops4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #a-c #a1 1 #b ' #c #a-c4 #8,,paul1 now a prisoner of ,christ ,jesus1 and ,,timothy a brother in the faith1 unto ,,philemon our dearly-beloved and fellow-labourer in the ,gospel1 and unto ,,apphia our sister1 and unto ,,archippus our fellow-soldier in ,christ1 and to the ,church which assembles in thy house4 ,grace and peace to you all from ,god our ,father and the ,lord ,jesus ,christ4' #a4 ,the authoritative title of #8,apostle' is dropped1 because throughout this letter ,st ,paul desires to entreat rather than to command 7ver4 #h1 #i72 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #a4 ,in its place is substituted a designation which would touch his friend's heart4 ,how could ,philemon resist an appeal which was penned within prison walls and by a manacled hand8 ,for this characteristic reference to his #8bonds' see the note on ver4 #ac4 ,timothy seems to have been with ,st ,paul during a great part of his three years' sojourn in ,ephesus 7,acts xix4 #bb71 and could hardly have failed to make the acquaintance of ,philemon4 ,for the designation applied to ,timothy see the note on ,col4 i4 #a4 444 ,on the persons here addressed1 and the language in which they are described1 see the introduction p4 #cfi sq4 ,it would probably be during ,st ,paul's long sojourn at ,ephesus that ,philemon had laboured with him3 see above p4 #ca sq4 should probably be attached to as well as to 2 comp4 ,rom4 xvi4 #e1 #h1 #i1 #a ,cor4 x4 #ad1 ,phil4 ii4 #ab4 #b4 ,for this the received text has 4 ,internal probabilities can be urged in favour of both readings4 ,on the one hand might have been introduced for the sake of conformity to the preceding 2 on the other might have been substituted for on grounds of false delicacy4 ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 7,spicil4 ,solesm4 ,i4 p4 #aed71 who had the reading 1 feels an apology necessary3 #8,istius temporis 7i4e4 of the present time7 homines propemodum omnes in crimine vocandos esse existimant1 modo si audierint nomen charitatis4 ,apostolus vero non sic sentiebat2 sed contrario etc4' ,i have preferred 1 because the preponderance of ancient authority is very decidedly in its favour4 ,these spiritual campaigns1 in which ,archippus was his comrade1 probably took place while ,st ,paul was at ,ephesus 7,a4,d4 #ed-eg74 ,for the word see ,phil4 ii4 #be4 ,the metaphor of 1 1 is common in ,st ,paul4 ' 444 probably at ,coloss2 see above p4 #cgj sq4 ,for the meaning of the expression see the note on ,col4 iv4 #ae4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #d1 #e 4 #d 1 1 #e #d-g4 #8,i never cease to give thanks to my ,god for thy well-doing1 and thou art ever mentioned in my prayers4 ,for they tell me of thy love and faith--thy faith which thou hast in the ,lord ,jesus1 and thy love which thou showest towards all the saints2 and it is my prayer that this active sympathy and charity1 thus springing from thy faith1 may abound more and more1 as thou attainest to the perfect knowledge of every good thing bestowed upon us by ,god1 looking unto and striving after ,christ4 ,for indeed it gave me great joy and comfort to hear of thy loving-kindness1 and to learn how the hearts of ,god's people had been cheered and refreshed by thy help1 my dear brother'4 ,the ,apostle's thanksgiving and intercessory prayer 7ver4 #d7--the cause of his thanksgiving 7ver4 #e7--the purport of his prayer 7ver4 #f7--the joy and comfort which he has in ,philemon's good deeds 7ver4 #g7--this is the very simple order of topics in these verses4 ,but meanwhile all established principles of arrangement are defied in the anxiety to give expression to the thought which is uppermost for the moment4 ,the clause 444 is separated from 4441 on which it depends1 by the intervening clause 444 which introduces another thought4 ,it itself interposes between two clauses 444 and 4441 which stand in the closest logical and grammatical connexion with each other4 ,its own component elements are dislocated and inverted in the struggle of the several ideas for immediate utterance4 ,and lastly1 in 444 there is again a recurrence to a topic which has occurred in an earlier part of the sentence 7 444 7 but which has been dropped1 before it was exhausted1 owing to the pressure of another more importunate thought4 #d4 ,see the note on #a ,thess4 i4 #b4 should probably be taken with 7rather than with 44471 according to ,st ,paul's usual collocation in these opening thanksgivings3 see the notes on ,col4 i4 #c1 ,phil4 i4 #c4 444 #8making mention of thee4' ,for see the note on #a ,thess4 i4 #b4 ,here the #8mention' involves the idea of intercession on behalf of ,philemon1 and so introduces the 444 of ver4 #f4 ,see the note there4 #e4 ,this information would probably come from ,epaphras 7,col4 i4 #g1 #h1 iv4 #ab7 rather than from ,onesimus4 ,the participle is connected more directly with than with the intervening words1 and explains the grounds of the ,apostle's thanksgiving4 444 i4e4 #8the faith which thou hast towards the ,lord ,jesus ,christ and the love which thou showest to all the saints4' ,the logical order is violated1 and the clauses are inverted in the second part of the sentence1 thus producing an example of the figure called chiasm2 see ,gal4 iv4 #d1 #e4 ,this results here from the ,apostle's setting down the thoughts in the sequence in which they occur to him1 without paying regard to symmetrical arrangement4 ,the first and prominent thought is ,philemon's love4 ,this suggests the mention of his faith1 as the source from which it springs4 ,this again requires a reference to the object of faith4 ,and then at length comes the deferred sequel to the first thought--the range and comprehensiveness of his love4 ,the transition from the object of faith to the object of love is more easy1 because the love is represented as springing from the faith4 ,some copies transpose the order1 reading --an obvious emendation4 ,others would obviate the difficulty by giving to the meaning #8fidelity1 stedfastness'3 ,winer #a4 p4 #eaa sq4 ,thus they are enabled to refer both words1 1 equally to both the clauses which follow4 ,but1 though this is a legitimate sense of in ,st ,paul 7see ,galatians1 p4 #aee71 yet in immediate connexion with 1 it is hardly possible that the word can have any other than its proper theological meaning4 ,see the opening of the contemporary epistle1 ,col4 i4 #d4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #f 1 #f 444 ,the change of prepositions1 #8towards the ,lord' and #8unto the saints'1 deserves attention4 ,it seems to arise from the instinctive desire to separate the two clauses1 as they refer to different words in the preceding part of the sentence4 ,of the two prepositions the former 7-7 signifies direction #8forward to'1 #8towards'2 the latter 7-7 arrival and so contact1 #8in-to'1 #8unto4' ,consequently either might be used in either connexion2 and as a matter of fact is much more common with 771 as it is also with 1 being quite exceptional 7#a ,thess4 i4 #h 2 comp4 #b ,cor4 iii4 #d74 ,but where a distinction is necessary1 there is a propriety in using of the faith which aspires towards ,christ1 and of the love which is exerted upon men4 ,some good copies read here in both clauses4 #f4 444 to be taken with 4441 as giving the aim and purport of ,st ,paul's prayer4 ,others connect it with h 1 as if it described the tendency of ,philemon's faith1 #8ita ut'2 but1 even if could bear this meaning1 such a connexion is altogether harsh and improbable4 444 ,of many interpretations which have been1 or might be1 given of these words1 two seem to deserve consideration4 7#a7 #8,your friendly offices and sympathies1 your kindly deeds of charity1 which spring from your faith'3 comp4 ,phil4 i4 #e 1 ,heb4 xiii4 #af 1 whence is used especially of #8contributions1 almsgiving'1 ,rom4 xv4 #bf1 #b ,cor4 viii4 #d1 ix4 #ac4 7#b7 #8,your communion with ,god through faith'3 comp4 #a ,cor4 i4 #i1 and see also #b ,cor4 xiii4 #ac1 #a ,joh4 i4 #c1 #f1 #g4 ,the parallel passages strongly support the former sense4 ,other interpretations proposed are1 #8,the participation of others in your faith1 through your example'1 or #8your communion with me1 springing out of your faith'4 ,this last1 which is widely received1 is suggested by ver4 #ag2 1 1 1 writes ,chrysostom1 7comp4 ,tit4 i4 #c 73 but it seems quite out of place in this context4 #8effective'4 ,the ,latin translators must have read 1 for they render the word evidens or manifesta4 ,jerome 7ad loc47 speaks of evidens as the reading of the ,latin1 and efficax of the ,greek text4 ,the converse error appears in the ,,mss of ,clem4 ,hom4 xvii4 #e1 for 4 444 #8in the perfect knowledge of every good thing'4 ,this 1 involving as it does the complete appropriation of all truth and the unreserved identification with ,god's will1 is the goal and crown of the believer's course4 ,the ,apostle does not say #8in the possession' or #8in the performance' but #8in the knowledge of every good thing'2 for1 in this higher sense of knowledge1 to know is both to possess and to perform4 ,in all the epistles of the ,roman captivity ,st ,paul's prayer for his correspondents culminates in this word 3 see the note on ,col4 i4 #i4 ,this is the result and the reward of faith manifesting itself in deeds of love1 444 ,for the sequence comp4 ,ephes4 iv4 #ac 4441 ,tit4 i4 #a ' 4 ,the therefore which the ,apostle contemplates is ,philemon's own4 ,there is no reference to the force of his example on others1 as it is sometimes interpreted1 #8in their recognition of every good thing which is wrought in you'4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #g 4 #g 1 1 4 #f4 4 #8which is in us ,christians'1 #8which is placed within our reach by the ,gospel'2 i4e4 the whole range of spiritual blessings1 the complete cycle of ,christian truth4 ,if the reading be adopted1 the reference will be restricted to the brotherhood at ,coloss1 but the meaning must be substantially the same4 ,though has somewhat better support1 we seem to be justified in preferring as being much more expressive4 ,in such cases the ,,mss are of no great authority2 and in the present instance scribes would be strongly tempted to alter into from a misapprehension of the sense1 and a wish to apply the words to ,philemon and his household4 ,a similar misapprehension doubtless led in some copies to the omission of 1 which seemed to be superfluous but is really required for the sense4 #8unto ,christ'1 i4e4 leading to ,him as the goal4 ,the words should be connected not with 1 but with the main statement of the sentence 444 #g4 ,this sentence again must not be connected with the words immediately preceding4 ,it gives the motive of the ,apostle's thanksgiving mentioned in ver4 #d4 ,this thanksgiving was the outpouring of gratitude for the joy and comfort that he had received in his bonds1 from the report of ,philemon's generous charity4 ,the connexion therefore is 444444 444 444 ,for the received text 7,steph4 but not ,elz47 reads 1 which is taken to mean #8thankfulness' 7#a ,tim4 i4 #ab1 #b ,tim4 i4 #c72 but this reading is absolutely condemned by the paucity of ancient authority4 #8the heart1 the spirits'4 ,on 1 the nobler viscera1 regarded as the seat of the emotions1 see the note on ,phil4 i4 #h4 ,here the prominent idea is that of terror1 grief1 despondency1 etc4 #8have been relieved1 refreshed'1 comp4 ver4 #bj4 ,the compound expresses a temporary relief1 as the simple expresses a final cessation3 ,plut4 ,vit4 ,lucull4 #e ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #h1 #i #h 1 #i 1 #i4 4 ' 4 ,thus it implies #8relaxation1 refreshment1' as a preparation for the renewal of labour or suffering4 ,it is an ,ignatian as well as a ,pauline word2 ,ephes4 #b1 ,smyrn4 #i1 #aj1 #ab1 ,trall4 #ab1 ,magn4 #ae1 ,rom4 #aj4 ,for the appeal suggested by the emphatic position of the word1 comp4 ,gal4 vi4 #ah4 ,see also the note on ver4 #bj below4 #h-ag4 #8,encouraged by these tidings of thy loving spirit1 ,i prefer to entreat1 where ,i might command4 ,my office gives me authority to dictate thy duty in plain language1 but love bids me plead as a suitor4 ,have ,i not indeed a right to command--,i ,paul whom ,christ ,jesus long ago commissioned as ,his ambassador1 and whom now ,he has exalted to the rank of ,his prisoner8 ,but ,i entreat thee4 ,i have a favour to ask for a son of my own--one doubly dear to me1 because ,i became his father amidst the sorrows of my bonds4 ,i speak of ,onesimus1 who in times past was found wholly untrue to his name1 who was then far from useful to thee1 but now is useful to thee--yea1 and to myself also4 ,him ,i send back to thee1 and ,i entreat thee to take him into thy favour1 for in giving him ,i am giving my own heart4 ,indeed ,i would gladly have detained him with me1 that he might minister to me on thy behalf1 in these bonds with which the ,gospel has invested me4 ,but ,i had scruples4 ,i did not wish to do anything without thy direct consent2 for then it might have seemed 7though it were only seeming7 as if thy kindly offices had been rendered by compulsion and not of free will4 ,so ,i have sent him back4 ,indeed it may have been ,god's providential design1 that he was parted from thee for a season1 only that thou mightest regain him for ever2 that he left thee as a slave1 only that he might return to thee a beloved brother4 ,this indeed he is to me most of all2 and1 if to me1 must he not be so much more to thee1 both in worldly things and in spiritual8 ,if therefore thou regardest me as a friend and companion1 take him to thee1 as if he were myself'4 #h4 i4e4 #8,seeing that ,i have these proofs of thy love1 ,i prefer to entreat1 where ,i might command'4 #8confidence'1 literally #8freedom' or #8privilege of speech'2 see the notes on ,col4 ii4 #ae1 ,ephes4 iii4 #ab4 ,it was his ,apostolic authority which gave him this right to command in plain language4 ,hence the addition 4 #8what is fitting'3 see the note on ,col4 iii4 #ah4 #i4 #8for love's sake'1 i4e4 #8having respect to the claims of love'4 ,it is not ,philemon's love 7vv4 #e1 #g17 nor ,st ,paul's own love1 but love absolutely1 love regarded as a principle which demands a deferential respect4 444 #8being such an one as ,paul an ambassador1 and now also a prisoner1 of ,christ ,jesus'4 ,several questions of more or less difficulty arise on these words4 7#a7 ,is to be connected with or separated from 4448 ,if separated1 will mean #8though as an ,apostle ,i am armed with such authority'1 and 444 will describe his condescension to entreaty1 #8yet as simply ,paul1 etc4' ,but the other construction is much more probable for the following reasons41 7a7 so used1 implying1 as it would1 something of a personal boast1 seems unlike ,st ,paul's usual mode of speaking4 ,several interpreters indeed1 taking separately1 refer it to ver4 #h1 #8seeing that this is my disposition'1 i4e4 #8seeing that ,i desire to entreat'2 but suggests more than an accidental impulse4 7b7 ,as and are correlative words1 it is more natural to connect them together2 comp4 ,plato ,symp4 #aha ,e 4441 ,alexis 7,meineke ,fragm4 ,com4 ,,iii4 p4 #cii7 4 ,such passages are an answer to the objection that would require some stronger word than 1 such as 1 1 or 4 ,even after such expressions as 1 1 instances occur of 773 see ,lobeck ,phryn4 p4 #dbg1 ,stallbaum on ,plat4 ,phd4 #hf ,a4 ,indeed it may be questioned whether any word but would give exactly ,st ,paul's meaning here4 7c7 ,all the ,greek commentators without a single exception connect the words together4 7#b7 ,assuming that the words 444 are taken together1 should they be connected with the preceding or the following sentence8 ,on the whole the passage is more forcible1 if they are linked to the preceding words4 ,in this case the resumptive 7ver4 #aj7 begins a new sentence1 which introduces a fresh subject4 ,the ,apostle has before described the character of his appeal2 he now speaks of its object4 7#c7 ,in either connexion1 what is the point of the words 4448 ,do they lay down the grounds of his entreaty1 or do they enforce his right to command8 ,if the view of adopted below be correct1 the latter must be the true interpretation2 but even though be taken in its ordinary sense1 this will still remain the more probable alternative2 for1 while and would suit either entreaty or command1 the addition suggests an appeal to authority4 ,the mention of his personal name involves an assertion of authority1 as in ,ephes4 iii4 #a2 comp4 ,gal4 v4 #b1 with the note there4 ,theodoret writes1 1 1 1 444 ,comparing a passage in the contemporary epistle1 ,ephes4 vi4 #bj 1 it had occurred to me that we should read here1 before ,i was aware that this conjecture had been anticipated by others1 e4g4 by ,bentley 7,crit4 ,sacr4 p4 #ic7 and by ,benson 7,paraphrase etc4 on ,six ,epistles of ,st ,paul p4 #ceg74 ,it has since been suggested independently in ,linwood's ,observ4 qud4 in nonnulla ,n4 ,t4 loca #ahfe1 and probably others have entertained the same thought4 ,still believing that ,st ,paul here speaks of himself as an #8ambassador'1 ,i now question whether any change is necessary4 ,there is reason for thinking that in the common dialect may have been written indifferently for in ,st ,paul's time2 and if so1 the form here may be due1 not to some comparatively late scribe1 but to the original autograph itself or to an immediate transcript4 ,in #a ,macc4 xiv4 #ba the ,sinaitic ,,ms has 7a corruption of 1 for the common reading is 72 in xiv4 #bb it reads 2 but in xiii4 #ba 3 though in all passages alike the meaning is #8ambassadors'4 ,again the ,alexandrian ,,ms has in xiii4 #ba1 but in xiv4 #bb1 and 7i4e4 7 in xiv4 #ba4 ,in #b ,macc4 xi4 #cd this same ,,ms has 1 and the reading of the common texts of the ,,lxx 7even ,tischendorf and ,fritzsche7 there is 4 ,grimm treats it as meaning #8ambassadors'1 without even noticing the form4 ,other ,,mss are also mentioned in ,holmes and ,parsons which have the form in #a ,macc4 xiii4 #ba4 ,in #b ,chron4 xxxii4 #ca again the word for #8ambassador' is written thus in the ,vatican ,,ms1 though the is added above the line2 and here too several ,,mss in ,holmes and ,parsons agree in reading 4 ,thus it is plain that1 in the age of our earliest extant ,,mss at all events1 the scribes used both forms indifferently in this sense4 ,so also ,eusebius on ,isaiah xviii4 #b writes 1 7 4 ,again in ,ignat4 ,smyrn4 #aa is the form in all the ,,mss of either recension1 though the meaning is plainly #8an ambassador of ,god4' ,so too in ,clem4 ,hom4 ,ep4 ,clem4 #f the ,,mss read 1 which even ,schwegler and ,dressel tacitly retain4 ,see also ,appian ,samn4 #g1 where is due to the later editors1 and ,acta ,thom #aj1 where there is a v4 l4 in at least one ,,ms4 ,and probably examples of this substitution might be largely multiplied4 ,the main reason for adopting this reading is the parallel passage1 which suggests it very strongly4 ,the difficulty which many find in ,st ,paul's describing himself as an old man is not serious4 ,on any showing he must have been verging on sixty at this time1 and may have been some years older4 ,a life of unintermittent toil and suffering1 such as he had lived1 would bring a premature decay2 and looking back on a long eventful life1 he would naturally so think and speak of himself4 ,thus ,roger ,bacon 7,opus ,majus ,i #aj1 p4 #ae1 ed4 ,jebb2 ,opus ,tertium p4 #fc1 ed4 ,brewer7 writes #8me senem'1 #8nos senes'1 in #abfg1 though he appears to have been not more than fifty-two or fifty-three at the time and lived at least a quarter of a century after 7see ,e4 ,charles ,roger ,bacon1 ,sa ,vie etc4 pp4 #d sq41 #dj74 ,so too ,scott in his fifty-fifth year speaks of himself as #8an old grey man' and #8aged' 7,lockhart's ,life ,,viii4 pp4 #cbg1 #ceg74 ,it is more difficult to understand how ,st ,paul should make his age a ground of appeal to ,philemon who1 if ,archippus was his son1 cannot have been much younger than himself4 ,the commentator ,hilary says that the ,apostle appeals to his friend #8quasi covum tatis'1 but this idea is foreign to the context4 ,the comment of ,theophylact is1 1 1 1 1 1 444 ,does he mean to include both meanings in 8 ,or is he accidentally borrowing the term #8ambassador' from some earlier commentator without seeing its bearing8 ,another title to respect4 ,the mention of his bonds might suggest either an appeal for commiseration or a claim of authority3 see the note on ver4 #ac4 ,here the addition of invests it with the character of an official title1 and so gives prominence to the latter idea4 ,to his old office of #8ambassador' ,christ has added the new title of #8prisoner'4 ,the genitive belongs to as well as to 1 and in both cases describes the person who confers the office or rank4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #aj 4 #aj 1 #aj4 444 ,st ,chrysostom remarks on the ,apostle's withholding the name1 until he has favourably disposed ,philemon both to the request and to the object of it2 1 1 444 ,the whole passage deserves to be read4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #aa 1 1 #aa 444 ,so too #a ,cor4 iv4 #ae4 ,in ,gal4 iv4 #ai he speaks of himself as suffering a mother's pangs for his children in the faith4 ,comp4 ,phil4 ,leg4 ad ,cai4 #h 7,,ii4 p4 #eed7 4 ,he was doubly dear to the ,apostle1 as being the child of his sorrows4 for by attraction1 as e4g4 ,mark vi4 #af 1 4 ,henceforward he will be true to his name1 no longer 1 but 3 comp4 ,ruth i4 #bj #8,call me not ,naomi 7pleasant7 but call me ,mara 7bitter7 etc4' ,the word is a synonyme for 1 ,demosth4 ,phil4 iii4 #dj 7p4 #aba7 4443 comp4 ,pseudophocyl4 #cg 7#cd7 1 ' 4 ,the significance of names was a matter of special importance among the ancients4 ,hence they were careful in the inauguration of any great work that only those who had bona nomina1 prospera nomina1 fausta nomina1 should take part3 ,cic4 de ,div4 i4 #de1 ,plin4 ,n4,h4 xxviii4 #b4 #e1 ,tac4 ,hist4 iv4 #ec4 ,on the value attached to names by the ancients1 and more especially by the ,hebrews1 see ,farrar ,chapters on ,language p4 #bfg sq41 where a large number of instances are collected4 ,here however there is nothing more than an affectionate play on a name1 such as might occur to any one at any time3 comp4 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 v4 #bd 7 1 4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #ab 1 4 #ab1 1 #aa4 1 ,comp4 ,plat4 ,resp4 iii4 p4 #daa ,a 444 4 ,of these words1 is found only here1 occurs also #b ,tim4 ii4 #ba1 iv4 #aa1 in the ,new ,testament4 ,both appear in the ,,lxx4 ,in ,matt4 xxv4 #cj a slave is described as 4 ,for the mode of expression comp4 ,ephes4 v4 #ae ' 4 ,some have discovered in these words a reference to 1 as commonly pronounced 2 comp4 ,theoph4 ad ,autol4 i4 #ab 444 and see ,philippians p4 #af note4 ,any such allusion however1 even if it should not involve an anachronism1 is far too recondite to be probable here4 ,the play on words is exhausted in the reference to 4 ,an after-thought2 comp4 ,phil4 ii4 #bg 1 4 ,this accounts for the exceptional order1 where according to common ,greek usage the first person would naturally precede the second4 #8,i send back'1 the epistolary aorist used for the present3 see the notes on ,phil4 ii4 #be1 #bh4 ,so too 1 ver4 #ai1 #ba 7see the note74 ,it is clear both from the context here1 and from ,col4 iv4 #g-i1 that ,onesimus accompanied the letter4 #ab4 444 ,the reading of the received text is 1 1 4 ,the words thus supplied doubtless give the right construction1 but must be rejected as deficient in authority4 ,the accusative is suspended2 the sentence changes its form and loses itself in a number of dependent clauses2 and the main point is not resumed till ver4 #ag 1 the grammar having been meanwhile dislocated4 ,for the emphatic position of comp4 ,john ix4 #ba1 #bc1 ,ephes4 i4 #bb4 #8my very heart'1 a mode of speech common in all languages4 ,for the meaning of see the note on ,phil4 i4 #h4 ,comp4 ,test4 ,patr4 ,zab4 #h1 ,neph4 #d1 in both which passages ,christ is called of ,god1 and in the first it is said 444 ' 444 ,otherwise has been interpreted #8my son' 7comp4 ver4 #aj 44471 and it is so rendered here in the ,peshito4 ,for this sense of comp4 ,artemid4 ,oneir4 i4 #dd 1 ib4 v4 #eg 1 4 ,with this meaning it is used not less of the father than of the mother2 e4g4 ,philo de ,joseph4 #e 7,,ii4 p4 #de7 444 1 ,basil4 ,op4 ,,iii4 p4 #eja 4 ,the ,latin viscera occurs still more frequently in this sense1 as the passages quoted in ,wetstein and ,suicer show4 ,for this latter interpretation there is much to be said4 ,but it adds nothing to the previous 4441 and 7what is a more serious objection7 it is wholly unsupported by ,st ,paul's usage elsewhere1 which connects with a different class of ideas3 see e4g4 vv4 #g1 #bj4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #ac1 #ad #ac 1 #ad #ac4 #8,i was of a mind'1 distinguished from 1 which follows1 in two respects2 7#a7 ,while involves the idea of #8purpose1 deliberation1 desire1 mind'1 denotes simply #8will'2 ,epictet4 i4 #ab4 #ac 1 1 2 1 iii4 #bd1 #ed 1 4 7#b7 ,the change of tenses is significant4 ,the imperfect implies a tentative1 inchoate process2 while the aorist describes a definite and complete act4 ,the will stepped in and put an end to the inclinations of the mind4 ,indeed the imperfect of this and similar verbs are not infrequently used where the wish is stopped at the outset by some antecedent consideration which renders it impossible1 and thus practically it is not entertained at all3 e4g4 ,arist4 ,ran4 #hff 1 ,antiph4 de ,herod4 cd4 ,i 7p4 #abi7 444 4442 ,isus de ,arist4 hr4 ,i 7p4 #gi7 444 4441 sch4 c4 ,ctes4 #b 7p4 #ec7 1 7 444 4441 ,lucian ,abd4 ,i 444 444 4442 see ,khner #cib b 7,,ii4 p4 #agg74 ,so ,acts xxv4 #bb 1 not #8,i should wish' 7as ,winer xli4 p4 #cec7 but #8,i could have wished'1 i4e4 #8if it had not been too much to ask'4 ,similarly ,gal4 iv4 #bj1 ,rom4 ix4 #c4 ,see ,revision of the ,english ,new ,testament p4 #if4 ,so here a not improbable meaning would be not #8,i was desirous'1 but #8,i could have desired'4 #8to detain' or #8retain'1 opposed to the following 1 ver4 #ae4 444 ,comp4 ,phil4 ii4 #cj 1 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #ag 4 ,see the note on ,col4 i4 #g4 ,with a delicate tact the ,apostle assumes that ,philemon would have wished to perform these friendly offices in person1 if it had been possible4 ,an indirect appeal to his compassion3 see vv4 #a1 #i1 #aj4 ,in this instance however 7as in ver4 #i7 the appeal assumes a tone of authority1 by reference to the occasion of his bonds4 ,for the genitive 1 describing the origin1 comp4 ,col4 i4 #bc 4 ,they were not shackles which self had riveted1 but a chain with which ,christ had invested him4 ,thus they were as a badge of office or a decoration of honour4 ,in this respect1 as in others1 the language of ,st ,paul is echoed in the epistles of ,st ,ignatius4 ,here too entreaty and triumph alternate2 the saint's bonds are at once a ground for appeal and a theme of thanksgiving3 ,trall4 #ab 1 ,philad4 #g 1 ,ephes4 #aa 7i4e4 7 1 1 ,smyrn4 #aj 1 ,magn4 #a 2 see also ,ephes4 #a1 #c1 #ba1 ,magn4 #ab1 ,trall4 #a1 #e1 #aj1 ,smyrn4 #d1 #aa1 ,polyc4 #b1 ,rom4 #a1 #d1 #e1 ,philad4 #e4 #ad4 444 #8without thy approval1 consent'2 ,polyb4 ii4 #ba4 #a1 #c1 1 3 similarly 1 e4g4 ,polyb4 xxi4 #h4 #g1 ,ign4 ,polyc4 #d4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #ae1 #af 1 1 #ae 1 1 #af 1 1 ,st ,paul does not say but 4 ,he will not suppose that it would really be by constraint2 but it must not even wear the appearance 77 of being so3 comp4 #b ,cor4 xi4 #ag 4 ,see ,plin4 ,ep4 ix4 #ba #8,vereor ne videar non rogare sed cogere'2 where1 as here1 the writer is asking his correspondent to forgive a domestic who has offended4 #8the benefit arising from thee'1 i4e4 #8the good which ,i should get from the continued presence of ,onesimus1 and which would be owing to thee'4 as in ,num4 xv4 #c4 ,the form ' is perhaps more classical3 ,thuc4 viii4 #bg ' 4 ,the word understood in the one case appears to be 7,porphyr4 de ,abst4 i4 #i ' 1 comp4 ,eur4 ,med4 #gea 72 in the other1 7so 1 1 etc473 comp4 ,lobeck ,phryn4 p4 #d4 #ae4 444 ,the explains an additional motive which guided the ,apostle's decision3 #8,i did not dare to detain him1 however much ,i desired it4 ,i might have defeated the purpose for which ,god in ,his good providence allowed him to leave thee'4 #8,he does not say'1 writes ,chrysostom1 #8,for this cause he fled1 but ,for this cause he was parted3 for he would appease ,philemon by a more euphemistic phrase4 ,and again he does not say he parted himself1 but he was parted3 since the design was not ,onesimus' own to depart for this or that reason3 just as ,joseph also1 when excusing his brethren1 says 7,gen4 xlv4 #e7 ,god did send me hither4' #8for an hour'1 #8for a short season'3 #b ,cor4 vii4 #h1 ,gal4 ii4 #e4 #8,it was only a brief moment after all'1 the ,apostle would say1 #8compared with the magnitude of the work wrought in it4 ,he departed a reprobate2 he returns a saved man4 ,he departed for a few months2 he returns to be with you for all time and for eternity'4 ,the sense of must not be arbitrarily limited4 ,since he left1 ,onesimus had obtained eternal life1 and eternal life involves eternal interchange of friendship4 ,his services to his old master were no longer barred by the gates of death4 ,in this connexion may bear either of two senses3 7#a7 #8to have back1 to have in return'3 or 7#b7 #8to have to the full1 to have wholly'1 as in ,phil4 iv4 #ah 7see the note74 ,in other words the prominent idea in the word may be either restitution1 or completeness4 ,the former is the more probable sense here1 as suggested by in verse #ac and by in this verse4 #af4 ,st ,paul does not say but 4 ,it was a matter of indifference whether he were outwardly or outwardly 1 since both are one in ,christ 7,col4 iii4 #aa74 ,but though he might still remain a slave1 he could no longer be as a slave4 ,a change had been wrought in him1 independently of his possible manumission3 in ,christ he had become a brother4 ,it should be noticed also that the negative is not 1 but 4 ,the negation is thus wholly independent of 444 4 ,it describes not the possible view of ,philemon1 but the actual state of ,onesimus4 ,the #8no more as a slave' is an absolute fact1 whether ,philemon chooses to recognise it or not4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #ag-ai 1 1 4 #ag 1 #ah 1 4 #ai 1 writes ,chrysostom1 apostrophizing ,philemon4 444 ,having first said #8most of all to me'1 he goes a step further1 #8more than most of all to thee'4 444 #8,in both spheres alike1 in the affairs of this world and in the affairs of the higher life4' ,in the former1 as ,meyer pointedly says1 ,philemon had the brother for a slave2 in the latter he had the slave for a brother3 comp4 ,ign4 ,trall4 #ab 4 #ag4 #8thou holdest me to be a comrade1 an intimate friend'4 ,for this use of comp4 ,luke xiv4 #ah 1 ,phil4 ii4 #bi 4 ,those are 1 who have common interests1 common feelings1 common work4 #ah-bb4 #8,but if he has done thee any injury1 or if he stands in thy debt1 set it down to my account4 ,here is my signature--,paul--in my own handwriting4 ,accept this as my bond4 ,i will repay thee4 ,for ,i will not insist1 as ,i might1 that thou art indebted to me for much more than this2 that thou owest to me thine own self4 ,yes1 dear brother1 let me receive from my son in the faith such a return as a father has a right to expect4 ,cheer and refresh my spirits in ,christ4 ,i have full confidence in thy compliance1 as ,i write this2 for ,i know that thou wilt do even more than ,i ask4 ,at the same time also prepare to receive me on a visit2 for ,i hope that through your prayers ,i shall be set free and given to you once more'4 #ah4 ,the case is stated hypothetically but the words doubtless describe the actual offence of ,onesimus4 ,he had done his master some injury1 probably had robbed him2 and he had fled to escape punishment4 ,see the introduction4 defining the offence which has been indicated in 4 ,but still the ,apostle refrains from using the plain word 4 ,he would spare the penitent slave1 and avoid irritating the injured master4 #8reckon it in'1 #8set it down'4 ,this form must be adopted instead of which stands in the received text1 as the great preponderance of authority shows4 ,on the other hand we have ,rom4 v4 #ac 7though with a v4 l4 71 ,boeckh ,c4 ,i4 no4 #agcb ,a1 and ,edict4 ,diocl4 in ,corp4 ,inscr4 ,lat4 ,,iii4 p4 #hcf4 ,but the word is so rare in any form1 that these occurrences of afford no ground for excluding as impossible4 ,the two forms might be employed side by side1 just as we find and 1 and 1 and 7,matt4 xv4 #bc71 and the like2 see ,buttmann ,ausf4 ,gramm4 #aab 7,,ii4 p4 #ec74 ,the word 1 as used by ,lucian ,lexiph4 #ae 7where it is a desiderative #8to be eager to speak'1 like 1 1 1 etc471 has nothing to do with the use of here4 #ai4 ,the introduction of his own name gives it the character of a formal and binding signature3 comp4 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #ba1 ,col4 iv4 #ah1 #b ,thess4 iii4 #ag4 ,a signature to a deed in ancient or medival times would commonly take this form 1--#8,i so and so'2 where we should omit the marks of the first person4 ,an epistolary or documentary aorist1 as in ver4 #ba2 so too ver4 #aa4 ,see the note on ,gal4 vi4 #aa4 ,the aorist is the tense commonly used in signatures2 e4g4 to the conciliar decrees4 ,this incidental mention of his autograph1 occurring where it does1 shows that he wrote the whole letter with his own hand4 ,this procedure is quite exceptional1 just as the purport of the letter is exceptional4 ,in all other cases he appears to have employed an amanuensis1 only adding a few words in his own handwriting at the close3 see the note on ,gal4 l4c4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #bj 1 1 4 #bj1 1 4 #8not to say'1 as #b ,cor4 ix4 #d4 ,there is a suppressed thought1 #8though indeed you cannot fairly claim repayment'1 #8though indeed you owe me 77 as much as this'1 on which the 444 is dependent4 ,hence #8owest besides'2 for this is the common meaning of the word4 ,st ,paul was his spiritual father1 who had begotten him in the faith1 and to whom therefore he owed his being2 comp4 ,plato ,legg4 iv4 p4 #gag ,b 444 1 1 444 1 1 1 444 #bj4 introducing an affectionate appeal as in ,phil4 iv4 #c 4 ,it is the entreaty of a brother to a brother on behalf of a brother 7ver4 #af74 ,for the pathetic appeal involved in the word see the notes on ,gal4 iii4 #ae1 vi4 #a1 #ah2 and comp4 ver4 #g4 #8,i seem to be entreating for ,onesimus2 but ,i am pleading for myself3 the favour will be done to me'2 comp4 ver4 #ag 4 ,the emphatic identifies the cause of ,onesimus with his own4 #8may ,i have satisfaction1 find comfort in thee'1 i4e4 #8may ,i receive such a return from thee1 as a father has a right to expect from his child4' ,the common use of the word would suggest the thought of filial offices2 e4g4 ,arist4 ,thesm4 #dfi 1 ,lucian ,philops4 #bg 1 1 1 1 ,ps-,ignat4 ,hero #f 1 1 ,synes4 ,ep4 #dd 1 with other passages quoted in ,wetstein4 ,so too for 1 1 compare ,eur4 ,med4 #ajbe sq4 444 ' 1 '1 1 ,alc4 #ccc ' 7 1 ,philem4 ,inc4 #fd 7,,iv4 p4 #ee ,meineke7 1 1 1 1 ,ecclus4 xxx4 #b ' 7the only passage in the ,,lxx where the word occurs74 ,the prayer 1 1 etc41 occurs several times in ,ignatius2 ,polyc4 #a1 #f1 ,magn4 #b1 #ab1 ,ephes4 #b4 ,it is not unlikely that here involves a reference to the name ,onesimus2 see the note on ver4 #aa4 ,the ,hebrew fondness for playing on names makes such an allusion at least possible4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #ba1 #bb #ba 1 4 #bb 4 ,as he had begotten ,philemon 7comp4 #a ,cor4 iv4 #ae1 #ag71 so it was that he looked for the recompense of filial offices4 444 ,see the note ver4 #g4 #ba4 #8,i write'3 see the note on ver4 #ai4 444 ,what was the thought upmost in the ,apostle's mind when he penned these words8 ,did he contemplate the manumission of ,onesimus8 ,if so1 the restraint which he imposes upon himself is significant4 ,indeed throughout this epistle the idea would seem to be present to his thoughts1 though the word never passes his lips4 ,this reserve is eminently characteristic of the ,gospel4 ,slavery is never directly attacked as such1 but principles are inculcated which must prove fatal to it4 #bb4 444 ,when ,st ,paul first contemplated visiting ,rome1 he had intended1 after leaving the metropolis1 to pass westward into ,spain2 ,rom4 xv4 #bd1 #bh4 ,but by this time he appears to have altered his plans1 purposing first to revisit ,greece and ,asia ,minor4 ,thus in ,phil4 ii4 #bd he looks forward to seeing the ,philippians shortly2 while here he contemplates a visit to the ,churches of the ,lycus valley4 ,there is a gentle compulsion in this mention of a personal visit to ,coloss4 ,the ,apostle would thus be able to see for himself that ,philemon had not disappointed his expectations4 ,similarly ,serapion in ,eus4 ,h4,e4 vi4 #ab 4 #8a lodging'2 comp4 ,clem4 ,hom4 xii4 #b 4 ,so the ,latin parare hospitium ,cic4 ad ,att4 xiv4 #b1 ,mart4 ,ep4 ix4 #a4 ,this latter passage1 #8,vale et para hospitium'1 closely resembles ,st ,paul's language here4 ,in the expression before us is probably the place of entertainment3 but in such phrases as 1 1 1 and the like1 it denotes the offices of hospitality4 ,the ,latin hospitium also includes both senses4 ,the 1 as a lodging1 may denote either quarters in an inn or a room in a private house3 see ,philippians p4 #i4 ,for the latter comp4 ,plato ,tim4 #bj ,c 1 1 4 ,in this case the response would doubtless be a hospitable reception in ,philemon's home2 but the request does not assume so much as this4 #8,i shall be granted to you'4 ,the grant 77 of one person to another1 may be for purposes either 7#a7 of destruction1 as ,acts xxv4 #aa 7comp4 ver4 #af71 or 7#b7 of preservation1 as ,acts iii4 #ad 1 and here4 #bc-be4 #8,epaphras my fellow-captive in ,christ ,jesus salutes you4 ,as do also ,mark1 ,aristarchus1 ,demas1 and ,luke1 my fellow-labourers4 ,the grace of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ be with thee and thy household1 and sanctify the spirit of you all4' #bc sq4 ,for these salutations see the notes on ,col4 iv4 #aj sq4 ,epaphras is mentioned first because he was a ,colossian 7,col4 iv4 #ab7 and1 as the evangelist of ,coloss 7see p4 #bi sq471 doubtless well known to ,philemon4 ,of the four others ,aristarchus and ,mark belonged to the ,circumcision 7,col4 iv4 #aa71 while ,demas and ,luke were ,gentile ,christians4 ,all these were of ,greek or ,asiatic origin and would probably be well known to ,philemon1 at least by name4 ,on the other hand ,jesus ,justus1 who is honourably mentioned in the ,colossian letter 7iv4 #aa71 but passed over here1 may have been a ,roman ,christian4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- #bc-be #bc 1 #bd1 1 1 1 4 #be 4 ,on the possible meanings of this title see ,col4 iv4 #aj1 where it is given not to ,epaphras but to ,aristarchus4 #be4 444 ,the same form of farewell as in ,gal4 vi4 #ah2 comp4 #b ,tim4 iv4 #bb4 ,the persons whose names are mentioned in the opening salutation4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,additions ,,and ,,corrections4 p4 #f1 l4 #ab4 ,on ,polemo and his family see ,ephemeris ,epigraphica ,i4 p4 #bgj sq4 7#ahgc74 p4 #ch1 note #abe4 ,the investigations of ,m4 ,waddington respecting the chronology of this period 7see below7 require a modification of the dates here given for the earthquakes in the second century4 ,he enumerates three3 7#a7 ,one at ,rhodes1 from ,a4,d4 #ach-adb2 7#b7 ,one which destroyed ,mitylene and did considerable damage to ,smyrna1 ,a4,d4 #aea-aeb2 7#c7 ,one which destroyed ,smyrna ,a4,d4 #ahj4 ,these two last have been confounded together by previous writers4 ,see ,m4 ,waddington's ,mmoire1 pp4 #bdb sq41 #bfg sq4 p4 #dh1 note #afj4 ,on the names ,ammias1 ,tatias1 which are feminine and not masculine1 see below p4 #cgc4 p4 #di1 note4 ,i have here given the commonly received date for the martyrdom of ,polycarp2 for ,i had not then seen ,m4 ,waddington's investigations4 ,this writer seems to have proved conclusively that it took place several years earlier1 ,a4,d4 #aee3 see his ,mmoire sur la ,chronologie du ,rhteur lius ,aristide p4 #bcb sq41 in the ,mmoires de l',acadmie des ,inscriptions1 c4 ,,xxvi4 7#ahfg74 pp4 #eb1 #ec4 ,as these remarks respecting the silence of ,eusebius will seem to be directed against the opinions expressed in a recent work1 it may be worth while stating that the early sheets of this commentary were struck off nearly twelve months before ,supernatural ,religion was published4 ,the expression in p4 #ec1 note #agj1 #8numerous and patent quotations1' is too strongly worded1 though the references to ,st ,james in ,clement's ,epistle seem to me to be clear4 ,i might however have chosen other more palpable illustrations from that epistle4 p4 #fc1 l4 #ab4 ,the ,proconsulate of ,paullus1 under whom this martyrdom took place1 is dated by ,borghesi 7,,oeuvres ,,viii4 p4 #ejg7 somewhere between ,a4,d4 #afc-afh1 by ,waddington 7,fastes des ,provinces ,asiatiques p4 #gca1 in ,le ,bas and ,waddington ,voyage ,archologique etc47 probably ,a4,d4 #afd-aff4 ,this rests on the assumption that the ,servillius ,paullus here named must be identified with ,l4 ,sergius ,paullus of the inscriptions4 ,the name ,sergius is elsewhere confounded with ,servius 7,servillius7 owing to the use of contractions 7see ,borghesi ,,iv4 p4 #dic1 ,,viii4 p4 #ejd74 ,the mistake must have been introduced very early into the text of ,eusebius4 ,all the ,greek ,,mss have ,servillius 7,servilius71 and so it is written in the ,syriac ,version4 ,ruffinus however writes it correctly ,sergius4 p4 #ga1 line #a4 ,we may conjecture that it was the earthquake under ,gallienus 7,a4,d4 #bfb7 which proved fatal to ,coloss 7see above p4 #ch1 note #abe74 ,this is consistent with the fact that no ,colossian coins later than ,gordian 7,a4,d4 #bch-bdd7 are extant4 ,when ,st ,chrysostom wrote1 the city existed no longer1 as may be inferred from his comment 7,,xi4 p4 #cbc7 #8 4' ,on the other hand ,m4 ,renan 7,l',antechrist p4 #ii7 says of the earthquake under ,nero1 #8,colosses ne sut se relever2 elle disparut presque du nombre des glises2' and he adds in a note #8,colosses n'a pas de monnaies impriales ,waddington4' ,this is a mistake1 and he must have misunderstood ,m4 ,waddington4 p4 #gg1 note #bbi4 ,to this list of works add ,mansel's ,gnostic ,heresies of the ,first and ,second ,centuries 7,london #ahge74 p4 #aab1 note #ccf4 ,see p4 #ccj1 note #eec4 p4 #afj1 l4 #d4 ,for #8argument for silence' read #8argument from silence4' p4 #bje1 col4 #a1 l4 #cj4 ,strike out before 4 p4 #baj1 col4 #a1 l4 #b4 ,the dissertation to which reference is here made is deferred to a later volume4 p4 #bej1 col4 #b1 l4 #ba4 ,strike out the words in brackets4 p4 #bgj1 col4 #a4 444 ,comp4 ,seneca de ,vit4 beat4 #g #8in ipso usu sui periturum4' p4 #bhj1 col4 #a1 l4 #bc4 ,for #8,ammianus' read #8,ammonius4' ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,index4 ,abercius 7,avircius71 ,bp4 of ,hierapolis1 p4 #ed sq4 ,acts of the ,apostles2 passages explained1 p4 #bc 7xiii4 #d1 xvi4 #f72 p4 #ie 7xix4 #ac1 #ai72 p4 #cgj 7xiv4 #aa74 dificatori1 the sufferings of ,christ as1 p4 #bcb lfric on the ,epistle to ,laodiceans1 p4 #cfb ,alasanda or ,alasadda1 p4 #aeb ,alexander of ,tralles on charms1 p4 #ib ,alexandria1 a supposed ,buddhist establishment at1 p4 #aea ,andrew1 ,st1 in ,asia1 p4 #de ,angelolatry condemned1 p4 #aja1 #ajc1 #ahd1 i4 #af1 ii4 #aj1 #ae1 #ah2 forbidden by the ,council of ,laodicea1 p4 #fh angelology of ,cerinthus1 p4 #aaj2 of ,essenism1 p4 #if2 of the ,jews1 ii4 #ah ,angels1 orders of1 i4 #af ,anselm of ,laon1 p4 #cfa ,antiochus the ,great1 colony of1 in ,asia ,minor1 p4 #ai ,antiochus ,theos refounds ,laodicea1 p4 #e aorist1 epistolary1 iv4 #h1 ,ph4 #aa1 #ai1 #ba2 contrasted with perfect1 i4 #af ,apamea1 p4 #ai1 #bj2 ,jews at1 p4 #ba ,apocalypse1 correspondences with ,st ,paul's ,epistles to ,asia1 #da sq4 apocrypha1 use of word1 p4 #ij1 ii4 #c ,apollinaris1 see ,claudius ,apollinaris ,apollo ,archegetes worshipped at ,hierapolis1 p4 #ab ,apostolic ,fathers1 ,christology of1 p4 #aij ,apostolic ,writings1 ,christology of1 p4 #ahi ,apphia1 wife of ,philemon1 p4 #cgb2 the name ,phrygian1 #cgb sq4 ,archippus1 iv4 #ag2 son of ,philemon1 #cgd2 office and abode1 #cge2 rebuke to1 #dc ,arian heresy in ,hierapolis and ,laodicea1 p4 #fd ,arian use of the expression #8,first-born of all creation1' i4 #ae ,aristarchus1 iv4 #aj ,aristion1 p4 #de ,aristotle1 on slavery1 p4 #cgi2 definition of #8knowledge1' ii4 #c2 of #8wisdom1' i4 #i ,armagh1 ,book of1 p4 #cdh1 #ceb article1 omission of the definite1 i4 #d asah1 a supposed derivation of ,essenes1 p4 #abf ,ascents of ,james1 p4 #afh asceticism among the ,jewish sects1 p4 #hg2 ,colossian heretics1 p4 #ajd2 ,essenes1 p4 #agc2 a result of ,gnosticism1 p4 #gi ,aseis1 a ,laodicean title of ,zeus1 p4 #h ,asia1 meaning of1 p4 #ai ,asia ,minor1 geography of1 p4 #a sq42 list of writers on1 p4 #a2 how divided under the ,romans1 #g2 a modern hypothesis about ,christianity in1 p4 #ej ,asidans1 p4 #abj asya1 a supposed derivation of ,essene1 p4 #abe ,athanasius1 on #8,firstborn of all ,creation1' i4 #ae ,athens1 a ,buddhist burnt alive at1 p4 #aee ,augustine1 on #8,firstborn of all ,creation1' i4 #ae2 on #8wisdom and knowledge1' ii4 #c 1 1 i4 #ac 1 i4 #b 1 1 1 i4 #bi1 ii4 #a1 iv4 #ab 771 i1 #a 1 iii4 #ba 1 iii4 #h 1 iii4 #e 1 iv4 #f 1 1 i4 #e2 1 i4 #f 1 after or in ,st ,paul1 ii4 #e 1 i4 #bb 1 ,ph4 #g 1 p4 #bcj 1 i4 #bb 1 iv4 #aj 1 iii4 #ah2 1 ,ph4 #h 1 iii4 #bb 1 i4 #bd 1 iii4 #bd 1 i4 #af 1 ii4 #ae 1 ii4 #aa 1 ,ph4 #ae 1 i4 #ba 1 ii4 #bj 1 i4 #bj1 #ba 1 ii4 #c 1 i4 #ad 1 ii4 #bb 1 ii4 #ba 1 i4 #aj applied to ,christ1 p4 #da2 i4 #af1 #ah 1 i4 #f 1 i4 #ag 1 ii4 #bc 1 ii4 #ai 1 ii4 #aa 1 ,ph4 #aa ,b 7,cod4 ,vaticanus71 excellence of1 p4 #cad4 ,banaim1 the1 p4 #acb ,banus not an ,essene1 p4 #afa ,bardesanes1 on ,buddhists1 #aed2 his date1 p4 #aee ,barnabas1 life of1 iv4 #aj2 epistle ascribed to1 ib4 basilica1 iv4 #ae ,basilides1 p4 #cca ,baur1 p4 #gg1 #ha1 #chd ,bene-hakkeneseth1 p4 #acj ,brahminism1 p4 #aed1 #aee ,buddhism1 assumed influence on ,essenism1 p4 #aea sq42 supposed establishment of1 in ,alexandria1 p4 #aea2 unknown in the ,west1 p4 #aec sq42 four steps of1 p4 #aeg ,buddhist at ,athens1 p4 #aee 1 1 p4 #bej 1 iii4 #aa 1 iii4 #h 1 ,ph4 #ac 1 iii4 #ae ,cabbala1 see ,kabbala ,cainites1 p4 #gi ,calvin1 iii4 #h1 p4 #cda1 #chd ,canonical writings and ,papias1 p4 #eb ,carpocratians1 p4 #gi1 #hj ,cataphryges1 p4 #ih ,cavensis1 codex1 p4 #cdh celibacy1 p4 #agc ,cerinthus1 p4 #ajg sq42 ,judaism of1 p4 #ajh2 ,gnosticism of1 ib42 cosmogony of1 p4 #aji2 ,christology of1 p4 #aaa sq42 pleroma of1 p4 #ccj chaber1 p4 #abh ,chagigah1 on ceremonial purity1 p4 #abh ,chalcedon1 council of1 p4 #fe chasha1 chashaim1 a derivation of ,essene1 p4 #aai chasi1 chasyo1 a derivation of ,essene1 p4 #aah2 connexion with chasid1 p4 #abd chasid1 a false derivation of ,essene1 p4 #aae ,chasidim1 p4 #abj2 not a proper name for the ,essenes1 p4 #abb chasin1 chosin1 a false derivation for ,essene1 p4 #aaf chaza1 chazya1 a derivation of ,essene1 p4 #aag ,chonos or ,chon1 p4 #ae1 #ga ,christ1 the ,person of1 p4 #cd2 ,st ,paul's doctrine about1 p4 #da1 #aha sq41 i4 #ae-bj1 ii4 #i-ae2 the ,word ,incarnate1 p4 #aja1 #ajb2 the pleroma in ,him p4 #ajb1 i4 #ai1 ii4 #i1 #aj2 ,life in ,him1 the remedy against sin1 p4 #cd1 #ahf sq42 ,his teaching and practice not ,essene1 p4 #agj sq4 ,christianity1 not an outgrowth of ,essenism1 p4 #aei2 in relation to ,epictetus1 p4 #ac2 to ,gnosticism1 p4 #hj2 to slavery1 p4 #chi1 #cia sq4 ,christianity in ,asia ,minor1 p4 #ej ,christianized ,essenes1 p4 #hi1 #ij1 #ace ,christians of ,st ,john1 p4 #afe ,christology of ,ep4 to ,col41 p4 #aja1 #ahh2 of other ,apostolic writings1 p4 #ahi2 of succeeding ages1 p4 #aij ,chronicon ,paschale1 p4 #dh1 #fa ,chrysostom1 i4 #ac1 #ae1 iii4 #af1 p4 #cdj1 ,ph4 #ae1 p4 #chc ,cibotus1 p4 #ba ,cibyratic convention1 p4 #g ,circular ,letter--the ,ep4 to the ,ephesians--p4 #cg ,claudius1 embassy from ,ceylon in the reign of1 p4 #aef ,claudius ,apollinaris1 the name1 p4 #eg sq42 his works1 p4 #eh sq4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 p4 #gi1 #ih1 #aed1 #afh1 i4 #i1 #ae1 ii4 #h1 iii4 #e1 #af ,clement of ,rome 7 #g7 ,col4 i4 #c2 7 #eh7 i4 #aa2 7 #cc1 i4 #ae2 7,ep4 ii4 #i71 p4 #ajd ,clementine ,homilies1 p4 #acf1 #afh ,clementine ,recognitions1 p4 #afd ,clermont1 p4 #c collegia1 iv4 #ae ,coloss1 orthography of1 p4 #af1 i4 #b2 situation1 etc41 p4 #a sq42 distance from ,laodicea1 p4 #cgf2 site1 p4 #ac2 ancient greatness and decline1 p4 #ae2 a ,phrygian city1 p4 #ah sq42 ,jewish colony at1 p4 #ai2 not visited by ,st ,paul when the epistle was written1 p4 #bc2 ,epaphras the evangelist of1 p4 #bi2 intended visit of ,mark to1 p4 #dj2 visit of ,st ,paul to1 p4 #da2 obscurity of1 p4 #gj2 a suffragan see of ,laodicea1 p4 #fi2 the ,turkish conquest of1 p4 #ga ,colossian heresy1 nature of1 p4 #gc sq41 #hi1 ii4 #h2 writers upon1 p4 #gd2 had regard to the ,person of ,christ1 p4 #aab2 relation to ,gnosticism1 p4 #ih2 ,st ,paul's answer to1 p4 #aha sq4 ,colossians1 ,epistle to1 p4 #cc2 bearers of1 p4 #ce2 salutations in1 ib42 charge respecting ,laodicea1 p4 #cf2 written by an amanuensis1 iv4 #ah2 ,christology of1 p4 #ahh2 style of1 p4 #aia2 analysis of1 p4 #aib2 various readings1 see readings colossinus1 p4 #d community of goods1 p4 #agf ,concord of the ,laodiceans and ,ephesians1 etc41 p4 #ca ,congregation1 the holy1 at ,jerusalem1 p4 #aca ,constantine1 legislation of1 p4 #cic ,constantinople1 ,council of1 p4 #fe conventus 7,roman71 p4 #g ,corinth1 visit of ,st ,paul to1 during his residence at ,ephesus1 p4 #cj ,corinthians1 ,first ,epistle to2 passages explained3 7i4 #ai1 i4 #i2 7ii4 #f1 #g1 i4 #bh2 7v4 #i1 iv4 #af2 7vii4 #ba7 p4 #cij2 7viii4 #f7 p4 #ahh2 7ix4 #bd1 ii4 #ah2 7x4 #bf7 p4 #cbf2 7xi4 #g1 i4 #ae2 7xiii4 #c7 p4 #aef2 7xiii4 #ab1 i4 #i2 7xv4 #bd1 i4 #af ,corinthians1 ,second ,epistle to2 passages explained3 7i4 #g1 i4 #bd2 7iii4 #f1 i4 #ab2 7iv4 #d1 i4 #ae2 7v4 #ad1 #ae1 ii4 #bj2 7vi4 #a1 i4 #f2 7vi4 #d1 #f1 i4 #aa2 7viii4 #i1 i4 #f2 7ix4 #ab7 ib42 7xiii4 #e1 i4 #bg ,cornelius a ,lapide1 p4 #cdb ,creation1 ,gnostic speculations about1 p4 #gh sq42 ,essene do41 p4 #ij ,cyril of ,alexandria1 p4 #aed 1 i4 #f1 iii4 #a in both members of a comparison1 i4 #f 1 ii4 #a and 1 ii4 #aj 1 iii4 #h 1 i4 #f 1 ii4 #ah 1 i4 #bb 1 i4 #ai 1 ii4 #ah 1 i4 #ah 1 iii4 #bd 1 i4 #ab 1 iii4 #ab 1 ,ph4 #f 1 iii4 #be 1 i4 #bi 1 p4 #d 1 ii4 #h 1 ii4 #ai 1 i4 #aa 1 ii4 #af 1 i4 #ae 1 1 7,christ1 i4 #aj2 7,master71 iii4 #bd 1 i4 #af 1 i4 #ae 1 ii4 #ac1 iii4 #ac1 ,ph4 #bb 1 i4 #b1 71 iii4 #af2 1 i4 #f 1 ii4 #ad 1 iii4 #ab ,damascene3 see ,john ,damascene ,darmstadiensis ,codex1 p4 #cdh dative 7of instrument71 ii4 #g1 iii4 #af2 7of part affected71 i4 #d ,demas1 p4 #cf1 iv4 #ad1 ,ph4 #bd ,denizli1 p4 #g2 earthquake at1 p4 #c diocese1 p4 #g ,diognetus1 ,epistle to1 i4 #ah ,dion ,chrysostom1 p4 #ha1 #aec ,diospolis1 an old name of ,laodicea1 p4 #fh ,divinity of ,christ1 p4 #aja sq41 #ahb sq41 i4 #ae ,docet1 use of pleroma by1 p4 #ccg dualism1 p4 #gh1 #hg1 #adi dyes of ,coloss and the neighbourhood1 p4 #d 1 ii4 #ae 1 ,ph4 #a1 #aj 1 ,ph4 #ac with gen41 used of the ,logos1 p4 #ahh1 i4 #af1 #bj 1 1 iv4 #g1 #ag 1 i4 #bh 1 p4 #g 1 ii4 #ad 1 ii4 #bj 1 i4 #aa1 #bg 1 ,ph4 #af2 1 iv4 #ab 1 i4 #af 1 i4 #aa ,earthquakes in the valley of the ,lycus1 p4 #ch ,ebionite ,christology of ,cerinthus1 p4 #aaj economy of revelation perfected1 p4 #ahe ,elchesai1 founder of the ,mandeans1 p4 #afg ,elchesai1 ,book of1 p4 #acg elders1 primitive1 p4 #acb ,eleazar expels evil spirits1 p4 #ia ,english ,church on the ,epistle to ,laodicea1 p4 #cfb ,english versions of the ,epistle to ,laodicea1 p4 #cfd ,epaphras1 p4 #cd2 evangelist of ,coloss1 p4 #bi1 #ca2 mission to ,st ,paul1 p4 #cb1 iv4 #ab1 ,ph4 #bc ,epaphroditus1 p4 #cd ,ephesians1 ,epistle to2 a circular letter1 p4 #cg2 readings in1 harmonistic with ,epist4 to ,col41 p4 #cab sq42 passages explained1 i4 #ah 1 i4 #bc72 i4 #ba 1 i4 #af72 i4 #bc 1 i4 #ah72 ii4 #c 1 iii4 #f72 ii4 #d 1 iii4 #a72 ii4 #d1 #e 1 ii4 #ac72 ii4 #ab 1 i4 #ba72 ii4 #ad 1 i4 #ag72 ii4 #ae 1 ii4 #ad72 ii4 #af 1 i4 #bj72 ii4 #bj 1 ii4 #g72 iii4 #ag 1 ii4 #ag72 iii4 #ba 1 i4 #bf72 iv4 #aj1 #aa 1 i4 #ag72 iv4 #ah 1 i4 #ba72 iv4 #ai1 v4 #c 7iii4 #e72 v4 #cb 7i4 #bf7 ,ephesus1 ,council of1 p4 #fe ,ephesus1 ,st ,paul at1 p4 #cj1 #ie2 exorcists at1 p4 #ie ,epictetus1 p4 #ac ,epiphanius1 account of ,cerinthus1 p4 #ajg2 on the ,nasareans1 p4 #acf epistolary aorist1 ,ph4 #aa1 #ai1 #ba epulones of ,ephesian ,artemis called ,essenes1 p4 #if ,erasmus on the ,epistle to ,laodicea1 p4 #cfe ,essene1 meaning of term1 p4 #id2 the name1 p4 #aad sq42 ,frankel's theory1 p4 #aba sq4 ,essenes1 p4 #hb1 ii4 #h2 list of writers upon1 p4 #hc2 localities of1 p4 #ic2 asceticism of1 p4 #he2 speculations of1 p4 #hg2 exclusiveness of1 p4 #ib2 ,josephus and ,philo chief authorities upon1 p4 #acd2 oath taken by1 p4 #abg2 their grades1 p4 #abi2 origin and affinities1 p4 #aai sq42 relation to ,christianity1 p4 #aeh2 to ,pharisaism1 p4 #aja1 #abj2 to ,neopythagoreanism1 p4 #adc2 to ,hemerobaptists1 p4 #aff2 to ,gnosticism1 p4 #ib2 to ,parsism1 p4 #adi2 to ,buddhism1 p4 #aeg2 excused by ,herod the ,great from taking the oath of allegiance1 p4 #agf2 fortune tellers1 p4 #agh2 silence of ,new ,test4 about1 p4 #aei2 in relation to ,john the ,baptist1 p4 #afj2 to ,james the ,lord's brother1 p4 #afh2 ,christianized ,essenes1 p4 #ace ,essenism1 p4 #hb2 main features of1 p4 #hc sq42 compared with ,christianity1 p4 #agj sq42 the sabbath1 p4 #agj2 lustrations1 p4 #aga2 avoidance of strangers1 p4 #agb2 asceticism1 celibacy1 p4 #agc2 avoidance of the ,temple1 p4 #agd2 denial of the resurrection of the body1 p4 #age2 certain supposed coincidences with ,christianity1 p4 #age ,eusebius1 on the earthquakes in the valley of the ,lycus1 p4 #ci2 his mistake respecting some martyrdoms1 p4 #dh2 silence on quotations from ,canonical writings1 p4 #eb2 on tracts against ,montanism1 p4 #ef2 the ,thundering ,legion1 p4 #fa2 on ,marcellus1 i4 #ae evil1 ,gnostic theories about1 p4 #gh exorcists at ,ephesus1 p4 #ie and 1 i4 #ab2 and 1 iii4 #ac 1 ,ph4 #ai 1 ii4 #bc 1 i4 #bc 1 i4 #ae1 iii4 #aa 1 i4 #f 1 i4 #f1 ii4 #bb1 ,ph4 #f 771 iv4 #af 1 iv4 #ae 1 iii4 #ab 1 ,ph4 #ah 1 i4 #e 1 iv4 #ab2 denoting the sphere1 i4 #d2 1 i4 #af2 1 ii4 #af2 1 iv4 #ab2 1 i4 #ah2 1 i4 #ba2 1 i4 #bg1 iii4 #af2 1 i4 #b 1 1 i4 #bi 1 iii4 #aa 1 iv4 #e 1 ii4 #ad 1 i4 #ac1 #af 71 iv4 #e 1 ii4 #af 1 1 p4 #ajj1 i4 #f1 #i1 ,ph4 #f 1 iii4 #e 1 i4 #bc 771 iv4 #af 1 ii4 #ai 1 ii4 #g 1 iii4 #bc 1 iii4 #ba 1 ii4 #g 1 iii4 #f 1 iii4 #bj 1 1 i4 #ai 1 1 ii4 #g1 i4 #c2 1 iii4 #ae 1 p4 #ie 1 ,ph4 #ag 1 i4 #ba ,f 7,codex ,augiensis7 relation to ,g1 p4 #cde ,firstborn of all ,creation1 i4 #ae ,flaccus1 p4 #bj ,frankel on the ,essenes1 p4 #aba sq4 ,g 7,codex ,boernerianus7 relation to ,f1 p4 #cde ,galatia1 meaning of1 in ,st ,paul and ,st ,luke1 p4 #bd ,galatian and ,colossian ,judaism compared1 p4 #aje1 i4 #bh ,galatians1 ,epistle to2 passages explained1 i4 #bd 7,gal4 ii4 #bj72 i4 #bh 7iv4 #ai72 ii4 #h 7iv4 #c7 ,galen1 ii4 #ai1 #bj ,ginsburg1 7,dr7 p4 #hh1 #abg sq4 ,gnostic1 p4 #hj sq4 ,gnostic element in ,colossian heresy1 p4 #gc sq4 ,gnostic sects1 use of pleroma by1 p4 #ccj ,gnosticism1 list of writers on1 p4 #gg2 definition of1 p4 #gf sq42 intellectual exclusiveness of1 p4 #gg2 speculations of1 p4 #gg sq42 practical errors of1 p4#gi sq42 independent of ,christianity1 p4 #hj2 relation to ,judaism1 p4 #ha2 to ,essenism1 p4 #ic2 to ,colossian heresy1 p4 #ih grades of ,essenes1 p4 #abi ,grtz1 p4 #abc1 #afj1 #afa1 #agj ,greece1 slavery in1 p4 #chf ,gregory the ,great on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cfa guild of dyers1 p4 #d 1 p4 #aec 1 i4 #i1 ii4 #c 1 p4 #ha ,hamartiology of the ,old ,testament1 p4 #ahe ,haymo of ,halberstadt1 on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cfa ,hebrew slavery1 p4 #che sq4 ,hebrews1 ,epistle to the2 passages explained1 i4 #aa 7,heb4 xi4 #cd72 i4 #ae 7i4 #b1 #c1 #f7 ,hefele on the date of ,claudius ,apollinaris1 p4 #ahe ,hemerobaptists1 p4 #afb ,herod the ,great excuses the oath of allegiance to the ,essenes1 p4 #agf ,hervey of ,dole1 on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cfa ,hierapolis1 p4 #i2 modern name1 p4 #i2 physical features of1 p4 #aj2 a famous watering place1 p4 #aa2 the ,plutonium at1 p4 #ab2 birthplace of ,epictetus1 p4 #ac2 political relations of1 p4 #ah2 attractions for ,jews1 p4 #bb2 a ,christian settlement1 p4 #de2 ,philip of ,bethsaida at1 p4 #de sq42 ,council at1 p4 #ei2 ,papias1 bishop of1 p4 #dh sq42 ,abercius1 bishop of1 p4 #ed sq42 ,claudius ,apollinaris1 bishop of1 p4 #eg sq42 dyes of1 p4 #d ,hilgenfeld1 p4 #ge2 on the ,essenes1 p4 #aej sq4 ,james the ,lord's brother1 p4 #afg ,jerome1 p4 #bi2 on ,st ,paul's parents1 p4 #ce2 on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cei sq4 ,jesus ,justus1 iv4 #aa ,jews1 sects of the1 p4 #hb imperfect1 iii4 #ah indicative after 1 ii4 #h infinitive of consequence1 i4 #aj1 iv4 #c1 #f ,john 7,st7 in ,asia ,minor1 p4 #da2 ,apocalypse1 passages explained1 p4 #da 7iii4 #ad-ba72 ,gospel1 p4 #afc 7i4 #h1 v4 #ce72 ,second ,epistle1 p4 #cga2 ,third ,epistle1 ib4 ,john the ,baptist1 not an ,essene1 p4 #afj2 disciples of1 at ,ephesus1 p4 #afc ,john 7,st71 ,christians of1 p4 #afe ,john ,damascene1 p4 #ae ,john of ,salisbury on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cfb ,josephus on ,essenism1 p4 #acc sq4 ,judaism and ,gnosticism1 p4 #ha 1 iv4 #af 1 iv4 #aa 1 iv4 #a ,kabbala1 p4 #ic1 i4 #af1 ii4 #h ,lanfranc on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cfc ,laodicea1 name and history1 p4 #e2 condition1 p4 #f2 political rank and relations1 p4 #g1 #ah2 religious worship at1 p4 #h2 ,council of1 p4 #ff2 ecclesiastical status1 p4 #fi2 dyes of1 p4 #d2 surnamed ,trimetaria1 p4 #ah2 the vaunt of1 p4 #dd ,laodicea1 the letter from1 iv4 #af2 p4 #cdj sq4 ,laodiceans1 apocryphal ,epistle to the1 p4 #cdg sq42 list of ,,mss of1 p4 #cdi sq42 ,latin text of1 p4 #cec2 notes on1 p4 #cee sq42 theory of a ,greek original1 p4 #ceg2 restoration of the ,greek1 p4 #cei2 circulation of1 p4 #cfj sq42 ,english prologue and versions1 p4 #cfd2 strictures of ,erasmus on1 p4 #cfe2 genuineness maintained by some1 p4 #cff ,latrocinium1 see ,robbers' ,synod ,legio ,fulminata1 p4 #fa legislation of ,constantine on slavery1 p4 #cic ,logos1 the1 i4 #ae ,luke1 ,st1 iv4 #ad2 his narrative of ,st ,paul's third missionary journey1 p4 #bd sq42 makes a distinction between ,philip the ,apostle and ,philip the ,evangelist1 p4 #de1 #ei lukewarmness at ,laodicea1 p4 #db lustrations of the ,essenes1 p4 #aga ,luther's estimate of the ,epistle to ,philemon1 p4 #chc ,lycus1 district of the2 list of writers on1 p4 #a sq42 physical features of1 p4 #b sq42 produce of1 p4 #d2 subterranean channel of the1 p4 #ad2 earthquakes in1 p4 #ch sq4 ,lycus1 ,churches of the1 p4 #a sq42 evangelised by ,epaphras1 p4 #bi sq42 ecclesiastical status of1 p4 #fi 1 iv4 #ac 1 ii4 #bc ,magic1 forbidden by ,council of ,laodicea1 p4 #fi2 among the ,essenes1 p4 #adj magical books at ,ephesus1 p4 #ie2 magical charms among the ,essenes1 p4 #ij sq4 ,mandeans1 p4 #afe ,marcosians1 p4 #cce ,mark 7,st71 iv4 #aj2 visits ,coloss1 p4 #dj marriage depreciated by the ,essenes1 p4 #aci ,matthew 7,st7 ,gospel of1 accepted by ,cerinthus and the ,ebionites1 p4 #ajh ,megasthenes1 p4 #aec monasticism of the ,essenes1 p4 #aeg ,monoimus1 the ,arabian1 p4 #cci ,montanism1 ,claudius ,apollinaris on1 p4 #ei2 ,phrygian origin of1 p4 #ih morning bathers1 p4 #acb ,muratorian ,fragment on the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #ceh 1 i4 #aa1 iii4 #ab 1 i4 #ab 1 ,ph4 #d 1 iii4 #ac 1 i4 #ae 1 i4 #bf ,naassenes1 p4 #ccg ,nasoreans1 p4 #ach1 #afe ,neander on ,cerinthus1 p4 #ajh ,neopythagoreanism and ,essenism1 p4 #adf sq4 ,new ,testament1 relation of1 to the ,old ,testament1 p4 #ahd ,nica1 ,bishops of ,hierapolis and ,laodicea at the ,council of1 p4 #fe ,nicetas ,choniates1 p4 #ga nominative with definite article for vocative1 iii4 #ah ,novatianism in ,phrygia1 p4 #ih ,nymphas1 iv4 #ae1 p4 #ca 1 ii4 #af 1 iii4 #aj 1 i4 #bh with aorist1 i4 #ba ,observance of the ,sabbath by the ,essenes and our ,lord1 p4 #agj ,onesimus1 p4 #cgg1 ,ph4 #aj2 at ,rome1 p4 #cc2 encounters ,st ,paul1 p4 #cgh2 returns to ,philemon1 p4 #ce1 #cgi sq42 legendary history of1 p4 #chb ,ophites1 the1 p4 #ha1 #ih1 #ccg ,oracle1 see ,sibylline ,oracle 1 i4 #be 1 ' 1 iv4 #ae 1 i4 #be 1 1 ,ph4 #bj 1 iii4 #h 1 iii4 #e1 iv4 #aa 1 iii4 #bb 1 iii4 #af 1 ,ph4 #ad1 #af 4ix ,papias1 p4 #dg2 writings of1 ib42 life and teaching of1 p4 #dh2 account of1 given by ,eusebius1 p4 #di2 traditions collected by1 p4 #ea sq42 references to the ,canonical writings1 p4 #ea sq42 silence of ,eusebius1 p4 #eb2 views inferred from his associates1 p4 #ec ,parsism1 resemblances to1 in ,essenism1 p4 #adi sq42 spread by the destruction of the ,persian empire1 p4 #aej2 influence of1 p4 #aea participle used for imperative1 iii4 #af ,paschal controversy1 p4 #ei1 #fc ,paul 7,st7 visits ,phrygia on his second missionary journey1 p4 #bc2 had not visited ,coloss when he wrote1 p4 #bc sq42 visits ,phrygia on his third journey1 p4 #bd2 silence about personal relations with ,coloss1 p4 #bh2 at ,ephesus1 p4 #cj1 #ie sq42 at ,rome1 p4 #cb2 mission of ,epaphras to1 ib42 meets with ,onesimus1 p4 #cc1 #cgh2 despatches three letters1 p4 #cc2 visits ,coloss1 p4 #da2 his plans after his release1 ,ph4 #bb2 uses an amanuensis1 iv4 #ah2 his signature1 iv4 #ah1 ,ph4 #ai2 coincidences with words of our ,lord1 ii4 #bb2 his teaching on the universality of the ,gospel1 p4 #ii2 on the kingdom of ,christ1 i4 #ac sq42 on the orders of angels1 i4 #af sq42 on philosophy1 ii4 #h2 on the ,incarnation1 ii4 #i2 on the abolition of distinctions1 iii4 #aa2 on slavery1 iii4 #bb sq41 p4 #chi sq42 his cosmogony and theology1 p4 #aja sq42 his answer to the ,colossian heresy1 p4 #aha sq42 his ,christology1 p4 #ahh1 i4 #ae sq42 his relations with ,philemon1 p4 #cgj sq42 connects baptism and death1 ii4 #aa1 #bj1 iii4 #c2 makes use of metaphors from the mysteries1 i4 #bf1 #bh2 from the stadium1 ii4 #ah1 iii4 #ad2 his rapid change of metaphor1 ii4 #g ,paul 7,st7 ,epistles of1 correspondences with the ,apocalypse--on the ,person of ,christ1 p4 #da2 warning against lukewarmness1 p4 #db2 against pride of wealth1 p4 #dc ,paul 7,st7 apocryphal ,epistle of1 to the ,laodiceans1 p4 #cec ,pedanius ,secundus1 execution of his slaves1 p4 #chh ,person of ,christ1 ,st ,paul and ,st ,john on1 p4 #da sq42 ,st ,paul's answer to the ,colossian heresy1 p4 #aha sq41 i4 #ae sq4 personal pronoun used for reflexive1 i4 #bj1 #bb ,peter 7,st7 and the ,church in ,asia ,minor1 p4 #da petrifying stream at ,coloss1 p4 #ae ,pharisees1 p4 #hb2 relation to ,essenes1 p4 #hb1 #abj1 #ada ,philemon1 p4 #ca1 #cgj sq42 legendary history of1 p4 #cga2 his wife1 p4 #cgb2 his son1 p4 #cgd ,philemon1 ,epistle to2 ,introduction to1 p4 #cfi2 character of1 p4 #cgj2 analysis of1 p4 #chj sq42 different estimates of1 p4 #chb sq42 compared with a letter of ,pliny1 p4 #chd ,philip the ,apostle1 in ,asia1 p4 #de sq42 confused with ,philip the ,evangelist1 p4 #de ,philippopolis1 synod of1 p4 #fd ,philo1 on the ,essenes1 p4 #acc2 his use of ,logos1 i4 #ae ,phrygia1 p4 #ag sq42 meaning of the phrase in ,st ,luke1 p4 #bc2 religious tendencies of1 p4 #ig sq42 see ,paul 7,st7 ,pistis ,sophia1 p4 #cci ,pliny the younger1 a letter of1 p4 #chd sq4 pleroma1 detached note upon1 p4 #cbc ,plutonium1 at ,hierapolis1 p4 #ab ,polycarp1 martyrdom of1 p4 #di poverty1 respect paid to1 by ,essenes and ,christ1 p4 #agg ,prtorius accepts the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans as genuine1 p4 #cff ,pythagoreanism and ,essenism1 p4 #add2 disappearance of1 p4 #adf 1 iii4 #e 1 ii4 #b 1 ii4 #f 1 ii4 #ac 1 i4 #f 1 iv4 #a 1 iv4 #aa 1 1 ii4 #ae1 ,ph4 #h 1 1 i4 #af2 1 i4 #ae2 1 i4 #af 1 1 i4 #c2 1 i4 #b 1 ,ph4 #g 1 ii4 #d 1 iii4 #ai 1 1 i4 #b 1 iii4 #e 1 iv4 #ab 1 ii4 #b 1 i4 #be1 iv4 #ag 1 i4 #ai1 ii4 #i1 p4 #cbc sq4 1 ii4 #bc 1 i4 #bg 1 iii4 #e 1 iii4 #ab 1 1 ,ph4 #h 1 i4 #ag 1 i4 #e 1 ii4 #bc1 ,ph4 #e 1 iv4 #b 1 iii4 #be 1 i4 #ae1 #ah 1 ii4 #h 1 ii4 #bb 1 i4 #i 1 p4 #fi 1 iii4 #af ,quartodeciman controversy1 p4 #ei1 #fc ,quinisextine ,council1 p4 #fh ,readings1 harmonized with corresponding passages in the ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 p4 #cab 7iii4 #f72 p4 #cac 7ii4 #ba1 v4 #ai7 readings1 various1 p4 #cae 7i4 #c72 p4 #caf 7i4 #d1 i4 #g72 p4 #cag 7i4 #ab1 i4 #ad1 i4 #bb72 p4 #cah 7ii4 #b72 p4 #cai 7ii4 #af72 p4 #cbj 7ii4 #ah1 ii4 #bc72 p4 #cba 7iv4 #h72 p4 #cbb 7iv4 #ae7 ,renan1 on the meaning of ,galatia in ,st ,paul and ,st ,luke1 p4 #be2 his estimate of the ,epistle to ,philemon1 p4 #chd ,restoration1 under ,ezra1 p4 #aai resurrection of the body denied1 p4 #hh1 #age ,revelation2 see ,apocalypse ,robbers' ,synod1 p4 #fe ,roman slavery1 p4 #chg ,rome1 ,onesimus at1 p4 #cgh2 ,st ,paul at1 p4 #cb 1 ii4 #g ,sabbath1 observance of1 by ,christ and the ,essenes compared1 p4 #agj ,sabans1 p4 #afe sacrifices prohibited by ,essenes1 p4 #hi1 #acd ,sadduceeism1 p4 #hb ,sagaris1 ,bishop of ,laodicea1 p4 #fc ,samani1 p4 #aed ,sampsans1 p4 #acg ,sarman1 p4 #aec satisfactori1 sufferings of ,christ regarded as1 i4 #be ,secundus1 see ,pedanius ,secundus ,sibylline ,oracle1 p4 #if silence of ,eusebius1 p4 #eb sq42 of the ,new ,testament about the ,essenes1 p4 #aei slave martyrs1 p4 #cib slavery1 ,hebrew1 p4 #che2 ,greek1 p4 #chf2 ,roman1 p4 #chg2 ,st ,paul's treatment of1 p4 #chi sq42 attitude of ,christianity towards1 p4 #cia sq42 prohibited by ,essenes1 p4 #agg2 legislation of ,constantine1 p4 #cic2 of ,justinian1 p4 #cid2 abolition of1 p4 #cid ,socrates on ,novatianism in ,phrygia1 p4 #ih solidarity of the ,church in the second century1 p4 #fb ,sophia of ,valentinus1 p4 #ccc2 ,sophia ,achamoth1 p4 #ccd soteriology of the ,new ,testament1 p4 #ahe stadium1 metaphor from the1 ii4 #ah ,stapleton receives the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans as genuine1 p4 #cff ,strabo on ,buddhism1 p4 #aec ,sunworship1 p4 #hg1 #acg sq41 #adi 1 ii4 #af 1 1 i4 #bb 1 iii4 #aa 1 i4 #i1 #bh1 ii4 #c1 iii4 #af 771 iii4 #ab1 ,ph4 #g1 #ab 1 ii4 #e 771 ii4 #h 1 ii4 #h 1 ii4 #b1 #ai 1 iv4 #aj 1 ii4 #ai1 iii4 #ad 1 i4 #g1 iv4 #g 1 i4 #i1 ii4 #b 1 ,ph4 #b 1 1 ii4 #aa 1 ii4 #i ,tacitus on the earthquake at ,laodicea1 p4 #ci ,talmud1 supposed etymologies of ,essene in1 p4 #aaf sq41 #abe sq42 supposed allusions to the ,essenes1 p4 #abh ,temple1 avoidance of the1 p4 #agd ,testaments1 ,old and ,new1 p4 #ahe ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs1 on the orders of angels1 i4 #af theanthropism of the ,new ,testament1 p4 #ahe thundering legion1 p4 #fa ,thyatira1 dyes of1 p4 #d ,timotheus1 his position in these epistles1 i4 #a1 ,ph4 #a2 #8the brother1' i4 #a ,tivoli compared with the valley of the ,lycus1 p4 #c travertine deposits in the valley of the ,lycus1 p4 #c ,trimetaria1 a surname of ,laodicea1 p4 #ah ,tychicus1 iv4 #g1 p4 #ce1 #chj4 1 iii4 #ab 1 ii4 #e 1 i4 #bh 7indef471 ,st ,paul's use of1 ii4 #h 1 ,ph4 #i1 #ab 1 ,ph4 #ac2 1 ii4 #ah 1 i4 #a 1 i4 #bc 1 1 ii4 #i 1 ii4 #ba 1 1 ii4 #bj 1 ii4 #ae 1 iii4 #h 1 iv4 #c 1 iii4 #af 1 ii4 #ad 1 i4 #aa 1 i4 #bd1 p4 #cce sq4 ,valentinianism1 different forms of1 p4 #ccb sq4 ,valentinians accept ,st ,paul and ,st ,john1 p4 #ccf ,valentinus1 use of pleroma by1 p4 #cca versions of the ,epistle to the ,laodiceans1 ,latin1 p4 #ceg2 ,bohemian1 ,german1 and ,english1 p4 #cfc sq4 ,vethikin1 p4 #aca ,word1 the1 p4 #aja1 see ,logos1 ,christ ,wycliffe excluded the ,apocryphal ,epistle to the ,laodiceans from his ,bible1 p4 #cfc ,yavana or ,yona1 p4 #aeb ,zeller on ,essenism1 p4 #adc sq4 ,zenda-vesta1 p4 #adi ,zoroastrianism and ,essenism1 p4 #adi sq4 ,,cambridge3 ,,printed ,,by ,c4 ,j4 ,,clay1 ,m4,a4 ,,at ,,the ,,university ,,press4 ,transcriber's ,note ,minor lapses in punctuation have been rectified4 ,certain other editorial or printing errors have been noted below1 and corrected4 ,on p4 #bhf1 in the note on i4 #ab of ,colossians for 1 the citation of ,romans #h3cc1 referring to #8,god's elect' was incorrect1 appearing as ,romans #h4c4 ,the correction has been made4 ,on p4 #cba4 there are two separate references to footnote #ecg4 ,this seems to be intentional1 and have been retained4 ,likewise1 on p4 #cdc1 footnote #fji is repeated4 ,it seems most likely that the second instance is correct1 but both have been retained4 ,on p4 #daf1 in the ,index1 the entry for refers to iv4 #e4 ,however1 the word and its gloss appear in iv4 #f4 p4 #bh ,he recalls ,added4 p4 #dc n4 #adc coincidence ,added4 p4 #aba n4 #cci ,zeitschrift ,added4 p4 #aii a similar phenonem_/menon ,transposed4 p4 #bac c4 ,eunom4 iv 7p4 ,i4p4 #bib7 ,removed4 p4 #bcj ,the thought underlying seems ,added4 to be this p4 #bca explaining it as #8the later' ,added4 p4 #cbc theological confusion ,added4 p4 #cgc n4 #fhj from the allied fro_/orm ,transposed4 ,apphias4