,,protestantism ,,and ,,catholicity ,,compared ,,in ,,their ,,effects ,,on ,,the ,,civilization ,,of ,,europe4 ,,written ,,in ,,spanish ,,by ,,the ,,rev4 ,j4 ,,balmes4 ,,translated ,,from ,,the ,,french4 ,second ,edition4 ,,baltimore3 ,,published ,,by ,,john ,,murphy ,,co4 ,no4 #agh ,,market ,,street4 ,,pittsburg3 ,,george ,,quigley4 ,sold by ,booksellers generally4 #ahea4 ,,entered1 according to the ,act of ,congress1 in the year eighteen hundred and fifty1 by ,,john ,,murphy ,,co41 in the ,clerk's ,office of the ,district ,court of ,maryland4 ,,author',s ,,preface4 ,among the many and important evils which have been the necessary result of the profound revolutions of modern times1 there appears a good extremely valuable to science1 and which will probably have a beneficial influence on the human race1--,i mean the love of studies having for their object man and society4 ,the shocks have been so rude1 that the earth has1 as it were1 opened under our feet2 and the human mind1 which1 full of pride and haughtiness1 but lately advanced on a triumphal car amid acclamations and cries of victory1 has been alarmed and stopped in its career4 ,absorbed by an important thought1 overcome by a profound reflection1 it has asked itself1 ,what am ,i8 whence do ,i come8 what is my destination8 ,religious questions have regained their high importance2 and when they might have been supposed to have been scattered by the breath of indifference1 or almost annihilated by the astonishing development of material interests1 by the progress of the natural and exact sciences1 by the continually increasing ardour of political debates1--we have seen that1 so far from having been stifled by the immense weight which seemed to have overwhelmed them1 they have reappeared on a sudden in all their magnitude1 in their gigantic form1 predominant over society1 and reaching from the heavens to the abyss4 ,this disposition of men's minds naturally drew their attention to the religious revolution of the sixteenth century2 it was natural that they should ask what this revolution had done to promote the interests of humanity4 ,unhappily1 great mistakes have been made in this inquiry4 ,either because they have looked at the facts through the distorted medium of sectarian prejudice1 or because they have only considered them superficially1 men have arrived at the conclusion1 that the reformers of the sixteenth century conferred a signal benefit on the nations of ,europe1 by contributing to the development of science1 of the arts1 of human liberty1 and of every thing which is comprised in the word civilization4 ,what do history and philosophy say on this subject8 ,how has man1 either individually or collectively1 considered in a religious1 social1 political1 or literary point of view1 been benefited by the reform of the sixteenth century8 ,did ,europe1 under the exclusive influence of ,catholicity1 pursue a prosperous career8 ,did ,catholicity impose a single fetter on the movements of civilization8 ,this is the examination which ,i propose to make in this work4 ,every age has its peculiar wants2 and it is much to be wished that all ,catholic writers were convinced1 that the complete examination of these questions is one of the most urgent necessities of the times in which we live4 ,bellarmine and ,bossuet have done what was required for their times2 we ought to do the same for ours4 ,i am fully aware of the immense extent of the questions ,i have adverted to1 and ,i do not flatter myself that ,i shall be able to elucidate them as they deserve2 but1 however this may be1 ,i promise to enter on my task with the courage which is inspired by a love of truth2 and when my strength shall be exhausted1 ,i shall sit down with tranquillity of mind1 in expectation that another1 more vigorous than myself1 will carry into effect so important an enterprise4 ,,preface ,,to ,,the ,,american ,,edition4 ,the work of ,balmes on the comparative influence of ,protestantism and ,catholicity on ,european civilization1 which is now presented to the ,american public1 was written in ,spanish1 and won for the author among his own countrymen a very high reputation4 ,a ,french edition was published simultaneously with the ,spanish1 and the work has since been translated into the ,italian and ,english languages1 and been widely circulated as one of the most learned productions of the age1 and most admirably suited to the exigencies of our times4 ,when ,protestantism could no longer maintain its position in the field of theology1 compelling its votaries by its endless variations to espouse open infidelity1 or to fall back upon the ancient church1 it adopted a new mode of defence1 in pointing to its pretended achievements as the liberator of the human mind1 the friend of civil and religious freedom1 the patron of science and the arts2 in a word1 the active element in all social ameliorations4 ,this is the cherished idea and boasted argument of those who attempt to uphold ,protestantism as a system4 ,they claim for it the merit of having freed the intellect of man from a degrading bondage1 given a nobler impulse to enterprise and industry1 and sown in every direction the seed of national and individual prosperity4 ,looking at facts superficially1 or through the distorted medium of prejudice1 they tell us that the reformers of the #afth century contributed much to the development of science and the arts1 of human liberty1 and of every thing which is comprised in the word civilization4 ,to combat this delusion1 so well calculated to ensnare the minds of men in this materialistic and utilitarian age1 the author undertook the work1 a translation of which is here presented to the public4 ,what do history and philosophy say on this subject8 ,how has man1 either individually or collectively1 considered in a religious1 social1 political1 or literary point of view1 been benefited by the reform of the #afth century8 ,did ,europe1 under the exclusive influence of ,catholicity1 pursue a prosperous career8 ,did ,catholicity impose a single fetter on the movements of civilization8 ,such is the important investigation which the author proposed to himself1 and it must be admitted that he has accomplished his task with the most brilliant success8 ,possessed of a penetrating mind1 cultivated by profound study and adorned with the most varied erudition1 and guided by a fearless love of truth1 he traverses the whole ,christian era1 comparing the gigantic achievements of ,catholicity1 in curing the evils of mankind1 elevating human nature1 and diffusing light and happiness1 with the results of which ,protestantism may boast2 and he proves1 with the torch of history and philosophy in his hand1 that the latter1 far from having exerted any beneficial influence upon society1 has retarded the great work of civilization which ,catholicity commenced1 and which was advancing so prosperously under her auspicious guidance4 ,he does not say that nothing has been done for civilization by ,protestants2 but he asserts and proves that ,protestantism has been greatly unfavorable1 and even injurious to it4 ,by thus exposing the short-comings1 or rather evils of ,protestantism1 in a social and political point of view1 as ,bossuet and others had exhibited them under the theological aspect1 ,balmes has rendered a most important service to ,catholic literature4 ,he has supplied the age with a work1 which is peculiarly adapted to its wants1 and which must command a general attention in the ,united ,states4 ,the ,catholic1 in perusing its pages1 will learn to admire still more the glorious character of the faith which he professes3 the ,protestant1 if sincere1 will open his eyes to the incompatibility of his principles with the happiness of mankind3 while the scholar in general will find in it a vast amount of information1 on the most vital and interesting topics1 and presented in a style of eloquence seldom equalled4 ,the reader is requested to bear in mind that the author was a native of ,spain1 and therefore he must not be surprised to find much that relates more particularly to that country4 ,in fact1 the fear that ,protestantism might be introduced there seems to have been the motive which induced him to undertake the work4 ,he was evidently a man of strong national as well as religious feeling1 and he dreaded its introduction both politically and religiously1 as he considered that it would be injurious to his country in both points of view4 ,he thought that it would destroy the national unity1 as it certainly did in other countries4 ,a very interesting part of the work is that where he states the relations of religion and political freedom2 shows that ,catholicity is by no means adverse to the latter1 but1 on the contrary1 highly favorable to it2 and proves by extracts from ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas and other great ,catholic divines1 that they entertained the most enlightened political views4 ,on the other hand1 he shows that ,protestantism was unfavorable to civil liberty1 as is evidenced by the fact1 that arbitrary power made great progress in various countries of ,europe soon after its appearance4 ,the reason of this was1 that the moral control of religion being taken away1 physical restraint became the more necessary4 ,the author1 on this subject1 naturally expresses a preference for monarchy1 it being a cherished inheritance from his forefathers2 but1 it will be noticed that the principles which he lays down as essential to a right administration of civil affairs1 regard the substance and not the form of government2 are as necessary under a republican as under the monarchical system2 and1 if duly observed1 they cannot fail to ensure the happiness of the people4 ,this portion of the volume will be read with peculiar interest in this country1 and ought to command an attentive consideration4 ,in preparing this edition of the work from the ,english translation by ,messrs4 ,hanford and ,kershaw1 care has been taken to revise the whole of it1 to compare it with the original ,french1 and to correct the various errors1 particularly the mistakes in translation4 ,a biographical notice of the illustrious writer has also been prefixed to the volume1 to give the reader an insight into his eminent character1 and the valuable services he has rendered to his country and to society at large4 ,,baltimore1 ,november #a1 #ahej4 ,,notice ,,of ,,the ,,author4 ,james ,balmes was born at ,vich1 a small city in ,catalonia1 in ,spain1 on the #bhth of ,august1 #ahaj4 ,his parents were poor1 but noted for their industry and religion1 and they took care to train him from his childhood to habits of rigid piety4 ,every morning1 after the holy sacrifice of mass1 his mother prostrate before an altar dedicated to ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin1 implored this illustrious doctor to obtain for her son the gifts of sanctity and knowledge4 ,her prayers were not disappointed4 ,from seven to ten years of age1 ,balmes applied himself with great ardor to the study of ,latin4 ,the two following years were devoted to a course of rhetoric1 and three years more were allotted to philosophy2 a ninth year was occupied with the prolegomena of theology4 ,such was the order of studies in the seminary of ,vich4 ,while thus laboring to store his mind with knowledge1 ,balmes preserved an irreproachable line of conduct4 ,called to the ecclesiastical state1 he submitted readily to the strict discipline which this vocation required1 and he was seen nowhere but under the parental roof1 at the church1 in some religious community1 or in the episcopal library4 ,at the age of fourteen he was admitted to a benefice1 the revenue of which1 though small1 enabled him to complete his education4 ,in #ahbf1 he went to the ,university of ,cervera1 which at that time was the centre of public instruction in that part of ,spain4 ,it numbered four colleges1 in all of which an enlightened piety prevailed1 affording the young ,balmes a most favorable opportunity of developing his rare qualities4 ,here1 the frame and habit of his mind were observable to all1 in his deep and animated look1 in his grave and modest demeanor1 and in his method of study4 ,he would read a few pages over a table1 his head resting upon his hands2 then1 wrapt in his mantle1 he would spend a long time in reflection4 ,the true method of study1 he used to say1 is to read little1 to select good authors1 and to think much4 ,if we confined ourselves to a knowledge of what is contained in books1 the sciences would never advance a step4 ,we must learn what others have not known4 ,during my meditations in the dark1 my thoughts ferment1 and my brain burns like a boiling cauldron4 ,devoted to the acquisition of knowledge1 he cultivated retirement as a means of facilitating the attainment of his object4 ,his thirst for learning was so intense1 that it held him under absolute sway1 and he found it necessary at a later period to offer a systematic resistance to its exclusive demands4 ,pursuing his favorite method of study1 ,balmes remained four years at the ,university of ,cervera1 reading no other works than the ,sum of ,st4 ,thomas1 and the commentaries upon it by ,bellarmine1 ,suarez and ,cajetan4 ,if he made any exception from this rule1 it was in favor of ,chateaubriand's ,gnie du ,christanisme4 ,every thing1 said he1 is to be found in ,st4 ,thomas2 philosophy1 religion1 politics3 his writings are an inexhaustible mine4 ,having thus strengthened his mind by a due application to philosophical and theological studies1 he proceeded to enlarge his sphere of knowledge by reading a greater variety of authors4 ,in taking up a work1 he first looked at the table of contents1 and when it suggested an idea or fact which seemed to open before him a new path1 he read that part of the volume which developed this idea or fact2 the rest was overlooked4 ,in this way1 he accumulated a rich store of varied erudition4 ,at the age of twenty-two he knew by memory the tabular contents of an extraordinary number of volumes2 he had learned the ,french language2 he spoke and wrote ,latin better than his native tongue1 and had been admitted successively to the degrees of bachelor and licentiate in theology4 ,the virtues of his youth1 far from having been weakened by these studies1 had acquired greater strength and maturity4 ,as he approached the solemn period of his ordination1 he became still more remarkable for the gravity and modesty of his deportment4 ,he prepared himself for his elevation to the priesthood by a retreat of one hundred days4 ,after his promotion to the sacerdotal dignity1 which took place in his native city1 he returned to the ,university of ,cervera1 where he continued his studies1 and performed the duties of assistant professor4 ,here also he began to manifest his political views2 but1 always with that discretion and moderation for which the ,spanish clergy have been with few exceptions distinguished during the last twenty years4 ,at that period ,spain was agitated by two conflicting parties1 that of ,maria ,christina and the other of ,don ,carlos4 ,balmes avoided all questions which were rather calculated to encourage the spirit of faction than promote the general interest of the country4 ,in #ahce he evinced this circumspection in a remarkable degree1 when the doctorate which had been conferred upon him1 required him to deliver an address in honor of the reigning monarch4 ,maria ,christina was then the queen regent1 and civil war was about to commence in the mountains of ,catalonia2 but ,balmes performed his task without allusion to politics1 and without offending the adherents of either party4 ,after two years of study at ,cervera1 where he applied himself to theology and law1 our author returned to ,vich1 where he determined to spend four years more in retirement1 for the purpose of maturing his character and knowledge4 ,in this solitude1 he devoted himself to history1 poetry and politics1 but principally to mathematics1 of which he obtained a professorship in #ahcg4 ,during all these literary labors1 ,balmes was actuated by a lively faith1 and a sincere1 unassuming piety4 ,religious meditation1 intermingled with scientific reflections1 was the constant occupation of his mind2 he did not neglect1 however1 the exterior practices of devotion4 ,besides the celebration of the holy sacrifice1 he frequently visited the blessed sacrament1 and paid his homage to the ,b4 ,virgin in some solitary chapel4 ,the ,following of ,christ1 the ,sum of the angelic doctor1 and the ,holy ,scriptures1 were always in his hands1 and he took pleasure in reading the ascetic writers of his own country4 ,in this way did he prepare himself1 until the age of thirty1 to become one of the most solid and gifted minds of our time1 and to act the important part to which he was called by ,divine ,providence4 ,the first literary effort of ,balmes before the public1 was a prize essay which he wrote on clerical celibacy4 ,this was soon followed by another production of his pen1 entitled ,observations on the ,property of the ,clergy1 in a social1 political1 and commercial point of view1 which was elicited by the clamoring of the revolutionary army under ,espartero for the spoliation of the clergy4 ,the learning1 philosophy and eloquence of the writer in this work1 excited the wonder and admiration of the most distinguished statesmen in the country4 ,some months after1 he published his ,political ,considerations on the ,condition of ,spain1 in which he had the courage to defend the rights of both parties in the country1 and to suggest means of a conciliatory nature for restoring public order and tranquillity4 ,amidst these political efforts1 ,balmes did not lay aside his peculiar functions as a minister of ,god4 ,the edification of the faithful1 the religious instruction of youth1 and the defence of the faith against the assaults of heresy and rationalism1 were constant objects of his attention4 ,during the same year1 #ahdj1 he translated and published the ,maxims of ,st4 ,francis of ,sales for every day in the year2 he also composed a species of catechism for the instruction of young persons1 which was very extensively circulated4 ,at the same time he undertook the preparation of the present work1 in order to counteract the pernicious influence exerted among his countrymen by ,guizot's lectures on ,european civilization1 and to neutralize the facilities offered under the regime of ,espartero for the success of a ,protestant ,propagandism in ,spain4 ,the occasion and object of this work rendered it expedient that it should be published simultaneously in ,spanish and in ,french1 and with this view our author visited ,france1 and afterwards1 to extend his observations1 passed into ,england4 ,on his return to ,barcelona1 towards the close of #ahdb1 ,balmes became a collaborator in the editing of the ,civilizacion1 a monthly periodical of great merit1 devoted to literary reviews1 and to solid instruction on the current topics of the day4 ,his connection with this work lasted only eighteen months4 ,he then commenced a review of his own1 entitled the ,sociedad1 a philosophical1 political1 and religious journal1 which acquired a great reputation during the one year of its existence4 ,driven soon after into retirement by the disturbances of the times1 ,balmes composed another philosophical work1 ,el ,criterio1 which is a course of logic adapted to every capacity4 ,from the national uprising that overthrew the government of ,espartero1 there arose a general feeling of patriotic independence1 which called for the cessation of civil strife1 and the harmonizing of the two parties that divided the nation4 ,many of the adherents of ,maria ,christina1 who were the nobility and the bourgeoisie1 recognized the excesses of the revolutionary faction which they had called to their aid1 while the ,carlists were not all in favor of absolute monarchy1 and numbered an imposing majority among the lower classes4 ,all these men of wise and moderate views longed to see a remedy applied to the wounds of their afflicted country2 and with one accord they turned their eyes upon ,balmes1 as the only individual capable of conducting this important affair4 ,he had already1 in his ,political ,considerations1 indicated the principal idea of his policy for putting an end to the national evils2 it was a matrimonial alliance between the ,queen and the son of ,don ,carlos4 ,under these circumstances he commenced in ,february1 #ahdd1 a new journal1 entitled ,pensamiento de la ,nacion1 the object of which was to denounce the revolutionary spirit as the enemy of all just and peaceful government1 and to inspire the ,spanish people with a proper reverence for the religious1 social and political inheritance received from their ancestors1 and with a due respect for the reasonable ameliorations of the age4 ,in this spirit the different questions of the day were discussed with energy and calmness1 and especially the project of an alliance between the ,queen and the son of ,don ,carlos1 which ,balmes considered of the utmost importance4 ,this measure1 such as he proposed it1 was1 to use the language of his biographer1 the reconciliation of the past and the future1 of authority and liberty1 of monarchy and representative government4 ,such was the patriotism1 dignity and force1 with which our author conducted his hebdomadal1 that it won the esteem of a large portion of the most distinguished men among the ,carlists1 while it also acquired favor among an immense number in the opposite party4 ,to support its views1 a daily journal1 the ,conciliador1 was started by a body of young but fervid and brilliant writers1 and nothing it would seem was wanting to insure a triumph for the friends of ,spain4 ,prudence1 energy1 moderation1 reason and eloquence1 with a majority of the people on their side1 deserved and should have commanded success2 but they could not prevail against diplomatic influence and court intrigue4 ,balmes learned with equal surprise and affliction1 in the retirement of his native mountains1 that the government had resolved to offer the ,queen in marriage to the infant ,don ,francisco1 and the infanta to the ,duke of ,montpensier4 ,this was a severe stroke to the sincere and ardent patriotism of ,balmes4 ,he might have resisted this policy with the power and eloquence of his pen1 but he preferred a silent resignation to the heat of political strife1 and the ,pensamiento de la ,nacion1 although a lucrative publication1 was discontinued on the #cast of ,december1 #ahdf4 ,during that same year1 our author collected into one volume his various essays on politics1 as well for his own vindication as for the diffusion of sound instruction on the condition of ,spain4 ,the following year he completed his ,elementary course of ,philosophy4 ,but his physical strength was not equal to these arduous labors4 ,to re-establish in some degree his declining health1 he travelled in ,spain and ,france1 and remained several weeks in ,paris4 ,the intellectual and moral corruption which was gnawing at the very vitals of the ,french nation1 and threatened all ,europe with its infection1 filled him with increased anxiety4 ,he predicted the dissolution of society1 and a return to barbarism1 unless things would take some unexpected turn through the special interposition of ,providence4 ,this last hope was the only resource left1 in his opinion1 for the salvation of society and civilization1 and he exulted when he beheld ,pius ,,ix opening a new career for ,italy1 and consecrating the aspirations and movements of all who advocated legitimate reform and rational liberty4 ,the political ameliorations1 however1 of the sovereign ,pontiff appeared to the opponents of liberalism in ,spain1 at variance with the great opposition which ,balmes had always exhibited to the revolutionary spirit4 ,hence1 it became necessary for him to pay the just tribute of his admiration to the illustrious individual who sat in the chair of ,peter1 and to proclaim the eminent virtues of the prince and the pontiff4 ,this he did with surpassing eloquence1 in a brochure entitled ,pius ,,ix1 the brilliant style of which is only equalled by its wisdom of thought4 ,in this work1 he sketches with graphic pen1 the acts of the papal policy1 showing that the holy see is the best guide of men in the path of liberty and progress1 that ,pius ,,ix shows a profound knowledge of the evils that afflict society1 and possesses all the energy and firmness necessary to apply their proper remedy4 ,balmes was full of hope for the future1 in contemplating the course of the great head of the church1 and he cherished this hope to the last moment of his life4 ,his essay on the policy of ,pius ,,ix was the last production of his pen4 ,his career in literature was brief1 but brilliant and effective4 ,eight years only had elapsed since his appearance as a writer1 and he had labored with eminent success in every department of knowledge4 ,the learned divine1 the profound philosopher1 the enlightened publicist1 he has stamped upon his age the impress of his genius1 and bequeathed to posterity a rich legacy in his immortal works4 ,in the moral as well as in the intellectual point of view1 his merit may be summed up in those words of ,wisdom3 ,being made perfect in a short space1 he fulfilled a long time4 chap4 iv4 ,this distinguished ecclesiastic1 the boast of the ,spanish clergy and the ,catalan people1 died at ,vich1 his native city1 on the #ith of ,july1 #ahdh1 in the same spirit of lively faith and fervent piety which had always marked his life4 ,his funeral took place on the #aath1 with all the pomp that could be furnished by the civil and ecclesiastical authorities4 ,the municipality decreed that one of the public places should be named after him4 ,balmes was little below the middle height1 and of weak and slender frame4 ,but the appearance of feeble health which he exhibited1 was combatted by the animation of his looks4 ,his forehead and lips bore the impress of energy1 which was to be seen also in his eyes1 black1 deep-set1 and of unusual brightness4 ,the expression of his countenance was a mixture of vivacity1 openness1 melancholy and strength of mind4 ,a careful observer of all his sacerdotal duties1 he found in the practices of piety1 the vigor which he displayed in his intellectual labors4 ,the distribution of his time was extremely methodical1 and his pleasures consisted only in the society of his friends4 ,to the prospect of temporal honors and the favor of the great1 he was insensible2 neither did he seek after ecclesiastical dignities or literary distinctions4 ,his aim was the diffusion of truth1 not the acquisition of a great reputation4 ,these qualities1 however1 with his eminent talents1 varied erudition1 and invaluable writings1 have won for him a universal fame4 ,,table ,,of ,,contents4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,the ,,name ,,and ,,nature ,,of ,,protestantism1 ,page #be ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,causes ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,what ought to be attributed to the genius of its founders--,different causes assigned for it--,errors on this subject--,opinions of ,guizot--,of ,bossuet--,true cause of ,protestantism to be found in the social condition of ,european nations1 #bh ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,extraordinary ,,phenomenon ,,in ,,the ,,catholic ,,church4 ,divinity of the ,catholic ,church proved by its relations with the human mind--,remarkable acknowledgment of ,m4 ,guizot--,consequences of that acknowledgment1 #ch ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,protestantism ,,and ,,the ,,human ,,mind4 ,protestantism contains a principle of dissolution--,it tends naturally to destroy all faith--,dangerous direction given to the human mind--,description of the human mind1 #db ,,chapter ,v4 ,,instinct ,,of ,,faith ,,in ,,the ,,sciences4 ,instinct of faith--,this instinct extends to all the sciences--,newton1 ,descartes--,observations on the history of philosophy--,proselytism--,present condition of the human mind1 #df ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,different ,,religious ,,wants ,,of ,,nations--,,mathematics--,,moral ,,sciences4 ,important error committed by ,protestantism1 with regard to the religious government of the human mind1 #ej ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,indifference ,,and ,,fanaticism4 ,two opposite evils1 fruits of ,protestantism--,origin of fanaticism--,the ,church has prepared the history of the human mind--,private interpretation of the ,bible--,passage from ,o',callaghan--,description of the ,bible1 #ec ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,fanaticism--,,its ,,definition--,,fanaticism ,,in ,,the ,,catholic ,,church4 ,connexion between fanaticism and religious feeling--,impossibility of destroying it--,means of diminishing it--,the ,church has used these means1 and with what result8--,observations on the pretended ,catholic fanatics--,description of the religious excitement of the founders of orders in the ,church1 #eg ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,incredulity ,,and ,,religious ,,indifference ,,in ,,europe ,,the ,,fruits ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,lamentable symptoms of these from the beginning of ,protestantism--,remarkable religious crisis in the latter part of the seventeenth century--,bossuet and ,leibnitz--,the ,jansenists--,their influence--,dictionary of ,bayle--,the epoch when that work appeared--,state of opinions among the ,protestants1 #fj ,,chapter ,x4 ,,causes ,,of ,,the ,,continued ,,existence ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,important question with regard to the continuance of ,protestantism--,religious indifference with respect to man collectively and individually--,european societies with relation to ,mahometanism and idolatry--,how ,catholicity and ,protestantism are capable of defending the truth--,intimate connexion between ,christianity and ,european civilization1 #fd ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,the ,,positive ,,doctrines ,,of ,,protestantism ,,are ,,repugnant ,,to ,,the ,,instinct ,,of ,,civilization4 ,doctrines of ,protestantism divided into positive and negative--,singular phenomenon3 one of the principal dogmas of the founders of ,protestantism repugnant to ,european civilization--,eminent service which ,catholicity has done to civilization by defending free will--,nature of error--,nature of truth1 #fh ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,effects ,,which ,,the ,,introduction ,,of ,,protestantism ,,into ,,spain ,,would ,,have ,,produced4 ,present state of religious ideas in ,europe--,victories of religion--,state of science and literature--,condition of modern society--,conjectures on the future influence of ,catholicity--,is it probable that ,protestantism will be introduced into ,spain8--,england--,her connexion with ,spain--,pitt--,nature of religious ideas in ,spain--,situation of ,spain--,how she may be regenerated1 #gj ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,protestantism ,,and ,,catholicity ,,in ,,their ,,relation ,,to ,,social ,,progress--,,preliminary ,,coup ,d',,il4 ,commencement of the parallel--,liberty--,vague meaning of the word--,european civilization chiefly due to ,catholicity--,east and ,west--,conjectures on the destinies of ,catholicity amid the catastrophies that may threaten in ,europe--,observations on philosophical studies--,fatalism of a certain modern historical school1 #gi ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,did ,,there ,,exist1 ,,at ,,the ,,time ,,when ,,christianity ,,appeared1 ,,another ,,principle ,,of ,,regeneration8 ,condition1 religious1 social1 and scientific1 of the world at the appearance of ,christianity--,roman law--,the influence of ,christian ideas thereon--,evils of the political organization of the empire--,system adopted by ,christianity2 her first care was to change ideas--,christianity and ,paganism with regard to the teaching of moral doctrines--,protestant preaching1 #hd ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,difficulties ,,which ,,christianity ,,had ,,to ,,overcome ,,in ,,the ,,work ,,of ,,social ,,regeneration--,,slavery--,,could ,,it ,,have ,,been ,,destroyed ,,more ,,speedily ,,than ,,it ,,was ,,by ,,christianity8 ,the ,church was not only a great and productive school1 but she was also a regenerating association--,what she had to do--,difficulties which she had to overcome--,slavery--,by whom was it abolished8--,opinion of ,m4 ,guizot--,immense number of the slaves--,caution necessary in the abolition of slavery--,was immediate abolition possible8--,refutation of the opinion of ,m4 ,guizot1 #ij ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,ideas ,,and ,,manners ,,of ,,antiquity ,,respecting ,,slavery--,,the ,,church ,,begins ,,by ,,improving ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,slaves4 ,the ,catholic ,church not only employs her doctrines1 her maxims1 and her spirit of charity1 but also makes use of practical means in the abolition of slavery--,point of view in which this historical fact ought to be considered--,false ideas of the ancients on the subject--,homer1 ,plato1 ,aristotle--,christianity began forthwith to combat these errors--,christian doctrines on the connexion between master and slave--,the ,church employs herself in improving the condition of slaves1 #id ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,means ,,used ,,by ,,the ,,church ,,to ,,enfranchise ,,slaves4 #ast4 ,she zealously defends the liberty of the enfranchised--,manumission in the churches--,effects of this practice--#b;d4 ,redemption of captives--,zeal of the ,church in practising and extending the redemption of captives--,prejudices of the ,romans on this point--,the zeal of the ,church for this object contributes1 in an extraordinary degree1 to the abolition of slavery--,the ,church protects the liberty of the free1 #ajb ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,continuation ,,of ,,the ,,same ,,subject4 #c;d4 ,system of the ,church with regard to slaves belonging to ,jews--,motives which actuated the ,church in the enfranchisement of her own slaves--,her indulgence to them--,her generosity towards the freed--,the slaves of the ,church considered as consecrated to ,god--,salutary effects of this way of viewing them--#dth4 ,liberty is granted to those who wish to embrace the monastic state--,effects of this practice--,conduct of the ,church with regard to the ordination of slaves--,abuses introduced in this respect checked--,discipline of the ,spanish ,church on this point1 #ajf ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,doctrines ,,of ,,st4 ,,augustin ,,and ,,st4 ,,thomas ,,of ,,aquin ,,on ,,the ,,subject ,,of ,,slavery--,,recapitulation4 ,doctrine of ,st4 ,augustin on this subject--,importance of this doctrine with respect to the abolition of slavery--,refutation of ,m4 ,guizot--,doctrine of ,st4 ,thomas on the same subject--,marriage of slaves--,regulation of canon law on that subject--,rsum of the means employed by the ,church in the abolition of slavery--,refutation of ,m4 ,guizot--,the abolition of slavery exclusively due to ,catholicity--,protestantism had no share therein1 #aaa ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,contrast ,,between ,,the ,,two ,,kinds ,,of ,,civilization4 ,picture of modern civilization--,civilizations not ,christian--,civilization is composed of three elements3 the individual1 the family1 and the society--,the perfectness of these three elements depends on the perfectness of doctrines1 #aae ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,individual--,,of ,,the ,,feeling ,,of ,,individuality ,,out ,,of ,,christianity4 ,distinction between the individual and the citizen--,of the individuality of barbarians according to ,m4 ,guizot--,whether in antiquity individuality belonged exclusively to the barbarians--,twofold principle of the feeling of personal independence--,this feeling infinitely modified--,picture of barbarian life--,true character of individuality among the barbarians--,avowal of ,m4 ,guizot--,the feeling of individuality1 according to the definition of ,m4 ,guizot1 belongs in a certain way to all the ancient nations1 #aah ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,how ,,the ,,individual ,,became ,,absorbed ,,by ,,the ,,ancient ,,society4 ,respect for man unknown to the ancients--,what has been seen in modern revolutions--,tyranny of public power over private interests--,explanation of a twofold phenomenon1 which presents itself to us in antiquity and in modern societies not ,christian--,opinion of ,aristotle--,remarkable characteristic of modern democracy1 #abf ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,progress ,,of ,,individuality ,,under ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,catholicity4 ,the feeling of true independence was possessed by the faithful of the primitive ,church--,error of ,m4 ,guizot on this point3 #ast1 dignity of conscience sustained by the ,christian society2 #b;d1 feeling of duty2 language of ,st4 ,cyprian2 #c;d1 development of the interior life2 #dth1 defence of free will by the ,catholic ,church--,conclusion1 #aca ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,family--,,monogamy--,,marriage-,,tie ,,indissoluble4 ,woman ennobled by ,catholicity alone--,practical means employed by the ,church to raise woman--,christian doctrine on the dignity of woman--,monogamy--,different conduct of ,catholicity and ,protestantism on this point--,firmness of ,rome with respect to marriage--,effects of that firmness--,doctrine of ,luther--,indissolubility of marriage--,of divorce among ,protestants--,effects of ,catholic doctrine with regard to this sacrament1 #ace ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,the ,,passion ,,of ,,love4 ,pretended rigor of ,catholicity with respect to unhappy marriages--,two systems of governing the passions--,protestant system--,catholic system--,examples--,passion of gambling--,explosion of the passions in time of public troubles--,of the passion of love--,its inconstancy--,marriage alone is not a sufficient control--,what is wanted to make it a control--,of the unity and fixity of ,catholic doctrine--,conclusion1 #adj ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,of ,,virginity ,,in ,,its ,,social ,,aspect4 ,of the ennoblement of woman by virginity--,conduct of ,protestantism on this point--,close analysis of the heart of woman--,of virginity with respect to population--,england--,serious thoughts required for the mind of woman--,salutary influence of monastic customs--,general method of appreciation1 #adf ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,chivalry1 ,,and ,,the ,,manners ,,of ,,the ,,barbarians ,,in ,,their ,,influence ,,on ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,woman4 ,the life of feudal lords according to ,m4 ,guizot--,the passions and faith in chivalry--,chivalry did not ennoble woman1 it supposed her to be ennobled--,of the respect of the ,germans for woman--,analysis of a passage of ,tacitus--,reflections on that historian--,it is difficult thoroughly to understand the manners of the ,germans--,action of ,catholicity--,important distinction between ,christianity and ,catholicity--,that the ,germans of themselves were incapable of giving dignity to woman1 #aej ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,public ,,conscience ,,in ,,general4 ,what the public conscience is--,influence of the feelings on the public conscience in general--,education contributes to form the conscience--,state of the public conscience in modern times--,what has been able to form the public conscience in ,europe--,successive contests maintained by ,christian morality1 #aeg ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,of ,,the ,,principle ,,of ,,the ,,public ,,conscience ,,according ,,to ,,montesquieu--,,honor--,,virtue4 ,institution of censors according to ,montesquieu--,two kinds of prejudice in the author of the ,esprit des ,lois--,he assigns honor as the principle of monarchies1 and virtue as that of republics--,explanation of the feeling of honor--,what is required to strengthen this feeling--,the censorial power replaced by the religious--,examples--,contrasts1 #afa ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,on ,,the ,,different ,,influence ,,of ,,protestantism ,,and ,,catholicity ,,on ,,the ,,public ,,conscience4 ,catholicity considered as a creed--,as an institution--,ideas1 in order to be efficacious1 must be realized in an institution--,what ,protestantism has done to destroy ,christian morality--,what it has done to preserve it--,what is the real power of preaching among ,protestants--,of the sacrament of penance with relation to the public conscience--,of the degree to which the ,catholic religion raises morality--,of unity in the soul--,unity simplifies--,of the great number of moralists within the bosom of the ,catholic ,church--,of the peculiar force of ideas--,distinction between ideas with respect to their peculiar force--,whether the human race is a faithful depositary of the truth--,how the truth has been preserved among the ,jews--,the native power of ,schools--,institutions are required1 not only to teach1 but also to apply doctrines--,of the press with relation to the preservation of ideas--,of intuition--,of discourses1 #afe ,,chapter ,,xxxi4 ,,of ,,gentleness ,,of ,,manners ,,in ,,general4 ,wherein gentleness of manners consists--,difference between gentle and effeminate manners--,influence of the ,catholic ,church in softening manners--,pagan and ,christian societies--,slavery--,paternal authority--,public games--,reflections on ,spanish bull-fights1 #agb ,,chapter ,,xxxii4 ,,of ,,the ,,amelioration ,,of ,,manners ,,by ,,the ,,action ,,of ,,the ,,church4 ,elements adapted to perpetuate harshness of manners in the bosom of modern society--,conduct of the ,church in this respect--,remarkable canons and facts--,st4 ,ambrose and the ,emperor ,theodosius--,the ,truce of ,god--,very remarkable regulations of the ecclesiastical authority on this subject1 #age ,,chapter ,,xxxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,development ,,of ,,public ,,beneficence ,,in ,,europe4 ,difference between ,protestantism and ,catholicity with respect to public beneficence--,paradox of ,montesquieu--,remarkable canons of the ,church--,injury done by ,protestantism to the development of public beneficence--,the value of philanthropy1 #ahd ,,chapter ,,xxxiv4 ,,of ,,tolerance ,,in ,,matters ,,of ,,religion4 ,the question of intolerance has been examined with bad faith--,what tolerance is--,tolerance of opinions--,of error--,tolerance in the individual--,with religious men--,with unbelievers--,two kinds of religious men--,two kinds of unbelievers--,tolerance in society--,what is its origin8--,source of the tolerance which prevails in society at present1 #ahi ,,chapter ,,xxxv4 ,,of ,,the ,,right ,,of ,,coercion ,,in ,,general4 ,intolerance is a general fact in history--,dialogues with the partisans of universal tolerance--,does there exist a right of punishing doctrines8--,researches into the origin of that right--,disastrous influence of ,protestantism and infidelity in this matter--,of the importance which ,catholicity attaches to the sin of heresy--,inconsistency of certain timid ,voltairians--,another reflection on the right of punishing doctrines--,rsum1 #aif ,,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,inquisition ,,in ,,spain4 ,institutions and legislation founded on intolerance--,causes of the rigor displayed in the early times of the ,inquisition--,three epochs in the history of the ,inquisition in ,spain3 against the ,jews and ,moors2 against the ,protestants2 against the unbelievers--,severities of the ,inquisition--,causes of those severities--,conduct of the ,popes in that matter--,mildness of the ,roman ,inquisition--,the intolerance of ,luther with respect to the ,jews--,the ,moors and ,moriscoes1 #bjc ,,chapter ,,xxxvii4 ,,second ,,period ,,of ,,the ,,inquisition ,,in ,,spain4 ,new ,inquisition attributed to ,philip ,,ii4--,opinion of ,m4 ,lacordaire--,prejudice against ,philip ,,ii4--,observations on the work called ,inquisition ,dvoile--,rapid coup d'il at the second epoch of the ,inquisition--,trial of ,carranza--,observation on this trial1 and on the personal qualities of the illustrious accused--,why there is so much partiality against ,philip ,,ii4--,reflections on the policy of that monarch--,singular anecdote of a preacher who was compelled to retract--,reflections on the influence of the spirit of the age1 #baj ,,chapter ,,xxxviii4 ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,themselves4 ,conduct of ,protestantism with respect to religious institutions--,whether these institutions have been of importance in history--,sophism on the subject of the real origin of religious institutions--,their correct definition--,of association among the early faithful--,the faithful dispersed in the deserts--,relations between the ,papacy and religious institutions--,of an essential want of the human heart--,of ,christian pensiveness--,of the need of associations for the practice of perfection--,of vows--,a vow is the most perfect act of liberty--,true notion of liberty1 #bai ,,chapter ,,xxxix4 ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,history--,,the ,,early ,,solitaries4 ,character of religious institutions in a historical point of view--,the ,roman empire--,the barbarians--,the early ,christians--,condition of the ,church when ,christianity ascended the throne of the ,csars--,life of the fathers of the desert--,influence of the solitaries on philosophy and manners--,the heroism of penance saves morality--,the most corrupting climate chosen for the triumph of the most austere virtues1 #bbi ,,chapter ,,xl4 ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,the ,,east4 ,influence of monasteries in the ,east--,why civilization triumphed in the ,west and perished in the ,east--,influence of the ,eastern monasteries on ,arabian civilization1 #bcd ,,chapter ,,xli4 ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,west4 ,peculiar character of religious institutions in the ,west--,st4 ,benedict--,struggle of the monks against the decline of things--,origin of monastic property--,the possessions of the monks serve to create respect for property--,population becomes spread over the country--,science and letters in cloisters ,gratian--arouses the study of law1 #bch ,,chapter ,,xlii4 ,,of ,,religious ,,institutions ,,during ,,the ,,second ,,half ,,of ,,the ,,middle ,,ages ,,in ,,the ,,west--,,the ,,military ,,orders4 ,character of the military orders--,opinion of the ,crusades--,the foundation of the military orders is a continuation of the ,crusades1 #bdb ,,chapter ,,xliii4 ,,continuation ,,of ,,the ,,same ,,subject--,,europe ,,in ,,the ,,thirteenth ,,century4 ,transformation of the monastic spirit in the thirteenth century--,religious institutions arise every where--,character of ,european opposed to that of other civilizations--,mixture of various elements in the spirit of the thirteenth century--,semi-barbarous society--,christianity and barbarism--,a delusion common in the study of history--,condition of ,europe at the beginning of the thirteenth century--,wars become more popular--,why the intellectual movement began in ,spain sooner than in the rest of ,europe--,ebullition of evil during the course of the twelfth century--,tanchme--,eon--,the ,manichees--,vaudois--,religious movement at the beginning of the thirteenth century--,the mendicant and preaching orders--,the character of these orders--,their influence--,their relations with the ,papacy1 #bdd ,,chapter ,,xliv4 ,,religious ,,orders ,,for ,,the ,,redemption ,,of ,,captives4 ,multitude of ,christians reduced to slavery--,religious orders for the redemption of captives were necessary--,the ,order of the ,trinity and that of ,mercy--,st4 ,peter ,armengol1 #bef ,,chapter ,,xlv4 ,,universal ,,advance ,,of ,,civilization ,,impeded ,,by ,,protestantism4 ,effects of ,protestantism on the progress of civilization in the world1 beginning with the sixteenth century--,what enabled civilization1 during the middle ages1 to triumph over barbarism--,picture of ,europe at the beginning of the sixteenth century--,the civilizing missions of the #afth century interrupted by the schism of ,luther--,why the action of the ,church on barbarous nations has lost power during three centuries--,whether the ,christianity of our days is less adapted to propagate the faith than that of the early ages of the ,church--,christian missions in the early times of the ,church--,what the real mission of ,luther has been1 #bfj ,,chapter ,,xlvi4 ,,the ,,jesuits4 ,their importance in the history of ,european civilization--,causes of the hatred which has been excited against them--,character of the ,jesuits--,contradiction of ,m4 ,guizot on this subject--,whether it be true1 as ,m4 ,guizot says1 that the ,jesuits have destroyed nations in ,spain--,facts and dates--,unjust accusations against the ,company of ,jesus1 #bfh ,,chapter ,,xlvii4 ,,the ,,future ,,of ,,religious ,,institutions--,,their ,,present ,,necessity4 ,present state of religious institutions--,picture of society--,inability of industry and commerce to satisfy the heart of man--,condition of minds with respect to religion--,religious institutions will be necessary to save existing society--,nothing fixed in that society--,means are wanting for social organization--,the march of ,european nations has been perverted--,physical means of restraining the masses--,moral means are required--,religious institutions reconcilable with the advancement of modern times1 #bgd ,,chapter ,,xlviii4 ,,religion ,,and ,,liberty4 ,rousseau--,the ,protestants ,divine law--,origin of power--,false interpretation of the divine law--,st4 ,john ,chrysostom--,on paternal authority--,relations between paternal authority and civil power1 #bha ,,chapter ,,xlix4 ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,society1 ,,according ,,to ,,catholic ,,theologians4 ,doctrines of theologians on the origin of society--,the character of ,catholic theologians compared to that of modern writers--,st4 ,thomas--,bellarmin--,suarez--,st4 ,alphonsus de ,liguori--,father ,concina--,billuart--,the ,compendium of ,salamanca1 #bhh ,,chapter ,l4 ,,of ,,divine ,,law1 ,,according ,,to ,,catholic ,,doctors4 ,on the divine law--,divine origin of civil power--,in what manner ,god communicates this power--,rousseau--,on pacts--,the right of life and death--,the right of war--,power must necessarily emanate from ,god--,puffendorf--,hobbes1 #bih ,,chapter ,,li4 ,,the ,,transmission ,,of ,,power1 ,,according ,,to ,,catholic ,,doctors4 ,direct or indirect communication of civil power--,the distinction between the two opinions important in some respects2 in others1 not so--,why ,catholic theologians have so zealously maintained the doctrine of mediate communication1 #cje ,,chapter ,,lii4 ,,on ,,the ,,freedom ,,of ,,language ,,under ,,the ,,spanish ,,monarchy4 ,influence of doctrines on society--,flattery lavished on power--,danger of this flattery--,liberty of speech on this point in ,spain during the last three centuries--,mariana--,saavedra--,in the absence of religion and morality1 the most rigorous political doctrines are incapable of saving society--,why the conservative schools of our days are powerless--,seneca--,cicero--,hobbes--,b ellarmin1 #caa ,,chapter ,,liii4 ,,of ,,the ,,faculties ,,of ,,the ,,civil ,,power4 ,of the faculties of civil power--,calumnies of the enemies of the ,church--,definition of law according to ,st4 ,thomas--,general reason and general will--,the venerable ,palafox--,hobbes--,grotius--,the doctrines of certain ,protestants favorable to despotism--,justification of the ,catholic ,church1 #cag ,,chapter ,,liv4 ,,on ,,resistance ,,to ,,the ,,civil ,,power4 ,of resistance to the civil power--,parallel between ,protestantism and ,catholicity on this point--,unfounded apprehensions of certain minds--,attitude of revolutions in this age--,the principle inculcated by ,catholicity on the obligation of obeying the lawful authorities--,preliminary questions--,difference between the two powers--,conduct of ,catholicity and ,protestantism with regard to the separation of the two powers--,the independence of the spiritual power a guarantee of liberty to the people--,extremes which meet--,the doctrine of ,st4 ,thomas on obedience1 #cbd ,,chapter ,,lv4 ,,on ,,resistance ,,to ,,de ,,facto ,,governments4 ,governments existing merely de facto--,right of resistance to these governments--,napoleon and the ,spanish nation--,fallacy of the doctrine establishing the obligation of obedience to mere de facto governments--,investigation of certain difficulties--,accomplished facts--,how we are to understand the respect due to accomplished facts1 #ccj ,,chapter ,,lvi4 ,,how ,,it ,,is ,,allowed ,,to ,,resist ,,the ,,civil ,,power4 ,on resistance to lawful authority--,the doctrines of the ,council of ,constance on the assassination of a king--,a reflection on the inviolability of kings--,extreme cases--,doctrine of ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin1 ,cardinal ,bellarmin1 ,suarez1 and other theologians--,the ,abb de ,lamennais' errors--,he is wrong in imagining that his doctrine1 condemned by the ,pope1 is the same as ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin's--,a parallel between the doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas and those of the ,abb de ,lamennais--,a word on the temporal power of the ,popes--,ancient doctrines on resistance to power--,language of the ,counsellors of ,barcelona--,the doctrine of certain theologians on the case of the ,sovereign ,pontiff's falling into heresy in his private capacity--,why the ,church has been calumniously accused of being sometimes favorable to despotism1 and sometimes to anarchy1 #ccf ,,chapter ,,lvii4 ,,on ,,political ,,society ,,in ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,the ,church and political forms--,protestantism and liberty--,language of ,m4 ,guizot--,the state of the question better defined--,europe at the end of the fifteenth century--,social aristocracy1 and democracy1 #cdc ,,chapter ,,lviii4 ,,on ,,monarchy ,,in ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,the idea entertained of monarchy at this period--,the application of this idea--,difference between monarchy and despotism--,the nature of monarchy at the commencement of the sixteenth century--,its relations with the ,church1 #cdf ,,chapter ,,lix4 ,,on ,,aristocracy ,,in ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,the nobility and the clergy--,the differences between these two aristocracies--,the nobility and monarchy--,differences between them--,an intermediate class between the throne and the people--,the causes of the fall of the nobility1 #cdh ,,chapter ,,lx4 ,,on ,,democracy ,,in ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,the opinion entertained of democracy--,the prevailing doctrines of that epoch--,the doctrines of ,aristotle neutralised by the teaching of ,christianity--,on castes--,a passage from ,m4 ,guizot on castes--,influence of the celibacy of the clergy in preventing an hereditary succession--,the consequences resulting from a married clergy--,catholicity and the people--,development of the industrial classes in ,europe--,the ,hanseatic ,confederation--,establishment of the trades-corporations of ,paris--,industrial movement in ,italy and ,spain--,calvinism and the democratic element--,protestantism and the democrats of the sixteenth century1 #cej ,,chapter ,,lxi4 ,,value ,,of ,,different ,,political ,,forms--,,character ,,of ,,monarchy ,,in ,,europe4 ,value of political forms--,catholicity and liberty--,monarchy was essential--,character of ,european monarchy--,difference between ,europe and ,asia--,quotation from ,count de ,maistre--,an institution for the limiting of power--,political liberty not indebted to ,protestantism--,influence of ,councils--,the aristocracy of talent encouraged by the ,church1 #cef ,,chapter ,,lxii4 ,,how ,,monarchy ,,was ,,strengthened ,,in ,,europe4 ,monarchy in the sixteenth century is strengthened in ,europe--,its preponderance over free institutions--,why the word liberty is a scandal to some people--,protestantism contributed to the destruction of popular institutions1 #cfa ,,chapter ,,lxiii4 ,,two ,,sorts ,,of ,,democracy4 ,two sorts of democracy--,their parallel march in the history of ,europe--,their characters--,their causes and effects--,why absolutism became necessary in ,europe--,historical facts--,france--,england--,sweden--,denm ark--,germany1 #cfd ,,chapter ,,lxiv4 ,,contest ,,between ,,the ,,three ,,social ,,elements4 ,contest between monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy--,how monarchy came to prevail--,fatal effects of the weakening of the political influence of the clergy--,advantages which might have arisen from this influence to popular institutions--,relations of the clergy with all powers and classes of society1 #cgj ,,chapter ,,lxv4 ,,political ,,doctrines ,,before ,,the ,,appearance ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,parallel between the political doctrines of the eighteenth century1 those of modern publicists1 and those which prevailed in ,europe before the appearance of ,protestantism--,protestantism has prevented the homogeneity of ,european civilization--,historical proofs1 #cgd ,,chapter ,,lxvi4 ,,of ,,political ,,doctrines ,,in ,,spain4 ,catholicity and politics in ,spain--,real state of the question--,five causes contributed to the overthrow of popular institutions in ,spain--,difference between ancient and modern liberty--,the ,communeros of ,castille--,the policy of her kings--,ferdinand the ,catholic and ,ximenes--,charles ,v4--,philip ,,ii41 #cgg ,,chapter ,,lxvii4 ,,political ,,liberty ,,and ,,religious ,,intolerance4 ,political liberty and religious intolerance--,europe was developed under the exclusive influence of ,catholicity--,picture of ,europe from the eleventh to the fourteenth century--,condition of the social problem at the end of the fifteenth century--,temporal power of the ,popes--,its character1 origin1 and effects1 #chb ,,chapter ,,lxviii4 ,,unity ,,in ,,faith ,,reconciled ,,with ,,political ,,liberty4 ,it is false that unity of faith is opposed to political liberty--,impiety is allied with liberty or despotism1 according to circumstances--,modern revolutions--,difference between the revolution of the ,united ,states and that of ,france--,pernicious effects of the ,french revolution--,liberty impossible without morality--,remarkable passage from ,st4 ,augustin on forms of government1 #chh ,,chapter ,,lxix4 ,,intellectual ,,development ,,under ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,catholicity4 ,catholicity in its relations with intellectual development--,what is the influence of the principle of submission to authority--,what are the effects of this principle with respect to all the sciences--,parallel between ancients and moderns--,god--,man--,society--,nature1 #cib ,,chapter ,,lxx4 ,,historical ,,analysis ,,of ,,intellectual ,,development4 ,historical investigation of the influence of ,catholicity on the development of the human mind--,refutation of one of ,m4 ,guizot's opinions--,john ,erigena--,roscelin and ,abelard--,st4 ,anselm1 #cih ,,chapter ,,lxxi4 ,,religion ,,and ,,the ,,human ,,intellect ,,in ,,europe4 ,religion and the human intellect in ,europe--,difference between the intellectual development of the nations of antiquity and those of ,europeans--,causes that have accelerated this development in ,europe--,origin of the spirit of subtilty--,service which the ,church rendered to the human mind by her opposition to the subtilties of the innovators--,parallel between ,roscelin and ,st4 ,anselm--,reflections on ,st4 ,bernard--,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin--,advantage of his dictatorship in the schools--,advent of ,st4 ,thomas in the middle ages of immense advantage to me human mind1 #djd ,,chapter ,,lxxii4 ,,progress ,,of ,,the ,,human ,,mind ,,from ,,the ,,eleventh ,,century ,,to ,,the ,,present ,,time4 ,progress of the human mind from the eleventh century to our own times--,different phases--,protestantism and ,catholicity in their relations to learning1 to criticism1 to the learned languages1 to the foundation of universities1 to the progress of literature and the arts1 to mysticism1 to high philosophy1 to metaphysics1 to ethics1 to religious philosophy1 and to the philosophy of history1 #dab ,,chapter ,,lxxiii4 ,,summary ,,of ,,the ,,work--,,declaration ,,of ,,the ,,author4 ,summary of the work--,the author submits it to the judgment of the ,roman ,church1 #dai ,,notes ,,appendix ,,index ,,table ,,of ,,notes4 ,,note ,,page #a #dba4 ,gibbon and ,bossuet's ,history of the ,variations4 #b #dba4 ,intolerance of ,luther and the other ,coryphi of ,protestantism4 #c #dba4 ,origin of the name ,protestantism4 #d #dbb4 ,observations on names4 #e #dbb4 ,of abuses in the ,church4 #f #dbc4 ,of the unity and harmonious action of ,catholicism--,happy idea of ,st4 ,francis of ,sales4 #g #dbc4 ,acknowledgments of the most distinguished ,protestants with regard to its weakness--,luther1 ,melancthon1 ,beza1 ,calvin1 ,grotius1 ,papin1 ,puffendorf and ,leibnitz--,of a posthumous work by ,leibnitz on religion4 #h #dbd4 ,on human knowledge--,louis ,vives4 #i #dbe4 ,on mathematics--,eximeno1 a ,spanish ,jesuit4 #aj #dbe4 ,heresies of the early ages--their character4 #aa #dbe4 ,superstition and fanaticism of ,protestantism--,luther's devil1 ,zwinglius's phantom1 ,melancthon's prognostics1 ,mathias ,harlem1 the ,tailor of ,leyden1 ,king of ,sion2 ,hermann1 ,nicholas ,hacket1 and others1 visionaries and fanatics4 #ab #dbg4 ,visions of ,catholics--,st4 ,theresa1 her visions4 #ac #dbh4 ,bad faith of the founders of ,protestantism--,passages proving this--,ravages committed by incredulity after that time--,gruet--,remarkable passages from ,montaigne4 #ad #dbi4 ,extravagance of the early heresies1 a proof of the state of knowledge in those times4 #ae #dcj4 ,canons and other documents which shew the solicitude of the ,church to improve the lot of slaves1 and the various means which she used to complete the abolition of slavery4 #a4 ,canons intended to improve the lot of slaves4 #b4 ,canons intended to defend the freed1 and to protect those who were recommended to the ,church4 #c4 ,canons and other documents relating to the redemption of captives4 #d4 ,canons relating to the protection of the freed4 #dcf4 #e4 ,canons concerning the slaves of ,jews4 #f4 ,canons concerning the enfranchisement of the slaves of the ,church4 #g4 ,conduct of the ,church with regard to modern slavery--,apostolic letters of ,st4 ,gregory ,,xvi4--,slave trade--,doctrine1 conduct1 and influence of the ,church with regard to the abolition of the trade1 and of slavery in the ,colonies--,passage from ,robertson4 #af #ddb4 ,doctrines of ,plato and ,aristotle touching infanticide--,their doctrine on the rights of society4 #ag #ddd4 ,degradation of woman in ancient times1 especially in ,rome4 #ah #ddd4 ,the ,germans of ,tacitus judged according to subsequent events4 #ai #dde4 ,corruption of ancient manners4 #bj #dde4 ,different opinions of religion and philosophy on the power of ideas--,how far it is true that every idea requires an institution4 #ba #ddf4 ,christianity is still in our days the source of mildness of manners4 #bb #ddg4 ,influence of the ,church on barbarian legislation--,councils of ,toledo--,what the indulgence of the criminal code among the barbarians proves4 #bc #ddi4 ,constant intervention of the ,church in the administration of public beneficence--,regulations of the ,council of ,trent on this subject--,property of hospitals considered as that of the ,church4 #bd #dej4 ,reference to the following note4 #be #dej4 ,distinction between civil and religious intolerance--,error of ,rousseau on this point--,false doctrine of the ,contrat ,social4 #bf #deb4 ,passages from old laws relative to the ,inquisition--,pragmatic sanction of ,ferdinand and ,isabella--,laws of ,philip ,,ii4 and ,,iii4--,pragmatic sanction of ,ferdinand and ,isabella concerning the relations of the ,spanish ,inquisition with ,rome--,passage from ,don ,antonio ,perez1 which mentions the anecdote of the preacher at ,madrid--,letter from ,phillip ,,ii4 to ,arias ,montano1 on the subject of the library of the ,escurial4 #bf #def4 7,appendix47 ,a few words on ,puigblanch1 ,villeneuve1 and ,llorente4 #bg #deh4 ,religious institutions in an historical point of view--,last coup-d'il at their origin and development--,details with respect to the vow of chastity which virgins and widows made in the early ages of the ,church4 #bh #dei4 ,remarkable texts explaining the passage of ,st4 ,paul in the #acth chapter of his ,epistle to the ,romans--,cicero--,horace4 #bi #dfb4 ,a remarkable fact4 #cj #dfc4 ,quotations from ,p4 ,fr4 ,john de ,ste4-,marie1 and from ,p4 ,zeballos4 #ca #dgj4 ,st4 ,thomas reminds princes of their duties4 #cb #dga4 ,the opinion of ,d4 ,felix d',amat1 bishop of ,palmyra1 on the obedience due to de facto governments4 #cc #dga4 ,remarkable passages from ,st4 ,thomas and ,suarez1 on the disputes which may arise between governors and the governed--,father ,marquez on the same subject4 #cd #dge4 ,charter of ,hermandad between the kingdoms of ,leon and ,galicia and that of ,castille1 for the preservation and defence of their fueros and liberties4 #ce #dgf4 ,a remarkable passage from ,capmany on the organization of the industrial classes--,the origin and salutary effects of the institution of trades-corporation4 #cf #dhj4 ,reflections of ,count de ,maistre on the causes which render the celebration of ,general ,councils less frequent4 #cg #dhj4 ,indication of historical sources for the confirmation of certain facts4 #ch #dhj4 ,texts of ,st4 ,thomas on political forms--,other texts of ,st4 ,thomas to prove that the law1 and not the will of man1 should govern--,opinions of ,p4 ,mariana--,opinions of the venerable ,palafox on the subject of imposts1 taken from his ,memoir to the ,king--,severe language of the same author against tyranny and those who advise or excuse it--,passage from ,p4 ,marquez on the right of levying tributes in general2 its particular application to ,castile--,the opinion of the same author relative to the right of the supreme authority to the property of its subjects--,a case in which1 according to him1 that authority may dispose of this property4 #ci #dhd4 ,reference to historical sources to ascertain the march of the development of monarchical power in the different provinces of ,spain4 #dj #dhd4 ,a just observation of ,count de ,maistre on the conduct of the ,popes compared to that of other sovereigns4 #da #dhe4 ,passages in which ,st4 ,anselm expounds his views on religious subjects--,intellectual movement arising in the bosom of the ,church without transgressing the bounds of faith--,another passage proving that the demonstration applied by ,descartes to the existence of ,god had been discovered by ,st4 ,anselm--,corroborative ,documents in support of a refutation of ,m4 ,guizot's errors on the doctrines of ,abelard4 ,,protestantism ,,compared ,,with ,,catholicity4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,name ,,and ,,nature ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,there is a fact in existence among civilized nations1 very important on account of the nature of the things which it affects--a fact of transcendent importance1 on account of the number1 variety1 and consequence of its influences--a fact extremely interesting1 because it is connected with the principal events of modern history4 ,this fact is ,protestantism4 ,like a clap of thunder1 it attracted at once the attention of all ,europe2 on one side it spread alarm1 and on the other excited the most lively sympathy3 it grew so rapidly1 that its adversaries had not time to strangle it in its cradle4 ,scarcely had it begun to exist1 and already all hope of stopping1 or even restraining it1 was gone2 when1 emboldened by being treated with respect and consideration1 it became every day more daring2 if exasperated by rigour1 it openly resisted measures of coercion1 or redoubled and concentrated its forces1 to make more vigorous attacks4 ,discussions1 the profound investigations and scientific methods which were used in combating it1 contributed to develop the spirit of inquiry1 and served as vehicles to propagate its ideas4 ,by creating new and prevailing interests1 it made itself powerful protectors2 by throwing all the passions into a state of fury1 it aroused them in its favor4 ,it availed itself1 by turns1 of stratagem1 force1 seduction1 or violence1 according to the exigencies of times and circumstances4 ,it attempted to make its way in all directions2 either destroying impediments1 or taking advantage of them1 if they were capable of being turned to account4 ,when introduced into a country1 it never rested until it had obtained guarantees for its continued existence2 and it succeeded in doing so everywhere4 ,after having obtained vast establishments in ,europe--which it still retains--it was transported into other parts of the world1 and infused into the veins of simple and unsuspecting nations4 ,in order to appreciate a fact at its just value1 to embrace it in all its relations1 and to distinguish properly between them1 it is necessary to examine whether the constituting principle of the fact can be ascertained1 or at least whether we can observe in its appearance any characteristic trait capable of revealing its inward nature4 ,this examination is very difficult when we have to do with a fact of the kind and importance of that which now occupies our attention4 ,in matters of this sort1 numbers of opinions accumulate in the course of time1 in favor of all which arguments have been sought4 ,the inquirer1 in the midst of so many and such various objects1 is perplexed1 disconcerted1 and confounded2 and if he wish to place himself in a more advantageous point of view1 he finds the ground so covered with fragments1 that he cannot make his way without risk of losing himself at every step4 ,the first glance which we give to ,protestantism1 whether we consider its actual condition1 or whether we regard the various phases of its history1 shows us that it is very difficult to find any thing constant in it1 any thing which can be assigned as its constituent character4 ,uncertain in its opinions1 it modifies them continually1 and changes them in a thousand ways4 ,vague in its tendencies1 and fluctuating in its desires1 it attempts every form1 and essays every road4 ,it can never attain to a well-defined existence2 and we see it every moment enter new paths1 to lose itself in new labyrinths4 ,catholic controversialists have pursued and assailed it in every way2 ask them what has been the result8 ,they will tell you that they had to contend with a new ,proteus1 which always escaped the fatal blow by changing its form4 ,if you wish to assail the doctrines of ,protestantism1 you do not know where to direct your attacks1 for they are unknown to you1 and even to itself4 ,on this side it is invulnerable1 because it has no tangible body4 ,thus1 no more powerful argument has ever been urged1 than that of the immortal ,bishop of ,meaux--viz4 ,you change2 and that which changes is not the truth4 ,an argument much feared by ,protestantism1 and with justice2 because all the various forms which are assumed to evade its force1 only serve to strengthen it4 ,how just is the expression of that great man6 ,at the very title of his book1 ,protestantism must tremble3 ,the ,history of the ,variations6 ,a history of variations must be a history of error4 7,see note #a at the end of the vol47 ,these unceasing changes1 which we ought not to be surprised at finding in ,protestantism1 because they essentially belong to it1 show us that it is not in possession of the truth2 they show us also1 that its moving principle is not a principle of life1 but an element of dissolution4 ,it has been called upon1 and up to this time in vain1 to fix itself1 and to present a compact and uniform body4 ,how can that be fixed1 which is1 by its nature1 kept floating about in the air8 ,how can a solid body be formed of an element1 the essential tendency of which is towards an incessant division of particles1 by diminishing their reciprocal affinity1 and increasing their repellent force8 ,it will easily be seen that ,i speak of the right of private judgment in matters of faith1 whether it be looked upon as a matter of human reason alone1 or as an individual inspiration from heaven4 ,if there be any thing constant in ,protestantism1 it is undoubtedly the substitution of private judgment for public and lawful authority4 ,this is always found in union with it1 and is1 properly speaking1 its fundamental principle3 it is the only point of contact among the various ,protestant sects1--the basis of their mutual resemblance4 ,it is very remarkable that this exists1 for the most part1 unintentionally1 and sometimes against their express wishes4 ,however lamentable and disastrous this principle may be1 if the coryphi of ,protestantism had made it their rallying point1 and had constantly acted up to it in theory and practice1 they would have been consistent in error4 ,when men saw them cast into one abyss after another1 they would have recognised a system1--false undoubtedly2 but1 at any rate1 a system4 ,as it is1 it has not been even that3 if you examine the words and the acts of the first ,reformers1 you will find that they made use of this principle as a means of resisting the authority which controlled them1 but that they never dreamed of establishing it permanently2 that if they labored to upset lawful authority1 it was for the purpose of usurping the command themselves2 that is to say1 that they followed1 in this respect1 the example of revolutionists of all kinds1 of all ages1 and of all countries4 ,everybody knows how far ,luther carried his fanatical intolerance2 he who could not bear the slightest contradiction1 either from his own disciples or anybody else1 without giving way to the most senseless fits of passion1 and the most unworthy outrages4 ,henry ,,viii4 of ,england1 who founded there what is called the liberty of thinking1 sent to the scaffold those who did not think as he did2 and it was at the instigation of ,calvin that ,servetus was burnt alive at ,geneva4 ,i insist upon this point1 because it seems to me to be of great importance4 ,men are but too much inclined to pride2 and if they heard it constantly repeated1 without contradiction1 that the innovators of the sixteenth century proclaimed the freedom of thought1 a secret interest might be excited in their favor2 their violent declamations might be regarded as the expressions of a generous movement1 and their efforts as a noble attempt to assert the rights of intellectual freedom4 ,let it be known1 never to be forgotten1 that if these men proclaimed the principle of free examination1 it was for the purpose of making use of it against legitimate authority2 but that they attempted1 as soon as they could1 to impose upon others the yoke of their own opinions4 ,their constant endeavour was1 to destroy the authority which came from ,god1 in order to establish their own upon its ruins4 ,it is a painful necessity to be obliged to give proofs of this assertion2 not because they are difficult to find1 but because one cannot adduce the most incontestable of them without calling to mind words and deeds which not only cover with disgrace the founders of ,protestantism1 but are of such a nature1 that they cannot be mentioned without a blush on the cheek1 or written without a stain upon the paper4#b ,protestantism1 when viewed in a mass1 appears only a shapeless collection of innumerable sects1 all opposed to each other1 and agreeing only in one point1 viz4 in protesting against the authority of the ,church4 ,we only find among them particular and exclusive names1 commonly taken from the names of their founders2 in vain have they made a thousand efforts to give themselves a general name expressive of a positive idea2 they are still called after the manner of philosophical sects4 ,lutherans1 ,calvinists1 ,zuinglians1 ,anglicans1 ,socinians1 ,arminians1 ,anabaptists1 all these names1 of which ,i could furnish an endless host1 only serve to exhibit the narrowness of the circle in which these sects are enclosed2 and it is only necessary to pronounce them1 to show that they contain nothing universal1 nothing great4 ,everybody who knows any thing of the ,christian religion must be convinced by this fact alone1 that these sects are not truly ,christian4 ,but what occurred when ,protestantism attempted to take a general name1 is singularly remarkable4 ,if you examine its history1 you will see that all the names which it attempted to give itself failed1 if they contained any positive idea1 or any mark of ,christianity2 but that it adopted a name taken by chance at the ,diet of ,spires2 a name which carries with it its own condemnation1 because it is repugnant to the origin1 to the spirit1 to the maxims1 to the entire history of the ,christian religion2 a name which does not express that unity--that union which is inseparably connected with the ,christian name2 a name which is peculiarly becoming to it1 which all the world gives to it by acclamation1 which is truly its own--viz4 ,protestantism4#c ,within the vast limits marked out by this name1 there is room for every error and for every sect4 ,you may deny with the ,lutherans the liberty of man1 or renew with the ,arminians the errors of ,pelagius4 ,you may admit with some that real presence1 which you are free to reject with the ,calvinists and ,zuinglians2 you may join with the ,socinians in denying the divinity of ,jesus ,christ2 you may attach yourself to ,episcopalians1 to ,puritans1 or1 if you please1 to the extravagances of the ,quakers2 it is of no consequence1 for you always remain a ,protestant1 for you protest against the authority of the ,church2 your field is so extensive1 that you can hardly escape from it1 however great may be your wanderings2 it contains all the vast extent that we behold on coming forth from the gates of the ,holy ,city4#d ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,causes ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,what1 then1 were the causes of the appearance of ,protestantism in ,europe1 of its development1 and of its success8 ,this is a question well worthy of being examined to the bottom1 because it will lead us to inquire into the origin of this great evil1 and will put us in a condition to form the best idea of this phenomenon1 so often but so imperfectly described4 ,it would be unreasonable to look for the causes of an event of this nature and importance1 in circumstances either trivial in themselves1 or circumscribed by places and events of a limited kind4 ,it is a mistake to suppose that vast results can be produced by trifling causes2 and if it be true that great events sometimes have their commencement in little ones1 it is no less certain that the commencing point is not the cause2 and that to be the commencement of a thing1 and to be its real cause1 are expressions of a widely different meaning4 ,a spark produces a dreadful conflagration1 but it is because it falls upon a heap of inflammable materials4 ,that which is general must have general causes2 and that which is lasting and deeply rooted must have lasting and profound causes4 ,this law is true alike in the moral as in the physical order2 but its applications cannot be perceived without great difficulty1 especially in the moral order1 where things of great importance are sometimes clothed in a mean exterior2 where each effect is found allied with so many causes at once1 connected with them by ties so delicate1 that1 possibly1 the most attentive and piercing eye may miss altogether1 or regard as a trifle1 that which perhaps has produced very great results3 trifling things1 on the other hand1 are frequently so covered with glitter1 tinsel1 and parade1 that it is very easy to be deceived by them4 ,we are always too much inclined to judge by appearances4 ,it will appear from these principles1 that ,i am not disposed to give great importance to the rivalry excited by the preaching of indulgences1 or to the excesses which may have been committed by some inferiors in this matter2 these things may have been an occasion1 a pretext1 a signal to commence the contest1 but they were of too little importance in themselves to put the world in flames4 ,there would be1 perhaps1 more apparent plausibility in seeking for the causes of ,protestantism in the characters and positions of the first reformers2 but this also would be unsatisfactory4 ,people lay great stress on the violence and fury of the writings and speeches of ,luther1 and show how apt this savage eloquence was to inflame men's minds1 and drag them into the new errors by the deadly hatred against ,rome with which it inspired them4 ,too much stress also is laid on the sophistical art1 the order and elegance of the style of ,calvin2 qualities which served to give an appearance of regularity to the shapeless mass of new errors1 and make them more acceptable to men of good taste4 ,the talents and other qualities of the various innovators are described in the same way with more or less truth4 ,i will not deny to ,luther1 ,calvin1 and the other founders of ,protestantism1 the titles on which their sad celebrity is founded2 but ,i venture to assert that we cannot attribute to their personal qualities the principal influence upon the development of this evil1 without palpably mistaking and underrating the importance of the evil itself1 and forgetting the instructions of universal history4 ,if we examine these men with impartiality1 we shall find that their qualities were not greater than those of other sectarian leaders1 if so great4 ,their talents1 their learning1 and their knowledge1 have passed through the crucible of criticism1 and there is1 even among ,protestants1 no well-instructed and impartial person who does not now consider the extravagant eulogiums which have been lavished upon them1 as the exaggerations of party4 ,they are classed among the number of those turbulent men who are well fitted to excite revolutions2 but the history of all times and countries1 and the experience of every day1 teach that men of this kind are not uncommon1 and that they arise everywhere when a sad combination of events affords them a fit opportunity4 ,when causes more in proportion to ,protestantism1 by their extent and importance1 are sought for1 two are commonly pointed out3 the necessity of reform1 and the spirit of liberty4 ,there were numerous abuses1 says one party2 legitimate reform was neglected3 this negligence produced revolution4 ,the human intellect was in fetters1 says another2 the mind longed to break its chains2 ,protestantism was only a grand effort for the freedom of human thought1 a great movement towards liberating the human mind4 ,it is true1 that these two opinions point out causes of great importance and of wide extent3 both are well adapted to make partisans4 ,the one1 by establishing the necessity of reform1 opens a wide field for the censure of neglected laws and relaxed morals2 this theme always finds sympathy in the heart of man1--indulgent towards its own defects1 but stern and inexorable towards the faults of others4 ,with respect to the other opinion1 which raises the cry of the movement of religious liberty and the freedom of the human mind1 it is sure to be widely adopted3 there are always a thousand echoes to a cry which flatters our pride4 ,i do not deny that a reform was necessary2 to be convinced of this1 ,i need only glance at history1 and listen to the complaints of several great men1 justly regarded by the ,church as among the most cherished of her sons4 ,i read in the first decree of the ,council of ,trent1 that one of the objects of the ,council was the reform of the ,christian clergy and people2 ,i learn from the mouth of ,pius ,,iv41 when confirming the said ,council1 that one of the objects for which it was assembled1 was the correction of morals1 and the re-establishment of discipline4 ,notwithstanding all this1 ,i am not inclined to give to abuses so much influence as has been attributed to them4 ,i must also say1 that it appears to me that we give a very bad solution of the question1 when1 to show the real cause of the evil1 we insist on the fatal results produced by these abuses4 ,these words also1 a new movement of liberty1 appear to me altogether insufficient4 ,i shall say1 then1 with freedom1 in spite of my respect for those who entertain the first opinion1 and my esteem for the talents of those who refer all to the spirit of liberty1 that ,i cannot find in either that analysis1 at once philosophical and historical1 which1 without wandering from the ground of history1 examines facts1 clears them up1 shows their inward nature1 their relations and connections4 ,if men have wandered so much in the definition and explanation of ,protestantism1 it is because they have not sufficiently observed that it is not only a fact common to all ages of the history of the ,church1 but that its importance and its particular characteristics are owing to the epoch when it arose4 ,this simple consideration1 founded on the constant testimony of history1 clears up every thing2 we have no longer to seek in the doctrines of ,protestantism for any thing singular or extraordinary2 all its characteristics prove that it was born in ,europe1 and in the sixteenth century4 ,i shall develop these ideas1 not by fanciful reasonings or gratuitous suppositions1 but by adducing facts which nobody can deny4 ,it is indisputable that the principle of submission to authority in matters of faith has always encountered a vigorous resistance in the human mind4 ,i shall not point out here the causes of this resistance2 ,i propose to do so in the course of this work2 ,i shall content myself at present with stating this fact1 and reminding those who may be inclined to call it in question1 that the history of the ,church has always been accompanied by the history of heresies4 ,this fact has presented different phases according to the changes of time and place4 ,sometimes making a rude mixture of ,judaism and ,christianity1 sometimes combining the doctrines of ,jesus ,christ with the dreams of the ,east1 or corrupting the purity of faith by the subtilties and chicaneries of ,grecian sophistry2 this fact presents us with as many different aspects as there are conditions of the mind of man4 ,but we always find in it two general characteristics1 which clearly show that it has always had the same origin1 notwithstanding the variation in its object and in the nature of its results3 these two characteristics are1 hatred of the authority of the ,church1 and the spirit of sect4 ,in all ages sects have arisen1 opposing the authority of the ,church1 and establishing as dogmas the errors of their founders3 it was natural for the same thing to happen in the sixteenth century4 ,now1 if that age had been an exception to the general rule1 it seems to me1 looking at the nature of the human mind1 that we should have had to answer this very difficult question1 ,how is it possible that no sect appeared in that age8 ,i say1 then1 error having once arisen in the sixteenth century1 no matter what may have been its origin1 occasion1 and pretext--a certain number of followers having assembled around its banner--,protestantism forthwith presents itself before me in all its extent1 with its transcendent importance1 its divisions1 and subdivisions2 ,i see it1 with boldness and energy1 making a general attack on all the doctrines and discipline taught and observed by the ,church4 ,in place of ,luther1 ,zuinglius1 and ,calvin1 let us suppose ,arius1 ,nestorius1 and ,pelagius2 in place of the errors of the former1 let them teach the errors of the latter2 it will all lead to the same result4 ,the errors will excite sympathy2 they will find defenders2 they will animate enthusiasts2 they will spread1 they will be propagated with the rapidity of fire1 they will be diffused1 they will throw sparks in all directions2 they will all be defended with a show of knowledge and erudition2 creeds will change unceasingly2 a thousand professions of faith will be drawn up2 the liturgy will be altered1--will be destroyed2 the bonds of discipline will be broken2 we shall have to sum up all in one word1 ,protestantism4 ,how did it happen that the evil in the sixteenth century was necessarily so extensive1 so great1 and so important8 ,it was because the society of that time was different from any other that had preceded it2 that which at other times would only have produced a partial fire1 necessarily caused in the sixteenth century a frightful conflagration4 ,europe was then composed of a number of immense states1 cast1 so to speak1 in the same mould1 resembling each other in ideas1 manners1 laws and institutions1 drawn together incessantly by an active communication which was kept up alternately by rival and common interests2 knowledge found in the ,latin language an easy means of diffusion2 in fine1 most important of all1 there had become general over all ,europe a rapid means of disseminating ideas and feelings1 a creation which had flashed from the human mind like a miraculous illumination1 a presage of colossal destinies1 viz4 the press4 ,such is the activity of the mind of man1 and the ardour with which it embraces all sorts of innovation1 that when once the standard of error was planted1 a multitude of partisans were sure to rally round it4 ,the yoke of authority once thrown off1 in countries where investigation was so active1 where so many discussions were carried on1 where ideas were in such a state of effervescence1 and where all the sciences began to germinate1 it was impossible for the restless mind of man to remain fixed on any point1 and a swarm of sects was necessarily produced4 ,there is no middle path2 either civilized nations must remain ,catholic1 or run through all the forms of error4 ,if they do not attach themselves firmly to the anchor of truth1 we shall see them make a general attack upon it1 we shall see them assail it in itself1 in all that it teaches1 in all that it prescribes4 ,a man of free and active mind will remain tranquil in the peaceful regions of truth1 or he will seek for it with restlessness and disquietude4 ,if he find only false principles to rest on1--if he feel the ground move under his feet1 he will change his position every moment1 he will leap from error to error1 and precipitate himself from one abyss to another4 ,to live amid errors1 and be contented with them1 to transmit error from generation to generation1 without modification or change1 is peculiar to those who vegetate in debasement and ignorance2 there the mind of man is not active1 because it is asleep4 ,from the point of view where we have now placed ourselves1 we can see ,protestantism such as it is4 ,from this commanding position we see every thing in its place1 and it is possible for us to appreciate its dimensions1 to perceive its relations1 calculate its influence1 and explain its anomalies4 ,men there assume their true position2 as they are seen in close proximity with the great mass of events1 they appear in the picture as very small figures1 for which others may be substituted without inconvenience2 which may be placed nearer or farther off1 and the features and complexion of which are not of any consequence4 ,of what importance1 then1 are the energy of character1 the passion1 and boldness of ,luther1 the literary polish of ,melancthon1 and the sophistical talents of ,calvin8 ,we are convinced1 that to lay stress upon all this1 is to lose our time1 and explain nothing4 ,what were these men1 and the other coryphi of ,protestantism8 ,was there any thing really extraordinary about them8 ,we shall find men like them everywhere4 ,there are some among them who did not surpass mediocrity2 and it may be said of almost all1 that if they had not obtained an unhappy celebrity1 they would hardly have been celebrated at all4 ,why1 then1 did they effect such great things8 ,they found a mass of combustibles1 and they set them on fire4 ,certainly this was not difficult1 and yet it was all they did4 ,when ,i see ,luther1 mad with pride1 commit those extravagances which were the subject of so many lamentations on the part of his friends--when ,i see him grossly insult all who oppose him1 put himself in a passion1 and vomit forth a torrent of impure words against all those who do not humble themselves in his presence1 ,i am scarcely moved by any other feeling than pity4 ,this man1 who had the extraordinary mania of calling himself the ,notharius ,dei1 became delirious2 but he breathed1 and his breath was followed by a terrible conflagration3 it was because a powder-magazine was at hand on which he threw a spark4 ,nevertheless1 like a man blinded by insanity1 he cried out1 ,behold my power6 ,i breathe1 and my breath puts the world in flames6 ,but1 you will ask me1 what was the real influence of abuses8 ,if we take care not to leave the point of view where we now are1 we shall see that they were an occasion1 and that they sometimes afforded food1 but that they did not exercise all the influence which has been attributed to them4 ,do ,i wish1 then1 to deny1 or to excuse them8 ,not at all4 ,i can appreciate the complaints of some men1 who are worthy of the most profound respect2 but while lamenting the evil1 these men never pretended to detail the consequences4 ,the just man when he raises his voice against vice1 the minister of the sanctuary when he is burning with zeal for the house of the ,lord1 express themselves in accents so loud and vehement1 that they must not always be taken literally4 ,their whole hearts are opened1 and1 inflamed as they are with a zealous love of justice1 they make use of burning words4 ,men without faith interpret their expressions maliciously1 exaggerating and misrepresenting them4 ,it appears to me to be clear1 from what ,i have just shown1 that the principal cause of ,protestantism is not to be found in the abuses of the middle ages4 ,all that can be said is1 that they afforded opportunities and pretexts for it4 ,to assert the contrary would be to maintain that there were always numerous abuses in the ,church from the beginning1 even in the time of her primitive fervor1 and of that proverbial purity of which our opponents have said so much2 for even then there were swarms of sects who protested against her doctrines1 denied her divine authority1 and called themselves the true ,church4 ,the case is the same1 and the inference cannot be denied4 ,if you allege the extent and rapid propagation of ,protestantism1 ,i will remind you that such was also the case with other sects2 ,i will repeat to you the words of ,st4 ,jerome1 with regard to the ravages of ,arianism3 ,all the world groans1 and is full of astonishment at finding itself ,arian4 ,i will repeat1 again1 that if you observe any thing remarkable and peculiar belonging to ,protestantism1 it ought not to be attributed to abuses1 but to the epoch when it appeared4 ,i believe ,i have said enough to give an idea of the influence which abuses could exert2 yet1 as it is a subject which has occupied much attention1 and on which many mistakes have been made1 it will be well to revert to it once more1 to make our ideas on the subject still clearer4 ,that lamentable abuses had crept in during the course of the middle ages1 that the corruption of manners had been great1 and that1 consequently1 reform was required1 is a fact which cannot be denied4 ,this fact is proved to us1 with respect to the eleventh and twelfth centuries1 by irreproachable witnesses1 such as ,st4 ,peter ,damien1 ,st4 ,gregory ,,vii41 and ,st4 ,bernard4 ,some centuries later1 even after many abuses had been corrected1 they were still but too considerable1 as is witnessed by the complaints of men who were inflamed with a desire of reform4 ,we cannot forget the alarming words addressed by ,cardinal ,julian to ,pope ,eugenius ,,iv41 on the subject of the disorders of the clergy1 especially those of ,germany4 ,having fully avowed the truth on this point1 and my opinion that the cause of ,catholicity does not require dissimulation or falsehood to defend it1 ,i shall devote a few words to examining some important questions4 ,are we to blame the court of ,rome or the bishops for these great abuses8 ,i venture to think that they were to be attributed to the evils of the time alone4 ,let us call to mind the events which had taken place in the midst of ,europe2 the dissolution of the decrepit and corrupt empire of ,rome2 the irruption and inundation of northern barbarians2 their fluctuations1 their wars1 sometimes with each other1 and sometimes with the conquered nations1 and that for so many ages2 the establishment and absolute reign of feudalism1 with all its inconveniences1 its evils1 its troubles1 and disasters2 the invasion of the ,saracens1 and their dominion over a large portion of ,europe2 now1 let any reflecting man ask himself whether such revolutions must not of necessity produce ignorance1 corruption of morals1 and the relaxation of all discipline4 ,how could the ecclesiastical society escape being deeply affected by this dissolution1 this destruction of the civil society8 ,could she help participating in the evils of the horrible state of chaos into which ,europe was then plunged8 ,but were the spirit and ardent desire of reforming abuses ever wanting in the ,church8 ,it can be shown that they were not4 ,i will not mention the saints whom she did not cease to produce during these unhappy periods2 history proves their number and their virtues1 which1 so vividly contrasting with the corruption of the age1 show that the divine flames which descended on the ,apostles had not been extinguished in the bosom of the ,catholic ,church4 ,this fact proves much2 but there is another still more remarkable1 a fact less subject to dispute1 and which we cannot be accused of exaggerating2 a fact which is not limited to individuals1 but which is1 on the contrary1 the most complete expression of the spirit by which the whole body of the ,church was animated2 ,i mean1 the constant meeting of councils1 in which abuses were reproved and condemned1 and in which sanctity of morals and the observance of discipline were continually inculcated4 ,happily this consoling fact is indisputable2 it is open to every eye2 and to be aware of it1 one only needs to consult a volume of ecclesiastical history1 or the proceedings of councils4 ,there is no fact more worth our attention2 and ,i will add1 that perhaps all its importance has not been observed4 ,let us remark what passes in other societies3 we see that in proportion to the change of ideas and manners1 laws everywhere undergo a rapid modification2 and if manners and ideas come to be directly opposed to laws1 the latter1 reduced to silence1 are soon either abolished or trodden under foot4 ,nothing of this sort has happened in the ,church4 ,corruption has extended itself everywhere to a lamentable degree2 the ministers of religion have allowed themselves to be carried away by the stream1 and have forgotten the sanctity of their vocation2 but the sacred fire did not cease to burn in the sanctuary2 the law was there constantly proclaimed and inculcated2 and1 wonderful spectacle6 the men who themselves violated it frequently assembled to condemn themselves1 to censure their own conduct1 and thus to render more public and more palpable the contrast which existed between their instructions and their actions4 ,simony and incontinence were the prevailing vices2 if you open the canons of councils1 you will find them everywhere anathematized4 ,nowhere do you find a struggle so prolonged1 so constant1 so persevering1 of right against wrong2 you always see1 throughout so many ages1 the law1 opposed face to face to the irregular passions1 maintain itself firm and immovable1 without yielding a single step1 without allowing them a moment of repose or peace until they were subjugated4 ,and this constancy and tenacity of the ,church were not useless4 ,at the commencement of the sixteenth century1 at the time when ,protestantism appeared1 we find abuses comparatively less numerous1 morals perceptibly improved1 discipline become more strict1 and observed with sufficient regularity4 ,the time when ,luther declaimed was not like that when ,st4 ,peter ,damien and ,st4 ,bernard deplored the evils of the ,church4 ,the chaos was reduced to form2 order1 light1 and regularity had made rapid progress2 and an incontestable proof that the ,church was not then plunged in such ignorance and corruption as is alleged1 is1 that she produced the great assemblage of saints who shed so much lustre on the age1 and the men who displayed their eminent wisdom at the ,council of ,trent4 ,let us remember that great reforms require much time2 that they met with much resistance both from the clergy and laity2 that for having undertaken them with firmness1 and urged them with vigour1 ,gregory ,,vii4 has been charged with rashness4 ,let us not judge of men without regard to times and places2 and let us not pretend to measure every thing according to our own limited ideas2 ages move in an immense orbit1 and the variety of circumstances produces situations so strange and complicated that we can hardly form an idea of them4 ,bossuet1 in his ,history of the ,variations1 after having differently classed the spirit which guided certain men1 before the thirteenth century1 in their attempts at reform1 and having cited the threatening words of ,cardinal ,julian on the subject of abuses1 adds3 ,it is thus that1 in the fifteenth century1 this cardinal1 the greatest man of his times1 deplored these evils1 and foresaw their fatal effects2 by which he seems to have predicted those that ,luther was about to bring on all ,christianity1 and in the first place on ,germany2 and he was not deceived when he thought that the neglect of reformation1 and the increased hatred against the clergy1 was about to produce a sect more dangerous to the ,church than the ,bohemians4 7,hist4 des ,variat4 liv4 i47 ,it is inferred from these words that the illustrious ,bishop of ,meaux found one of the principal causes of ,protestantism in the omission of a legitimate reform made in time4 ,nevertheless1 we must not suppose from this that ,bossuet meant1 in any degree1 to excuse the promoters of it1 or that he had any idea of sanctioning their intentions2 on the contrary1 he ranked them as turbulent innovators1 who1 far from promoting the real reform which was desired by wise and prudent men1 only served to render it more difficult1 by introducing1 by the means of their erroneous doctrines1 the spirit of disobedience1 schism1 and heresy4 ,in spite of the authority of ,bossuet1 ,i cannot persuade myself to look upon abuses as one of the principal causes of ,protestantism2 but it is not necessary to repeat what ,i have said in support of this opinion4 ,it may not1 however1 be useless to repeat1 that the authority of ,bossuet is misapplied when used to justify the intentions of the reformers1 since the illustrious prelate is the first to declare them highly culpable1 and to observe1 that if abuses were in existence1 their intention was not to correct them1 but rather to make them a pretext for abandoning the faith of the ,church1 throwing off the yoke of lawful authority1 breaking the bands of discipline1 and introducing thereby disorder and licentiousness4 ,how1 indeed1 can we attribute to the reformers the real spirit of reform1 when almost all of them proved the contrary by the ignominy of their own conduct8 ,if they had condemned1 by the austerity of their morals1 or by devoting themselves to a severe asceticism1 the relaxations of which they complained1 there might be a question whether their extravagances were not the effects of exaggerated zeal1 and if some excess in the love of virtue had not drawn them into error4 ,but they did nothing of the kind4 ,let us hear on this point an eye-witness1 a man who certainly cannot be accused of fanaticism1 since the connection which he had with the leaders of ,protestantism has rendered him culpable in the eyes of many4 ,behold what ,erasmus said1 with his usual wit and bitterness3 ,the reform1 as far as it has gone1 has been limited to the secularization of a few nuns and the marriage of a few priests2 and this great tragedy finishes with an event altogether comic1 since every thing is wound up1 as in comedies1 by a marriage4 ,this shows to conviction the true spirit of the innovators of the sixteenth century4 ,it is clear that1 far from wishing the reformation of abuses1 they wished rather to increase them4 ,this bare consideration of facts has led ,m4 ,guizot1 on this point1 into the path of truth1 when he rejects the opinion of those who pretend1 that the ,reformation was an attempt conceived and executed simply with the intention of reconstructing a pure and primitive ,church4 ,the ,reformation1 he said1 was not a mere attempt at religious amelioration1 or the fruit of a ,utopian humanity and virtue4 7,histoire ,gnrale de la ,civilisation en ,europe1 douzime leon47 ,we shall have now no difficulty in appreciating at its just value the explanation which the same writer gives of this phenomenon4 ,the ,reformation1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 was a great attempt at the liberation of human thought--an uprising of the mind of man4 ,this attempt1 according to ,m4 ,guizot1 arose out of the energetic movement given to the human mind1 and the state of inaction into which the ,roman ,church had fallen2 it arose from this1 that the human mind advanced rapidly and impetuously1 while the ,church remained stationary4 ,explanations of this kind1 and this one in particular1 are very apt to draw admirers and proselytes2 these ideas are high1 and placed on a level so lofty and extended1 that they cannot be looked at closely by the generality of readers2 and1 moreover1 they appear in brilliant imagery1 which blinds the sight and prejudices the judgment4 ,that which restrains freedom of thought1 as understood by ,m4 ,guizot and other ,protestants is1 authority in matters of faith3 it was1 then1 against this authority that the uprising of the mind declared itself2 or1 in other words1 the mind rebelled1 because it advanced1 while the ,church1 immovable in her doctrines1 was1 according to the expression of ,m4 ,guizot1 in a stationary state4 ,whatever may be the disposition of mind of ,m4 ,guizot towards the dogmas of the ,catholic ,church1 he ought1 as a philosopher1 to have seen that it was a great mistake to point out as the distinctive characteristic of one period1 that which had been at every time a glorious title for the ,church4 ,for more than eighteen hundred years the ,church has been stationary in her dogmas1 and it is no equivocal proof that she possesses the truth3 the truth is unchangeable1 because it is one4 ,what the ,church was in the sixteenth century1 she had been before1 and she has been since4 ,she had nothing particular1 she adopted no new characteristic4 ,the reason1 then1 by which it is attempted to explain this phenomenon1 viz4 the uprising of the mind1 cannot advance the explanation a single step2 and if this be the reason why ,m4 ,guizot compares the ,church to governments grown old1 we will tell him that she has had this old age from her cradle4 ,m4 ,guizot1 as if he had himself felt the weakness of his reasoning1 presents his thoughts in groups1 and as it were ple-mle2 he parades before his readers ideas of different kinds1 without taking pains to classify or distinguish them2 one would be inclined to think that he meant to distract them by variety1 and confound them by mixture4 ,judging1 indeed1 from the context of his discourse1 the epithets inert and stationary1 which he applies to the ,church1 do not appear1 according to his intention1 to relate to matters of faith2 and he gives us to understand that he speaks rather of the pretensions of the ,church with regard to politics and state economy4 ,he has taken pains1 elsewhere1 to repel as calumnies1 the charges of tyranny and intolerance which have been so often made against the court of ,rome4 ,we find here an incoherence of ideas which was not to be expected in so clear a mind2 and as many persons may scarcely be inclined to believe how far this incoherence extends1 it is necessary to give his words literally3 they will show us into what inconsistencies great minds can fall when they are placed in a false position4 ,the government of the human mind1 the spiritual power1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 had fallen into an inert and stationary condition4 ,the political influence of the ,church1 of the court of ,rome1 was much diminished2 ,european society no longer was ruled by it2 it had passed under the control of lay governments4 ,nevertheless1 the spiritual power preserved all its pretensions1 all its clat1 all its external importance4 ,there happened in this respect1 what has more than once happened to old governments4 ,the greater part of the complaints made against it were hardly better founded4 ,it is evident that ,m4 ,guizot1 in this passage1 does not point out any thing which is at all connected with liberty1 any thing which is not quite of another kind3 why does he not do so8 ,the court of ,rome1 he tells us1 had seen its political influence diminished1 and yet it preserved its pretensions2 the direction of ,european society no longer belonged to it1 but ,rome kept its pomp and its external importance4 ,is any thing here meant besides the rivalries of which political affairs had been the subject8 ,did ,m4 ,guizot forget what he himself said some pages before1 viz4 that it did not appear to him to be reasonable to assign the rivalry of kings with the ecclesiastical power as the cause of ,protestantism1 and that such a cause was not adequate to the extent and importance of the event8 ,although all this has no direct connection with freedom of thought1 still1 if any one be inclined to attribute the uprising of the mind to the intolerance of the court of ,rome1 let him listen to ,m4 ,guizot3 ,it is not true1 says he1 that in the sixteenth century the court of ,rome was very tyrannical2 that abuses1 properly so called1 were then more numerous1 more crying1 than they had been at other times2 never1 perhaps1 on the contrary1 had the ecclesiastical power been more easy1 more tolerant1 more disposed to let things go their own way4 ,provided that it was not itself called in question1 provided that the rights which it had formerly enjoyed were allowed in theory1 that the same existence was secured1 and the same tributes were paid to it1 it would willingly have allowed the human mind to remain at peace1 if the human mind had done the same in respect to it4 ,thus ,m4 ,guizot seems to have forgotten what he had urged with the view of showing that the ,protestant ,reformation was a great attempt at the liberation of human thought--a rebellion of the mind of man4 ,he does not allege any thing which was an obstacle to the freedom of man's thoughts2 and he himself acknowledges that there was nothing to provoke this rebellion1 as1 for example1 intolerance or cruelty2 he has himself just told us that the ecclesiastical government of the sixteenth century1 far from being tyrannical1 was easy and tolerant1 and that1 if left to itself1 it would willingly have allowed the human mind to remain tranquil4 ,it is1 then1 evident1 that the great attempt at the liberation of the human mind is1 in ,m4 ,guizot's mouth1 only a vague1 undefined expression1--a brilliant veil with which he seems to have wished to cover the cradle of ,protestantism1 even at the risk of being inconsistent with his own opinions4 ,he reverts to the political rivalries which he before rejected4 ,abuses have no importance in his eyes2 he cannot find in them the real cause2 and he forgets what he had just asserted in the preceding lecture1 viz4 that if necessary reform had been made in time1 the religious revolution might have been avoided4 ,he tries to give a picture of the obstacles to the liberty of thought1 and endeavours to rise to the general considerations which embrace all the importance and influences of the human mind2 but he stops at clat1 at external importance1 and political rivalries2 he lowers his flight to the level of tributes and services4 ,this incoherence of ideas1 this weakness of reasoning1 and forgetfulness of assertions previously made1 will appear strange only to those who are accustomed rather to admire the high flights of talented men than to study their aberrations4 ,it is true that ,m4 ,guizot was in a position in which it was very difficult to avoid being dazzled and deceived4 ,if it be true that we cannot observe attentively what passes on the ground around us without narrowing our view of the horizon1--if this method leads the observer to form a collection of isolated facts rather than compare general maxims1 it is not less certain that1 by extending our observations over a larger space1 we run the risk of many illusions4 ,too great generalization borders on hypothesis and fancy4 ,the mind1 when taking an immoderate flight in order to get a general view of things1 no longer sees them as they really are2 perhaps sometimes even loses sight of them altogether4 ,therefore it is that the loftiest minds should frequently remember the words of ,bacon3 ,we do not want wings1 but lead4 ,too impartial not to confess that abuses had been exaggerated1--too good a philosopher not to see that they could not have had so great an effect1--,m4 ,guizot1 who was prevented by his sense of dignity and decency from joining the crowd who incessantly raise the cry of cruelty and intolerance1 has made an effort to do justice to the ,church of ,rome2 but1 unfortunately1 his prejudices against the ,church would not allow him to see things in their true light4 ,he was aware that the origin of ,protestantism must be sought in the human mind itself2 but1 knowing the age and epoch when he was speaking1 he thought it was necessary to propitiate his audience by frequent appeals to liberty1 in order that his discourse might be well received4 ,this is the reason why1 after having tempered the bitterness of his reproaches against the ,church by a few soft words1 he reserves all that is noble1 grand1 and generous for the ideas which produced the ,reformation1 and throws on the ,church all the shadows of the picture4 ,while acknowledging that the principal cause of ,protestantism is to be found in the human mind1 it is easy to abstain from these unjust comparisons2 and ,m4 ,guizot might have avoided the inconsistency to which we have alluded4 ,he might have discovered the origin of the fact in the character of the human mind2 he might1 at the same time1 have shown the greatness and importance of it1 while simply explaining the nature and position of the societies in which it appeared4 ,in fine1 he might have observed that it was no extraordinary effort1 but a mere repetition of what has happened in every age2 and a phenomenon1 the character of which depended on the particular state of the atmosphere in which it was produced4 ,this way of considering ,protestantism as an ordinary event1 increased and developed by the circumstances in which it arose1 appears to me to be as philosophical as it is little attended to4 ,i shall support it by another observation1 which will supply us with reasons and examples at the same time4 ,the state of modern society for three hundred years has been such1 that all the events that have occurred have acquired a character of generalization1 and consequently an importance1 which distinguishes them from all the events of a similar kind which occurred at other times and in a different social state4 ,if we examine the history of antiquity1 we shall see that all the events therein occurring were isolated in some sort from each other2 this was what rendered them less beneficial when they were good1 and less injurious when they were bad4 ,carthage1 ,rome1 ,sparta1 ,athens1 all these nations more or less advanced in the career of civilization1 each followed its own path1 and progressed in a different way4 ,ideas1 manners1 political constitutions1 succeeded each other1 without our being able to perceive any influence of the ideas of one nation on those of another1 or of the manners of one nation on those of another2 we do not find any evidence of a tendency to bring nations to one common centre4 ,we also remark that1 except when forced to intermix1 ancient nations could be a long time in close proximity without losing their peculiarities1 or suffering any important change by the contact4 ,observe how different is the state of things in ,europe in modern times4 ,a revolution in one country affects all others2 an idea sent forth from the schools agitates nations and alarms governments4 ,nothing is isolated1 every thing is general1 and acquires by expansion a terrible force4 ,it is impossible to study the history of one nation without seeing all the others make their appearance on the stage2 and we cannot study the history of a science or an art without discovering a thousand connections with objects which do not belong to science or to art4 ,all nations are connected1 objects are assimilated1 relations increase4 ,the affairs of one nation are interesting to all the others1 and they wish to take part in them4 ,this is the reason why the idea of non-intervention in politics is1 and always will be1 impracticable2 it is1 indeed1 natural for us to interfere in that in which we are interested4 ,these examples1 although taken from things of a different kind1 appear to me very well calculated to illustrate my idea of the religious events of that period4 ,protestantism1 it is true1 is thereby stripped of the philosophic mantle by which it has been covered from its infancy2 it loses all right to be considered as full of foresight1 magnificent projects1 and high destinies1 from its cradle1 but ,i do not see that its importance and extent are thereby diminished2 the fact itself1 in a word1 is unimpaired1 but the real cause of the imposing aspect in which it has presented itself to the world is explained4 ,every thing1 in this point of view1 is seen in its just dimensions2 individuals are scarcely perceived1 and abuses appear only what they really are--opportunities and pretexts2 vast plans1 lofty and generous ideas1 and efforts at independence of mind1 are only gratuitous suppositions4 ,thence ambition1 war1 the rivalry of kings1 take their position as causes more or less influential1 but always in the second rank4 ,all the causes are estimated at their real value2 in fine1 the principal causes being once pointed out1 it is acknowledged that the fact was sure to be accompanied in its development by a multitude of subordinate agents4 ,there remains still an important question in this matter1 viz4 what was the cause of the hatred1 or rather the feeling of exasperation1 on the part of sectarians against ,rome8 ,was it owing to some great abuse1 some great wrong on the part of ,rome8 ,there is but one answer to make1 viz4 that in a storm1 the waves always dash with fury against the immovable rock which resists them4 ,so far from attributing to abuses all the influence which has been assigned to them on the birth and development of ,protestantism1 ,i am convinced1 on the contrary1 that all imaginable legitimate reforms1 and the greatest degree of willingness on the part of the ,church authorities to comply with every exigence1 would not have been able to prevent that unhappy event4 ,he has paid little attention to the extreme inconstancy and fickleness of the human mind1 and studied its history to little purpose1 who does not recognise in the event of the sixteenth century one of those great calamities which ,god alone can avert by a special intervention of his providence4#e ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,extraordinary ,,phenomenon ,,in ,,the ,,catholic ,,church4 ,the proposition contained in the concluding lines of the last chapter suggests a corollary1 which1 if ,i am not mistaken1 offers a new demonstration of the divine origin of the ,catholic ,church4 ,her existence for eighteen centuries1 in spite of so many powerful adversaries1 has always been regarded as a most extraordinary thing4 ,another prodigy1 too little attended to1 and of not less importance when the nature of the human mind is taken into account1 is1 the unity of the ,church's doctrines1 pervading1 as it does1 all her various instructions1 and the number of great minds which this unity has always enclosed within her bosom4 ,i particularly call the attention of all thinking men to this point2 and although ,i cannot hope to develop this idea in a suitable manner1 ,i am sure they will find in it matter for very serious reflection4 ,this method of considering the ,church may perhaps recommend itself to the taste of some readers on another account1 viz4 because ,i shall lay aside ,revelation1 in order to consider ,catholicity1 not as a ,divine religion1 but as a school of philosophy4 ,no one who has studied the history of letters can deny that the ,church has1 in all ages1 possessed men illustrious for science4 ,the history of the ,fathers of the first ages of the ,church is nothing but the history of the most learned men in ,europe1 in ,africa1 and in ,asia2 the list of learned men who preserved1 after the irruption of the ,barbarians1 some remains of ancient knowledge1 is composed of churchmen4 ,in modern times you cannot point out a branch of human knowledge1 in which a considerable number of ,catholics have not figured in the first rank4 ,thus there has been1 for eighteen hundred years1 an uninterrupted chain of learned men1 who were ,catholics1 that is1 men united in the profession of the doctrines taught by the ,catholic ,church4 ,let us lay aside for a moment the divine characteristics of ,catholicity1 to consider it only as a school or sect2 ,i say1 that in the fact which ,i have pointed out1 we find a phenomenon so extraordinary1 that its equal cannot be found elsewhere1 and that no effort of reason can explain it1 according to the natural order of human things4 ,it is certainly not new in the history of the human mind for a doctrine1 more or less reasonable1 to be professed for a time by a certain number of learned and enlightened men2 this has been shown in schools of philosophy both ancient and modern4 ,but for a creed to maintain itself for many ages1 by preserving the adhesion of men of learning of all times and of all countries--of minds differing among themselves on other points--of men opposed in interests and divided by rivalries1 is a phenomenon new1 unique1 and not to be found anywhere but in the ,catholic ,church4 ,it always has been1 and still is1 the practice of the ,church1 while one in faith and doctrine1 to teach unceasingly--to excite discussion on all subjects--to promote the study and examination of the foundations on which faith itself reposes--to scrutinize for this purpose the ancient languages1 the monuments of the remotest times1 the documents of history1 the discoveries of scientific observation1 the lessons of the highest and most analytic sciences1 and to present herself with a generous confidence in the great lyceums1 where men replete with talents and knowledge concentrate1 as in a focus1 all that they have learned from their predecessors1 and all that they themselves have collected3 and nevertheless we see her always persevere with firmness in her faith and in the unity of her doctrines2 we see her always surrounded by illustrious men1 who1 with their brows crowned with the laurels of a hundred literary contests1 humble themselves1 tranquil and serene1 before her1 without fear of dimming the brightness of the glory which surrounds their heads4 ,we ask those who see in ,catholicity only one of the innumerable sects by which the earth has been covered1 to point out elsewhere a similar fact2 to explain to us how the ,church has been able to show us a phenomenon1 constantly existing1 so opposed to the ever-varying spirit of the human mind2 let them tell us by what secret talisman the ,sovereign ,pontiffs have been able to do what other men have found impossible4 ,those men1 who bowed their heads at the command of the ,vatican1 who have laid aside their own opinions to adopt those of a man called the ,pope1 were not simple and ignorant men4 ,look at them attentively2 you will see in the boldness of their mien their knowledge of their own intellectual power2 you will read in their bright and penetrating eyes the flame of genius which burns in their breasts4 ,they are the same men who have filled the highest places in the academies of ,europe2 who have spread their fame over the world1 and whose names have been handed down to future generations4 ,examine the history of all ages1 search all the countries of the world1 and if you find anywhere such an extraordinary combination of knowledge in union with faith1 of genius in submission to authority1 and of discussion without breach of unity1 you will have made an important discovery1 and science will have to explain a new phenomenon4 ,but you know well that you cannot do so4 ,this is the reason why you have recourse to new stratagems in order to cast a shade on the brightness of this fact2 for you feel that impartial reason and common sense must draw from it the conclusion that there is in the ,catholic ,church something which is not to be found elsewhere4 ,these facts1 say our adversaries1 are certain2 the reflections which they suggest are dazzling at first sight2 but if we examine the subject thoroughly1 we shall see the difficulties they raise disappear4 ,this phenomenon1 which we have seen realized in the ,catholic ,church1 and which is not found elsewhere1 only proves that there has always been in the ,church a fixed system1 which has been developed with uniform regularity4 ,the ,church knew that union is the source of strength2 that union cannot exist without unity of doctrine2 and that unity cannot be preserved without submission to authority4 ,this simple observation established1 and constantly maintained1 the principle of submission4 ,such is the explanation of the phenomenon4 ,the idea1 we grant1 is profoundly wise1 the scheme is grand1 the system is extraordinary2 but they do not prove any thing in favor of the ,divine origin of ,catholicism4 ,this is the best reply which they can make2 it is easy to show that the difficulty remains entire4 ,indeed1 if it be true that there has existed a society on earth which has been for eighteen centuries guided by one fixed and constant principle--a society which has known how to bind to this principle eminent men of all ages and countries1 the following questions must be asked of our adversaries3--,why has the ,church alone possessed this principle1 and monopolized this idea8 ,if other sects have been in possession of it1 why have they not acted on it8 ,all the philosophic sects have disappeared1 one after another2 the ,church alone remains4 ,other religions1 in order to preserve some sort of unity1 have been compelled to shun the light1 to avoid discussion1 to hide themselves in the thickest shades4 ,why has the ,church preserved her unity while seeking the light1 while publishing her books in open day1 while lavishing all sorts of instruction1 and founding everywhere colleges1 universities1 and establishments of every description1 where all the splendor of knowledge and erudition has been concentrated8 ,it is not enough to say that there was a plan--a system2 the difficulty lies in the existence of this plan and this system2 it consists in explaining how they were conceived and executed4 ,if we had to do with a small number of men1 in limited circumstances1 times1 and countries1 for the execution of a limited project1 there would be nothing extraordinary2 but we have to do with a period of eighteen hundred years1 with all the countries of the world1 with circumstances the most varied1 the most different1 and the most opposed to each other2 we have to do with a multitude of men who did not meet together1 or act in concert4 ,how is all this to be explained8 ,if it were a plan and a system devised by man1 we should ask1 ,what was the mysterious power of ,rome which enabled her to unite around her so many illustrious men of all times and of all countries8 ,how did the ,roman ,pontiff1 if he be only the chief of a sect1 manage to fascinate the world to this extent8 ,what magician ever did such wonders8 ,men have long declaimed against his religious despotism2 why has no one been found to wrest the sceptre from his grasp8 why has not a pontifical throne been raised capable of disputing the pre-eminence with his1 and of maintaining itself with equal splendor and power8 ,shall we attribute it to his temporal power8 ,this power is very limited4 ,rome was not able to contend in arms with any of the other ,european powers4 ,shall we attribute it to the peculiar character1 to the knowledge or the virtues of the men who have occupied the ,papal throne8 ,there has been1 during these eighteen hundred years1 an infinite variety in the characters and in the talents and virtues of the ,popes4 ,for those who are not ,catholics1 who do not see in the ,roman ,pontiff the vicar of ,jesus ,christ1--the rock on which ,he has built ,his ,church1--the duration of this authority must be the most extraordinary phenomenon2 and it is certainly one of the questions most worthy of being examined by the science which devotes itself to the history of the human mind2 how there existed for many centuries an uninterrupted series of learned men1 always faithful to the doctrines of the ,roman ,see8 ,m4 ,guizot himself1 in comparing ,protestantism with the ,roman ,church1 seems to have felt the force of this truth2 and its light appears to have made him confused in his remarks4 ,let us listen again to this writer1 whose talents and renown have dazzled1 on this point1 so many readers1 who do not examine the solidity of proofs when they are clothed in brilliant images1 and who applaud all kinds of ideas when they are conveyed to them in a torrent of enchanting eloquence2 men who1 pretending to intellectual independence1 subscribe1 without inquiry1 to the decisions of the leaders of their school2 who receive their doctrines with submission1 and dare not even raise their heads to ask for the titles of their authority4 ,m4 ,guizot1 like all the great men among ,protestants1 was aware of the immense void which exists amid its various sects1 and of the force and vigour which is contained in ,catholicity2 he has not been able to free himself from the rule of great minds1--a rule which is explicitly confirmed by the writings of the greatest men of the ,reformation4 ,after pointing out the inconstant progress of ,protestantism1 and the error which it has introduced into the organization of intellectual society1 ,m4 ,guizot proceeds thus3 ,people have not known how to reconcile the rights and necessities of tradition with those of liberty2 and the cause of it undoubtedly has been1 that the ,reformation did not fully understand and accept either its principles or its effects4 ,what sort of a religion must that be which does not fully understand and accept its principles or its effects8 ,did a more formal condemnation of the ,reformation ever issue out of the mouth of man8 could any thing of the kind ever be said of the sects of philosophers1 ancient or modern8 ,can the ,reformation1 then1 after this1 pretend to direct men or society8 ,thence arises1 continues ,m4 ,guizot1 a certain air of inconsistency and narrowness of spirit1 which has often given advantages over it to its opponents4 ,the latter knew very well what they did and what they wished2 they ascended to the principles of their conduct1 and avowed all their consequences4 ,there never was a government more consistent1 more systematic than that of the ,church of ,rome4 ,but whence was the origin of a system so consistent8 ,when we consider the fickleness and inconstancy of the human mind1 do not this system1 this consistency1 and these fixed principles1 speak volumes to the philosopher and man of good sense8 ,we have observed those terrible elements of dissolution which have their source in the mind of man1 and which have acquired so much force in modern society2 we have seen with what fatal power they destroy and annihilate all institutions1 social1 political1 and religious1 without ever succeeding in making a breach in the doctrines of ,catholicity1--without altering that system1 so fixed and so consistent4 ,is there no conclusion to be drawn from all this in favour of ,catholicity8 ,to say that the ,church has done that which no schools1 or governments1 or societies1 or religions could do1 is it not to confess that she is wiser than every thing human8 ,and does it not clearly prove that she does not owe her origin to human thought1 and that she is derived from the bosom of the ,creator8 ,this society--formed1 you say1 by men--this government1 directed by men1 has endured for eighteen hundred years2 it extends to all countries1 it addresses the savage in the forest1 the barbarian in his tent1 the civilized man in the most populous cities2 it reckons among its children the shepherd clothed in skins1 the laborer1 the powerful nobleman2 it makes its laws heard alike by the simple mechanic at his work1 and the man of learning in his closet absorbed in the profoundest speculations4 ,this government has always had1 according to ,m4 ,guizot1 a full knowledge of its actions and its wishes2 it has always been consistent in its conduct4 ,is not this avowal its most convincing apology1 its most eloquent panegyric2 and shall it not be considered a proof that it contains within itself something more than human8 ,a thousand times have ,i beheld this prodigy with astonishment2 a thousand times have my eyes been fixed upon that immense tree which extends its branches from east to west1 from north to south2 ,i see beneath its shade a multitude of different nations1 and the restless genius of man reposing in tranquillity at its feet4 ,in the ,east1 at the period when this divine religion first appeared1 ,i see1 amidst the dissolutions of all sects1 the most illustrious philosophers crowd to hear her words4 ,in ,greece1 in ,asia1 on the banks of the ,nile1 in all the countries where1 a short time before1 swarmed innumerable sects1 ,i see appear on a sudden a generation of great men1 abounding in learning1 in knowledge1 in eloquence1 and all agreeing in the unity of ,catholic doctrine4 ,in the ,west1 a multitude of barbarians throw themselves on an empire falling to decay2 a dark cloud descends upon an horizon charged with calamities and disasters2 there1 in the midst of a people submerged in the corruption of morals1 and having lost even the remembrance of their ancient grandeur1 ,i see the only men who can be called worthy heirs of the ,roman name1 seek1 in the retirement of their temples1 an asylum for the austerity of their morals2 it is there that they preserve1 increase1 and enrich the treasure of ancient knowledge4 ,but my admiration reaches its height1 when ,i observe that sublime intellect1 worthy heir of the genius of ,plato1 which1 after having sought the truth in all the schools1 in all the sects1 and with indomitable boldness run through all human errors1 feels itself subjugated by the authority of the ,church1 and transforms the freethinker into the great ,bishop of ,hippo4 ,in modern times the series of great men who shone in the times of ,leo ,x4 and ,louis ,,xiv4 passes before my eyes4 ,i see the illustrious race still continue throughout the calamities of the eighteenth century2 and in the nineteenth ,i see fresh heroes1 who1 after having followed error in all directions1 come to hang their trophies at the gates of the ,catholic ,church4 ,what1 then1 is this prodigy8 ,has a sect or religion like it ever before been seen8 ,these men study every thing1 dispute on every thing1 reply to every thing1 know every thing2 but always agreeing in unity of doctrine1 they bend their noble and intellectual brows in respectful obedience to faith4 ,do we not seem to behold another planetary system1 where globes of fire revolve in their vast orbits in the midst of immensity1 always drawn to their centre by a mysterious attraction8 ,that central force1 which allows no aberration1 takes from them nothing of their extent1 or of the grandeur of their movement2 but it inundates them with light1 while giving to their motion a more majestic regularity4#f ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,protestantism ,,and ,,the ,,mind4 ,this fixedness of idea1 this unanimity of will1 this wisdom and constancy of plan1 this progress with a firm step towards a definite object and end2 and1 in fine1 this admirable unity1 acknowledged in favor of ,catholicism by ,m4 ,guizot himself1 have not been imitated by ,protestantism1 either in good or evil4 ,protestantism1 indeed1 has not a single idea1 of which it can say3 ,this is my own4 ,it has attempted to appropriate to itself the principle of private judgment in matters of faith2 and if several of its opponents have been too willing to accord it1 it was because they were unable to find therein any other constitutive element2 it was also because they felt that ,protestantism1 in boasting of having given birth to such a principle1 labored to throw disgrace on itself1 like a father who boasts of having unworthy and depraved sons4 ,it is false1 however1 that ,protestantism produced this principle of private judgment1 since it was itself the offspring of that principle4 ,that principle1 before the ,reformation1 was formed in the bosom of all sects2 it is the real germ of all errors2 in proclaiming it1 ,protestants only yielded to a necessity which is common to all the sects separated from the ,church4 ,there was therein no plan1 no foresight1 no system4 ,the mere resistance to the authority of the ,church included the necessity of unlimited private judgment1 and the establishment of the understanding as supreme judge2 even had the coryphi of ,protestantism wished from the first to oppose the consequences and applications of this right1 the barrier was broken1 and the torrent could not have been confined4 ,the right of examining what we ought to believe1 says a celebrated ,protestant1 7,germany1 by ,mad4 de ,stal1 part iv4 chap4 #b71 is the foundation of ,protestantism4 ,the first ,reformers did not think thus2 they thought themselves able to place the pillars of ,hercules of the mind according to their own lights2 but they were mistaken in hoping to make those who had rejected all authority of this kind in the ,catholic religion submit to their decisions as infallible4 ,this resistance on their part proves1 that they were not led by any of those ideas1 which1 although erroneous1 show1 in some measure1 nobleness and generosity of heart2 and that it is not of them that the human mind can say3 ,they have erred1 but it was in order to give me more liberty of action4 ,the religious revolution of the sixteenth century1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 did not understand the true principles of intellectual liberty2 it liberated the human mind1 and yet pretended to govern it by law4 ,but it is in vain for man to struggle against the nature of things3 ,protestantism endeavored1 without success1 to limit the right of private judgment4 ,it raised its voice against it1 and sometimes appeared to attempt its total destruction2 but the right of private judgment1 which was in its own bosom1 remained there1 developed itself1 and acted there in spite of it4 ,there was no middle course for ,protestantism to adopt3 it was compelled either to throw itself into the arms of authority1 and thus acknowledge itself in the wrong1 or else allow the dissolving principle to exert so much influence on its various sects1 as to destroy even the shadow of the religion of ,jesus ,christ1 and debase ,christianity to the rank of a school of philosophy4 ,the cry of resistance to the authority of the ,church once raised1 the fatal results might be easily imagined2 it was thus easy to foresee that that poisoned germ1 in its development1 must cause the ruin of all the ,christian truths2 and what could prevent its rapid development in a soil where fermentation was so active8 ,catholics were not wanting to proclaim loudly the greatness and imminence of the danger2 and it must be allowed that many ,protestants foresaw it clearly4 ,no one is ignorant that the most distinguished men of the sect gave their opinions on this point1 even from the beginning4 ,men of the greatest talent never found themselves at ease in ,protestantism4 ,they always felt that there was an immense void in it2 this is the reason why they have constantly inclined either towards irreligion or towards ,catholic unity4 ,time1 the best judge of opinions1 has confirmed these melancholy prognostics4 ,things have now reached such a pass1 that those only who are very ill instructed1 or who have a very limited grasp of mind1 can fail to see that the ,christian religion1 as explained by ,protestants1 is nothing more than an opinion--a system made up of a thousand incoherent parts1 and which is degraded to the level of the schools of philosophy4 ,if ,christianity still seems to surpass these schools in some respects1 and preserves some features which cannot be found in what is the pure invention of the mind of man1 it ought not to be a matter of astonishment4 ,it is owing to that sublimity of doctrine and that sanctity of morality which1 more or less disfigured1 always shines while a trace is preserved of the words of ,jesus ,christ4 ,but the feeble light which struggles with darkness after the sun has sunk below the horizon1 cannot be compared to that of day3 darkness advances and spreads2 it extinguishes the expiring reflection1 and night comes on4 ,such is the doctrine of ,christianity among ,protestants4 ,a glance at these sects shows us that they are not purely philosophical1 but it shows us at the same time that they have not the characters of true religion4 ,christianity has no authority therein2 and is there like a being out of its proper element1--a tree deprived of its roots3 its face is pale and disfigured like that of a corpse4 ,protestantism talks of faith1 and its fundamental principle destroys it2 it endeavors to exalt the gospel1 and its own principle1 by subjecting that gospel to private judgment1 weakens its authority4 ,if it speak of the sanctity and purity of ,christian morality1 it is reminded that some of its dissenting sects deny the divinity of ,jesus ,christ2 and that they all may do so according to the principle on which it rests4 ,the ,divinity of ,jesus ,christ once doubted1 the ,god-made man is reduced to the rank of a great philosopher and legislator2 ,he has no longer the authority necessary to give to ,his laws the august sanction which renders them so holy in the eyes of men2 ,he can no longer imprint upon them the seal which raises them above all human thoughts1 and ,his sublime instructions cease to be lessons flowing from the lips of uncreated ,wisdom4 ,if you deprive the human mind of the support of authority of some kind or other1 on what can it depend8 ,abandoned to its own delirious dreams1 it is forced again into the gloomy paths which led the philosophers of the ancient schools to chaos4 ,reason and experience are here agreed4 ,if you substitute the private judgment of ,protestants for the authority of the ,church1 all the great questions respecting ,god and man remain without solution4 ,all the difficulties are left2 the mind is in darkness1 and seeks in vain for a light to guide it in safety3 stunned by the voices of a hundred schools1 who dispute without being able to throw any light on the subject1 it relapses into that state of discouragement and prostration in which ,christianity found it1 and from which1 with so much exertion1 she had withdrawn it4 ,doubt1 pyrrhonism1 and indifference become the lot of the greatest minds2 vain theories1 hypothetical systems1 and dreams take possession of men of more moderate abilities2 the ignorant are reduced to superstitions and absurdities4 ,of what use1 then1 would ,christianity have been on the earth1 and what would have been the progress of humanity8 ,happily for the human race1 the ,christian religion was not abandoned to the whirlwind of ,protestant sects4 ,in ,catholic authority she has found ample means of resisting the attacks of sophistry and error4 ,what would have become of her without it8 ,would the sublimity of her doctrines1 the wisdom of her precepts1 the unction of her counsels1 have been now any thing more than a beautiful dream1 related in enchanting language by a great philosopher8 ,yes1 ,i must repeat1 without the authority of the ,church there is no security for faith2 the divinity of ,jesus ,christ becomes a matter of doubt2 ,his mission is disputed2 in fact1 the ,christian religion disappears4 ,if she cannot show us her heavenly titles1 give us full certainty that she has come from the bosom of the ,eternal1 that her words are those of ,god ,himself1 and that ,he has condescended to appear on earth for the salvation of men1 she has then lost her right to demand our veneration4 ,reduced to the level of human ideas1 she must1 then1 submit to our judgment like other mere opinions2 at the tribunal of philosophy she may endeavor to maintain her doctrines as more or less reasonable2 but she will always be liable to the reproach of having wished to deceive us1 by passing herself off as divine when she was only human2 and in all discussions on the truth of her doctrines1 she will have this fatal presumption against her1 viz4 that the account of her origin was an imposture4 ,protestants boast of their independence of mind1 and reproach the ,catholic religion with violating the most sacred rights1 by demanding a submission which outrages the dignity of man4 ,here extravagant declamation about the strength of our understanding is introduced with good effect2 and a few seductive images and expressions1 such as bold flights and glittering wings1 c41 are enough to delude many readers4 ,let the human mind enjoy all its rights2 let it boast of possessing that spark of divinity called the intellect2 let it pass over all nature in triumph1 observing all the beings by which it is surrounded1 and congratulate itself on its own immense superiority1 in the midst of the wonders with which it has known how to embellish its abode2 let it point out1 as proofs of its strength and grandeur1 the changes which are everywhere worked by its presence2 by its intellectual force and boldness it has acquired the complete mastery over nature4 ,let us acknowledge the dignity and elevation of our minds to show our gratitude to our ,creator1 but let us not forget our weakness and defects4 ,why should we deceive ourselves by fancying that we know what we are really ignorant of8 ,why forget the inconstancy and variableness of our minds1 and conceal the fact1 that with respect to many things1 even of those with which we are supposed to be acquainted1 we have but confused ideas8 ,how delusive is our knowledge1 and what exaggerated notions we have of our progress in information8 ,does not one day contradict what another had affirmed8 ,time runs its course1 laughs at our predictions1 destroys our plans1 and clearly shows how vain are our projects4 ,what have those geniuses who have descended to the foundations of science1 and risen by the boldest flights to the loftiest speculations1 told us8 ,after having reached the utmost limits of the space which it is permitted to the human mind to range over1--after having trodden the most secret paths of science1 and sailed on the vast ocean of moral and physical nature1 the greatest minds of all ages have returned dissatisfied with the results4 ,they have seen a beautiful illusion appear before their eyes1--the brilliant image which enchanted them has vanished2 when they thought they were about to enter a region of light1 they have found themselves surrounded with darkness1 and they have viewed with affright the extent of their ignorance4 ,it is for this reason that the greatest minds have so little confidence in the strength of the human intellect1 although they cannot but be fully aware that they are superior to other men4 ,the sciences1 in the profound observation of ,pascal1 have two extremes which meet each other3 the first is1 the pure natural state of ignorance in which men are at their birth2 the other extreme is1 that at which great minds arrive when1 having reached the utmost extent of human knowledge1 they find that they know nothing1 and that they are still in the same state of ignorance as at first4 7,penses1 #a partie1 art4 #f47 ,catholicism says to man1 ,thy intellect is weak1 thou hast need of a guide in many things4 ,protestantism says to him1 ,thou art surrounded by light1 walk as thou wilt2 thou canst not have a better guide than thyself4 ,which of the two religions is most in accordance with the lessons of the highest philosophy8 ,it is not1 therefore1 surprising that the greatest minds among ,protestants have all felt a certain tendency towards ,catholicism1 and have seen the wisdom of subjecting the human mind1 in some things1 to the decision of an infallible authority4 ,indeed1 if an authority can be found uniting in its origin1 its duration1 its doctrines1 and its conduct1 all the characteristics of divinity1 why should the mind refuse to submit to her2 and what has it to gain by wandering1 at the mercy of its illusions1 on the most serious subjects1 in paths where it only meets with recollections of errors1 with warnings and delusions8 ,if the human mind has conceived too great an esteem for itself1 let it study its own history1 in order to see and understand how little security is to be found in its own strength4 ,abounding in systems1 inexhaustible in subtilties2 as ready in conceiving a project as incapable of maintaining it2 full of ideas which arise1 agitate1 and destroy each other1 like the insects which abound in lakes2 now raising itself on the wings of sublime inspiration1 and now creeping like a reptile on the face of the earth2 as able and willing to destroy the works of others1 as it is impotent to construct any durable ones of its own2 urged on by the violence of passion1 swollen with pride1 confounded by the infinite variety of objects which present themselves to it2 confused by so many false lights and so many deceptive appearances1 the human mind1 when left entirely to itself1 resembles those brilliant meteors which dart at random through the immensity of the heavens1 assume a thousand eccentric forms1 send forth a thousand sparks1 dazzle for a moment by their fantastic splendour1 and disappear without leaving even a reflected light to illuminate the darkness4 ,behold the history of man's knowledge6 ,in that immense and confused heap of truth1 error1 sublimity1 absurdity1 wisdom1 and folly1 are collected the proofs of my assertions1 and to that do ,i refer any one who may be inclined to accuse me of having overcharged the picture4#g ,,chapter ,v4 ,,instinct ,,of ,,faith ,,in ,,the ,,sciences4 ,the truth of what ,i have just advanced with respect to the weakness of our intellect1 is proved by the fact that the hand of ,god has placed at the bottom of our souls a preservative against the excessive changeability of our minds1 even in things which do not regard religion4 ,without this preservative all social institutions would be destroyed1 or rather never would have had existence2 without it the sciences would not have advanced a step1 and when it had disappeared from the human heart1 individuals and society would have been swallowed up by chaos4 ,i allude to a certain tendency to defer to authority--to the instinct of faith1 if ,i may so call it--an instinct which we ought to examine with great attention1 if we wish to know any thing of the human mind1 and the history of its development4 ,it has often been observed that it is impossible to comply with the most urgent necessities1 or perform the most ordinary acts of life1 without respecting the authority of the statement of others2 it is easy to understand that1 without this faith1 all the treasures of history and experience would soon be dissipated1 and that even the foundation of all knowledge would disappear4 ,these important observations are calculated to show how vain is the charge against the ,catholic religion1 of requiring nothing but faith2 but this is not my only object here2 ,i wish to present the matter under another aspect1 and place the question in such a position as to make this truth gain in extent and interest1 without losing any thing of its immovable firmness4 ,in looking over the history of human knowledge1 and glancing at the opinions of our contemporaries1 we constantly observe that the men who boast the most of their spirit of inquiry and freedom of thought1 only echo the opinions of others4 ,if we examine with attention that great study which1 under the name of science1 has made so much noise in the world1 we shall observe that it contains at bottom a large portion of authority2 and that if a perfectly free spirit of inquiry were to be introduced into it1 even with respect to points of pure reason1 the greatest part of the edifice of science would be destroyed1 and very few men would remain in possession of its secrets4 ,no branch of knowledge1 whatever may be the clearness and exactitude of which it boasts1 is an exception to this rule4 ,do not the natural and exact sciences1 rich as they are in evident principles1 rigorous in their deductions1 abounding in observation and experience1 depend1 nevertheless1 for a great many of their truths1 upon other truths of a higher nature2 the knowledge of which necessarily requires a delicacy of observation1 a power of calculation1 a clear and penetrating coup d'il1 which belongs to few8 ,when ,newton proclaimed to the scientific world the fruit of his profound calculations1 how many of his disciples could flatter themselves that they were able to confirm them by their own convictions8 ,i do not except from this question many of those who1 by laborious efforts1 had been able to comprehend something of this great man2 they had followed the mathematician in his calculations1 they had a full knowledge of the mass of facts and experience which the naturalist exposed to their view2 they had listened to the reasons on which the philosopher rested his conjectures2 in this way they thought that they were fully convinced1 and that they did not owe their assent to any thing but the force of reason and evidence4 ,well1 take away the name of ,newton1 efface from the mind the profound impression made by the authority of the man who made so extraordinary a discovery1 and has employed so much genius in supporting it1--take away1 ,i repeat it1 the shade of ,newton1 and you will directly see1 in the minds of his disciples1 their principles vacillate1 their reasonings become less convincing and exact1 and their observations appear less in accordance with the facts4 ,then1 he who thought himself a perfectly impartial observer1 a perfectly independent thinker1 will see and understand to how great an extent he was enthralled by the force of authority1 by the ascendency of genius2 he will find that1 on a variety of points1 he assented without being convinced2 and that1 instead of being a perfectly independent philosopher1 he was only an obedient and accomplished pupil4 ,i appeal with confidence to the testimony1 not of the ignorant1 not of those who have only a smattering of scientific knowledge1 but of real men of learning1 of those who have devoted much time to the various branches of study4 ,let them look into their own minds1 let them examine anew what they call their scientific convictions1 let them ask themselves1 with perfect calmness and impartiality1 whether1 even on those subjects in which they consider themselves the most advanced1 their minds are not frequently controlled by the ascendency of some author of the first rank4 ,i believe they will be compelled to acknowledge that1 if they strictly applied the method of ,descartes even to some of the questions which they have studied the most1 they would find that they believe rather than are convinced4 ,such always has been1 and such always will be1 the case4 ,it is a thing deeply rooted in the nature of our minds1 and it cannot be prevented4 ,perhaps the regulation is a matter of absolute necessity2 perhaps it contains much of that instinct of preservation which ,god1 with so much wisdom1 has diffused throughout society2 perhaps it is intended to counteract the many elements of dissolution which society contains within its bosom4 ,undoubtedly1 it is often very much to be regretted that men servilely follow in the footsteps of others1 and injurious consequences not unfrequently are the result4 ,but it would be still worse1 if men constantly held themselves in an attitude of resistance to all others1 for fear of deception4 ,woe to man and to society1 if the philosophic mania of wishing to submit all matters to a rigorous examination were to become general in the world2 and woe to science1 if this rigorous1 scrupulous1 and independent scrutiny were extended to every thing4 ,i admire the genius of ,descartes1 and acknowledge the signal services which he has rendered to science2 but ,i have more than once thought that1 if his method of doubting became general for any time1 society would be destroyed4 ,and it seems to me that1 among learned men themselves1 among impartial philosophers1 this method would do great harm2 at least1 it may be supposed that the number of men devoid of sense in the scientific world would be considerably increased4 ,happily there is no danger of this being the case4 ,if it be true that there is always in man a certain tendency towards folly1 there is also always to be found there a fund of good sense which cannot be destroyed4 ,when certain individuals of heated imaginations attempt to involve society in their delirium1 society answers with a smile of derision2 or if it allows itself to be seduced for a moment1 it soon returns to its senses1 and repels with indignation those who have endeavored to lead it astray4 ,passionate declamation against vulgar prejudice1 against docility in following others and willingness to believe all without examination1 is only considered as worthy of contempt by those who are intimately acquainted with human nature4 ,are not these feelings participated in by many who belong not to the vulgar8 ,are not the sciences full of gratuitous suppositions1 and have they not their weak points1 with which1 however1 we are satisfied1 as if they afforded a firm basis to rest upon8 ,the right of possession and prescription is also one of the peculiarities which the sciences present to us2 and it is well worthy of remark that1 without ever having borne the name1 this right has been acknowledged by a tacit but unanimous consent4 ,how can this be8 ,study the history of the sciences1 and you will find at every step this right acknowledged and established4 ,how is it1 amid the continual disputes which have divided philosophers1 that we see an old opinion make a long resistance to a new one1 and sometimes succeed in preventing its establishment8 ,it is because the old opinion was in possession1 and was strengthened by the right of prescription4 ,it is of no importance that the words were not used1 the result was the same2 this is the reason why discoverers have so often been despised1 opposed1 and even persecuted4 ,it is necessary to make this avowal1 although it may be repugnant to our pride1 and may scandalize some sincere admirers of the progress of knowledge4 ,these advances have been numerous2 the field over which the human mind has exercised itself1 and its sphere of action1 are immense2 the works by which it has proved its power are admirable2 but there is always in all this a large portion of exaggeration1 and it is necessary to make a considerable allowance1 especially in the moral sciences4 ,it cannot justly be inferred1 from these exaggerated statements1 that our intellect is capable of advancing in every path with perfect ease and activity2 no deduction can be drawn from it to contradict the fact which we have just established1 viz4 the mind of man is almost always in subjection1 even imperceptibly1 to the authority of other men4 ,in every age there appear a small number of privileged spirits1 who1 by nature superior to all the rest1 serve as guides in the various careers2 a numerous crowd1 who think themselves learned1 follow them with precipitation1 and1 fixing their eyes on the standard which has been raised1 rush breathlessly after it2 and yet1 strange as it is1 they all boast of their independence1 and flatter themselves that they are distinguishing themselves by pursuing the new path2 one would imagine that they had discovered it1 and that they were walking in it guided by their own light and inspirations4 ,necessity1 taste1 or a thousand other circumstances1 lead us to cultivate this or that branch of knowledge2 our own weakness constantly tells us that we have no creative power2 that we cannot produce any thing of our own1 and that we are incapable of striking out a new path2 but we flatter ourselves that we share some part of the glory belonging to the illustrious chief whose banner we follow2 we sometimes will succeed in persuading ourselves1 in the midst of these reveries1 that we do not fight under anybody's standard1 and that we are only rendering homage to our own convictions1 when1 in reality1 we are the proselytes of others4 ,herein common sense shows itself to be wiser than our weak reason2 and thus language1 which gives such deep expression to things1 where we find1 without knowing whence they come1 so much truth and exactitude1 gives us a severe admonition on the subject of these vain pretensions4 ,in spite of us1 language calls things by their right names1 and knows how to class us and our opinions according to the leader that we follow4 ,what is the history of science but the history of the contests of a small number of illustrious men8 ,if we glance over ancient and modern times1 and bring into view the various branches of knowledge1 we shall see a number of schools founded by a philosopher of the first rank1 and then falling under the direction of another whose talents have made him worthy to succeed the founder4 ,thus the thing goes on1 until circumstances having changed1 or the spirit of vitality being gone1 the school dies a natural death1 unless a man of bold and independent mind appears1 who takes the old school and destroys it1 in order to establish his own doctrines on the ruins4 ,when ,descartes dethroned ,aristotle1 did he not immediately take his place8 ,then philosophers pretended to independence--an independence which was contradicted by the very name they bore1 that of ,cartesians4 ,like nations who1 in times of rebellion1 cry out for liberty1 dethrone their old king1 and afterwards submit to the first man who has the boldness to seize the vacant throne4 ,it is thought in our age1 as it has been in times gone by1 that the human mind acts with perfect independence1 owing to declamation against authority in scientific matters1 and the exaltation of the freedom of thought4 ,the opinion has become general that1 in these times1 the authority of any one man is worth nothing2 it has been thought that every man of learning acts according to his own convictions alone4 ,moreover1 systems and hypotheses have lost all credit1 and a great desire for examination and analysis has become prevalent4 ,this has made people believe not only that authority in scientific matters is completely gone1 but that it is henceforth impossible4 ,at first sight there appears to be some truth in this2 but if we look attentively around us1 we shall observe that the number of leaders is only somewhat increased1 and the time of their command somewhat shortened4 ,our age is truly one of commotions1 literary and scientific revolutions1 like those in politics1 where nations imagine that they possess more liberty because the government is placed in the hands of a greater number of persons1 and because they find more facility in getting rid of their rulers4 ,they destroy those men to whom but a short time before they have given the names of fathers and liberators2 then1 the first transport being passed1 they allow other men to impose upon them a yoke in reality not less heavy4 ,besides the examples afforded us by the history of the past century1 at the present day we see only great names succeed each other1 and the leaders of the human mind take each other's places4 ,in the field of politics1 where one would imagine the spirit of freedom ought to have full scope1 do we not see men who take the lead2 and are they not looked upon as the generals of an army during a campaign8 ,in the parliamentary arena1 do we see any thing but two or three bodies of combatants1 performing their evolutions under their respective chiefs with perfect regularity and discipline8 ,these truths are well understood by those who occupy these high positions6 ,they are acquainted with our weakness1 and they know that men are commonly deceived by mere words4 ,a thousand times must they have been tempted to smile1 when1 contemplating the field of their triumphs1 and seeing themselves surrounded by followers who1 proud of their own intelligence1 admire and applaud them1 they have heard one of the most ardent of their disciples boast of his unlimited freedom of thought1 and of the complete independence of his opinions and his votes4 ,such is man1 as shown to us by history and the experience of every day4 ,the inspiration of genius1 that sublime force which raises the minds of some privileged men1 will always exercise1 not only over the ignorant1 but even over the generality of men who devote themselves to science1 a real fascination4 ,where1 then1 is the insult which the ,catholic religion offers to reason when1 presenting titles which prove her divinity1 she asks for that faith which men grant so easily to other men in matters of various kinds1 and even in things with which they consider themselves to be the best acquainted8 ,is it an insult to human reason to point out to him a fixed and certain rule with respect to matters of the greatest importance1 while1 on the other hand1 she leaves him perfectly free to think as he pleases on all the various questions which ,god has left to his discretion8 ,in this the ,church only shows herself to be in accordance with the lessons of the highest philosophy4 ,she shows a profound knowledge of the human mind1 and she delivers it from all the evils which are inflicted by its fickleness1 its inconstancy1 and its ambition1 combined as these qualities are with an extraordinary tendency to defer to the opinions of individuals4 ,who does not see that the ,catholic ,church puts thereby a check on the spirit of proselytism1 of which society has had so much reason to complain8 ,since there is in man this irresistible tendency to follow the footsteps of another1 does she not confer an eminent service on humanity1 by showing it a sure way of following the example of a ,god incarnate8 ,does she not thus take human liberty under her protection1 and at the same time save from shipwreck those branches of knowledge which are the most necessary to individuals and to society8#h ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,differences ,,in ,,the ,,religious ,,wants ,,of ,,nations--,,mathematics--,,moral ,,sciences4 ,the progress of society1 and the high degree of civilization and refinement to which modern nations have attained1 will no doubt be urged against the authority which seeks to exercise jurisdiction over the mind4 ,in this way men will attempt to justify what they call the emancipation of the human mind4 ,for my own part1 this objection seems to have so little solidity1 and to be so little supported by facts1 that1 from the progress of society1 ,i should1 on the contrary1 conclude that there is the more need of that living rule which is deemed indispensable by ,catholics4 ,to say that society in its infancy and youth may have required this authority as a check1 but that this check has become useless and degrading since the human mind has reached a higher degree of development1 is completely to mistake the connection which exists between the various conditions of our mind and the objects over which this authority extends4 ,the true idea of ,god1 the origin1 the end1 and the rule of human conduct1 together with all the means with which ,god has furnished us to attain to our high destiny1 such are the subjects with which faith deals1 and with respect to which ,catholics contend that it is necessary to have an infallible rule4 ,they maintain that without this it would be impossible to avoid the most lamentable errors1 and to protect truth from the effects of human passions4 ,this consideration will suffice to show1 that private judgment would be much less dangerous among nations still less advanced in the career of civilization4 ,there is1 indeed1 in a young nation1 a great fund of natural candor and simplicity1 which admirably disposes it to receive with docility the instructions contained in the sacred volume4 ,such a people will relish those things which are easily to be understood1 and will bow with humility before the sublime obscurity of those pages which it has pleased ,god to cover with a veil of mystery4 ,moreover1 the condition of this people1 as yet exempt from the pride of knowledge1 would create a sort of authority1 since there would be found within its bosom only a small number of men able to examine divine revelation2 and thus a centre for the distribution of instruction would be naturally formed4 ,but it is far otherwise with a nation far advanced in the career of knowledge4 ,with the latter1 the extension of knowledge to a greater number of individuals1 by augmenting pride and fickleness1 multiplies sects1 and ends by revolutionizing ideas and corrupting the purest traditions4 ,a young nation is devoted to simple occupations2 it remains attached to its ancient customs2 it listens with respect and docility to the aged1 who1 surrounded by their children and grand-children1 relate with emotion the histories and the maxims which they have received from their ancestors4 ,but when society has reached a great degree of development1 when respect for the fathers of families and veneration for gray hairs have become weakened2 when pompous titles1 scientific display1 and grand libraries make men conceive a high idea of their intellectual powers2 when the multitude and activity of communications widely diffuse those ideas1 which1 when put in motion1 have an almost magical power of affecting men's minds1 then it is necessary1--it is indispensable to have an authority1 always living1 always ready to act whenever it is wanted1--to cover with a protecting gis the sacred deposit of truths which are the same in all times and places2 truths without the knowledge of which man would be left to the mercy of his own errors and caprices from the cradle to the grave2 truths on which society rests as its surest foundation2 truths which cannot be destroyed without shaking to pieces the whole social edifice4 ,the literary and political history of ,europe for the last three hundred years affords but too many proofs of this4 ,religious revolution broke out at the moment when it was capable of doing the most harm3 it found society agitated by all the activity of the human mind1 and it destroyed the control when it was most necessary4 ,undoubtedly1 it is necessary to guard against depreciating the mind of man by charging it with faults which it has not1 or by exaggerating those which it has2 but it is no less improper to puff it up by exalting its strength too much4 ,the latter would be injurious to it in several ways1 and would be little likely to advance its progress2 it would also1 if properly understood1 be little conformable to that gravity and discretion which ought to distinguish true science4 ,indeed1 to merit the name1 science ought to show the folly of being vain of what does not rightly belong to it2 it ought to know its limits1 and have sufficient candor and generosity to acknowledge its weakness4 ,there is a fact in the history of science1 which1 by revealing the intrinsic weakness of the mind1 palpably shows the flattery of those unmeasured eulogies which are sometimes lavished on it1 and also demonstrates to us how dangerous it would be to abandon it to itself without any guide4 ,this fact is1 the obscurity which increases in proportion as we approach the first principles of science2 so that even in those sciences the truth1 evidence1 and exactness of which are considered the best established1 it seems that no firm ground is to be obtained when we attempt to go to the bottom of them2 and the mind1 not finding any security1 recoils in the fear of meeting with something to throw doubt and uncertainty on the truths of which it was convinced4 ,i do not participate in the ill-humor of ,hobbes against the mathematics4 ,devoted to their progress1 and deeply convinced as ,i am of the advantages which their study confers on the other sciences and on society1 ,i shall not attempt to underrate their merit1 or deny any of their great claims2 but who can say that they are an exception to the general rule8 ,have they not their weak points and their darksome paths8 ,it is true that1 when we confine ourselves to the explanation of the first principles of these sciences1 and the deduction from them of the most elementary propositions1 the mind is on firm ground1 where no fear of making a false step occurs to it4 ,i put aside at present the obscurity which would be found in ideology and metaphysics1 if they were to discuss certain points according to the writings of the most distinguished philosophers4 ,let us confine ourselves to the circle to which the mathematics are naturally confined4 ,who that has studied them is ignorant that you may reach a point in their theories1 where the mind finds nothing but obscurity8 ,the demonstration is before our eyes2 it has been developed in all its parts2 and yet the mind wavers1 feeling within itself a kind of uncertainty which it cannot well describe4 ,it sometimes happens that1 after reasoning a long time1 the truth rushes upon us like the light of day2 but it is not until we have walked in darkness for a long period4 ,when we fix our attention upon those thoughts which wander in our minds like moving lights1 on those almost imperceptible emotions which1 on these occasions1 arise1 and then die away in the soul1 we observe that the mind1 in the midst of its fluctuations1 seeks instinctively for the anchor which is to be found in the authority of another4 ,to reassure ourselves completely1 we then invoke the authority of some great mathematicians1 and we rejoice that the fact is placed beyond a doubt by the series of great men who have always viewed it in the same light4 ,but perhaps our ignorance and pride will not admit the truth of these reflections4 ,let us1 then1 study these sciences1 or at least read their history1 and we shall be convinced that they afford numerous proofs of the weakness of the intellect4 ,did not the extraordinary invention of ,newton and ,leibnitz find many opponents in ,europe8 ,were there not required to establish it1 both the sanction of time and the touchstone of experience1 which made manifest the truth of their principles and the exactness of their reasonings8 ,do you believe that1 if this invention were again1 for the first time1 to make its appearance in the field of science1 even fortified with all the proofs which have been brought forward to strengthen it1 and surrounded with all the light which so many explanations have shed upon it1--do you believe1 ,i say1 that it would not need a second time the right of prescription1 to regain its tranquil and undisturbed empire8 ,it is easy to suppose that the other sciences have no little share in this uncertainty arising from the weakness of the human mind2 as ,i do not imagine that this assertion will be called in question1 ,i pass on to a few remarks on the peculiar character of the moral sciences4 ,the fact has not been sufficiently attended to1 that there is no study more deceptive than that of the moral sciences2 ,i say deceptive1 because this study1 seducing the mind by an appearance of facility1 draws it into difficulties which it is no easy matter to overcome4 ,it may be compared to those tranquil waters which1 although apparently but shallow1 are in reality unfathomably deep4 ,familiarized from our infancy with the language of this science1 surrounded by its continual applications1 and having before our eyes its truths under a palpable form1 we possess a certain facility of speaking readily on many parts of the subject2 and we have the rashness to suppose that it would not be difficult to master its highest principles and its most delicate relations4 ,but wonderful as it is1 scarcely have we quitted the path of common sense1 and attempted to go beyond those simple impressions which we have received from our mothers1 when we find ourselves in a labyrinth of confusion4 ,if the mind gives itself up to subtilties1 it ceases to listen to the voice of the heart1 which speaks to it with equal simplicity and eloquence2 if it does not repress its pride1 and attend to the wise counsels of good sense1 it will be guilty of despising those salutary and necessary truths1 which have been preserved by society to be transmitted from generation to generation3 it is then1 while groping its way in the dark1 that it falls into the wildest extravagances1 the lamentable effects of which are so often exemplified in the history of the sciences4 ,if we observe attentively1 we shall find something of the same kind in all the sciences4 ,the ,creator has taken care to supply us with knowledge necessary for the purposes of life1 and for the attainment of our destiny2 but it has not pleased ,him to gratify our curiosity by discovering to us what was not necessary4 ,nevertheless1 in some things ,he has communicated to the mind a power which renders it capable of constantly adding to its knowledge2 but1 with respect to moral truths1 it has been left sterile4 ,what man is required to know1 has been deeply engraven on his heart1 in characters simple and intelligible2 or is contained in the sacred volume2 and moreover1 he has had pointed out to him1 in the authority of the ,church1 a fixed rule1 to which he can apply to have his doubts explained4 ,with respect to the rest1 man has been placed in such a position1 that if he attempt to enter into matters which are too subtle1 he only wanders backwards and forwards in the same road1 at the extremities of which he finds on the one side skepticism1 on the other pure truth4 ,perhaps some modern ideologists will urge1 in opposition to this1 the result of their own analytical labours4 ,before men began to analyze facts1 they will say1 and while they indulged in fanciful systems1 and satisfied themselves with verbal disputes without critical examination1 all this might be true2 but now that we have explained all the ideas of moral good and evil1 in so perfect a way1 and have separated the prejudice in them from the true philosophy2 now that the whole system of morality is based upon the simple principles of pleasure and pain1 and we have given the clearest ideas of these things1 such1 for example1 as the sensations produced in us by an orange2 to maintain your assertion1 is to be ungrateful towards science1 and to underrate the fruit of our labours4 ,i am aware of the labours of some moral ideologists1 and ,i know with what deceptive simplicity they develop their theories1 by giving to the most difficult things an easy turn1 which affects to make them intelligible to the most limited minds4 ,this is not the place to examine these analytical investigations1 and their results4 ,i shall1 however1 remark that1 in spite of their promised simplicity1 it does not appear that either society or science makes much progress through their means1 and that these opinions1 although but a short time broached1 are already superannuated4 ,this is not a matter of astonishment to us2 for it was easy to perceive that1 in spite of their positiveness1 if ,i may be allowed to use the expression1 these ideologists are as hypothetical as many of their predecessors1 who are loaded by them with sarcasms and contempt4 ,they are a poor1 narrow-minded school1 devoid of the truth1 and not even adorned by the brilliant dreams of great men2 a proud and deluded school1 who fancy they explain a fact1 when they only obscure it2 and prove a thing1 when they only assert it2 and imagine that they analyze the human heart1 when they take it to pieces4 ,if such is the human mind2 if such is its inability in matters of science1 whether physical or moral1 that it has not advanced a single step beyond the limit prescribed by a beneficent ,providence2 what service has ,protestantism rendered to modern society1 by impairing the force of authority1 that power which could alone present an effectual barrier to man's unhappy wanderings8#i ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,indifference ,,and ,,fanaticism4 ,in rejecting the authority of the ,church1 and in adopting this resistance as its only principle1 ,protestantism was compelled to seek its whole support in man2 thus to mistake the true character of the human mind1 and its relations with religious and moral truth1 was to throw itself1 according to circumstances1 into the opposite extremes of fanaticism and indifference4 ,it may seem strange that these opposite errors should emanate from the same source2 and yet nothing is more certain4 ,protestantism1 by appealing to man alone in religious matters1 had only two courses to adopt2 either to suppose men to be inspired by ,heaven for the discovery of truth1 or to subject all religious truths to the examination of reason4 ,to submit religious truths to the judgment of reason was sooner or later to produce indifference2 on the other hand1 private inspiration must engender fanaticism4 ,there is a universal and constant fact in the history of the human mind--viz4 its decided inclination to invent systems in which the reality of things is completely laid aside1 and where we only see the workings of a spirit which has chosen to quit the ordinary path in order to give itself up to its own inspirations4 ,the history of philosophy is little else than a perpetual repetition of this phenomenon1 which the human mind shows1 in some shape or other1 in all things which admit of it4 ,when the mind has conceived a peculiar idea1 it regards it with that blind and exclusive predilection which is found in the love of the father for his children4 ,under the influence of this prejudice1 the mind developes its ideas and accommodates facts to suit it2 that which at first was only an ingenious and extravagant idea1 becomes the germ of important doctrines2 and if it arise in a person of an ardent disposition1 fanaticism1 the cause of so much madness1 is the consequence4 ,the danger is very much increased when the new system applies to religious matters1 or is immediately connected with them4 ,the extravagances of a diseased mind are then looked upon as inspirations from ,heaven2 the fever of delirium as a divine flame2 and a mania of being singular as an extraordinary vocation4 ,pride1 unable to brook opposition1 rises against all that it finds established2 it insults all authority2 it attacks all institutions2 it despises everybody2 it conceals the grossest violence under the mantle of zeal1 and ambition under the name of apostleship4 ,the dupe of himself rather than an impostor1 the wretched maniac sometimes becomes deeply persuaded that his doctrines are true1 and that he has received the commands of ,heaven4 ,as there is something extraordinary and striking in the fiery language of the madman1 he communicates to those who listen to him a portion of his insanity1 and makes1 in a short time1 a considerable number of proselytes4 ,the men capable of playing the first part in this scene of madness are not numerous1 it is true2 but unhappily the majority of men are foolish enough to be easily led away4 ,history and experience sufficiently prove that the crowd are easily attracted1 and that to form a party1 however criminal1 extravagant1 or ridiculous1 it is only necessary to raise a standard4 ,i wish to take this opportunity of making an observation which ,i have never seen pointed out--viz4 that the ,church1 in her contest with heresy1 has rendered an important service to the science which devotes itself to the examination of the true character1 tendency1 and power of the human mind4 ,the zealous guardian of all great truths1 she has always known how to preserve them unimpaired2 she was fully acquainted with the weakness of the mind of man1 and its extreme proneness to folly and extravagance2 she has followed it closely in all its steps1 has watched it in all its movements1 and has constantly resisted it with energy1 when it attempted to pollute the pure fountain of which she is the guardian4 ,during the long and violent contests which she has had with it1 the ,church has made manifest its incurable folly2 she has exhibited it on every side1 and has shown it in all its forms4 ,thus it is that1 in the history of heresies1 she has made an abundant collection of facts1 and has painted an extremely interesting picture of the human mind1 where its characteristic physiognomy is faithfully represented2 a picture which will doubtless be of great service in the composition of the important work which is yet unwritten--viz4 the true history of the human mind4#aj ,certain it is that the ravings and extravagances of fanaticism have not been wanting in the history of ,europe for the last three hundred years4 ,their monuments still remain2 in whatever direction we turn our steps1 we find bloody traces of the fanatical sects produced by ,protestantism1 and engendered by its fundamental principle4 ,nothing could confine this devastating torrent1 neither the violent character of ,luther1 nor the furious efforts which he made to oppose every one who taught doctrines different from his own4 ,impiety succeeded impiety1 extravagance extravagance1 fanaticism fanaticism4 ,the pretended ,reformation was soon divided into as many sects as there were found men with the ingenuity to invent and the boldness to maintain a system of their own4 ,this was necessarily the case2 for besides the danger of leaving the human mind without a guide on all questions of religion1 there was another cause fruitful in fatal results1 ,i mean the private interpretation of the sacred books4 ,it was then found that the best things may be abused1 and that these divine volumes1 which contain so much instruction for the mind1 and so much consolation for the heart1 are full of danger to the proud4 ,how great will this be1 if you add to the obstinate resolution of resisting all authority in matters of faith1 the false persuasion that the meaning of the ,scriptures is everywhere clear1 and that1 in all cases1 the inspirations of ,heaven may be expected to solve every doubt8 ,what will happen to those who turn over their pages with a longing desire to find some text which1 more or less tortured1 may seem to authorize their sophisms1 subtilties1 and absurdities8 ,there never was a greater mistake than that which was committed by the ,protestant leaders1 when they placed the ,bible in the hands of all for self-interpretation2 never was the nature of that sacred volume more completely lost sight of4 ,it is true that ,protestantism had no other method to pursue1 and that every objection which it could make to the private interpretation of the sacred text would be a striking inconsistency1 an apostasy from its own principles1 and a denial of its own origin2 but at the same time1 this is its most decided condemnation4 ,what claim1 indeed1 can that religion have to truth and sanctity whose fundamental principle contains the germ of sects the most fanatical--the most injurious to society8 ,it would be difficult to collect into so narrow a space1 in opposition to this essential error of ,protestantism1 so many facts and convincing proofs of this1 as are contained in the following lines1 written by a ,protestant1 ,o',callaghan1 which1 ,i have no doubt1 my readers will thank me for quoting here4 ,led away1 says ,o',callaghan1 by their spirit of opposition to the ,church of ,rome1 the first ,reformers loudly proclaimed the right of interpreting the ,scriptures according to each one's private judgment2 but in their eagerness to emancipate the people from the authority of the ,pope1 they proclaimed this right without explanation or restriction3 and the consequences were fearful4 ,impatient to undermine the papal jurisdiction1 they maintained without exception1 that each individual has an incontestable right to interpret the ,scriptures for himself2 and as this principle1 carried to the fullest extent1 was not sustainable1 they were obliged to rely for support upon another1 viz4 that the ,bible is an easy book1 within the comprehension of all minds1 and that the divine revelations contained in it are always clear to all2 two propositions which1 whether we consider them together or apart1 cannot withstand a serious attack4 ,the private judgment of ,muncer found in the ,scriptures that titles of nobility and great estates are impious usurpations1 contrary to the natural equality of the faithful1 and he invited his followers to examine if this were not the case4 ,they examined into the matter1 praised ,god1 and then proceeded by fire and sword to extirpate the impious and possess themselves of their properties4 ,private judgment made the discovery in the ,bible that established laws were a permanent restriction on ,christian liberty2 and1 behold1 ,john of ,leyden1 throwing away his tools1 put himself at the head of a mob of fanatics1 surprised the town of ,munster1 proclaimed himself king of ,sion1 and took fourteen wives at a time1 asserting that polygamy is ,christian liberty1 and the privilege of the saints4 ,but if the criminal madness of these men in another country is afflicting to the friends of humanity and of real piety1 certainly the history of ,england1 during a great part of the seventeenth century1 is not calculated to console them4 ,during that period an immense number of fanatics appeared1 sometimes together and sometimes in succession1 intoxicated with extravagant doctrines and mischievous passions1 from the fierce ravings of ,fox to the more methodical madness of ,barclay2 from the formidable fanaticism of ,cromwell to the silly profanity of ',praise ,god ,barebones4' ,piety1 reason1 and good sense seemed to be extinct on earth1 and to be succeeded by an extravagant jargon1 a religious frenzy1 and a zeal without discretion4 ,all quoted the ,scriptures1 all pretended to have had inspirations1 visions1 and spiritual ecstasies1 and all1 indeed1 had equal claims to them4 ,it was strongly maintained that it was proper to abolish the priesthood and the royal dignity1 because priests were the ministers of ,satan1 and kings the delegates of the whore of ,babylon1 and that the existence of both were inconsistent with the reign of the ,redeemer4 ,the fanatics condemned science as a ,pagan invention1 and universities as seminaries of antichristian impiety4 ,bishops were not protected by the sanctity of their functions1 or kings by the majesty of the throne2 both1 as objects of contempt and hatred1 were mercilessly put to death by these fanatics1 whose only book was the ,bible1 without note or comment4 ,during this time1 the enthusiasm for prayer1 preaching1 and the reading of the sacred books was at the highest point2 everybody prayed1 preached1 and read1 but nobody listened4 ,the greatest atrocities were justified by the ,scriptures2 in the most ordinary transactions of life1 scriptural language was made use of2 national affairs1 foreign and domestic1 were discussed in the phraseology of ,holy ,writ4 ,there were scriptural plots1 conspiracies1 and proscriptions2 and all this was not only justified but even sanctified by quotations from the word of ,god4 ,these facts1 attested by history1 have often astonished and alarmed men of virtue and piety1 but the reader1 too much imbued with his own ideas1 forgets the lesson to be learnt by this fatal experience2 namely1 that the ,bible without note or comment was not intended to be read by rude and ignorant men4 ,the majority of mankind must be content to receive the instructions of others1 and are not enabled to trust themselves4 ,the most important truths in medicine1 in jurisprudence1 in physics1 in mathematics1 must be received from those who drink at the fountain head4 ,the same plan has in general been pursued with respect to ,christianity2 and whenever the departure from it has been wide enough1 'society has been shaken to its foundation4' ,these words of ,o',callaghan do not require any comment4 ,it cannot be said that they are hyperbolical or declamatory1 as they are only a simple and faithful narration of acknowledged facts4 ,the recollection of these events should suffice to prove the danger of placing the sacred ,scriptures1 without note or comment1 into the hands of all1 as ,protestantism does1 under the pretence1 that the authority of the ,church is useless for understanding the holy books2 and that every ,christian has only to listen to the dictates which generally emanate from his passions and heated imagination4 ,by this error alone1 if it had committed no other1 ,protestantism is self-reproved and condemned2 for it is a religion which has established a principle destructive to itself4 ,in order to appreciate the madness of ,protestantism on this point1 and to see how false and dangerous is the position which it has assumed with regard to the human mind1 it is not necessary to be a theologian1 or a ,catholic2 it is enough to have read the ,scriptures with the eyes of a philosopher or a man of literature4 ,here is a book which comprises1 within a limited compass1 the period of four thousand years1 and advances further towards the most distant future1 by embracing the origin and destiny of man and the universe--a book which1 with the continued history of a chosen people1 intermingles1 in its narrations and prophecies1 the revolutions of mighty empires--a book which1 side by side with the magnificent pictures of the power and splendor of ,eastern monarchs1 describes1 in simple colors1 the plain domestic manners1 the candor1 and innocence of a young nation--a book in which historians relate1 sages proclaim their maxims of wisdom1 apostles preach1 and doctors instruct--a book in which prophets1 under the influence of the divine ,spirit1 thunder against the errors and corruptions of the people1 and announce the vengeance of the ,god of ,sinai1 or pour forth inconsolable lamentations on the captivity of their brethren1 and the desolation and solitude of their country2 where they relate1 in wonderful and sublime language1 the magnificent spectacles which are presented to their eyes2 where1 in moments of ecstasy1 they see pass before them the events of society and the catastrophes of nature1 although veiled in mysterious figures and visions of obscurity--a book1 or rather a collection of books1 where are to be found all sorts of styles and all varieties of narrative1 epic majesty1 pastoral simplicity1 lyric fire1 serious instruction1 grave historical narrative1 and lively and rapid dramatic action2 a collection of books1 in fine1 written at various times and in various languages1 in various countries1 and under the most peculiar and extraordinary circumstances4 ,must not all this confuse the heads of men who1 puffed up with their own conceit1 grope through these pages in the dark1 ignorant of climates1 times1 laws1 customs1 and manners8 ,they will be puzzled by allusions1 surprised by images1 deceived by expressions2 they will hear the ,greek and ,hebrew1 which was written in those remote ages1 now spoken in a modern idiom4 ,what effects must all these circumstances produce on the minds of readers who believe that the ,bible is an easy book1 to be understood without difficulty by all8 ,persuaded that they do not require the instructions of others1 they must either resolve all these difficulties by their own reflections1 or trust to that individual inspiration which they believe will not be wanting to explain to them the loftiest mysteries4 ,who1 after this1 can be astonished that ,protestantism has produced so many absurd visionaries and furious fanatics8#aa ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,fanaticism--,,its ,,definition4--,,fanaticism ,,in ,,the ,,catholic ,,church4 ,it would be unjust to charge a religion with falsehood1 merely because fanatics are to be found within its bosom4 ,this would be to reject all1 because none are to be found exempt from them4 ,a religion1 then1 is not to be condemned because it has them1 but because it produces them1 urges them on1 and opens a field for them4 ,if we observe closely1 we shall find at the bottom of the human heart an abundant source of fanaticism2 the history of man affords us many proofs of this incontestable truth4 ,imagine whatever delusion you please1 relate the most extravagant visions1 invent the most absurd system1 if you only take care to give to all a religious coloring1 you may be sure that you will have enthusiastic followers1 who will heartily devote themselves to the propagation of your doctrines1 and will espouse your cause blindly and ardently2 in other words1 you will have under your standard a troop of fanatics4 ,philosophers have devoted many pages to declamation against fanaticism2 they have1 as it were1 assumed the mission of banishing it from the earth4 ,they have tired mankind with philosophical lectures1 and have thundered against the monster with all the vigor of their eloquence4 ,they used the word1 however1 in so wide a sense as to include all kind of religion4 ,but1 if they had confined themselves to attacking real fanaticism1 ,i believe they would have done much better if they had devoted some time to the examination of this matter in an analytic spirit1 and had treated it1 after so doing1 maturely1 calmly1 and without prejudice4 ,inasmuch as these philosophers were aware that fanaticism is a natural infirmity of the human mind1 they could1 if they were men of sense and wisdom1 have had little hope of banishing the accursed monster from the world by reasoning and eloquence2 for ,i am not aware that1 up to the present time1 philosophy has remedied any of the important evils that afflict humanity4 ,among the numerous errors of the philosophy of the eighteenth century1 one of the principal was the mania for types2 there was formed in the mind a type of the nature of man1 of society1 in a word1 of every thing2 and every thing that could not be adjusted to this type1 every thing that could not be moulded into the required form1 was so subjected to the fury of philosophers1 as to make it certain1 at least1 that the want of pliability did not go unpunished4 ,but do ,i mean to deny the existence of fanaticism in the world8 ,there is much of it4 ,do ,i deny that it is an evil8 ,it is a very great one4 ,can it be extirpated8 ,it cannot4 ,how can its extent be diminished1 its force weakened1 and its violence checked8 ,by directing man wisely4 ,can this be done by philosophy8 ,we shall presently see4 ,what is the origin of fanaticism8 ,we must begin by defining the real meaning of the word4 ,by fanaticism is meant1 taking the word in its widest signification1 the strong excitement of a mind powerfully acted on by a false or exaggerated opinion4 ,if the opinion be true1 if it be confined within just limits1 there is no fanaticism2 or1 if there be any1 it is only with respect to the means employed in defending the opinion4 ,but in that case there is an erroneous judgment1 since it is believed that the truth of the opinion authorizes the means2 that is to say1 there is already error or exaggeration4 ,if a true opinion be sustained by legitimate means1 if the occasion be opportune1 whatever may be the excitement or effervescence of mind1 whatever may be the energy of the efforts and the sacrifices made1 then there is enthusiasm of mind and heroism of action1 but no fanaticism4 ,were it otherwise1 the heroes of all times and countries might be stigmatized as fanatics4 ,fanaticism1 in this general sense1 extends to all the subjects which occupy the human mind2 thus there are fanatics in religion1 in politics1 even in science and literature4 ,nevertheless1 according to etymology and custom1 the word is properly applied to religious matters only2 therefore the word1 when used alone1 means fanaticism in religion1 whilst1 when applied to other things1 it is always accompanied by a qualifying epithet2 thus we say political fanatics1 literary fanatics1 c4 ,there is no doubt that in religious matters men have a strong tendency to give themselves to a dominant idea1 which they desire to communicate to all around them1 and propagate everywhere4 ,they sometimes go so far as to attempt this by the most violent means4 ,the same fact appears1 to a certain extent1 in other matters2 but it acquires in religious things a character different from what it assumes elsewhere4 ,it is there that the human mind acquires increased force1 frightful energy1 and unbounded expansion2 there are no more difficulties1 obstacles1 or fetters2 material interests entirely disappear2 the greatest sufferings acquire a charm2 torments are nothing2 death itself is a seductive illusion4 ,this phenomenon varies with individuals1 with ideas1 with the manners of the nation in whose bosom it is produced2 but at bottom it is always the same4 ,if we examine the matter thoroughly1 we shall find that the violences of the followers of ,mahomet1 and the extravagant disciples of ,fox1 have a common origin4 ,it is with this passion as with all others2 when they produce great evils1 it is because they deviate from their legitimate objects1 or because they strive at those objects by means which are not conformable to the dictates of reason and prudence4 ,fanaticism1 then1 rightly understood1 is nothing but misguided religious feeling2 a feeling which man has within him from the cradle to the tomb1 and which is found to be diffused throughout society in all periods of its existence4 ,vain have been the efforts made up to this time to render men irreligious2 a few individuals may give themselves up to the folly of complete irreligion2 but the human race always protests against those who endeavor to stifle the sentiment of religion4 ,now this feeling is so strong and active1 it exercises so unbounded an influence on man1 that no sooner has it been diverted from its legitimate object1 and quitted the right path1 than it is seen to produce lamentable results2 then it is that two causes1 fertile in great disasters1 are found in combination1 complete blindness of the understanding and irresistible energy of the will4 ,in declaiming against fanaticism1 many ,protestants and philosophers have thought proper to throw a large share of blame on the ,catholic ,church2 certainly they ought to have been more moderate in this respect if their philosophy had been good4 ,it is true the ,church cannot boast of having cured all the follies of man2 she cannot pretend to have banished fanaticism so completely as not to have some fanatics among her children2 but she may justly boast that no religion has taken more effectual means of curing the evil4 ,it may1 moreover1 be affirmed1 that she has taken her measures so well1 that when it does make its appearance1 she confines it within such limits that it may exist for a time1 but cannot produce very dangerous results4 ,its mental errors and delirious dreams1 which1 if encouraged1 lead men to the commission of the greatest extravagances and the most horrible crimes1 are kept under control when the mind possesses a salutary conviction of its own weakness and a respect for infallible authority4 ,if they be not extinguished at their birth1 at least they remain in a state of isolation1 they do not injure the deposit of true doctrine1 and the ties which unite all the faithful as members of the same body are not broken4 ,with respect to revelations1 visions1 prophecies1 and ecstasies1 as long as they preserve a private character and do not affect the truths of faith1 the ,church1 generally speaking1 tolerates them and abstains from interference1 leaving the discussion of the facts to criticism1 and allowing the faithful an entire liberty of thinking as they please2 but if the affair assumes a more important aspect1 if the visionary calls in question points of doctrine1 she immediately shows her vigilance4 ,attentive to every voice raised against the instructions of her ,divine ,master1 she fixes an observant eye on the innovator4 ,she examines whether he be a man deceived in matters of doctrine or a wolf in sheep's clothing2 she raises her warning voice1 she points out to all the faithful the error or the danger1 and the voice of the ,shepherd recalls the wandering sheep2 but if he refuse to listen to her1 and prefer to follow his own caprices1 she separates him from the flock1 and declares him to resemble the wolf4 ,from that moment all those who are sincerely desirous of continuing in the bosom of the ,church1 can no more be infected with the error4 ,undoubtedly1 ,protestants will reproach ,catholics with the number of visionaries who have existed in the ,church2 they will recall the revelations and visions of a great number of saints who are venerated on our altars2 they will accuse us of fanaticism1--a fanaticism1 they will say1 which1 far from being limited in its effects to a narrow circle1 has been able to produce the most important results4 ,do not the founders of religious orders alone1 they will say1 afford us a spectacle of a long succession of fanatics1 who1 self-deluded1 exercised upon others1 by their words and example1 the greatest fascination that was ever seen8 ,as this is not the place to enlarge upon the subject of religious communities1 which ,i propose to do in another part of this work1 ,i shall content myself with the observation1 that even supposing that all the visions and revelations of our saints and the heavenly inspirations with which the founders of religious orders believed themselves to have been favored were delusions1 our opponents would not be in any way justified in throwing on the ,church the reproach of fanaticism4 ,and1 first1 it is easy to see that1 as far as individual visions are concerned1 as long as they are thus limited1 there may be delusion1 or1 if you will1 fanaticism2 but this fanaticism will not be injurious to any one1 or create confusion in society4 ,if a poor woman believe herself to be peculiarly favoured by ,heaven1 if she fancy that she hears the words of the ,blessed ,virgin1 that she converses with angels who bring her messages from ,god1 all this may excite the credulity of some and the raillery of others1 but certainly it will not cost society a drop of blood or a tear4 ,as to the founders of religious orders1 in what way are they subject to the charge of fanaticism8 ,let us pass in silence the profound respect which their virtues deserve1 and the gratitude which humanity owes them for the inestimable benefits conferred2 let us suppose that they were deceived in all their inspirations2 we may certainly call this delusion1 but not fanaticism4 ,we do not find in them either frenzy or violence2 they are men diffident in themselves1 who1 when they believe that they are called by ,heaven to a great design1 never commence the work without having prostrated themselves at the feet of the ,sovereign ,pontiff2 they submit to his judgment the rules for the establishment of their orders1 they ask his instruction1 listen to his decision with docility1 and do nothing without having obtained his permission4 ,how1 then1 do these founders of orders resemble the fanatics1 who1 putting themselves at the head of a furious multitude1 kill1 destroy1 and leave everywhere behind them traces of blood and ruin8 ,we see in the founders of religious orders men who1 deeply impressed with an idea1 devote themselves to realize it1 however great may be the sacrifice4 ,their conduct constantly shows a fixed idea1 which is developed according to a preconcerted plan1 and is always highly social and religious in its object3 above all1 this is submitted to authority1 maturely examined and corrected by the counsels of prudence4 ,an impartial philosopher1 whatever may be his religious opinions1 may find in all this more or less illusion and prejudice1 or prudence and address2 but he cannot find fanaticism1 for there is nothing there which resembles it4#ab ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,infidelity ,,and ,,indifference ,,in ,,europe1 ,,the ,,fruits ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,the fanaticism of sects1 which is excited1 kept alive1 and nourished in ,europe1 by the private judgment of ,protestantism1 is certainly an evil of the greatest magnitude2 yet it is not so mischievous or alarming as the infidelity and religious indifference for which modern society is indebted to the pretended ,reformation4 ,brought on by the scandalous extravagances of so many sects of soi-disant ,christians1 infidelity and religious indifference1 which have their root even in the very principle of ,protestantism1 began to show themselves with alarming symptoms in the sixteenth century2 they have acquired with time great diffusion1 they have penetrated all the branches of science and literature1 have produced an effect on languages1 and have endangered all the conquests which civilization had gained during so many ages4 ,even during the sixteenth century1 and amid the hot disputes and religious wars which ,protestantism had enkindled1 infidelity spread in an alarming manner2 and it is probable that it was even more common than it appeared to be1 as it was not easy to throw off the mask at a period so near to the time when religious convictions had been so deeply rooted4 ,it is very likely that infidelity was propagated disguised under the mantle of the ,reformation1 and that sometimes enlisting under the banner of one sect and sometimes of another1 it labored to weaken them all1 in order to set up its own throne on the general ruin of faith4 ,it does not require a great effort of logic to pass from ,protestantism to ,deism2 from ,deism to ,atheism1 there is but a step2 and there must have been1 at the time when these errors were broached1 a large number of persons with reasoning powers enough to carry them out to the fullest extent4 ,the ,christian religion1 as explained by ,protestants1 is only a kind of philosophic system more or less reasonable2 as1 when fully examined1 it has no divine character4 ,how1 then1 can it govern a reflecting and independent mind8 ,yes1 one glance at the first exhibitions of ,protestantism must have been enough to incline all those to religious indifference who1 naturally disinclined to fanaticism1 had lost the anchor of the ,church's authority4 ,when we consider the language and conduct of the sectarian leaders of that time1 we are strongly inclined to suspect that they laughed at all ,christian faith2 that they concealed their indifference or their ,atheism under strange doctrines which served as a standard1 and that they propagated their writings with very bad faith1 while they disguised their perfidious intention of preserving in the minds of their partisans sectarian fanaticism4 ,thus1 listening to the dictates of good sense1 the father of the famous ,montaigne1 although he had seen as yet only the preludes of the ,reformation1 said1 that this beginning of evil would easily degenerate into execrable ,atheism4 ,a very remarkable testimony1 which has been preserved to us by his son himself1 who was certainly neither weak nor hypocritical4 7,essais de ,montaigne1 liv4 ii4 chap4 #ab47 ,when this man pronounced so wise a judgment on the real tendency of ,protestantism1 did he imagine that his own son would confirm the justness of his prediction8 ,everybody knows that ,montaigne was one of the first skeptics that became famous in ,europe4 ,it was requisite1 at that time1 for men to be cautious in declaring themselves ,atheists or indifferentists1 among ,protestants themselves2 and it may readily be imagined that all unbelievers had not the boldness of ,gruet2 yet we may believe the celebrated theologian of ,toledo1 ,chacon1 who said at the beginning of the last third of the sixteenth century1 that the heresy of the ,atheists1 of those who believed nothing1 had great strength in ,france and in other countries4 ,religious controversy continued to occupy the attention of all the savants of ,europe1 and during this time the gangrene of infidelity made great progress4 ,this evil1 from the middle of the seventeenth century1 assumed a most alarming aspect4 ,who is not dismayed at reading the profound thoughts of ,pascal on religious indifference8 and who has not felt1 in reading them1 the emotion which is caused in the soul by the presence of a dreadful evil8 ,things were now much advanced1 and unbelievers were not far from being in a position1 to take their rank among the schools who disputed for the upper hand in ,europe4 ,with more or less of disguise1 they had already for a long time shown themselves under the form of ,socinianism2 but that did not suffice1 for ,socinianism bore at least the name of a religious sect1 and irreligion began to feel itself strong enough to appear under its own name4 ,the last part of the seventeenth century presents a crisis which is very remarkable with respect to religion2--a crisis which perhaps has not been well examined1 although it exhibits some very remarkable facts2 ,i allude to a lassitude of religious disputes1 marked by two tendencies diametrically opposed to each other1 and yet very natural3 one towards ,catholicity and the other towards ,atheism4 ,every one knows how much disputing there had been up to this time on religion2 religious controversies were the prevailing taste1 and it may be said that they formed the principal occupation not only of ecclesiastics1 both ,catholic and ,protestant1 but even of the well-educated laity4 ,this taste penetrated the palaces of kings and princes4 ,the natural result of so many controversies was to disclose the radical error of ,protestantism3 then the mind1 which could not remain firm on such slippery ground1 was obliged1 either to adopt authority1 or abandon itself to ,atheism or complete indifference4 ,these tendencies made themselves very perceptibly felt2 thus it was that at the very time when ,bayle thought ,europe sufficiently prepared for his infidelity and skepticism1 there was going on an animated and serious correspondence for the reunion of the ,german ,protestants with the ,catholic ,church4 ,men of education are acquainted with the discussions which took place between the ,lutheran ,molanus1 abbot of ,lockum1 and ,christopher1 at first ,bishop of ,tyna1 and afterwards of ,newstad4 ,the correspondence between the two most remarkable men at that time in ,europe of both communions1 ,bossuet and ,leibnitz1 is another monument of the importance of these negotiations4 ,the happy moment was not yet come2 political considerations1 which ought to have vanished in the presence of such lofty interests1 exercised a mischievous influence on the great soul of ,leibnitz1 and he did not preserve1 throughout the progress of the discussions and negotiations1 the sincerity1 good faith1 and elevation of view1 which he had evinced at the commencement4 ,the negotiation did not succeed1 but the mere fact of its existence shows clearly enough the void which was felt in ,protestantism2 for we cannot believe that the two most celebrated men of that communion1 ,molanus and ,leibnitz1 would have advanced so far in so important a negotiation1 unless they had observed among themselves many indications of a disposition to return to the bosom of the ,church4 ,add to this1 the declaration of the ,lutheran university of ,helmstad in favor of the ,catholic religion1 and the fresh attempts at a reunion made by a ,protestant prince1 who addressed himself to ,pope ,clement ,,xi41 and you have strong reasons for believing that the ,reformation felt itself mortally wounded4 ,if ,god had been willing to permit that so great a result should appear to have been effected in any way by human means1 the deep convictions prevalent among the most distinguished ,protestants might perhaps have greatly contributed to heal the wounds which had been inflicted upon religious unity by the revolutionists of the sixteenth century4 ,but the profound wisdom of ,god had decided otherwise4 ,in allowing men to pursue their own opposite and perverse inclinations1 ,he was pleased to chastise them by means of their own pride4 ,the tendency towards unity was no longer dominant in the next century1 but gave place to a philosophic skepticism1 indifferent towards all other religions1 but the deadly enemy of the ,catholic4 ,it may be said that at that time there was a combination of the most fatal influences to hinder the tendency towards unity from attaining its object4 ,already were the ,protestant sects divided and subdivided into numberless parties1 and although ,protestantism was thereby weakened1 yet1 nevertheless1 it was diffused over the greater part of ,europe2 the germ of doubt in religious matters had inoculated the whole of ,european society4 ,there was no truth which had escaped attack2 no error or extravagance which had not had apostles and proselytes2 and it was much to be feared that men would fall into that state of fatigue and discouragement which is the result of great efforts made without success1 and into that disgust which is always produced by endless disputes and great scandals4 ,to complete the misfortune1 and to bring to a climax the state of lassitude and disgust1 there was another evil1 which produced the most fatal results4 ,the champions of ,catholicity contended1 with boldness and success1 against the religious innovations of ,protestants4 ,languages1 history1 criticism1 philosophy1 all that is most precious1 rich1 and brilliant in human knowledge1 had been employed in the noblest way in this important struggle2 and the great men who were most prominent among the defenders of the ,church seemed to console her for the sad losses which she had sustained by the troubles of another age4 ,but while she embraced in her arms these zealous sons1 those who boasted the most of being called her children1 she observed in some of them1 with surprise and dread1 an attitude of disguised hostility2 and in their thinly veiled language and conduct she could easily perceive that they meditated giving her a fatal blow4 ,always asserting their submission and their obedience1 but never submitting or obeying2 continually extolling the authority and divine origin of the ,church1 and carefully concealing their hatred of her existing laws and institutions under cover of professed zeal for the re-establishment of ancient discipline2 they sapped the foundations of morality1 while they claimed to be its earnest advocates2 they disguised their hypocrisy and pride under false humility and affected modesty2 they called obstinacy firmness1 and wilful blindness strength of mind4 ,this rebellion presented an aspect more dangerous than any heresy2 their honeyed words1 studied candor1 respect for antiquity1 and the show of learning and knowledge1 would have contributed to blind the best informed1 if the innovators had not been distinguished by the constant and unfailing characteristic of all erroneous sects1 viz4 hatred of authority4 ,they were seen from time to time struggling against the declared enemies of the ,church1 defending1 with great display of learning1 the truth of her sacred dogmas1 citing1 with respect and deference1 the writings of the holy fathers1 and declaring that they adhered to tradition1 and had a profound veneration for the decisions of councils and ,popes4 ,they particularly prided themselves on being called ,catholics1 however much their language and conduct were inconsistent with the name4 ,never did they get rid of the marvellous infatuation with which they denied their existence as a sect2 and thus did they throw in the way of ill-informed persons the unhappy scandal of a dogmatical dispute1 going on apparently within the bosom of the ,church herself4 ,the ,pope declared them heretics2 all true ,catholics bowed to the decision of the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ2 from all parts of the world a voice was unanimously raised to pronounce anathema against all who did not listen to the successor of ,st4 ,peter2 but they themselves1 denying and eluding all1 persisted in considering themselves as a body of ,catholics oppressed by the spirit of relaxation1 abuse1 and intrigue4 ,this scandal gave the finishing stroke to the leading of men astray1 and the fatal gangrene which was infecting ,european society soon developed itself with frightful rapidity4 ,the religious disputes1 the multitude and variety of sects1 the animosity which they showed against each other1 all contributed to disgust with religion itself whoever were not held fast by the anchor of authority4 ,to establish indifference as a system1 atheism as a creed1 and impiety as a fashion1 there was only wanting a man laborious enough to collect1 unite1 and present in a body all the numerous materials which were scattered in a multitude of works2 a man who knew how to give to all this a philosophical complexion suitable to the prevailing taste1 and who could give to sophistry and declamation that seductive appearance1 that deceptive form and dazzling show1 by which the productions of genius are always marked1 in the midst even of their wildest vagaries4 ,such a man appeared in the person of ,bayle4 ,the noise which his famous dictionary made in the world1 and the favor which it enjoyed from the beginning1 show how well the author had taken advantage of his opportunity4 ,the dictionary of ,bayle is one of those books which1 considered apart from their scientific and literary merit1 always serve to denote a remarkable epoch1 because they present1 together with the fruits of the past1 the clear perception of a long future4 ,the author of such a work is not distinguished so much on account of his own merit1 as because he has known how to become the representative of ideas previously diffused in society1 but floating about in a state of uncertainty2 and yet his name recalls a vast history1 of which he is the personification4 ,the publication of ,bayle's work may be regarded as the solemn inauguration of the chair of infidelity in ,europe4 ,the sophists of the eighteenth century found at hand an abundant repository of facts and arguments2 but to render the thing complete1 there was wanting a hand capable of retouching the old paintings1 of restoring their faded colors1 and of shedding over all the charms of imagination and the refinement of wit2 there was wanting a guide to lead mankind by a flowery path to the borders of the abyss4 ,scarcely had ,bayle descended into the tomb1 when there appeared above the literary horizon a young man1 whose great talents were equalled by his malice and audacity2 ,voltaire4 ,it was necessary to draw the reader's attention to the period which ,i have just described1 to show him how great was the influence exercised by ,protestantism in producing and establishing in ,europe the irreligion1 atheism1 and fatal indifference which have caused so many evils in modern society4 ,i do not mean to charge all ,protestants with impiety2 and ,i willingly acknowledge the sincerity and firmness of many of their most illustrious men1 in struggling against the progress of irreligion4 ,i am not ignorant that men sometimes adopt a principle and repudiate its consequences1 and that it would1 therefore1 be very unjust to class them with those who openly accept those consequences2 but on the other hand1 however painful it may be to ,protestants to avow that their system leads to atheism1 it is nevertheless a fact which cannot be denied4 ,all that they can claim of me on this point is1 not to criminate their intentions2 after that1 they cannot complain if1 guided by the instructions of history and philosophy1 ,i develop their fundamental principle to the fullest extent4 ,it would be useless to sketch1 even in the most rapid manner1 what has passed in ,europe since the appearance of ,voltaire3 the events are so recent1 and have been so often discussed1 that all that ,i could say would be only a useless repetition4 ,i shall better attain my object by offering some remarks on the actual state of religion in ,protestant countries4 ,amid so many revolutions1 and when so many heads were turned2 when all the foundations of society were shaken1 and the strongest institutions were torn out of the soil in which they had been so deeply rooted2 when even ,catholic truth itself could not have been sustained without the manifest aid of the arm of the ,most ,high1 we may imagine the fate of the fragile edifice of ,protestantism1 exposed1 like all the rest1 to so many and such violent attacks4 ,no one is ignorant of the numberless sects which abound in ,great ,britain1 of the deplorable condition of faith among the ,swiss ,protestants1 even on the most important points4 ,that there might be no doubt as to the real state of the ,protestant religion in ,germany1 that is1 in its native country1 where it was first established as in its dearest patrimony1 the ,protestant minister1 ,baron ,starck1 has taken care to tell us1 that in ,germany there is not one single point of ,christian faith which has not been openly attacked by the ,protestant ministers themselves4 ,the real state of ,protestantism appears to me to be truly and forcibly depicted by a curious idea of ,j4 ,heyer1 a ,protestant minister4 ,heyer published1 in #ahah1 a work entitled ,coup d'il sur les ,confessions de ,foi2 not knowing how to get out of the difficulty in which all ,protestants found themselves placed when they had to choose a symbol1 he proposed the simple expedient of getting rid of all symbols4 ,the only way that ,protestantism has of preserving itself1 is to violate as much as possible its own fundamental principle1 by withdrawing the right of private judgment1 inducing the people to remain faithful to the opinions in which they have been educated1 and carefully concealing from them the inconsistency into which they fall1 when they submit to the authority of a private individual1 after having rejected the authority of the ,catholic church4 ,but things are not taking this course2 and in spite of the efforts of some ,protestants to follow it1 ,bible ,societies1 working with a zeal worthy of a better cause1 in promoting among all classes the private interpretation of the ,bible1 would suffice to keep alive always the spirit of inquiry4 ,this diffusion of the ,bible operates as a constant appeal to private judgment1 which1 after perhaps causing many days of sorrow and mourning to society1 will eventually destroy the remains of ,protestantism4 ,all this has not escaped the notice of its disciples2 and some of the most remarkable among them have raised their voices to point out the danger4#ac ,,chapter ,x4 ,,causes ,,of ,,the ,,continuance ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,after having clearly shown the intrinsic weakness of ,protestantism1 it is natural to ask this question3 ,if it be so feeble1 owing to the radical defects of its constitution1 why has it not by this time completely disappeared8 ,if it bear in its own breast the seeds of death1 how has it been able so long to withstand such powerful adversaries1 as ,catholicity1 on the one hand1 and irreligion or ,atheism1 on the other8 ,in order to resolve this question satisfactorily1 it is necessary to consider ,protestantism in two points of view2 as embodying a fixed creed1 and as expressing a number of sects1 who1 in spite of their numerous mutual differences1 agree in calling themselves ,christians1 and preserve a shadow of ,christianity1 although they reject the authority of the ,church4 ,it is necessary to consider ,protestantism in this double point of view1 since its founders1 while endeavoring to destroy the authority and dogmas of the ,roman ,church1 were compelled to form a system of doctrines to serve as a symbol for their followers4 ,considered in the first aspect1 it has almost entirely disappeared2 we should rather say it scarcely ever had existence4 ,this truth is sufficiently evident from what ,i have said of the variations and actual condition of ,protestantism in the various countries of ,europe2 time has shown how much the pretended ,reformers were deceived1 when they fancied that they could fix the columns of ,hercules of the human mind1 to repeat the expression of ,madame de ,stal4 ,who now defends the doctrines of ,luther and ,calvin8 ,who respects the limits which they prescribed8 ,what ,protestant ,church distinguishes itself by the ardor of its zeal in preserving any particular dogmas8 ,what ,protestant now holds the divine mission of ,luther1 or believes the ,pope to be ,antichrist8 ,who watches over the purity of doctrine1 and points out errors8 ,who opposes the torrent of sectarianism8 ,do we find1 in their writings1 or in their discourses1 the energetic tones of conviction1 or the zeal of truth8 ,in fine1 what a wide difference do we find when we compare the ,protestant ,church with the ,catholic6 ,inquire into the faith of the latter1 and you will hear from the mouth of ,gregory ,,xvi41 the successor of ,st4 ,peter1 the same that ,luther heard from ,leo ,x4 ,compare the doctrine of ,leo ,x4 with that of his predecessors1 you will always find it the same up to the ,apostles1 and to ,jesus ,christ himself4 ,if you attempt to assail a dogma1 if you try to attack the purity of morals1 the voice of the ancient ,fathers will denounce your errors1 and in the middle of the nineteenth century you will imagine that the old ,leos and ,gregories are risen from the tomb4 ,if your intentions are good1 you will find indulgence2 if your merits are great1 you will be treated with respect2 if you occupy an elevated position in the world1 you will have attention paid to you4 ,but if you attempt to abuse your talents by introducing novelty in doctrine2 if1 by your power1 you aspire to demand a modification of faith2 and if1 to avoid troubles or prevent schism1 or conciliate any one1 you ask for a compromise or even an ambiguous explanation2 the answer of the successor of ,st4 ,peter will be1 ,never6 faith is a sacred deposit which we cannot alter2 truth is immutable2 it is one3 and to this reply of the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ1 which with a word will banish all your hopes1 will be added those of the modern ,athanasiuses1 ,gregories of ,nazianzen1 ,ambroses1 ,jeromes1 and ,augustins4 ,always the same firmness in the same faith1 the same unchangeableness1 the same energy in preserving the sacred deposit intact1 in defending it against the attacks of error1 in teaching it to the faithful in all its purity1 and in transmitting it unaltered to future generations4 ,will it be said that this is obstinacy1 blindness1 and fanaticism8 ,but1 eighteen centuries gone by1 the revolutions of empires1 the most fearful catastrophes1 an infinite variety of ideas and manners1 the most severe persecutions1 the darkness of ignorance1 the conflicts of passion1 the lights of knowledge1--none of these have been able to enlighten this blindness1 to bend this obstinacy1 or extinguish this fanaticism4 ,certainly a reflecting ,protestant1 one of those who know how to rise above the prejudices of education1 when fixing his eyes on this picture1 the truth of which he cannot but acknowledge1 if he is well informed on the question1 will feel strong doubts arise within him as to the truth of the instruction he has received2 he will at least feel a desire of examining more closely this great prodigy which the ,catholic ,church presents to us4 ,but to return4 ,we see the ,protestant sects melting away daily1 and this dissolution must constantly increase2 nevertheless1 we have no reason to be astonished that ,protestantism1 inasmuch as it consists of a number of sects who preserve the name and some remains of ,christianity1 does not wholly disappear2 for how could it disappear8 ,either ,protestant nations must be completely swallowed up by irreligion or atheism1 or they must give up ,christianity and adopt one of the religions which are established in other parts of the world4 ,now both these suppositions are impossible2 therefore this false form of ,christianity has been and will be preserved1 in some shape or other1 until ,protestants return to the bosom of the ,church4 ,let us develop these ideas4 ,why cannot ,protestant nations be completely swallowed up by irreligion and atheism1 or indifference8 ,because such a misfortune may happen to an individual1 but not to a nation4 ,by means of false books1 erroneous reasonings1 and continual efforts1 some individuals may extinguish the lively sentiments of their hearts1 stifle the voice of conscience1 and trample under foot the dictates of common sense2 but a nation cannot do so4 ,a people always preserves a large fund of candor and docility1 which1 amid the most fatal errors and even the most atrocious crimes1 compels it to lend an attentive ear to the inspirations of nature4 ,whatever may be the corruption of morals1 whatever may be the errors of opinion1 there will never be more than a small number of men found capable of struggling for a long time against themselves1 in the attempt to eradicate from their hearts that fruitful germ of good feelings1 that precious seed of virtuous thoughts1 with which the beneficent hand of the ,creator has enriched our souls4 ,the conflagration of the passions1 it is true1 produces lamentable prostration1 and sometimes terrible explosions2 but when the fire is extinguished1 man returns to himself1 and his mind becomes again accessible to the voice of reason and virtue4 ,an attentive study of society proves that the number of men is happily very small who are1 as it were1 steeled against truth and virtue2 who reply with frivolous sophistry to the admonitions of good sense2 who oppose with cold stoicism the sweetest and most generous inspirations of nature1 and venture to display1 as an illustration of philosophy1 firmness1 and elevation of mind1 the ignorance1 obstinacy1 and barrenness of an icy heart4 ,the generality of mankind1 more simple1 more candid1 more natural1 are consequently ill-suited to a system of atheism1 or indifference4 ,such a system may take possession of the proud mind of a learned visionary2 it may be adopted1 as a convenient opinion1 by dissipated youth2 and in times of agitation1 it may influence a few fiery spirits2 but it will never be able to establish itself in society as a normal condition4 ,no1 by no means4 ,an individual may be irreligious1 but families and society never will4 ,without a basis on which the social edifice must rest2 without a great creative idea1 whence will flow the ideas of reason1 virtue1 justice1 obligation1 and right1 which are as necessary to the existence and preservation of society as blood and nourishment are to the life of the individual1 society would be destroyed2 without the sweet ties by which religious ideas unite together the members of a family1 without the heavenly harmony which they infuse into all its connections1 the family would cease to exist1 or at least would be only a rude and transient union1 resembling the intercourse of animals4 ,god has happily gifted all his creatures with a marvellous instinct of self-preservation4 ,guided by that instinct1 families and society repudiate with indignation those degrading ideas which1 blasting by their fatal breath all the germs of life1 breaking all ties1 upsetting all laws1 make both of them retrograde towards the most abject barbarism1 and finish by scattering their members like dust before the wind4 ,the repeated lessons of experience ought to have convinced certain philosophers that these ideas and feelings1 engraven on the heart of man by the finger of the ,author of nature1 cannot be eradicated by declamation or sophistry4 ,if a few ephemeral triumphs have occasionally flattered their pride1 and made them conceive false hopes of the result of their efforts1 the course of events has soon shown them1 that to pride themselves on these triumphs was to act like a man who1 on account of having succeeded in infusing unnatural sentiments into the hearts of a few mothers1 would flatter himself that he has banished maternal love from the world4 ,society 7,i do not mean the populace or the commonalty7--society will be religious1 even at the risk of being superstitious2 if it does not believe in reasonable things1 it will in extravagant ones2 and if it have not a divine religion1 it will have a human one3 to suppose the contrary1 is to dream2 to struggle against this tendency1 is to struggle against an eternal law2 to attempt to restrain it1 is to attempt to restrain with a weak arm a body launched with an immense force--the arm will be destroyed1 but the body will continue its course4 ,men may call this superstition1 fanaticism1 the result of error2 but to talk thus can only serve to console them for their failure4 ,since1 then1 religion is a real necessity1 we have therein an explanation of the phenomenon which history and experience present to us1 namely1 that religion never wholly disappears1 and that when changes take place1 the two rival religions1 during their struggles1 more or less protracted1 occupy successively the same ground4 ,the consequence is1 that ,protestantism cannot entirely disappear unless another religion takes its place4 ,now1 as in the actual state of civilization1 no religion can replace it but the ,catholic1 it is evident that ,protestant sects will continue to occupy1 with more or less variation1 the countries which they have gained4 ,indeed1 how is it possible1 in the present state of civilization among ,protestant nations1 that the follies of the ,koran1 or the absurdities of idolatry1 should have any chance of success among them8 ,the spirit of ,christianity circulates in the veins of modern society2 its seal is set upon all legislation2 its light is shed upon all branches of knowledge2 its phraseology is found in all languages2 its precepts regulate morals2 habits and manners have assumed its form2 the fine arts breathe its perfume1 and all the monuments of genius are full of its inspirations4 ,christianity1 in a word1 pervades all parts of that great1 varied1 and fertile civilization1 which is the glory of modern society4 ,how then1 is it possible for a religion entirely to disappear which possesses1 with the most venerable antiquity1 so many claims to gratitude1 so many endearing ties1 and so many glorious recollections8 ,how could it give place1 among ,christian nations1 to one of those religions which1 at the first glance1 show the finger of man1 and indicate1 as their distinctive mark1 degradation and debasement8 ,although the essential principle of ,protestantism saps the foundations of the ,christian religion1 although it disfigures its beauty1 and lowers its sublimity1 yet the remains which it preserves of ,christianity1 its idea of ,god1 and its maxims of morality1 raise it far above all the systems of philosophy1 and all the other religions of the world4 ,if1 then1 ,protestantism has preserved some shadow of the ,christian religion1 it was because1 looking at the condition of the nations who took part in the schism1 it was impossible for the ,christian name wholly to disappear2 and not on account of any principle of life contained in the bosom of the pretended ,reformation4 ,on the other hand1 consider the efforts of politicians1 the natural attachment of ministers to their own interests1 the illusions of pride which flatter men with the freedom they will enjoy in the absence of all authority1 the remains of old prejudices1 the power of education1 and such like causes1 and you will find a complete solution of the question4 ,then you will no longer be surprised that ,protestantism continues to retain possession of many of those countries where it unfortunately became deeply rooted4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,the ,,positive ,,doctrines ,,of ,,protestantism ,,repugnant ,,to ,,the ,,instinct ,,of ,,civilization4 ,the best proof of the extreme weakness of ,protestantism1 considered as a body of doctrine1 is the little influence which its positive doctrines have exercised in ,european civilization4 ,i call its positive doctrines those which it attempts to establish as its own2 and ,i distinguish them thus from its other doctrines1 which ,i call negative1 because they are nothing but the negation of authority4 ,the latter found favor on account of their conformity with the inconstancy and changeableness of the human mind2 but the others1 which have not the same means of success1 have all disappeared with their authors1 and are now plunged in oblivion4 ,the only part of ,christianity which has been preserved among ,protestants1 is that which was necessary to prevent ,european civilization from losing among them its nature and character2 and this is the reason why the doctrines which had too direct a tendency to alter the nature of this civilization have been repudiated1 we should rather say1 despised by it4 ,there is a circumstance here well worthy of attention1 and which has not perhaps been noticed1 viz4 the fate of the doctrine held by the first reformers with respect to free-will4 ,it is well known that one of the first and most important errors of ,luther and ,calvin consisted in denying free-will4 ,we find this fatal doctrine professed in the works which they have left us4 ,does it not seem that this doctrine ought to have preserved its credit among the ,protestants1 and that they ought to have fiercely maintained it1 since such is commonly the case with errors which serve as a nucleus in the formation of a sect8 ,it seems1 also1 that ,protestantism being widely spread1 and deeply rooted in several countries of ,europe1 this fatalist doctrine ought to have exercised a strong influence on the legislation of ,protestant nations4 ,wonderful as it is1 such has not been the case2 ,european moralists have despised it2 legislation has not adopted it as a basis2 civilization has not allowed itself to be directed by a principle which sapped all the foundations of morality1 and which1 if once applied to morals and laws1 would have substituted for ,european civilization and dignity the barbarism and debasement of ,mahometanism4 ,there is no doubt that this fatal doctrine has perverted some individuals2 it has been adopted by sects more or less numerous2 and it cannot be denied that it has affected the morality of some nations4 ,but it is also certain1 that1 in the generality of the great human family1 governments1 tribunals1 administration1 legislation1 science1 and morals1 have not listened to this horrible doctrine of ,luther1--a doctrine which strips man of his free will1 which makes ,god the author of sin1 which charges the ,creator with the responsibility of all the crimes of ,his creatures1 and represents ,him as a tyrant1 by affirming that ,his precepts are impossible2 a doctrine which monstrously confounds the ideas of good and evil1 and removes all stimulus to good deeds1 by teaching that faith is sufficient for salvation1 and that all the good works of the just are only sins4 ,public opinion1 good sense1 and morality here side with ,catholicity4 ,those even who in theory embrace these fatal religious doctrines1 usually reject them in practice2 this is because ,catholic instruction on these important points has made so deep an impression on them2 because so strong an instinct of civilization has been communicated to ,european society by the ,catholic religion4 ,thus the ,church1 by repudiating the destructive errors taught by ,protestantism1 preserved society from being debased by these fatalist doctrines4 ,the ,church formed a barrier against the despotism which is enthroned wherever the sense of dignity is lost2 she was a fence against the demoralization which always spreads whenever men think themselves bound by blind necessity1 as by an iron chain2 she also freed the human mind from the state of abjection into which it falls whenever it thinks itself deprived of the government of its own conduct1 and of the power of influencing the course of events4 ,in condemning those errors of ,luther1 which were the bond of ,protestantism at its birth1 the ,pope raised the alarm against an irruption of barbarism into the order of ideas2 he saved morality1 laws1 public order1 and society2 the ,vatican1 by securing the noble sentiment of liberty in the sanctuary of conscience1 preserved the dignity of man2 by struggling against ,protestant ideas1 by defending the sacred deposit confided to it by its ,divine ,master1 the ,roman ,see became the tutelary divinity of future civilization4 ,reflect on these great truths1 understand them thoroughly1 you who speak of religious disputes with cold indifference1 with apparent mockery and pity1 as if they were only scholastic puerilities4 ,nations do not live on bread alone2 they live also on ideas1 on maxims1 which1 converted into spiritual aliment1 give them greatness1 strength1 and energy1 or1 on the contrary1 weaken them1 reduce them1 and condemn them to stupidity4 ,look over the face of the globe1 examine the periods of human history1 compare times with times1 and nations with nations1 and you will see that the ,church1 by giving so much importance to the preservation of these transcendent truths1 by accepting no compromise on this point1 has understood and realized better than any other teacher1 the elevated and salutary maxim1 that truth ought to reign in the world2 that on the order of ideas depends the order of events1 and that when these great problems are called in question1 the destinies of humanity are involved4 ,let us recapitulate what we have said2 the essential principle of ,protestantism is one of destruction2 this is the cause of its incessant variations1 of its dissolution and annihilation4 ,as a particular religion it no longer exists1 for it has no peculiar faith1 no positive character1 no government1 nothing that is essential to form an existence2 ,protestantism is only a negative4 ,if there is any thing to be found in it of a positive nature1 it is nothing more than vestiges and ruins2 all is without force1 without action1 without the spirit of life4 ,it cannot show an edifice raised by its own hands2 it cannot1 like ,catholicity1 stand in the midst of its vast works and say1 ,these are mine4 ,protestantism can only sit down on a heap of ruins1 and say with truth1 ,i have made this pile4 ,as long as sectarian fanaticism lasted1 as long as this flame1 enkindled by furious declamation1 was kept alive by unhappy circumstances1 ,protestantism showed a certain degree of force1 which1 although it was not the sign of vigorous life1 at least indicated the convulsive energy of delirium4 ,but that period has passed1 the action of time has dispersed the elements that fed the flame1 and none of the attempts which have been made to give to the ,reformation the character of a work of ,god1 have been able to conceal the fact that it was the work of human passions4 ,let us not be deceived by the efforts which are now being made2 what is acting under our eyes is not living ,protestantism1 it is the operation of false philosophy1 perhaps of policy1 sometimes of sordid interest disguised under the name of policy4 ,every one knows how powerful ,protestantism was in exciting disturbances and causing disunion4 ,it is on this account that evil-minded men search in the bed of this exhausted torrent for some remains of its impure waters1 and knowing them to contain a deadly poison1 present them to the unsuspecting in a golden cup4 ,but it is in vain for weak man to struggle against the arm of the ,almighty1 ,god will not abandon ,his work4 ,notwithstanding all his attempts to deface the work of ,god1 man cannot blot out the eternal characters which distinguish truth from error4 ,truth in itself is strong and robust3 as it is the ensemble of the relations which unite things together1 it is strongly connected with them1 and cannot be separated either by the efforts of man or by the revolution of time4 ,error1 on the contrary1 the lying image of the great ties which bind together the compact mass of the universe1 stretches over its usurped domain like those dead branches of the forest which1 devoid of sap1 afford neither freshness nor verdure1 and only serve to impede the advance of the traveller4 ,confiding men1 do not allow yourselves to be seduced by brilliant appearances1 pompous discourse1 or false activity4 ,truth is open1 modest1 without suspicion1 because it is pure and strong2 error is hypocritical and ostentatious1 because it is false and weak4 ,truth resembles a woman of real beauty1 who1 conscious of her charms1 despises the affectation of ornament2 error1 on the contrary1 paints and ornaments herself1 because she is ugly1 without expression1 without grace1 without dignity4 ,perhaps you may be pleased with its laborious activity4 ,know1 then1 that it has no strength but when it is the rallying cry of a faction2 then1 indeed1 it is rapid in action and fertile in violent measures4 ,it is like the meteor which explodes and vanishes1 leaving behind it nothing but darkness1 death1 and destruction2 truth1 on the contrary1 like the sun1 sends forth its bright and steady beams1 fertilizes with its genial warmth1 and sheds on every side life1 joy1 and beauty4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,the ,,effects ,,which ,,the ,,introduction ,,of ,,protestantism ,,into ,,spain ,,would ,,have ,,produced4 ,in order to judge of the real effect which the introduction of ,protestant doctrines would have had in ,spain1 we shall do well1 in the first place1 to take a survey of the present state of religion in ,europe4 ,in spite of the confusion of ideas which is one of the prevailing characteristics of the age1 it is undeniable that the spirit of infidelity and irreligion has lost much of its strength1 and that where it still exists it has merged into indifference1 instead of preserving its systematic form of the last century4 ,with the lapse of time declamation ceases2 men grow tired of continually repeating the same insulting language2 their minds resist the intolerance and bad faith of sects2 systems betray their emptiness1 opinions their erroneousness1 judgments their precipitation1 and reasonings their want of exactitude4 ,time shows their counterfeit intentions1 their deceptive statements1 the littleness of their ideas1 and the mischievousness of their projects2 truth begins to recover its empire1 things regain their real names1 and1 thanks to the new direction of the public mind1 that which before was considered innocent and generous is now looked upon as criminal and vile4 ,the deceitful masks are taken off1 and falsehood is discovered surrounded by the discredit which ought always to have accompanied it4 ,irreligious ideas1 like all those which are prevalent in an advanced state of society1 would not1 and could not be confined to mere speculation2 they invaded the domain of practice1 and labored to gain the upper hand in all branches of administration and politics4 ,but the revolution which they produced in society became fatal to themselves2 for there is nothing which better exposes the faults and errors of a system1 and undeceives men on the subject1 than the touchstone of experience4 ,there is in our minds a certain power of viewing an object under a variety of aspects1 and an unfortunate aptitude for supporting the most extravagant proposition by a multitude of sophisms4 ,in mere disputation1 it is difficult for the most reasoning minds to keep clear of the snares of sophistry4 ,but when we come to experience1 it is otherwise2 the mind is silent1 and facts speak2 and if the experience has been on a large scale1 and applied to objects of great interest and importance1 it is difficult for the most specious arguments to counteract the convincing eloquence of the result4 ,hence it is that a man of much experience obtains an instinct so sure and delicate1 that when a system is but explained he can point out all its inconveniences4 ,inexperience1 presumptuous and prejudiced1 appeals to argument in support of its doctrines2 but good sense1 that precious and inestimable quality1 shakes its head1 shrugs its shoulders1 and with a tranquil smile leaves its prediction to be tested by time4 ,it is not necessary now to insist on the practical results of those doctrines of which infidelity was the motto2 we have said enough on that subject4 ,suffice it to say1 that those same men who seem to belong to the last century by their principles1 interests1 recollections1 or for other reasons1 have been obliged to modify their doctrines1 to limit their principles1 to palliate their propositions1 to cool the warmth and passion of their invectives2 and when they wish to give a mark of their esteem and veneration for those writers who were the delight of their youth1 they are compelled to declare that those men were great philosophers1 but philosophers of the cabinet2 as if in reality what they call the knowledge of the cabinet was not the most dangerous ignorance4 ,it is certain that these attempts have had the effect of throwing discredit on irreligion as a system4 ,if people do not regard it with horror1 at least they look upon it with mistrust4 ,irreligion has labored in all the branches of science1 in the vain hope that the heavens would cease to relate the glories of ,god1 that the earth would disown ,him who laid its foundations1 and that all nature would give testimony against the ,lord who gave it existence and life4 ,these same labors have banished the scandalous division which had begun between religion and science2 so that the ancient accents of the man of ,hus have again resounded1 without dishonor to science1 in the mouths of men in the nineteenth century2 and what shall we say of the triumphs of religion in all that is noble1 tender1 and sublime on earth8 ,how grand are the operations of ,providence displayed therein6 ,admirable dispensation6 ,the mysterious hand which governs the universe seems to hold in reserve for every great crisis of society an extraordinary man4 ,at the proper moment this man presents himself2 he advances1 himself ignorant whither he is going1 but he advances with a firm step towards the accomplishment of the high mission for which ,providence has destined him4 ,atheism was bathing ,france in a sea of tears and blood2 an unknown man silently traverses the ocean4 ,while the violence of the tempest rends the sails of his vessel1 he listens attentively to the hurricane--he is lost in the contemplation of the majesty of the heavens4 ,wandering in the solitudes of ,america1 he asks of the wonders of creation the name of their ,author2 the thunder on the confines of the desert1 the low murmuring of the forests1 and the beauties of nature answer him with canticles of love and harmony4 ,the view of a solitary cross reveals to him mysterious secrets2 the traces of an unknown missionary awaken important recollections which connect the new world with the old2 a monument in ruins1 the hut of a savage1 excite in his mind thoughts which penetrate to the foundations of society and to the heart of man4 ,intoxicated with these spectacles1 his mind full of sublime conceptions1 and his heart inundated with the charms of so much beauty1 this man returns to his native soil4 ,what does he find there8 ,the bloody traces of ,atheism2 the ruins and ashes of ancient temples devoured by the flames or destroyed by violence2 the remains of a multitude of innocent victims1 buried in the graves which formerly afforded an asylum to persecuted ,christians4 ,he observes1 however1 that something is in agitation2 he sees that religion is about to redescend upon ,france1 like consolation upon the unfortunate1 or the breath of life upon a corpse4 ,from that moment he hears on all sides a concert of celestial harmony2 the inspirations of meditation and solitude revive and ferment in his great soul2 transported out of himself1 and ravished into ecstasy1 he sings with a tongue of fire the glories of religion1 he reveals the delicacy and beauty of the relations between religion and nature1 and in surpassing language he points out to astonished men the mysterious golden chain which connects the heavens and the earth4 ,that man was ,chateaubriand4 ,it must1 however1 be confessed1 that the confusion which has been introduced into ideas cannot be corrected in a short time1 and that it is not easy to eradicate the deep traces of the ravages of irreligion4 ,men's minds1 it is true1 are tired of the irreligious system2 society1 which had lost its balance1 is generally ill at ease2 the family feels its ties relaxed1 and individuals sigh after a ray of light1 a drop of hope and consolation4 ,but where shall the world find the remedy which is wanting8 ,will it follow the best road--the only road8 ,will it re-enter the fold of the ,catholic ,church8 ,alas6 ,god alone knows the secrets of the future2 ,he alone has clearly unfolded before ,his eyes the great events which are no doubt awaiting humanity4 ,he alone knows what will be the result of that activity1 of that energy1 which again urges men to the examination of great political and religious questions2 and ,he alone knows what1 to future generations1 will be the result of the triumphs obtained by religion1 in the fine arts1 in literature1 in science1 in politics1 in all the operations carried on by the human mind4 ,as to us1 carried away as we are by the rapid and precipitate course of revolution1 hardly have we time to cast a fleeting glance upon the chaos in which our country is involved4 ,what can we confidently predict8 ,all that we can be sure of is1 that we are in an age of disquietude1 of agitation1 of transition2 that the multiplied examples and warnings of so many disappointed expectations1 the fruits of fearful revolutions and unheard-of catastrophes1 have everywhere thrown discredit upon irreligious and disorganizing doctrines1 without having established the legitimate empire of true religion4 ,hearts sick of so many misfortunes are willingly open to hope2 but minds are in a state of great uncertainty as to the future3 perhaps they even anticipate a new series of calamities4 ,owing to revolutions1 to the efforts of industry1 to the activity and extension of commerce1 to the progress and prodigious diffusion of printing1 to scientific discoveries1 to the ease1 rapidity1 and universality of communication1 to the taste for travelling1 to the dissolving action of ,protestantism1 of incredulity1 and skepticism1 the human mind certainly now presents one of the most singular phases of its history4 ,reason1 imagination1 and the heart are in a state of agitation1 of movement1 and of extraordinary development1 and show us at the same time the most singular contrasts1 the most ridiculous extravagances1 and the most absurd contradictions4 ,observe the sciences1 and you will no longer find those lengthened labors1 that indefatigable patience1 that calm and tranquil progress1 which characterized these studies at other epochs2 but you will find there a spirit of observation1 and a tendency to place questions in that transcendental point of view where may be discovered the relations subsisting between them1 the ties by which they are connected1 and the way in which they throw light upon each other4 ,questions of religion1 of politics1 of legislation1 of morals1 of government1 are all mingled1 stand prominently forward1 and give to the horizon of science a grandeur and immensity which it did not previously possess4 ,this progress1 this confusion1 this chaos1 if you like to call it so1 is a fact which must be taken into account in studying the spirit of the age1 in examining the religious condition of the time2 for it is not the work of a single man1 or the effect of accident2 it is the result of a multitude of causes1 the fruit of a great number of facts2 it is an expression of the present state of intelligence2 a symptom of strength and disease1 an announcement of change and of transition1 perhaps a sign of consolation1 perhaps a presage of misfortune4 ,and who has not observed the fertility of imagination and unbounded reach of thought in that literature1 so various1 so irregular1 and so vague1 but at the same time so rich in fine images1 in delicate feeling1 and in bold and generous thought8 ,you may talk as much as you please of the debasement of science1 of the falling off in study4 ,you may speak in a tone of derision of the lights of the age1 and turn with regret to ages more studious and more learned2 there will be some exaggeration1 truth and error1 in all this1 as there always is in declamation of this kind2 but whatever may be the degree of utility belonging to the present labors of the human mind1 never1 perhaps1 was there a time when it displayed more activity and energy1 never was it agitated by a movement so general1 so lively1 so various1 and never1 perhaps1 did it desire1 with a more excusable curiosity and impatience1 to raise a part of the veil which covers the boundless future4 ,what will be able to govern elements so powerful and so opposite8 ,what can calm this tempestuous sea8 ,what will give the union1 the connection1 the consistency necessary to form1 out of these repulsive and discordant elements1 a whole compact and capable of resisting the action of time8 ,will this be done by ,protestantism1 with its fundamental principle which establishes and diffuses and sanctions the dissolving principle of private interpretation in matters of religion1 and realizes this unhappy notion by circulating among all classes of society copies of the ,bible8 ,nations numerous1 proud of their power1 vain of their knowledge1 rendered dissipated by pleasure1 refined by luxury1 continually exposed to the powerful influence of the press1 and possessing means of communication which would have appeared fabulous to their ancestors2 nations in whom all the violent passions have an object1 all intrigues an existence1 all corruptions a veil1 all crimes a title1 all errors an advocate1 all interests a support2 nations which1 warned and deceived1 still vacillate in a state of dreadful uncertainty between truth and falsehood2 sometimes looking at the torch of truth as if they meant to be guided by its light1 and then again seduced by an ignis fatuus2 sometimes making an effort to rule the storm1 and then abandoning themselves to its violence2 modern nations show us a picture as extraordinary as it is interesting1 where hopes1 fears1 prognostics1 and conjectures have free scope1 and nobody can pretend to predict with accuracy1 and the wise man must await in silence the dnouement marked out in the secret decrees of ,god1 where alone are clearly written the events of all time1 and the future destinies of men4 ,but it may be easily understood that ,protestantism1 on account of its essentially dissolving nature1 is incapable of producing any thing in morals or religion to increase the happiness of nations1 for it is impossible for this happiness to exist as long as men's minds are at war on the most important questions which can occupy them4 ,when the observer1 amid this chaos and obscurity1 seeks for a ray of light to illuminate the world--for a powerful principle capable of putting an end to so much confusion and anarchy1 and of bringing back men's minds to the path of truth1 ,catholicity immediately presents herself to him1 as the only source of all these benefits4 ,when we consider with what clat and with what power ,catholicity maintains herself against all the unprecedented attempts which are made to destroy her1 our hearts are filled with hope and consolation2 and we feel inclined to hail this divine religion1 and to congratulate her on the new triumph which she is about to achieve on earth4 ,there was a time when ,europe1 inundated by a torrent of barbarians1 saw at once overwhelmed all the monuments of ancient civilization and refinement4 ,legislators and their laws1 the empire and its power and splendor1 philosophers and the sciences1 the arts and their chef-d'uvres1 all disappeared2 and those immense regions1 where had flourished all the civilization and refinement that had been gained during so many ages1 were suddenly plunged into ignorance and barbarism4 ,nevertheless1 the spark of light which had appeared to the world in ,palestine1 continued to shine amid the chaos3 in vain did whirlwinds threaten to extinguish it2 kept alive by the breath of the ,eternal1 it continued to shine4 ,ages rolled away1 and it appeared with greater brilliancy2 and when1 perchance1 the nations only expected a beam of light to guide them in the darkness1 they found a resplendent sun1 everywhere diffusing life and light3 and who shall say that there is not reserved for her in the secrets of the ,eternal1 another triumph more difficult1 but not less useful1 not less brilliant8 ,if in other times that religion instructed ignorance1 civilized barbarism1 polished rudeness1 softened ferocity1 and preserved society from being always the prey of the fiercest brutality and the most degrading stupidity1 will it be less glorious for her to correct ideas1 to harmonize and refine feelings1 to establish the eternal principles of society1 to curb the passions1 to remove animosities1 to remove excesses1 to govern all minds and hearts8 ,how honorable will it be to her1 if1 while regulating all things1 and unceasingly stimulating all kinds of knowledge and improvement1 she can inspire with a proper spirit of moderation that society which so many elements1 devoid of central attraction1 threaten every moment with dissolution and death6 ,it is not given to man to penetrate the future2 but in the same way as the physical world would be broken up by a terrible catastrophe1 if it were deprived for a moment of the fundamental principle which gives unity1 order1 and concert to the various movements of the system2 in the same way1 if society1 full as it is of motion1 of communication1 and life1 were not placed under the direction of a constant and universal regulating principle1 we could not fix our eyes on the lot of future generations without the greatest alarm4 ,there is1 however1 a fact which is consoling in the highest degree1 viz4 the wonderful progress which ,catholicity has made in different countries4 ,it is gaining strength in ,france and ,belgium3 the obstinacy with which it is combated in the north of ,europe shows how much it is feared4 ,in ,england its progress has been recently so great that it would not be credited without the most irresistible evidence2 and in the foreign missions it has shown an extent of enterprise and fruitfulness1 worthy of the time of its greatest ascendency and power4 ,when other nations tend towards unity1 shall we commit the gross mistake of adopting schism8 at a time when other nations would be happy to find within their bosoms a vital principle capable of restoring the power which incredulity has destroyed1 shall ,spain1 which preserves ,catholicity1 and alone possesses it full and complete1 allow the germ of death to be introduced into her bosom1 thereby rendering impossible the cure of her evils1 or rather entailing on herself complete and certain ruin8 ,amid the moral regeneration towards which nations are advancing1 seeking to quit the painful position in which they have been placed by irreligious doctrines1 is it possible to overlook the immense advantage which ,spain still preserves over most of them8 ,spain is one of those least affected by the gangrene of irreligion2 she still preserves religious unity1 that inestimable inheritance of a long line of ages4 ,is it possible to overlook the advantage of that unity if properly made use of1 that unity which is mixed up with all our glories1 which awakens such noble recollections1 and which may be made so wonderful an instrument in the regeneration of social order8 ,if ,i am asked my opinion of the nearness of the danger1 and if ,i think the present attempts of ,protestants have any probability of success1 ,i must draw a distinction in my reply4 ,protestantism is extremely weak1 both on account of its own nature1 and of its age and decaying condition4 ,in endeavoring to introduce itself into ,spain1 it will have to contend with an adversary full of life and strength1 and deeply rooted in the soil4 ,this is the reason why ,i think that its direct action is not to be feared2 and yet1 if it should succeed in establishing itself in any part of our country1 however limited may be its domain1 it is sure to produce fearful results4 ,it is evident that we shall then have in the midst of us a new apple of discord1 and it is not difficult to foresee that collisions will frequently arise4 ,protestantism in ,spain1 besides its intrinsic weakness1 will labor under the disadvantage of not finding its natural aliment4 ,hence it will be obliged to take advantage of any support that is offered2 it will immediately become the point of reunion for the discontented2 and although failing in its intended object1 it will succeed in becoming the nucleus of new parties and the banner of factions4 ,scandal1 strife1 demoralization1 troubles1 and perhaps catastrophes1--such will be the immediate and infallible results of the introduction of ,protestantism among us4 ,on this point ,i appeal to the candid opinion of every man who is well acquainted with ,spain4 ,but this is not all3 the question is enlarged1 and acquires an incalculable importance1 if we consider it with reference to foreign politics4 ,what a lever will be afforded to foreigners for all kinds of attempts in our unhappy country6 ,how gladly will those1 who are perhaps on the look-out for such an aid1 avail themselves of it6 ,there is in ,europe a nation remarkable for her immense power1 and worthy of respect on account of the great progress which she has made in the arts and sciences2 a nation that holds in her hands powerful means of action in all parts of the world1 and knows how to use them with wonderful discretion and sagacity4 ,as that nation has taken the lead in modern times in passing through all the phases of political and religious revolution1 and has seen1 during fearful convulsions1 the passions in all their nakedness1 and crime in all its forms1 she is better acquainted than all others with their causes4 ,not misled by the vain names under which1 at such periods1 the lowest passions and the most sordid interests disguise themselves1 she is too much on her guard to allow the troubles which have inundated other countries with tears and blood1 to be easily excited within herself4 ,her internal peace is not disturbed by the agitation and heat of disputes2 although she may expect to have to encounter1 sooner or later1 difficulties and embarrassments1 she enjoys1 in the mean time1 the tranquillity which is secured to her by her constitution1 her manners1 her riches1--and1 above all1 by the ocean which surrounds her4 ,placed in so advantageous a position1 that nation watches the progress of others1 for the purpose of attaching them to her car by golden chains1 if they are simple enough to listen to her flattery2 at least she attempts to hinder their advance1 when a noble independence is about to free them from her influence4 ,always attentive to her own aggrandizement1 by means of commerce and the arts1 and by a policy eminently mercantile1 she hides her self-interest under all sorts of disguises2 and although religion and politics1 where she has to do with another people1 are quite indifferent to her1 she knows how to make an adroit use of these powerful arms1 to make friends1 to defeat her enemies1 and to enclose all within the net of commerce1 which she is always extending in all quarters of the world4 ,her sagacity must necessarily have perceived how much progress she will have made in adding ,spain to the number of her colonies1 when she has persuaded the ,spanish people to fraternize with her in religion2 not so much on account of the sympathy which such a fraternization would establish between them1 as because she would find therein a sure method of stripping the ,spanish people of that peculiar character and grave appearance which distinguishes them from all others1 by depriving them of the only national and regenerative idea which remains to them after so many convulsions2 from that moment1 in truth1 ,spain1 that proud nation1 would be rendered accessible to all kinds of foreign impressions1 docile and pliable in bending to all opinions1 and subject to the interests of her astute protectors4 ,let it not be forgotten that there is no other nation that conceives her plans with so much foresight1 prepares them with so much prudence1 executes them with so much ability and perseverance4 ,as she has remained since her great revolutions1 that is1 since the end of the seventeenth century1 in a settled condition1 and entirely free from the convulsions undergone since that time by other ,european nations1 she has been able to follow a regular political system1 both internal and external2 and her politicians have been formed to the perfect science of government1 by constantly inheriting the experience and views of their predecessors4 ,her statesmen well know how important it is to be prepared beforehand for every event4 ,they deeply study what may aid or impede them in other nations4 ,they go out of the sphere of politics3 they penetrate to the heart of every nation over which they propose to extend their influence3 they examine what are the conditions of its existence2 what is its vital principle2 what are the causes of the strength and energy of every people4 ,during the autumn of #ahje1 ,pitt gave a dinner in the country to some of his friends4 ,while thus engaged1 a despatch was brought to him announcing the surrender of ,mack at ,ulm1 with #dj1jjj men1 and the march of ,napoleon on ,vienna4 ,pitt communicated the fatal news to his friends1 who cried out1 ,all is lost2 there is no longer any resource against him4 ,there is one still left1 replied the minister1 if ,i can excite a national war in ,europe2 and that war must begin in ,spain4 ,yes1 gentlemen1 he added1 ,spain will be the first country to commence the patriotic war which shall give liberty to ,europe4 ,such was the importance attributed by this profound statesman to a national idea2 he expected from it what the strength of all the governments could not effect1 the downfall of ,napoleon1 and the liberation of ,europe4 ,but it not uncommonly happens that the march of events is such1 that these same national ideas1 which one time were the powerful auxiliaries of ambitious cabinets1 become1 at another1 the greatest obstacles2 and then1 instead of encouraging1 it becomes their interest to extinguish them4 ,as the nature of this work will not allow me to enter into the details of politics1 ,i must content myself with appealing to the judgment of those who have observed the line of conduct pursued by ,england during our war and revolution1 since the death of ,ferdinand ,,vii4 ,if we consider what the interests of that powerful nation require for the future1 we may conjecture the part which she will take4 ,the means of saving a nation1 by delivering it from interested protectors1 and of securing her real independence1 are to be found in great and generous ideas1 deeply rooted in the people2 in feelings engraved on their hearts by the action of time1 by the influence of powerful institutions1 by ancient manners and customs2 in fine1 in that unity of religious thought1 which makes a whole people as one man4 ,then the past is united with the present1 the present is connected with the future2 then arises in the mind that enthusiasm which is the source of great deeds2 then are found disinterestedness1 energy1 and constancy2 because ideas are fixed and elevated1 because hearts are great and generous4 ,it is not impossible that during one of the convulsions which disturb our unhappy country1 men may arise amongst us blind enough to attempt to introduce the ,protestant religion into ,spain4 ,we have had warnings enough to alarm us2 we have not forgotten events which showed plainly enough how far some would sometimes have gone1 if the great majority of the nation had not restrained them by their disapprobation4 ,we do not dread the outrages of the reign of ,henry ,,viii42 but what we do fear is1 that advantage may be taken of a violent rupture with the ,holy ,see1 of the obstinacy and ambition of some ecclesiastics1 of the pretext of establishing toleration in our country1 or some other pretext1 to attempt to introduce amongst us1 in some shape or other1 the doctrines of ,protestantism4 ,we certainly have no need of importing toleration from abroad2 it already exists amongst us so fully1 that no one is afraid of being disturbed on account of his religious opinions4 ,what would be thus introduced and established in ,spain1 would be a new system of religion1 provided with every thing necessary for gaining the upper hand2 and for weakening1 and1 if possible1 destroying ,catholicity4 ,then would resound in our ears1 with a force constantly increasing1 the fierce declamation which we have heard for several years2 the vain threatenings of a party who are delirious1 because they are on the point of expiring4 ,the aversion with which the nation regards the pretended ,reformation1 we have no doubt1 would be looked upon as rebellion2 the pastorals of bishops would be treated as insidious persuasions1 and the fervent zeal of our priests as sedition2 the unanimity of ,catholics to preserve themselves from contagion would be denounced as a diabolical conspiracy1 devised by intolerance and party spirit1 and executed by ignorance and fanaticism4 ,amid the efforts of the one party1 and the resistance of the other1 we should see enacted1 in a greater or less degree1 the scenes of times gone by2 and although the spirit of moderation1 which is one of the characteristics of this age1 would not allow the perpetration of excesses which have stained the annals of other nations1 they would not be without imitators4 ,we must not forget that1 with respect to religion in ,spain1 we cannot calculate on the coldness and indifference which other nations would now display on a similar occasion4 ,with the latter1 religious feelings have lost much of their force1 but in ,spain they are still deep1 lively1 and energetic2 and if they were to come into open and avowed opposition to each other1 the shock would be violent and general4 ,although we have witnessed lamentable scandals1 and even fearful catastrophes in religious matters1 yet1 up to this time1 perverse intentions have been always concealed by a mask1 more or less transparent4 ,sometimes the attack was made against a person charged with political machinations2 sometimes against certain classes of citizens1 who were accused of imaginary crimes4 ,if1 at times1 the revolution exceeded its bounds1 it was said that it was impossible to restrain it1 and thus the vexations1 the insults1 the outrages heaped upon all that was most sacred upon earth1 were only the inevitable results1 and the work of a mob that nothing could restrain4 ,there has always been more or less of disguise2 but if the dogmas of ,catholicity were attacked deliberately1 and with sang froid2 if the most important points of discipline were trodden under foot2 if the most august mysteries were turned into ridicule1 and the most holy ceremonies treated with public contempt2 if church were raised against church1 and pulpit against pulpit1 what would be the result8 ,it is certain that minds would be very much exasperated2 and if1 as might be feared1 alarming explosions did not ensue1 at least religious controversy would assume a character so violent that we should believe ourselves transferred to the sixteenth century4 ,it is a common thing among us for the principles which prevail in politics to be entirely opposed to those which rule in society2 it may then easily happen that a religious principle1 rejected by society1 may find support among influential statesmen4 ,we should then see reproduced1 under more important circumstances1 a phenomenon which we have witnessed for so many years1 viz4 governments attempting to alter the course of society by force4 ,this is one of the principal differences between our revolution and those of other countries2 it is1 at the same time1 a key which explains the greatest anomalies4 ,everywhere else revolutionary ideas took possession of society1 and afterwards extended themselves to the sphere of politics2 with us they first ruled in the political sphere1 and afterwards strove to descend into the social sphere2 society was far from being prepared for such innovations2 this was the cause of shocks so violent and so frequent4 ,it is on account of this want of harmony that the government of ,spain exercises so little influence over the people2 ,i mean by influence1 that moral ascendency which does not require to be accompanied by the idea of force4 ,there is no doubt that this is an evil1 since it tends to weaken that authority which is indispensably necessary for all societies4 ,but on more than one occasion it has been a great benefit4 ,it is no slight advantage that in presence of a senseless and inconstant government there is found a society full of calmness and wisdom1 and that that society pursues its quiet and majestic march1 while the government is carried away by rashness4 ,we may expect much from the right instinct of the ,spanish nation1 from her proverbial gravity1 which so many misfortunes have only augmented1 and from that fact1 which teaches her so well how to discern the true path to happiness1 by rendering her deaf to the insidious suggestions of those who seek to lead her astray4 ,although for so many years1 owing to a fatal combination of circumstances1 and a want of harmony between the social and political order1 ,spain has not been able to obtain a government which understands her feelings and instincts1 follows her inclinations1 and promotes her prosperity1 we still cherish the hope that the day will come when from her own bosom1 so fertile in future life1 will come forth the harmony which she seeks1 and the equilibrium which she has lost4 ,in the mean time1 it is of the highest importance that all men who have a ,spanish heart in their breasts1 and who do not wish to see the vitals of their country torn to pieces1 should unite and act in concert to preserve her from the genius of evil4 ,their unanimity will prevent the seeds of perpetual discord from being scattered upon our soil1 will ward off this additional calamity1 and will preserve from destruction those precious germs1 whence may arise1 with renovated vigor1 our civilization1 which has been so much injured by disastrous events4 ,the soul is overwhelmed with painful apprehensions at the thought that a day may come when religious unity will be banished from among us2 that unity which is identified with our habits1 our customs1 our manners1 our laws2 which guarded the cradle of our monarchy in the cavern of ,covadonga1 and which was the emblem on our standard during a struggle of eight centuries against the formidable crescent2 that unity which developed and illustrated our civilization in times of the greatest difficulty2 that unity which followed our terrible tercios1 when they imposed silence upon ,europe2 which led our sailors when they discovered the new world1 and guided them when they for the first time made the circuit of the globe2 that unity which sustains our soldiers in their most heroic exploits1 and which1 at a recent period1 gave the climax to their many glorious deeds in the downfall of ,napoleon4 ,you who condemn so rashly the work of ages2 you who offer so many insults to the ,spanish nation1 and who treat as barbarism and ignorance the regulating principle of our civilization1 do you know what it is you insult8 ,do you know what inspired the genius of ,gonzalva1 of ,ferdinando ,cortez1 of the conqueror of ,lepanto8 ,do not the shades of ,garcilazo1 of ,herrara1 of ,ercilla1 of ,fray ,luis de ,leon1 of ,cervantes1 of ,lope de ,vega1 inspire you with any respect8 ,can you venture to break the tie which connects us with them1 to make us the unworthy posterity of these great men8 ,do you wish to place an impassable barrier between their faith and ours1 between their manners and ours1 to make us destroy all our traditions1 and to forget our most inspiring recollections8 ,do you wish to preserve the great and august monuments of our ancestors' piety among us only as a severe and eloquent reproach8 ,will you consent to see dried up the most abundant fountains to which we can have recourse to revive literature1 to strengthen science1 to reorganize legislation1 to re-establish the spirit of nationality1 to restore our glory1 and replace this nation in the high position which her virtues merit1 by restoring to her the peace and happiness which she seeks with so much anxiety1 and which her heart requires8 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,catholicity ,,and ,,protestantism ,,in ,,relation ,,to ,,social ,,progress4 ,,preliminary ,,coup ,d',,il4 ,after having placed ,catholicity and ,protestantism in contrast1 in a religious point of view1 in the picture which ,i have just drawn2 after having shown the superiority of the one over the other1 not only in certainty1 but also in all that regards the instincts1 the feelings1 the ideas1 the characteristics of the human mind1 it seems to me proper to approach another question1 certainly not less important1 but much less understood1 and in the examination of which we shall have to contend against strong antipathies1 and to dissipate many prejudices and errors4 ,amid the difficulties by which the question that ,i am about to undertake is surrounded1 ,i am supported by a strong hope that the interest of the subject1 and its analogy with the scientific taste of the age1 will invite a perusal2 and that ,i shall thereby avoid the danger which commonly threatens those who write in favor of the ,catholic religion1 that of being judged without being heard4 ,the question may be stated thus3 ,when we compare ,catholicity and ,protestantism1 which do we find the most favorable to real liberty1 to the real progress of nations1 to the cause of civilization8 ,liberty6 ,this is one of those words which are as generally employed as they are little understood2 words which1 because they contain a certain vague idea1 easily perceived1 present the deceptive appearance of perfect clearness1 while1 on account of the multitude and variety of objects to which they apply1 they are susceptible of a variety of meanings1 and1 consequently1 are extremely difficult to comprehend4 ,who can reckon the number of applications made of the word liberty8 ,there is always found in this word a certain radical idea1 but the modifications and graduations to which the idea is subject are infinite4 ,the air circulates with liberty2 we move the soil around the plant1 to enable it to grow and increase with liberty2 we clean out the bed of a stream to allow it to flow with liberty2 when we set free a fish in a net1 or a bird in a cage1 we give them their liberty2 we treat a friend with freedom2 we have free methods1 free thoughts1 free expressions1 free successions1 free will1 free actions2 a prisoner has no liberty2 nor have boys1 girls1 or married people2 a man behaves with greater freedom in a foreign country2 soldiers are not free2 there are men free from conscription1 from contributions2 we have free votes1 free acknowledgments1 free interpretation1 free evidence2 freedom of commerce1 of instruction1 of the press1 of conscience2 civil freedom1 and political freedom2 we have freedom just1 unjust1 rational1 irrational1 moderate1 excessive1 limited1 licentious1 seasonable1 unseasonable4 ,but ,i need not pursue the endless enumeration4 ,it seemed to me necessary to dwell upon it for a moment1 even at the risk of fatiguing the reader2 perhaps the remembrance of all this may serve to engrave deeply on our minds the truth1 that when1 in conversation1 in writing1 in public discussions1 in laws1 this word is so frequently employed as applied to objects of the highest importance1 it is necessary to consider maturely the number and nature of the ideas which it embraces in the particular case1 the meaning that the subject needs1 the modifications which the circumstances require1 and the precaution demanded in the case4 ,whatever may be the acceptation in which the word liberty is taken1 it is apparent that it always implies the absence of a cause restraining the exercise of a power4 ,hence it follows that1 in order to fix in each case the real meaning of the word1 it is indispensable to pay attention to the circumstances as well as to the nature of the power1 the exercise of which is to be prevented or limited1 without losing sight of the various objects to which it applies1 the conditions of its exercise1 as also the character1 power1 and extent of the means which are employed to restrain it4 ,to explain this matter1 let it be proposed to form a judgment on the proposition1 ,man ought to enjoy liberty of thought4 ,it is here affirmed that freedom of thought in man ought not to be restrained2 but do you speak of physical force exercised directly on thought itself8 ,in that case the proposition is entirely vain2 for as such an application of force is impossible1 it is useless to say that it ought not to be employed4 ,do you mean to say that it is not allowable to restrain the expression of thought2 that is to say1 that the liberty of manifesting thought ought not to be hindered or restrained8 ,you have1 then1 made a great step1 you have placed the question on a different footing4 ,or if you do not mean to say that every man1 at all times1 in all places1 and on all subjects1 has a right to give utterance to all that comes into his head1 and that in any way he may think proper1 you must then specify the things1 the persons1 the places1 the times1 the subjects1 the conditions2 in short1 you must note a variety of circumstances1 you must prohibit altogether in some cases1 limit in others1 bind in some1 loosen in others2 in fine1 make so many restrictions1 that you will make little progress in establishing your general principle of freedom of thought1 which at first appeared so simple and so clear4 ,even in the sanctuary of thought1 where human sight does not extend1 and which is open to the eye of ,god alone1 what means the liberty of thought8 ,is it owing to chance that laws are imposed on thought to which it is obliged to submit under pain of losing itself in chaos8 ,can it despise the rules of sound reason8 ,can it refuse to listen to the counsels of good sense8 ,can it forget that its object is truth8 ,can it disregard the eternal principles of morality8 ,thus we find1 in examining the meaning of the word liberty1 even as applied to what is certainly freer than any thing else in man1 viz4 thought--we find such a number and variety of meanings that we are forced to make many distinctions1 and necessity compels us to limit the general proposition1 if we wish to avoid saying any thing in opposition to the dictates of reason and good sense1 the eternal laws of morality1 the interests of individuals1 and the peace and preservation of society4 ,and what may not be said of so many claims of liberty which are constantly propounded in language intentionally vague and equivocal8 ,i avail myself of these examples to prevent a confusion of ideas2 for in defending the cause of ,catholicity1 ,i have no need of pleading for oppression1 or of applauding tyranny1 or of approving the conduct of those who have trodden under foot men's most sacred rights4 ,yes1 ,i say1 sacred2 for after the august religion of ,jesus ,christ has been preached1 man is sacred in the eyes of other men on account of his origin and divine destiny1 on account of the image of ,god which is reflected in him1 and because he has been redeemed with ineffable goodness and love by the ,son of the ,eternal4 ,this divine religion declares the rights of man to be sacred2 for its august ,founder threatens with eternal punishment not only those who kill a man1 those who mutilate or rob him1 but even those who offend him in words3 ,he who shall say to his brother1 ,thou fool1 shall be in danger of hell-fire4 7,matt4 v4 #bb47 ,thus speaks our divine ,lord4 ,our hearts swell with generous indignation1 when we hear the religion of ,jesus ,christ reproached with a tendency towards oppression4 ,it is true that1 if you confound the spirit of real liberty with that of demagogues1 you will not find it in ,catholicity2 but1 if you avoid a monstrous misnomer1 if you give to the word liberty its reasonable1 just1 useful1 and beneficial signification1 then the ,catholic religion may fearlessly claim the gratitude of the human race1 for she has civilized the nations who embraced her1 and civilization is true liberty4 ,it is a fact now generally acknowledged1 and openly confessed1 that ,christianity has exercised a very important and salutary influence on the development of ,european civilization2 if this fact has not yet had given to it the importance which it deserves1 it is because it has not been sufficiently appreciated4 ,with respect to civilization1 a distinction is sometimes made between the influence of ,christianity and that of ,catholicity2 its merits are lavished on the former1 and stinted to the latter1 by those who forget that1 with respect to ,european civilization1 ,catholicity can always claim the principal share2 and1 for many centuries1 an exclusive one2 since1 during a very long period1 she worked alone at the great work4 ,people have not been willing to see that1 when ,protestantism appeared in ,europe1 the work was bordering on completion2 with an injustice and ingratitude which ,i cannot describe1 they have reproached ,catholicity with the spirit of barbarism1 ignorance1 and oppression1 while they were making an ostentatious display of the rich civilization1 knowledge1 and liberty1 for which they were principally indebted to her4 ,if they did not wish to fathom the intimate connection between ,catholicity and ,european civilization1 if they had not the patience necessary for the long investigations into which this examination would lead them1 at least it would have been proper to take a glance at the condition of countries where the ,catholic religion has not exerted all her influence during centuries of trouble1 and compare them with those in which she has been predominant4 ,the ,east and the ,west1 both subject to great revolutions1 both professing ,christianity1 but in such a way that the ,catholic principle was weak and vacillating in the ,east1 while it was energetic and deeply rooted in the ,west2 these1 we say1 would have afforded two very good points of comparison to estimate the value of ,christianity without ,catholicity1 when the civilization and the existence of nations were at stake4 ,in the ,west1 the revolutions were multiplied and fearful2 the chaos was at its height2 and1 nevertheless1 out of chaos came light and life4 ,neither the barbarism of the nations who inundated those countries1 and established themselves there1 nor the furious assaults of ,islamism1 even in the days of its greatest power and enthusiasm1 could succeed in destroying the germs of a rich and fertile civilization4 ,in the ,east1 on the contrary1 all tended to old age and decay2 nothing revived2 and1 under the blows of the power which was ineffectual against us1 all was shaken to pieces4 ,the spiritual power of ,rome1 and its influence on temporal affairs1 have certainly borne fruits very different from those produced1 under the same circumstances1 by its violent opponents4 ,if ,europe were destined one day again to undergo a general and fearful revolution1 either by a universal spread of revolutionary ideas or by a violent invasion of social and proprietary rights by pauperism2 if the colossus of the ,north1 seated on its throne amid eternal snows1 with knowledge in its head1 and blind force in its hands1 possessing at once the means of civilization1 and unceasingly turning towards the ,east1 the ,south1 and the ,west that covetous and crafty look which in history is the characteristic march of all invading empires2 if1 availing itself of a favorable moment1 it were to make an attempt on the independence of ,europe1 then we should perhaps have a proof of the value of the ,catholic principle in a great extremity2 then we should feel the power of the unity which is proclaimed and supported by ,catholicity1 and while calling to mind the middle ages1 we should come to acknowledge one of the causes of the weakness of the ,east and the strength of the ,west4 ,then would be remembered a fact1 which1 though but of yesterday1 is falling into oblivion1 viz4 that the nation whose heroic courage broke the power of ,napoleon was proverbially ,catholic2 and who knows whether1 in the attempts made in ,russia against ,catholicity1 attempts which the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ has deplored in such touching language--who knows whether there be not the secret influence of a presentiment1 perhaps even a foresight of the necessity of weakening that sublime power1 which has been in all ages1 when the cause of humanity was in question1 the centre of great attempts8 ,but let us return4 ,it cannot be denied that1 since the sixteenth century1 ,european civilization has shown life and brilliancy2 but it is a mistake to attribute this phenomenon to ,protestantism4 ,in order to examine the extent and influence of a fact1 we ought not to be content with the events which have followed it2 it is also necessary to consider whether these events were already prepared2 whether they are any thing more than the necessary result of anterior facts2 and we must take care not to reason in a way which is justly declared to be sophistical by logicians1 post hoc1 ergo propter hoc3 after that1 therefore on account of it4 ,without ,protestantism1 and before it1 ,european civilization was already very much advanced1 thanks to the labors and influence of the ,catholic religion2 the greatness and splendor which it subsequently displayed were not owing to it1 but arose in spite of it4 ,erroneous ideas on this matter have arisen from the fact1 that ,christianity has not been deeply studied2 and that1 without entering into a serious examination of ,church history1 men have too often contented themselves with taking a superficial view of the principles of brotherhood which she has so much recommended4 ,in order fully to understand an institution1 it is not enough to remain satisfied with its leading ideas2 it is necessary to follow all its steps1 see how it realizes its ideas1 and how it triumphs over the obstacles that oppose it4 ,we shall never form a complete idea of an historical fact1 unless we carefully study its history4 ,now the study of ,church history in its relations with civilization1 is still incomplete4 ,it is not that ecclesiastical history has not been profoundly studied2 but it may be said that since the spirit of social analysis has been developed1 that history has not yet been made the subject of those admirable labors which have thrown so much light upon it in a critical and dogmatical point of view4 ,another impediment to the complete comprehension of this matter is1 that an exaggerated importance is given to the intentions of men1 and the great march of events is too much neglected4 ,the greatness of events is measured1 and their nature judged of1 by the immediate means which produces them1 and the objects of the men whose actions are treated of2 this is a very important error4 ,the eye ought to range over a wider field2 we ought to observe the successive development of ideas1 the influence which they have exercised on events1 the institutions which have sprung from them2 but it is necessary to see all these things as they are in themselves1 that is1 on a large scale1 without stopping to consider particular and isolated facts4 ,it is an important truth1 which ought to be deeply engraven on the mind1 that when one of those great facts which change the lot of a considerable portion of the human race is developed1 it is rarely understood by those who take part in it1 and figure as the principal actors4 ,the march of humanity is a grand drama2 the parts are played by persons who pass by and disappear3 man is very little2 ,god alone is great4 ,neither the actors who figured on the scene in the ancient empires of the ,east1 nor ,alexander invading ,asia and reducing numberless nations into servitude1 nor the ,romans subjugating the world1 nor the barbarians overturning the empire and breaking it in pieces1 nor the ,mussulmen ruling ,asia and ,africa and menacing the independence of ,europe1 knew1 or could know1 that they were the instruments in the great designs whereof we admire the execution4 ,i mean to show from this1 that when we have to do with ,christian civilization1 when we collect and analyze the facts which distinguish its march1 it is not necessary1 or even often proper1 to suppose that the men who have contributed to it in the most remarkable manner understood1 to the full extent1 the results of their own efforts4 ,it is glory enough for a man to be pointed out as the chosen instrument of ,providence1 without the necessity of attributing to him great ability or lofty ambition4 ,it is enough to observe that a ray of light has descended from heaven and illumined his brow2 it is of little importance whether he foresaw that this ray1 by reflection1 was destined to shed a brilliant light on future generations4 ,little men are commonly smaller than they think themselves1 but great men are often greater than they imagine2 if they do not know all their grandeur1 it is because they are ignorant that they are the instruments of the high designs of ,providence4 ,another observation which we ought always to have present in the study of these great events is1 that we should not expect to find there a system1 the connection and harmony of which are apparent at the first coup d'il4 ,we must expect to see some irregularities and objects of an unpleasant aspect2 it is necessary to guard against the childish impatience of anticipating the time2 it is indispensable to abandon that desire which we always have1 in a greater or less degree1 and which always urges us to seek every thing in conformity with our own ideas1 and to see every thing advance in the way most pleasing to us4 ,do you not see nature herself so varied1 so rich1 so grand1 lavish her treasures in disorder1 hide her inestimable precious stones and her most valuable veins of metal in masses of earth8 ,see how she presents huge chains of mountains1 inaccessible rocks1 and fearful precipices1 in contrast with her wide and smiling plains4 ,do you not observe this apparent disorder1 this prodigality1 in the midst of which numberless agents work1 in secret concert1 to produce the admirable whole which enchants our eyes and ravishes the lover of nature8 ,so with society2 the facts are dispersed1 scattered here and there1 frequently offering no appearance of order or concert2 events succeed each other1 act on each other1 without the design being discovered2 men unite1 separate1 co-operate1 and contend1 and nevertheless time1 that indispensable agent in the production of great works1 goes on1 and all is accomplished according to the destinies marked out in the secrets of the ,eternal4 ,this is the march of humanity2 this is the rule for the philosophic study of history2 this is the way to comprehend the influence of those productive ideas1 of those powerful institutions1 which from time to time appear among men to change the face of the earth4 ,when in a study of this kind we discover acting at the bottom of things a productive idea1 a powerful institution1 the mind1 far from being frightened at meeting with some irregularities1 is inspired1 on the contrary1 with fresh courage2 for it is a sure sign that the idea is full of truth1 that the institution is fraught with life1 when we see them pass through the chaos of ages1 and come safe out of the frightful ordeals4 ,of what importance is it that certain men were not influenced by the idea1 that they did not answer the object of the institution1 if the latter has survived its revolutions1 and the former has not been swallowed up in the stormy sea of the passions8 ,to mention the weaknesses1 the miseries1 the faults1 the crimes of men1 is to make the most eloquent apology for the idea and the institution4 ,in viewing men in this way1 we do not take them out of their proper places1 and we do not require from them more than is reasonable4 ,we see them enclosed in the deep bed of the great torrent of events1 and we do not attribute to their intellects1 or to their will1 any thing that exceeds the sphere appointed for them2 we do not1 however1 fail to appreciate in a proper manner the nature and the greatness of the works in which they take part1 but we avoid giving to them an exaggerated importance1 by honoring them with eulogiums which they do not deserve1 or reproaching them unjustly4 ,times and circumstances are not monstrously confounded2 the observer sees with calmness and sang froid the events which pass before his eyes2 he speaks not of the empire of ,charlemagne as he would of that of ,napoleon1 and is not hurried into bitter invectives against ,gregory ,,vii4 because he did not adopt the same line of political conduct as ,gregory ,,xvi4 ,observe that ,i do not ask from the philosophical historian an impassive indifference to good and evil1 to justice and injustice2 ,i do not claim indulgence for vice1 nor would ,i refuse to virtue its eulogy4 ,i have no sympathy with that school of historic fatalism1 which would bring back to the world the destiny of the ancients2 a school which1 if it acquired influence1 would corrupt the best part of history1 and stifle the most generous emotions4 ,i see in the march of society a plan1 a harmony1 but not a blind necessity2 ,i do not believe that events are mingled up together indiscriminately in the dark urn of destiny1 nor that fatalism holds the world enclosed in an iron circle4 ,but ,i see a wonderful chain stretching over the course of centuries1 a chain which does not fetter the movements of individuals or of nations1 and which accommodates itself to the ebb and flow which are required by the nature of things2 at its touch great thoughts arise in the minds of men3 this golden chain is suspended by the hand of the ,eternal1 it is the work of infinite intelligence and ineffable love4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,did ,,there ,,exist ,,at ,,the ,,epoch ,,when ,,christianity ,,appeared ,,any ,,other ,,principle ,,of ,,regeneration8 ,in what condition did ,christianity find the world8 ,this is a question which ought to fix all our attention1 if we wish to appreciate correctly the blessings conferred by that divine religion on individuals and on society1 if we are desirous of knowing the real character of ,christian civilization4 ,certainly at the time when ,christianity appeared1 society presented a dark picture4 ,covered with fine appearances1 but infected to the heart with a mortal malady1 it presented an image of the most repugnant corruption1 veiled by a brilliant garb of ostentation and opulence4 ,morality was without reality1 manners without modesty1 the passions without restraint1 laws without authority1 and religion without ,god4 ,ideas were at the mercy of prejudices1 of religious fanaticism1 and philosophical subtilties4 ,man was a profound mystery to himself2 he did not know how to estimate his own dignity1 for he reduced it to the level of brutes2 and when he attempted to exaggerate its importance1 he did not know how to confine it within the limits marked out by reason and nature3 and it is well worthy of observation1 that while a great part of the human race groaned in the most abject servitude1 heroes1 and even the most abominable monsters1 were elevated to the rank of gods4 ,such elements must1 sooner or later1 have produced social dissolution4 ,even if the violent irruption of the barbarians had not taken place1 society must have been overturned sooner or later1 for it did not possess a fertile idea1 a consoling thought1 or a beam of hope1 to preserve it from ruin4 ,idolatry had lost its strength2 it was an expedient exhausted by time and by the gross abuse which the passions had made of it4 ,its fragile tissue once exposed to the dissolving influence of philosophical observation1 idolatry was entirely disgraced2 and if the rooted force of habit still exercised a mechanical influence on the minds of men1 that influence was neither capable of re-establishing harmony in society1 nor of producing that fiery enthusiasm which inspires great actions--enthusiasm which in virgin hearts may be excited by superstition the most irrational and absurd4 ,to judge of them by the relaxation of morals1 by the enervated weakness of character1 by the effeminate luxury1 by the complete abandonment to the most repulsive amusements and the most shameful pleasures1 it is clear that religious ideas no longer possessed the majesty of the heroic age2 no longer efficacious1 they only exerted on men's minds a feeble influence1 while they served in a lamentable manner as instruments of dissolution4 ,now it was impossible for it to be otherwise3 nations who had obtained the high degree of cultivation of the ,greeks and ,romans2 nations who had heard their great sages dispute on the grand questions of divinity and man1 could not continue in the state of simplicity which was necessary to believe with good faith the intolerable absurdities of which ,paganism is full2 and whatever may have been the disposition of mind among the ignorant portion of the people1 assuredly those who were raised above the common standard did not believe them--those who listened to philosophers as enlightened as ,cicero1 and who daily enjoyed the malicious railleries of their satirical poets4 ,if religion was impotent1 was there not another means1 viz4 knowledge8 ,before we examine what was to be hoped from this1 it is necessary to observe1 that knowledge never founded a society1 nor was it ever able to restore one that had lost its balance4 ,in looking over the history of ancient times1 we find at the head of some nations eminent men who1 thanks to the magic influence which they exercised over others1 dictated laws1 corrected abuses1 rectified ideas1 reformed morals1 and established a government on wise principles2 thus securing1 in a more or less satisfactory manner1 the happiness and prosperity of those who were confided to their care4 ,but we should be much mistaken if we imagined that these men proceeded according to what we call scientific combinations4 ,generally simple and rude1 they acted according to the impulses of their generous hearts1 only guided by the wisdom and good sense of the father of a family in the management of his domestic affairs3 never did these men adopt for their rule the wretched subtilties which we call theories1 the crude mass of ideas which we disguise under the pompous name of science4 ,were the most distinguished days of ,greece those of ,plato and ,aristotle8 ,the proud ,romans1 who conquered the world1 certainly had not the extent and variety of knowledge of the ,augustan age2 and yet who would exchange the times or the men8 ,modern times also can show important evidences of the sterility of science in creating social institutions2 which is the more evident as the practical effects of the natural sciences are the more visible4 ,it seems that in the latter sciences man has a power which he has not in the former2 although1 when the matter is fully examined1 the difference does not appear so great as at the first view4 ,let us briefly compare their respective results4 ,when man seeks to apply the knowledge which he has acquired of the great laws of nature1 he finds himself compelled to pay respect to her2 as1 whatever might be his wishes1 his weak arm could not cause any great bouleversement1 he is obliged to make his attempts limited in extent1 and the desire of success induces him to act in conformity with the laws which govern the bodies he has to do with4 ,it is quite otherwise with the application made of the social sciences4 ,there man is able to act directly and immediately on society itself1 on its eternal foundations2 he does not consider himself necessarily bound to make his attempts on a small scale1 or to respect the eternal laws of society2 he is able1 on the contrary1 to imagine those laws as he pleases1 indulge in as many subtilties as he thinks proper1 and bring about disasters which humanity laments4 ,let us remember the extravagances which have found favor1 with respect to nature1 in the schools of philosophy1 ancient and modern1 and we shall see what would have become of the admirable machine of the universe1 if philosophers had had full power over it4 ,descartes said1 ,give me matter and motion1 and ,i will form a world6 ,he could not derange an atom in the system of the universe4 ,rousseau1 in his turn1 dreamed of placing society on a new basis1 and he upset the social state4 ,it must not be forgotten that science1 properly so called1 has little power in the organization of society3 this ought to be remembered in modern times1 when it boasts so much of its pretended fertility4 ,it attributes to its own labors what is the fruit of the lapse of ages1 of the instinctive law of nations1 and sometimes of the inspirations of genius2 now neither this instinct of nations nor genius at all resembles science4 ,but without pushing any further these general considerations1 which are1 nevertheless1 very useful in leading us to a knowledge of man1 what could be hoped from the false light of science which was preserved in the ruins of the ancient schools at the time we are speaking of8 ,however limited the knowledge of the ancient philosophers1 even the most distinguished1 may have been on these subjects1 we must allow that the names of ,socrates1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle command some degree of respect1 and that amid their errors and mistakes they give us thoughts which are really worthy of their lofty genius4 ,but when ,christianity appeared1 the germs of knowledge planted by them had been destroyed2 dreams had taken the place of high and fruitful thoughts1 the love of disputation had replaced that of wisdom1 sophistry and subtilties had been substituted for mature judgment and severe reasoning4 ,the ancient schools had been upset1 others as sterile as they were strange had been formed out of their ruins2 on all sides there appeared a swarm of sophists like the impure insects which announce the corruption of a dead body4 ,the ,church has preserved for us a very valuable means of judging of the science of that time1 in the history of the early heresies4 ,without speaking of what therein deserves all our indignation1 as1 for example1 their profound immorality1 can we find any thing more empty1 absurd1 or pitiable8#ad ,the ,roman legislation1 so praiseworthy for its justice and equity1 its wisdom and prudence1 and much as it deserves to be regarded as one of the most precious ornaments of ancient civilization1 was yet incapable of preventing the dissolution with which society was threatened4 ,never did it owe its safety to jurisconsults2 so great a work is beyond the sphere of action of jurisprudence4 ,let us suppose the laws as perfect as possible1 jurisprudence carried to the highest point1 jurisconsults animated by the purest feelings and guided by the most honest intentions1 what would all this avail if the heart of society is corrupt1 if moral principles have lost their force1 if manners are in continual opposition with laws8 ,let us consider the picture of ,roman manners such as their own historians have painted them2 we shall not find even a reflection of the equity1 justice1 and good sense which made the ,roman laws deserve the glorious name of written reason4 ,to give a proof of impartiality1 ,i purposely omit the blemishes from which the ,roman law was certainly not exempt1 for ,i do not desire to be accused of wishing to lower every thing which is not the work of ,christianity4 ,yet ,i must not pass over in silence the important fact1 that it is by no means true that ,christianity had no share in perfecting the jurisprudence of ,rome2 ,i do not mean merely during the period of the ,christian emperors1 which does not admit of a doubt1 but even at a prior period4 ,it is certain that some time before the coming of ,jesus ,christ the number of the ,roman laws was very considerable1 and that their study and arrangement already occupied the attention of many of the most illustrious men4 ,we know from ,suetonius 7,in ,csar4 c4 #dd7 that ,julius ,csar had undertaken the extremely useful task of condensing into a small number of books those which were the most select and necessary among the immense collection of laws2 a similar idea occurred to ,cicero1 who wrote a book on the methodical digest of the civil law 7de jure civili in arte redigendo71 as ,aulus ,gellius attests4 7,noct4 ,att4 lib4 i4 c4 #bb47 ,according to ,tacitus1 this work also occupied the attention of the ,emperor ,augustus4 ,certainly these projects show that legislation was not in its infancy2 but it is not the less true that the ,roman law1 as we possess it1 is in great part the product of later ages4 ,many of the most famous jurists1 whose opinions form a considerable part of the law1 lived long after the coming of ,jesus ,christ4 ,as to the constitutions of the emperors1 their very names remind us of the time when they were digested4 ,these facts being established1 ,i shall observe that it does not follow that because the emperors and jurists were pagans1 the ,christian ideas had no influence on their works4 ,the number of ,christians was immense in all places2 the cruelty alone with which they had been persecuted1 the heroic courage which they had displayed in the face of torments and death1 must have drawn upon them the attention of the whole world2 and it is impossible that this should not have excited1 among men of reflection1 curiosity enough to examine what this new religion taught its proselytes4 ,the reading of the apologies for ,christianity already written in the first ages with so much force of reasoning and eloquence1 the works of various kinds published by the early ,fathers1 the homilies of ,bishops to their people1 contain so much wisdom1 breathe such a love for truth and justice1 and proclaim so loudly the eternal principles of morality1 that it was impossible for their influence not to be felt even by those who condemned the religion of ,christ4 ,when doctrines having for their object the greatest questions which affect man are spread everywhere1 propagated with fervent zeal1 received with love by a considerable number of disciples1 and maintained by the talent and knowledge of illustrious men1 these doctrines make a profound impression in all directions1 and affect even those who warmly combat them4 ,their influence in this case is imperceptible1 but it is not the less true and real4 ,they act like the exhalations which impregnate the atmosphere2 with the air we inhale sometimes death1 and sometimes a salutary odor which purifies and strengthens us4 ,such must necessarily have been the case with a doctrine which was preached in so extraordinary a manner1 propagated with so much rapidity1 and the truth of which1 sealed by torrents of blood1 was defended by writers such as ,justin1 ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,irenus1 and ,tertullian4 ,the profound wisdom1 the ravishing beauty of these doctrines1 explained by the ,christian doctors1 must have called attention to the sources whence they flowed2 it was natural that curiosity thus excited should put the holy ,scriptures into the hands of many philosophers and jurists4 ,would it be strange if ,epictetus had imbibed some of the doctrines of the ,sermon on the ,mount1 and if the oracles of jurisprudence had imperceptibly received the inspiration of a religion whose power1 spreading in a wonderful manner1 took possession of all ranks of society8 ,burning zeal for truth and justice1 the spirit of brotherhood1 grand ideas of the dignity of man1 the continued themes of ,christian instruction1 could not remain confined among the children of the ,church4 ,more or less rapidly they penetrated all classes2 and when1 by the conversion of ,constantine1 they acquired political influence and imperial authority1 it was only the repetition of an ordinary phenomenon2 when a system has become very powerful in the social order1 it ends by exerting an empire1 or at least an influence1 in the political4 ,i leave these observations to the judgment of thinking men with perfect confidence2 ,i am sure that if they do not adopt them1 at least they will not consider them unworthy of reflection4 ,we live at a time fruitful in great events1 and when important revolutions have taken place2 therefore we are better able to understand the immense effects of indirect and slow influences1 the powerful ascendency of ideas1 and the irresistible force with which doctrines work their way4 ,to this want of vital principles capable of regenerating society1 to all those elements of dissolution which society contained within itself1 was joined another evil of no slight importance1--the vice of its political organization4 ,the world being under the yoke of ,rome1 hundreds of nations differing in manners and customs were heaped together in confusion1 like spoils on the field of battle1 and constrained to form a factitious body1 like trophies placed upon a spear4 ,the unity of the government being violent1 could not be advantageous2 and moreover1 as it was despotic1 from the emperor down to the lowest proconsul1 it will be seen that it could not produce any other result than the debasement and degradation of nations1 and that it was impossible for them to display that elevation and energy of character which are the precious fruit of a feeling of self-dignity and love for national independence4 ,if ,rome had preserved her ancient manners1 if she had retained in her bosom warriors as celebrated for the simplicity and austerity of their lives as for the renown of their victories1 some of the qualities of the conquerors might have been communicated to the conquered1 as a young and robust heart reanimates with its vigor a body attenuated by disease4 ,unfortunately such was not the case4 ,the ,fabiuses1 the ,camilluses1 the ,scipios1 would not have acknowledged their unworthy posterity2 ,rome1 the mistress of the world1 like a slave1 was trodden under the feet of monsters who mounted to the throne by perjury and violence1 stained their sceptres with corruption and cruelty1 and fell by the hands of assassins4 ,the authority of the ,senate and people had disappeared2 only vain imitations of them were left1 vestigia morientis libertatis1 as ,tacitus calls them1 vestiges of expiring liberty2 and this royal people1 who formerly disposed of kingdoms1 consulships1 legions1 and all1 then thought only of two things1 food and games1 ,qui dabat olim ,imperium1 fasces1 legiones1 omnia1 nunc se ,continet1 atque duas tantum res anxius optat1 ,panem et ,circenses4--,,juvenal1 ,satire ,x4 ,at length1 in the plenitude of time ,christianity appeared2 and without announcing any change in political forms1 without intermeddling in the temporal and earthly1 it brought to mankind a twofold salvation1 by calling them to the path of eternal felicity1 but at the same time bountifully supplying them with the only means of preservation from social dissolution1 the germ of a regeneration slow and pacific1 but grand1 immense1 and lasting1 and secure from the revolutions of ages2 and this preservative against social dissolution1 this germ of invaluable improvements1 was a pure and lofty doctrine1 diffused among all mankind1 without exception of age1 sex1 and condition1 as the rain which falls like a mild dew on an arid and thirsty soil4 ,no religion has ever equalled ,christianity in knowledge of the hidden means of influencing man2 none has ever1 when doing so1 paid so high a compliment to his dignity2 and ,christianity has always adopted the principle1 that the first step in gaining possession of the whole man is that of gaining his mind2 and that it is necessary1 in order either to destroy evil or to effect good1 to adopt intellectual means3 thereby it has given a mortal blow to the systems of violence which prevailed before its existence2 it has proclaimed the wholesome truth1 that in influencing men1 the weakest and most unworthy method is force2 a fruitful and beneficial truth1 which opened to humanity a new and happy future4 ,only since the ,christian era do we find the lessons of the sublimest philosophy taught to all classes of the people1 at all times and in all places4 ,the loftiest truths relating to ,god and man1 the rules of the purest morality1 are not communicated to a chosen number of disciples in hidden and mysterious instructions2 the philosophy of ,christianity has been bolder2 it has ventured to reveal to man the whole naked truth1 and that in public1 with a loud voice1 and that generous boldness which is the inseparable companion of the truth4 ,that which ,i tell you in the dark1 speak ye in the light2 and that which you hear in the ear1 preach ye upon the housetop4 7,matt4 x4 #bg47 ,as soon as ,christianity and ,paganism met face to face1 the superiority of the former was rendered palpable1 not only by its doctrines themselves1 but by the manner in which it propagated them4 ,it might easily be imagined that a religion so wise and pure in its teachings1 and which1 in propagating them1 addressed itself directly to the mind and heart1 must quickly drive from its usurped dominion the religion of imposture and falsehood4 ,and1 indeed1 what did ,paganism do for the good of man8 ,what moral truths did it teach8 ,how did it check the corruption of manners8 ,as to morals1 says ,st4 ,augustine1 why have not the gods chosen to take care of those of their adorers1 and prevent their irregularities8 ,as to the true ,god1 it is with justice that ,he has neglected those who did not serve ,him4 ,but whence comes it that those gods1 the prohibition of whose worship is complained of by ungrateful men1 have not established laws to lead their adorers to virtue8 ,was it not reasonable that1 as men undertook their mysteries and sacrifices1 the gods1 on their side1 should undertake to regulate the manners and actions of men8 ,it is replied1 that no one is wicked but because he wishes to be so4 ,who doubts this8 but the gods ought not on that account to conceal from their worshippers precepts that might serve to make them practise virtue4 ,they were1 on the contrary1 under the obligation of publishing those precepts aloud1 of admonishing and rebuking sinners by their prophets2 of publicly threatening punishment to those who did evil1 and promising rewards to those who did well4 ,was there ever heard1 in the temples of the gods1 a loud and generous voice teaching any thing of the kind8 7,de ,civit4 lib4 ii4 c4 #d47 ,the holy doctor afterwards paints a dark picture of the infamies and abominations which were committed in the spectacles and sacred games celebrated in honor of the gods--games and shows at which he had himself assisted in his youth2 he continues thus3 ,thence it comes that these divinities have taken no care to regulate the morals of the cities and nations who adore them1 or to avert by their threats those dreadful evils which injure not only fields and vineyards1 houses and properties1 or the body which is subject to the mind1 but the mind itself1 the directress of the body1 which was drenched with their iniquities4 ,or if it be pretended that they did make such menaces1 let them be shown and proved to us4 ,but let there not be alleged a few secret words whispered in the ears of a small number of persons1 and which1 with a great deal of mystery1 were to teach virtue4 ,it is necessary to point out1 to name the places consecrated to the assemblies--not those in which were celebrated games with lascivious words and gestures2 not those feasts called fuites1 and which were solemnized with the most unbridled license2 but the assemblies where the people were instructed in the precepts of the gods for the repression of avarice1 moderating ambition1 restraining immodesty2 those where these unfortunate beings learn what ,perseus desires them to know1 when he says1 in severe language1 ',learn1 ,o unhappy mortals1 the reason of things1 what we are1 why we come into the world1 what we ought to do1 how miserable is the term of our career1 what bounds we ought to prescribe to ourselves in the pursuit of riches1 what use we ought to make of them1 what we owe to our neighbor1 in fine1 the obligations we owe to the rank we occupy among men4' ,let them tell us in what places they have been accustomed to instruct the people in these things by order of the gods2 let them show us these places1 as we show them churches built for this purpose wherever the ,christian religion has been established4 7,de ,civit4 lib4 ii4 c4 #f47 ,this divine religion was too deeply acquainted with the heart of man ever to forget the weakness and inconstancy which characterize it2 and hence it has ever been her invariable rule of conduct unceasingly to inculcate to him1 with untiring patience1 the salutary truths on which his temporal well-being and eternal happiness depend4 ,man easily forgets moral truths when he is not constantly reminded of them2 or if they remain in his mind1 they are there like sterile seeds1 and do not fertilize his heart4 ,it is good and highly salutary for parents constantly to communicate this instruction to their children1 and that it should be made the principal object of private education2 but it is necessary1 moreover1 that there should be a public ministry1 never losing sight of it1 diffusing it among all classes and ages1 repairing the negligences of families1 and reviving recollections and impressions which the passions and time constantly efface4 ,this system of constant preaching and instruction1 practised at all times and in all places by the ,catholic ,church1 is so important for the enlightenment and morality of nations1 that it must be looked upon as a great good1 that the first ,protestants1 in spite of their desire to destroy all the practices of the ,church1 have nevertheless preserved that of preaching4 ,we need not be insensible on this account to the evils produced at certain times by the declamation of some factious or fanatical ministers2 but as unity had been broken1 as the people had been precipitated into the perilous paths of schism1 we say that it must have been extremely useful for the preservation of the most important notions with respect to ,god and man and the fundamental maxims of morality1 that such truths should be frequently explained to the people by men who had long studied them in the sacred ,scriptures4 ,no doubt the mortal blow given to the hierarchy by the ,protestant system1 and the degradation of the priesthood which was the consequence1 have deprived its preachers of the sacred characteristics of the ,holy ,spirit2 no doubt it is a great obstacle to the efficacy of their preachers1 that they cannot present themselves as the anointed of the ,lord1 and that they are only1 as an able writer has said1 men clothed in black1 who mount the pulpit every ,sunday to speak reasonable things2 but at least the people continue to hear some fragments of the excellent moral discourses contained in the sacred ,scriptures1 they have often before their eyes the edifying examples spread over the ,old and ,new ,testament1 and1 what is still more precious1 they are reminded frequently of the events in the life of ,jesus ,christ1--of that admirable life1 the model of all perfection1 which1 even when considered in a human point of view1 is acknowledged by all to be the purest sanctity par excellence1 the noblest code of morality that was ever seen1 the realization of the finest beau idal that philosophy in its loftiest thoughts has ever conceived under human form1 and which poetry has ever imagined in its most brilliant dreams4 ,this we say is useful and highly salutary2 for it will always be salutary for nations to be nourished with the wholesome food of moral truths1 and to be excited to virtue by such sublime examples4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,difficulties ,,which ,,christianity ,,had ,,to ,,overcome ,,in ,,the ,,work ,,of ,,social ,,regeneration4--,,of ,,slavery4--,,could ,,it ,,be ,,destroyed ,,with ,,more ,,promptness ,,than ,,it ,,was ,,by ,,christianity8 ,although the ,church attached the greatest importance to the propagation of truth1 although she was convinced that to destroy the shapeless mass of immorality and degradation that met her sight1 her first care should be to expose error to the dissolving fire of true doctrines1 she did not confine herself to this2 but1 descending to real life1 and following a system full of wisdom and prudence1 she acted in such a manner as to enable humanity to taste the precious fruit which the doctrines of ,jesus ,christ produce even in temporal things4 ,the ,church was not only a great and fruitful school2 she was also a regenerative association2 she did not diffuse her general doctrines by throwing them abroad at hazard1 merely hoping that they would fructify with time2 she developed them in all their relations1 applied them to all subjects1 inoculated laws and manners with them1 and realized them in institutions which afforded silent but eloquent instructions to future generations4 ,nowhere was the dignity of man acknowledged1 slavery reigned everywhere2 degraded woman was dishonored by the corruption of manners1 and debased by the tyranny of man4 ,the feelings of humanity were trodden under foot1 infants were abandoned1 the sick and aged were neglected1 barbarity and cruelty were carried to the highest pitch of atrocity in the prevailing laws of war2 in fine1 on the summit of the social edifice was seen an odious tyranny1 sustained by military force1 and looking down with an eye of contempt on the unfortunate nations that lay in fetters at its feet4 ,in such a state of things it certainly was no slight task to remove error1 to reform and improve manners1 abolish slavery1 correct the vices of legislation1 impose a check on power1 and make it harmonize with the public interest1 give new life to individuals1 and reorganize family and society2 and yet nothing less than this was done by the ,church4 ,let us begin with slavery4 ,this is a matter which is the more to be fathomed1 as it is a question eminently calculated to excite our curiosity and affect our hearts4 ,what abolished slavery among ,christian nations8 ,was it ,christianity8 ,was it ,christianity alone1 by its lofty ideas on human dignity1 by its maxims and its spirit of fraternity and charity1 and also by its prudent1 gentle1 and beneficent conduct8 ,i trust ,i shall prove that it was4 ,no one now ventures to doubt that the ,church exercised a powerful influence on the abolition of slavery2 this is a truth too clear and evident to be questioned4 ,m4 ,guizot acknowledges the successful efforts with which the ,church labored to improve the social condition4 ,he says3 ,no one doubts that she struggled obstinately against the great vices of the social state2 for example1 against slavery4 ,but1 in the next line1 and as if he were reluctant to establish without any restriction a fact which must necessarily excite in favor of the ,catholic ,church the sympathies of all humanity1 he adds3 ,it has been often repeated that the abolition of slavery in the modern world was entirely due to ,christianity4 ,i believe that this is saying too much2 slavery existed for a long time in the bosom of ,christian society without exciting astonishment or much opposition4 ,m4 ,guizot is much mistaken if he expects to prove that the abolition of slavery was not due exclusively to ,christianity1 by the mere representation that slavery existed for a long time amid ,christian society4 ,to proceed logically1 he must first see whether the sudden abolition of it was possible1 if the spirit of peace and order which animates the ,church could allow her rashly to enter on an enterprise which1 without gaining the desired object1 might have convulsed the world4 ,the number of slaves was immense2 slavery was deeply rooted in laws1 manners1 ideas1 and interests1 individual and social2 a fatal system1 no doubt1 but the eradication of which all at once it would have been rash to attempt1 as its roots had penetrated deeply and spread widely in the bowels of the land4 ,in a census of ,athens there were reckoned #bj1jjj citizens and #dj1jjj slaves2 in the ,peloponnesian war no less than #bj1jjj passed over to the enemy4 ,this we learn from ,thucydides4 ,the same author tells us1 that at ,chio the number of slaves was very considerable1 and that their defection1 when they passed over to the ,athenians1 reduced their masters to great extremities4 ,in general1 the number of slaves was so very great everywhere that the public safety was often compromised thereby4 ,therefore it was necessary to take precautions to prevent their acting in concert4 ,it is necessary1 says ,plato 7,dial4 #f1 de ,leg471 that slaves should not be of the same country1 and that they should differ as much as possible in manners and desires2 for experience has many times shown1 in the frequent defections which have been witnessed1 among the ,messenians1 and in other cities that had a great number of slaves of the same language1 that great evils commonly result from it4 ,aristotle in his ,government 7b4 i4 c4 #e7 gives various rules as to the manner in which slaves ought to be treated2 it is remarkable that he is of the same opinion as ,plato1 for he says3 ,that there should not be many slaves of the same country4 ,he tells us in his ,politics 7b4 ii4 c4 #g71 ,that the ,thessalians were reduced to great embarrassments on account of the number of their ,penestes1 a sort of slaves2 the same thing happened to the ,spartans on account of the ,helotes4 ,the ,penestes have often rebelled in ,thessaly2 and the ,spartans1 during their reverses1 have been menaced by the plots of the ,helotes4 ,this was a difficulty which required the serious attention of politicians4 ,they did not know how to prevent the inconveniences induced by this immense multitude of slaves4 ,aristotle laments the difficulty there was in finding the best way of treating them2 and we see that it was the subject of grave cares2 ,i will transcribe his own words3 ,in truth1 he says1 the manner in which this class of men ought to be treated is a thing difficult and full of embarrassment2 for if they are treated mildly1 they become insolent1 and wish to become equal to their masters2 if they are treated harshly1 they conceive hatred1 and conspire4 ,at ,rome1 the multitude of slaves was such that when1 at a certain period1 it was proposed to give them a distinctive dress1 the ,senate opposed the measure1 fearing that if they knew their own numbers the public safety would be endangered2 and certainly this precaution was not vain1 for already1 a long time before1 the slaves had caused great commotions in ,italy4 ,plato1 in support of the advice which ,i have just quoted1 states1 ,that the slaves had frequently devastated ,italy with piracy and robbery4 ,in more recent times ,spartacus1 at the head of an army of slaves1 was the terror of that country for some time1 and engaged the best generals of ,rome4 ,the number of slaves had reached such an excess1 that many masters reckoned them by hundreds4 ,when the ,prefect of ,rome1 ,pedanius ,secundus1 was assassinated1 four hundred slaves who belonged to him were put to death4 7,tac4 ,ann4 b4 xiv47 ,pudentila1 the wife of ,apulcius1 had so many that she gave four hundred to her son4 ,they became a matter of pomp1 and the ,romans vied with each other in their number4 ,when asked this question1 quod pascit servos1 how many slaves does he keep1 according to the expression of ,juvenal 7,sat4 #c1 v4 #adj71 they wished to be able to show a great number4 ,the thing had reached such a pass that1 according to ,pliny1 the cortege of a family resembled an army4 ,it was not only in ,greece and ,italy that this abundance of slaves was found2 at ,tyre they arose against their masters1 and1 by their immense numbers1 they were able to massacre them all4 ,if we turn our eyes towards barbarous nations1 without speaking of some the best known1 we learn from ,herodotus that the ,scythians1 on their return from ,media1 found their slaves in rebellion1 and were compelled to abandon their country to them4 ,csar in his ,commentaries 7de ,bello ,gall4 lib4 vi47 bears witness to the multitude of slaves in ,gaul4 ,as their number was everywhere so considerable1 it is clear that it was quite impossible to preach freedom to them without setting the world on fire4 ,unhappily we have1 in modern times1 the means of forming a comparison which1 although on an infinitely smaller scale1 will answer our purpose4 ,in a colony where black slaves abound1 who would venture to set them at liberty all at once8 ,now how much are the difficulties increased1 what colossal dimensions does not the danger assume1 when you have to do1 not with a colony1 but with the world8 ,their intellectual and moral condition rendered them incapable of turning such an advantage to their own benefit and that of society2 in their debasement1 urged on by the hatred and the desire of vengeance which ill-treatment had excited in their minds1 they would have repeated1 on a large scale1 the bloody scenes with which they had already1 in former times1 stained the pages of history2 and what would then have happened8 ,society1 thus endangered1 would have been put on its guard against principles favoring liberty2 henceforth it would have regarded them with prejudice and suspicion1 and the chains of servitude1 instead of being loosened1 would have been the more firmly riveted4 ,out of this immense mass of rude1 savage men1 set at liberty without preparation1 it was impossible for social organization to arise2 for social organization is not the creation of a moment1 especially with such elements as these2 and in this case1 since it would have been necessary to choose between slavery and the annihilation of social order1 the instinct of preservation1 which animates society as well as all beings1 would undoubtedly have brought about the continuation of slavery where it still existed1 and its re-establishment where it had been destroyed4 ,those who complain that ,christianity did not accomplish the work of abolishing slavery with sufficient promptitude1 should remember that1 even supposing a sudden or very rapid emancipation possible1 and to say nothing of the bloody revolutions which would necessarily have been the result1 the mere force of circumstances1 by the insurmountable difficulties which it would have raised1 would have rendered such a measure absolutely useless4 ,let us lay aside all social and political considerations1 and apply ourselves to the economical question4 ,first1 it was necessary to change all the relations of property4 ,the slaves played a principal part therein2 they cultivated the land1 and worked as mechanics2 in a word1 among them was distributed all that is called labor2 and this distribution being made on the supposition of slavery1 to take away this would have made a disruption1 the ultimate consequences of which could not be estimated4 ,i will suppose that violent spoliations had taken place1 that a repartition or equalization of property had been attempted1 that lands had been distributed to the emancipated1 and that the richest proprietors had been compelled to hold the pickaxe and the plough2 ,i will suppose all these absurdities and mad dreams to be realized1 and ,i say that this would have been no remedy2 for we must not forget that the production of the means of subsistence must be in proportion to the wants of those they are intended to support1 and that this proportion would have been destroyed by the abolition of slavery4 ,the production was regulated1 not exactly according to the number of the individuals who then existed1 but on the supposition that the majority were slaves2 now we know that the wants of a freeman are greater than those of a slave4 ,if at the present time1 after eighteen centuries1 when ideas have been corrected1 manners softened1 laws ameliorated2 when nations and governments have been taught by experience2 when so many public establishments for the relief of indigence have been founded2 when so many systems have been tried for the division of labor2 when riches are distributed in a more equitable manner2 if it is still so difficult to prevent a great number of men from becoming the victims of dreadful misery1 if that is the terrible evil1 which1 like a fatal nightmare1 torments society1 and threatens its future1 what would have been the effect of a universal emancipation1 at the beginning of ,christianity1 at a time when slaves were not considered by the law as persons1 but as things2 when their conjugal union was not looked upon as a marriage2 when their children were property1 and subject to the same rules as the progeny of animals2 when1 in fine1 the unhappy slave was ill-treated1 tormented1 sold1 or put to death1 according to the caprices of his master8 ,is it not evident that the cure of such evils was the work of ages8 ,do not humanity and political and social economy unanimously tell us this8 ,if mad attempts had been made1 the slaves themselves would have been the first to protest against them2 they would have adhered to a servitude which at least secured to them food and shelter2 they would have rejected a liberty which was inconsistent even with their existence4 ,such is the order of nature3 man1 above all1 requires wherewith to live2 and the means of subsistence being wanting1 liberty itself would cease to please him4 ,it is not necessary to allude to the individual examples of this1 which we have in abundance2 entire nations have given signal proofs of this truth4 ,when misery is excessive1 it is difficult for it not to bring with it degradation1 stifle the most generous sentiments1 and take away the magic of the words independence and liberty4 ,the common people1 says ,csar1 speaking of the ,gauls 7lib4 vi4 de ,bello ,gall471 are almost on a level with slaves2 of themselves they venture nothing2 their voice is of no avail4 ,there are many of that class1 who1 loaded with debts and tributes1 or oppressed by the powerful1 give themselves up into servitude to the nobles1 who exercise over those who have thus delivered themselves up the same rights as over slaves4 ,examples of the same kind are not wanting in modern times2 we know that in ,china there is a great number of slaves whose servitude is owing entirely to the incapacity of themselves or their fathers to provide for their own subsistence4 ,these observations1 which are supported by facts that no one can deny1 evidently show that ,christianity has displayed profound wisdom in proceeding with so much caution in the abolition of slavery4 ,it did all that was possible in favor of human liberty2 if it did not advance more rapidly in the work1 it was because it could not do so without compromitting the undertaking--without creating serious obstacles to the desired emancipation4 ,such is the result at which we arrive when we have thoroughly examined the charges made against some proceedings of the ,church4 ,we look into them by the light of reason1 we compare them with the facts1 and in the end we are convinced that the conduct blamed is perfectly in accordance with the dictates of the highest wisdom and the counsels of the soundest prudence4 ,what1 then1 does ,m4 ,guizot mean1 when1 after having allowed that ,christianity labored with earnestness for the abolition of slavery1 he accuses it of having consented for a long time to its continuance8 ,is it logical thence to infer that it is not true that this immense benefit is due exclusively to ,christianity8 ,that slavery endured for a long time in presence of the ,church is true2 but it was always declining1 and it only lasted as long as was necessary to realize the benefit without violence--without a shock--without compromitting its universality and its continuation4 ,moreover1 we ought to subtract from the time of its continuance many ages1 during which the ,church was often proscribed1 always regarded with aversion1 and totally unable to exert a direct influence on the social organization4 ,we ought also1 to a great extent1 to make exception of later times1 as the ,church had only begun to exert a direct and public influence1 when the irruption of the northern barbarians took place1 which1 together with the corruption which infected the empire and spread in a frightful manner1 produced such a perturbation1 such a confused mass of languages1 customs1 manners1 and laws1 that it was almost impossible to make the regulating power produce salutary fruits4 ,if1 in later times1 it has been difficult to destroy feudality2 if there remain to this day1 after ages of struggles1 the remnants of that constitution2 if the slave-trade1 although limited to certain countries and circumstances1 still merits the universal reprobation which is raised throughout the world against its infamy2 how can we venture to express our astonishment--how can we venture to make it a reproach against the ,church1 that slavery continued some ages after she had proclaimed men's fraternity with each other1 and their equality before ,god8 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,ideas ,,and ,,manners ,,of ,,antiquity ,,with ,,respect ,,to ,,slavery4--,,the ,,church ,,begins ,,by ,,improving ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,slaves4 ,happily the ,catholic ,church was wiser than philosophers2 she knew how to confer on humanity the benefit of emancipation1 without injustice or revolution4 ,she knew how to regenerate society1 but not in rivers of blood4 ,let us see what was her conduct with respect to the abolition of slavery4 ,much has been already said of the spirit of love and fraternity which animates ,christianity1 and that is sufficient to show that its influence in this work must have been great4 ,but perhaps sufficient care has not been taken in seeking the positive and practical means which the ,church employed for this end4 ,in the darkness of ages1 in circumstances so complicated or various1 will it be possible to discover any traces of the path pursued by the ,catholic ,church in accomplishing the destruction of that slavery under which a large portion of the human race groaned8 ,will it be possible to do any thing more than praise her ,christian charity8 ,will it be possible to point out a plan1 a system1 and to prove the existence and development of it1 not by referring to a few expressions1 to elevated thoughts1 generous sentiments1 and the isolated actions of a few illustrious men1 but by exhibiting positive facts1 and historical documents1 which show what were the esprit de corps and tendency of the ,church8 ,i believe that this may be done1 and ,i have no doubt that ,i shall be able to do it1 by availing myself of what is most convincing and decisive in the matter1 viz4 the monuments of ecclesiastical legislation4 ,in the first place1 it will not be amiss to remember what ,i have already pointed out1 viz4 that when we have to do with the conduct1 designs1 and tendencies of the ,church1 it is by no means necessary to suppose that these designs were conceived in their fullest extent by the mind of any individual in particular1 nor that the merit and all the prudence of that conduct was understood by those who took part in it4 ,it is not even necessary to suppose that the first ,christians understood all the force of the tendencies of ,christianity with respect to the abolition of slavery4 ,what requires to be shown is1 that the result has been obtained by the doctrines and conduct of the ,church1 as with ,catholics1 7although they know how to esteem at their just value the merit and greatness of each man17 individuals1 when the ,church is concerned1 disappear4 ,their thoughts and will are nothing2 the spirit which animates1 vivifies1 and directs the ,church1 is not the spirit of man1 but that of ,god himself4 ,those who belong not to our faith will employ other names2 but at least we shall agree in this1 that facts1 considered in this way1 above the mind and the will of individuals1 preserve much better their real dimensions2 and thus the great chain of events in the study of history remains unbroken4 ,let it be said that the conduct of the ,church was inspired and directed by ,god2 or that it was the result of instinct2 that it was the development of a tendency contained in her doctrines2 we will not now stay to consider the expressions which may be used by ,catholics1 or by philosophers2 what we have to show is1 that this instinct was noble and well-directed2 that this tendency had a great object in view1 and knew how to attain it4 ,the first thing that ,christianity did for slaves1 was to destroy the errors which opposed1 not only their universal emancipation1 but even the improvement of their condition2 that is1 the first force which she employed in the attack was1 according to her custom1 the force of ideas4 ,this first step was the more necessary1 as the same thing applies to all other evils1 as well as to slavery2 every social evil is always accompanied by some error which produces or foments it4 ,there existed not only the oppression and degradation of a large portion of the human race1 but1 moreover1 an accredited error1 which tended more and more to lower that portion of humanity4 ,according to this opinion1 slaves were a mean race1 far below the dignity of freemen3 they were a race degraded by ,jupiter himself1 marked by a stamp of humiliation1 and predestined to their state of abjection and debasement4 ,a detestable doctrine1 no doubt1 and contradicted by the nature of man1 by history and experience2 but which1 nevertheless1 reckoned distinguished men among its defenders1 and which we see proclaimed for ages1 to the shame of humanity and the scandal of reason1 until ,christianity came to destroy it1 by undertaking to vindicate the rights of man4 ,homer tells us 7,odys4 #ag7 that ,jupiter has deprived slaves of half the mind4 ,we find in ,plato a trace of the same doctrine1 although he expresses himself1 as he is accustomed to do1 by the mouth of another2 he ventures to advance the following3 ,it is said that1 in the mind of slaves1 there is nothing sound or complete2 and that a prudent man ought not to trust that class of persons2 which is equally attested by the wisest of our poets4 ,here ,plato cites the above-quoted passage of ,homer 7,dial4 #h1 de ,legibus74 ,but it is in the ,politics of ,aristotle that we find this degrading doctrine in all its deformity and nakedness4 ,some have wished to excuse this philosopher1 but in vain2 his own words condemn him without appeal4 ,in the first chapter of his work1 he explains the constitution of the family1 and attempts to state the relations of husband and wife1 of master and slave2 he states that1 as the wife is by nature different from the husband1 so is the slave from the master4 ,these are his words3 ,thus the woman and the slave are distinguished by nature itself4 ,let it not be said that this is an expression that escaped from the pen of the writer2 it was stated with a full knowledge1 and is a rsum of his theory4 ,in the third chapter1 where he continues to analyze the elements which compose the family1 after having stated that a complete family is formed of free persons and slaves1 he alludes particularly to the latter1 and begins by combating an opinion which he thinks too favorable to them3 ,there are some1 he says1 who think that slavery is a thing out of the order of nature1 since it is the law itself which makes some free and others slaves1 while nature makes no distinction4 ,before combating this opinion1 he explains the relations between master and slave1 by using the comparison of artist and instrument1 and that of the soul and body2 he continues thus3 ,if we compare man to woman1 we find that the first is superior1 therefore he commands2 the woman is inferior1 therefore she obeys4 ,the same thing ought to take place among all men4 ,thus it is that those among them who are as inferior with respect to others1 as the body is with respect to the soul1 and the animal to man2 those whose powers principally consist in the use of the body1 the only service that can be obtained from them1 they are naturally slaves4 ,we should imagine1 at first sight1 that the philosopher spoke only of idiots2 his words would seem to indicate this2 but we shall see1 by the context1 that such is not his intention4 ,it is evident that if he spoke only of idiots1 he would prove nothing against the opinion which he desires to combat2 for the number of them is nothing with respect to the generality of men4 ,if he spoke only of idiots1 of what use would be a theory founded on so rare and monstrous an exception8 ,but we have no need of conjectures as to the real intention of the philosopher1 he himself takes care to explain it to us1 and tells us at the same time for what reason he ventures to make use of expressions which seem1 at first1 to place the matter on another level4 ,his intention is nothing less than to attribute to nature the express design of producing men of two kinds2 one born for slavery1 the other for liberty4 ,the passage is too important and too curious to be omitted4 ,it is this3 ,nature has taken care to create the bodies of free men different from those of slaves2 the bodies of the latter are strong1 and proper for the most necessary labors3 those of freemen1 on the contrary1 well formed1 although ill adapted for servile works1 are proper for civil life1 which consists in the management of things in war and peace4 ,nevertheless1 the contrary often happens4 ,to a free man is given the body of a slave2 and to a slave the soul of a free man4 ,there is no doubt that1 if the bodies of some men were as much more perfect than others1 as we see is the case in the image of the ,gods1 all the world would be of opinion that these men should be obeyed by those who had not the same beauty4 ,if this is true in speaking of the body1 it is still more so in speaking of the soul2 although it is not so easy to see the beauty of the soul as that of the body4 ,thus it cannot be doubted that there are some men born for liberty1 as others are for slavery2 a slavery which is not only useful to the slaves themselves1 but1 moreover1 just4 ,a miserable philosophy1 which1 in order to support that degraded state1 was obliged to have recourse to such subtilties1 and ventured to impute to nature the intention of creating different castes1 some born to command and others to obey2 a cruel philosophy1 which thus labored to break the bonds of fraternity with which the ,author of nature has desired to knit together the human race1 pretending to raise a barrier between man and man1 and inventing theories to support inequality2 not that inequality which is the necessary result of all social organization1 but an inequality so terrible and degrading as that of slavery4 ,christianity raises its voice1 and by the first words which it pronounces on slaves1 declares them equal to all men in the dignity of nature1 and in the participation of the graces which the ,divine ,spirit diffuses upon earth4 ,we must remark the care with which ,st4 ,paul insists on this point2 it seems as if he had in view those degrading distinctions which have arisen from a fatal forgetfulness of the dignity of man4 ,the ,apostle never forgets to inculcate to the faithful that there is no difference between the slave and the freeman4 ,for in one ,spirit were we all baptized into one body1 whether ,jews or ,gentiles1 whether bond or free4 7#a ,cor4 xii4 #ac47 ,for you are all children of ,god1 by faith in ,jesus ,christ4 ,for as many of you as have been baptized in ,christ have put on ,christ4 ,there is neither ,jew nor ,greek2 there is neither bond or free2 there is neither male or female4 ,for you are all one in ,christ ,jesus4 7,gal4 iii4 #bf-bh47 ,where there is neither ,gentile nor ,jew1 circumcision nor uncircumcision1 barbarian or ,scythian1 bond or free2 but ,christ is all and in all4 7,colos4 iii4 #aa47 ,the heart dilates at the sound of the voice thus loudly proclaiming the great principles of holy fraternity and equality4 ,after having heard the oracles of ,paganism inventing doctrines to degrade still more the unhappy slaves1 we seem to awake from a painful dream1 and to find ourselves in the light of day in the midst of the delightful reality4 ,the imagination delights to contemplate the millions of men who1 bent under degradation and ignominy1 at this voice raised their eyes towards ,heaven1 and were animated with hope4 ,it was with this teaching of ,christianity as with all generous and fruitful doctrines2 they penetrate the heart of society1 remain there as a precious germ1 and1 developed by time1 produce an immense tree which overshadows families and nations4 ,when these doctrines were diffused among men1 they could not fail to be misunderstood and exaggerated4 ,thus there were found some who pretended that ,christian freedom was the proclamation of universal freedom4 ,the pleasing words of ,christ easily resounded in the ears of slaves3 they heard themselves declared children of ,god1 and brethren of ,jesus ,christ2 they saw that there was no distinction made between them and their masters1 between them and the most powerful lords of the earth2 is it1 then1 strange that men only accustomed to chains1 to labor1 to every kind of trouble and degradation1 exaggerated the principles of ,christian liberty1 and made applications of them which were neither just in themselves1 nor capable of being reduced to practice8 ,we know1 from ,st4 ,jerome1 that many1 hearing themselves called to ,christian liberty1 believed that they were thereby freed4 ,perhaps the ,apostle alluded to this error when1 in his first epistle to ,timothy1 he said1 ,whosoever are servants under the yoke1 let them count their masters worthy of all honor2 lest the name of the ,lord and ,his doctrines be blasphemed4 7#a ,timothy vi4 #a47 ,this error had been so general1 that after three centuries it was still much credited2 and the ,council of ,gangres1 held about #cbd1 was obliged to excommunicate those who1 under pretence of piety1 taught that slaves ought to quit their masters1 and withdraw from their service4 ,this was not the teaching of ,christianity2 besides1 we have clearly shown that it would not have been the right way to achieve universal emancipation4 ,therefore this same ,apostle1 from whose mouth we have heard such generous language in favor of slaves1 frequently inculcates to them obedience to their masters2 but let us observe1 that while fulfilling this duty imposed by the spirit of peace and justice which animates ,christianity1 he so explains the motives on which the obedience of slaves ought to be based1 he calls to mind the obligations of masters in such affecting and energetic words1 and establishes so expressly and conclusively the equality of all men before ,god1 that we cannot help seeing how great was his compassion for that unhappy portion of humanity1 and how much his ideas on this point differed from those of a blind and hardened world4 ,there is in the heart of man a feeling of noble independence1 which does not permit him to subject himself to the will of another1 except when he sees that the claims to his obedience are founded on legitimate titles4 ,if they are in accordance with reason and justice1 and1 above all1 if they have their roots in the great objects of human love and veneration1 his understanding is convinced1 his heart is gained1 and he yields4 ,but if the reason for the command is only the will of another1 if it is only man against man1 these thoughts of equality ferment in his mind1 then the feeling of independence burns in his heart1 he puts on a bold front1 and his passions are excited4 ,therefore1 when a willing and lasting obedience is to be obtained1 it is necessary that the man should be lost sight of in the ruler1 and that he should only appear as the representative of a superior power1 or the personification of the motives which convince the subject of the justice and utility of his submission2 thus he does not obey the will of another because it is that will1 but because it is the representative of a superior power1 or the interpreter of truth and justice2 then man no longer considers his dignity outraged1 and obedience becomes tolerable and pleasing4 ,it is unnecessary to say that such were not the titles on which was founded the obedience of slaves before ,christianity3 custom placed them in the rank of brutes2 and the laws1 outdoing it if possible1 were expressed in language which cannot be read without indignation4 ,masters commanded because such was their pleasure1 and slaves were compelled to obey1 not on account of superior motives or moral obligations1 but because they were the property of their masters1 horses governed by the bridle1 and mere mechanical machines4 ,was it1 then1 strange that these unhappy beings1 drenched with misfortune and ignominy1 conceived and cherished in their hearts that deep rancor1 that violent hatred1 and that terrible thirst for vengeance1 which at the first opportunity exploded so fearfully8 ,the horrible massacre of ,tyre1 the example and terror of the universe1 according to the expression of ,justin2 the repeated revolts of the ,penestes in ,thessaly1 of the ,helotes in ,sparta2 the defections of the slaves of ,chio and ,athens2 the insurrection under the command of ,herdonius1 and the terror which it spread in all the families of ,rome2 the scenes of blood1 the obstinate and desperate resistance of the bands of ,spartacus2 was all this any thing but the natural result of the system of violence1 outrage1 and contempt with which slaves were treated8 ,is it not what we have seen repeated in modern times1 in the catastrophes of the negro colonies8 ,such is the nature of man1 whoever sows contempt and outrage will reap fury and vengeance4 ,christianity was well aware of these truths2 and this is the reason why1 while preaching obedience1 it took care to found it on ,divine authority4 ,if it confirmed to masters their rights1 it also taught them an exalted sense of their obligation4 ,wherever ,christian doctrines prevailed1 slaves might say3 ,it is true that we are unfortunate2 birth1 poverty1 or the reverses of war have condemned us to misfortune2 but at least we are acknowledged as men and brethren2 between us and our masters there is a reciprocity of rights and obligations4 ,let us hear the ,apostle3 ,you1 slaves1 obey those who are your masters according to the flesh1 with fear and trembling1 in the simplicity of your hearts1 as to ,jesus ,christ himself4 ,not serving to the eye1 as it were pleasing men1 but1 as the servants of ,christ1 doing the will of ,god from the heart4 ,with a good will serving1 as to the ,lord1 and not to men4 ,knowing that whatsoever good things any man shall do1 the same shall he receive from the ,lord1 whether he be bond or free4 ,and you1 masters1 do the same thing to them1 forbearing threatenings1 knowing that the ,lord both of them and you is in heaven1 and there is no respect of persons with ,him4 7,eph4 vi4 #e-i47 ,in the ,epistle to the ,colossians he inculcates the same doctrine of obedience anew1 basing it on the same motives2 for1 to console the unfortunate slaves1 he tells them3 ,you shall receive of the ,lord the reward of inheritance3 serve ye the ,lord ,christ4 ,for he that doth wrong shall receive for that which he hath done wrongfully1 and there is no respect of persons with ,god 7,colos4 iii4 #bd1 #be72 and lower down1 addressing himself to masters3 ,masters1 do to your servants that which is just and equal1 knowing that you also have a ,master in heaven4 7iv4 #a47 ,the diffusion of such beneficent doctrines necessarily tended to improve greatly the condition of slaves2 their immediate effect was to soften that excessive rigor1 that cruelty which would be incredible if it were not incontrovertibly proved4 ,we know that the master had the right of life and death1 and that he abused that power even to putting a slave to death from caprice1 as ,quintus ,flaminius did in the midst of a festival4 ,another caused one of these unfortunate beings to be thrown to the fishes1 because he broke a glass of crystal4 ,this is related of ,vedius ,pollio2 and this horrible cruelty was not confined to the circle of a few families subject to a master devoid of compassion2 no1 cruelty was formed into a system1 the fatal but necessary result of erroneous notions on this point1 and of the forgetfulness of the sentiments of humanity4 ,this violent system could only be supported by constantly trampling upon the slave2 and there was no cessation of tyranny until the day when he1 with superior power1 attacked his master and destroyed him4 ,an ancient proverb said1 ,so many slaves1 so many enemies4 ,we have already seen the ravages committed by men thus rendered savage by revenge1 whenever they were able to break their chains2 but certainly1 when it was desired to terrify them1 their masters did not yield to them in ferocity4 ,at ,sparta1 on one occasion when they feared the ill-will of the ,helotes1 they assembled them all at the temple of ,jupiter1 and put them to death4 7,thucyd4 b4 iv47 ,at ,rome1 whenever a master was assassinated1 all his slaves were condemned to death4 ,we cannot read in ,tacitus without a shudder 7,ann4 l4 xiv4 #dc7 the horrible scene which was witnessed when the prefect of the town1 ,pedanius ,secundus1 was assassinated by one of his slaves4 ,not less than four hundred were to die2 all1 according to the ancient custom1 were to be led to punishment4 ,this cruel and pitiable spectacle1 in which so many of the innocent were to suffer death1 excited the compassion of the people1 who raised a tumult to prevent this horrid butchery4 ,the ,senate1 in doubt1 deliberated on the affair1 when an orator named ,cassius maintained with energy that it was necessary to complete the bloody execution1 not only in obedience to the ancient custom1 but also because without it it would be impossible to preserve themselves from the ill-will of the slaves4 ,his words are all dictated by injustice and tyranny2 he sees on all sides dangers and conspiracies2 he can imagine no other safeguards than force and terror4 ,the following passage is above all remarkable in his speech1 as showing in a few words the ideas and manners of the ancients in this matter3 ,our ancestors1 says the senator1 always mistrusted the character of slaves1 even of those who1 born on their possessions and in their houses1 might be supposed to have conceived from their cradle an affection for their masters2 but as we have slaves of foreign nations1 differing in customs and religion1 this rabble can only be restrained by terror4 ,cruelty prevailed1 the boldness of the people was repressed1 the way was filled with soldiers1 and the four hundred unfortunate beings were led to punishment4 ,to soften this cruel treatment1 to banish these frightful atrocities1 ought to have been the first effect of the ,christian doctrines2 and we may rest assured that the ,church never lost sight of so important an object4 ,she devoted all her efforts to improve as much as possible the condition of slaves2 in punishments she caused mildness to be substituted for cruelty2 and what was more important than all1 she labored to put reason in the place of caprice1 and to make the impetuosity of masters yield to the calmness of judges2 that is to say1 she every day assimilated the condition of slaves more and more to that of freemen1 by making right and not might reign over them4 ,the ,church never forgot the noble lesson which the ,apostle gave when writing to ,philemon1 and interceding in favor of a fugitive slave named ,onesimus2 he spoke in his favor with a tenderness which this unhappy class had never before inspired3 ,i beseech thee1 he says to him1 for my son ,onesimus4 ,receive him as my own bowels2 no more as a slave1 but as a most dear brother4 ,if he hath wronged thee in any thing1 or is in thy debt1 put that to my account4 7,epis4 to ,phil47 ,the ,council of ,elvira1 held in the beginning of the fourth century1 subjects the woman who shall have beaten her slave so as to cause her death in three days to many years of penance2 the ,council of ,orleans1 held in #edi1 orders that if a slave guilty of a fault take refuge in a church1 he is to be restored to his master1 but not without having exacted from the latter a promise1 confirmed by oath1 that he will not do him any harm2 that if the master1 in violation of his oath1 maltreat the slave1 he shall be separated from the communion of the faithful and the sacraments4 ,this canon shows us two things3 the habitual cruelty of masters1 and the zeal of the ,church to soften the treatment of slaves4 ,to restrain this cruelty1 nothing less than an oath was required2 and the ,church1 always so careful in these things1 yet considered the matter important enough to justify and require the invocation of the sacred name of ,god4 ,the favor and protection which the ,church granted to slaves rapidly extended4 ,it seems that in some places the custom was introduced of requiring a promise on oath1 not only that the slave who had taken refuge in the church should not be ill-treated in his person1 but even that no extraordinary work should be imposed on him1 and that he should wear no distinctive mark4 ,this custom1 produced no doubt by zeal for humanity1 but which may have occasioned some inconveniences by relaxing too much the ties of obedience1 and allowing excesses on the part of slaves1 appears to be alluded to in a regulation of the ,council of ,epaone 7now ,abbon1 according to some71 held about #eag4 ,this ,council labors to stop the evil by prescribing a prudent moderation2 but without withdrawing the protection already granted4 ,it ordains1 in the #cith canon1 ,that if a slave1 guilty of any atrocious offence1 takes refuge in a church1 he shall be saved from corporal punishment2 but the master shall not be compelled to swear that he will not impose on him additional labor1 or that he will not cut off his hair1 in order to make known his fault4 ,observe that this restriction is introduced only in the case when the slave shall have committed a heinous offence1 and even in this case all the power allowed to the master consists in imposing on the slave extraordinary labor1 or distinguishing him by cutting his hair4 ,perhaps such indulgence may be considered excessive2 but we must observe that when abuses are deeply rooted1 they cannot be eradicated without a vigorous effort4 ,at first sight it often appears as if the limits of prudence were passed2 but this apparent excess is only the inevitable oscillation which is observed before things regain their right position4 ,the ,church had therein no wish to protect crime1 or give unmerited indulgence2 her object was to check the violence and caprice of masters2 she did not wish to allow a man to suffer torture or death because such was the will of another4 ,the establishment of just laws and legitimate tribunals1 the ,church has never opposed2 but she has never given her consent to acts of private violence4 ,the spirit of opposition to the exercise of private force1 which includes social organization1 is clearly shown to us in the #aeth canon of the ,council of ,merida1 held in #fff4 ,i have already shown that slaves formed a large portion of property4 ,as the division of labor was made in conformity with this principle1 slaves were absolutely necessary to those who possessed property1 especially when it was considerable4 ,now the ,church found this to be the case2 and as she could not change the organization of society on a sudden1 she was obliged to yield to necessity1 and admit slavery4 ,but if she wished to introduce improvements in the lot of slaves in general1 it was good for her to set the example herself3 this example is found in the canon ,i have just quoted4 ,there1 after having forbidden the bishops and priests to maltreat the servants of the ,church by mutilating their limbs1 the ,council ordains that if a slave commit an offence1 he shall be delivered to the secular judges1 but so that the bishops shall moderate the punishment inflicted on him4 ,we see by this canon that the right of mutilation exercised by private masters was still in use2 and perhaps it was still more strongly established1 since we see that the ,council limits itself to interdicting that kind of punishment to ecclesiastics1 without saying any thing as to laymen4 ,no doubt1 one of the motives for this prohibition made to ecclesiastics1 was to prevent their shedding human blood1 and thus rendering themselves incapable of exercising their lofty ministry1 the principal act of which is the august sacrifice in which they offer a victim of peace and love2 but this does not in any way detract from the merit of the regulation1 or at all diminish its influence on the improvement of the condition of slaves4 ,it was the substitution of public vengeance for private2 it was again to proclaim the equality of slaves and freemen with respect to the effusion of their blood2 it was to declare that the hands which had shed the blood of a slave1 had contracted the same stain as if they had shed that of a freeman4 ,now1 it was necessary to inculcate these salutary truths on men's minds in every way1 for they ran in direct contradiction to the ideas and manners of antiquity2 it was necessary to labor assiduously to destroy the shameful and cruel exceptions which continued to deprive the majority of mankind of a participation in the rights of humanity4 ,there is1 in the canon which ,i have just quoted1 a remarkable circumstance1 which shows the solicitude of the ,church to restore to slaves the dignity and respect of which they had been deprived4 ,to shave the hair of the head was among the ,goths a very ignominious punishment2 which1 according to ,lucas de ,tuy1 was to them more cruel than death itself4 ,it will be understood1 that whatever was the force of prejudice on this point1 the ,church might have allowed the shaving of the hair without incurring the stain which was attached to the shedding of blood4 ,yet she was not willing to allow it1 which shows us how attentive she was to destroy the marks of humiliation impressed on slaves4 ,after having enjoined priests and bishops to deliver criminal slaves to the judges1 she commands them not to allow them to be shaved ignominiously4 ,no care was too great in this matter2 to destroy one after another the odious exceptions which affected slaves1 it was necessary to seize upon all favorable opportunities4 ,this necessity is clearly shown by the manner in which the eleventh ,council of ,toledo1 held in #fge1 expresses itself4 ,this ,council1 in its #fth canon1 forbids bishops themselves to judge crimes of a capital nature1 as it also forbids them to order the mutilation of members4 ,behold in what terms it was considered necessary to state that this rule admitted of no exception2 not even1 says the ,council1 with respect to the slaves of the ,church4 ,the evil was great1 it could not be cured without assiduous care4 ,even the right of life and death1 the most cruel of all1 could not be extirpated without much trouble2 and cruel applications of it were made in the beginning of the sixth century1 since the ,council of ,epaone1 in its #cdth canon1 ordains that the master who1 of his own authority1 shall take away the life of his slave1 shall be cut off for two years from the communion of the ,church4 ,after the middle of the ninth century1 similar attempts were still made1 and the ,council of ,worms1 held in #hfh1 labored to repress them1 by subjecting to two years of penance the master who1 of his own authority1 shall have put his slave to death4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,means ,,employed ,,by ,,the ,,church ,,to ,,enfranchise ,,slaves4 ,while improving the condition of slaves and assimilating it as much as possible to that of freemen1 it was necessary not to forget the universal emancipation2 for it was not enough to ameliorate slavery1 it was necessary to abolish it4 ,the mere force of ,christian notions1 and the spirit of charity which was spread at the same time with them over the world1 made so violent an attack on the state of slavery1 that they were sure sooner or later to bring about its complete abolition4 ,it is impossible for society to remain for a long time under an order of things which is formally opposed to the ideas with which it is imbued4 ,according to ,christian maxims1 all men have a common origin and the same destiny2 all are brethren in ,jesus ,christ2 all are obliged to love each other with all their hearts1 to assist each other in their necessities1 to avoid offending each other even in words2 all are equal before ,god1 for they will all be judged without exception of persons4 ,christianity extended and took root everywhere--took possession of all classes1 of all branches of society2 how1 then1 could the state of slavery last--a state of degradation which makes man the property of another1 allows him to be sold like an animal1 and deprives him of the sweetest ties of family and of all participation in the advantages of society8 ,two things so opposite could not exist together2 the laws were in favor of slavery1 it is true2 it may even be said that ,christianity did not make a direct attack on those laws4 ,but1 on the other hand1 what did it do8 ,it strove to make itself master of ideas and manners1 communicated to them a new impulse1 and gave them a different direction4 ,in such a case1 what did laws avail8 ,their rigor was relaxed1 their observance was neglected1 their equity began to be doubted1 their utility was disputed1 their fatal effects were remarked1 and they gradually fell into desuetude1 so that sometimes it was not necessary to strike a blow to destroy them4 ,they were thrown aside as things of no use2 or1 if they deserved the trouble of an express abolition1 it was only for the sake of ceremony2 it was a body interred with honor4 ,but let it not be supposed1 after what ,i have just said1 that in attributing so much importance to ,christian ideas and manners1 ,i mean that the triumph of these ideas and manners was abandoned to that force alone1 without that co-operation on the part of the ,church which the time and circumstances required4 ,quite the contrary3 the ,church1 as ,i have already pointed out1 called to her aid all the means the most conducive to the desired result4 ,in the first place1 it was requisite1 to secure the work of emancipation1 to protect from all assault the liberty of the freed--liberty which unhappily was often attacked and put in great danger4 ,the causes of this melancholy fact may be easily found in the remains of ancient ideas and manners1 in the cupidity of powerful men1 the system of violence made general by the irruptions of the barbarians1 in the poverty1 neglect1 and total want of education and morality in which slaves must have been when they quitted servitude4 ,it must be supposed that a great number of them did not know all the value of liberty2 that they did not always conduct themselves1 in their new state1 according to the dictates of reason and the exigences of justice2 and that1 newly entered on the possession of the rights of freemen1 they did not know how to fulfil all their new obligations4 ,but these different inconveniences1 inseparable from the nature of things1 were not to hinder the consummation of an enterprise called for both by religion and humanity1 and it was proper to be resigned to them from the consideration of the numerous motives for excusing the conduct of the enfranchised2 the state which these men had just quitted had checked the development of their moral and intellectual faculties4 ,the liberty of newly-emancipated slaves was protected against the attacks of injustice1 and clothed with an inviolable sanctity1 from the time that their enfranchisement was connected with things which then exercised the most powerful ascendency4 ,now the ,church1 and all that belonged to her1 was in this influential position2 therefore the custom1 which was then introduced1 of performing the manumission in the churches1 was undoubtedly very favorable to the progress of liberty4 ,this custom1 by taking the place of ancient usages1 caused them to be forgotten2 it was1 at the same time1 a tacit declaration of the value of human liberty in the sight of ,god1 and a proclamation1 with additional authority1 of the equality of men before ,him2 for the manumission was made in the same place where it was so often read1 that before ,him there was no exception of persons2 where all earthly distinctions disappeared1 and all men were commingled and united by the sweet ties of fraternity and love4 ,this method of manumission more clearly invested the ,church with the right of defending the liberty of the enfranchised4 ,as she had been witness to the act1 she could testify to the spontaneity and the other circumstances which assured its validity2 she could even insist on its observance1 by representing that the promised liberty could not be violated without profaning the sacred place1 without breaking a pledge which had been given in the presence of ,god himself4 ,the ,church did not forget to turn these circumstances to the advantage of the freed4 ,thus we see that the first ,council of ,orange1 held in #dda1 ordains1 in its #gth canon1 that it was necessary to check1 by ecclesiastical censures1 whoever desired to reduce to any kind of servitude slaves who had been emancipated within the enclosure of the church4 ,a century later we find the same prohibition repeated in the #gth canon of the fifth ,council of ,orleans1 held in #edi4 ,the protection given by the ,church to freed slaves was so manifest and known to all1 that the custom was introduced of especially recommending them to her4 ,this recommendation was sometimes made by will1 as the ,council of ,orange1 which ,i have just quoted1 gives us to understand2 for it orders that the emancipated who had been recommended to the ,church by will1 shall be protected from all kinds of servitude1 by ecclesiastical censures4 ,but this recommendation was not always made in a testamentary form4 ,we read in the sixth canon of the sixth ,council of ,toledo1 held in #ehi1 that when any enfranchised persons had been recommended to the ,church1 neither they nor their children could be deprived of the protection of the ,church3 here they speak in general1 without limitation to cases in which there had been a will4 ,the same regulation may be seen in another ,council of ,toledo1 held in #fcc1 which simply says1 that the ,church will receive under her protection only the enfranchised of individuals who shall have taken care to recommend them to her4 ,in the absence of all particular recommendation1 and even when the manumission had not been made in the ,church1 she did not cease to interest herself in defending the freed1 when their liberty was endangered4 ,he who has any regard for the dignity of man1 and any feeling of humanity in his heart1 will certainly not find it amiss that the ,church interfered in affairs of this kind2 indeed1 she acted as every generous man should do1 in the exercise of the right of protecting the weak4 ,we shall not be displeased1 therefore1 to find in the twenty-ninth canon of the ,council of ,agde in ,languedoc1 held in #ejf1 a regulation commanding the ,church1 in case of necessity1 to undertake the defence of those to whom their masters had given liberty in a lawful way4 ,the zeal of the ,church in all times and places for the redemption of captives has no less contributed to the great work of the abolition of slavery4 ,we know that a considerable portion of slaves owed their servitude to the reverses of war4 ,the mild character which we see in modern wars would have appeared fabulous to the ancients4 ,woe to the vanquished6 might then be said with perfect truth2 there was nothing but slavery or death4 ,the evil was rendered still greater by a fatal prejudice1 which was felt with respect to the redemption of captives--a prejudice which was1 nevertheless1 founded on a trait of remarkable heroism4 ,no doubt the heroic firmness of ,regulus is worthy of all admiration4 ,the hair stands upon our head when we read the powerful description of ,horace2 the book falls from our hands at this terrible passage3 ,fertur pudic conjugis osculum ,parvosque natos1 ut capitis minor1 ,ab se removisse1 et virilem ,torvus humi posuisse vultum4--,lib4 iii4 od4 #e4 ,nevertheless1 if we lay aside the deep impression which such heroism produces on us1 and the enthusiasm at all that shows a great soul1 we must confess that this virtue bordered on ferocity2 and that1 in the terrible discourse of ,regulus1 that is a cruel policy1 against which the sentiments of humanity would strongly recoil1 if the mind were not1 as it were1 prostrated at the sight of the sublime disinterestedness of the speaker4 ,christianity could not consent to such doctrines2 it could not allow the maxim to be maintained that1 in order to render men brave in battle1 it was necessary to deprive them of hope4 ,the wonderful traits of valor1 the magnificent scenes of force and constancy1 which shine in every page of the history of modern nations1 eloquently show that the ,christian religion was not deceived2 gentleness of manners may be united with heroism4 ,the ancients were always in excess1 either in cowardice or ferocity2 between these two extremes there is a middle way1 and that has been taught to mankind by the ,christian religion4 ,christianity1 in accordance with its principles of fraternity and love1 regarded the redemption of captives as one of the worthiest objects of its charitable zeal4 ,whether we consider the noble traits of particular actions1 which have been preserved to us by history1 or observe the spirit which guided the conduct of the ,church1 we shall find therein one of the most distinguished claims of the ,christian religion to the gratitude of mankind4 ,a celebrated writer of our times1 ,m4 de ,chateaubriand1 has described to us a ,christian priest who1 in the forests of ,france1 voluntarily made himself a slave1 who devoted himself to slavery for the ransom of a ,christian soldier1 and thus restored a husband to his desolate wife1 and a father to three unfortunate orphan children4 ,the sublime spectacle which ,zachary offers us1 when enduring slavery with calm serenity for the love of ,jesus ,christ1 and for the unhappy being for whom he has sacrificed his liberty1 is not a mere fiction of the poet4 ,more than once1 in the first ages of the ,church1 such examples were seen2 and he who has wept over the sublime disinterestedness and unspeakable charity of ,zachary1 may be sure that his tears are only a tribute to the truth4 ,we have known1 says ,st4 ,clement the ,pope1 many of ours who have devoted themselves to captivity1 in order to ransom their brethren4 7,first ,letter to the ,corinth4 c4 #ee47 ,the redemption of captives was so carefully provided for by the ,church that it was regulated by the ancient canons1 and to fulfil it1 she sold1 if necessary1 her ornaments1 and even the sacred vessels4 ,when unhappy captives were in question1 her charity and zeal knew no bounds1 and she went so far as to ordain that1 however bad might be the state of her affairs1 their ransom should be provided for in the first instance4 7,caus4 #ab1 #e1 #b47 ,in the midst of revolutions produced by the irruption of barbarians1 we see that the ,church1 always constant in her designs1 forgot not the noble enterprise in which she was engaged4 ,the beneficent regulations of the ancient canons fell not into forgetfulness or desuetude1 and the generous words of the holy ,bishop of ,milan1 in favor of slaves1 found an echo which ceased not to be heard amid the chaos of those unhappy times4 ,we see by the fifth canon of the ,council of ,mcon1 held in #ehe1 that priests undertook the ransom of captives by devoting to it the ,church property4 ,the ,council of ,rheims1 held in #fbe1 inflicts the punishment of suspension from his functions on the bishop who shall have destroyed the sacred vessels2 but with generous foresight1 it adds1 for any other motive than the redemption of captives2 and long afterwards1 in the twelfth canon of the ,council of ,verneuil1 held in #hdd1 we find that the property of the ,church was used for that merciful purpose4 ,when the captive was restored to liberty1 the ,church did not deprive him of her protection2 she was careful to continue it1 by giving him letters of recommendation1 for the double purpose of protecting him from new trouble during his journey1 and of furnishing him with the means of repairing his losses during his captivity4 ,we find a proof of this new kind of protection in the second canon of the ,council of ,lyons1 held in #ehc1 which ordains that bishops shall state in the letters of recommendation which they give to captives1 the date and price of their ransom4 ,the zeal for this work was displayed in the ,church with so much ardor1 that it went so far as to commit acts of imprudence which the ecclesiastical authority was compelled to check4 ,these excesses1 and this mistaken zeal1 prove how great was the spirit of charity4 ,we know by a ,council1 called that of ,st4 ,patrick1 held in ,ireland in the year #dea or #def1 that some of the clergy ventured to procure the freedom of captives by inducing them to run away4 ,the ,council1 by its thirty-second canon1 very prudently checks this excess1 by ordaining that the ecclesiastic who desires to ransom captives must do so with his own money2 for to steal them1 by inducing them to run away1 was to expose the clergy to be considered as robbers1 which was a dishonor to the ,church4 ,a remarkable document1 which1 while showing us the spirit of order and equity which guides the ,church1 at the same time enables us to judge how deeply was engraved on men's minds the maxim1 that it is holy1 meritorious1 and generous to give liberty to captives2 for we see that some persons had persuaded themselves that the excellence of the work justified seizing them forcibly4 ,the disinterestedness of the ,church on this point is not less laudable4 ,when she had employed her funds in the ransom of a captive1 she did not desire from him any recompense1 even when he had it in his power to discharge the debt4 ,we have a certain proof of this in the letters of ,st4 ,gregory1 where we see that that ,pope reassures some persons who had been freed with the money of the ,church1 and who feared that after a time they would be called upon to pay the sum expended for their advantage4 ,the ,pope orders that no one1 at any time1 shall venture to disturb either them or their heirs1 seeing that the sacred canons allow the employment of the goods of the ,church for the ransom of captives4 7,l4 #g1 ep4 #ad47 ,the zeal of the ,church for so holy a work must have contributed in an extraordinary way to diminish the number of slaves2 the influence of it was so much the more salutary1 as it was developed precisely at the time when it was most needed1 that is1 in those ages when the dissolution of the ,roman empire1 the irruption of the barbarians1 the fluctuations of so many peoples1 and the ferocity of the invading nations1 rendered wars so frequent1 revolutions so constant1 and the empire of force so habitual and prevailing4 ,without the beneficent and liberating intervention of ,christianity1 the immense number of slaves bequeathed by the old society to the new1 far from diminishing1 would have been augmented more and more2 for wherever the law of brute force prevails1 if it be not checked and softened by a powerful element1 the human race becomes rapidly debased1 the necessary result of which is the increase of slavery4 ,this lamentable state of agitation and violence was in itself very likely to render the efforts which the ,church made to abolish slavery useless2 and it was not without infinite trouble that she prevented what she succeeded in preserving on one side1 from being destroyed on the other4 ,the absence of a central power1 the complication of social relations1 almost always badly determined1 often affected by violence1 and always deprived of the guarantee of stability and consistency1 was the reason why there was no security either for things or persons1 and that while properties were unceasingly invaded1 persons were deprived of their liberty4 ,so that it was at that time necessary to fight against the violence of individuals1 as had been formerly done against manners and legislation4 ,we see that the third canon of the ,council of ,lyons1 held about #eff1 excommunicates those who unjustly retain free persons in slavery2 in the seventeenth canon of the ,council of ,rheims1 held in #fbe1 it is forbidden1 under the same penalty1 to pursue free persons in order to reduce them to slavery3 in the twenty-seventh canon of the ,council of ,london1 held in #aajb1 the barbarous custom of dealing in men1 like animals1 is proscribed3 and in the seventh canon of the ,council of ,coblentz1 held in #ibb1 he who takes away a ,christian to sell him is declared guilty of homicide2 a remarkable declaration1 when we see liberty valued at as high a price as life itself4 ,another means of which the ,church availed herself to abolish slavery was1 to preserve for the unfortunate who had been reduced to that state by misery1 a sure means of quitting it4 ,we have already remarked above that indigence was one of the causes of slavery1 and we have seen that this was frequently the cause among the ,gauls1 as is evidenced by a passage of ,csar4 ,we also know that by virtue of an ancient law1 he who had fallen into slavery could not recover his liberty without the consent of his master2 as the slave was really property1 no one could dispose of him without the consent of his master1 and least of all himself4 ,this law was in accordance with ,pagan doctrines1 but ,christianity regarded the thing differently2 and if the slave was still in her eyes a property1 he did not cease to be a man4 ,thus on this point the ,church refused to follow the strict rules of other properties2 and when there was the least doubt1 at the first favorable opportunity she took the side of the slave4 ,these observations make us understand all the value of the new law introduced by the ,church1 which ordained that persons who had been sold by necessity should be able to return to their former condition by restoring the price which they had received4 ,this law1 which is expressly laid down in a ,french ,council1 held about #faf at ,boneuil1 according to the common opinion1 opened a wide field for the conquests of liberty2 it supported in the heart of the slave a hope which urged him to seek and put into operation the means of obtaining his ransom1 and it placed his liberty within the power of any one who1 touched with his unhappy lot1 was willing to pay or lend the necessary sum4 ,let us remember what we have said of the ardent zeal which was awakened in so many hearts for works of this kind2 let us call to mind that the property of the ,church was always considered as well employed when it was used for the succor of the unfortunate1 and we shall understand the incalculable influence of the regulation which we have just mentioned4 ,we shall see that it was to close one of the most abundant sources of slavery1 and prepare a wide path to universal emancipation4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,continuation ,,of ,,the ,,same ,,subject4 ,the conduct of the ,church with respect to the ,jews also contributed to the abolition of slavery4 ,this singular people1 who bear on their forehead the mark of proscription1 and are found dispersed among all nations1 like fragments of insoluble matter floating in a liquid1 seek to console themselves in their misfortune by accumulating treasures1 and appear to wish to avenge themselves for the contemptuous neglect in which they are left by other nations1 by gaining possession of their wealth by means of insatiable usury4 ,in times when revolutions and so many calamities must necessarily have produced distress1 the odious vice of unfeeling avarice must have had a fatal influence4 ,the harshness and cruelty of ancient laws and manners concerning debtors were not effaced1 liberty was far from being estimated at its just value1 and examples of persons who sold it to relieve their necessities were not wanting2 it was therefore important to prevent the power of the wealthy ,jews from reaching an exorbitant extent1 to the detriment of the liberty of ,christians4 ,the unhappy notoriety which1 after so many centuries1 attaches to the ,jews in this matter1 proves that this danger was not imaginary2 and facts of which we are now witnesses are a confirmation of what we advance4 ,the celebrated ,herder1 in his ,adrastus1 ventures to prognosticate that the children of ,israel1 from their systematic and calculating conduct1 will in time make slaves of all ,christians4 ,if this extraordinary and extravagant apprehension could enter the head of a distinguished man1 in circumstances which are certainly infinitely less favorable to the ,jews1 what was to be feared from this people in the unhappy times of which we speak8 ,from these considerations1 every impartial observer1 every man who is not under the influence of the wretched desire of taking the part of every kind of sect1 in order to have the pleasure of accusing the ,catholic ,church1 even at the risk of speaking against the interests of humanity2 every observer who is not one of those who are less alarmed by an irruption of ,caffres than by any regulation by which the ecclesiastical power appears in the smallest degree to extend the circle of its prerogative2 every man1 ,i say1 who is neither thus bitter1 little1 nor pitiful1 will see1 not only without being scandalized1 but even with pleasure1 that the ,church1 with prudent vigilance1 watched the progress of the ,jews1 and lost no opportunity of favoring their ,christian slaves1 until they were no longer allowed to have any4 ,the third ,council of ,orleans1 held in #ech1 by its #acth canon1 forbids ,jews to compel ,christian slaves to do things contrary to the religion of ,jesus ,christ4 ,this regulation1 which guarantied the liberty of the slave in the sanctuary of conscience1 rendered him respectable even in the eyes of his master3 it was besides a solemn proclamation of the dignity of man1 it was a declaration that slavery could not extend its dominion over the sacred region of the mind4 ,yet this was not enough2 it was proper also that the recovery of their liberty should be facilitated to the slaves of ,jews4 ,three years only pass away2 a fourth ,council is held at ,orleans2 let us observe the progress which the question had made in so short a time4 ,this ,council1 by its #cjth canon1 allows the ,christian slaves who shall take refuge in the church to be ransomed1 on paying to their ,jewish master the proper price4 ,if we pay attention1 we shall see that such a regulation must have produced abundant results in favor of liberty1 as it gave ,christian slaves the opportunity of flying to the churches1 and there imploring1 with more effect1 the charity of their brethren1 to gain the price of their ransom4 ,the same ,council1 in its #cast canon1 ordains that the ,jew who shall pervert a ,christian slave shall be condemned to lose all his slaves2 a new sanction given to the security of the slave's conscience--a new way opened to liberty4 ,the ,church constantly advanced with that unity of plan--that admirable consistency--which even her enemies have acknowledged in her4 ,in the short interval between the period alluded to and the latter part of the same century1 her progress was more perceptible4 ,we observe1 in the canonical regulations of the latter period1 a wider scope1 and1 if we may so speak1 greater boldness4 ,in the ,council of ,mcon1 held in #eha or #ehb1 canon #af1 ,jews are expressly forbidden to have ,christian slaves2 and it is allowed to ransom those who are in their possession for twelve sous4 ,we find the same prohibition in the #adth canon of the ,council of ,toledo1 held in #ehi2 so that at this time the ,church shows what her desire is2 she is unwilling that a ,christian should be in any way the slave of a ,jew4 ,constant in her design1 she checked the evil by all the means in her power2 if it was necessary1 limiting the right of selling slaves1 when there was danger of their falling into the hands of ,jews4 ,thus we see that1 by the #ith canon of the ,council of ,chlons1 held in #fej1 it is forbidden to sell slaves out of the kingdom of ,clovis1 lest they should fall into the power of ,jews4 ,yet the intention of the ,church on this point was not understood by all1 and her views were not seconded as they ought to have been2 but she did not cease to repeat and inculcate them4 ,in the middle of the seventh century there were found clergy and laity who sold their ,christian slaves to ,jews4 ,the ,church labored to check this abuse4 ,the tenth ,council of ,toledo1 held in #feg1 by its #gth canon1 forbids ,christians1 and especially clerics1 to sell their slaves to ,jews2 the ,council adds these noble words3 ,they cannot be ignorant that these slaves have been redeemed by the blood of ,jesus ,christ2 wherefore they ought rather to buy than sell them4 ,this ineffable goodness of a ,god made man1 who had shed ,his blood for the redemption of all men1 was the powerful motive which urged the ,church to interest herself with so much zeal in the enfranchisement of slaves2 and1 indeed1 was it not enough to inspire horror for so degrading an inequality1 to think that these same men1 reduced to the level of brutes1 had been1 as well as their masters1 as well as the most powerful monarchs upon earth1 the objects of the merciful intentions of the ,most ,high8 ,since our ,redeemer1 the ,creator of all things1 said ,pope ,s4 ,gregory1 has deigned1 in ,his goodness1 to assume the flesh of man1 in order to restore to us our pristine liberty1 by breaking1 through the means of ,his ,divine grace1 the bonds of servitude1 which held us captives1 it is a salutary deed to restore to men1 by enfranchisement1 their native liberty2 for1 in the beginning1 nature made them all free1 and they have only been subjected to the yoke of servitude by the law of nations4 7,l4 #e1 lett4 #gb47 ,during all times the ,church has considered it very necessary to limit1 as much as possible1 the alienation of her property2 and it may be said that the general rule of her conduct in this point was to trust very little to the discretion of any one of her ministers individually2 she thus endeavored to prevent dilapidations1 which otherwise would have been frequent4 ,as her possessions were dispersed on all sides1 and intrusted to ministers chosen from all classes of the people1 and exposed to the various influences which the relations of blood1 friendship1 and a thousand other circumstances1 the effects of difference of character1 knowledge1 prudence1 and even of times and places1 always exercise1 the ,church showed herself very watchful in giving her sanction to the power of alienation2 and1 when requisite1 she knew how to act with salutary rigor against those ministers who1 neglecting their duty1 wasted the funds confided to them4 ,we have seen that1 in spite of all this1 she was not stopped by any consideration when the ransom of captives was in question2 it may be also shown that1 with respect to property in slaves1 she saw things in a different light1 and changed her rigor into indulgence4 ,when slaves had faithfully served the ,church1 the ,bishops could grant them their liberty1 and add a gift to assist them in maintaining themselves4 ,this judgment as to the merit of slaves appears to have been confided to the discretion of the ,bishops2 and it is evident that such a regulation opened a wide door to their charity2 at the same time1 it stimulated the slaves to behave themselves1 so as to deserve so precious a recompense4 ,as it might happen that the succeeding ,bishop might raise doubts as to the sufficiency of the motives which induced his predecessor to give liberty to a slave1 and attempt afterwards to call it in question1 it was ordained that they should respect the appointments of their predecessors on this point1 and leave to the enfranchised not only their liberty1 but also the gratuity which had been given to them in lands1 vineyards1 or houses3 this is prescribed in the #gth canon of the ,council of ,agde in ,languedoc1 held in the year #ejf4 ,let it not be objected that manumission is forbidden by the canons of this ,council in other places2 they speak only in general terms1 and allude not to cases where slaves had merited well4 ,alienations or mortgages made by a ,bishop who left no property were to be revoked4 ,this regulation itself shows that it alludes to cases in which the ,bishops had acted against the canons4 ,yet if he had given liberty to any slaves1 the rigor of the law was mitigated in their favor1 and it was ordained that the enfranchised should continue to enjoy their liberty4 ,this is ordained by the #ith canon of the ,council of ,orleans1 held in #eda4 ,this canon only imposes on the enfranchised the obligation of lending their services to the ,church2 services which were evidently only those of the enfranchised4 ,on the other hand1 she recompensed them with the protection which she always granted to men in this condition4 ,as another proof of the indulgence of the ,church with respect to slaves1 may be cited the #ajth canon of the ,council of ,celchite1 in ,england1 held in #haf1 the result of which must have been to enfranchise1 in a few years1 all the ,english slaves of the ,churches existing in the countries where the ,council was observed4 ,indeed1 this canon ordained that1 at the death of a ,bishop1 all his ,english slaves should be set at liberty2 it added1 that each of the other ,bishops and ,abbots might enfranchise three slaves on the occasion1 by giving each of them three sous4 ,such regulations smoothed the way more and more1 and prepared circumstances and men's minds1 so that1 some time later1 was witnessed that noble scene1 where1 at the ,council of ,armagh1 in #aagb1 liberty was given to all the ,english who were slaves in ,ireland4 ,the advantageous conditions enjoyed by the slaves of the ,church were so much the more valuable1 because a regulation newly introduced prevented their losing them4 ,if they could have passed into the hands of other masters1 in this case they would have lost the benefits which they derived from living under the rule of so kind a mistress4 ,but happily1 it was forbidden to exchange them for others2 and if they left the power of the ,church1 it was for freedom4 ,we have a positive proof of this regulation in the decretals of ,gregory ,,ix4 7l4 #c1 t4 #ai1 chaps4 #c and #d74 ,it should be observed that in this document the slaves of the ,church are regarded as consecrated to ,god2 thereon is founded the regulation which prevents their passing into other hands and leaving the ,church1 except as freemen4 ,we also see there that the faithful1 for the good of their souls1 had the custom of offering their slaves to ,god and the ,saints4 ,by placing them thus in the power of the ,church1 they put them out of common dealing and prevented their again falling into profane servitude4 ,it is useless to enlarge on the salutary effect which must have been produced by these ideas and manners1 in which we see religion so intimately allied with the cause of humanity2 it is enough to observe1 that the spirit of that age was highly religious1 and that which was attached to the cause of religion was sure to ride in safety4 ,religious ideas1 by constantly developing their strength and directing their action to all branches1 were intended in a special manner to relieve men by all possible means from the yoke of slavery4 ,on this subject we may be allowed to remark a canonical regulation of the time of ,gregory the ,great4 ,in a ,council at ,rome1 held in #eie1 and presided over by that ,pope1 a new means of escaping from their degraded state was offered to slaves1 by deciding that liberty should be given to all those who desired to embrace the monastic life4 ,the words of the holy ,pope are worthy of attention2 they show the ascendency of religious motives1 and how much these motives preponderated over considerations and interests of a worldly nature4 ,this important document is found in the letters of ,st4 ,gregory2 it may be read in the notes at the end of the volume4 ,to imagine that such regulations would remain barren1 is to mistake the spirit of those times3 on the contrary1 they produced the most important effects4 ,we may form an idea of them by reading in the decree of ,gratian 7,distin4 #ed1 c4 #ab71 that they led to scandal2 slaves fled from the houses of their masters and took refuge in monasteries1 under pretext of religion4 ,it was necessary to check this abuse1 against which complaints arose on all sides4 ,without waiting to consider what these abuses themselves indicate1 is it difficult to imagine that these regulations of the ,church must have had valuable results8 ,they not only gained liberty for a great many slaves1 but also raised them very much in the eyes of the world1 for they placed them in a state which every day gained importance and acquired an immense prestige and a powerful influence4 ,we may form an idea of the profound change which took place every day in the organization of society1 thanks to these various means1 by fixing our attention for a moment on what resulted with respect to the ordination of slaves4 ,the discipline of the ,church on this point was in accordance with her doctrines4 ,the slave was a man like other men1 and he could be ordained as well as the greatest noble4 ,yet while he was subject to the power of his master1 he was devoid of the independence necessary for the dignity of the sacred ministry2 therefore it was required that he should not be ordained until he had been previously set at liberty4 ,nothing could be more just1 reasonable1 and prudent1 than the limit thus placed on a discipline otherwise so noble and generous--a discipline which was in itself an eloquent protest in favor of the dignity of man4 ,the ,church solemnly declared that the misfortune of being a slave did not reduce him below the level of other men1 for she did not think it unworthy of her to choose her ministers from among those who had been in servitude4 ,by placing in so honorable a sphere those who had been slaves1 she labored with lofty generosity to disperse the prejudices which existed against those who were placed in that unhappy condition1 and created strong and effective ties between them and the most venerated class of freemen4 ,the abuse which then crept in of conferring orders on slaves1 without the consent of their masters1 is above all worthy of our attention2 an abuse1 it is true1 altogether contrary to the sacred canons1 and which was checked by the ,church with praiseworthy zeal1 but which is not the less useful in enabling the observer duly to appreciate the profound effect of religious ideas and institutions4 ,without attempting in any way to excuse what was blamable therein1 we may very well make use of the abuse itself1 by considering that it frequently happens that abuses are only exaggerations of a good principle4 ,religious ideas accord but ill with slavery1 although supported by laws2 thence the incessant struggle1 repeated under different aspects1 but always directed towards the same end1 viz4 universal emancipation4 ,it appears to us that we may now the more confidently avail ourselves of this kind of argument1 as we have seen the most dreadful attempts at revolution treated with indulgence1 on account of the principles with which the revolutionists were imbued and the objects which they had in view2 objects which1 as every one knows1 were nothing less than an entire change in the organization of society4 ,the abuse to which we have alluded1 is attested by the curious documents which are found collected in the decree of ,gratian 7,dist4 #ed1 c4 #i1 #aj1 #aa1 #ab74 ,when we examine these documents with attention1 we find1 #ast1 that the number of slaves thus freed was very considerable1 since the complaints on this subject were almost universal3 #b;d1 that the ,bishops were generally in favor of the slaves2 that they carried their protection very far2 that they labored in all ways to realize these doctrines of equality2 indeed1 it is affirmed in these documents that there was hardly a ,bishop who could not be charged with this reprehensible compliance3 #c;d1 that slaves were aware of this spirit of protection1 and were eager to throw off their chains and cast themselves into the arms of the ,church3 #dth1 that this combination of circumstances must have produced in men's minds a movement very favorable to liberty2 and that this affectionate communication established between slaves and the ,church1 then so powerful and influential1 must soon have weakened slavery1 and rapidly have promoted the advance of nations towards that liberty which completely triumphed a few centuries later4 ,the ,church of ,spain1 whose civilizing influence has received so many eulogiums from men certainly but little attached to ,catholicity1 equally displays her lofty views and consummate prudence on this point4 ,charitable zeal in favor of slaves was so ardent1 the tendency to raise them to the sacred ministry so decided1 that it was necessary to allow free scope to this generous impulse1 while reconciling it as much as possible with the sacredness of the ministry4 ,such was the twofold object of the discipline introduced into ,spain1 by virtue of which it was allowed to confer sacred orders on the slaves of the ,church1 on their being previously enfranchised4 ,this is ordered by the #gdth canon of the fourth ,council of ,toledo1 held in #fcc2 it is also inferred from the #aath canon of the ninth ,council of ,toledo1 which ordains that ,bishops shall not introduce the slaves of the ,church among the clergy without having previously given them their liberty4 ,it is remarkable that this regulation was extended by the #ahth canon of the ,council of ,merida1 in #fff1 which gives to parish-priests the right of selecting clerks among the slaves of their own church1 with the obligation of maintaining them according to their means4 ,this wise discipline prevented1 without any injustice1 all the difficulties that might have ensued from the ordination of slaves2 while it was a very mild way of effecting the most beneficent results1 since in conferring orders on the slaves of the ,church1 it was easy to choose from among them such as were most deserving by their intellectual and moral qualifications4 ,at the same time1 it was affording the ,church a most favorable and honorable mode of liberating her slaves1 by enrolling them among her ministers4 ,finally1 the ,church by her generous conduct towards slaves1 gave a salutary example to the laity4 ,we have seen that she allowed the parochial clergy1 as well as the bishops1 the privilege of setting them free2 and this must have rendered it less painful for laymen to emancipate their slaves1 when circumstances seemed to call the latter to the sacred ministry4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,doctrines ,,of ,s4 ,,augustine ,,and ,s4 ,,thomas ,,aquinas ,,on ,,the ,,subject ,,of ,,slavery4--,r,,sum ,,of ,,the ,,subject4 ,thus did the ,church1 by a variety of means1 break the chains of slavery1 without ever exceeding the limits marked out by justice and prudence3 thus did she banish from among ,christians that degrading condition1 so contrary to their exalted ideas on the dignity of man1 and their generous feelings of fraternity and love4 ,wherever ,christianity shall be introduced1 chains of iron shall be turned into gentle ties1 and humiliated men shall raise their ennobled heads4 ,with what pleasure do we read the remarks of one of the greatest men of ,christianity1 ,s4 ,augustine1 on this point 7,de ,civit4 ,dei1 l4 xix4 c4 #ad1 #ae1 #af74 ,he establishes in a few words the obligation incumbent upon all who rule--fathers1 husbands1 and masters--to watch over the good of those who are under them3 he lays down the advantage of those who obey1 as one of the foundations for obedience2 he says that the just do not rule from ambition or pride1 but from duty and the desire of doing good to their subjects3 ,neque enim dominandi cupiditate imperant1 sed officio consulendi1 nec principandi superbia1 sed providendi misericordia2 and by these noble maxims he proscribes all opinions which tend to tyranny1 or found obedience on any degrading notions2 but on a sudden1 as if this great mind apprehended some reply in violation of human dignity1 he grows warm1 he boldly faces the question2 he rises to his full height1 and1 giving free scope to the noble thoughts that ferment in his mind1 he invokes the idea of nature and the will of ,god in favor of the dignity of man thus menaced4 ,he says3 ,thus wills the order of nature2 thus has man been created by ,god4 ,he has given him to rule over the fishes of the sea1 the birds of the air1 and the reptiles that crawl on the face of the earth4 ,he has ordained that reasoning creatures1 made according to ,his own image1 shall rule only over creatures devoid of reason4 ,he has not established the dominion of man over man1 but that of man over the brute4 ,this passage of ,s4 ,augustine is one of those bold features which shine forth in writers of genius1 when grieved by the sight of a painful object1 they allow their generous ideas and feelings to have free scope1 and cease to restrain their daring energies4 ,struck by the force of the expression1 the reader1 in suspense and breathless1 hastens to read the succeeding lines2 he fears that the author may be mistaken1 seduced by the nobleness of his heart1 and carried away by the force of his genius4 ,but1 with inexpressible pleasure1 he finds that the writer has in no degree departed from the path of true doctrine1 when1 like a brave champion1 he has descended into the arena to defend the cause of justice and humanity4 ,thus does ,s4 ,augustine now appear to us3 the sight of so many unfortunate beings groaning in slavery1 victims of the violence and caprice of their masters1 afflicted his generous mind4 ,by the light of reason and the doctrines of ,christianity1 he saw no reason why so considerable a portion of the human race should be condemned to live in such debasement2 wherefore1 when proclaiming the doctrines of submission and obedience1 he labors to discover the cause of such ignominy2 and not being able to find it in the nature of man1 he seeks for it in sin1 in malediction4 ,the primitive just men1 says he1 were rather established as pastors over their flocks1 than as kings over other men2 whereby ,god gives us to understand what was called for by the order of creation1 and what was required by the punishment of sin2 for the condition of slavery has1 with reason1 been imposed on the sinner4 ,thus we do not find the word slave in the ,scriptures before the day when the just man1 ,noah1 gave it as a punishment to his guilty son2 whence it follows that this word came from sin1 and not from nature4 ,this manner of considering slavery as the offspring of sin1 as the fruit of the ,divine malediction1 was of the highest importance4 ,by protecting the dignity of human nature1 that doctrine completely destroyed all the prejudices of natural superiority which the pride of free men could entertain4 ,thereby also1 slavery was deprived of all its supposed value as a political principle or means of government3 it could only be regarded as one of the numberless scourges inflicted on the human race by the anger of the ,most ,high4 ,henceforth slaves had a motive for resignation1 while the absolute power of masters was checked1 and the compassion of all free men was powerfully excited4 ,all were born in sin1 all might have been in a state of slavery4 ,to make a boast of liberty would have been like the conduct of a man who1 during an epidemic1 should boast of having preserved his health1 and imagine that on that account he had a right to insult the unhappy sick4 ,in a word1 the state of slavery was a scourge1 nothing more2 like pestilence1 war1 famine1 or any thing else of the kind4 ,the duty of all men was to labor to remedy and abolish it4 ,such doctrines did not remain sterile4 ,proclaimed in the face of day1 they were heard in all parts of the ,catholic world2 and not only were they put in practice1 as we have seen by numberless examples1 but they were carefully preserved as a precious theory1 throughout the confusion of the times4 ,after the lapse of eight centuries1 we see them repeated by one of the brightest lights of the ,catholic ,church1 ,s4 ,thomas ,aquinas 7,i4 p4 q4 xcvi4 art4 #d74 ,that great man does not see in slavery either difference of race or imaginary inferiority or means of government2 he only considers it as a scourge inflicted on humanity by the sins of the first man4 ,such is the repugnance with which ,christians have looked upon slavery3 we see from this1 how false is the assertion of ,m4 ,guizot3 ,it does not seem that ,christian society was surprised or much offended by it4 ,it is true there was not that blind disturbance and irritation which1 despising all barriers and paying no attention to the rules of justice or the counsels of prudence1 ran with foolish haste to efface the mark of degradation and ignominy4 ,but if that disturbance and irritation are meant which are caused by the sight of oppression and outrages committed against man1 sentiments which can well accord with longanimity and holy resignation1 and which1 without checking for a moment the action of charitable zeal1 nevertheless avoid precipitating events1 preferring mature arrangement in order to secure a complete result2 how can this perturbation of mind and holy indignation be better proved to have existed in the bosom of the ,church than by the facts and doctrines which we have just quoted8 ,what more eloquent protest against the continuance of slavery can you have than the doctrine of these two illustrious doctors8 ,they declare it1 as we have just seen1 to be the fruit of malediction1 the chastisement of the prevarication of the human race2 and they only acknowledge its existence by considering it as one of the great scourges that afflict humanity4 ,i have explained1 with sufficient evidence1 the profound reasons which induced the ,church to recommend obedience to slaves1 and she cannot be reproached on that account with forgetting the rights of humanity4 ,we must not suppose on that account that ,christian society was wanting in the boldness necessary for telling the whole truth2 but it told only the pure and wholesome truth4 ,what took place with respect to the marriages of slaves is a proof of what ,i advance4 ,we know that their union was not regarded as a real marriage1 and that even that union1 such as it was1 could not be contracted without the consent of their masters1 under pain of being considered as void4 ,here was a flagrant violation of reason and justice4 ,what did the ,church do8 ,she directly reprobated so gross a violation of the rights of nature4 ,let us hear what ,pope ,adrian ,i4 said on this subject3 ,according to the words of the ,apostles1 as in ,jesus ,christ we ought not to deprive either slaves or freemen of the sacraments of the ,church1 so it is not allowed in any way to prevent the marriage of slaves2 and if their marriages have been contracted in spite of the opposition and repugnance of their masters1 nevertheless they ought not to be dissolved in any way4 7,de ,conju4 ,serv41 lib4 iv4 tom4 #i1 c4 #a47 ,and let it not be supposed that this regulation1 which secured the liberty of slaves on one of the most important points1 was restricted to particular circumstances2 no1 it was something more2 it was a proclamation of their freedom in this matter4 ,the ,church was unwilling to allow that man1 reduced to the level of the brute1 should be forced to obey the caprice or the interest of another1 without regard to the feelings of his heart4 ,st4 ,thomas was of the same opinion1 for he openly maintains that1 with respect to the contracting of marriage1 slaves are not obliged to obey their masters 7#b;a4 #b1 q4 #ajd1 art4 #e74 ,in the hasty sketch which ,i have given1 ,i believe that ,i have kept the promise which ,i made at the beginning1 not to advance any proposition without supporting it by undeniable documents1 and not to allow myself to be misled by enthusiasm in favor of ,catholicity1 so as to concede to it that to which it is not entitled4 ,by passing1 rapidly it is true1 the course of ages1 we have shown1 by convincing proofs1 which have been furnished by times and places the most various1 that it was ,catholicity that abolished slavery1 in spite of ideas1 manners1 interests1 and laws1 which opposed obstacles apparently invincible2 and that it has done so without injustice1 without violence1 without revolutions1--with the most exquisite prudence and the most admirable moderation4 ,we have seen the ,catholic ,church make so extensive1 so varied1 and so efficacious an attack on slavery1 that that odious chain was broken without a single violent stroke4 ,exposed to the action of the most powerful agents1 it gradually relaxed and fell to pieces4 ,her proceedings may be thus recapitulated3-- ,first1 she loudly teaches the truth concerning the dignity of man2 she defines the obligations of masters and slaves2 she declares them equal before ,god1 and thus completely destroys the degrading theories which stain the writings even of the greatest philosophers of antiquity4 ,she then comes to the application of her doctrines3 she labors to improve the treatment of slaves2 she struggles against the atrocious right of life and death2 she opens her temples to them as asylums1 and when they depart thence1 prevents their being ill-treated2 she labors to substitute public tribunals for private vengeance4 ,at the same time that the ,church guarantees the liberty of the enfranchised1 by connecting it with religious motives1 she defends that of those born free2 she labors to close the sources of slavery1 by displaying the most active zeal for the redemption of captives1 by opposing the avarice of the ,jews1 by procuring for men who were sold1 easy means of recovering their liberty4 ,the ,church gives an example of mildness and disinterestedness2 she facilitates emancipation1 by admitting slaves into monasteries and the ecclesiastical state2 she facilitates it by all the other means that charity suggests2 and thus it is that1 in spite of the deep roots of slavery in ancient society--in spite of the perturbation caused by the irruptions of the barbarians--in spite of so many wars and calamities of every kind1 which in great measure paralyzed the effect of all regulating and beneficent action--yet we see slavery1 that dishonor and leprosy of ancient civilization1 rapidly diminish among ,christians1 until it finally disappears4 ,surely in all this we do not discover a plan conceived and concerted by men4 ,but we do observe therein1 in the absence of that plan1 such unity of tendencies1 such a perfect identity of views1 and such similarity in the means1 that we have the clearest demonstration of the civilizing and liberating spirit contained in ,catholicity4 ,accurate observers will no doubt be gratified in beholding1 in the picture which ,i have just exhibited1 the admirable concord with which the period of the empire1 that of the irruption of the barbarians1 and that of feudality1 all tended towards the same end4 ,they will not regret the poor regularity which distinguishes the exclusive work of man2 they will love1 ,i repeat it1 to collect all the facts scattered in the seeming disorder1 from the forests of ,germany to the fields of ,botia--from the banks of the ,thames to those of the ,tiber4 ,i have not invented these facts2 ,i have pointed out the periods1 and cited the ,councils4 ,the reader will find1 at the end of the volume1 in the original and in full1 the texts of which ,i have just given an abstract--a rsum3 thus he may fully convince himself that ,i have not deceived him4 ,if such had been my intention1 surely ,i should have avoided descending to the level ground of facts2 ,i should have preferred the vague regions of theory2 ,i should have called to my aid high sounding and seductive language1 and all the means the most likely to enchant the imagination and excite the feelings2 in fine1 ,i should have placed myself in one of those positions where a writer can suppose at his pleasure things which have never existed1 and made the best use of the resources of imagination and invention4 ,the task which ,i have undertaken is rather more difficult1 perhaps less brilliant1 but certainly more useful4 ,we may now inquire of ,m4 ,guizot what were the other causes1 the other ideas1 the other principles of civilization1 the great development of which1 to avail myself of his words1 was necessary to abolish this evil of evils1 this iniquity of iniquities4 ,ought he not to explain1 or at least point out1 these causes1 ideas1 and principles of civilization1 which1 according to him1 assisted the ,church in the abolition of slavery1 in order to save the reader the trouble of seeking or divining them8 ,if they did not arise in the bosom of the ,church1 where did they arise8 ,were they found in the ruins of ancient civilization8 ,but could these remains of a scattered and almost annihilated civilization effect what that same civilization1 in all its vigor1 power1 and splendor1 never did or thought of doing8--,were they in the individual independence of the barbarians8 ,but that individuality1 the inseparable companion of violence1 must consequently have been the source of oppression and slavery4 ,were they found in the military patronage introduced1 according to ,m4 ,guizot1 by the barbarians themselves2 patronage which laid the foundation of that aristocratical organization which was converted at a later period into feudality8 ,but what could this patronage--an institution likely1 on the contrary1 to perpetuate slavery among the indigent in conquered countries1 and to extend it to a considerable portion of the conquerors themselves--what could this patronage do for the abolition of slavery8 ,where1 then1 is the idea1 the custom1 the institution1 which1 born out of ,christianity1 contributed to the abolition of slavery8 ,let any one point out to us the epoch of its formation1 the time of its development2 let him show us that it had not its origin in ,christianity1 and we will then confess that the latter cannot exclusively lay claim to the glorious title of having abolished that degraded condition2 and he may be sure that this shall not prevent our exalting that idea1 custom1 or institution which took part in the great and noble enterprise of liberating the human race4 ,we may be allowed1 in conclusion1 to inquire of the ,protestant churches1 of those ungrateful daughters who1 after having quitted the bosom of their mother1 attempt to calumniate and dishonor her1 where were you when the ,catholic ,church accomplished in ,europe the immense work of the abolition of slavery8 and how can you venture to reproach her with sympathizing with servitude1 degrading man1 and usurping his rights8 ,can you1 then1 present any such claim entitling you to the gratitude of the human race8 ,what part can you claim in that great work which prepared the way for the development and grandeur of ,european civilization8 ,catholicity alone1 without your concurrence1 completed the work2 and she alone would have conducted ,europe to its lofty destinies1 if you had not come to interrupt the majestic march of its mighty nations1 by urging them into a path bordered by precipices1--a path the end of which is concealed by darkness which the eye of ,god alone can pierce4#ae ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,contrast ,,between ,,two ,,orders ,,of ,,civilization4 ,,we have seen that ,european civilization owes to the ,catholic ,church its finest ornament1 its most valuable victory in the cause of humanity1 the abolition of slavery4 ,it was the ,church that1 by her doctrines1 as beneficent as elevated1 by a system as efficacious as prudent1 by her unbounded generosity1 her indefatigable zeal1 her invincible firmness1 abolished slavery in ,europe2 that is to say1 she took the first step towards the regeneration of humanity1 and laid the first stone for the wide and deep foundation of ,european civilization2 we mean the emancipation of slaves1 the abolition for ever of so degrading a state1--universal liberty4 ,it was impossible to create and organize a civilization full of grandeur and dignity1 without raising man from his state of abjection1 and placing him above the level of animals4 ,whenever we see him crouching at another's feet1 awaiting with anxiety the orders of his master or trembling at the lash2 whenever he is sold like a beast1 or a price is set upon his powers and his life1 civilization will never have its proper development1 it will always be weak1 sickly1 and broken2 for thus humanity bears a mark of ignominy on its forehead4 ,after having shown that it was ,catholicity that removed that obstacle to all social progress1 by1 as it were1 cleansing ,europe of the disgusting leprosy with which it was infected from head to foot1 let us examine what it has done towards creating and erecting the magnificent edifice of ,european civilization4 ,if we seriously reflect on the vitality and fruitfulness of this civilization1 we shall find therein new and powerful claims on the part of the ,catholic ,church to the gratitude of nations4 ,in the first place1 it is proper to glance at the vast and interesting picture which ,european civilization presents to us1 and to sum up in a few words its principal perfections2 thereby we shall be enabled the more easily to account to ourselves for the admiration and enthusiasm with which it inspires us4 ,the individual animated by a lively sense of his own dignity1 abounding in activity1 perseverance1 energy1 and the simultaneous development of all his faculties2 woman elevated to the rank of the consort of man1 and1 as it were1 recompensed for the duty of obedience by the respectful regards lavished upon her2 the gentleness and constancy of family ties1 protected by the powerful guarantees of good order and justice2 an admirable public conscience1 rich in maxims of sublime morality1 in laws of justice and equity1 in sentiments of honor and dignity2 a conscience which survives the shipwreck of private morality1 and does not allow unblushing corruption to reach the height which it did in antiquity2 a general mildness of manners1 which in war prevents great excesses1 and in peace renders life more tranquil and pleasing2 a profound respect for man1 and all that belongs to him1 which makes private acts of violence very uncommon1 and in all political constitutions serves as a salutary check on governments2 an ardent desire of perfection in all departments2 an irresistible tendency1 sometimes ill-directed1 but always active1 to improve the condition of the many2 a secret impulse to protect the weak1 to succour the unfortunate--an impulse which sometimes pursues its course with generous ardor1 and which1 whenever it is unable to develop itself1 remains in the heart of society1 and produces there the uneasiness and disquietude of remorse2 a cosmopolitan spirit of universality1 of propagandism1 an inexhaustible fund of resources to grow young again without danger of perishing1 and for self-preservation in the most important junctures2 a generous impatience1 which longs to anticipate the future1 and produces an incessant movement and agitation1 sometimes dangerous1 but which are generally the germs of great benefits1 and the symptoms of a strong principle of life2 such are the great characteristics which distinguish ,european civilization2 such are the features which place it in a rank immensely superior to that of all other civilizations1 ancient and modern4 ,read the history of antiquity2 extend your view over the whole world2 wherever ,christianity does not reign1 and where the barbarous or savage life no longer prevails1 you will find a civilization which in nothing resembles our own1 and which cannot be compared with it for a moment4 ,in some of these states of civilization1 you will perhaps find a certain degree of regularity and some marks of power1 for they have endured for centuries2 but how have they endured8 ,without movement1 without progress2 they are devoid of life2 their regularity and duration are those of a marble statue1 which1 motionless itself1 sees the waves of generations pass by4 ,there have also been nations whose civilization displayed motion and activity2 but what motion and what activity8 ,some1 ruled by the mercantile spirit1 never succeeded in establishing their internal happiness on a firm basis2 their only object was to invade new countries which tempted their cupidity1 to pour into their colonies their superabundant population1 and establish numerous factories in new lands3 others1 continually contending and fighting for a few measures of political freedom1 forgot their social organization1 took no care of their civil liberty1 and acted in the narrowest circle of time and space2 they would not be even worthy of having their names preserved for posterity1 if the genius of the beautiful had not shone there with indescribable charm1 and if the monuments of their knowledge1 like a mirror1 had not preserved the bright rays of ,eastern learning3 others1 great and terrible1 it is true1 but troubled by intestine dissensions1 bear inscribed upon their front the formidable destiny of conquest2 this destiny they fulfilled by subjugating the world1 and immediately their rapid and inevitable ruin approached3 others1 in fine1 excited by violent fanaticism1 raged like the waves of ocean in a storm2 they threw themselves upon other nations like a devastating torrent1 and threatened to involve ,christian civilization itself in their deafening uproar2 but their efforts were vain2 their waves broke against insurmountable barriers2 they repeated their attempts1 but1 always compelled to retire1 they fell back again1 and spread themselves on the beach with a sullen roar3 and now look at the ,eastern nations2 behold them like an impure pool1 which the heat of the sun is about to dry up2 see the sons and successors of ,mahomet and ,omar on their knees at the feet of the ,european powers1 begging a protection1 which policy sometimes affords them1 but only with disdain4 ,such is the picture presented to us by every civilization1 ancient and modern1 except that of ,europe1 that is1 the ,christian4 ,it alone at once embraces every thing great and noble in the others2 it alone survives the most thorough revolutions2 it alone extends itself to all races and climates1 and accommodates itself to forms of government the most various2 it alone1 in fine1 unites itself with all kinds of institutions1 whenever1 by circulating in them its fertile sap1 it can produce its sweet and salutary fruits for the good of humanity4 ,and whence comes the immense superiority of ,european civilization over all others8 ,how has it become so noble1 so rich1 so varied1 so fruitful2 with the stamp of dignity1 of nobility1 and of loftiness2 without castes1 without slaves1 without eunuchs1 without any of those miseries which prey upon other ancient and modern nations8 ,it often happens that we ,europeans complain and lament more than the most unfortunate portion of the human race ever did2 and we forget that we are the privileged children of ,providence1 and that our evils1 our share of the unavoidable patrimony of humanity1 are very slight1 are nothing in comparison with those which have been1 and still are1 suffered by other nations4 ,even the extent of our good fortune itself renders us difficult to please1 and exceedingly fastidious4 ,we are like a man of high rank1 accustomed to live respected and esteemed in the midst of ease and pleasure1 who is indignant at a slighting word1 is filled with disquietude and affliction at the most trifling contradiction1 and forgets the multitude of men who are plunged in misery1 whose nakedness is covered with a few rags1 and who meet with a thousand insults and refusals before they can obtain a morsel of bread to satisfy the cravings of hunger4 ,the mind1 when contemplating ,european civilization1 experiences so many different impressions1 is attracted by so many objects that at the same time claim its attention and preference1 that1 charmed by the magnificent spectacle1 it is dazzled1 and knows not where to commence the examination4 ,the best way in such a case is to simplify1 to decompose the complex object1 and reduce it to its simplest elements4 ,the individual1 the family1 and society2 these we have thoroughly to examine1 and these ought to be the subjects of our inquiries4 ,if we succeed in fully understanding these three elements1 as they really are in themselves1 and apart from the slight variations which do not affect their essence1 ,european civilization1 with all its riches and all its secrets1 will be presented to our view1 like a fertile and beautiful landscape lit up by the morning sun4 ,european civilization is in possession of the principal truths with respect to the individual1 to the family1 and to society2 it is to this that it owes all that it is and all that it has4 ,nowhere have the true nature1 the true relations and object of these three things been better understood than in ,europe2 with respect to them we have ideas1 sentiments1 and views which have been wanting in other civilizations4 ,now1 these ideas and feelings1 strongly marked on the face of ,european nations1 have inoculated their laws1 manners1 institutions1 customs1 and language2 they are inhaled with the air1 for they have impregnated the whole atmosphere with their vivifying aroma4 ,to what is this owing8 ,to the fact1 that ,europe1 for many centuries1 has had within its bosom a powerful principle which preserves1 propagates1 and fructifies the truth2 and it was especially in those times of difficulty1 when the disorganized society had to assume a new form1 that this regenerating principle had the greatest influence and ascendency4 ,time has passed away1 great changes have taken place1 ,catholicity has undergone vast vicissitudes in its power and influence on society2 but civilization1 its work1 was too strong to be easily destroyed2 the impulse which had been given to ,europe was too powerful and well secured to be easily diverted from its course4 ,europe was like a young man gifted with a strong constitution1 and full of health and vigor2 the excesses of labor or of dissipation reduce him and make him grow pale2 but soon the hue of health returns to his countenance1 and his limbs recover their suppleness and vigor4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,individual--,,of ,,the ,,feeling ,,of ,,individual ,,independence ,,according ,,to ,m4 ,,guizot4 ,,the individual is the first and simplest element of society4 ,if the individual is not well constituted1 if he is ill understood and ill appreciated1 there will always be an obstacle to the progress of real civilization4 ,first of all1 we must observe1 that we speak here only of the individual1 of man as he is in himself1 apart from the numerous relations which surround him when we come to consider him as a member of society4 ,but let it not be imagined from this1 that ,i wish to consider him in a state of absolute isolation1 to carry him to the desert1 to reduce him to the savage state1 and analyze the individuality as it appears to us in a few wandering hordes1 a monstrous exception1 which is only the result of the degradation of our nature4 ,equally useless would it be to revive the theory of ,rousseau1 that pure ,utopianism which can only lead to error and extravagance4 ,we may separately examine the pieces of a machine1 for the better understanding of its particular construction2 but we must take care not to forget the purpose for which they are intended1 and not lose sight of the whole1 of which they form a part4 ,without that1 the judgment we should form of them would certainly be erroneous4 ,the most wonderful and sublime picture would be only a ridiculous monstrosity1 if its groups and figures were considered in a state of isolation from its other parts2 in this way1 the prodigies of ,michael ,angelo and ,raffael might be taken for the dreams of a madman4 ,man is not alone in the world1 nor is he born to live alone4 ,besides what is he in himself1 he is a part of the great scheme of the ,universe4 ,besides the destiny which belongs to him in the vast plan of creation1 he is raised1 by the bounty of his ,maker1 to another sphere1 above all earthly thoughts4 ,good philosophy requires that we should forget nothing of all this4 ,it now remains for us to consider the individual and individuality4 ,in considering man1 we may abstract from his quality of citizen1--an abstraction which1 far from leading to any extravagant paradoxes1 is likely to make us thoroughly understand a remarkable peculiarity of ,european civilization1 one of the distinctive characteristics1 which will be alone sufficient to enable us to avoid confounding it with others4 ,all will readily understand that there is a distinction to be made between the man and the citizen1 and that these two aspects lead to very different considerations2 but it is more difficult to say how far the limits of this distinction should extend2 to what extent the feeling of independence should be admitted2 what is the sphere which ought to be assigned to purely individual development2 in fine1 whatever is peculiar to our civilization on this point4 ,we must justly estimate the difference which we find herein between our state of society and that of others2 we must point out its source1 and its result2 we must carefully weigh its real influence on the advance of civilization4 ,this task is difficult2 ,i repeat it1--for we have here various questions1 great and important1 it is true1 but delicate and profound1 and very easily mistaken1--it is not without much trouble that we can fix our eyes with certainty on these vague1 indeterminate1 and floating objects1 which are connected together by no perceptible ties4 ,we here meet with the famous personal independence1 which1 according to ,m4 ,guizot1 was brought by the barbarians from the ,north1 and played so important a part1 that we ought to look upon it as one of the chief and most productive principles of ,european civilization4 ,this celebrated publicist1 analyzing the elements of this civilization1 and pointing out the share which the ,roman empire and the ,church had therein1 in his opinion1 finds a remarkable principle of productiveness in the feeling of individuality1 which the ,germans brought with them1 and inoculated into the manners of ,europe4 ,it will not be useless to discuss the opinion of ,m4 ,guizot on this important and delicate matter4 ,by thus explaining the state of the question1 we shall remove the important errors of some persons1 errors produced by the authority of this writer1 whose talent and eloquence have unfortunately given plausibility and semblance of truth to what is in reality only a paradox4 ,the first care we ought to take1 in combating the opinions of this writer1 is not to attribute to him what he has not really said2 besides1 as the matter we are treating of is liable to many mistakes1 we shall do well to transcribe the words of ,m4 ,guizot at length4 ,what we require to know1 he says1 is the general condition of society among the barbarians4 ,now it is very difficult1 now-a-days1 to give an account of it4 ,we can understand1 without too much trouble1 the municipal system of ,rome1 and the ,christian ,church2 their influence has continued down to our times2 we find traces of them in many institutions and existing facts4 ,we have a thousand means of recognising and explaining them4 ,the manners1 the social condition of the barbarians1 have entirely perished2 we are compelled to divine them1 by the most ancient historical documents1 or by an effort of imagination4 ,what has been preserved to us of the manners of the barbarians is1 indeed1 little2 this is an assertion which ,i will not deny4 ,i will not dispute with ,m4 ,guizot about the authority which ought to belong to facts which require to be filled up by an effort of the imagination1 and which compel us to have recourse to the dangerous expedient of divining4 ,as for the rest1 ,i am aware of the nature of these questions2 and the reflections which ,i have just made1 as well as the terms which ,i have used1 prove that ,i do not think it possible to proceed with rule and compass in such an examination4 ,nevertheless1 ,i have thought it proper to warn the reader on this point1 and combat the delusion into which he might be led by a doctrine which1 when fully examined1 is1 ,i repeat it1 only a brilliant paradox4 ,there is a feeling1 a fact1 continues ,m4 ,guizot1 which it is above all necessary to understand well1 in order to represent to ourselves with truth what a barbarian was3 this is1 the pleasure of individual independence--the pleasure of playing amid the chances of the world and of life1 with power and liberty2 the joys of activity without labor2 the taste for an adventurous destiny1 full of surprises1 vicissitudes1 and perils4 ,such was the ruling feeling of the barbarian state1 the moral necessity which put these masses of men in motion4 ,to-day1 in the regular society in which we live1 it is difficult to represent to one's self this feeling1 with all the influence which it exercised over the barbarians of the fourth and fifth centuries4 ,there is only one work1 in my opinion1 in which this character of barbarism is described with all its force1 viz4 ,the ,history of the ,conquest of ,england by the ,normans1 of ,m4 ,thierry--the only book where the motives1 the inclinations1 the impulses which actuate man in a social state bordering on barbarism1 are felt and described with a truth really ,homeric4 ,nowhere do we see so clearly what a barbarian was1 and what was his life4 ,we also find something of this1 although in a very inferior degree1 in my opinion1 in a manner much less simple1 much less true1 in the romances of ,mr4 ,cooper on the ,american savages4 ,there is in the life of the savages of ,america1 in the relations and feelings which exist in those forests1 something which reminds one1 to a certain extent1 of the manners of the ancient ,germans4 ,no doubt these pictures are a little ideal1 a little poetical2 the unfavorable side of barbarian life and manners is not displayed in all its crudity4 ,i do not speak merely of the evils which these manners produce in the individual social condition of the barbarian himself4 ,in this passionate love of personal independence1 there was something more rude and coarse than one would imagine from the work of ,m4 ,thierry2 there was a degree of brutality1 of indolence1 of apathy1 which is not always faithfully described in his pictures4 ,nevertheless1 when one examines the thing to the bottom1 in spite of brutality1 coarseness1 and this stupid egotism1 the taste for individual independence is a noble moral feeling1 which draws its power from the moral nature of man3 it is the pleasure of feeling himself a man--the sentiment of personality1 of spontaneous action in his free development4 ,gentlemen1 it was by the ,german barbarians that this feeling was introduced into the civilization of ,europe2 it was unknown to the ,roman world1 unknown to the ,christian ,church1 unknown to almost all the ancient civilizations3--when you find liberty in the ancient civilizations1 it is political liberty1 the liberty of the citizen4 ,it is not with his personal liberty that the man is prepossessed1 but with his liberty as a citizen4 ,he belongs to an association--he is devoted to an association--he is ready to sacrifice himself for an association4 ,it was the same with the ,christian ,church3 there prevailed a feeling of great attachment to the ,christian corporation--of devotion to its laws--a strong desire of extending its empire2 the religious feeling produced a reaction on the man himself--on his soul--an internal struggle to subdue his own will1 and make it submit to the demands of his faith4 ,but the feeling of personal independence1 the taste for liberty showing itself at any hazard1 with hardly any other object than its own satisfaction--this feeling1 ,i repeat1 was unknown to the ,roman and ,christian society4 ,it was brought in by the barbarians1 and placed in the cradle of modern civilization4 ,it has played so great a part1 it has produced such noble results1 that it is impossible not to bring it to light as one of the fundamental elements thereof4 7,histoire ,gnrale de la ,civilisation en ,europe1 leon #b47 ,this feeling of personal independence1 exclusively attributed to a nation--this vague1 undefinable feeling--a singular mixture of nobleness and brutality1 of barbarism and civilization--is in some degree poetical1 and is very likely to seduce the fancy2 but1 unfortunately1 there is in the contrast1 intended to increase the effect of the picture1 something extraordinary1 ,i will even say contradictory1 which excites the suspicion of cool reason that there is some hidden error which compels it to be on its guard4 ,if it be true that this phenomenon ever existed1 what was its origin8 ,will it be said that it was the result of climate8 ,but how can it be imagined that the snows of the north protected what was not found in the ardent south8 ,how comes it that the feeling of personal independence was wanting precisely in those southern countries of ,europe1 where the feeling of political independence was developed with so much force8 and would it not be a strange thing1 not to say an absurdity1 if these different climates had divided these two kinds of liberty between them1 like an inheritance8 ,it will be said1 perhaps1 that this feeling arose from the social state4 ,but in that case1 it cannot be made the characteristic mark of one nation3 it must be said1 in general terms1 that the feeling belonged to all the nations who were in the same social condition as the ,germans4 ,besides1 even according to this hypothesis1 how could that which was peculiar to barbarism have been a germ1 a fruitful principle of civilization8 ,this feeling1 which must have been effaced by civilization1 could not even preserve itself in the midst thereof1 much less contribute to its development4 ,if its perpetuation in some form was absolutely necessary1 why did not the same thing take place in the bosom of other civilizations8 ,surely the ,germans were not the only people who passed from barbarism to civilization4 ,but ,i do not pretend to say that the barbarians of the north did not present some remarkable peculiarity in this point of view2 and ,i do not deny that we find in ,european civilization a feeling of personality1 if ,i may so speak1 unknown to other civilizations4 ,but what ,i venture to affirm is1 that it is little philosophical to have recourse to mysteries and enigmas to explain the individuality of the ,germans1 and that it is useless to seek in their barbarism the cause of the superiority which ,european civilization possesses in this respect4 ,to form a clear idea of this question1 which is as complicated as it is important1 it is first of all necessary to specify1 in the best way we can1 the real nature of the barbarian individuality4 ,in a pamphlet which ,i published some time ago1 called ,observations ,sociales1 ,politiques1 et ,economiques1 sur les ,biens du ,clerg1 ,i have incidentally touched upon this individuality1 and attempted to give clear ideas on this point4 ,as ,i have not changed my opinion since that time1 but1 on the contrary1 as it has been confirmed1 ,i will transcribe what ,i then said1 as follows3 ,what was this feeling8 ,was it peculiar to those nations8 ,was it the result of the influence of climate1 of a social position8 ,was it perchance a feeling formed in all places and at all times1 but which is here modified by particular circumstances8 ,what was its force1 its tendency8 ,how far was it just or unjust1 noble or degrading1 profitable or injurious8 ,what benefits did it confer on society2 what evils8 ,how were these evils combated1 by whom1 by what means1 and with what result8 ,these questions are numerous1 but they are not so complicated as they appear at first sight2 when once the fundamental idea shall be cleared up1 the others will be understood without difficulty1 and the theory1 when simplified1 will immediately be confirmed and supported by history4 ,there is a strong1 active1 an indestructible feeling in the human heart which urges men to self-preservation1 to avoid evils1 and to attain to their well-being and happiness4 ,whether you call it self-love1 instinct of preservation1 desire of happiness or of perfection1 egotism1 individuality1 or whatever name you give to it1 this feeling exists2 we have it within us4 ,we cannot doubt of its existence2 it accompanies us at every step1 in all our actions1 from the time when we first see the light till we descend into the tomb4 ,this feeling1 if you will observe its origin1 its nature1 and its object1 is nothing but a great law of all beings applied to man2 a law which1 being a guarantee for the preservation and perfecting of individuals1 admirably contributes to the harmony of the universe4 ,it is clear that such a feeling must naturally incline us to hate oppression1 and to suffer with impatience what tends to limit and fetter the use of our faculties4 ,the cause is easily found2 all this gives us uneasiness1 to which our nature is repugnant2 even the tenderest infant bears with impatience the tie that fastens him in his cradle2 he is uneasy1 he is disturbed1 he cries4 ,on the other hand1 the individual1 when he is not totally devoid of knowledge of himself1 when his intellectual faculties are at all developed1 will feel another sentiment arise in his mind which has nothing in common with the instinct of self-preservation with which all beings are animated1 a sentiment which belongs exclusively to intelligence2 ,i mean1 the feeling of dignity1 of value of ourselves1 of that fire which1 enkindled in our hearts in our earliest years1 is nourished1 extended1 and supported by the aliment afforded to it by time1 and acquires that immense power1 that expansion which makes us so restless1 active1 and agitated during all periods of our life4 ,the subjection of one man to another wounds this feeling of dignity2 for even supposing it to be reconciled with all possible freedom and mildness1 with the most perfect respect for the person subjected1 this subjection reveals a weakness or a necessity which compels him in some degree to limit the free use of his faculties4 ,such is the second origin of the feeling of personal independence4 ,it follows from what ,i have just said1 that man always bears within himself a certain love of independence1 that this feeling is necessarily common to all times and countries1 for we have found its roots in the two most natural feelings of man--viz4 the desire of well-being and the consciousness of his own dignity4 ,it is evident that these feelings may be modified and varied indefinitely1 on account of the infinity of situations in which the individual may be placed1 morally and physically4 ,without leaving the sphere which is marked out for them by their very essence1 these feelings may vary as to strength or weakness on the most extensive scale2 they may be moral or immoral1 just or unjust1 noble or vile1 advantageous or injurious4 ,consequently they may contribute to the individual the greatest variety of inclinations1 of habits1 of manners2 and thereby give very different features to the physiognomy of nations1 according to the particular and characteristic manner in which they affect the individual4 ,these notions being once cleared up by a real knowledge of the constitution of the heart of man1 we see how all questions which relate to the feeling of individuality must be resolved2 we also see that it is useless to have recourse to mysterious language or poetical explanations1 for in all this there is nothing that can be submitted to a rigorous analysis4 ,the ideas which man forms of his own well-being and dignity1 the means which he employs to promote the one and preserve the other1 these are what will settle the degrees of energy1 will determine the nature and signalize the tendency of all these feelings2 that is to say1 all will depend on the physical and moral state of society and the individual4 ,now1 supposing all other circumstances to be equal1 give a man true ideas of his own well-being and dignity1 such as reason and above all the ,christian religion teach1 and you will form a good citizen2 give false1 exaggerated1 absurd ideas1 such as are entertained by perverted schools and promulgated by agitators at all times and in all countries1 and you spread the fruitful seeds of disturbance and disorder4 ,in order to complete the clearing up of the important point which we have undertaken to explain1 we must apply this doctrine to the particular fact which now occupies us4 ,if we fix our attention on the nations who invaded and overturned the ,roman empire1 confining ourselves to the facts which history has preserved of them1 to the conjectures which are authorized by the circumstances in which they were placed1 and to the general data which modern science has been able to collect from the immediate observation of the different tribes of ,america1 we shall be able to form an idea of what was the state of society and of the individual among the invading barbarians4 ,in their native countries1 among their mountains1 in their forests covered with frost and snow1 they had their family ties1 their relationships1 their religion1 traditions1 customs1 manners1 attachment to their hereditary soil1 their love of national independence1 their enthusiasm for the great deeds of their ancestors1 and for the glory acquired in battle2 in fine1 their desire of perpetuating in their children a race strong1 valiant1 and free2 they had their distinctions of family1 their division into tribes1 their priests1 chiefs1 and government4 ,without discussing the character of their forms of government1 and laying aside all that might be said of their monarchy1 their public assemblies1 and other similar points1 questions which are foreign to our subject1 and which besides are always in some degree hypothetical and imaginary1 ,i shall content myself with making a remark which none of my readers will deny1 viz4 that among them the organization of society was such as might have been expected from rude and superstitious ideas1 gross habits1 and ferocious manners2 that is to say1 that their social condition did not rise above the level which had naturally been marked out for it by two imperious necessities3 first1 that complete anarchy should not prevail in their forests2 and second1 that in war they should have some one to lead their confused hordes4 ,born in rigorous climates1 crowding on each other by their rapid increase1 and on that account obtaining with difficulty even the means of subsistence1 these nations saw before their eyes the abundance and the luxuries of ample and well-cultivated regions2 they were at the same time urged on by extreme want1 and strongly excited by the presence of plunder4 ,there was nothing to oppose them but the feeble legions of an effeminate and decaying civilization2 their own bodies were strong1 their minds full of courage and audacity2 their numbers augmented their boldness2 they left their native soil without pain2 a spirit of adventure and enterprise developed itself in their minds1 and they threw themselves on the ,empire like a torrent which falls from the mountains1 and inundates the neighboring plains4 ,however imperfect was their social condition1 and however rude were its ties1 it sufficed1 nevertheless1 in their native soil1 and amid their ancient manners2 if the barbarians had remained in their forests1 it may be said that that form of government1 which answered its purpose in its way1 would have been perpetuated2 for it was born of necessity1 it was adapted to circumstances1 it was rooted in their habits1 sanctioned by time1 and connected with traditions and recollections of every kind4 ,but these ties were too weak to be transported without being broken4 ,these forms of government were1 as we have just seen1 so suited to the state of barbarism1 and consequently so circumscribed and limited1 that they could not be applied without difficulty to the new situation in which these nations found themselves almost suddenly placed4 ,let us imagine these savage children of the forest precipitated on the south2 their fierce chiefs precede them1 and they are followed by crowds of women and children2 they take with them their flocks and rude baggage2 they cut to pieces numerous legions on their way2 they form intrenchments1 cross ditches1 scale ramparts1 ravage the country1 destroy forests1 burn populous cities1 and take with them immense numbers of slaves captured on the way4 ,they overturn every thing that opposes their fury1 and drive before them multitudes who flee to avoid fire and sword4 ,in a short time see these same men1 elated with victory1 enriched by immense booty1 inured by so many battles1 fires1 sackings1 and massacres1 transported1 as if by enchantment1 into a new climate1 under another sky1 and swimming in abundance1 in pleasure1 in new enjoyments of every kind4 ,a confused mixture of idolatry and ,christianity1 of truth and falsehood1 is become their religion2 their principal chiefs are dead in battle2 families are confounded in disorder1 races mixed1 old manners and customs altered and lost4 ,these nations1 in fine1 are spread over immense countries1 in the midst of other nations1 differing in language1 ideas1 manners1 and usages2 imagine1 if you can1 this disorder1 this confusion1 this chaos1 and tell me whether the ties which formed the society of these nations are not destroyed and broken into a thousand pieces1 and whether you do not see barbarian and civilized society disappear together1 and all antiquity vanish without any thing new taking its place8 ,and at this moment1 fix your eyes upon the gloomy child of the ,north1 when he feels all the ties that bound him to society suddenly loosened1 when all the chains that restrained his ferocity break2 when he finds himself alone1 isolated1 in a position so new1 so singular1 so extraordinary1 with an obscure recollection of his late country and without affection for that which he has just occupied2 without respect for law1 fear of man1 or attachment to custom4 ,do you not see him1 in his impetuous ferocity1 indulge without limit his habits of violence1 wandering1 plunder1 and massacre8 ,he confides in his strong arm and activity of foot1 and led by a heart full of fire and courage1 by an imagination excited by the view of so many different countries and by the hazards of so many travels and combats1 he rashly undertakes all enterprises1 rejects all subjection1 throws off all restraint1 and delights in the dangers of fresh struggles and adventures4 ,do you not find here the mysterious individuality1 the feeling of personal independence1 in all its philosophical reality and all the truth which is assigned to it by history8 ,this brutal individuality1 this fierce feeling of independence1 which was not reconcileable with the well-being or with the true dignity of the individual1 contained a principle of eternal war and a continually wandering mode of life1 and must necessarily produce the degradation of man and the complete dissolution of society4 ,far from containing the germ of civilization1 it was this that was best adapted to reduce ,europe to the savage state2 it stifled society in its cradle2 it destroyed every attempt made to reorganize it1 and completed the annihilation of all that remained of the ancient civilization4 ,the observations which have just been made may be more or less well founded1 more or less happy1 but at least they do not present the inexplicable inconsistency1 not to say contradiction1 of allying barbarism and brutality with civilization and refinement2 they do not give the name of an eminent and fruitful principle of ,european civilization to that which a little further on is pointed out as one of the strongest obstacles to the progress of social organization4 ,as ,m4 ,guizot1 on this last point1 agrees with the opinion which ,i have just stated1 and shows the incoherence of his own doctrines1 the reader will allow me to quote his own words4 ,it is clear1 he says1 that if men have no ideas extending beyond their own existence1 if their intellectual horizon is limited to themselves1 if they give themselves up to the caprices of their own passions and wills1 if they have not among them a certain number of common notions and feelings1 around which they rally2 it is clear1 ,i say1 that no society can be possible among them2 that such individual1 when he enters into any association1 will be a principle of disturbance and dissolution4 ,whenever individuality almost absolutely prevails1 or man only considers himself1 or his ideas do not extend beyond himself1 or he obeys only his own passions1 society1 ,i mean one with any thing of extent or permanency1 becomes almost impossible4 ,now such was the moral condition of the conquerors of ,europe at the period of which we speak4 ,i have pointed out1 in the last lecture1 that we owe the energetic feeling of individual liberty and humanity to the ,germans4 ,now1 in a state of extreme rudeness and ignorance1 this feeling is egotism in all its brutality1 in all its unsociability4 ,from the fifth to the eighth century1 such was the case among the ,germans4 ,they consulted only their own interests1 their own passions1 their own wills2 how could this accord with the social state8 ,it was attempted to make them enter it2 they attempted it themselves2 they soon left it from some sudden act1 some sally of passion or misunderstanding4 ,every moment we see society attempted to be formed2 every moment we see it broken by the act of man1 by the want of the moral conditions necessary for its subsistence4 ,such1 gentlemen1 were the two prevailing causes of the state of barbarism4 ,as long as they lasted1 barbarism continued4 7,histoire ,gnrale de la ,civilisation en ,europe1 leon #c47 ,with respect to his theory of individuality1 ,m4 ,guizot has met with the common fate of men of great talents4 ,they are forcibly struck by a singular phenomenon1 they conceive an ardent desire of finding its cause1 and they fall into frequent errors1 led away by a secret tendency always to point out a new1 unexpected1 astonishing origin4 ,in his vast and penetrating view of ,european civilization1 in his parallel between this and the most distinguished ones of antiquity1 he discovered a very remarkable difference between the individuals of the former and of the latter4 ,he saw in the man of modern ,europe1 something nobler1 more independent than in the ,greek or ,roman2 it was necessary to point out the origin of this difference4 ,now this was not an easy task1 considering the peculiar situation in which the philosophical historian found himself4 ,from the first glance which he took at the elements of ,european civilization1 the ,church presented herself to him as one of the most powerful and the most influential agents on the organization of society2 and he saw issue from her the impulse which was most capable of leading the world to a great and happy future4 ,he had already expressly acknowledged this1 and had paid homage to the truth in magnificent language2 in order to explain this phenomenon1 should he again have recourse to ,christianity1 to the ,church8 ,this would have been conceding to her the whole of the great work of civilization2 and ,m4 ,guizot was desirous1 at all hazards1 of giving her coadjutors4 ,therefore1 fixing his eyes upon the barbarian hordes1 he expects to discover in the swarthy brows1 the savage countenances1 and the menacing looks of these children of the forest1 a type1 somewhat rude but still very just1 of the noble independence1 the elevation1 and dignity which the ,european bears in his features4 ,after having explained the mysterious personality of the ,germans1 and shown that1 far from being an element of civilization1 it was a source of disorder and barbarism2 it is besides necessary to examine the difference which exists between the civilization of ,europe and other civilizations1 with respect to the feeling of dignity2 it is necessary to determine with precision what modifications have been undergone by a feeling1 which1 considered by itself1 is1 as we have seen1 common to all men4 ,in the first place1 there is no foundation for this assertion of ,m4 ,guizot1 that the feeling of personal independence1 the taste for liberty1 displaying itself at all hazards1 with scarcely any other object than its own satisfaction1 was unknown to ,roman society4 ,it is clear that in such a comparison1 it is not meant to allude to the feeling of independence in the savage state1 in the state of barbarism2 for as well might it be said that civilized nations could not have the distinctive character of barbarism4 ,but laying aside that circumstance of ferocity1 we will say that the feeling was very active1 not only among the ,romans1 but also among the other most celebrated nations of antiquity4 ,when you find in ancient civilization1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 liberty1 it is political liberty1 the liberty of the citizen4 ,it is not with his personal liberty that the man is prepossessed1 it is with his liberty as a citizen2 he belongs to an association1 he is devoted to an association1 he is ready to sacrifice himself for an association4 ,i will not deny that this spirit of sacrifice for the benefit of an association did exist among ancient nations2 ,i acknowledge also that it was accompanied by remarkable peculiarities1 which ,i intend to explain further on2 yet it may be doubted whether the taste for liberty1 with scarcely any other object than its own satisfaction1 was not more active with ancient nations than with us4 ,indeed1 what was the object of the ,phnicians1 the ,greeks of the ,archipelago and of ,asia ,minor1 the ,carthaginians1 when they undertook those voyages which1 for such remote times1 were as bold and perilous as those of our most intrepid sailors8 ,was it1 indeed1 to sacrifice themselves for an association that they sought new territories with so much ardour1 in order to amass there money1 gold1 and all kinds of articles of value8 ,were they not led by the desire of acquiring to gratify themselves8 ,where1 then1 is the association8 ,where do you find it here8 ,do you see any thing but the individual1 with his passions and tastes1 and his ardour in satisfying them8 ,and the ,greeks--those ,greeks so enervated1 so voluptuous1 so spoiled by pleasures1 had they not the most lively feeling of personal independence1 the most ardent desire of living with perfect freedom1 with no other object but to gratify themselves8 ,their poets singing of nectar and of love2 their free courtesans receiving the homage of the most illustrious citizens1 and making sages forget their philosophical moderation and gravity2 and the people celebrating their festivals amid the most fearful dissoluteness2 did they also only sacrifice on the altars of association8 ,had they not the desire of gratifying themselves8 ,with respect to the ,romans1 perhaps it would not be so easy to demonstrate this1 if we had to speak of what are called the glorious times of the ,republic2 but we have to deal with the ,romans of the empire1 with those who lived at the time of the irruption of the barbarians2 with those ,romans1 greedy of pleasures1 and devoured by that thirst for excess of which history has preserved such shameful pictures4 ,their superb palaces1 their magnificent villas1 their delicious baths1 their splendid festive halls1 their tables loaded with riches1 their effeminate dresses1 their voluptuous dissipation2 do they not show us individuals who1 without thinking of the association to which they belonged1 only thought of gratifying their own passions and caprices2 lived in the greatest luxury1 with every delicacy and all imaginable splendour2 had no care but to enjoy society1 to lull themselves asleep in pleasure1 to gratify all their passions1 and give way to a burning love of their own satisfactions and amusements8 ,it is not easy1 then1 to imagine why ,m4 ,guizot exclusively attributes to the barbarians the pleasure of feeling themselves men1 the feeling of personality1 of human spontaneousness in its free development4 ,can we believe that such sentiments were unknown to the victors of ,marathon and ,plata1 to those nations who have immortalized their names by so many monuments8 ,when1 in the fine arts1 in the sciences1 in eloquence1 in poetry1 the noblest traits of genius shone forth on all sides1 had they not among them the pleasure of feeling themselves men1 the feeling and the power of the free development of all their faculties8 and in a society where glory was so passionately loved1 as we see it was among the ,romans1 in a society which shows us men like ,cicero and ,virgil1 and which produced a ,tacitus1 who still1 after nineteen centuries1 makes every generous heart thrill with emotion1 was there no pleasure in feeling themselves men1 no pride in appreciating their own dignity8 ,was there no feeling of the spontaneousness of man in his own free development8 ,how can we imagine that the barbarians of the north surpassed the ,greeks and ,romans in this respect8 ,why1 then1 these paradoxes1 this confusion of ideas8 ,of what avail are these brilliant expressions meaning nothing8 ,of what use are these observations1 of a false delicacy1 where the mind at first sight discovers vagueness and inexactitude2 and where it finds1 after a complete examination1 nothing but incoherency and revery8 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,how ,,the ,,individual ,,was ,,absorbed ,,by ,,ancient ,,society4 ,,if we profoundly study this question1 without suffering ourselves to be led into error and extravagance1 by the desire of passing for deep observers2 if we call to our aid a just and cool philosophy1 supported by the facts of history1 we shall see that the principal difference between the ancient civilizations and our own with respect to the individual is1 that1 in antiquity1 man1 considered as man1 was not properly esteemed4 ,ancient nations did not want either the feeling of personal independence1 or the pleasure of feeling themselves men2 the fault was not in the heart1 but in the head4 ,what they wanted was the comprehension of the dignity of man2 the high idea which ,christianity has given us of ourselves1 while1 at the same time1 with admirable wisdom1 it has shown us our infirmities4 ,what ancient societies wanted1 what all those1 where ,christianity does not prevail1 have wanted1 and will continue to want1 is the respect and the consideration which surround every individual1 every man1 inasmuch as he is a man4 ,among the ,greeks the ,greeks are every thing2 strangers1 barbarians1 are nothing3 in ,rome1 the title of ,roman citizen makes the man2 he who wants this is nothing4 ,in ,christian countries1 the infant who is born deformed1 or deprived of some member1 excites compassion1 and becomes an object of the tenderest solicitude2 it is enough that he is man1 and unfortunate4 ,among the ancients1 this human being was regarded as useless and contemptible2 in certain cities1 as for example at ,lacedmon1 it was forbidden to nourish him1 and1 by command of the magistrates charged with the regulation of births1 horrible to relate6 he was thrown into a ditch4 ,he was a human being2 but what matter8 ,he was a human being who would be of no use2 and society1 without compassion1 did not wish to undertake the charge of his support4 ,if you read ,plato and ,aristotle1 you will see the horrible doctrine which they professed on the subject of abortion and infanticide2 you will see the means which these philosophers imagined1 in order to prevent the excess of population2 and you will be sensible of the immense progress which society has made1 under the influence of ,christianity1 in all that relates to man4 ,are not the public games1 those horrible scenes where hundreds of men were slaughtered to amuse an inhuman multitude1 an eloquent testimony to the little value attached to man1 when he was sacrificed with so much barbarism for reasons so frivolous8 ,the right of the strongest was exercised among the ancients in a horrible manner2 and this is one of the causes to which must be attributed the state of annihilation1 so to speak1 in which we see the individual with respect to society4 ,society was strong1 the individual was weak2 society absorbed the individual1 and arrogated to itself all imaginable rights over him2 and if ever he made opposition to society1 he was sure to be crushed by it with an iron hand4 ,when we read the explanation which ,m4 ,guizot gives us of this peculiarity of ancient civilizations1 we might suppose that there existed among them a patriotism unknown to us2 a patriotism which1 carried to exaggeration1 and stripped of the feeling of personal independence1 produced a kind of annihilation of the individual in presence of society4 ,if he had reflected deeply on the matter1 ,m4 ,guizot would have seen that the difference is not in the feelings of antiquity1 but in the immense fundamental revolution which has taken place in ideas2 hence he would easily have concluded1 that the difference observed in their feelings must have been owing to the differences in the ideas themselves4 ,indeed1 it is not strange that the individual1 seeing the little esteem in which he was held1 and the unlimited power which society arrogated to itself over his independence and his life1 7for it went so far as to grind him to powder1 when he opposed it17 on his side formed an exaggerated idea of society and the public authority1 so as to annihilate himself in his own heart before this fearful colossus4 ,far from considering himself as a member of an association the object of which was the safety and happiness of every individual1 the benefits of which required from him some sacrifices in return1 he regarded himself as a thing devoted to this association1 and compelled1 without hesitation1 to offer himself as a holocaust on its altars4 ,such is the condition of man2 when a power acts upon him1 for a long time1 unlimitedly1 his indignation is excited against it1 and he rejects it with violence2 or else he humbles1 he debases1 he annihilates himself before the strong influence which binds and prostrates him4 ,let us see if this be not the contrast which ancient societies constantly afford us2 the blindest submission and annihilation on the one hand1 and1 on the other1 the spirit of insubordination1 of resistance1 showing itself in terrible explosions4 ,it is thus1 and thus only1 that it is possible to understand how societies1 whose normal condition was confusion and agitation1 present us with such astonishing examples as ,leonidas with his three hundred ,spartans perishing at ,thermopyl1 ,svola thrusting his hand into the fire1 ,regulus returning to ,carthage to suffer and die1 and ,marcus ,curtius1 all armed1 leaping into the chasm which had opened in the midst of ,rome4 ,all these phenomena1 which at first sight appear inexplicable1 are explained when we compare them with what has taken place in the revolutions of modern times4 ,terrible revolutions have thrown some nations into confusion2 the struggle of ideas and interests1 inflaming their passions1 has made them forget their true social relations1 during intervals of greater or less duration4 ,what has happened8 ,at the same time that unlimited freedom was proclaimed1 and the rights of individuals were incessantly extolled1 there arose in the midst of society a cruel power1 which1 concentrating in its own hands all public authority1 inflicted on them the severest blows4 ,at such periods1 when the formidable maxim of the ancients1 the salus populi1 that pretext for so many frightful attempts was in full force1 there arose1 on the other hand1 that mad and ferocious patriotism which superficial men admire in the citizens of ancient republics4 ,some writers have lavished eulogiums on the ancients1 and1 above all1 on the ,romans4 ,it seemed as if1 to gratify their ardent wishes1 modern civilization must be moulded according to the ancient4 ,they made absurd attempts2 they attacked the existing social system with unexampled violence2 they labored to destroy1 or at least to stifle1 ,christian ideas concerning the individual and society1 and they sought their inspiration from the shades of the ancient ,romans4 ,it is remarkable that1 during the short time that the attempt lasted1 there were seen1 as in ancient ,rome1 admirable traits of strength1 of valor1 of patriotism1 in fearful contrast with cruelties and crimes without example4 ,in the midst of a great and generous nation there appeared again1 to affright the human race1 the bloody spectres of ,marius and ,sylla2 so true it is that man is everywhere the same1 and that the same order of ideas in the end produces the same order of events4 ,let the ,christian ideas disappear1 let old ones regain their force1 and you will see that the modern world will resemble the ancient one4 ,happily for humanity1 this is impossible4 ,all the attempts hitherto made to produce such a result have been necessarily of short continuance1 and such will be the case in future4 ,but the bloody page which these criminal attempts have left in history offers an abundant subject for reflection to the philosopher who desires to become thoroughly acquainted with the intimate and delicate relations between ideas and facts4 ,there he will see fully exhibited the vast scheme of social organization1 and he will be able to appreciate at its just value the beneficial or injurious influence of the various religious and the different philosophical systems4 ,the periods of revolutions1 that is to say1 those stormy times when governments are swallowed up one after another like edifices built upon a volcanic soil1 have all this distinctive character1 the tyranny of the interests of public authority over private interests4 ,never is this power feebler1 or less lasting2 but never is it more violent1 more mad4 ,every thing is sacrificed to its safety or its vengeance2 the shade of its enemies pursues it and makes it continually tremble2 its own conscience torments it and leaves it no repose2 the weakness of its organization1 its instable position1 warn it at every step of its approaching fall1 and in its impotent despair it makes the convulsive efforts of one dying in agony4 ,what1 then1 in its eyes are the lives of citizens1 if they excite the slightest1 the most remote suspicion8 ,if the blood of thousands of victims could procure for it a moment of security1 and add a few days to its existence1 ,perish my enemies1 it says2 this is required for the safety of the state1 that is1 for mine6 ,why this frenzy1 this cruelty8 ,it is because the ancient government1 having been overturned by force1 and the new having been enthroned in the same way1 the idea of right has disappeared from the sphere of power4 ,legitimacy does not protect it1 even its novelty betrays its little value2 every thing forebodes its short existence4 ,stripped of the reason and justice which it is obliged to invoke in its own support1 it seeks for both in the very necessity of power1 a social necessity1 which is always visible1 and it proclaims that the safety of the people is the supreme care4 ,then the property and lives of individuals are nothing2 they are annihilated in the presence of the bloody spectre which arises in the midst of society2 armed with force1 and surrounded by guards and scaffolds1 it says1 ,i am the public power2 to me is confided the safety of the people2 it is ,i who watch over the interests of society4 ,now1 do you know what is the result of this absolute want of respect for the individual1 of this complete annihilation of man in presence of the alarming power which claims to represent society8 ,it is that the feeling of association reappears in different directions2 no longer a feeling directed by reason1 foresight1 and beneficence1 but a blind1 instinctive feeling1 which urges man not to remain alone1 without defence1 in the midst of a society which is converted into a field of battle and a vast conspiracy2 men then unite either to sustain power1 when1 influenced by the whirlwind of revolution1 they are identified with it1 and regard it as their only rampart1 or to overturn it1 if1 some motive having urged them into the opposite ranks1 they see their most terrible enemy in the existing power1 and a sword continually suspended over their heads4 ,these men belong to an association1 are devoted to an association1 are ready to sacrifice themselves for it1 for they cannot live alone2 they know1 they comprehend1 at least instinctively1 that the individual is nothing2 for as the restraints that maintain social order have been broken1 the individual no longer has a tranquil sphere where he can live in peace and independence1 confident that a power founded on legitimacy and guided by reason and justice watches over the preservation of public order and the respect due to individual rights4 ,then timid men are alarmed and humbled1 and begin to represent that first scene of servitude where the oppressed is seen to kiss the hand of the oppressor1 and the victim to reverence the executioner4 ,daring men resist and contend1 or rather1 conspiring in the dark1 they prepare terrible explosions4 ,no one then belongs to himself2 the individual is absorbed on all sides1 either by the force which oppresses or by that which conspires4 ,the tutelary divinity of individuals is justice2 when justice vanishes1 they are no more than imperceptible grains of dust carried away by the wind1 or drops of water in the stormy waves of ocean4 ,imagine to yourself societies where this passing frenzy does not prevail1 it is true1 but which are yet devoid of true ideas on the rights and duties of individuals1 and of those of public authority2 societies where there are some wandering1 uncertain1 obscure1 imperfect notions thereon1 stifled by a thousand prejudices and errors2 societies under which1 nevertheless1 public authority is organized under one form or another1 and has become consolidated1 thanks to the force of habit1 and the absence of all other government better calculated to satisfy urgent necessities2 you will then have an idea of the ancient societies1 we should rather say1 societies without ,christianity1 and you will understand the annihilation of the individual before the force of public power1 either under an ,asiatic despotism or the turbulent democracy of the ancient republics4 ,and what you will then see will be precisely what you have observed in modern societies at times of revolution1 only with this difference1 that in these the evil is transitory and noisy1 like the ravages of the tempest1 while among the ancients it was the normal state1 like the vitiated atmosphere which injures and corrupts all that breathe it4 ,let us examine the cause of these two opposite phenomena1 the lofty patriotism of the ,greeks and ,romans1 and the state of prostration and political degradation in which other nations lay1 and in which those still lie who are not under the influence of ,christianity2 what is the cause of this individual abnegation which is found at the bottom of two feelings so contrary8 and why do we not find among any of those nations that individual development which is observed in ,europe1 and which with us is connected with a reasonable patriotism1 from which the feeling of a legitimate personal independence is not excluded8 ,it is because in antiquity man did not know himself1 or what he was2 it is because his true relations with society were viewed through a thousand prejudices and errors1 and consequently were very ill understood4 ,this will show that admiration for the patriotism1 disinterestedness1 and heroic self-denial of the ancients has been sometimes carried too far1 and that these qualities1 far from revealing in the men of antiquity a greater perfection of the individual1 a superior elevation of mind to that of the men of modern times1 rather indicate ideas less elevated and feelings less independent than our own4 ,perhaps some blind admirers of the ancients will be astonished at these assertions4 ,let them consider the women of ,india throwing themselves on the funeral-pile after the death of their husbands1 and slaves putting themselves to death because they could not survive their masters1 and they will see that personal self-denial is not an infallible sign of elevation of mind4 ,sometimes man does not understand his own dignity2 he considers himself devoted to another being1 absorbed by him1 and then he regards his own existence only as a secondary thing1 which has no object but to minister to the existence of another4 ,we do not wish to underrate the merit which rightly belongs to the ancients2 we do not wish to lower their heroism1 as far as it is just and laudable1 any more than we wish to attribute to the moderns an egotistical individuality1 which prevents their sacrificing themselves for their country3 our only object is to assign to every thing its place1 by dissipating prejudices which are excusable up to a certain point1 but do lamentable mischief by falsifying the principal features of ancient and modern history4 ,this annihilation of the individual among the ancients arose also from the weakness and imperfection of his moral development1 and from his want of a rule for his own guidance1 which compelled society to interfere in all that concerned him1 as if public reason was called upon to supply the defect of private reason4 ,if we pay attention1 we shall observe that in countries where political liberty was the most cherished1 civil liberty was almost unknown4 ,while the citizens flattered themselves that they were very free1 because they took part in the public deliberations1 they wanted that liberty which is most important to man1 that which we now call civil liberty4 ,we may form an idea of the thoughts and manners of the ancients on this point1 by reading one of their most celebrated writers1 ,aristotle4 ,in the eyes of this philosopher1 the only title which renders a man worthy of the name of citizen1 seems to be the participation in the government of the republic2 and these ideas1 apparently very democratic and calculated to extend the rights of the most numerous class1 far from proceeding1 as one would suppose1 from an exaggeration of the dignity of man1 was connected in his mind with a profound contempt for man himself4 ,his system was to reserve all honor and consideration for a very limited number2 the classes of citizens who were thus condemned to degradation and nullity were all laborers1 artisans1 and tradesmen4 7,pol4 l4 vii4 c4 #i1 #ab2 l4 viii4 c4 #a1 #b2 l4 iii4 c4 #a47 ,this theory supposed1 as may be seen1 very curious ideas on individuals and society1 and is an additional confirmation of what ,i have said respecting the eccentricities1 not to say monstrosities1 which we see in the ancient republics4 ,let us never forget that one of the principal causes of the evil was the want of an intimate knowledge of man2 it was the little value which was placed upon his dignity as man2 the individual1 deprived of guides to direct him1 could not conciliate esteem2 in a word1 there was wanting the light of ,christianity1 which was alone capable of illuminating the chaos4 ,the feeling of the dignity of man is deeply engraven on the heart of modern society2 we find everywhere1 written in striking characters1 this truth1 that man1 by virtue of his title of man1 is respectable and worthy of high consideration2 hence it is that all the schools of modern times that have foolishly undertaken to exalt the individual1 at the imminent risk of producing fearful perturbations in society1 have adopted as the constant theme of their instructions1 this dignity and nobility of man4 ,they thus distinguish themselves in the most decided manner from the democrats of antiquity2 the latter acted in a narrow sphere1 without departing from a certain order of things1 without looking beyond the limits of their own country2 in the spirit of modern democrats1 on the contrary1 we find a tendency to invade all branches1 an ardent propagandism which embraces the whole world4 ,they never invoke mean ideas2 man1 his reason1 his imprescriptible rights1 these are their perpetual theme4 ,ask them what is their design1 and they will tell you that they desire to level all things1 to avenge the sacred cause of humanity4 ,this exaggeration of ideas1 the pretext and motive for so many crimes1 shows us a valuable fact1 viz4 the immense progress which ,christianity has given to ideas with relation to the dignity of our nature4 ,when they have to mislead societies which owe their civilization to ,christianity1 they find no better means than to invoke the dignity of human nature4 ,the ,christian religion1 the enemy of all that is criminal1 could not consent to see society overturned1 under the pretence of defending and raising the dignity of man2 this is the reason why a great number of the most ardent democrats have indulged in insults and sarcasms against religion4 ,on the other hand1 as history loudly proclaims that all our knowledge and feeling of what is true1 just1 and reasonable on this point1 is due to the ,christian religion1 it has been recently attempted to make a monstrous alliance between ,christian ideas and the most extravagant of democratic theories4 ,a celebrated man has undertaken this enterprise2 but true ,christianity1 that is1 ,catholicity1 rejects these adulterous alliances2 it ceases to acknowledge its most eminent apologists when they have quitted the path of eternal truth4 ,de ,lamennais now wanders in the darkness of error1 embracing a deceitful shadow of ,christianity2 and the voice of the supreme ,pastor of the ,church has warned the faithful against being dazzled by the illusion of a name illustrious by so many titles4#af ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,the ,,progress ,,of ,,individuality ,,under ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,catholicity4 ,,if we give a just and legitimate meaning to the word individuality1 taking the feeling of personal independence in an acceptation which is not repugnant to the perfection of the individual1 and does not oppose the constitutive principles of all society2 moreover1 if we seek the various causes which have influenced the development of this feeling1 without speaking of that which we have already pointed out as one of the most important1 viz4 the true notion of man1 and his connections with his fellows1 we shall find many of them which are quite worthy of attention in ,catholicity4 ,m4 ,guizot was greatly deceived when1 putting the faithful of the ,church in the same rank with the ancient ,romans1 he asserted that both were equally wanting in the feeling of personal independence4 ,he describes the faithful as absorbed by the association of the ,church1 entirely devoted to her1 ready to sacrifice themselves for her2 so that1 according to him1 it was the interests of the association which induced them to act4 ,there is an error here2 but as this error has originated in a truth1 it is our duty to distinguish the ideas and the facts with much attention4 ,there is no doubt that from the cradle of ,christianity the faithful have had an extreme attachment to the ,church1 and it was always well understood among them1 that they could not leave the communion of the ,church without ceasing to be numbered among the true disciples of ,jesus ,christ4 ,it is equally undeniable that1 in the words of ,m4 ,guizot1 ,there prevailed in the ,christian ,church a feeling of strong attachment to the ,christian corporation1 of devotion to its laws1 and an ardent desire to extend its empire2 but it is not true that the origin and source of all these feelings was the spirit of association alone1 to the exclusion of all development of real individuality4 ,the ,christian belonged to an association1 but that association was regarded by him as a means of obtaining eternal happiness1 as the ship in which he was embarked1 amid the tempests of the world1 to arrive safe in the port of eternity3 and although he believed it impossible to be saved out of the ,church1 he did not understand from that that he was devoted to the ,church1 but to ,god4 ,the ,roman was ready to sacrifice himself for his country2 the ,christian1 for his faith4 ,when the ,roman died1 he died for his country2 the faithful did not die for the ,church1 but for ,god4 ,if we open the monuments of ,church history1 and read the acts of the martyrs1 we shall then see what passed in that terrible moment1 when the ,christian1 fully arousing himself1 showed in the presence of the instruments of torture1 burning piles1 and the most horrible punishments1 the true principle which acted on his mind4 ,the judge asks his name2 he declares it1 and adds1 ,i am a ,christian4 ,he is asked to sacrifice to the gods4 ,we only sacrifice to one ,god1 the ,creator of heaven and earth4 ,he is reproached with the disgrace of following a man who has been nailed to the cross2 for him the ignominy of the cross is a glory1 and he loudly proclaims that the ,crucified is his ,saviour and his ,god4 ,he is threatened with tortures2 he despises them1 for they are passing1 and rejoices in being able to suffer something for his ,master4 ,the cross of punishment is already prepared1 the pile is lighted before his eyes1 the executioner raises the fatal axe to strike off his head2 what does it matter to him8 all this is but for a moment1 and after that moment comes a new life of ineffable and endless happiness4 ,we thus see what influenced his heart2 it was the love of his ,god and the interest of his eternal happiness4 ,consequently1 it is utterly false that the ,christian1 like men of the ancient republics1 destroyed his individuality in the association to which he belonged1 allowing himself to be absorbed in that association like a drop of water in the immensity of ocean4 ,the ,christian belonged to an association which gave him the rule of his faith and conduct2 he regarded that association as founded and directed by ,god himself2 but his mind and his heart were raised to ,god1 and when following the voice of the ,church1 he believed that he was engaged with his own individual affair1 which was nothing less than his eternal happiness4 ,this distinction is quite necessary in an affair which has relations so various and delicate that the slightest confusion may produce considerable errors4 ,here a hidden fact reveals itself to us1 which is infinitely precious1 and throws much light upon the development and perfecting of the individual in ,christian civilization4 ,it is absolutely necessary that there should be a social order to which the individual must submit2 but it is also proper that he should not be absorbed by society to such an extent that he cannot be conceived but as forming part of it1 and remains deprived of his own sphere of action4 ,if this were the case1 never would true civilization be completely developed2 as it consists in the simultaneous perfecting of the individual and of society1 it is necessary1 for its existence1 that both should have a well determined sphere1 where their peculiar and respective movements may not check and embarrass each other4 ,after these reflections1 to which ,i especially call the attention of all thinking men1 ,i will point out a thing which has1 perhaps1 not yet been remarked2 it is1 that ,christianity has eminently contributed to create that individual sphere in which man1 without breaking the ties which connect him with society1 is free to develop all his peculiar faculties4 ,from the mouth of an ,apostle went forth that generous expression which strictly limits political power3 ,we ought to obey ,god rather than man4 7,acts v4 #bi47 ,obedire oportet ,deo magis quam hominibus4 ,the ,apostle thereby proclaims that the individual should cease to acknowledge power1 when power exacts from him what he believes to be contrary to his conscience4 ,it was among ,christians that this great example was witnessed for the first time2 individuals of all countries1 of all ages1 of both sexes1 of all conditions1 braving the anger of authority1 and all the fury of popular passions1 rather than pronounce a single word contrary to the principles which they professed in the sanctuary of conscience2 and this1 not with arms in their hands1 in the midst of popular commotions1 where their impetuous passions are excited1 which communicate to the mind temporary energy1 but in the solitude and obscurity of dungeons1 amid the fearful calmness of the tribunals1 that is1 in that situation where man1 alone and isolated1 cannot show force and dignity without revealing the elevation of his ideas1 the nobleness of his feelings1 the unalterable firmness of his conscience1 and the greatness of his soul4 ,christianity engraved this truth deeply on the heart of man1 that individuals have duties to perform1 even when the whole world is aroused against them2 that they have an immense destiny to fulfil1 and that it is entirely their own affair1 the responsibility of which rests upon their own free will4 ,this important truth1 unceasingly inculcated by ,christianity at all times1 to both sexes1 to all conditions1 must have powerfully contributed to excite in man an active and ardent feeling of personality4 ,this feeling1 with all its sublimity1 combining with the other inspirations of ,christianity1 all full of dignity and grandeur1 has raised the human mind from the dust1 where ignorance and rude superstitions1 and systems of violence1 which oppressed it on all sides1 had placed and retained it4 ,how strange and surprising to the ears of ,pagans must have been those energetic words of ,justin1 which nevertheless expressed the disposition of mind of the majority of the faithful1 when1 in his ,apology1 addressed to ,antoninus ,pius1 he said1 ,as we have not placed our hopes on present things1 we contemn those who kill us1 death being1 moreover1 a thing which cannot be avoided4 ,this full and entire self-consciousness1 this heroic contempt of death1 this calm spirit of a man who1 supported by the testimony of intimate feeling1 sets at defiance all the powers of earth1 must have tended the more to enlarge the mind1 as they did not emanate from that cold stoical impassibility1 the constant effort of which was to struggle against the nature of things without any solid motive4 ,the ,christian feeling had its origin in a sublime freedom from all that is earthly1 in a profound conviction of the holiness of duty1 and in that undeniable maxim1 that man1 in spite of all the obstacles which the world places in his way1 should walk with a firm step towards the destiny which is marked out for him by his ,creator4 ,these ideas and feelings together communicated to the soul a strong and vigorous temper1 which1 without reaching in any thing the savage harshness of the ancients1 raised man to all his dignity1 nobleness1 and grandeur4 ,it must be observed that these precious effects were not confined to a small number of privileged individuals1 but that1 in conformity with the genius of the ,christian religion1 they extended to all classes2 for one of the noblest characters of that divine religion is the unlimited expansion which it gives to all that is good2 it knows no distinction of persons1 and makes its voice penetrate the obscurest places of society4 ,it was not only to the elevated classes and philosophers1 but to the generality of the faithful1 that ,st4 ,cyprian1 the light of ,africa1 addressed himself1 when1 summing up in a few words all the grandeur of man1 he marked with a bold hand the sublime position where our soul ought to maintain itself with constancy4 ,never1 he says1 never will he who feels himself to be the child of ,god admire the words of man4 ,he falls from his noblest state who can admire any thing but ,god4 7,de ,spectaculis47 ,sublime words1 which make us boldly raise our heads1 and fill our hearts with noble feelings2 words which1 diffusing themselves over all classes1 like a fertilizing warmth1 were capable of inspiring the humblest of men with what previously seemed exclusively reserved for the transports of the poet3 ,os homini sublime dedit1 clumque tueri ,jussit1 et erectos ad sidera tollere cultus4 ,the development of the moral life1 the interior life1 that life in which man1 reflecting on himself1 is accustomed to render a circumstantial account of all his actions1 of the motives which actuate him1 of the goodness or the wickedness of those motives1 and the object to which they tend1 is principally due to ,christianity1 to its unceasing influence on man in all his conditions1 in all situations1 in all moments of his life4 ,such a progress of the individual life in all that it has most intimate1 most active1 and most interesting for the heart of man1 was incompatible with that absorption of the individual by society1 with that blind self-denial1 in which man forgot himself1 to think only of the association of which he formed a part4 ,this moral and interior life was unknown to the ancients1 because they wanted principles for supporting1 rules for guiding1 and inspirations for exciting and nourishing it4 ,thus at ,rome1 where the political element tries its ascendency over minds1 when enthusiasm becomes extinguished by the effect of intestine dissensions1 when every generous feeling becomes stifled by the insupportable despotism which succeeds to the last agitations of the republic1 we see baseness and corruption develop themselves with fearful rapidity4 ,the activity of mind which before occupied itself in debates of the ,forum and the glorious exploits of war1 no longer finding food1 gave itself up to sensual pleasures with an abandonment which we can hardly imagine now-a-days1 in spite of the looseness of morals which we so justly deplore4 ,thus we see among the ancients only these two extremes1 either the most exalted patriotism1 or the complete prostration of the faculties of the soul1 which abandons itself without reserve to the dictates of its irregular passions2 there man was the slave either of his own passions1 of another man1 or of society4 ,since the moral tie which united men to ,catholic society has been broken1 since religious belief has been weakened1 in consequence of the individual independence which ,protestantism has proclaimed in religious matters1 it has unhappily become possible for us to conceive1 by means of examples found in ,european civilization1 what man still deprived of real knowledge of himself1 his origin and destiny1 must have been4 ,we will indicate in another place the points of resemblance which are found between ancient and modern society in the countries where the influence of religious ideas is enfeebled4 ,it is enough now to remark1 that if ,europe had completely lost ,christianity1 according to the insane desires of some men1 a generation would not have passed away without there being revived among us the individual and society such as they were among the ancients1 except the modifications which the difference of the material state of the two civilizations would necessarily produce4 ,the doctrine of free will1 so loudly proclaimed by ,catholicity1 and sustained by her with such vigour1 not only against the old ,pagan teaching1 but particularly against sectarians at all times1 and especially against the founders of the pretended ,reformation1 has also contributed more than is imagined to develop and perfect the individual1 to raise his ideas of independence1 nobleness1 and dignity4 ,when man comes to consider himself as constrained by the irresistible force of destiny1 and attached to a chain of events over which he has no control--when he comes to suppose that the operations of his mind1 those active proofs of his freedom1 are but vain illusions--he soon annihilates himself2 he feels himself assimilated to the brute2 he ceases to be the prince of living beings1 the ruler of the earth2 he is nothing more than a machine fixed in its place1 which is compelled to perform its part in the great system of the universe4 ,the social order ceases to exist2 merit and demerit1 praise and blame1 reward and punishment1 are only unmeaning words4 ,if man enjoys or suffers1 it is only in the same way as a shrub1 which is sometimes breathed upon softly by the zephyrs1 and sometimes blasted by the north wind4 ,how different it is when man is conscious of his liberty6 ,then he is master of his destiny2 good and evil1 life and death1 are before his eyes2 he can choose1 and nothing can violate the sanctuary of his conscience4 ,there the soul is enthroned1 there she is seated1 full of dignity1 and the whole world raging against her1 the universe falling upon her fragile body1 cannot force her will4 ,the moral order is displayed before us in all its grandeur2 we see good in all its beauty1 and evil in all its deformity2 the desire of doing well stimulates1 and the fear of doing ill restrains us2 the sight of the recompense which can be obtained by an effort of free will1 and which appears at the end of the path of virtue1 renders that path more sweet and peaceful1 and communicates activity and energy to the soul4 ,if man is free1 there remains something great and terrible1 even in his crime1 in his punishment1 and even in the despair of hell4 ,what is man deprived of liberty and yet punished8 ,what is the meaning of this absurd proposition1 a chief dogma of the founders of ,protestantism8 ,this man is a weak and miserable victim1 in whose torture a cruel omnipotence delights2 a ,god who has created him in order to see him suffer2 a tyrant with infinite power1 that is1 the most dreadful of monsters4 ,but if man is free1 when he suffers1 he suffers because he has deserved it2 and if we contemplate him in the midst of despair1 plunged into an ocean of horrors1 his brow furrowed by the just lightnings of the ,eternal1 we seem to hear him still pronounce those terrible words with a haughty bearing and proud look1 non serviam1 ,i will not obey4 ,in man1 as in the universe1 all is wonderfully united2 all the faculties of man have delicate and intimate relations with each other1 and the movement of one chord in the soul makes all the others vibrate4 ,it is necessary to call attention to this reciprocal dependence of all our faculties on each other1 in order to anticipate an objection which may be made4 ,we shall be told1 all that has been said only proves that ,catholicity has developed the individual in a mystical sense4 ,no1 the observations which ,i have made show something more than this2 they prove that we owe to ,catholicity the clear idea and lively feeling of moral order in all its greatness and beauty2 they prove that we owe her the real strength of what we call conscience1 and that if the individual believes himself to be called to a mighty destiny1 confided to his own free will1 and the care of which belongs entirely to him1 it is to ,catholicity he owes that belief2 they prove that ,catholicity has given man the true knowledge which he has of himself1 the appreciation of his dignity1 the respect which is paid to him as man2 they prove that she has developed in our souls the germs of the noblest and most generous feelings2 for she has raised our thoughts by the loftiest conceptions1 dilated our hearts by the assurance of a liberty which nothing can take away1 by the promise of an infinite reward1 eternal happiness1 while she leaves in our hands life and death1 and makes us in a certain manner the arbiters of our own destiny4 ,in all this there is more than mere mysticism2 it is nothing less than the development of the entire man2 nothing less than the true1 the only noble1 just1 and reasonable individuality2 nothing less than the collected powerful impulses which urge the individual towards perfection in every sense2 it is nothing less than the first1 the most indispensable1 the most fruitful element of real civilization4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,family4--,,monogamy4--,,indissolubilit y ,,of ,,the ,,conjugal ,,tie4 ,,we have seen what the individual owes to ,catholicity2 let us now see what the family owes her4 ,it is clear that the individual1 being the first element of the family1 if it is ,catholicity which has tended to perfect him1 the improvement of the family will thus have been very much her work2 but without insisting on this inference1 ,i wish to consider the conjugal tie in itself1 for which purpose it is necessary to call attention to woman4 ,i will not repeat here what she was among the ,romans1 and what she is still among the nations who are not ,christians2 history1 and still more the literature of ,greece and ,rome1 afford us sad or rather shameful proofs on this subject2 and all the nations of the earth offer us too many evidences of the truth and exactness of the observation of ,buchanan1 viz4 that wherever ,christianity does not prevail1 there is a tendency to the degradation of woman4 ,perhaps on this point ,protestantism will be unwilling to give way to ,catholicity2 it will assert that in all that affects woman the ,reformation has in no degree prejudiced the civilization of ,europe4 ,we will not now inquire what evils ,protestantism has occasioned in this respect2 this question will be discussed in another part of the work2 but it cannot be doubted1 that when ,protestantism appeared1 the ,catholic religion had already completed its task as far as woman is concerned4 ,no one1 indeed1 is ignorant that the respect and consideration which are given to women1 and the influence which they exercise on society1 date further back than the first part of the #afth century4 ,hence it follows that ,catholicity cannot have had ,protestantism as a coadjutor2 it acted entirely alone in this point1 one of the most important of all true civilization2 and if it is generally acknowledged that ,christianity has placed woman in the rank which properly belongs to her1 and which is most conducive to the good of the family and of society1 this is a homage paid to ,catholicity2 for at the time when woman was raised from abjection1 when it was attempted to restore her to the rank of companion of man1 as worthy of him1 those dissenting sects that also called themselves ,christians did not exist1 and there was no other ,christianity than the ,catholic ,church4 ,it has been already remarked in the course of this work1 that when ,i give titles and honours to ,catholicity1 ,i avoid having recourse to vague generalities1 and endeavour to support my assertions by facts4 ,the reader will naturally expect me to do the same here1 and to point out to him what are the means which ,catholicity has employed to give respect and dignity to woman2 he shall not be deceived in his expectation4 ,first1 and before descending to details1 we must observe that the grand ideas of ,christianity with respect to humanity must have contributed1 in an extraordinary manner1 to the improvement of the lot of woman4 ,these ideas1 which applied without any difference to woman as well as to man1 were an energetic protest against the state of degradation in which one-half of the human race was placed4 ,the ,christian doctrine made the existing prejudices against woman vanish for ever2 it made her equal to man by unity of origin and destiny1 and in the participation of the heavenly gifts2 it enrolled her in the universal brotherhood of man1 with his fellows and with ,jesus ,christ2 it considered her as the child of ,god1 the coheiress of ,jesus ,christ2 as the companion of man1 and no longer as a slave and the vile instrument of pleasure4 ,henceforth that philosophy which had attempted to degrade her1 was silenced2 that unblushing literature which treated women with so much insolence found a check in the ,christian precepts1 and a reprimand no less eloquent than severe in the dignified manner in which all the ecclesiastical writers1 in imitation of the ,scriptures1 expressed themselves on woman4 ,yet1 in spite of the beneficent influence which the ,christian doctrines must have exercised by themselves1 the desired end would not have been completely attained1 had not the ,church undertaken1 with the warmest energy1 to accomplish a work the most necessary1 the most indispensable for the good organization of the family and society1 ,i mean the reformation of marriage4 ,the ,christian doctrine on this point is very simple3 one with one exclusively1 and for ever4 ,but the doctrine would have been powerless1 if the ,church had not undertaken to apply it1 and if she had not carried on this task with invincible firmness2 for the passions1 above all those of man1 rebel against such a doctrine2 and they would undoubtedly have trodden it under foot1 if they had not met with an insurmountable barrier1 which did not leave them the most distant hope of triumph4 ,can ,protestantism1 which applauded with such senseless joy the scandal of ,henry ,,viii41 and accommodated itself so basely to the desires of the ,landgrave of ,hesse-,cassel1 boast of having contributed to strengthen that barrier8 ,what a surprising difference6 ,during many centuries1 amid circumstances the most various1 and sometimes the most terrible1 the ,catholic ,church struggles with intrepidity against the passions of potentates1 to maintain unsullied the sanctity of marriage4 ,neither promises nor threats could move ,rome2 no means could obtain from her any thing contrary to the instructions of her ,divine ,master3 ,protestantism1 at the first shock1 or rather at the first shadow of the slightest embarrassment1 at the mere fear of displeasing a prince who certainly was not very powerful1 yields1 humbles itself1 consents to polygamy1 betrays its own conscience1 opens a wide door to the passions1 and gives up to them the sanctity of marriage1 the first pledge for the good of the family1 the foundation-stone of true civilization4 ,protestant society on this point1 wiser than the miscalled reformers who attempted to guide it1 with admirable good sense repudiated the consequences of the conduct of its chiefs2 although it did not preserve the doctrines of ,catholicity1 it at least followed the salutary impulse which it had received from them1 and polygamy was not established in ,europe4 ,but history records facts which show the weakness of the pretended reformation1 and the vivifying power of ,catholicity4 ,it tells us to whom it is owing that the law of marriage1 that palladium of society1 was not falsified1 perverted1 destroyed1 amid the barbarous ages1 amid the most fearful corruption1 violence1 and ferocity1 which prevailed everywhere1 as well at the time when invading nations passed pell-mell over ,europe1 as in that of feudality1 and when the power of kings had already been preponderant1--history will tell what tutelary force prevented the torrent of sensuality from overflowing with all its violence1 with all its caprices1 from bringing about the most profound disorganization1 from corrupting the character of ,european civilization1 and precipitating it into that fearful abyss in which the nations of ,asia have been for so many centuries4 ,prejudiced writers have carefully searched the annals of ecclesiastical history for the differences between popes and kings1 and have taken occasion therein to reproach the ,court of ,rome with its intolerant obstinacy respecting the sanctity of marriage2 if the spirit of party had not blinded them1 they would have understood that1 if this intolerant obstinacy had been relaxed for a moment1 if the ,roman ,pontiff had given way one step before the impetuosity of the passions1 this first step once made1 the descent into the abyss would have been rapid2 they would have admired the spirit of truth1 the deep conviction1 the lively faith with which that august see is animated2 no consideration1 no fear1 has been able to silence her1 when she had occasion to remind all1 and especially kings and potentates1 of this commandment3 ,they shall be two in one flesh2 man shall not separate what ,god has joined4 ,by showing themselves inflexible on this point1 even at the risk of the anger of kings1 not only have the popes performed the sacred duty which was imposed on them by their august character as chiefs of ,christianity1 but they have executed a political chef d'uvre1 and greatly contributed to the repose and well-being of nations4 ,for1 says ,voltaire1 the marriages of princes in ,europe decide the destiny of nations2 and never has there been a court entirely devoted to debauchery1 without producing revolutions and rebellions4 7,essai sur l',histoire gnrale1 t4 iii4 c4 #aja47 ,this correct remark of ,voltaire will suffice to vindicate the pope1 together with ,catholicity1 from the calumnies of their wretched detractors3 it becomes still more valuable1 and acquires an immense importance1 if it is extended beyond the limits of the political order to the social4 ,the imagination is affrighted at the thought of what would have happened1 if these barbarous kings1 in whom the splendor of the purple ill disguised the sons of the forest1 if those haughty seigneurs1 fortified in their castles1 clothed in mail1 and surrounded by their timid vassals1 had not found a check in the authority of the ,church2 if at the first glance at a new beauty1 if at the first passion which1 when enkindled in their hearts1 would have inspired them with a disgust for their legitimate spouses1 they had not had the always-present recollection of an inflexible authority4 ,they could1 it is true1 load a bishop with vexations2 they could silence him with threats or promises2 they might control the votes of a particular ,council by violence1 by intrigue1 by subornation2 but1 in the distance1 the power of the ,vatican1 the shadow of the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 appeared to them like an alarming vision2 they then lost all hope2 all struggles became useless2 the most violent endeavors would never have given them the victory2 the most astute intrigues1 the most humble entreaties1 would have obtained the same reply3 ,one with one only1 and for ever4 ,if we read but the history of the middle ages1 of that immense scene of violence1 where the barbarian1 striving to break the bonds which civilization attempted to impose on him1 appears so vividly2 if we recollect that the ,church was obliged to keep guard incessantly and vigilantly1 not only to prevent the ties of a marriage from being broken1 but even to preserve virgins 7and even those who were dedicated to ,god7 from violence2 we shall clearly see that1 if she had not opposed herself1 as a wall of brass1 to the torrent of sensuality1 the palaces of kings and the castles of seigneurs would have speedily become their seraglios and harems4 ,what would have happened in the other classes8 ,they would have followed the same course2 and the women of ,europe would have remained in the state of degradation in which the ,mussulman women still are4 ,as ,i have mentioned the followers of ,mohammed1 ,i will reply in passing to those who pretend to explain monogamy and polygamy by climate alone4 ,christians and ,mohammedans have been for a long time under the same sky1 and their religions have been established1 by the vicissitudes of the two races1 sometimes in cold and sometimes in mild and temperate climates2 and yet we have not seen the religions accommodate themselves to the climates2 but rather1 the climates have been1 as it were1 forced to bend to the religions4 ,european nations owe eternal gratitude to ,catholicity1 which has preserved monogamy for them1 one of the causes which undoubtedly have contributed the most to the good organization of the family1 and the exaltation of woman4 ,what would now be the condition of ,europe1 what respect would woman now enjoy1 if ,luther1 the founder of ,protestantism1 had succeeded in inspiring society with the indifference which he shows on this point in his commentary on ,genesis8 ,as to whether we may have several wives1 says ,luther1 the authority of the patriarchs leaves us completely free4 ,he afterwards adds that it is a thing neither permitted nor prohibited1 and that he does not decide any thing thereupon4 ,unhappy ,europe6 if a man1 who had whole nations as followers1 had uttered such words some centuries earlier1 at the time when civilization had not yet received an impulse strong enough to make it take a decided line on the most important points1 in spite of false doctrines4 ,unhappy ,europe6 if at the time when ,luther wrote1 manners had not been already formed1 if the good organization given to the family by ,catholicity had not been too deeply rooted to be torn up by the hand of man4 ,certainly the scandal of the ,landgrave of ,hesse-,cassel would not then have remained an isolated example1 and the culpable compliance of the ,lutheran doctors would have produced bitter fruits4 ,what would that vacillating faith1 that uncertainty1 that cowardice with which the ,protestant ,church was seen to tremble at the mere demand of such a prince as the ,landgrave1 have availed1 to control the fierce impetuosity of barbarous and corrupted nations8 ,how would a struggle1 lasting for ages1 have been sustained by those who1 at the first menace of battle1 gave way1 and were routed before the shock8 ,besides monogamy1 it may be said that there is nothing more important than the indissolubility of marriage4 ,those who1 departing from the doctrine of the ,church1 think that it is useful in certain cases to allow divorce1 so as to dissolve the conjugal tie1 and permit each of the parties to marry again1 still will not deny that they regard divorce as a dangerous remedy1 which the legislator only avails himself of with regret1 and only on account of crime or faithlessness2 they will see1 also1 that a great number of divorces would produce very great evils1 and that in order to prevent these in countries where the civil laws allow the abuse of divorce1 it is necessary to surround this permission with all imaginable precaution2 they will consequently grant that the most efficacious manner of preventing corruption of manners1 of guarantying the tranquillity of families1 and of opposing a firm barrier to the torrent of evils which is ready to inundate society1 is to establish the indissolubility of marriage as a moral principle1 to base it upon motives which exercise a powerful ascendency over the heart1 and to keep a constant restraint on the passions1 to prevent them from slipping down so dangerous a declivity4 ,it is clear that there is no work more worthy of being the object of the care and zeal of the true religion4 ,now1 what religion but the ,catholic has fulfilled this duty8 ,what other religion has more perfectly accomplished so salutary and difficult a task8 ,certainly not ,protestantism1 for it did not even know how to penetrate the depth of the reasons which guided the conduct of the ,church on this point4 ,i have taken care to do justice in another place to the wisdom which ,protestant society has displayed in not giving itself up entirely to the impulse which its chiefs wished to communicate to it4 ,but it must not be supposed from this that ,protestant doctrines have not had lamentable consequences in countries calling themselves reformed4 ,let us hear what a ,protestant lady1 ,madame de ,stal1 says in her book on ,germany1 speaking of a country which she loves and admires3 ,love1 she says1 is a religion in ,germany1 but a poetical religion which tolerates very freely all that sensibility can excuse4 ,it cannot be denied that in the ,protestant provinces the facility of divorce is injurious to the sanctity of marriage4 ,they change husbands as quietly as if they were arranging the incidents of a drama3 the good nature of the man and woman prevents the mixture of any bitterness with their easy ruptures2 and as there is among the ,germans more imagination than real passion1 the most curious events take place with singular tranquillity4 ,yet it is thus that manners and characters lose all consistency2 the paradoxical spirit destroys the most sacred institutions1 and there are no well established rules on any subject4 7,de l',allemagne1 p4 #a1 c4 #c47 ,misled by their hatred against the ,roman ,church1 and excited by their rage for innovation in all things1 the ,protestants thought they had made a great reform in secularizing marriage1 if ,i may so speak1 and in rejecting the ,catholic doctrine1 which declared it a real sacrament4 ,this is not the place to enter upon a dogmatical discussion of this matter2 ,i shall content myself with observing1 that by depriving marriage of the august seal of a sacrament1 ,protestantism showed that it had little knowledge of the human heart4 ,to consider marriage1 not as a simple civil contract1 but as a real sacrament1 was to place it under the august shade of religion1 and to raise it above the stormy atmosphere of the passions2 and who can doubt that this was absolutely necessary to restrain the most active1 capricious1 and violent passion of the heart of man8 ,the civil laws are insufficient to produce such an effect4 ,motives are required1 which1 being drawn from a higher source1 exert a more efficacious influence4 ,the ,protestant doctrine overturned the power of the ,church with respect to marriage1 and gave up matters of this kind exclusively to the civil power4 ,some one will perhaps think that the increase of the secular power on this point could not but serve the cause of civilization1 and that to drive the ecclesiastical authority from this ground was a magnificent triumph gained over exploded prejudices1 a valuable victory over unjust usurpation4 ,deluded man6 ,if your mind possessed any lofty thought1 if your heart felt the vibration of those harmonious chords which display the passions of man with so much delicacy and exactness1 and teach the best means of directing them1 you would see1 you would feel1 that to place marriage under the mantle of religion1 and to withdraw it as much as possible from profane interference1 was to purify1 to embellish1 and to surround it with the most enchanting beauty2 for thus is that precious treasure1 which is blasted by a look1 and tarnished by the slightest breath1 inviolably preserved4 ,would you not wish to have the nuptial bed veiled and strictly guarded by religion8 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,of ,,the ,,passion ,,of ,,love4 ,but it will be said to ,catholics1 ,do you not see that your doctrines are too hard and rigorous8 ,they do not consider the weakness and inconstancy of the human heart1 and require sacrifices above its strength4 ,is it not cruel to attempt to subject the most tender affections1 the most delicate feelings1 to the rigor of a principle8 ,cruel doctrine1 which endeavors to hold together1 bound to each other by a fatal tie1 those who no longer love1 who feel a mutual disgust1 who perhaps hate each other with a profound hatred6 ,when you answer these two beings who long to be separated1 who would rather die than remain united1 with an eternal ,never1 showing them the divine seal which was placed upon their union at the solemn moment1 do you not forget all the rules of prudence8 ,is not this to provoke despair8 ,protestantism1 accommodating itself to our infirmity1 accedes more easily to the demands1 sometimes of caprice1 but often also of weakness2 its indulgence is a thousand times preferable to your rigor4 ,this requires an answer2 it is necessary to remove the delusion which produces these arguments1 too apt1 unhappily1 to mislead the judgment1 because they begin by seducing the heart4 ,in the first place1 it is an exaggeration to say that the ,catholic system reduces unhappy couples to the extremity of despair4 ,there are cases in which prudence requires that they should separate1 and then neither the doctrines nor the practice of the ,catholic ,church oppose the separation4 ,it is true that this does not dissolve the conjugal tie1 and that neither of the parties can marry again4 ,but it cannot be said that one of them is subject to tyranny2 they are not compelled to live together1 consequently they do not suffer the intolerable torment of remaining united when they abhor each other4 ,very well1 we shall be told1 the separation being pronounced1 the parties are freed from the punishment of living together2 but they cannot contract new ties1 consequently they are forbidden to gratify another passion which1 perhaps1 their heart conceals1 and which may have been the cause of the disgust or the hatred whence arose the unhappiness or discord of their first union4 ,why not consider the marriage as altogether dissolved8 ,why should not the parties become entirely free8 ,permit them to obey the feelings of their hearts1 which1 newly fixed on another object1 already foresee happier days4 ,here1 no doubt1 the answer seems difficult1 and the force of the difficulty becomes urgent2 but1 nevertheless1 it is here that ,catholicity obtains the most signal triumph2 it is here it clearly shows how profound is its knowledge of the heart of man1 how prudent its doctrines1 and how wise and provident its conduct4 ,its rigor1 which seems excessive1 is only necessary severity2 this conduct1 far from meriting the reproach of cruelty1 is a guarantee for the repose and well-being of man4 ,but it is a thing which it is difficult to understand at first sight2 thus we are compelled to develop this matter by entering into a profound examination of the principles which justify by the light of reason the conduct pursued by the ,catholic ,church2 let us examine this conduct1 not only in respect to marriage1 but in all that relates to the direction of the heart of man4 ,in the direction of the passions there are two systems1 the one of compliance1 the other of resistance4 ,in the first of these they are yielded to as they advance2 an invincible obstacle is never opposed to them2 they are never left without hope4 ,a line is traced around them which1 it is true1 prevents them from exceeding a certain boundary2 but they are given to understand that if they come to place their foot upon this limit1 it will retire a little further2 so that the compliance is in proportion to the energy and obstinacy of their demands4 ,in the second system1 a line is equally marked out to the passions which they cannot pass2 but it is a line fixed1 immovable1 and everywhere guarded by a wall of brass4 ,in vain do they attempt to pass it2 they have not even the shadow of hope2 the principle which resists them will never change1 will never consent to any kind of compromise4 ,therefore1 no resource remains but to take that course which is always open to man1 that of sin4 ,the first system allows the fire to break out1 to prevent an explosion2 the second hinders the beginning of it1 in the fear of being compelled to arrest its progress4 ,in the first1 the passions are feared and regulated at their birth1 and hopes of restraining them when they have grown up are entertained2 in the second1 it is thought that1 if it is difficult to restrain them when they are feeble1 it will be still more so when they are strengthened4 ,in the one1 they act on the supposition that the passions are weakened by indulgence2 in the other1 it is believed that gratification1 far from satiating1 only renders them every day more devouring4 ,it may be said1 generally speaking1 that ,catholicity follows the second of these systems2 that is to say1 with respect to the passions1 her constant rule is to check them at the first step1 to deprive them of all hope from the first1 and to stifle them1 if possible1 in their cradle4 ,it must be observed1 that we speak here of the severity with respect to the passions themselves1 not with respect to man1 who is their prey2 it is very consistent to give no truce to passion1 and to be indulgent towards the person under its influence2 to be inexorable towards the offence1 and to treat the offender with extreme mildness4 ,with respect to marriage1 this system has been acted on by ,catholicity with astonishing firmness2 ,protestantism has taken the opposite course4 ,both are agreed on this point1 that divorce1 followed by the dissolution of the conjugal tie1 is a very great evil2 but there is this difference between them1 that the ,catholic system does not leave even the hope of a conjuncture in which this dissolution will be permitted2 it forbids it absolutely1 without any restriction2 it declares it impossible3 the ,protestant system1 on the contrary1 consents to it in certain cases4 ,protestantism does not possess the divine seal which guaranties the perpetuity of marriage1 and renders it sacred and inviolable2 ,catholicity does possess this seal1 impresses it on the mysterious tie1 and from that moment marriage remains under the shadow of an august symbol4 ,which of the two religions is the most prudent in this point8 ,which acts with the most wisdom8 ,to answer this question1 let us lay aside the dogmatical reasons1 and the intrinsical morality of the human actions which form the subject of the laws which we are now examining2 and let us see which of the two systems is the most conducive to the difficult task of managing and directing the passions4 ,after having considered the nature of the human heart1 and consulted the experience of every day1 it may be affirmed that the best way to repress a passion is to leave it without hope2 to comply with it1 to allow it continual indulgences1 is to excite it more and more2 it is to play with fire amid a heap of combustibles1 by allowing the flame to be lit1 from time to time1 in the vain confidence of being always able to put out the conflagration4 ,let us take a rapid glance at the most violent passions of the heart of man1 and observe what is their ordinary course1 according to the system which is pursued in their regard4 ,look at the gambler1 who is ruled by an indefinable restlessness1 which is made up of an insatiable cupidity and an unbounded prodigality1 at the same time4 ,the most enormous fortune will not satisfy him2 and yet he risks all1 without hesitation1 to the hazard of a moment4 ,the man who still dreams of immense treasures amid the most fearful misery1 restlessly pursues an object which resembles gold1 but which is not it1 for the possession thereof does not satisfy him4 ,his heart can only exist amid uncertainty1 chances1 and perils4 ,suspended between hope and fear1 he seems to be pleased with the rapid succession of lively emotions which unceasingly agitate and torment him4 ,what remedy will cure this malady--this devouring fever8 ,will you recommend to him a system of compliance8 will you tell him to gamble1 but only to a certain amount1 at certain times1 and in certain places8 ,what will you gain by this8 ,nothing at all4 ,if these means were good for any thing1 there would be no gambler in the world who would not be cured of his passion2 for there is no one who has not often marked out for himself these limits1 and often said to himself1 ,you shall only play till such an hour1 in such a place1 and to such an amount4 ,what is the effect of these palliations--of these impotent precautions--on the unhappy gambler8 ,that he miserably deceives himself4 ,the passion consents1 only in order to gain strength1 and the better to secure the victory3 thus it gains ground2 it constantly enlarges its sphere2 and leads its victim again into the same1 or into greater excesses4 ,do you wish to make a radical cure8 ,if there be a remedy1 it must be to abstain completely2 a remedy which may appear difficult at first1 but will be found the easiest in practice4 ,when the passion finds itself deprived of all hope1 it will begin to diminish1 and in the end will disappear4 ,no man of experience will raise the least doubt as to the truth of what ,i have said2 every one will agree with me1 that the only way to destroy the formidable passion of gambling is to deprive it at once of all food1 to leave it without hope4 ,let us pass to another example1 more analogous to the subject which ,i intend to explain4 ,let us suppose a man under the influence of love4 ,do you believe that the best way to cure his passion will be to give him opportunities1 even though very rare1 of seeing the object of his passion8 ,do you think that it will be salutary to authorize him to continue1 while you forbid him to multiply1 these dangerous interviews8 ,will such a precaution quench the flame which burns in his heart8 ,you may be sure that it will not4 ,the limits will even augment its force4 ,if you allow it any food1 even with the most parsimonious hand1 if you permit it the least success1 you see it constantly increase1 until it upset every thing that opposes it4 ,but take away all hope1 send the lover on a long journey1 or place before him an impediment which precludes the probability1 or even the possibility1 of success2 then1 except in very rare cases1 you will obtain at first distraction1 and then forgetfulness4 ,is not this the daily teaching of experience8 ,is it not the remedy which necessity every day suggests to the fathers of families8 ,the passions resemble fire4 ,they are extinguished by a large quantity of water2 but a few drops only render them more ardent4 ,let us raise our thoughts still higher2 let us observe the passions acting in a wider field1 in more extended regions4 ,whence comes it that so many strong passions are awakened at times of public disturbance8 ,it is1 because then they all hope to be gratified2 it is1 because the highest ranks1 the oldest and most powerful institutions1 having been overturned1 and replaced by others1 which were hitherto imperceptible1 all the passions see a road open before them1 amid the tempest and confusion2 the barriers apparently insurmountable1 the sight of which prevented their existence1 or strangled them in the cradle1 do not exist2 as all is then unprotected and defenceless1 it is only required to have boldness and intrepidity enough to stand amid the ruins of all that was old4 ,regarding things in the abstract1 there is nothing more strikingly absurd than hereditary monarchy1 the succession secured to a family which may at any time place on the throne a child1 a fool1 or a wretch3 and yet in practice there is nothing more wise1 prudent1 and provident4 ,this has been taught by the long experience of ages1 it has been shown by reason1 and proved by the sad warnings of those nations who have tried elective monarchy4 ,now1 what is the cause of this8 ,it is what we are endeavoring to explain4 ,hereditary monarchy precludes all the hopes of irregular ambition2 without that1 society always contains a germ of trouble1 a principle of revolt1 which is nourished by those who conceive a hope of one day obtaining the command4 ,in quiet times1 and under an hereditary monarchy1 a subject1 however rich1 however distinguished he may be for his talent or his valour1 cannot1 without madness1 hope to be king2 and such a thought never enters his head4 ,but change the circumstances1--admit1 ,i will not say1 the probability1 but the possibility of such an event1 and you will see that there will immediately be ardent candidates4 ,it would be easy to develop this doctrine more at length1 and apply it to all the passions of man2 but enough has been said to show that the first thing to be done when you have to subdue a passion1 is to oppose to it an insurmountable barrier1 which it can have no hope of passing4 ,then the passion rages for a little time1 it rebels against the obstacle that resists it2 but when it finds that to be immovable1 it recedes1 it is cast down1 and1 like the waves of the sea1 it falls back murmuring to the level which has been marked out for it4 ,there is a passion in the heart of man1 a passion which exerts a powerful influence on the destinies of his life1 and too often1 by its deceitful illusions1 forms a long chain of sadness and misfortune4 ,this passion1 which has for its necessary object the preservation of the human race1 is found1 in some form1 in all the beings of nature2 but1 inasmuch as it resides in the soul of an intelligent being1 it assumes a peculiar character in man4 ,in brutes1 it is only an instinct1 limited to the preservation of the species2 in man1 the instinct becomes a passion2 and that passion1 enlivened by the fire of imagination1 rendered subtile by the powers of the mind1 inconstant and capricious1 because it is guided by a free will1 which can indulge in as many whims as there are different impressions for the senses and the heart1 is changed into a vague1 fickle feeling1 which is never contented1 and which nothing can satisfy4 ,sometimes it is the restlessness of a man in a fever2 sometimes the frenzy of a madman2 sometimes a dream1 which ravishes the soul into regions of bliss2 sometimes the anguish and the convulsions of agony4 ,who can describe the variety of forms under which this deceitful passion presents itself8 ,who can tell the number of snares which it lays for the steps of unhappy mortals8 ,observe it at its birth1 follow it in its career1 up to the moment when it dies out like an expiring lamp4 ,hardly has the down appeared on the face of man1 when there arises in his heart a mysterious feeling1 which fills him with trouble and uneasiness1 without his being aware of the cause4 ,a pleasing melancholy glides into his heart1 thoughts before unknown enter his mind1 seductive images pervade his imagination1 a secret attraction acts on his soul1 unusual gravity appears in his features1 all his inclinations take a new direction4 ,the games of childhood no longer please him2 every thing shows a new life1 less innocent1 less tranquil2 the tempest does not yet rage1 the sky is not darkened1 but clouds1 tinged with fire1 are the sad presage of what is to come4 ,when he becomes adolescent1 that which was hitherto a feeling1 vague1 mysterious1 incomprehensible1 even to himself1 becomes1 from that time1 more decided2 objects are seen more clearly1 they appear in their real nature2 the passion sees1 and seizes on them4 ,but do not imagine that it becomes more constant on that account4 ,it is as vain1 as changeable1 as capricious as the multitude of objects which by turns present themselves to it4 ,it is constantly deluded1 it pursues fleeting shadows1 seeks a satisfaction which it never finds1 and awaits a happiness which it never attains4 ,with an excited imagination1 a burning heart1 with his whole soul transported1 and all his faculties subdued1 the ardent young man is surrounded by a brilliant chain of illusions2 he communicates these to all that environs him2 he gives greater splendor to the light of heaven1 he clothes the earth with richer verdure and more brilliant coloring1 he sheds on all the reflection of his own enchantment4 ,in manhood1 when the thoughts are more grave and fixed1 when the heart is more constant1 the will more firm1 and resolutions more lasting2 when the conduct which governs the destinies of life is subjected to rule1 and1 as it were1 confirmed in its faith1 this mysterious passion continues to agitate the heart of man1 and it torments him with unceasing disquietude4 ,we only observe that the passion is become stronger and more energetic1 owing to the development of the physical organization2 the pride which inspires man with independence of life1 the feeling of greater strength1 and the abundance of new powers1 render him more decided1 bold1 and violent2 while the warnings and lessons of experience have made him more provident and crafty4 ,we no longer see the candor of his earlier years4 ,he now knows how to calculate2 he is able to approach his object by covert ways1 and to choose the surest means4 ,woe to the man who does not provide in time against such an enemy6 ,his existence will be consumed by a fever of agitation2 amid disquietudes and torments1 if he does not die in the flower of his age1 he will grow old still ruled by this fatal passion2 it will accompany him to the tomb1 surrounding him1 in his last days1 with those repulsive and hideous forms which are exhibited in a countenance furrowed by years1 and in eyes which are already veiled by the shades of death4 ,what plan should be adopted to restrain this passion1 to confine it within just limits1 and prevent its bringing misfortune to individuals1 disorder to families1 and confusion to society8 ,the invariable rule of ,catholicity1 in the morality which she teaches1 as well as in the institutions which she establishes1 is repression2 ,catholicism does not allow a desire she declares to be culpable in the eyes of ,god2 even a look1 when accompanied by an impure thought4 ,why this severity8 ,for two reasons2 on account of the intrinsic morality which there is in this prohibition2 and also1 because there is profound wisdom in stifling the evil at its birth4 ,it is certainly easier to prevent a man's consenting to evil desires1 than it is to hinder his gratifying them when he has allowed them to enter his inflamed heart4 ,there is profound reason in securing tranquillity to the soul1 by not allowing it to remain1 like ,tantalus1 with the water at his burning lips4 ,quid vis videre1 quod non licet habere8 ,why do you wish to see that which you are forbidden to possess8 is the wise observation of the author of the admirable ,imitation of ,christ2 thus summing up1 in a few words1 all the prudence which is contained in the holy severity of the ,christian doctrine4 ,the ties of marriage1 by assigning a legitimate object to the passions1 still do not dry up the source of agitation and the capricious restlessness which the heart conceals4 ,possession cloys and disgusts1 beauty fades and decays1 the illusions vanish1 and the charms disappear2 man1 in the presence of a reality which is far from reaching the beauty of the dreams inspired by his ardent imagination1 feels new desires arise in his heart2 tired with what he possesses1 he entertains new illusions2 he seeks elsewhere the ideal happiness which he thought he had found1 and quits the unpleasing reality which thus deceives his brightest hopes4 ,give1 then1 the reins to the passions of man2 allow him in any way to entertain the illusion that he can make himself any new ties2 permit him to believe that he is not attached for ever1 and without recall1 to the companion of his life2 and you will see that disgust will soon take possession of him1 that discord will be more violent and striking1 that the ties will begin to wear out before they are contracted1 and will break at the first shock4 ,proclaim1 on the contrary1 a law which makes no exception of poor or rich1 weak or powerful1 vassals or kings1 which makes no allowance for difference of situation1 of character1 health1 or any of those numberless motives which1 in the hands of passions1 and especially those of powerful men1 are easily changed into pretexts2 proclaim that this law is from heaven1 show a divine seal on the marriage tie1 tell the murmuring passions that if they will gratify themselves they must do so by immorality2 tell them that the power which is charged with the preservation of this divine law will never make criminal compliances1 that it will never dispense with the infraction of the divine law1 and that the crime will never be without remorse2 you will then see the passions become calm and resigned2 the law will be diffused and strengthened1 will take root in customs2 you will have secured the good order and tranquillity of families for ever1 and society will be indebted to you for an immense benefit4 ,now this is exactly what ,catholicity has done1 by efforts which lasted for ages2 it is what ,protestantism would have destroyed1 if ,europe had generally followed its doctrine and example1 if the people had not been wiser than their deceitful guides4 ,protestants and false philosophers1 examining the doctrines and institutions of the ,catholic ,church through their prejudices and animosity1 have not understood the admirable power of the two characteristics impressed at all times and in all places on the ideas and works of ,catholicity1 viz4 unity and fixity2 unity in doctrines1 and fixity in conduct4 ,catholicity points out an object1 and wishes us to pursue it straight forward4 ,it is a reproach to philosophers and ,protestants1 that after having declaimed against unity of doctrine1 they also declaimed against fixity of conduct4 ,if they had reflected on man1 they would have understood that this fixity is the secret of guiding and ruling him1 and1 when desirable of restraining his passions1 of exalting his mind when necessary1 and of rendering him capable of great sacrifices and heroic actions4 ,there is nothing worse for man than uncertainty and indecision2 nothing that weakens and tends more to make him useless4 ,indecision is to the will what skepticism is to the mind4 ,give a man a definite object1 and if he will devote himself to it1 he will attain it4 ,let him hesitate between two different ways1 without a fixed rule to guide his conduct2 let him be ignorant of his intention2 let him not know whither he is going1 and you will see his energy relax1 his strength diminish1 and he will stop4 ,do you know by what secret great minds govern the world8 ,do you know what renders them capable of heroic actions8 ,and how all those who surround them are rendered so8 ,it is that they have a fixed object1 both for themselves and for others2 it is that they see that object clearly1 desire it ardently1 strive after it directly1 with firm hope and lively faith1 without allowing any hesitation in themselves or in others4 ,alexander1 ,csar1 ,napoleon1 and the other heroes of ancient and modern times1 no doubt exercised a fascinating influence by the ascendency of their genius2 but the secret of this ascendency1 the secret of their power1 and of that force of impulse by which they surmounted all1 was the unity of thought1 the fixity of plan1 which produced in them that invincible1 irresistible character which gave them an immense superiority over other men4 ,thus ,alexander passed the ,granicus1 undertook and completed his wonderful conquest of ,asia2 thus ,csar passed the ,rubicon1 put ,pompey to flight1 triumphed at ,pharsalia1 and made himself master of the world2 thus did ,napoleon disperse those who parleyed about the fate of ,france1 conquered his enemies at ,marengo1 obtained the crown of ,charlemagne1 alarmed and astonished the world by the victories of ,austerlitz and ,jena4 ,without unity there is no order1 without fixity there is no stability2 and in the moral as in the physical world1 without order and stability nothing prospers4 ,protestantism1 which has pretended to advance the individual and society by destroying religious unity1 has introduced into creeds and institutions the multiplicity and fickleness of private judgment2 it has everywhere spread confusion and disorder1 and has altered the nature of ,european civilization by inoculating it with a disastrous principle which has caused and will continue to cause lamentable evils4 ,and let it not be supposed1 that ,catholicity1 on account of the unity of her doctrines and the fixity of her conduct1 is opposed to the progress of ages4 ,there is nothing to prevent that which is one from advancing1 and there may be movement in a system which has some fixed points4 ,the universe whose grandeur astonishes us1 whose prodigies fill us with admiration1 whose beauty and variety enchant us1 is united1 is ruled by laws constant and fixed4 ,behold some of the reasons which justify the strictness of ,catholicity1 behold why she has not been able to comply with the demands of a passion which1 once let loose1 has no boundary or barrier1 introduces trouble into hearts1 disorder into families1 takes away the dignity of manners1 dishonors the modesty of women1 and lowers them from the noble rank of the companions of men4 ,i do not deny that ,catholicity is strict on this point2 but she could not give up this strictness without renouncing at the same time the sublime functions of the depository of sound morality1 the vigilant sentinel which guards the destinies of humanity4#ag ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,virginity ,,in ,,its ,,social ,,aspect4 ,we have seen1 in the fifteenth chapter1 with what jealousy ,catholicity endeavors to veil the secrets of modesty2 with what perseverance she imposes the restraint of morality on the most impetuous passion of the human heart4 ,she shows us all the importance which belongs to the contrary virtue1 by crowning with peerless splendor the total abstinence from sensual pleasure1 viz4 virginity4 ,frivolous minds1 and principally those who are inspired by a voluptuous heart1 do not understand how much ,catholicity has thus contributed to the elevation of woman2 but such will not be the case with reflecting men who are capable of seeing that all that tends to raise to the highest degree of delicacy the feeling of modesty1 all that fortifies morality1 all that contributes to make a considerable number of women models of the most heroic virtue1 equally tends to place women above the atmosphere of gross passion4 ,woman then ceases to be presented to the eyes of man as the mere instrument of pleasure2 none of the attractions with which nature has endowed her are lost or diminished1 and she has no longer to dread becoming an object of contempt and disgust1 after having been the unhappy victim of profligacy4 ,the ,catholic ,church is profoundly acquainted with these truths2 and while she watched over the sanctity of the conjugal tie1 while she created in the bosom of the family this admirable dignity of the matron1 she covered with a mysterious veil the countenance of the ,christian virgin1 and she carefully guarded the spouses of the ,lord in the seclusion of the sanctuary4 ,it was reserved for ,luther1 the gross profaner of ,catharine de ,bor1 to act in defiance of the profound and delicate wisdom of the ,church on this point4 ,after the apostate monk had violated the sacred seal set by religion on the nuptial bed1 his was the unchaste hand to tear away the sacred veil of virgins consecrated to ,god3 it was worthy of his hard heart to excite the cupidity of princes1 to induce them to seize upon the possessions of these defenceless virgins1 and expel them from their abodes4 ,see him everywhere excite the flame of sensuality1 and break through all control4 ,what will become of virgins devoted to the sanctuary8 ,like timid doves1 will they not fall into the snares of the libertine8 ,is this the way to increase the respect paid to the female sex8 ,is this the way to increase the feeling of modesty and to advance humanity8 ,was this the way in which ,luther gave a generous impulse to future generations1 perfected the human mind1 and gave vigor and splendor to refinement and civilization8 ,what man with a tender and sensitive heart can endure the shameless declamation of ,luther1 especially if he has read the ,cyprians1 the ,ambroses1 the ,jeromes1 and the other shining lights of the ,catholic ,church1 on the sublime honor of the ,christian virgin8 ,who1 then1 will object to see1 during ages when the most savage barbarism prevailed1 those secluded dwellings where the spouses of the ,lord secured themselves from the dangers of the world1 incessantly employed in raising their hands to heaven1 to draw down upon the earth the dews of divine mercy8 ,in times and countries the most civilized1 how sad is the contrast between the asylums of the purest and loftiest virtue1 and the ocean of dissipation and profligacy6 ,were these abodes a remnant of ignorance1 a monument of fanaticism1 which the coryphi of ,protestantism did well to sweep from the earth8 ,if this be so1 let us protest against all that is noble and disinterested2 let us stifle in our hearts all enthusiasm for virtue2 let every thing be reduced to the grossest sensuality2 let the painter throw away his pencil1 the poet his lyre2 let us forget our greatness and our dignity2 let us degrade ourselves1 saying1 ,let us eat and drink1 for to-morrow we die6 ,no2 true civilization can never forgive ,protestantism for this immoral and impious work2 true civilization can never forgive it for having violated the sanctuary of modesty and innocence1 for having employed all its efforts to destroy respect for virginity2 thus treading under foot a doctrine professed by all the human race4 ,it did not respect what was venerated by the ,greeks in the priestesses of ,ceres1 by the ,romans in their vestals1 by the ,gauls in their druidesses1 by the ,germans in their prophetesses4 ,it has carried the want of respect for modesty farther than was ever done by the dissolute nations of ,asia1 and the barbarians of the new world4 ,it is certainly a disgrace for ,europe to have attacked what was respected in all parts of the world1 to have treated as a mistaken prejudice the universal belief of the human race1 sanctioned1 moreover1 by ,christianity4 ,what invasion of barbarians was equal to this attack of ,protestantism on all that ought to be most inviolable among men8 ,it has set the fatal example in modern revolutions of the crimes which have been committed4 ,when we see1 in warlike rage1 the barbarity of the conquerors remove all restraint from a licentious soldiery1 and let them loose against the abodes of virgins consecrated to ,god1 there is nothing but what may be conceived4 ,but when these holy institutions are persecuted by system1 when the passions of the populace are excited against them1 by grossly assailing their origin and object1 this is more than brutal and inhuman4 ,it is a thing which cannot be described1 when those who act in this way boast of being ,reformers1 followers of the pure ,gospel1 and proclaim themselves the disciples of ,him who1 in ,his sublime councils1 has pointed out virginity as one of the noblest virtues that can adorn the ,christian's crown4 ,now1 who is ignorant that this was one of the works to which ,protestantism devoted itself with the greatest ardor8 ,woman without modesty will be an incentive to sensuality1 but will never attract the soul by the mysterious feeling which is called love4 ,it is very remarkable1 that although the most urgent desire of the heart of woman is to please1 yet as soon as she forgets modesty she becomes displeasing and disgusting4 ,thus it is wisely ordained that what wounds her heart the most sharply1 becomes the punishment of her fault4 ,hence1 every thing that maintains in woman the delicate feeling of modesty1 elevates her1 adorns her1 gives her greater ascendency over the heart of man1 and creates for her a distinguished place in the domestic as well as in the social order4 ,these truths were not understood by ,protestantism when it condemned virginity4 ,it is true this virtue is not a necessary condition of modesty1 but it is its beau idal and type of perfection2 and certainly we cannot destroy this model1 by denying its beauty1 by condemning its imitation as injurious1 without doing great injury to modesty itself1 which1 continually struggling against the most powerful passion of the heart of man1 cannot be preserved in all its purity1 unless it be accompanied by the greatest precautions4 ,like a flower of infinite delicacy1 of ravishing colours1 of the sweetest perfume1 it can scarcely support the slightest breath of wind2 its beauty is destroyed with extreme facility1 and its perfume readily evaporates4 ,but you will perhaps urge against virginity the injury which it does to population2 you will consider the offerings which are made on the altar by this virtue as so much taken from the multiplication of the human race4 ,fortunately the observations of the most distinguished political economists have destroyed this delusion1 originated by ,protestantism1 and supported by the incredulous philosophy of the #ahth century4 ,facts have shown1 in a convincing manner1 two truths of equal importance in vindicating ,catholic doctrines and institutions2 #a1 that the happiness of nations is not necessarily in proportion to the increase of their population2 #b1 that the augmentation and diminution of the population depend on many concurrent causes2 that religious celibacy1 if it be among them1 has an insignificant influence4 ,a false religion and an illegitimate and egotistical philosophy have attempted to assimilate the secrets of this increase of the human race to that of other living beings4 ,all idea of religion has been taken away2 they have seen in humanity only a vast field where nothing was to be left sterile4 ,thus they have prepared the way for the doctrine which considers individuals as machines from which all possible profit should be drawn4 ,no more was thought of charity1 or the sublime instructions of religion with respect to the dignity and destinies of man2 thus industry has become cruel1 and the organization of labor1 established on a basis purely material1 increases the present1 but fearfully menaces the future well-being of the rich4 ,how profound are the designs of ,providence6 ,the nation which has carried these fatal principles to the fullest extent now finds itself overcharged with men and products4 ,frightful misery devours her most numerous classes1 and all the ability of her rulers will not be able to avoid the rock she is running on1 urged by the power of the elements to which she has abandoned herself4 ,the eminent professors of ,oxford who1 it seems1 begin to see the radical vices of ,protestantism1 would find here a rich subject for meditation1 if they would examine how far the pretended reformers of the #afth century have contributed1 in preparing the critical situation in which ,england finds herself1 in spite of her immense progress4 ,in the physical world all is disposed by number1 weight1 and measure2 the laws of the universe show infinite calculation--infinite geometry2 but let us not imagine that we can express all by our imperfect signs1 and include every thing in our limited combinations2 let us1 above all1 avoid the foolish error of assimilating too much the moral and the physical world--of applying indiscriminately to the first what only belongs to the second1 and of upsetting by our pride the mysterious harmony of the creation4 ,man is not born simply for multiplication of his species2 this is not the only part which he is intended to perform in the great machine of the universe2 he is a being according to the image and likeness of ,god--a being who has his proper destiny--a destiny superior to all that surrounds him on earth4 ,do not debase him1 do not level him with the earth1 by inspiring him with earthly thoughts alone2 do not oppress his heart1 by depriving him of noble and elevated sentiments--by leaving him no taste for any but material enjoyments4 ,if religious thoughts lead him to an austere life--if the inclination to sacrifice the pleasures of this life on the altar of the ,god whom he adores takes possession of his heart--why should you hinder him8 ,what right have you to despise a feeling which certainly requires greater strength of mind than is necessary for abandoning one's self to pleasure8 ,these considerations1 which affect both sexes1 have still greater force when they are applied to the female4 ,with her lively imagination1 her feeling heart1 and ardent mind1 she has greater need than man of serious inspiration1 of grave1 solemn thoughts1 to counterbalance the activity with which she flies from object to object1 receiving with extreme facility impressions of every thing she touches1 and1 like a magnetic agent1 communicating them in her turn to all that surrounds her4 ,allow1 then1 a portion of that sex to devote itself to a life of contemplation and austerity2 allow young girls and matrons to have always before their eyes a model of all the virtues--a sublime type of their noblest ornament1 which is modesty4 ,this will certainly not be without utility4 ,be assured1 these virgins are not taken away from their families1 nor from society--both will recover with usury what you imagine they have lost4 ,in fact1 who can measure the salutary influence which the sacred ceremonies with which the ,catholic ,church celebrates the consecration of a virgin to ,god1 must have exercised on female morals6 ,who can calculate the holy thoughts1 the chaste inspirations which have gone forth from those silent abodes of modesty1 erected sometimes in solitary places1 and sometimes in crowded cities6 ,do you not believe that the virgin whose heart begins to be agitated by an ardent passion1 that the matron who has allowed dangerous feelings to enter her soul1 have not often found their passions restrained by the remembrance of a sister1 a relative1 a friend1 who1 in one of these silent abodes1 raises her pure heart to ,heaven1 offering as a holocaust to the ,divine ,son of the blessed ,virgin all the enchantments of youth and beauty8 ,all this cannot be calculated1 it is true2 but this1 at least1 is certain1 that no thought of levity1 no inclination to sensuality has arisen therefrom4 ,all this cannot be estimated2 but can we estimate the salutary influence exercised by the morning dew upon plants8 can we estimate the vivifying effect of light upon nature8 and can we understand how the water which filters through the bowels of the earth fertilizes it by producing fruits and flowers8 ,there is1 then1 an infinity of causes of which we cannot deny the existence and the power1 but which it is nevertheless impossible to submit to rigorous examination4 ,the cause of the impotence of every work exclusively emanating from the mind of man is1 that his mind is incapable of embracing the ensemble of the relations which exist in facts of this kind2 it is impossible for him to appreciate properly the indirect influences--sometimes hidden1 sometimes imperceptible--which act there with an infinite delicacy4 ,this is the reason why time dispels so many illusions1 belies so many prognostics1 proves the weakness of what was reckoned strong1 and the strength of what was considered weak4 ,indeed1 time brings to light a thousand relations1 the existence of which was not suspected1 and puts into action a thousand causes which were either unknown or despised3 the results advance in their development1 appearing every day in a more evident manner1 until at length we find ourselves in such a situation that we can no longer shut our eyes to the evidence of facts1 or any longer evade their force4 ,one of the greatest mistakes made by the opponents of ,catholicity is this4 ,they can only see things under one aspect2 they do not understand how a force can act otherwise than in a straight line2 they do not see that the moral world1 as well as the physical1 is composed of relations infinitely varied1 and of indirect influences1 sometimes acting with more force than if they were direct4 ,all form a system correlative and harmonious1 the parts of which it is necessary to avoid separating1 more than is absolutely needful for becoming acquainted with the hidden and delicate ties which connect the whole4 ,it is necessary1 moreover1 to allow for the action of time1 that indispensable element in all complete development1 in every lasting work4 ,i trust ,i shall be pardoned for this short digression1 necessary for the inculcation of the great truths which have not been sufficiently attended to in examining the great institutions founded by ,catholicity4 ,philosophy is now compelled to withdraw propositions advanced too boldly1 and to modify principles applied too generally4 ,it would have avoided this trouble and mortification by being cautious and circumspect in its investigations4 ,in league with ,protestantism1 it declared deadly war against the great ,catholic institutions2 it loudly appealed against moral and religious centralization4 ,and now a unanimous shout is raised from all quarters of the world in favour of the principle of unity4 ,the instinct of nations seeks for it2 philosophers examine the secrets of science to discover it4 ,vain efforts6 ,no other foundation can be established than that which is already laid2 duration depends upon solidity4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,chivalry ,,and ,,barbarian ,,manners1 ,,in ,,their ,,influence ,,on ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,women4 ,an indefatigable zeal for the sanctity of marriage1 and an anxious solicitude to carry the principle of modesty to the highest degree of delicacy1 are the two rules which have guided ,catholicity in her efforts for the elevation of woman4 ,these are the two great means she has employed in attaining her object1 and hence comes the influence and importance of women in ,europe4 ,m4 ,guizot is1 therefore1 wrong in saying that it is to the development1 to the necessary preponderance of domestic manners in the feudal system1 that this change1 this improvement in their condition is chiefly owing4 ,i will not discuss the greater or less influence of the feudal system on the development of ,european manners4 ,undoubtedly when the feudal lord shall have his wife1 his children1 and scarcely any others in his house1 they alone will form his permanent society2 they alone will share his interests1 his destiny4 ,it is impossible for domestic influence not to acquire great power4 7,leon #d47 ,but if the lord1 returning to his castle1 found one wife there1 and not many1 to what was that owing8 ,who forbade him to abuse his power by turning his house into a harem8 ,who bridled his passions and prevented his making victims of his timid vassals8 ,surely these were the doctrines and morals introduced into ,europe1 and deeply rooted there by the ,catholic ,church2 it was the strict laws which she imposed as a barrier to the invasions of the passions2 therefore1 even if we suppose that feudality did produce this good1 it is still owing to the ,catholic ,church4 ,that which has no doubt tended to exaggerate the influence of feudality in all that raises and ennobles women1 is a fact that appears very evidently at that period1 and is dazzling at first sight4 ,this is the brilliant spirit of chivalry1 which1 rising out of the bosom of the feudal system1 and rapidly diffusing itself1 produced the most heroic actions1 gave birth to a literature rich in imagination and feeling1 and contributed in great measure to soften and humanize the savage manners of the feudal lords4 ,this period is particularly distinguished for the spirit of gallantry2 not the gallantry which consists generally in the tender relations of the two sexes1 but a greatly exaggerated gallantry on the part of man1 combining1 in a remarkable way1 the most heroic courage with the most lively faith and the most ardent religion4 ,god and his lady2 such is the constant thought of the knight2 this absorbs all his faculties1 occupies all his time1 and fills up all his existence4 ,as long as he can obtain a victory over the infidels1 and is supported by the hope of offering at the feet of his lady the trophies of his triumph1 no sacrifice costs him any thing1 no journey fatigues1 no danger affrights1 no enterprise discourages him4 ,his excited imagination transports him into a world of fancy2 his heart is on fire2 he undertakes all1 he finishes all2 and the man who has just fought like a lion on the plains of ,spain1 or of ,palestine1 melts like wax at the name of the idol of his heart2 then he turns his eyes amorously towards his country1 and is intoxicated with the idea that one day1 sighing under the castle of his beloved1 he may obtain a pledge of her affection1 or a promise of love4 ,woe to any one who is bold enough to dispute his treasure1 or indiscreet enough to fix his eyes on those battlements4 ,the lioness who has been robbed of her cubs is not more terrible1 the forest torn to pieces by the hurricane is not more agitated than his heart2 nothing can stop his vengeance1 he must destroy his rival or die4 ,in examining this mixture of mildness and ferocity1 of religion and passion1 which1 no doubt1 has been exaggerated by the fancies of chroniclers and troubadours1 but which must have had a real type1 we shall observe that it was very natural at that time1 and that it is not so contradictory as it appears at first sight4 ,indeed1 nothing was more natural than violent passions among men whose ancestors1 not long before1 had come from the forests of the north to pitch their bloody tents on the site of ruined cities2 nothing was more natural than that there should be no other judge than strength of arm among men whose only profession was war1 and who lived in an embryo society1 where there was no public law strong enough to restrain private passions4 ,nothing1 too1 was more natural to those men than a lively sense of religion1 for religion was the only power which they acknowledged2 she had enchanted their imaginations by the splendour and magnificence of her temples1 by the majesty and pomp of her worship4 ,she had filled them with astonishment1 by placing before their eyes the most sublime virtue1 by addressing them in language as lofty as it was sweet and insinuating2 language1 no doubt1 imperfectly understood by them1 but which1 nevertheless1 convinced them of the holiness and divinity of the ,christian mysteries and precepts1 inspired them with respect and admiration1 and also exercising a powerful influence on their minds1 enkindled enthusiasm and produced heroism4 ,thus we see that all that was good in this exalted sentiment emanated from religion2 if we take away faith1 we shall find nothing but the barbarian1 who knew no other law than his spear1 and no other rule of conduct than the inspirations of his fiery soul4 ,the more we penetrate into the spirit of chivalry and examine in particular the feelings which it professed towards women1 the more we shall see that1 instead of raising them1 it supposes them already raised and surrounded by respect4 ,chivalry does not give a new place to women2 it finds them already honoured and respected2 and indeed1 if it were not so1 how could it imagine a gallantry so exaggerated1 so fantastical8 ,but if we imagine to ourselves the beauty of a virgin covered by the veil of ,christian modesty2 if we imagine this charm increased by illusion1 we shall then understand the madness of the knight4 ,if we imagine1 at the same time1 the virtuous matron1 the companion of man1 the mother of a family1 the only woman in whom were concentrated all the affections of husband and children1 the ,christian wife1 we shall understand why the knight was intoxicated at the mere idea of obtaining so much happiness1 why his love was more than a sensual feeling1 it was a respect1 a veneration1 a worship4 ,it has been attempted to find the origin of this kind of worship in the manners of the ,germans2 on the strength of some expressions of ,tacitus1 the social amelioration of woman's lot has been attributed to the respect with which the barbarians surrounded her4 ,m4 ,guizot rejects this assertion1 and justly combats it by observing that what ,tacitus tells us of the ,germans was not exclusively applicable to them1 since phrases similar to those of ,tacitus1 and sentiments and customs analogous to those of the ancient ,germans1 are met with in the statements of many observers of savage or barbarous nations4 ,yet in spite of this wise remark1 the same opinion has been maintained3 it is necessary1 then1 to combat it again4 ,the passage of ,tacitus is this3 ,inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid et providum putant1 nec aut consilia eorum aspernantur1 aut responsa negligunt4 ,vidimus sub ,divo ,vespasiano ,velledam diu apud plerosque numinis loco habitare4 7,de ,mor4 ,germ47 ,they go so far as to think that there is in women something holy and prophetical2 they do not despise their counsels1 and they listen to their predictions4 ,in the time of the divine ,vespasian1 we have seen the greater part of them for a long time regard ,velleda as a goddess4 ,it seems to me that it is mistaking the passage of ,tacitus1 to extend its meaning to domestic manners1 and to see in it a trait of married life4 ,if we attend to the historian's words1 we shall see that such an explanation is far from his idea4 ,his words only relate to the superstition which made the people attribute to some women the prophetic character4 ,even the example chosen by ,tacitus serves to show the truth and justness of this observation4 ,velleda1 he says1 was regarded as a goddess4 ,in another part of his works1 ,tacitus explains his idea by telling us1 of this same ,velleda1 that this girl of the nation of ,bructeres enjoyed great power1 owing to an ancient custom among the ,germans1 which made them look upon many women as prophetesses1 and1 in fine1 with the progress of superstition1 as real divinities4 ,ea virgo nationis ,bructer late imperitabat1 vetere apud ,germanos more quo plerasque fminarum fatidicas et augescente superstitione arbitrantur deas4 7,hist4 #d47 ,the text which ,i have just quoted proves to demonstration that ,tacitus speaks of superstition and not of family regulations1 very different things2 as it might easily happen that some women were regarded as divinities1 while the rest of their sex only occupied a place in society inferior to that which belonged to them4 ,at ,athens1 great importance was given to the priestesses of ,ceres2 at ,rome to the ,vestals1 the ,pythonesses2 and the history of the ,sibyls shows that it was not peculiar to the ,germans to attribute the prophetical character to women4 ,it is not for me now to explain the cause of these facts2 it is enough for my purpose to state them2 perhaps1 on this point1 physiology might throw light on the philosophy of history4 ,when ,tacitus1 in the same work1 describes the severity of the manners of the ,germans with respect to marriage1 it is easy to observe that the order of superstition and the order of the family were among them very different4 ,we have no longer here any thing of the sanctum et providum2 we find only a jealous austerity in maintaining the line of duty2 and we see woman1 instead of being regarded as a goddess1 given up to the vengeance of the husband1 if she has been unfaithful4 ,this curious passage proves that the power of man over woman was not much limited by the customs of the ,germans4 ,accisis crinibus1 says ,tacitus1 nudatam coram propinquis expellit domo maritus1 ac per omnem vicum verbere agit4 ,after having cut off her hair1 the husband drives her from his house in presence of her relations1 and beats her with rods ignominiously through the village4 ,certainly this punishment gives us an idea of the infamy which was attached to adultery among the ,germans2 but it was little calculated to increase the respect entertained for them publicly2 this would have been greater had they been stoned to death4 ,when we read in ,tacitus the description of the social state of the ,germans1 we must not forget that some traits of their manners are purposely embellished by him1 which is very natural for a writer of his sentiments4 ,we must not forget that ,tacitus was indignant and afflicted at the sight of the fearful corruption of manners at that time in ,rome4 ,he paints1 it is true1 in glowing colours1 the sanctity of marriage among the ,germans2 but who does not see that1 when doing so1 he had before his eyes matrons who1 according to ,seneca1 reckoned their years not by the succession of consuls1 but by change of husbands1 and women without a shadow of modesty1 given up to the greatest profligacy8 ,we can easily see to whom he alludes when he makes these severe remarks3 ,nemo enim illic vitia ridet1 nec corrumpere et corrumpi sculum vocatur4 ,there vice is not laughed at1 and corruption is not called the fashion4 ,a strong expression1 which describes the age1 and explains to us the secret joy with which ,tacitus cast in the face of ,rome1 so refined and so corrupted1 the pure image of ,german manners4 ,that which sharpened the raillery of ,juvenal andenvenomed his bitter satires1 excited the indignation of ,tacitus1 and drew from his grave philosophy these severe reprimands4 ,other information which we possess shows us that the pictures of ,tacitus are embellished1 and that the manners of this people were far from being as pure as he wishes to persuade us4 ,perhaps they may have been strict with respect to marriage2 but it is certain that polygamy was not unknown among them4 ,csar1 an eye-witness1 relates1 that the ,german king ,ariovistus had two wives 7,de ,bello ,gallico1 l4 i472 and this was not a solitary instance1 for ,tacitus himself tells us that a few of them had several wives at once1 not on account of sensuality1 but for distinction4 ,exceptis admodum paucis1 qui non libidine1 sed ob nobilitatem1 pluribus nuptiis ambiuntur4 ,this distinction1 non libidine sed ob nobilitatem1 is amusing2 but it is clear that the kings and nobles1 under one pretence or another1 allowed themselves greater liberty than the severe historian would have approved of4 ,who can tell what was the state of morality among those forests8 ,if we may be allowed to conjecture by analogy1 from the resemblance which may naturally be supposed to exist among the different nations of the ,north1 what an idea might we conceive of it from certain customs of the ,britons1 who1 in bodies of ten or twelve1 had their wives in common2 chiefly brothers with brothers1 and fathers with sons2 so that they were compelled to distinguish the families conventionally1 by giving the children to him who had first married the woman6 ,it is from ,csar1 an eye-witness1 that we also learn this3 ,uxores habent 7,britanni7 deni duodenique inter se communes1 et maxime fratres cum fratribus et parentes cum liberis2 sed si qui sunt ex his nati1 eorum habentur liberi a quibus primum virgines quque duct sunt4 7,de ,bello ,gallico1 l4 v47 ,however this may have been1 it is at least certain that the principle of monogamy was not so much respected among the ,germans as people have been willing to suppose2 an exception was made in favour of the nobles1 that is1 of the powerful2 and that was enough to deprive the principle of all its force1 and to prepare its ruin4 ,in such a matter1 to establish an exception to the law in favour of the powerful1 is almost to abrogate it4 ,it may be said1 ,i admit1 that the powerful will never want means of violating it2 but it is one thing for the powerful to violate the law1 and another for the law itself to retire before them1 leaving the way open3 in the first case1 the employment of force does not destroy the law--the very shock which breaks it1 makes its existence felt1 and visibly shows the wrong and injustice2 in the second case1 the law prostitutes itself1 if ,i may so speak2 the passions have no need of force to open for themselves a passage1 the law itself opens the door for them4 ,from that time it remains degraded and disgraced2 its own baseness has undermined the moral principle on which it was founded2 and1 owing to its own fault1 it becomes itself the subject of animadversion to those who are still compelled to observe it4 ,thus the right of polygamy1 once recognised among the ,germans in favour of the great1 must1 with time1 have become general among the other classes of the people2 and it is very probable that this was the case when the conquest of more productive countries1 the enjoyment of more genial climates1 and some improvement in their social condition furnished them more abundantly with the means of gratifying their inclinations4 ,an evil so great could only be withstood by the inflexible severity of the ,catholic ,church4 ,nobles and kings still had a strong inclination towards the privileges which we have seen their predecessors enjoying before they embraced the ,christian religion4 ,thence it came that1 in the first centuries after the irruption of the barbarians1 the ,church had so much trouble in restraining their violent inclinations4 ,would not those who have endeavored to find among the ,germans so large a portion of the constitutive elements of modern civilization have shown more wisdom1 if they had recognised1 in the manners which we have been examining1 one of the causes which made the struggles between the secular princes and the ,church so frequent8 ,i do not see why we should seek in the forests of the barbarians for the origin of one of the finest attributes of our civilization1 or why we should give to those nations virtues of which they showed so little evidence when they invaded the countries of the south4 ,without monuments1 without history--almost without any index as to their social condition--it is difficult1 not to say impossible1 to know any thing certain with respect to their manners2 but ,i ask1 what must have been their morality1 in the midst of such ignorance1 such superstition1 and such barbarism8 ,the little that we know about these nations has been necessarily taken from the ,roman historians2 and unfortunately this is not one of the purest sources4 ,it almost always happens that observers1 especially when they are conquerors1 only give some slight notions with regard to the political state of a people1 and are almost silent as to their social and domestic condition4 ,in order to form an idea of this part of the condition of a nation1 it is necessary to mingle with them1 and be intimate with them2 now this is generally prevented by their different states of civilization1 especially when the observers and the observed are exasperated against each other by long years of war and slaughter4 ,add to this1 that1 in such cases1 the attention is particularly attracted by what favors or opposes the designs of the conquerors1 who for the most part attach no great importance to moral subjects2 this will show us how it is that nations who are observed in this way are only superficially known1 and why such statements with respect to religion and manners are unworthy of much confidence4 ,the reader will judge whether these reflections are out of place in estimating the value of what the ,romans have told us about the state of the barbarians4 ,it is enough to fix our eyes on the scenes of blood and horror prevailing for centuries1 which show us1 on the one hand1 the ambition of ,rome1 which1 not content with the empire of the then known world1 wished to extend its power over the most distant forests of the ,north2 and1 on the other1 the indomitable spirit of barbarian independence1 breaking in pieces the chains which were attempted to be imposed upon them1 and destroying1 by their bold incursions1 the ramparts which the skill of the ,roman generals labored to raise against them4 ,see1 then1 what we ought to think of barbarian society1 as described by ,roman historians4 ,what shall we think1 if we consult the few traits which the barbarians themselves have left us1 of their manners and maxims with respect to their social condition8 ,it is always risking much to seek in barbarism for the origin of one of the most beautiful results of civilization1 and to attribute to vague and superstitious feelings what1 during centuries1 forms the normal state of the most advanced nations4 ,if these noble sentiments1 which are represented to us as emanating from the barbarians1 really existed among them1 how did they avoid perishing in the midst of their migrations and revolutions8 ,how did they alone remain1 when every thing relating to the social condition of the barbarians disappeared8 ,these sentiments would not have been preserved in a stationary state1 but we should have seen them stripped of their superstition and grossness1 purified1 ennobled1 and made reasonable1 just1 salutary1 chivalrous1 and worthy of civilized nations4 ,such assertions have1 from the first sight1 the character of bold paradoxes4 ,certainly1 when we have to explain great phenomena in the social order1 it is rather more philosophical to seek for their origin in ideas which for a long time have exercised a powerful influence on society1 in manners and institutions emanating from them1 in laws1 in fine1 which have been recognised and respected for many centuries as established by ,divine power4 ,why1 then1 attempt to explain the respect in which women are held in ,europe1 by the superstitious veneration which barbarous nations offered in their forests to ,velleda1 ,aurinia1 and ,gauna8 ,reason and good sense tell us that the real origin of this wonderful phenomenon is not to be found there1 and that we must seek elsewhere for the causes which have contributed to produce it4 ,history reveals to us these causes1 and renders them palpable to us1 by showing us facts which leave no doubt as to the source whence this powerful and salutary influence emanated4 ,before ,christianity1 woman1 oppressed by the tyranny of man1 was scarcely raised above the rank of slavery2 her weakness condemned her to be the victim of the strong4 ,the ,christian religion1 by its doctrines of fraternity in ,jesus ,christ1 and equality before ,god1 destroys the evil in its root1 by teaching man that woman ought not to be his slave1 but his companion4 ,from that moment the amelioration of woman's lot was felt wherever ,christianity was spread2 and woman1 as far as the degradation of ancient manners allowed1 began to gather the fruit of a doctrine which was to make a complete change in her condition1 by giving her a new existence4 ,this is one of the principal causes of the amelioration of woman's lot3 a sensible1 palpable cause1 which is easily shown without making any gratuitous supposition1 a cause which is not founded on conjecture1 but which appears evident on the first glance at the most notorious facts of history4 ,moreover1 ,catholicity1 by the severity of its morality1 by the lofty protection which it affords to the delicate feeling of modesty1 corrected and purified manners2 thus it very much elevated woman1 whose dignity is incompatible with corruption and licentiousness4 ,in fine1 ,catholicity itself1 or the ,catholic ,church1 7and observe1 ,i do not say ,christianity17 by its firmness in establishing and preserving monogamy and the indissolubility of the marriage tie1 restrained the caprices of man1 and made him concentrate his affections on one wife1 who could not be divorced4 ,thus woman passed from a state of slavery to that of the companion of man4 ,the instrument of pleasure was changed into the mother of a family1 respected by her children and servants4 ,thus was created in the family identity of interests2 thus was guarantied the education of children1 which produced the close intimacy which among us unites husband and wife1 parents and children4 ,the atrocious right of life and death was destroyed2 the father had not even the right to inflict punishments too severe2 and all this admirable system was strengthened by ties strong but mild1 was based on the principles of sound morality1 sustained by prevailing manners1 guarantied and protected by the laws1 fortified by reciprocal interests1 sanctioned by time1 and endeared by love4 ,this is the truly satisfactory explanation of the enigma2 this is the origin of the honor and dignity of woman in ,europe2 thence we have derived the organization of the family1--an inestimable benefit which ,europeans possess without appreciating it1 without being sufficiently acquainted with it1 and watching over its preservation as they ought4 ,in treating of this important matter1 ,i have purposely distinguished between ,christianity and ,catholicity1 in order to avoid a confusion in words1 which would have entailed a confusion in things4 ,in reality1 the true1 the only ,christianity is ,catholicity2 but1 unfortunately1 we cannot now employ these words indiscriminately1 not only on account of ,protestantism1 but also on account of the monstrous philosophico-,christian nomenclature which ranks ,christianity among philosophical sects1 as if it were nothing more than a system imagined by man4 ,as the principle of charity plays a great part wherever the religion of ,jesus ,christ is found1 and as this principle is evident even to the eyes of the incredulous1 philosophers who have wished to persevere in their incredulity without incurring the scandalous epithet of disciples of ,voltaire1 have adopted the words fraternity and humanity1 to make them the theme of their instructions2 they have consented to give to ,christianity the chief glory of originating its sublime ideas and generous sentiments3 thus they appear not to contradict the history of the past as the philosophy of the age gone by in its madness did2 but they pretend to accommodate all to the present time1 and prepare the way for a greater and happier future4 ,for these philosophers ,christianity is not a divine religion2 by no means4 ,with them it is an idea1 fortunate1 magnificent1 and fruitful in grand results1 but purely human2 it is the result of long and painful human labors4 ,polytheism1 ,judaism1 the philosophy of the ,east1 of ,egypt1 of ,greece1 were all preparatory to that great work4 ,jesus ,christ1 according to them1 only moulded into form an idea which was in embryo in the bosom of humanity4 ,he fixed and developed it1 and1 by reducing it to practice1 made the human race to take a step of great importance in the path of progress into which it has entered4 ,but1 ,he is always1 in the eyes of these philosophers1 nothing more than a philosopher of ,judea1 as ,socrates was of ,greece1 and ,seneca of ,rome4 ,still we should rejoice that they grant to ,him this human existence1 and do not transform ,him into a mythological being1 by considering the ,gospel narrative as a mere allegory4 ,thus1 at the present time1 it is of the first importance to distinguish between ,christianity and ,catholicity1 whenever we have to bring to light and present to the gratitude of mankind the unspeakable benefits for which they are indebted to the ,christian religion4 ,it is necessary to show that what has regenerated the world was not an idea thrown at hazard among all those who have struggled for preference and pre-eminence2 but that it was a collection of truths sent from ,heaven1 transmitted to the human race by a ,god made ,man1 by means of a society formed and authorized by ,himself1 in order to perpetuate to the end of time the work which ,his word had established1 which ,his miracles had sanctioned1 and which ,he had sealed with ,his blood4 ,it is consequently necessary to exhibit this society1 that is1 the ,catholic ,church1 realizing in her laws and institutions the inspirations and instructions of her ,divine ,master1 and accomplishing the lofty mission of leading men towards eternal happiness1 while ameliorating their condition here below1 and consoling them in this land of misfortune4 ,in this way we form a correct idea of ,christianity1 if we may so speak1 or rather we show it as it really is1 not as men vainly represent it4 ,and observe1 that we ought never to fear for the truth1 when the facts of history are fully and searchingly examined4 ,if in the vast field into which our investigations lead us1 we sometimes find ourselves in obscurity1 walking for a long time in dark vaults which the rays of the sun do not visit1 and where the soil under our feet threatens to swallow us up1 let us fear nothing1 let us advance with courage and confidence2 amid the darkest windings we shall discover at a distance the light that shines upon the end of our journey2 we shall see truth seated on the threshold1 placidly smiling at our terrors and anxieties4 ,to philosophers1 as well as to ,protestants1 we would say1 if ,christianity were not realized in a visible society1 always in contact with man1 and provided with the authority necessary for teaching and guiding him1 it would be only a theory1 like all others that have been and still are seen on the earth2 consequently it would be either altogether sterile1 or at least unable to produce any of those great works which endure unimpaired for ages4 ,now one of these is undoubtedly ,christian marriage1 and the family organization which has been its immediate consequence4 ,it would have been vain to advance notions favorable to the dignity of woman and tending to improve her lot1 if the sanctity of marriage had not been guarantied by a power generally acknowledged and revered4 ,that power is continually struggling against the passions which labor to overcome it2 what would have happened if they had had to contend with no other obstacle than a philosophic theory1 or a religious idea without reality in society1 and without power to obtain submission and obedience8 ,we have1 then1 no need of recurring to that extravagant philosophy which seeks for light in the midst of darkness1 and which1 on seeing order arise out of chaos1 has conceived the singular notion of affirming that it was produced by it4 ,if we find in the doctrines1 in the laws of the ,catholic ,church the origin of the sanctity of marriage and the dignity of woman1 why should we seek for it in the manners of brutal barbarians1 who had no veil for modesty and the privacy of the nuptial couch8 ,let us hear ,csar speaking of the ,germans3 ,nulla est occultatio1 quod et promiscui in fluminibus perluuntur1 et pellibus aut rhenorum tegumentis utuntur1 magna corporis parte nuda4 7,de ,bello ,gall41 l4 vi47 ,i have been obliged to oppose authority to authority2 ,i was under the necessity of destroying the fantastical systems into which men have been seduced by an over love of subtilty1 by the mania of finding extraordinary causes for phenomena1 the origin of which may easily be discovered when we have recourse1 in good faith and sincerity1 to the concurring instructions of philosophy and history4 ,it was highly necessary1 in order to clear up one of the most delicate questions in the history of the human race1 and to find the source of one of the most fruitful elements of ,european civilization4 ,my task was nothing less than to explain the organization of families1 that is1 to fix one of the poles on which the axis of society turns4 ,let ,protestantism boast of having introduced divorce1 of having deprived marriage of the beautiful and sublime character of a sacrament1 of having withdrawn from the care and protection of the ,church the most important act of human life2 let it rejoice in having destroyed the sacred asylums of virgins consecrated to ,god2 let it declaim against the most angelic and heroic virtue2 let us1 after having defended the doctrine and conduct of the ,catholic ,church at the tribunal of philosophy and history1 conclude by appealing to the judgment1 not indeed of high philosophy1 but of good sense and feeling4#ah ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,public ,,conscience ,,in ,,general4 ,when enumerating1 in the twentieth chapter1 the characteristics which mark ,european civilization1 ,i pointed out1 as one of them1 an admirable public conscience1 rich in sublime maxims of morality1 in rules of justice and equity1 in sentiments of honor and dignity1 a conscience which survives the shipwreck of private morality1 and does not allow the open corruption to go so far as it did in ancient times4 ,we must now explain more at length in what this public conscience consists1 what is its origin1 what are its results1 showing at the same time what share ,catholicity and ,protestantism have had in its formation4 ,this delicate and important question is1 ,i will venture to say1 untouched2 at least ,i do not know that it has yet been attempted4 ,men constantly speak of the excellence of ,christian morality1 and on this point all the sects1 all the schools of ,europe are agreed2 but they do not pay sufficient attention to the way in which that morality has become predominant1 by first destroying ,pagan corruption1 then by maintaining itself for centuries in spite of the ravages of infidelity1 so as to form an admirable public conscience2 a benefit which we now enjoy without appreciating it as we ought1 and without even thinking of it4 ,in order fully to comprehend this matter1 it is above all necessary to form a clear idea of what is meant by conscience4 ,conscience in the general1 or rather ideological sense of the word1 means the knowledge which each man has of his own acts4 ,thus we say that the soul is conscious of its thoughts1 of the acts of its will1 and of its sensations2 so that the word conscience1 taken in this sense1 expresses a perception of what we do and feel4 ,applied to the moral order1 this word signifies the judgment which we ourselves form of our actions as good or evil4 ,thus1 when we are about to perform an action1 conscience points it out to us as good or bad1 and consequently lawful or unlawful2 and it thus directs our conduct4 ,the action being performed1 it tells us whether we have done well or ill1 it excuses or condemns us1 it rewards us with peace of mind1 or punishes us with remorse4 ,this explanation being given1 we shall easily understand what is meant by public conscience2 it is nothing but the judgment formed of their actions by the generality of men4 ,it results from this that1 like private conscience1 the public conscience may be right or wrong1 strict or relaxed2 and that there must be differences on this point among societies of men1 the same as there are among individuals2 that is to say1 that1 as in the same society we find men whose consciences are more or less right or wrong1 more or less strict or relaxed1 we must also find societies superior to others in the justice of the judgment which they form on actions1 and in the delicacy of their moral appreciation4 ,if we observe closely1 we shall see that individual conscience is the result of widely different causes4 ,it is an error to suppose that conscience resides solely in the intelligence2 it is also rooted in the heart4 ,it is a judgment1 it is true2 but we judge of things in a very different way according to the manner in which we feel them4 ,add to this1 that the feelings have an immense influence on moral ideas and actions2 the result is1 that conscience is formed under the influence of all the causes which forcibly act on our hearts4 ,communicate to two children the same moral principles1 by teaching them from the same book and under the same master2 but suppose that one in his own family sees what he is taught constantly practised1 while the other sees there nothing but indifference to it2 suppose1 moreover1 that these two children grow up with the same moral and religious conviction1 so that as far as the intellect is concerned there is no difference between them2 nevertheless1 do you believe that their judgment of the morality of actions will be the same8 ,by no means2 and why8 ,because the one has only convictions1 while the other has also feelings4 ,in the one1 the doctrine enlightens the mind2 while1 in the other1 example engraves it constantly on the heart4 ,thus what one regards with indifference1 the other looks upon with horror2 what the one does with negligence1 the other performs with the greatest care2 and the same subject that to one is of slight interest1 is to the other of the highest importance4 ,public conscience1 which1 in fact1 is the sum of private consciences1 is subject to the same influences as they are2 so that mere instruction is not enough for it1 and it requires the concurrence of other causes to act on the heart1 as well as the mind4 ,when we compare ,christian with pagan society1 we instantly see that the former must be infinitely superior to the latter on this point2 not only on account of the purity of its morality1 and the strength of the principles and motives sanctioning it1 but also because it follows the wise course of continually inculcating this morality1 and impressing it strongly on the mind by constant repetition4 ,by this constant repetition of the same truths1 ,christianity has done what other religions never could do2 none of them1 indeed1 have ever succeeded in organizing and putting into practice so important a system4 ,but ,i have said enough on this point in the fourteenth chapter2 it is useless to repeat it here2 ,i pass on to some observations on the public conscience in ,europe4 ,it cannot be denied that1 generally speaking1 reason and justice prevail in that public conscience4 ,if you examine laws and actions1 you will not find those shocking acts of injustice or those revolting immoralities which are to be met with among other nations4 ,there are certainly evils1 and very grave ones1 but they are at least acknowledged1 and called by their right names4 ,we do not hear good called evil1 or evil good2 that is to say1 society1 in certain things1 is like those persons of good principles and bad morals who are the first to acknowledge that their conduct is blamable1 and that their words and deeds contradict each other4 ,we often lament the corruption of morals1 the profligacy of our large towns2 but what is all the corruption and profligacy of modern society compared with the debauchery of the ancients8 ,it certainly cannot be denied that there is a fearful extent of dissoluteness in some of the capitals of ,europe4 ,the records of the police1 as well as those of the benevolent establishments where the fruits of crime are received1 show shocking demoralization4 ,in the highest classes dreadful ravages are caused by conjugal infidelity1 and all sorts of dissipation and disorder2 yet these excesses are very far from reaching the extent which they did among the best-governed nations of antiquity1 the ,greeks and ,romans4 ,so that our society1 which we so bitterly lament1 would have appeared to them a model of modesty and decorum4 ,need we call to mind the infamous vices then so common and so public1 and which have scarcely a name among us now1 whether it be because they are so rarely committed1 or because the fear of public conscience forces them to hide themselves in the dark places1 and1 so to speak1 in the bowels of the earth8 ,need we recall to mind the infamies which stain the writings of the ancients as often as they describe the manners of their times8 ,names illustrious in science and in arms have passed down to posterity with stains so black that we cannot consent to describe them4 ,now1 how corrupt must have been the state of the other classes1 when such degradation was attributed to men who1 by their elevated positions or other circumstances1 were the lights of society6 ,you talk of the avarice which is so prevalent now-a-days2 but look at the usurers of antiquity who sucked the blood of the people everywhere2 read the satirical poets1 and you will see what was the state of manners on this point2 consult1 in fine1 the annals of the ,church1 and you will see what pains she took to diminish the effects of this vice2 read the history of ancient ,rome1 and you will find the cursed thirst for gold1 and lenders without mercy1 who1 after having impudently robbed1 carried in triumph the fruits of their rapine to live with scandalous ostentation1 and buy votes again to raise them to command4 ,no1 in ,european civilization1 among nations taught and elevated by ,christianity1 such evils would not be long tolerated4 ,if we suppose administrative disorder1 tyranny1 and corruption of morals carried as far as you please1 still public opinion would raise its voice and frown on the oppressors4 ,partial injustice may be committed1 but rapine will never be formed into a shameless system1 or be regarded as the rule of government4 ,rely upon it1 the words justice1 morality1 humanity1 which constantly resound in our midst1 are not vain words2 this language produces great results2 it destroys immense evils4 ,these ideas impregnate the atmosphere we breathe2 they frequently restrain the arm of criminals1 and resist with incredible force materialistic and utilitarian doctrines2 they continue to exert an incalculable influence on society4 ,we have among us a feeling of morality which mollifies and governs all2 which is so powerful that vice is compelled to assume the appearance of virtue1 and cover itself with many veils1 in order to escape becoming the subject of public execration4 ,modern society1 it would seem1 ought to have inherited the corruption of the old1 since it was formed out of its ruins1 at a time when its morals were most dissolute4 ,we must observe1 that the irruption of the barbarians1 far from improving society1 contributed1 on the contrary1 to make it worse2 and this1 not only on account of the corruption belonging to their fierce and brutal manners1 but also on account of the disorder introduced among the nations they invaded1 by violating laws1 throwing their manners and customs into confusion1 and destroying all authority4 ,whence it follows1 that the improvement of public opinion among modern nations is a very singular fact2 and that this progress can only be attributed to the influence of the active and energetic principle which has existed in the bosom of ,europe for so many centuries4 ,let us observe the conduct of the ,church on this point--it is perhaps one of the most important facts in the history of the middle ages4 ,imagine an age when corruption and injustice most unblushingly raised their heads1 and you will see that1 however impure and disgusting the fact may be1 the law is always pure2 that is to say1 that reason and justice always found some one to proclaim them1 even when they appeared to be listened to by nobody4 ,the state of ignorance was the darkest1 licentious passions were uncontrolled2 but the instructions and admonitions of the ,church were never wanting2 it is thus that1 amidst the darkest night1 the lighthouse shines from afar1 to guide the mariners in safety4 ,when in reading the history of the ,church we see on all sides assembled councils proclaiming the principles of the gospel morality1 while at every step we meet with the most scandalous proceedings2 when we constantly hear inculcated the laws which are so often trodden under foot1 it is natural to ask1 of what use was all this1 and of what benefit were instructions thus unheeded8 ,let us not believe that these proclamations were useless1 nor lose courage if we have to wait long for their fruits4 ,a principle which is proclaimed for a long time in society will in the end acquire influence2 if it is true1 and consequently contains an element of life1 it will prevail in the end over all that opposes it1 and will rule over all around it4 ,allow1 then1 the truth to speak--allow it to protest continually2 this will prevent the prescription of vice4 ,thus vice will preserve its proper name2 and you will prevent misguided men from deifying their passions1 and placing them on their altars after having adored them in their hearts4 ,be confident that this protest will not be useless4 ,truth in the end will be victorious and triumphant2 for the protests of truth are the voice of ,god condemning the usurpations of ,his creatures4 ,this is what really happened2 ,christian morality1 first contending with the corrupt manners of the empire1 and afterwards with the brutality of the barbarians1 had for centuries rude shocks to sustain2 but at last it triumphed over all1 and succeeded in governing legislation and public morals4 ,we do not mean to say that it succeeded in raising law and morals to the degree of perfection which the purity of the gospel morality required1 but at least it did away the most shocking injustice2 it banished the most savage customs2 it restrained the license of the most shameless manners2 it everywhere gave vice its proper name2 it painted it in its real colors1 and prevented its being deified as impudently as it was among the ancients4 ,in modern times1 it has had to contend against the school which proclaims that private interest is the only principle of morals2 it has not been able1 it is true1 to prevent this fatal doctrine from causing great evils1 but at least it has sensibly diminished them4 ,unhappy for the world will be the day when men shall say without disguise1 ,my own advantage is my virtue2 my honor is what is useful to myself2 all is good or evil1 according as it is pleasing or displeasing to me4 ,unhappy for the world will be the day when such language will no longer be repudiated by public conscience4 ,the opportunity now presenting itself1 and wishing to explain so important a matter as fully as possible1 ,i will make some observations on an opinion of ,montesquieu respecting the censors of ,greece and ,rome4 ,this digression will not be foreign to the purpose4 ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,of ,,the ,,principle ,,of ,,public ,,conscience ,,according ,,to ,,montesquieu--,,honor--,,virtue4 ,montesquieu has said that republics are preserved by virtue1 and monarchies by honor4 ,he observes1 moreover1 that honor renders the censors1 who were required among the ancients1 unnecessary among us4 ,true it is1 that in modern times there are no censors charged with watching over the public morals2 but the cause of this is not as stated by this famous publicist4 ,among ,christian nations1 the ministers of religion are the natural censors of public morals4 ,the plenitude of this office belongs to the ,church1 with this difference1 that the censorial power of the ancients was purely civil1 while that of the ,church is a religious power1 which has its origin and sanction in divine authority4 ,the religion of ,greece and ,rome neither did1 nor could1 exercise this censorial power over morals4 ,to be convinced of this1 it is enough to read the passage from ,st4 ,augustine1 quoted in the fourteenth chapter--a passage so interesting on this matter1 that ,i will venture to ask the reader to peruse it again4 ,this is the reason why we find among the ,greeks and ,romans censors who are not seen among ,christian nations4 ,these censors were an addition to the ,pagan religion1 the impotence of which they clearly showed--a religion which was mistress of society1 and yet could not fulfil one of the first duties of all religions--that of watching over the public morals4 ,what ,i assert is so perfectly true1 that in proportion as the influence of religion and the ascendency of its ministers have been lowered among modern nations1 the ancient censors have reappeared in some sort in the institution of police4 ,when moral means are wanting1 it is necessary to have recourse to physical ones2 violence is substituted for persuasion1 and instead of a zealous and charitable missionary1 delinquents fall into the hands of the ministers of public justice4 ,much has been already written of the system of ,montesquieu1 with respect to the principles on which the different forms of government are based2 but perhaps sufficient attention has not been paid to the phenomenon which has served to mislead him4 ,as this question is intimately connected with the point which ,i have just touched upon1 in relation to the existence of the censorial authority1 ,i shall explain myself at some length4 ,in the time of ,montesquieu1 the ,christian religion was not so fully understood as it now is with respect to its social importance2 and although on this point the author of the ,esprit des ,lois has done homage to her1 it is well to remember what were his antichristian prejudices during his youth1 and also that this work is still far from rendering to the true religion what is due to her4 ,the ideas of an irreligious philosophy which1 some years later1 misled so many fine intellects1 had begun at that time to gain the ascendant1 and ,montesquieu had not sufficient strength of mind to make a decided opposition to the prejudices which threatened universal dominion4 ,to this cause we must add another1 which1 although distinct from the last1 yet had the same origin1 viz4 a prejudice in favor of all that was old1 and a blind admiration for every thing ,roman or ,grecian4 ,it seemed to the philosophers of that time1 that social and political perfection had reached their greatest height among the ancients1 that there was nothing to be added to or taken from it1 and that even in religion the fables and festivals of antiquity were a thousand times preferable to the faith and worship of the ,christian religion4 ,in the eyes of the new philosophers1 the heaven of the ,apocalypse could not sustain a comparison with that of the ,elysian fields2 the majesty of ,jehovah was inferior to that of ,jupiter2 all the loftiest ,christian institutions were a legacy of ignorance and fanaticism2 the most holy and beneficent institutions were the work of tortuous and interested views--the vehicle and expression of sordid interests2 public authority was only an atrocious tyranny2 and the only noble1 just1 and salutary institutions were those of ,paganism4 ,there every thing was wise1 and evinced profound designs highly advantageous to society2 the ancients alone had enjoyed social advantages1 and had succeeded in organizing public authority1 with guarantees for the liberty of citizens4 ,modern nations should bitterly lament not being able to mingle in the agitation of the forum1 being deprived of such orators as ,demosthenes and ,cicero1--having no ,olympic games1 or contests of athlet2 in fine1 they must always regret a religion which1 although full of illusion and falsehood1 gave to all nature a dramatic interest1 gave life to fountains1 rivers1 cascades1 and seas1 peopled the fields1 the meadows1 and the woods with beautiful nymphs1 gave to man gods as the companions of his hearth1 and above all1 knew how to render life pleasant and charming1 by giving full scope to all the passions1 and deifying them under the most enchanting forms4 ,how1 in the midst of such prejudices1 was it possible to discover the truth in modern institutions8 ,every thing was in the most deplorable state of confusion2 all that was established was condemned without appeal1 and every one who attempted to defend it was considered a fool or a knave4 ,religion and political constitutions1 which seemed destined soon to disappear1 could reckon on no other support than the prejudices or the interests of governments4 ,lamentable aberration of the human mind6 ,what would these writers now say if they could arise from their tombs8 ,and yet a century has not yet elapsed since the epoch when their school began to acquire its influence4 ,they have1 for a long time1 ruled the world at their pleasure2 and they have only shed torrents of blood1 heaping lesson upon lesson1 and deception upon deception1 in the history of humanity4 ,but let us return to ,montesquieu4 ,this publicist1 who was so much affected by the atmosphere in which he lived1 and who had no small share in perverting the age1 saw the facts which are here so apparent2 he recognised the results of that public opinion which has been created among ,european nations by the influence of ,christianity4 ,but while observing the effects1 he did not ascertain the real causes1 and labored in every way to accommodate them to his own system4 ,in comparing ancient with modern society1 he discovered between them a remarkable difference in the conduct of men2 he observed that we see accomplished among us the noblest and most heroic actions1 while we avoid a great part of the vices which defile the ancients2 but1 on the other hand1 ,montesquieu1 like others1 could not help seeing that men among us have not always that high moral aim which ought to be the motive of their laudable conduct4 ,avarice1 ambition1 love of pleasure1 and other passions1 still reign in the world1 and are easily discovered everywhere4 ,still these passions do not reach the excess they did among the ancients2 there is a mysterious power which restrains them2 before giving way to their impulses1 they throw a cautious glance around them1 and do not indulge in certain excesses unless they are sure of being able to do so in secret4 ,they have great dread of being seen by man2 they can only live in solitude and darkness4 ,the author of the ,esprit des ,lois asked himself what is the cause of this phenomenon4 ,men1 he said to himself1 often act1 not from moral virtue1 but from respect for the judgment which other men will pass upon their actions2 this is to act from honor4 ,now1 this is the case in ,france and in the other monarchies of ,europe2 it must be1 therefore1 the distinctive characteristic of monarchical governments2 it must be the base of that form of government1 the distinction between a republic and despotism4 ,let us hear the author himself3 ,dans quel governement1 says he1 faut il des censeurs8 ,il en faut dans une rpublique1 o le principe du governement est la vertu4 ,ce ne sont pas seulement les crimes qui detruisent la vertu1 mais encore les negligences1 les fautes1 une certaine tideur dans l'amour de la patrie1 des exemples dangereux1 des semences de corruption2 ce qui ne choque point les lois1 mais les lude2 ce qui ne les dtruit pas1 mais les affaiblit4 ,tout cela doit tre corrig par les censeurs4 99 99 99 ,dans les monarchies il ne faut point de censeurs1 elles sont fondes sur l'honneur2 et la nature de l'honneur est d'avoir pour censeur tout l'univers4 ,tout homme qui y manque est soumis aux reproches de ceux mmes qui n'en ont point4 7,de l',esprit des ,lois1 liv4 v4 chap4 #ai47 ,such is the opinion of this publicist4 ,but if we reflect on the matter1 we shall see that he was wrong in transferring to politics1 and explaining by simply political causes1 a fact purely social4 ,montesquieu points out1 as the distinguishing characteristic of monarchies1 what is the general characteristic of all modern ,european society2 he seems not to have understood why the institution of censors was not necessary in ,europe1 any more than he did the real reason why they were required among the ancients4 ,monarchical forms have not exclusively prevailed in ,europe4 ,powerful republics have existed there2 and there are still some not to be despised4 ,monarchy itself has undergone numerous modifications2 it has been allied sometimes with democracy1 sometimes with aristocracy2 sometimes its power has been very limited1 and sometimes it has been unbounded2 and yet we always find this restraint which ,montesquieu speaks of1 and which he calls honor2 that is1 a powerful influence stimulating to good deeds and deterring from bad1 and all this from respect for the judgments which other men will pass4 ,dans les monarchies1 says ,montesquieu1 il ne faut point de censeurs1 elles sont fondes sur l'honneur2 et la nature de l'honneur est d'avoir pour censeur tout l'univers2 remarkable words1 which reveal to us the ideas of the writer1 and at the same time show us the origin of his mistake4 ,they will assist us in solving the enigma4 ,in order to explain this point as fully as the importance of the subject requires1 and with as much clearness as the multitude and intricacy of its relations demand1 ,i shall endeavour to convey my ideas with as much precision as possible4 ,respect for the judgment of others is a feeling innate in man2 consequently it is in his nature to do or avoid many things on account of this judgment4 ,all this is founded on the simple fact of self-love3 this is nothing but love of our own good fame1 the desire of appearing to advantage1 and the fear of appearing to disadvantage1 in the eyes of our fellows4 ,these things are so simple and clear1 that they do not require or even admit of proofs or comments4 ,honor is a stimulant more or less active1 or a restraint more or less powerful1 according to the degree of severity which we expect in the judgments of others4 ,thus it is that the miser1 when among the generous1 makes an effort to appear liberal2 the prodigal restrains himself in the presence of the lovers of strict economy2 in meetings where decorum generally reigns we see that even libertines control themselves1 while men whose manners are usually correct allow themselves certain freedoms in licentious societies4 ,now the society in which we live is1 as it were1 one vast company4 ,if we know that strict principles prevail there1 if we hear everywhere proclaimed the rules of sound morality1 if we think that the generality of the men with whom we live give the right name to every action1 without allowing the irregularity of their conduct to falsify their judgment1 we see ourselves surrounded on all sides by witnesses and judges who cannot be corrupted2 and this checks us at every step when we wish to do evil1 and urges us on when we wish to do good4 ,it will be far otherwise if we have reason to expect indulgence from the society in which we move4 ,in this case1 and supposing us all to entertain the same convictions1 vice will not appear to us so horrible1 crime so detestable1 or corruption so disgusting2 our ideas with regard to the morality of our conduct will be very different1 and in the end our actions will show the fatal influence of the atmosphere in which we live4 ,it follows from this1 that1 in order to infuse into our hearts a feeling of honor strong enough to produce good1 it is necessary that principles of sound morality should regulate society1 and that they should be generally and fully believed4 ,this being granted1 social habits will be formed1 which will regulate manners2 and even if these habits do not succeed in hindering the corruption of a great number of individuals1 they will1 nevertheless1 be sufficient to compel vice to adopt certain disguises1 which1 although hypocritical1 will not fail to add to the decorum of manners4 ,the salutary effects of these habits will still continue after the faith on which their moral principles are based has been considerably weakened1 and society will still gather in abundance the beneficent fruits of the despised or forgotten tree4 ,this is the history of the morality of modern nations3 although lamentably corrupt1 they are still not so bad as the ancients4 ,they preserve in their legislation1 and in their morals1 a fund of morality and dignity which the ravages of irreligion have not been able to destroy4 ,public opinion never dies2 every day it censures vice1 and extols the beauty and advantages of virtue2 it reigns over governments and nations1 and exercises the powerful ascendency of an element which is found universally diffused4 ,outre l',aropage1 says ,montesquieu1 il y avait ,athnes des gardiens des murs et des gardiens des lois4 ,a ,lacdmone1 tous les vieillards taient censeurs4 ,a ,rome1 deux magistrats particuliers avaient la censure4 ,comme le ,senat veille sur le peuple1 il faut que des censeurs aient les yeux sur le peuple et sur le ,senat4 ,il faut qu'ils rtablissent dans la rpublique tout ce qui a t corrompu1 qu'ils notent la tideur1 jugent les ngligences1 et corrigent les fautes1 comme les lois punissent les crimes4 7,de l',esprit des ,lois1 liv4 v4 chap4 #g47 ,in describing the duties of the censors of antiquity1 the author seems to state the functions of religious authority4 ,to penetrate where the civil laws do not extend2 to correct1 and in some measure to chastise1 what they leave unpunished2 to exercise over society an influence more delicate and minute than that which belongs to legislation1--such are the objects of the censorial power2 and who does not see that that power has been replaced by religious authority8 and that if the former has been unnecessary among modern nations1 it is owing to the existence of the latter1 or to the influence which it has exercised for many centuries8 ,it cannot be denied that religious authority has for a long time gained a decided ascendency over men's minds and hearts2 this fact is written in every page of the history of ,europe4 ,as to the results of that influence1 so calumniated and ill understood1 we meet with them every day1--we who see the principles of justice and sound morality still reigning over public conscience1 in spite of the ravages which irreligion and immorality have committed among individuals4 ,the powerful influence of public conscience will be best explained by some examples4 ,let us suppose that the richest of nobles1 or the most powerful of monarchs1 indulged in the abominable excesses of a ,tiberius1 a ,nero1 or the other monsters who disgraced the imperial throne1 what would happen8 ,we will not predict2 but we are confident that the universal shout of indignation and horror would be so loud1 and the monster would be so crushed under the load of public execration1 that it appears to us impossible for him to exist4 ,it seems to us an anachronism1 an impossibility at this time4 ,even if we admit that there might be men immoral enough to commit such enormities1 sufficiently perverted in mind and heart to exhibit such depravity1 we see that it would be an outrage against universal morals1 and that such a spectacle could not stand for a moment in presence of public opinion4 ,i could draw numberless contrasts1 but ,i shall content myself with one1 which1 while it reminds us of a fine trait in ancient history1 exhibits1 with the virtue of a hero1 the manners of the time and the melancholy condition of the public conscience4 ,let us suppose that a general of modern ,europe captures by assault a town in which a distinguished lady1 the wife of one of the principal leaders of the enemy1 falls into the hands of the soldiers4 ,the beautiful prisoner is brought to the general2 what should be his conduct8 ,every one will immediately say1 that she ought to be treated with the most delicate attention1 that she ought to be immediately set at liberty and allowed to rejoin her husband4 ,such conduct appears to us so strictly obligatory1 so much according to the order of things1 and so conformable to our ideas and sentiments1 that there certainly does not appear to us to be any peculiar merit in adopting it4 ,we should say that the general had performed a strict and sacred duty1 which he could not evade without covering himself with shame and ignominy4 ,we certainly should not immortalize such an action in history2 we should allow it to pass unnoticed in the ordinary course of events4 ,now1 this is what ,scipio did with respect to the wife of ,mardonius at the taking of ,carthagena2 and ancient history records this generosity as an eternal monument of his virtues4 ,this parallel explains better than any commentary the immense progress of morality and public conscience under the influence of ,christianity4 ,now1 such conduct1 which among us is considered as simple1 natural1 and strictly obligatory1 does not flow from the honor belonging to monarchies1 as ,montesquieu asserts1 but from more lofty notions of human dignity1 from a clearer knowledge of the true state of society1 from a morality the purer and more powerful because it is established on eternal foundations4 ,this1 indeed1 is found and felt everywhere1 it governs the good and is respected even by the bad2 this is what would stop the licentious man1 who1 in a case of this sort1 would be inclined to indulge his cruelty or his other passions4 ,the author of the ,esprit des ,lois would doubtless have perceived these truths if he had not been prejudiced by the favorite distinction established at the beginning of his work1 and which throughout bound him to an inflexible system4 ,we know what a preconceived system is--one that serves as the mould for a work4 ,like the bed of ,procrustus1 ideas and facts1 right or wrong1 are accommodated to the system2 what is too much is taken away1 and what is wanting is added4 ,thus ,montesquieu finds in political motives1 founded on the republican form of government1 the reason for the power exercised over ,roman women by their husbands4 ,the cruel rights given to fathers over their children1 the unlimited paternal power established by the ,roman laws1 also appeared to him to flow from political causes1 as if it were not evident that these two regulations of the ancient ,roman law were owing to causes purely domestic and social1 altogether independent of the form of government4#ai ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,on ,,the ,,different ,,influence ,,of ,,protestantism ,,and ,,catholicity ,,on ,,the ,,public ,,conscience4 ,we have defined the nature of public conscience2 we have pointed out its origin and effects4 ,it now remains to examine whether ,protestantism has had any share in forming it1 and whether it is fairly entitled to the glory of having been of any service to ,european civilization on this point4 ,we have already shown that the origin of this public conscience is to be found in ,christianity4 ,now ,christianity may be considered under two aspects--as a doctrine1 and as an institution intended to realize that doctrine2 that is to say1 ,christian morality may be considered in itself1 or as taught and inculcated by the ,church4 ,to form the public conscience1 and make ,christian morality regulate it1 it was not enough to announce this doctrine2 there was still required a society1 not only to preserve it in all its purity1 that it might be transmitted from generation to generation1 but to preach it incessantly to man1 and apply it continually to all the acts of life4 ,we must observe that ideas1 however powerful they may be1 have only a precarious existence until they are realized1 and become embodied1 as it were1 in an institution which1 while it is animated1 moved1 and guided by them1 serves them as a rampart against the attacks of other ideas and other interests4 ,man is formed of body and soul2 the whole world is a collection of spiritual and corporeal beings--a system of moral and physical relations2 thus it is that all ideas1 even the greatest and the loftiest1 begin to fall into oblivion when they have no outward expression--no organ by which they make themselves heard and respected4 ,they are then confounded and overwhelmed amid the confusion of the world1 and in the end disappear altogether4 ,therefore1 all ideas that are to have a lasting influence on society1 necessarily tend to create an institution to represent them1 in which they may be personified2 not satisfied with addressing themselves to the mind1 and with descending to practice by indirect means1 they seek to give form to matter1 they present themselves to the eyes of humanity in a palpable manner4 ,these observations1 which ,i submit with confidence to the judgment of sensible men1 contain a condemnation of the ,protestant system4 ,so far from the pretended ,reformation being able to claim any part in the salutary events which we are explaining1 we should rather say that1 by its principles and conduct1 it would have been an obstacle in their way1 if1 as was happily the case1 ,europe had not been of adult age in the sixteenth century1 and consequently almost incapable of losing the doctrines1 feelings1 habits1 and tendencies which the ,catholic ,church had communicated to it during an education of so many centuries4 ,indeed1 the first thing that ,protestantism did was to attack authority1 not by a mere act of resistance1 but by proclaiming resistance to be a real right1 by establishing private judgment as a dogma4 ,from that moment ,christian morality remained without support1 for there was no longer a society which could claim the right of explaining and teaching it2 that is to say1 it was reduced to the level of those ideas which1 not being represented or supported by an institution1 and not having any authorized organ to explain them1 possessed no direct means of acting on society1 and had no means of protection when attacked4 ,but ,i shall be told that ,protestantism has preserved the institution which realizes this idea2 for it has preserved its ministers1 worship1 and preaching--in a word1 all that truth requires in dealing with man4 ,i will not deny that there is some truth in this1 and ,i will repeat what ,i have not hesitated to affirm in the fourteenth chapter of this work1 ,that we ought to regard it as a great good1 that the first ,protestants1 in spite of their desire to upset all the practices of the ,church1 have yet preserved that of preaching4 ,i added in the same place3 ,it is not necessary to deny on this account the evils produced at certain times by the declamation of some ministers1 either furious or fanatical2 but as unity was broken1 and as the people had been hurried into the perilous path of schism1 we say that it must have been very conducive to the preservation of the most important ideas concerning ,god and man1 and the fundamental maxims of morality1 for such truths to be frequently explained to the people by men who had long studied them in the ,holy ,scriptures4 ,i repeat here what ,i there said3 preaching practised among ,protestants must have had very good effects2 but this only amounts to saying1 that it did not do so much mischief as was to be feared from its own principles4 ,on this point1 they were like men of immoral opinions1 who are not so bad as they would be1 were their hearts in accordance with their minds3 they had the good fortune to be inconsistent4 ,protestantism had proclaimed the abolition of authority1 and the right of private judgment without limit2 but in practice it did not quite act up to these doctrines4 ,thus1 it devoted itself with ardor to what it called gospel preaching1 and its ministers were called gospellers4 ,so that1 at the very time when they just established the principle that every individual had the free right of private judgment1 and ought to be guided by reason or private inspiration alone1 without listening to any external authority1 ,protestant ministers were seen spreading themselves everywhere1 and claiming to be the legitimate organs of the divine word4 ,the better to understand the strange nature of such a doctrine1 we must remember the maxims of ,luther with respect to the priesthood4 ,we know that this heresiarch1 embarrassed by the hierarchy which constitutes the ministry of the ,church1 pretended to overturn it at one blow1 by maintaining that all ,christians are priests1 and that1 to exercise the sacred ministry1 a simple appointment is necessary1 which adds nothing essential or characteristic to the quality of priests1 which is the universal patrimony of all ,christians4 ,it follows from this doctrine1 that the ,protestant preacher wanting a mission is not distinguished from other ,christians by any characteristic2 he cannot1 consequently1 speak to them with any authority2 he is not allowed1 like ,jesus ,christ1 to speak quasi potestatem habens 7as having authority72 he is nothing more than an orator who addresses the people with no other right than what he derives from his education1 knowledge1 or eloquence4 ,this preaching without authority1 which1 in reality and according to the preacher's own principles1 was only human1 although it committed the glaring inconsistency of pretending to be divine1 may1 no doubt1 have contributed something to the preservation of good moral principles when they were already everywhere established2 but it would certainly have been unable to establish them in a society where they were unknown1 especially if it had had to struggle with other principles directly opposed to it1 and supported by ancient prejudices1 by deeply rooted passions1 and by strong interests4 ,yes1 we repeat it1 this preaching would have been unable to introduce its principles into such a society2 unable to preserve them in safety amid the most alarming revolutions and the most unexampled catastrophes2 unable to impart them to barbarous nations1 who1 proud of their triumph1 listened to no other voice than that of their ferocious instinct2 unable to make the conquerors and the conquered bow before these principles1 to mould the most different nations into one people1 by stamping on their laws1 institutions1 and manners the same seal1 in order to form from them that admirable society1 that assemblage of nations1 or rather that one great nation1 which is called ,europe4 ,in a word1 ,protestantism1 from its very constitution1 would have been incapable of realizing what the ,catholic ,church has done4 ,moreover1 this attempted preaching preserved by ,protestantism is1 at bottom1 an effort to imitate the ,church that it may not remain unarmed in the presence of so redoubtable an adversary4 ,it required a means of influencing the people1--a channel open to communicate1 at the will of each usurper of religious authority1 different interpretations of the ,bible2 this is the reason why1 in spite of violent declamation against all that emanated from the chair of ,st4 ,peter1 it preserved the valuable practice of preaching4 ,but the best way to feel the inferiority of ,protestantism in regard to the knowledge and comprehension of the means proper to extend and strengthen morality1 and make it prevail in all the acts of life1 is to observe1 that it has interrupted all communication between the conscience of the faithful and the direction of the priest2 it only leaves to the latter a general direction1 which1 owing to its being extended over all at the same time1 is exerted with effect over none4 ,if we confine ourselves to the consideration of the abolition of the sacrament of ,penance among ,protestants1 we may rest assured that they have thereby given up one of the most legitimate1 powerful1 and gentle means of rendering human conduct conformable to the principles of sound morality4 ,its action is legitimate2 for nothing can be more legitimate than direct and intimate communication between the conscience of man who is to be judged by ,god1 and the conscience of the man who represents ,god on earth2--an action which is powerful1 because this intimate communication1 established between man and man1 between soul and soul1 identifies1 as it were1 the thoughts and affections2 because1 in the presence of ,god alone1 to the exclusion of every other witness1 admonitions have more force1 precepts more authority1 and advice more unction and sweetness to penetrate into the inmost soul2--an action full of gentleness1 for it supposes the voluntary manifestation of the conscience which seeks guidance--a manifestation which is commanded1 it is true1 by authority1 but which cannot be enforced by violence1 as ,god alone is the judge of its sincerity2--an action1 ,i repeat1 which is gentle1 for the minister is compelled to the strictest secrecy2 all imaginable precautions have been taken by the ,church to prevent a betrayal1 and man may rest with tranquillity in the assurance that the secrets of his conscience will never be revealed4 ,but you will ask me1 do you believe all this is necessary to establish and preserve a good state of morality8 ,if morality is to be any thing more than a mere worldly probity1 which is exposed to destruction at the first shock of interest1 or easily seduced by the passions2 if it is to be a morality delicate1 strict1 and profound1 extending over all the acts of life1 guiding and ruling the heart of man1 and transforming it into that beau idal which we admire in ,catholics who are really devoted to the observances and practices of their religion2 if this is the morality which you mean1 it is necessary1 undoubtedly1 that1 placed under the inspection of religious authority1 it should be directed and guided by a minister of the sanctuary1 by a faithful communication of the secrets of our hearts and the numberless temptations which continually assail our weak nature4 ,this is the doctrine of the ,catholic ,church2 and ,i will add1 that it is pointed out by experience and taught by philosophy4 ,i do not mean to say1 that ,catholics alone are capable of performing virtuous actions2 this would be to contradict the experience of every day4 ,i only wish to prove the efficacy of a ,catholic institution which is despised by ,protestants4 ,i speak of the great influence which this institution has in infusing into our hearts1 and preserving in them1 a morality which is cordial1 constant1 and applicable to all the acts of our souls4 ,no doubt1 there is in man a monstrous mixture of good and evil2 ,i know that it is not given him to attain in this life to that ineffable degree of perfection which consists in a perfect conformity with ,divine truth and holiness--a perfection which he will not be able even to conceive until the moment when1 stripped of his mortal body1 he will be plunged into the pure ocean of light and love4 ,but we cannot be permitted to doubt that man1 in this earthly abode1 in the land of misery and darkness1 can1 nevertheless1 attain to the universal1 delicate1 and profound state of morality which ,i have just described2 and1 however much the present corruption of the world may be a too legitimate subject of affliction1 it must be allowed that we still find1 in our own days1 a considerable number of honorable exceptions in the multitude of persons who conform to the strict rule of gospel morality in their conduct1 their wishes1 and even in their thoughts and inmost affections4 ,to attain to this degree of morality 7and observe1 ,i do not say of evangelical perfection1 but of mere morality71 it is necessary that the religious principle should be visibly present to the eyes of the soul1 that it should act continually upon her1 urging on or restraining her in an infinite variety of circumstances which1 in the course of life1 occur to mislead from the path of duty4 ,the life of man is1 as it were1 a chain composed of an infinite variety of acts1 which cannot be constantly in accordance with reason and the eternal law1 unless it remains constantly in the hands of a fixed and universal regulator4 ,and let it not be said that such a state of morality is a beau idal1 the existence of which would bring such confusion into the acts of the soul1 and complication of the whole life1 as in the end to make it insupportable4 ,no1 this is not a mere fancy2 it is a reality which is frequently seen by our eyes1 not only in the cloister and the sanctuary1 but amid the confusion and distractions of the world4 ,that which establishes a fixed rule cannot bring confusion into the acts of the soul1 or complicate the affairs of life4 ,quite the contrary2 instead of confusion1 it serves to distinguish and illuminate2 instead of complicating1 it puts in order and simplifies4 ,establish this rule1 and you will have unity2 and with unity general order4 ,catholicity is always distinguished by its extreme vigilance with respect to morality1 by its care in regulating all the acts of life1 and even the most secret movements of the heart4 ,superficial observers have declaimed against the prolixity of moralists--against the minute and detailed study which they make of human actions considered under a moral aspect2 they should have observed1 that if ,catholicity is the religion in the bosom of which has appeared so great a number of moralists1 by whom all human actions have been examined in the greatest detail1 it is because this religion has for its object to moralize for the whole man1 as it were1 in all his relations with ,god1 with his neighbor1 and with himself4 ,it is clear that such an enterprise requires a more profound and attentive examination than would be necessary1 if it had only to give to man an imperfect morality1 stopping at the surface of actions1 and not penetrating to the bottom of the heart4 ,with respect to ,catholic moralists1 and without attempting to excuse the excess into which some among them have fallen1 either by too great subtility1 or by a spirit of party and dispute 7excesses which cannot be imputed to the ,catholic ,church1 since she has testified her displeasure when she has not expressly condemned them71 it must be observed1 that this abundance1 this superfluity1 if you will1 of moral studies1 has contributed more than people think to direct minds to the intimate study of man1 by furnishing a multitude of facts and observations to those who have subsequently wished to devote themselves to this important science4 ,now1 can there be a more worthy or more useful object for our labors8 ,in another part of this work1 ,i propose to develop the relations of ,catholicity with the progress of science and literature2 ,i shall not1 therefore1 enter more fully on the matter now4 ,still ,i may be allowed briefly to observe1 that the development and education of the human mind have been principally theological2 and that on this point1 as well as on many others1 philosophers are more indebted to theologians than they seem to imagine4 ,let us return to the comparison of the ,protestant and ,catholic influence on the formation and preservation of a sound public conscience4 ,we have showed that ,catholicity1 having constantly maintained the principle of authority which ,protestantism rejects1 has given to moral ideas a force and influence which ,protestantism could not4 ,protestantism1 indeed1 by its nature and fundamental principles1 has never given to these ideas any other support than they might have derived from a school of philosophy4 ,but you will perhaps ask me1 do you not acknowledge the force of these ideas2 a force peculiar to them1 and inherent in their nature1 and which frequently changes the face of the world1 by deciding its doctrines8 ,do you not know that they always1 in the end1 force a passage1 in spite of every obstacle1 and of all resistance8 ,have you forgotten the teaching of all history2 and do you pretend to deprive human thought of that vital1 creative force1 which renders man superior to all that surrounds him8 ,such is the common panegyric on the strength of ideas2 thus we see them transformed every moment into all-powerful beings1 whose magical wand is capable of changing every thing at their pleasure4 ,however this may be1 ,i am full of respect for human thought1 and allow that there is much truth in what is called the force of an idea2 yet ,i must beg leave to offer a few observations to these enthusiasts1 not directly to combat their opinion1 but to make some necessary modifications4 ,in the first place1 ideas1 in the point of view in which we are now considering them1 must be divided into two orders2 some flattering our passions1 the others checking them4 ,it cannot be denied that the former have an immense expansive force4 ,they have a motion of their own2 they act in all places2 they exert a rapid1 violent power2 one would say that they overflow with life and activity4 ,the latter have great difficulty in making their way2 they advance slowly1 they cannot pursue their career without an institution to secure their stability4 ,and why8 ,because it is not the ideas themselves which act in the former case1 but the passions which accompany them1 and assume their names2 thus masking what is repulsive in them at first sight4 ,in the latter case1 on the contrary1 it is the truth that speaks4 ,now1 in this land of misfortune1 the truth is but little attended to2 for it leads to good2 and the heart of man1 as the ,scripture says1 is inclined to evil from his youth4 ,those who vaunt so much the native force of ideas1 should point out to us1 in ancient or modern history1 one idea which1 without going out of its own circle1 that of the purely philosophical order1 is entitled to the glory of having materially contributed to the amelioration of individuals and society4 ,it is commonly said that the force of ideas is immense2 that once shown among men1 they will fructify sooner or later2 that once deposited in the bosom of humanity1 they will remain there as a precious legacy1 and contribute wonderfully to the improvement of the world1 to the perfection towards which the human race advances4 ,no doubt these assertions contain some truth2 as man is an intelligent being1 all that immediately affects his mind must certainly influence his destiny4 ,thus no great change is worked in society without being first realized in the order of ideas2 all that is established contrary to our ideas1 or without them1 must be weak and passing4 ,but it is by no means to be supposed that every useful idea contains in itself a conservative force capable of dispensing with all institutions2 that is to say1 with support and defence1 even during times of social disorder3 between these two propositions there is a gulf which cannot be closed without contradicting all history4 ,now humanity1 considered by itself1 and given up to its own strength1 as it appears to philosophers1 is not so safe a depositary as people wish to suppose4 ,unhappily we have melancholy proofs of this truth3 we see too clearly that the human race1 far from being a faithful trustee1 has but too much imitated the conduct of a foolish spendthrift4 ,in the cradle of the human race1 we find great ideas on the unity of ,god1 on man1 on relations of man with ,god and their fellowmen4 ,these ideas were certainly true1 salutary1 and fruitful3 and yet1 what did man do with them8 ,did he not lose them by modifying1 mutilating1 and distorting them in the most deplorable way8 ,where were they when ,jesus ,christ came into the world8 ,what had humanity done with them8 ,one nation alone preserved them2 but in what way8 ,fix your attention on the chosen people1 the ,jews1 and you will see that there was a continual struggle between truth and error2 you will see that1 by an inconceivable blindness1 they incessantly inclined to idolatry2 they had a constant tendency to substitute the abominations of the ,gentiles for the sublime law of ,mount ,sinai4 ,and do you know how the truth was preserved among this people8 ,observe it well2 it was supported by the strongest institutions that can be imagined2 it was armed with all the means of defence with which an inspired legislator could surround it4 ,it will be said that they were a hard-hearted nation1 in the language of the ,scriptures2 unhappily1 since the fall of our first parent1 this hardness of heart is become the patrimony of humanity2 the heart of man is inclined to evil from his youth2 ages before the existence of the ,jews1 ,god had covered the earth with the waters of heaven1 and had blotted out man from the face of the world2 for all flesh had corrupted its way4 ,we must conclude from this1 that the preservation of great moral ideas requires powerful institutions2 it is evident1 therefore1 that they cannot be abandoned to the fickleness of the human mind without being disfigured1 or even lost4 ,i will say1 moreover1 that institutions are not only necessary to teach1 but also to apply them4 ,moral ideas1 especially those which openly contradict the passions1 are never reduced to practice without great efforts2 now the ideas themselves do not suffice to make these great efforts1 and means of action are required capable of connecting ideas with facts2 this is one of the reasons of the impotence of philosophical schools when they attempt to construct any thing4 ,they are often powerful in destroying2 momentary action is enough for this1 and this action may be easily acquired in a moment of enthusiasm4 ,but when they wish to establish and reduce their conceptions to practice1 they are impotent2 their only resource is what is called the force of ideas4 ,now1 as ideas constantly vary and change--an inconstancy of which these schools themselves afford the first example--it happens that what we hear them announce one moment as an infallible means of human progress1 is the next reduced to a mere object of curiosity4 ,these last observations anticipate the objection that may be urged against us with respect to the immense force which printing has given to ideas4 ,but this is so far from being a preserver1 that it may be said to be the best destroyer of all opinions4 ,if we measure the immense orbit which the human mind has passed through since that important discovery1 we shall see that the consummation of opinions 7if ,i may be allowed the expression7 is increased in a prodigious degree4 ,the history of the human race1 especially since the press has become periodical1 appears to be the representation of a rapid drama1 where the decorations change every moment1 where the scenes succeed each other1 scarcely allowing the spectator to catch any of the author's words4 ,half of this century has not yet passed away1 and already it seems as if many centuries had elapsed1 so great has been the number of schools which have been born and are dead1 of reputations which1 after being raised to the highest pitch of renown1 have been soon forgotten4 ,this rapid succession of ideas1 so far from contributing to increase their force1 necessarily renders them weak and unproductive4 ,the natural order in the progress of ideas is this3 at first to make their appearance1 then to be realized in an institution representing them1 and in fine to exert their influence on facts by means of an institution in which they are personified4 ,now1 it is necessary that during these transformations1 which essentially require time1 ideas should preserve their credit1 if they are to produce any favorable result4 ,but when they succeed each other too rapidly1 time is wanting for their successive transformations2 new ideas strive to discredit the old ones1 and consequently to render them useless4 ,this is the reason why the strength of ideas1 that is1 of philosophy1 was never so little to be relied on as now1 to produce any thing durable and consistent in the moral order3 in this respect1 the gain to modern society may well be questioned4 ,more is conceived1 but less matured2 what the mind gains in extent1 it loses in depth1 and the pretension in theory makes a sad contrast with the impotence of practice4 ,of what importance is it that our predecessors were not so ready as we are in improvising a discussion on great social and political questions1 if they nevertheless organized and founded such admirable institutions8 ,the architects who raised the astonishing monuments of ages which we call barbarous1 were certainly not so learned or so cultivated as those of our time2 and yet who has the boldness even to commence what they have finished8 ,thus it is in the social and political order4 ,let us remember that great thoughts are produced rather by intuition than by reasoning2 in practice1 success depends more upon the invaluable quality called tact1 than upon enlightened reflection2 and experience often teaches that he who knows much1 sees little4 ,the genius of ,plato would not have been the best guide for ,solon or ,lycurgus2 and all the knowledge of ,cicero would not have succeeded in doing what was done by the tact and good sense of two unlettered men like ,romulus and ,numa4#bj ,,chapter ,,xxxi4 ,,on ,,gentleness ,,of ,,manners ,,in ,,general4 ,a certain general gentleness of manners1 which in war prevents great atrocities1 and in peace renders life more quiet and agreeable3--such is one of the valuable qualities which ,i have pointed out as forming the distinguishing characteristics of ,european civilization4 ,this is a fact which does not require proof2 we see and feel it everywhere when we look around2 it is evident to all who open the pages of history1 and compare our times with any others4 ,wherein does this gentleness of manners in modern times consist8 what is the cause of it8 what has favoured it8 what has opposed it8 ,these interesting questions directly apply to our present subject2 for they lead straight to the examination of other questions1 such as the following3 has ,catholicity contributed in any way to this gentleness of manners2 or1 on the other hand1 has it opposed or retarded it8 in fine1 what part has ,protestantism played in the work1 for good or evil8 ,first of all1 we must determine wherein gentleness of manners consists4 ,although we have here to deal with an idea which every one sees1 or rather feels1 we must still endeavor to explain and analyze it by a definition as complete and exact as possible4 ,gentleness of manners consists in the absence of force2 so that manners will be more or less gentle according as force is less or more employed4 ,thus1 we must not confound gentle with charitable manners2 the latter work good1 the former only exclude the idea of force4 ,we must also distinguish gentle manners from those that are pure1 and conformable to reason and justice4 ,immorality is often gentle1 when1 instead of resorting to force1 it makes use of seduction and stratagem4 ,this gentleness of manners consists in directing the human mind1 not by violence which constrains the body1 but by reasons which address themselves to the intellect1 or by appeals to the passions4 ,thus it is that gentle manners are not always under the influence of reason2 but their rule is always intellectual1 although they are often made the slaves of the passions by golden chains of their own formation4 ,if gentleness of manners consists in not making use1 in human transactions1 of other means than those of conviction1 persuasion1 or seduction1 it is clear that the most advanced society--that is1 that in which intelligence has been most developed--should always participate more or less in this social advantage4 ,there the mind rules1 because it is strong2 while material force disappears1 because the body has less strength4 ,moreover1 in societies very much advanced1 where relations and interests are necessarily much multiplied1 there is an indispensable want of means capable of acting in a universal and lasting manner1 and applicable to all the details of life4 ,these means are1 unquestionably1 moral and intellectual3 the mind operates without destruction1 while force dashes violently against obstacles1 and breaks itself to pieces1 if it cannot overturn them4 ,thus it is the cause of continual commotions1 which cannot subsist in a society which has numerous and complicated relations1 without throwing into confusion and destroying society itself4 ,we always observe in young nations a lamentable abuse of force4 ,nothing is more natural3 the passions ally themselves with force1 because they resemble it2 they are energetical as violence1 and rude as its shocks4 ,when society has reached a great degree of development1 the passions are divorced from force1 and become allied with the intelligence2 they cease to be violent1 in order to become artful4 ,in the first case1 if it is the people who struggle1 they make war on1 they contend with1 and destroy each other2 in the second case1 they contend with the arms of industry1 commerce1 and contraband4 ,governments attack1 in the first case1 by arms and invasions2 and in the second by diplomacy4 ,in the first epoch1 warriors are every thing2 in the second1 they are nothing2 they have not a very important part to play when negotiation1 and not fighting1 is required4 ,when we look at ancient civilization1 we observe a remarkable difference between the character of its manners and the gentleness of ours4 ,neither the ,greeks nor ,romans ever regarded this precious quality in the light in which we regard it1 for the honor of ,european civilization4 ,those nations became enervated1 but they did not become gentle2 we may say that their manners were made effeminate1 but they were not softened2 for we see them make use of force on all occasions1 when neither vigor of body nor energy of mind was required4 ,there is nothing more worthy of observation than this peculiarity of ancient civilization1 especially of that of ,rome4 ,now this phenomenon1 which at first sight appears to us to be very strange1 has very deep causes4 ,besides the principal of these causes1 which is1 the want of an element of civilization such as that which modern nations have had in ,christian charity1 we shall find among the ancients1 if we descend to the details of their social organization1 certain causes which necessarily hindered this gentleness of manners being established among them4 ,in the first case1 slavery1 one of the constituent elements of their social and domestic organization1 was an eternal obstacle to the introduction of this precious quality4 ,the man who has the power of throwing another to the fishes1 and of punishing with death the crime of breaking a glass2 he who during a feast1 to gratify his caprice1 can take away the life of one of his brethren2 he who can rest upon a voluptuous couch1 surrounded by the most sumptuous magnificence1 while he knows that hundreds of men1 crowded together in dark vaults1 work incessantly for his cupidity and his pleasures2 he who can hear without emotion the lamentations of a crowd of unhappy beings imploring a morsel of bread to pass through the night's misery which is to unite their labors and fatigues of the evening with those of the morning1 such a man may have effeminate1 but he cannot have gentle manners2 his heart may become enervated1 but it will not cease to be cruel4 ,this was precisely the situation of the free man in ancient society3 the organization of which we have just stated the results was regarded as indispensable2 they could not even conceive the possibility of any other order of things4 ,what removed this obstacle8 was it not the ,catholic ,church1 by abolishing slavery1 after having ameliorated the cruel lot of slaves8 ,those who revert to the #aeth1 #afth1 #agth1 #ahth1 and #aith chapters of this work1 with the notes appended to them1 will find the truth of this demonstrated by incontestable reasons and documents4 ,in the second place1 the right of life and death1 given by the laws to the paternal power1 introduced into families an element of severity which could not but produce injurious effects4 ,happily1 the hearts of fathers were continually contending against the power thus granted by law3 but if this feeling did not prevent some deeds the perusal of which makes us shudder1 must we not suppose that1 in the ordinary course of life1 cruel scenes constantly reminded the members of families of this atrocious right with which the chief was invested8 ,will not he who is possessed of the power of killing with impunity1 be frequently hurried into acts of cruel despotism8 ,now this tyrannical extension of the rights of paternal authority1 carried far beyond the limits pointed out by nature1 was taken away by the force of laws and manners which were much aided by the influence of ,catholicity 7see the #bdth chap4 of this work74 ,to the two causes which ,i have just pointed out1 may be added another perfectly analogous1 viz4 the despotism which the husband exercised over his wife1 and the little respect which was paid to her4 ,public spectacles were1 among the ,romans1 another element of severity and cruelty4 ,what could be expected of a people whose principal amusement is to look coolly upon homicide--who took pleasure in witnessing the slaughter in the arena of hundreds of men fighting against each other1 or against wild beasts8 ,as a ,spaniard1 ,i feel called upon here to insert a paragraph1 in reply to the observations which will be made against me on this point3 ,i allude to the ,spanish bull-fights4 ,i shall naturally be asked1 ,is it not in a ,christian and ,catholic country that the custom of making men fight against animals is preserved8 ,the objection1 however plausible it may seem1 can be answered4 ,in the first place1 to avoid any misunderstanding1 ,i declare that this popular amusement is1 in my opinion1 barbarous1 and ought1 if possible1 to be completely extirpated4 ,but after this full and explicit avowal1 let me be permitted to make a few observations1 to screen the honor of my country4 ,in the first place1 it must be remarked1 that there is in the human heart a secret taste for risks and dangers2 in order to make an adventure interesting1 it is necessary that the hero should be encompassed with great and multiplied perils2 if a history is to excite curiosity to a high degree1 it must not be an uninterrupted chain of peaceful and happy events4 ,we wish to find ourselves frequently in the presence of extraordinary and surprising facts2 and1 however unpleasant may be the avowal1 our hearts1 while they feel the tenderest compassion for the unfortunate1 seem to require the contemplation of scenes of a more violent and exciting character4 ,hence the taste for tragedies3 hence the love of scenes in which the actors incur great risks1 in appearance or in reality4 ,it is not my duty here to explain the origin of this phenomenon2 it is enough for me here to point out its existence to show foreigners who accuse us of being barbarians1 that the taste of the ,spanish people for bull-fights is only the application to a particular case1 of an inclination inherent everywhere in the heart of man4 ,those who1 with respect to this custom of the ,spanish people1 affect so much humanity1 would do well to answer the following questions3 ,to what is owing the pleasure taken by the multitude in every exhibition1 when the actors run any risk in one way or another8 ,whence comes it that all would willingly be present at the bloodiest battle1 if they could do so without danger8 ,whence comes it that everywhere an immense multitude assembles to witness the agonies and the last convulsions of a criminal on the gibbet8 ,whence comes it1 in fine1 that foreigners1 when at ,madrid1 render themselves accomplices in the barbarity of ,spaniards by assisting at these bull-fights8 ,i say this1 not in any degree to excuse a custom which appears to me to be unworthy of a civilized people1 but to show that in this point1 as well as in almost all that relates to the ,spanish people1 there are exaggerations which ought to be reduced within reasonable limits4 ,let us add an important observation1 which is the best excuse that can be made for this reprehensible exhibition3 instead of fixing our attention on the spectacle itself1 let us consider the evils that flow from it4 ,now1 ,i ask1 how many men die in ,spain in bull-fights8 ,the number is extremely small1 and altogether insignificant in proportion to the frequency of these spectacles2 so that if a comparison were made between the accidents which occur in consequence of this amusement and those that happen in other sports1 such as horse-races and others of the same kind1 we should perhaps find that bull-fights1 however barbarous they may be in themselves1 still do not deserve all the anathemas with which foreigners have loaded them4 ,to return to our principal object1 how1 we ask1 is it possible to compare an amusement which1 perhaps1 may not cost the life of one man during many years1 to those terrible shows in which death was a necessary condition for the pleasure of the spectators8 ,after the triumph of ,trajan over the ,dacians1 the public games lasted twenty-three days1 and the fearful number of six thousand gladiators was slain4 ,such were the amusements at ,rome1 not only of the populace1 but of the highest classes2 such were the horrible spectacles required by a people who added voluptuousness to the most atrocious cruelty4 ,this is a most convincing proof of what ,i have said1 viz4 that manners may be effeminate without being gentle1 and that the brutality of unbounded luxury is not inconsistent with the instinct of blood-thirsty ferocity4 ,it is impossible that such spectacles should be tolerated among modern nations1 however corrupt their manners may be4 ,the principle of charity has extended its empire too universally for such excesses to be renewed4 ,this charity1 it is true1 does not induce men to do all the good to each other that they ought2 but1 at least1 it prevents their coldly perpetrating evil1 and assisting quietly at the slaughter of their brethren to gratify the pleasure of the moment4 ,christianity1 at its birth1 cast into society the seed of this aversion to homicide4 ,who is not aware of the repugnance of ,christians for the shows of the ,gentiles--a repugnance prescribed and kept alive by the admonitions of the early pastors of the ,church8 ,it was an acknowledged fact1 that ,christian charity prohibited the being present at games where homicide formed part of the spectacle4 ,as for us1 said one of the apologists of the early ages1 we make little difference between committing murder and seeing it committed4#ba ,,chapter ,,xxxii4 ,,the ,,improvement ,,of ,,manners ,,by ,,the ,,action ,,of ,,the ,,church4 ,modern society ought1 it would seem1 to be distinguished for severity and cruelty1 since it was formed from that of the ,romans and barbarians1 from both of whom it should have inherited these qualities4 ,who is not aware of the fierce manners of the northern barbarians8 ,the historians of that time have left us statements that make us shudder when we read them4 ,it was believed that the end of the world was at hand2 and1 indeed1 it was excusable to consider the last catastrophe as near1 when so many other melancholy ones had already been heaped upon humanity4 ,the imagination cannot figure to itself what would have happened to the world at this crisis1 if ,christianity had not existed4 ,even supposing that society would have been organized anew under one form or another1 it is certain that private and public relations would have remained in a state of lamentable disorder1 and that legislation would have been unjust and inhuman4 ,thus the influence of the ,church on civil legislation was an inestimable benefit2 thus even the power of the clergy in temporal things was one of the greatest safeguards of the highest interests of society4 ,attacks are often made upon this temporal power of the clergy and this influence of the ,church in worldly affairs4 ,but1 in the first place1 it should be remembered1 that this power and influence were brought about by the very nature of things2 that is to say1 they were natural1 and1 consequently1 to assail them is to declaim in vain against the force of events1 of which no man could hinder the realization4 ,this power and influence1 besides1 were legitimate2 for when society is in danger1 nothing can be more legitimate than that that which can save it should save it4 ,now1 at the time we speak of1 the ,church alone could save society4 ,the ,church1 which is not an abstract being1 but a real and substantial society1 acted upon civil society by real and substantial means4 ,if the purely material interests of society were in question1 the minister of the ,church ought1 in some way or other1 to take part in the direction of those interests4 ,these reflections are so natural and simple1 that their truth must be seen by good sense4 ,all those who know any thing of history are now generally agreed on this point2 and if we are not aware how much it generally costs the human mind to enter upon the path of truth1 and1 above all1 how much bad faith there has been in the examination of these questions1 we shall have a difficulty in understanding that so much time should have been required to bring the world to agree on a thing which is apparent to those who read history4 ,but let us return to our subject4 ,this extraordinary mixture of the cruelty of a cultivated but corrupted people with the atrocious ferocity of a barbarous one1 proud of its triumphs1 and intoxicated with blood during long wars1 placed in ,european society a germ of severity and cruelty which fermented there for ages1 and the remains of which we find at a late period4 ,the precept of ,christian charity was in men's heads1 but ,roman cruelty and barbarian ferocity still prevailed in their hearts2 ideas were pure and beneficent1 since they proceeded from a religion of love1 but they encountered a terrible resistance in the habits1 manners1 institutions1 and laws1 for all these were more or less disfigured by the two mixed principles which ,i have just pointed out4 ,if we reflect upon the constant and obstinate struggle between the ,catholic ,church and the elements which contended with her1 we shall clearly see that ,christian ideas could never have prevailed in legislation and manners1 if ,christianity had been a religious idea abandoned to human caprice1 as ,protestants imagine2 it was necessary for it to be realized in a powerful institution1 in a strongly constituted society1 such as we find in the ,catholic ,church4 ,in order to give an idea of the efforts made by the ,church1 ,i will point out some of the regulations which she made for the purpose of improving manners4 ,private animosities were very violent at the time of which we speak2 and right was decided by force1 and the world was threatened with becoming the patrimony of the strongest4 ,public law did not exist1 or was hurried away and confounded by outrages which its feeble hand could never prevent or repress2 it was altogether powerless in rendering manners pacific1 and in subjecting men to reason and justice4 ,then we see that the ,church1 besides the instruction and the general admonitions inseparable from her sacred mission1 adopted at that time certain measures calculated to restrain the torrent of violence which ravaged and destroyed every thing4 ,the ,council of ,arles1 celebrated in the middle of the fifth century1 between #ddc and #deb1 ordains1 in its #ejth canon1 that the ,church should be interdicted to those who have public animosities1 until they were reconciled4 ,the ,council of ,angers1 celebrated in #dec1 proscribes1 by its #c;d canon1 acts of violence and mutilation4 ,the ,council of ,agde1 in ,languedoc1 celebrated in #ejf1 ordains1 in its #cast canon1 that enemies who would not be reconciled should be admonished by the priests1 and excommunicated if they did not follow their apostolical counsels4 ,the ,franks at that time had the custom of going armed1 and they always entered the churches with their arms4 ,it will be understood that such a custom must have produced great evils2 the house of prayer was often converted into an arena of blood and vengeance4 ,in the middle of the seventh century1 the ,council of ,chalons-sur-,saone1 in its #agth canon1 pronounces excommunication against all laymen who excite tumults1 or draw their swords to strike any one in the churches or in their precincts4 ,thus1 we see the prudence and foresight which dictated the #bith canon of the third ,council of ,orleans1 celebrated in #ech1 which forbids any one to be present at mass or vespers1 armed4 ,it is curious to observe the uniformity of design and plan pursued by the ,church4 ,in countries the most distant from each other1 and at times when communication could not be frequent1 we find regulations analogous to those which we have pointed out4 ,the ,council of ,lerida1 held in #edf1 ordains1 by its #gth canon1 that he who shall have sworn not to be reconciled with his enemy1 shall be deprived of the participation of the body and blood of ,jesus ,christ until he has done penance for his oath and been reconciled4 ,centuries passed away1 acts of violence continued1 the precept of fraternal charity1 which obliges us to love even our enemies1 always met with open resistance in the harsh character and fierce passions of the descendants of the barbarians2 but the ,church did not cease to preach the divine command2 she continually inculcated and labored to render it efficacious by means of spiritual penalties4 ,more than four hundred years had elapsed since the celebration of the ,council of ,arles1 where we have seen the church forbidden to those who were openly at variance2 we then see the ,council of ,worms1 held in #hfh1 pronouncing1 in its #dast canon1 excommunication against enemies who refused to be reconciled4 ,it will suffice to have some idea of the disorders of that time1 to know whether it was possible to appease the violence of animosities during this long period4 ,one would fancy that the ,church would have been wearied of inculcating a precept which the unhappy state of circumstances so often rendered fruitless2 but such was not the case3 she continued to speak as she had spoken for ages2 she never lost her confidence that her words would produce fruit in the present1 and would be productive in the future4 ,such is her system2 one would think that she heard these words constantly repeated1 ,cry out1 cry out without ceasing2 raise thy voice like a trumpet4 ,it is then that she triumphs over all resistance2 when she cannot exert her power over the will of a nation1 she makes her voice heard with indefatigable diligence in the sanctuary4 ,there she assembles seven thousand who have not bent the knee to ,baal2 and while she endeavors to confirm them in faith and good works1 she protests1 in the name of ,god1 against those who resist the ,holy ,spirit4 ,let us imagine that1 amid the dissipation and distraction of a populous city1 we enter a sacred place1 where seriousness and moderation reign1 in the bosom of silence and religious retirement2 there a minister of the sanctuary1 surrounded by a chosen number of the faithful1 utters from time to time some serious and solemn words4 ,this is the personification of the ,church in times disastrous from weakened faith and corrupted morals4 ,one of the rules of conduct of the ,catholic ,church has been1 not to bend before the powerful4 ,when she has proclaimed a law1 she has proclaimed it for all1 without distinction of rank4 ,in the time of the power of those petty tyrants1 who1 under different names1 persecuted the people1 this conduct of the ,church contributed in an extraordinary degree to render the ecclesiastical laws popular2 for nothing was more likely to make a law tolerable to the people than to show that it applied to nobles1 and even to kings4 ,in the times of which we speak1 hatred and violence among plebeians were severely proscribed2 but the same law extended to great men and to royalty4 ,a short time after the establishment of ,christianity in ,england1 we find a very curious example in that country1 applicable to this question4 ,it is nothing less than excommunication pronounced against three kings in the same year1 and in the same town2 all these were compelled by the ,councils to do penance for the crimes which they had committed4 ,the town of ,llandaff1 in ,wales1 within the metropolitan see of ,canterbury1 witnessed the celebration of three ,councils1 in the year #efj4 ,in the first1 ,monric1 king of ,glamorgan1 was excommunicated for having put to death ,king ,cintha1 although he had sworn the peace on the sacred relics2 in the second1 ,king ,morcant was excommunicated for having put to death ,friac1 his uncle1 in whose favor he had equally sworn the peace2 in the third1 ,king ,guidnert was excommunicated for having put to death his brother1 the competitor for the throne4 ,thus1 these barbarian chiefs1 just changed into kings1 and prone to slaughter1 are compelled to acknowledge the authority of a superior power1 and to expiate by penance the murder of their relatives and the violation of sacred engagements2 it is useless to point out how much this must have contributed to the improvement of manners4 ,it was easy1 the enemies of the ,church will say--those who endeavor to lower the merit of her acts--it was easy to preach gentleness of manners1 to impose the observance of divine precepts on chiefs whose power was limited1 and who had only the name of kings2 it was easy to manage those petty barbarian chiefs1 who1 rendered fanatical by a religion of which they understood nothing1 humbly bowed before the first priest who ventured to menace them on the part of ,god4 ,but of what importance was that8 ,what influence could it have on the course of great events8 ,the history of ,european civilization presents a vast theatre1 where events must be studied on a large scale1 and where none but the most important scenes exercised any influence on the spirit of nations4 ,let us observe1 that these petty barbarian kings were the origin of the principal families which now occupy the most important thrones of the world4 ,to place the germ of real civilization in their hearts1 was to graft the tree which was one day to overshadow the earth4 ,but without staying to show the futility of such reasoning1 and as our opponents desire great scenes capable of influencing ,european manners on a large scale1 let us open the history of the ,church in the first ages1 and we shall soon find a page which redounds to the eternal honor of ,catholicity4 ,the whole of the known world was subject to an emperor1 whose name1 then universally venerated1 will continue to be respected by the remotest posterity4 ,in an important city1 the rebellious inhabitants put to death the commander of the garrison2 the emperor1 transported with anger1 orders them to be exterminated4 ,returning to himself1 he revokes the order2 but it was too late1 the order was executed1 and thousands of victims had been involved in the horrible carnage2 at the news of this dreadful catastrophe1 a bishop quits the court of the emperor1 leaves the city1 and writes to him in this grave language3 ,i dare not offer the sacrifice if you attempt to be present at it2 the blood of one innocent person would suffice to forbid me2 how much more the massacre of a large number4 ,the emperor1 confident in his power1 takes no notice of this letter1 and goes towards the church4 ,when he arrives at the door1 he finds himself in the presence of a venerable man1 who1 with a grave and stern countenance1 stops him and forbids him to enter the church4 ,thou hast imitated ,david in crime1 he says1 imitate him also in penance4 ,the emperor yields1 humbles himself1 and submits to the regulations of the bishop1 and religion and humanity gain an immortal triumph4 ,this unhappy city was ,thessalonica2 the emperor was ,theodosius2 the prelate was ,st4 ,ambrose1 ,archbishop of ,milan4 ,we find face to face1 in this sublime fact1 force and justice personified4 ,justice triumphs over force2 but why8 ,because he who represents justice1 represents it in the name of ,heaven2 because the sacred vestments and the imposing attitude of the man who stops the emperor reminds ,theodosius of the divine mission of the holy bishop1 and of the office which he holds in the sacred ministry4 ,put a philosopher in the place of the bishop1 and tell him to arrest the proud culprit by an injunction of doing penance1 and you will see whether human wisdom can do as much as the ,catholic priest speaking in the name of ,god4 ,put1 if you please1 a bishop of the ,church1 who has acknowledged spiritual supremacy in the civil power1 and you will see whether in his mouth words have the same effect in obtaining so glorious a triumph4 ,the spirit of the ,church was always the same2 her arms were always directed towards the same end2 her language was always equally strict1 equally strong1 whether she spoke to the ,roman plebeian or a barbarian1 whether she addressed her admonitions to a patrician of the empire or to a noble ,german4 ,she was no more afraid of the purple of the ,csars than of the frowns of the long-haired kings4 ,the power which she possessed during the middle ages was not exclusively owing to her having preserved alone the light of science and the principles of government2 but it was also owing to the invincible firmness1 which no resistance and no attack could destroy4 ,what would ,protestantism have effected in such difficult and dangerous circumstances8 ,without authority1 without a centre of action1 without security for her own faith1 without confidence in her resources1 what means would she have had to assist her in restraining the torrent of violence--that impetuous torrent1 which1 after having inundated the world1 was about to destroy the remains of ancient civilization1 and opposed to all attempts at social reorganization an obstacle almost insurmountable8 ,catholicity1 with its ardent faith1 its powerful authority1 its undivided unity1 its well-compacted hierarchy1 was able to undertake the lofty enterprise of improving manners2 and it brought to the undertaking that constancy which is inspired by conscious strength1 and that boldness which animates a mind secure of triumph4 ,we must not1 however1 imagine that the conduct of the ,church1 in her mission of improving manners1 always brought her into collision with force4 ,we also see her employ indirect means1 limit her demands to what she could obtain1 and ask for as little1 in order to obtain as much as possible4 ,in a capitulary of ,charlemagne1 given at ,aix-la-,chapelle in #hac1 and consisting of twenty-six articles1 which are nothing more than a sort of confirmation and rsum of the five ,councils held a little before in ,france1 we find in an appendix of two articles the method of proceeding judicially against those who1 under pretext of the right called faida1 excited tumults on ,sundays1 holidays1 and also working days4 ,we have already seen above that they had recourse to the holy relics1 to give greater authority to the oaths of peace and friendship taken by kings towards each other--an august act1 in which ,heaven was invoked to prevent the effusion of blood1 and to establish peace on earth4 ,we see in the capitulary which we have just quoted1 that the respect for ,sundays and holidays was made use of to bring about the abolition of the barbarous custom1 which authorized the relations of a murdered man to avenge his death in the blood of the murderer4 ,the deplorable state of ,european society at that time is vividly painted by the means which the ecclesiastical power was compelled to use1 to diminish in some degree the disasters occasioned by the prevailing violence4 ,not to attack1 not to maltreat any one1 not to have recourse to force to obtain reparation or to gratify a desire of vengeance1 appears to us to be so just1 so reasonable1 and so natural1 that we can hardly imagine another way of acting4 ,if1 now1 a law were promulgated1 to forbid one to attack one's enemy on such or such a day1 at such or such an hour1 it would appear to us the height of folly and extravagance4 ,but it was not so at that time2 such prohibitions were made continually1 not in obscure hamlets1 but in great towns1 in very numerous assemblies1 when bishops were present in hundreds1 and where counts1 dukes1 princes1 and kings were gathered together4 ,this law1 by which authority was glad to make the principles of justice respected1 at least on certain days1--principally on the great solemnities1--this law1 which now would appear to us so strange1 was1 in a certain way1 and for a long period1 one of the chief points of public and private law in ,europe4 ,it will be understood that ,i allude to the truce of ,god1 a privilege of peace very necessary at that time1 as we see it very often renewed in various countries4 ,of all that ,i might say on this point1 ,i shall content myself with selecting a few of the decisions of ,councils at the time4 ,the ,council of ,tubuza1 in the diocese of ,elne1 in ,roussillon1 held by ,guifred1 ,archbishop of ,narbonne1 in #ajda1 established the truce of ,god1 from the evening of ,friday until ,monday morning4 ,nobody during that time could take any thing by force1 or revenge any injury1 or require any pledge in surety4 ,those who violated this decree were liable to the same legal composition as if they had merited death2 in default of which1 they were excommunicated and banished from the country4 ,the practice of this ecclesiastical regulation was considered so advantageous1 that many other ,councils were held in ,france during the same year1 on the same subject4 ,moreover1 care was taken frequently to repeat the obligation1 as we see by the ,council of ,saint ,gilles1 in ,languedoc1 held in #ajdb1 and by that of ,narbonne1 held in #ajde4 ,in spite of these1 repeated efforts did not obtain all the desired fruit2 this is indicated by the changes which we observe in the regulations of the law4 ,thus we see that1 in the year #ajdg1 the truce of ,god was fixed for a less time than in #ajda2 the ,council of ,telugis1 in the same diocese of ,elne1 held in #ajdg1 only ordains that it is forbidden to any one in all the comt of ,roussillon to attack his enemy between the hours of none on ,sunday and prime on ,monday2 the law was then much less extensive than in #ajda1 when1 as we have seen1 the truce of ,god was extended from ,friday evening till ,monday morning4 ,we find in the same ,council a remarkable regulation1 the object of which was to preserve from all attack men who were going to church or returning from it1 or who were accompanying women4 ,in #ajed1 the truce of ,god had gained ground2 we see it extended1 not only from ,friday evening till ,monday morning after sunrise1 but over considerable periods of the year4 ,thus we see that the ,council of ,narbonne1 held by ,archbishop ,guifred1 in #ajde1 after having included in the truce of ,god the time from ,friday evening till ,monday morning1 declares it obligatory during the following periods3 from the first ,sunday of ,advent till the octave of the ,epiphany2 from ,quinquagesima ,sunday till the octave of ,easter2 from the ,sunday preceding the ,ascension till the octave of ,pentecost2 the festival days of ,our ,lady1 of ,st4 ,peter1 of ,st4 ,laurence1 of ,st4 ,michael1 of ,all ,saints1 of ,st4 ,martin1 of ,st4 ,just and ,pasteur1 titularies of the ,church of ,narbonne1 and all fasting days1 under pain of anathema and perpetual banishment4 ,the same ,council gives some other regulations1 so beautiful that we cannot pass them over in silence1 when we are engaged in showing the influence of the ,catholic ,church in improving manners4 ,the #ith canon forbids the cutting of olive-trees2 a reason for it is given1 which1 in the eyes of jurists1 will not appear sufficiently general or adequate1 but which1 in the eyes of the philosophy of history1 is a beautiful symbol of the beneficial influence exercised over society by religion4 ,this is the reason given by the ,council3 ,it is1 it says1 that the olive-trees may furnish matter for the holy chrism1 and feed the lamps that burn in the churches4 ,such a reason was sure to produce more effect than any that could be drawn from ,ulpian and ,justinian4 ,it is ordained in the #ajth canon that shepherds and their flocks shall enjoy at all times the security of the truce2 the same favor is extended by the #aath canon to all houses within thirty paces of the churches4 ,the #ahth canon forbids those who have a suit1 to take any active steps1 to commit the least violence1 until the cause has been judged in presence of the bishop and lord of the place4 ,the other canons forbid the robbing of merchants and pilgrims1 and the commission of wrong against any one1 under pain of being separated from the ,church1 if the crime be committed during the time of the truce4 ,in proportion as we advance in the #aath century1 we see the salutary practice of the truce of ,god more and more inculcated2 the ,popes interpose their authority in its favor4 ,at the ,council of ,gironne1 held by ,cardinal ,hugues-le-,blanc1 in #ajfh1 the truce of ,god is confirmed by the authority of ,alexander ,,ii41 under pain of excommunication2 the ,council held in #ajhj1 at ,lillebonne1 in ,normandy1 gives us reason to suppose that the truce was then generally established1 since it ordains1 by its first canon to bishops and lords1 to take care that it was observed1 and to inflict on offenders against it censures and other penalties4 ,in the year #ajic1 the ,council of ,troja1 in ,apulia1 held by ,urban ,,ii41 continues the truce of ,god4 ,to judge of the extent of this canonical regulation1 we should know that this ,council consisted of sixty-five bishops4 ,the number was much greater at the ,council of ,clermont1 in ,auvergne1 held by the same ,urban ,,ii41 in #ajie2 it reckoned no less than thirteen archbishops1 two hundred and twenty bishops1 and a great number of abbots4 ,the first canon of this ,council confirms the truce for ,thursday1 ,friday1 ,saturday1 and ,sunday2 it wishes1 moreover1 that it should be observed on all the days of the week1 with respect to monks1 clergy1 and women4 ,the canons #bi and #cj ordain1 that if a man pursued by an enemy take refuge near a cross1 he should be in safety1 as if he had found asylum in a church4 ,the sublime sign of redemption1 after having given salvation to the world1 by drinking on ,calvary the blood of the ,son of ,god1 had already proved a refuge1 during the sack of ,rome1 to those who fled from the fury of the barbarians2 centuries later1 we find it erected on the roads1 to save the unfortunate1 who1 by embracing it1 escaped their enemies1 who were thus deterred from vengeance4 ,the ,council of ,rouen1 held in #ajif1 extending still further the benefit of the truce1 ordains the observance of it from the ,sunday before ,ash ,wednesday till the second feast after the octave of ,pentecost1 from sunset on ,wednesday preceding ,advent to the octave of ,epiphany1 and every week from ,friday after sunset till the ,monday following at sunrise2 in fine1 on all the feasts and vigils of the ,virgin and the ,apostles4 ,the #b;d canon of the same ,council secures perpetual peace to all clergy1 monks1 and nuns1 to women1 to pilgrims1 to merchants and their servants1 to oxen and horses of labor1 to carmen and laborers2 it gives the same privileges to all lands that belong to sacred institutions2 all such persons1 animals1 and lands are protected from the attacks of pillage and all kinds of violence4 ,at this time the law felt itself stronger2 it could now call for obedience in a firmer tone2 we see1 indeed1 that the third canon of the same ,council enjoins upon all who have reached the age of twelve1 to engage by oath to observe the truce2 in the fourth canon1 all who refuse to take this oath are excommunicated4 ,some years after1 in #aaae1 the truce1 instead of comprising certain stated parts of the year1 embraces whole years2 the ,council of ,troja in ,apulia1 held in that year by ,pope ,pascal1 establishes the truce for three years4 ,the ,popes pursued with ardor the work thus commenced2 they sanctioned it with their authority1 and extended the observance of the truce by means of their influence1 then universal and powerful over all ,europe4 ,although the truce was apparently only a testimony of respect paid to religion by the violent passions1 which1 in her favor1 consented to suspend their hostilities1 it was1 in reality1 a triumph of right over might1 and one of the most admirable devices ever used to improve the manners of a barbarous people4 ,the man who1 during four days of the week1 and during long periods of the year1 was compelled to suspend the exercise of force1 was necessarily led to more gentle manners2 he must1 in the end1 entirely renounce it4 ,the difficulty is not1 to convince a man that he does ill1 but to make him lose the habit of doing so2 and it is well known that habits are engendered by the repetition of acts1 and are lost when they cease for a time4 ,nothing is more pleasing to the ,christian soul than to see the ,popes laboring to maintain and extend this truce4 ,they renew the command of it with a power the more efficacious and universal according to the number of bishops who assist at the ,councils where their supreme authority presides4 ,at the ,council of ,rheims1 opened by ,pope ,calixtus ,,ii4 in person1 in #aaai1 a decree confirming the truce is promulgated4 ,thirteen archbishops1 more than two hundred bishops1 and a great number of abbots and ecclesiastics1 distinguished for their rank1 assisted at this ,council4 ,the same command is renewed at the ,general ,council of ,lateran1 held under the care of the same ,pontiff1 ,calixtus ,,ii41 in #aabc4 ,there were assembled more than three hundred archbishops and bishops1 and more than six hundred abbots4 ,in #aacj1 the ,council of ,clermont1 in ,auvergne1 held by ,innocent ,,ii41 insists on the same point1 and repeats the regulations concerning the observance of the truce4 ,the ,council of ,avignon1 held in #abji1 by ,hugh1 ,bishop of ,riez1 and ,milon1 notary of ,pope ,innocent ,,iii41 both legates of the ,holy ,see1 confirms the laws before enacted on the subject of the peace and the truce1 and condemns the rebellious who dare to infringe them4 ,in the year #abae1 at the ,council of ,montpellier1 assembled by ,robert de ,couron1 and presided over by ,cardinal ,benavent1 in his office as legate of the province1 all the regulations established at different times for the public safety1 and more recently to secure peace between lord and lord1 and town and town1 are renewed and confirmed4 ,those who have regarded the intervention of the ecclesiastical power in civil affairs as a usurpation of the rights of public authority1 should tell us how it is possible to usurp that which does not exist1 and how a power which is unable to exercise the authority which ought to belong to it1 can reasonably complain when that authority passes into the hands of those who have force and skill to make use of it4 ,at that time1 the public authority did not at all complain of these pretended usurpations4 ,governments and nations looked upon them as just and legitimate2 for1 as we have said above1 they were natural and necessary1 they were brought about by the force of events1 they were the result of the situation of affairs4 ,certainly1 it would now seem extraordinary to see bishops provide for the security of roads1 publish edicts against incendiaries1 against robbers1 against those who cut down olive-trees and commit other injuries of the kind2 but1 at the time we are speaking of1 this proceeding was very natural1 and more1 it was necessary4 ,thanks to the care of the ,church1 to that incessant solicitude which has been since so inconsiderately blamed1 the foundations of the social edifice1 in which we now dwell in peace1 were laid2 an organization was realized which would have been impossible without the influence of religion and the action of ecclesiastical authority4 ,if you wish to know whether any fact of which you have to judge is the result of the nature of things1 or the fruit of well contrived combinations1 observe the manner in which it appears1 the places where it takes its rise1 the times which witness its appearance2 and if you shall find it reproduced at once in places far distant from each other1 by men who can have had no concert1 be assured that it is not the result of human contrivance1 but of the force of events4 ,these conditions are found united in a palpable manner in the action of the ecclesiastical power on public affairs4 ,open the ,councils of those times1 and everywhere the same facts meet your eyes2 thus1 to quote a few examples1 the ,council of ,palentia1 in the kingdom of ,leon1 held in #aabi1 decrees1 in its #abth canon1 exile or seclusion in a monastery1 against those who attack the clergy1 monks1 merchants1 pilgrims1 and women4 ,let us pass into ,france2 the ,council of ,clermont1 in ,auvergne1 held in #aacj1 pronounces1 in its #acth canon1 excommunication against incendiaries4 ,in #aaeg1 the ,council of ,rheims1 in the #c;d canon1 orders to be respected1 during war1 the persons of the clergy1 of monks1 women1 travellers1 laborers1 and vine-dressers4 ,let us pass into ,italy2 the #aath ,council of ,lateran1 a ,general ,council1 convoked in #aagi1 forbids1 in its #bb;d canon1 to maltreat or disturb monks1 clergy1 pilgrims1 merchants1 peasants1 either travelling or engaged in the labors of agriculture1 and animals laboring in the fields4 ,in its #bdth canon1 the same ,council excommunicates those who make slaves of1 or rob1 ,christians on voyages of commerce1 or for other lawful purposes2 those who plunder the shipwrecked are subjected to the same penalty1 unless they make restitution4 ,let us go to ,england2 there the ,council of ,oxford1 held in #abbb1 by ,stephen ,langton1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 forbids1 by its #bjth canon1 any one to have robbers in their service4 ,in ,sweden1 the ,council of ,arbogen1 held in #acif1 by ,henry1 ,archbishop of ,upsala1 directs1 by its #eth canon1 that church-burial shall be refused to pirates1 ravishers1 incendiaries1 highway robbers1 oppressors of the poor1 and other malefactors2 so that in all parts1 and at the same periods1 we see the same fact appear1 viz4 the ,church struggling against injustice and violence1 and endeavoring to substitute in their stead the empire of law and justice4 ,in what spirit must they read the history of the ,church1 who do not feel the beauty of the picture presented to us by the multitude of regulations1 scarcely indicated here1 all tending to protect the weak against the strong8 ,the clergy and monks1 on account of the weakness consequent on their peaceful profession1 find in the canons which we have just quoted peculiar protection2 but the same is granted to females1 to pilgrims1 to merchants1 to villagers1 travelling1 or engaged in rural labors1 and to beasts of labor--in a word1 to all that is weak2 and observe1 that this protection is not a mere passing effort of generosity1 but a system practised in widely different places1 continued for centuries1 developed and applied by all the means that charity suggests--a system inexhaustible in resources and contrivances1 both in producing good and in preventing evil4 ,and surely it cannot be said that the ,church was influenced in this by views of self-interest3 what interested motive could she have in preventing the spoliation of an obscure traveller1 the violence inflicted on a poor laborer1 or the insult offered to a defenceless woman8 ,the spirit which then animated her1 whatever might be the abuses which were introduced during unhappy times1 was1 as it now is1 the spirit of ,god himself--that spirit which continually communicates to her so marked an inclination towards goodness and justice1 and always urges her to realize1 by any possible means1 her sublime desires4 ,i leave the reader to judge whether or not the constant efforts of the ,church to banish the dominion of force from the bosom of society were likely to improve manners4 ,i now speak only of times of peace2 for ,i need not stay to prove that during the time of war that influence must have had the happiest results4 ,the v victis of the ancients has disappeared from modern history1 thanks to the divine religion which knew how to inspire man with new ideas and new feelings--thanks to the ,catholic ,church1 whose zeal for the redemption of captives has softened the fierce maxims of the ,romans1 who1 as we have seen1 had considered it necessary to take from brave men the hope of being redeemed from servitude1 when by the chances of war they had fallen into the hands of their enemies4 ,the reader may revert to the seventh chapter of this work1 and the third paragraph of the fifteenth note1 where there are1 in the original text1 numerous documents that may be quoted in support of our assertion2 he will thus be better able to judge of the gratitude which is due to the charity1 disinterestedness1 and indefatigable zeal of the ,catholic ,church in favor of the unfortunate1 who groaned in bondage in the power of their enemies4 ,we must also consider that1 slavery once abolished1 the system was necessarily improved2 for if those who surrendered could no longer be put to death1 or be kept in slavery1 the only thing to be done was1 to retain them for the time necessary to prevent their doing mischief1 or until they were ransomed4 ,now1 this is the modern system1 which consists in retaining prisoners till the end of the war1 or until they are exchanged4 ,although the amelioration of manners1 as ,i have said above1 consists1 properly speaking1 in the exclusion of force1 we must yet avoid considering this exclusion of force in the abstract1 and believing that such an order of things was possible1 by virtue of the mere development of mind4 ,all is connected in this world2 it is not enough1 to constitute the real improvement of manners1 that they avoid violence as much as possible2 they must also be benevolent4 ,as long as they are not so1 they will be less gentle than enervated2 the use of force will not be banished from society1 but it will remain artificially disguised4 ,it will be understood1 then1 that we are obliged here to take a survey of the principle whence ,european civilization has drawn the spirit of benevolence which distinguishes it2 we shall thus succeed in showing that the gentleness of our present manners is principally owing to ,catholicity4 ,there is1 besides1 in the examination of the principle of benevolence1 so much importance of its own1 independently of its connection with the question which now occupies us1 that we cannot avoid devoting some pages to it1 in the course of an analytical review of the elements of our civilization4#bb ,,chapter ,,xxxiii4 ,,on ,,the ,,development ,,of ,,public ,,beneficence ,,in ,,europe4 ,never will manners be perfectly gentle without the existence of public beneficence2 so that gentleness of manners and beneficence1 although distinct1 are sisters4 ,public beneficence1 properly so called1 was unknown among the ancients4 ,individuals might be beneficent there1 but society was without compassion4 ,thus1 the foundation of public establishments of beneficence formed no part of the system of administration among ancient nations4 ,what1 then1 did they do with the unfortunate8 ,we will answer with the author of the ,gnie de ,christianisme1 that they had no resources but infanticide and slavery4 ,christianity having become predominant everywhere1 we see the authority of the ,church employed in destroying the remains of cruel customs4 ,in the year #ddb1 the ,council of ,vaison1 establishing a regulation for the legitimate possession of foundlings1 decrees ecclesiastical censure against those who disturb by importunate reproaches charitable persons who have received children4 ,the ,council adopts this measure with the view of protecting a beneficent custom2 for1 adds the canon1 these children were exposed to be eaten by dogs4 ,there were still found fathers unnatural enough to kill their children4 ,the ,council of ,lerida1 held in #edf1 imposes seven years of penance on those who commit such a crime2 and that of ,toledo1 held in #ehi1 forbids1 in the #agth canon1 parents to commit this crime4 ,still1 the difficulty did not consist in correcting these excesses2 crimes thus opposed to the first notions of morality--so much in contradiction to the feelings of nature--tended to their own extirpation4 ,the difficulty consisted in finding proper means to organize a vast system of beneficence1 to provide constant succor1 not only for children1 but for old men1 for the sick1 for the poor incapable of living by their own labor2 in a word1 for all the necessitous4 ,familiarized as we are with such a system universally established1 we see nothing in it but what is simple and natural2 we can hardly find any merit in it4 ,but let us suppose for a moment that such institutions do not exist2 let us transport ourselves to the times when there was not even the first idea of them1 what continued efforts would there not be required to establish and organize them6 ,it is clear that by the mere extension of ,christian charity in the world the various wants of humanity must have been more frequently succored1 and with more efficacy1 than they were before2 and this even if we suppose that the exercise of charity was limited to purely individual means4 ,assuredly1 there would always have been a great number of the faithful who would have remembered the doctrines and example of ,jesus ,christ4 ,our ,saviour did not content ,himself with teaching us by his discourses the obligation of loving our neighbor as ourselves1 nor with a barren affection1 but by giving food to the hungry1 drink to the thirsty1 clothes to the naked2 by visiting the sick and prisoners4 ,he showed us in his own conduct a model of the practice of charity4 ,he could have shown in a thousand ways the power which belonged to ,him in heaven and on earth2 his voice could have controlled all the elements1 stopped the motions of the stars1 and suspended all the laws of nature2 but ,he delighted above all in displaying his beneficence2 ,he only attested his divinity by miracles which healed or consoled the unfortunate4 ,his whole life is summed up in the sublime simplicity of these two words of the sacred text3 pertransiit benefaciendo2 ,he went about doing good4 ,whatever good might be expected from ,christian charity when left to its own inspiration1 and acting in a sphere purely individual1 it was not desirable to leave it in this state4 ,it was necessary to realize it in permanent institutions1 and not to leave the consolation of the unfortunate to the mercy of man and passing circumstances2 this is the reason why there was so much wisdom and foresight in the idea of founding establishments of beneficence4 ,it was the ,church that conceived and executed this idea4 ,therein she only applied to a particular case her general rule of conduct2 which is1 never to leave to the will of individuals what can be connected with an institution3 and observe1 that this is one of the causes of the strength inherent in all that belongs to ,catholicity4 ,as the principle of authority in matters of faith preserves to her unity and constancy therein1 so the rule of intrusting every thing to institutions secures the solidity and duration of all her works4 ,these two principles have an intimate connection2 for if you examine them attentively1 the one supposes that she distrusts the intellect of man1 the other1 that she distrusts his individual will and capacity4 ,the one supposes that man is not sufficient of himself to attain to1 and preserve the knowledge of1 certain truths2 the other1 that he is so feeble and capricious1 that it is unwise to leave to his weakness and inconstancy the care of doing good4 ,now1 neither one nor the other is injurious to man2 neither one nor the other lowers his proper dignity4 ,the ,church only tells him1 that he is1 in reality1 subject to error1 inclined to evil1 inconstant in his designs1 and very miserable in his resources4 ,these are melancholy truths2 but the experience of every day attests them1 and the ,christian religion explains them1 by establishing1 as a fundamental dogma1 the fall of man in the person of our first parent4 ,protestantism1 following principles diametrically opposite1 applies the same spirit of individuality to the will as to the intelligence2 it is even the natural enemy of institutions4 ,without going further than our present subject1 we see that its first step1 on its appearance1 was to destroy what existed1 without in any way replacing it4 ,will it be believed that ,montesquieu went so far as to applaud this work of destruction8 ,this is another proof of the fatal influence exerted over minds by the pestilential atmosphere of the last century3 ,henri ,,viii41 says ,montesquieu1 voulant rformer l'glise d',angleterre1 dtruisit les moines3 nation paresseuse elle-mme1 et qui entretenait la paresse des autres1 parceque1 practiquant l'hospitalit1 une infinit de gens oisifs1 gentilhommes et bourgeois1 passoient leur vie courir de couvent en couvent4 ,il ta encore les hpitaux1 o le bas peuple trouvait sa subsistence1 comme les gentilhommes trouvaient la leur dans les monastres4 ,depuis ce changement1 l'esprit de commerce et d'industrie s'tablit en ,angleterre4 7,de l',esprit des ,lois1 liv4 xxiii4 chap4 #ai47 ,that ,montesquieu should praise this conduct of ,henry ,,viii41 and the destruction of monasteries1 for the miserable reason1 that it was good to deprive the idle of the hospitality of the monks1 is a notion which ought not to astonish us1 as such vulgar ideas were in accordance with the taste of the philosophy which had then begun to prevail4 ,it attempted to find profound economical and political reasons for all that was in opposition to the institutions of ,catholicity2 and this was not difficult1 for a prejudiced mind always finds in books1 as well as in facts1 what it seeks4 ,we might inquire of ,montesquieu1 however1 what is become of the property of the monasteries8 ,as these rich spoils were in great part given to the same nobles who found hospitality with the monks1 we might observe to him1 that it was a singular way of diminishing the idleness of people1 to give them as their own the property which they had previously enjoyed as guests4 ,it cannot be denied1 that to take to the houses of the nobles the property which had supported the hospitality which the monks showed them1 was certainly to save them the trouble of running from monastery to monastery4 ,but what we cannot tolerate is1 to hear vaunted as a political chef-d'uvre1 the suppression of the hospitals where the poor people found their subsistence4 ,what6 are these your lofty views1 and is your philosophy so devoid of compassion1 that you think the destruction of the asylums of misfortune proper means for encouraging industry and commerce8 ,the worst of it is1 that ,montesquieu1 seduced by the desire of offering new and piquant observations1 goes so far as to deny the utility of hospitals1 pretending that1 in ,rome1 they make all live in comfort except those who labor4 ,he does not wish to have them in rich nations or in poor ones4 ,he supports this cruel paradox by a reason stated in the following words3 ,quand la nation est pauvre1 says he1 la pauvret particulire drive de la misre gnrale1 et elle est1 pour ainsi dire1 la misre gnrale4 ,tous les hpitaux du monde ne sauraient gurir cette pauvret particulire2 au contraire l'esprit de paresse qu'ils inspirent augmente la pauvret gnrale1 et par consquent la particulire4 ,thus1 hospitals are represented as dangerous to poor nations1 and consequently condemned4 ,let us now listen to what is said of rich ones3 ,j'ai dit que les nations riches avaient besoin d'hpitaux1 parceque la fortune y tait sujette a mille accidents2 mais on sent que les recours passagers vaudraient bien mieux que les tablissements perptuels4 ,le mal est momentan2 il faut donc des secours de mme nature1 et qui soient applicables l'accident particulier4 7,de l',esprit des ,lois1 liv4 xxiii4 chap4 #ai47 ,it is difficult to find any thing more empty or more false4 ,undoubtedly1 if we were to judge1 by these passages1 of the ,esprit des ,lois1 the merit of which has been so much exaggerated1 we should be compelled to condemn it in terms more severe than those employed by ,m4 de ,bonald1 when he called it the most profound of superficial works4 ,happily for the poor1 and for the good order of society1 ,europe in general has not adopted these maxims2 and on this point1 as on many others1 prejudices against ,catholicity have been laid aside1 in order to continue1 with more or less modification1 the system which she taught4 ,we find in ,england herself a considerable number of establishments of beneficence2 and it is not believed in that country that it is necessary1 in order to excite the activity of the poor1 to expose them to the danger of dying of hunger4 ,we should always remember that the system of public establishments for beneficence1 now general in ,europe1 would not have existed without ,catholicity2 indeed1 we may rest assured1 that if the religious schism had taken place before the foundation and organization of this system1 ,european society would not now have enjoyed these establishments which do it so much honor1 and are so precious an element of good government and public tranquillity4 ,it is one thing to found and maintain an establishment of this kind1 when a great number of similar ones already exist1--when governments possess immense resources1 and strength sufficient to protect all interests2 but it is a very different thing to establish a multitude of them in all places1 when there is no model to be copied1 when it is necessary to improvise in a thousand ways the indispensable resources1--when public authority has no prestige or force to control the violent passions that struggle to gain every thing that they can feed on4 ,now1 in modern times1 since the existence of ,protestantism1 the first only of these things has been done2 the second was accomplished centuries before by the ,catholic ,church2 and let it be observed1 that what has been done in ,protestant countries in favor of public beneficence1 has been done by administrative acts of the government1 acts which were necessarily inspired by the view of the happy results already obtained from similar institutions4 ,but ,protestantism1 by itself1 considered as a separate ,church1 has done nothing1 and it could do nothing2 for in all places where it preserves any thing of hierarchical organization1 it is the mere instrument of the civil power2 consequently it cannot there act by its own inspirations4 ,such is the vice of its constitution4 ,its prejudice against the religious institutions1 both of men and women1 make it sterile in this respect4 ,thus1 indeed1 it is deprived of one of the most powerful elements possessed by ,catholicity to accomplish the most arduous and laborious works of charity4 ,for the great works of charity1 it is necessary to be free from worldly attachments and self-love2 and these qualities are found in an eminent degree in persons who are devoted to charity in religious institutions4 ,there they commence with that freedom which is the root of all the rest--the absence of self-love4 ,the ,catholic ,church has not been instigated to this by the civil power2 she has considered it as one of her own peculiar duties to provide for the unfortunate4 ,her bishops have always been looked upon as the protectors and the natural inspectors of beneficent establishments4 ,therefore there was a law which placed hospitals under the charge of the bishops2 and thence it comes that that class of charitable institutions has always occupied a distinguished place in canonical legislation4 ,the ,church1 from remote times1 has made laws concerning hospitals4 ,thus1 we see the ,council of ,chalcedon place under the authority of the bishop the clergy residing in ,ptochs1--that is1 as explained by ,zonarus1 in the establishments destined to support and provide for the poor3 ,such1 he says1 as those where orphans and the old and infirm are received and cared for4 ,the ,council makes use of this expression1 according to the tradition of the holy ,fathers2 thereby indicating that regulations had been made of old by the ,church concerning establishments of this kind4 ,the learned also know what the ancient diaconies were1--places of charity1 where poor widows1 orphans1 old men1 and other unfortunate persons1 were received4 ,when the irruption of the barbarians had introduced everywhere the reign of force1 the possessions which hospitals already had1 and those which they afterwards gained1 were exposed to unbounded rapacity4 ,the ,church did all she could to protect them4 ,it was forbidden to take them1 under the severest penalties2 those who made the attempt were punished as murderers of the poor4 ,the ,council of ,orleans1 held in #edi1 forbids1 in its #acth canon1 taking the property of hospitals2 the #aeth canon of the same ,council confirms the foundation of a hospital at ,lyons1 a foundation due to the charity of ,king ,childebert and ,queen ,ultrogotha4 ,the ,council takes measures to secure the safety and good management of the funds of that hospital2 all violating these regulations are anathematized as guilty of homicide of the poor4 ,we find1 with respect to the poor1 in very ancient ,councils1 regulations of charity and police at the same time1 quite similar to measures now adopted in certain countries4 ,for example1 parishes are enjoined to make a list of their poor1 to maintain them1 c4 ,the ,council of ,tours1 held in #eff or #efg1 by its #eth canon orders every town to maintain its poor2 and the priests in the country1 as well as the faithful1 to maintain their own1 in order to prevent mendicants from wandering about the towns and provinces4 ,with respect to lepers1 the #bast canon of the ,council of ,orleans1 before quoted1 prescribes to bishops to take particular care of these unfortunate beings in all dioceses1 and to furnish them with food and clothing out of the ,church funds2 the ,council of ,lyons1 held in #ehc1 in its #fth canon ordains that the lepers of every town and territory shall be supported at the expense of the ,church under the care of the bishop4 ,the ,church had a register of the poor1 intended to regulate the distribution which was made to them of a portion of the ecclesiastical property2 it was expressly forbidden to demand any thing from the poor for being inscribed in this book of charity4 ,the ,council of ,rheims1 held in #hgd1 in the second of its five articles forbids receiving any thing from the poor thus inscribed1 and that under pain of deposition4 ,zeal for improving the condition of prisoners1 a kind of charity which has been so much displayed in modern times1 is extremely ancient in the ,church4 ,we must observe that in the sixth century there was already an inspector of prisons2 the archdeacon or the provost of the church was obliged to visit prisoners on all ,sundays2 no class of criminals was excluded from the benefit of this solicitude4 ,the archdeacon was bound to learn their wants1 and to furnish them1 by means of a person recommended by the bishop1 with food and all they stood in need of4 ,this was ordered by the #bjth canon of the ,council of ,orleans1 held in #edi4 ,it would be too long to enumerate even a small part of the ordinances which attest the zeal of the ,church for the comfort and consolation of the unfortunate2 besides1 it would be beyond my purpose1 for ,i have only undertaken to compare the spirit of ,protestantism with that of ,catholicity with respect to works of charity4 ,yet1 and as the development of this question has naturally led me to state several historical facts1 ,i shall allude to the #adast canon of the ,council of ,aix-la-,chapelle1 enjoining upon prelates to found1 according to the example of their predecessors1 a hospital to receive all the poor that the revenues of the ,church were able to support4 ,prebendaries were bound to give to the hospital the tenth of their fruits2 one of them was appointed to receive the poor and strangers1 and to watch over the administration of the hospital4 ,such was the rule of prebendaries4 ,in the rule destined for the canonesses1 the same ,council ordains that a hospital shall be established close to the house1 and that it shall itself contain a place reserved for poor women4 ,therefore1 were there seen1 many centuries later1 in various places1 hospitals near to prebendal churches4 ,as we approach our own times1 we everywhere see innumerable institutions founded for charity4 ,ought we not to admire the fruitfulness with which there arise1 on all sides1 as many resources as are necessary to succour all the unfortunate8 ,we cannot calculate with precision what would have happened if ,protestantism had not appeared1 but at least there is a conjecture authorized by reasons of analogy4 ,if the development of ,european civilization had been fully carried out under the principle of religious unity1 if the so-called ,reformation had not plunged ,europe into continual revolutions and reactions1 there would certainly have been produced in the bosom of the ,catholic ,church some general system of beneficence1 which1 organized on a grand scale and in conformity with the new progress of society1 would have been able to prevent or effectually to remedy the sore of pauperism1 that cancer of modern nations4 ,what was not to be expected from all the intelligence and all the resources of ,europe1 working in concert to obtain this great result8 ,unhappily1 the unity of faith was broken2 authority1 the proper centre1 past1 present1 and future1 was rejected4 ,from that time ,europe1 which was destined to become a nation of brothers1 was changed into a most fiercely-contested battle-field4 ,hatred1 engendered by religious differences1 prevented any united efforts for new arrangements2 and the necessities which arose out of the bosom of the social and political organization1 which was for ,europe the fruit of so many centuries of labor1 could not be provided for4 ,bitter disputes1 rebellions1 and wars were acclimatized among us4 ,let us remember that the ,protestant schism not only prevented the union of all the efforts of ,europe to attain the end in question1 but1 moreover1 it has been the reason why ,catholicism has not been able to act in a regular manner even in those countries where it has preserved its complete empire1 or a decided predominance4 ,in these countries it has been compelled to hold itself in an attitude of defence2 it has been obliged1 by the attacks of its enemies1 to employ a great part of its resources in defending its own existence3 it is very probably for this reason that the state of things in ,europe is entirely different from what it would have been on a contrary supposition2 and perhaps in the latter case there would not have existed the sad necessity of exhausting itself in impotent efforts against an evil1 which1 according to all appearances1 and unless hitherto unknown means can be devised1 appears without remedy4 ,i shall be told that the ,church in this case would have had an excessive authority over all that relates to charity1 and would have unjustly usurped the civil power4 ,this is a mistake2 the ,church has never claimed any thing that is not quite conformable to her indelible character of protector of all the unfortunate4 ,during some centuries1 it is true1 we hardly hear any other voice or perceive any other action than hers1 in all that relates to beneficence2 but we must observe that the civil power during that time was very far from possessing a regular and vigorous administration1 capable of doing without the aid of the ,church4 ,the latter was so far from being actuated by any motives of ambition1 that her double charge of spiritual and temporal things imposed on her all sorts of sacrifices4 ,three centuries have passed away since the event of which we now lament the fatal results4 ,europe during this period has been submitted in great part to the influence of ,protestantism1 but it has made no progress thereby4 ,i cannot believe that these three centuries would have passed away under the exclusive influence of ,catholicity1 without producing in the bosom of ,europe a degree of charity sufficient to raise the system of beneficence to the height demanded by the difficulties and new interests of society4 ,if we look at the different systems which ferment in minds devoted to the study of this grave question1 we shall always find there association under one form or another4 ,now association has been at all times one of the favorite principles of ,catholicity1 which1 by proclaiming unity in faith1 proclaims it also in all things2 but there is this difference1 that a great number of associations which are conceived and established in our days are nothing but an agglomeration of interests2 they want unity of will and of aim1 conditions which can be obtained only by means of ,christian charity4 ,yet these two conditions are indispensably necessary to accomplish great works of beneficence1 if any thing else is required than a mere measure of public administration4 ,as to the administration itself1 it is of little avail when it is not vigorous2 and unfortunately1 in acquiring the necessary vigor1 its action becomes somewhat stiff and harsh4 ,therefore it is that ,christian charity is required1 which1 penetrating on all sides like a balsam1 softens all that is harsh in human action4 ,i pity the unfortunate who in their necessities find only the succor of the civil authorities1 without the intervention of ,christian charity4 ,in reports presented to the public1 philanthropy may and will exaggerate the care which it lavishes on the unfortunate1 but things will not be so in reality4 ,the love of our brethren1 when it is not founded on religious principle1 is as fruitful in words as it is barren in deeds4 ,the sight of the poor1 of the sick1 of impotent old age1 is too disagreeable for us long to bear it1 unless we are urged to it by very powerful motives4 ,even much less can we hope that a vague feeling of humanity will suffice to make us encounter1 as we should1 the constant cares required to console these unfortunate beings4 ,when ,christian charity is wanting1 a good administration will no doubt enforce punctuality and exactitude--all that can be demanded of men who receive a salary for their services3 but one thing will be wanting1 which nothing can replace and money cannot buy1 viz4 love4 ,but it will be asked1 have you no faith in philanthropy8 ,no2 for as ,m4 de ,chateaubriand says1 philanthropy is only the false coin of charity4 ,it was then perfectly reasonable that the ,church should have a direct influence in all branches of beneficence1 for she knew better than any others how to make ,christian charity active1 by applying it to all kinds of necessities and miseries4 ,therein she did not gratify her ambition1 but found food for her zeal2 she did not claim a privilege1 but exerted a right4 ,in fine1 if you will persevere in calling such a desire ambition1 you cannot deny at least that it was ambition of a new kind4 ,an ambition truly worthy of glory and reward1 is that which claims the right of succoring and consoling the unfortunate4#bc ,,chapter ,,xxxiv4 ,,on ,,toleration ,,in ,,religious ,,matters4 ,the question of the improvement of manners1 treated in the preceding chapters1 naturally leads me to another1 sufficiently thorny in itself1 and rendered still more so by innumerable prejudices4 ,i allude to toleration in matters of religion4 ,the word ,catholicity1 to certain persons1 is the synonyme of intolerance2 and the confusion of ideas on this point has become such1 that no more laborious task can be undertaken than to clear them up4 ,it is only necessary to pronounce the word intolerance1 to raise in the minds of some people all sorts of black and horrible ideas4 ,legislation1 institutions1 and men of past times1 all are condemned without appeal1 the moment there is seen the slightest appearance of intolerance4 ,more than one cause contributes to this universal prejudice4 ,yet1 if called upon to point out the principal one1 we would repeat the profound maxim of ,cato1 who1 when accused at the age of eighty-six of certain offences of his past life1 committed at times long gone by1 said1 ,it is difficult to render an account of one's own conduct to men belonging to an age different from that in which one has lived4 ,there are some things of which one cannot accurately judge without1 not only a knowledge of them1 but also a complete appreciation of the times when they occurred4 ,how many men are capable of attaining to this8 ,there are few who are able to succeed in freeing their minds from the influence of the atmosphere which surrounds them2 but there are fewer still who can do the same with their hearts4 ,the age in which we live is precisely the reverse of the ages of intolerance2 and this is the first difficulty which meets us in discussing questions of this kind4 ,the prejudice and bad faith of some who have applied themselves to this subject1 have contributed also in a considerable degree to erroneous opinions4 ,there is nothing in the world which cannot be undervalued by showing only one side of it2 for thus considered1 all things are false1 or rather are not themselves4 ,all bodies have three dimensions2 only to look at one is not to form an idea of the body itself1 but of a quantity very different from it4 ,take any institution1 the most just and useful that can be imagined1 then all the inconveniences and evils which it has caused1 taking care to bring together into a few pages what in reality was spread over a great many ages2 then your history will be disgusting1 hideous1 and worthy of execration4 ,let a partisan of democracy describe to you in a narrow compass1 and by means of historical facts1 all the inconveniences and evils of monarchy1 the vices and the crimes of kings2 how will monarchy then appear to you8 ,but let a partisan of monarchy paint to you1 in his turn1 by the same method of historical facts1 democracy and demagogues2 and what will you then think of democracy8 ,assemble in one picture all the evils occasioned to nations by a high degree of development of the social state2 civilization and refinement will then appear detestable4 ,by seeking and selecting in the annals of the human mind certain traits1 the history of science may be made the history of folly1 and even of crime4 ,by heaping together the fatal accidents that have occurred to masters of the healing art1 their beneficent profession may be represented as a career of homicide4 ,in a word1 every thing may be falsified by proceeding in this way4 ,god himself would appear to us as a monster of cruelty and tyranny1 if1 taking away his goodness1 wisdom1 and justice1 we only attended to the evils which we see in a world created by his power and governed by his providence4 ,having laid down these principles1 let us apply them4 ,the spirit of the age1 particular circumstances1 and an order of things quite different from ours1 are all forgotten1 and the history of the religious intolerance of ,catholics is composed by taking care to condense into a few pages1 and paint in the blackest colours1 the severity of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 of ,philip ,,ii41 of ,mary of ,england1 of ,louis ,,xiv41 and every thing of the kind that occurred during three centuries4 ,the reader who receives1 almost at the same moment1 the impression of events which occurred during a period of three hundred years1--the reader1 accustomed to live in society where prisons are being converted into houses of recreation1 and where the punishment of death is vigorously opposed1 can he behold the appearance of darksome dungeons1 the instruments of punishment1 the san-benitos and scaffolds1 without being deeply moved8 ,he will bewail the unfortunate lot of those who perish2 he will be indignant against the authors of what he calls horrible atrocities4 ,nothing has been said to this candid reader of the principles and conduct of ,protestants at the same time2 he has not been reminded of the cruelty of ,henry ,,viii4 and of ,elizabeth of ,england4 ,thus all his hatred is directed against ,catholics1 and he is accustomed to regard ,catholicity as a religion of tyranny and blood4 ,but will a judgment thus formed be just8 ,will this be a sentence passed with a full knowledge of the cause8 ,what would impartiality direct us to do1 if we met with a dark picture1 painted in the way we have described1 of monarchy1 democracy1 or civilization1 of science1 or of the healing art8 ,what we should do1 or rather what we ought to do1 is to extend our view further1 to examine the subject in its different phases2 to inquire into its good as well as its evil3 this would be to look upon these evils as they really are1 that is1 spread at great distances over the course of centuries2 this would weaken the impression they had made upon us3 in a word1 we should thus be just1 we should take the balance in hand to weigh the good and evil1 to compare the one with the other1 as we ought always to do when we have duly to appreciate things in the history of humanity4 ,in the case in question1 we should act in the same way1 in order to provide against the error into which we may be led by the false statements and exaggerations of certain men1 whose evident intention it has been to falsify facts by representing only one side of them4 ,the ,inquisition no longer exists1 and assuredly there is no probability of its being re-established2 the severe laws in force on this matter in former times no longer exist2 they are either abrogated or they are fallen into desuetude3 no one1 therefore1 has an interest in representing this institution in a false point of view4 ,it may be imagined that some men had an interest in this while they were engaged in destroying their ancient laws1 but that once attained1 the ,inquisition and its laws are become a historical fact1 which ought to be examined here with attention and impartiality4 ,we have here two questions1 that of principle1 and that of its application2 in other words1 that of intolerance1 and that of the manner of showing it4 ,we must not confound these two things1 which1 although very closely connected1 are very different4 ,i shall begin with the first4 ,the principle of universal toleration is now proclaimed1 and all kind of intolerance is condemned without appeal4 ,but who takes care to examine the real meaning of these words8 who undertakes to analyze the ideas which they contain by the light of reason1 and explain them by means of history and experience8 ,very few4 ,they are pronounced mechanically2 they are constantly employed to establish propositions of the highest importance1 without even the suspicion that they contain ideas1 the right or wrong comprehension and application of which is every thing for the preservation of society4 ,few persons consider that these words include questions as profound as they are delicate1 and the whole of a large portion of history2 very few observe that1 according to one solution given to the problem of toleration1 all the past is condemned1 and all the present overturned2 nothing is left thereby to build on for the future but a moving bed of sand4 ,certainly1 the most convenient way in such a case is1 to adopt and employ these words such as we already find them in circulation1 in the same way as we take and circulate the current coin1 without considering whether it be composed of alloy or not4 ,but what is the most convenient is not always the most useful2 and1 as when receiving coins of value1 we carefully examine them1 so we ought to weigh words the meaning of which is of such paramount importance4 ,toleration--what is the meaning of this word8 ,it means1 properly speaking1 the patience with which we suffer a thing which we judge to be bad1 but which we think it desirable not to punish4 ,thus1 some kinds of scandals are tolerated2 prostitutes are tolerated2 such and such abuses are tolerated2 so that the idea of toleration is always accompanied by the idea of evil4 ,when toleration is exercised in the order of ideas1 it always supposes a misunderstanding1 or error4 ,no one will say that he tolerates the truth4 ,we have an observation to make here4 ,the phrase to tolerate opinions is commonly used3 now1 opinion is very different from error4 ,at first sight1 the difficulty appears great2 but if we examine the thing well1 we shall be able to explain it4 ,when we say that we tolerate an opinion1 we always mean an opinion contrary to our own4 ,in this case1 the opinion of another is1 according to us1 an error2 for it is impossible to have an opinion on any point whatever--that is1 to think that a thing is or is not1 is in one way or in another--without thinking at the same time that those who judge otherwise are deceived4 ,if our opinion is only an opinion--that is1 if our judgment1 although based on reasons which appear to us to be good1 has not attained to a degree of complete certainty--our judgment of another will be only a mere opinion2 but if our conviction has become completely established and confirmed--that is1 if it has attained to certainty--we shall be sure that those who form a judgment opposed to ours are deceived4 ,thence it follows1 that the word toleration1 applied to opinions1 always means the toleration of an error4 ,he who says1 yes1 thinks no is false2 and he who says1 no1 thinks yes is a mistake4 ,this is only an application of the well-known principle1 that it is impossible for the same thing to be and not to be at the same time4 ,but1 we shall be asked1 ,what do you mean when you use these words1 'to respect opinions8' is it always understood that we respect errors8 ,no2 for these words can have two different and equally reasonable meanings4 ,the first is founded on the feebleness of the conviction of the person from whom the respect comes4 ,when on any particular point we have only just formed an opinion1 it is understood that we have not reached certainty2 consequently1 we know that there are reasons on the other side4 ,in this sense1 we may well say that we respect the opinions of others3 we express thereby our conviction that it is possible that we are deceived--that it is possible the truth is not on our side4 ,in the second meaning1 to respect opinions is to respect1 sometimes those who profess them1 sometimes their good faith1 sometimes their intentions4 ,thus1 when we say that we respect prejudices1 it is clear that we do not mean a real respect professed in this place4 ,we see thus1 that the expression 'to respect the opinions of others' has a very different meaning1 according as the person from whom the respect comes has or has not assured convictions in the contrary sense4 ,in order the better to understand what toleration is1 what its origin and its effects1 it is necessary1 before we examine it in society1 to reduce it to its simplest element4 ,let us analyze toleration considered in the individual4 ,an individual is called tolerant1 when he is habitually in a disposition of mind to bear without irritation or disturbance opinions contrary to his own4 ,this toleration will bear different names1 according to the different matters to which it relates4 ,in religious matters1 tolerance as well as intolerance may be found in those who have religion as well as in those who have none2 so that neither of these situations1 with respect to religion1 necessarily implies the one or the other4 ,some people imagine that tolerance is peculiar to the incredulous1 and intolerance to the religious2 but they are mistaken4 ,who is more tolerant than ,st4 ,francis de ,sales8 who more intolerant than ,voltaire8 ,tolerance in religious men--that tolerance which does not come from want of faith1 and which is not inconsistent with an ardent zeal for the preservation and propagation of the faith--is born of two principles1 charity and humility4 ,charity1 which makes us love all men1 even our greatest enemies2 charity1 which inspires us with compassion for their faults and errors1 and obliges us to regard them as brothers1 to employ all the means in our power to withdraw them from being fatally deceived2 charity1 which forbids us ever to regard them as deprived of the hope of salvation as long as they live4 ,rousseau has said1 that it is impossible to live in peace with those that one believes to be damned4 ,we do not1 and we cannot1 believe in the condemnation of any man as long as he lives2 however great may be his iniquity1 the mercy of ,god and the value of the blood of ,jesus ,christ are still greater4 ,we are so far from thinking with the philosopher of ,geneva1 that to love such people would be to hate ,god1 that no one could maintain such a doctrine among us without ceasing to belong to our faith4 ,the other source of tolerance is ,christian humility3 humility1 which inspires us with a profound sense of our weakness1 and makes us consider all that we have as given by ,god2 humility1 which makes us consider our advantages over our neighbor as so many more powerful motives for acknowledging the liberality of ,providence2 humility1 which1 placing before our eyes the spectacle of humanity in its proper light1 makes us regard ourselves and all others as members of the great family of the human race1 fallen from its ancient dignity by the sin of our first parent2 humility1 which shows us the perverse inclinations of our hearts1 the darkness of our minds1 and the claims which man has to pity and indulgence in his faults and errors2 humility1 that virtue sublime even in its abasement4 ,if humility is so pleasing to ,god1 is the admirable observation of ,st4 ,theresa1 it is because it is the truth4 ,this is the virtue which renders us indulgent towards all men1 by never allowing us to forget that we ourselves1 perhaps1 more than any others1 have need of indulgence4 ,yet for a man to be tolerant1 in the full extent of the word1 it is not enough for him to be humble and charitable2 this is a truth which experience teaches and reason explains to us4 ,in order perfectly to clear up a point1 the obscurity of which produces the confusion which almost always prevails in these questions1 let us make a comparison between two men equally religious1 whose principles are the same1 but whose conduct is very different4 ,let us suppose two priests both distinguished for learning and eminent virtue4 ,the one has passed his life in retirement1 surrounded by pious persons1 and having no intercourse with any but ,catholics3 the other has been a missionary in countries where different religions are established1 he has been obliged to live and converse with men of creeds different from his own2 he has been under the necessity of witnessing the establishment of temples of a false religion close to those of the true one4 ,the principles of ,christian charity will be the same with both these priests2 both will look upon faith as a gift of ,god1 which he has received1 and must preserve2 their conduct1 however1 will be very different1 if they meet with a man of a faith different from their own1 or of none at all4 ,the first1 who1 never having had intercourse with any but the faithful1 has always heard religion spoken of with respect1 will be horrified1 will be indignant1 at the first word he shall hear against the faith or ceremonies of the ,church2 it will be impossible1 or nearly so1 for him to remain calm during a conversation or discussion on the question3 the second1 accustomed to such things1 to hear his faith impugned1 to dispute with men of creeds opposed to his own1 will remain tranquil2 he will engage in a discussion with coolness1 if it be necessary2 he will skilfully avoid one1 if prudence shall advise such a course4 ,whence comes this difference8 ,it is not difficult to discover4 ,the second of these priests1 by intercourse with men1 by experience1 by contradiction1 has obtained a clear notion of the real condition of men's minds in the world2 he is aware of the fatal combination of circumstances which has led a great number of unfortunate persons into error1 and keeps them there2 he knows how1 in some measure1 to put himself in their place2 and the more lively is his sense of the benefit conferred upon him by ,providence1 the more mild and indulgent he is towards others4 ,the other may be as virtuous1 as charitable1 and as humble as you please2 but how can you expect of him that he will not be deeply moved1 and give utterance to his indignation1 the first time that he hears that denied which he has always believed with the most lively faith8 ,he has up to this time met with no opposition in the world1 but a few arguments in books4 ,certainly he was not ignorant that there existed heretics and unbelievers1 but he has not frequently met with them1 he has not heard them state their hundred different systems1 and he has not witnessed the erroneous creeds of men of all sorts1 of different characters1 and the most varied minds2 the lively susceptibility of his mind1 which has never met with resistance1 has not been blunted2 for this reason1 although endowed with the same virtues1 and1 if you will1 with the same knowledge as the other1 he has not acquired that penetration1 that vivacity1 so to speak1 with which a man of practised intellect enters into the minds of those with whom he has to deal1 discerns the reasons1 seizes the motives which blind them and hinder them from obtaining a knowledge of the truth4 ,thus tolerance1 in a person who is religious1 supposes a certain degree of gentleness of mind1 the fruit of intercourse with men1 and the habits thereby engendered2 yet this quality is consistent with the deepest conviction1 and the purest and most ardent zeal for the propagation of the truth4 ,in the moral1 as in the physical world1 friction polishes1 use wears away1 and nothing can remain for a long time in an attitude of violence4 ,a man will be indignant1 once1 twice1 a hundred times1 when he hears his manner of thinking attacked2 but it is impossible for him to remain so always2 he will1 in the end1 become accustomed to opposition2 he will1 by habit1 bear it calmly4 ,however sacred may be his articles of belief1 he will content himself with defending and putting them forward at convenient opportunities2 in all other cases1 he will keep them in the bottom of his soul1 as a treasure which he is desirous to preserve from any thing that may injure them4 ,tolerance1 then1 does not suppose any new principles in a man1 but rather a quality acquired by practice2 a disposition of mind1 into which a man finds himself insensibly led2 a habit of patience1 formed in him by constantly having to bear with what he disapproves of4 ,now1 if we consider tolerance in men who are not religious1 we shall observe that there are two ways of being irreligious4 ,there are men who not only have no religion1 but who have an animosity against it1 either on account of some fatal error they entertain1 or because they find it an obstacle to their designs4 ,these men are extremely intolerant2 and their intolerance is the worst of all1 because it is not accompanied by any moral principle which can restrain it4 ,a man thus circumstanced feels himself1 as it were1 continually at war with himself and the human race2 with himself1 because he must stifle the cries of his own conscience3 with the human race1 because all protest against the mad doctrine that pretends to banish the worship of ,god from the earth4 ,therefore we find among men of this kind much rancor and spleen2 therefore their words are full of gall2 therefore they have constantly recourse to raillery1 insult1 and calumny4 ,but there is another class of men who1 although devoid of religion1 are not strongly prejudiced against the faith4 ,they live in a kind of skepticism1 into which the reading of bad books1 or the observations of a superficial and frivolous philosophy1 have led them2 they are not attached to religion1 but they are not its enemies4 ,many of them acknowledge the importance of religion for the good of society1 and some of them even feel within themselves a certain desire to return to the faith2 in their moments of recollection and meditation1 they remember with pleasure the days when they offered to ,god an obedient spirit and a pure heart2 and at the sight of the rapid course of life1 they perhaps love to cherish the hope of becoming reconciled with the ,god of their fathers1 before they descend into the grave4 ,these men are tolerant2 but1 if carefully examined1 their tolerance is not a principle or a virtue1 it is only a necessity resulting from their position4 ,it is difficult to be indignant at the opinions of others1 when we have none of our own--when1 consequently1 we do not come into collision with any4 ,it is difficult to be violently opposed to religion1 when we consider it as a thing necessary for the welfare of society2 there can be no hatred or rancor towards faith in a soul which desires its mercy1 and which1 perhaps1 fixes its eyes upon it as the last beam of hope amid the terrors of an alarming future4 ,tolerance1 in this case1 is nothing strange2 it is natural and necessary4 ,intolerance would be inconceivable and extravagant1 and could arise only from a bad heart4 ,in applying these remarks to society instead of individuals1 it must be observed that tolerance1 as well as intolerance1 may be considered in government1 or in society4 ,it sometimes happens that government and society are not agreed2 while the former maintains one principle1 the reverse may prevail in the latter4 ,as governments are composed of a limited number of individuals1 all that has been said of tolerance1 considered individually1 may be applied to them4 ,let us not forget1 however1 that men placed in authority are not free to give themselves up without limit to the impulses of their own opinions or feelings2 they are often forced to immolate their own feelings on the altar of public opinion4 ,they may1 owing to peculiar circumstances1 oppose or impede that opinion for a time2 but it will soon stop them1 and force them to change their course4 ,as sooner or later government becomes the expression of the ideas and feelings of society1 we shall content ourselves with considering tolerance in the latter2 we shall observe that society1 with respect to tolerance1 follows the same path as individuals4 ,this is with it not the effect of a principle1 but of a habit4 ,men of different creeds1 who live together for a long time in the same society1 end by tolerating each other2 they are led to this by growing weary of collision with each other1 and by the wish for a kind of life more quiet and peaceful4 ,but when men1 thus divided in creed1 find themselves face to face for the first time1 a shock more or less rude is the inevitable result4 ,the causes of this phenomenon are to be found in human nature itself2 it is one of those necessities against which we struggle in vain4 ,some modern philosophers have imagined that society is indebted to them for the spirit of toleration which prevails there2 they have not seen that it is much rather a fact slowly brought about by the force of circumstances1 than it is the fruit of their doctrines4 ,indeed1 what have they said that is new8 ,they have recommended universal fraternity2 but this has always been one of the doctrines of ,christianity4 ,they have exhorted men of all the different religions to live in peace together2 but before they had opened their mouths to tell them this1 men began to adopt this course in many countries of ,europe2 for1 unhappily1 religions in many countries were so numerous and different1 that none of them could pretend to exclusive dominion4 ,it is true that some infidel1 philosophers have a claim1 and a deplorable one1 in support of their pretensions with respect to the development of toleration2 it is1 that1 by their efforts to disseminate infidelity and skepticism1 they have succeeded in making general1 in nations and governments1 that false toleration which has nothing virtuous1 but is indifference with respect to all religions4 ,indeed1 why is tolerance so general in our age8 or1 rather1 in what does our tolerance consist8 ,if you observe well1 you will find that it is nothing but the result of a social condition perfectly similar to that of the individual who has no creed1 but who does not hate creeds1 because he considers them as conducive to the public good1 and cherishes a vague hope of one day finding a last asylum therein4 ,all that is good in this is in no degree owing to the infidel philosophers1 but may rather be said to be a protest against them4 ,indeed1 when they could not obtain the supreme command1 they lavished calumnies and sarcasms on all that is most sacred in heaven and on earth2 and1 when they did raise themselves to power1 they overturned with indescribable fury all that existed1 and destroyed millions of victims in exile or on the scaffolds4 ,the multitude of religions1--infidelity1 indifference1 the improvement of manners1 the lassitude produced by wars1--industrial and commercial organization1 which every day becomes more powerful in society1--communication rendered more frequent among men by means of travelling1--the diffusion of ideas by the press2--such are the causes which have produced in ,europe that universal tolerance which has taken possession of all1 and has been established in fact when it could not by law4 ,these causes1 as it is easy to observe1 are of different kinds2 no doctrine can pretend to an exclusive influence2 they are the result of a thousand different influences1 which act simultaneously on the development of civilization4#bd ,,chapter ,,xxxv4 ,,on ,,the ,,right ,,of ,,coercion ,,in ,,general4 ,how much1 during the last century1 was said against intolerance6 ,a philosophy less superficial than that which then prevailed would have reflected a little more on a fact which may be appreciated in different ways1 but the existence of which cannot be denied4 ,in ,greece1 ,socrates died drinking hemlock4 ,rome1 whose tolerance has been so much vaunted1 tolerated1 indeed1 foreign gods2 but these were only foreign in name1 since they formed a part of that system of pantheism which was the foundation of the ,roman religion2 gods1 who1 in order to be declared gods of ,rome1 only needed the mere formality1 as it were1 of receiving the name of citizens4 ,but ,rome did not admit the gods of ,egypt any more than the ,jewish or ,christian religion4 ,she had1 no doubt1 many false ideas with respect to these religions2 but she was sufficiently acquainted with them to know that they were essentially different from her own4 ,the history of the ,pagan emperors is the history of the persecution of the ,church2 as soon as they became ,christians1 a system of penal legislation was commenced against those who differed from the religion of the state4 ,in subsequent centuries1 intolerance continued under various forms2 it has been perpetuated down to our times1 and we are not so free from it as some would wish to make us believe4 ,the emancipation of ,catholics in ,england is but of recent date2 the violent disputes of the ,prussian government with the ,pope1 on the subject of certain arbitrary acts of that government against the ,catholic religion1 are of yesterday2 the question of ,argau1 in ,switzerland1 is still pending2 and the persecution of ,catholicity by the ,russian government is pursued in as scandalous a manner as at any former period4 ,thus it is with religious sects4 ,as to the toleration of the humane philosophers of the #ahth century1 it was exemplified in ,robespierre4 ,every government professing a religion is more or less intolerant towards those which it does not profess2 and this intolerance is diminished or destroyed1 only when the professors of the obnoxious religions are either feared on account of their great power1 or despised on account of their weakness4 ,apply to all times and countries the rule which we have just laid down1 you will everywhere find it exact2 it is an abridgment of the history of governments in their relations with religions4 ,the ,protestant government of ,england has always been intolerant toward ,catholics2 and it will continue to be so1 more or less1 according to circumstances4 ,the governments of ,russia and ,prussia will continue to act as they have done up to this time1 with the exception of modifications required by difference of times2 in the same way1 in countries where ,catholicity prevails1 the exercise of the ,protestant worship will always be more or less interfered with4 ,i shall be told of the instance of ,france as a proof of the contrary2 in that country1 where the immense majority profess the ,catholic religion1 other worships are allowed1 without any disposition on the part of the state to disturb them4 ,this toleration will perhaps be attributed to public opinion2 it comes1 ,i think1 from this1 that no fixed principle prevails there in the government3 all the policy of ,france1 internal and external1 is a constant compromise to get out of difficulties in the best possible way4 ,this is shown by facts2 it appears from the well-known opinions of the small number of men who1 for some years1 have ruled the destinies of ,france4 ,it has been attempted to establish in principle universal toleration1 and refuse to government the right of violating consciences in religious matters2 nevertheless1 in spite of all that has been said1 philosophers have not been able to make a very clear exposition of their principle1 still less have they been able to procure its general adoption as a system in the government of states4 ,in order to show that the thing is not quite so simple as has been supposed1 ,i will beg leave to ask a few questions of these soi-disant philosophers4 ,if a religion which required human sacrifices were established in your country1 would you tolerate it8 ,no4 ,and why8 ,because we cannot tolerate such a crime4 ,but then you will be intolerant2 you will violate the consciences of others1 by proscribing1 as a crime1 what in their eyes is a homage to the ,divinity4 ,thus thought many nations of old1 and so think some now4 ,by what right do you make your conscience prevail over theirs8--,it matters not2 we shall be intolerant1 but our intolerance will be for the good of humanity4--,i applaud your conduct2 but you cannot deny that it is a case in which intolerance with respect to a religion appears to you a right and a duty4 ,still further3 if you proscribe the exercise of this atrocious worship1 would you allow the doctrine to be taught which preaches as holy and salutary the practice of human sacrifices8 ,no2 for that would be permitting the teaching of murder4 ,very well1 but you must acknowledge that this is a doctrine with respect to which you have a right to be1 and are obliged to be1 intolerant4 ,let us pursue our subject4 ,you are aware1 no doubt1 of the sacrifices offered in antiquity to the goddess of ,love1 and the infamous worship which was paid to her in the temples of ,babylon and ,corinth4 ,if such a worship reappeared among you1 would you tolerate it8 ,no2 for it is contrary to the sacred laws of modesty4 ,would you allow the doctrine on which it was based to be taught8 ,no2 for the same reason4 ,this1 then1 is another case in which you believe you have the right and the obligation to violate the consciences of others2 and the only reason you can assign for it is1 that you are compelled to do so by your own conscience4 ,moreover1 suppose that some men1 over-excited by reading the ,bible1 desired to establish a new ,christianity1 in imitation of ,mathew of ,haarlem or ,john of ,leyden2 suppose that these sectaries began to propagate their doctrines1 to assemble together in bodies1 and that their fanatical declamation seduced a portion of the people1 would you tolerate this new religion8 ,no2 for these men might renew the bloody scenes of ,germany in the #afth century1 when1 in the name of ,god1 and to fulfil1 as they said1 the order of the ,most ,high1 the ,anabaptists invaded all property1 destroyed all existing power1 and spread everywhere desolation and death4 ,this would be to act with as much justice as prudence2 but you cannot deny that you would thereby commit an act of intolerance4 ,what1 then1 becomes of universal toleration1 that principle so evident1 so predominant1 if you are compelled at every step to limit1 and ,i will say more1 to lay it aside1 and act in a way diametrically opposite to it8 ,you will say that the security of the state1 the good order of society1 and public morality compel you to act in this way4 ,but then1 what sort of a principle is it that1 in certain cases1 is in opposition to the interests of morality and to society1 and to the safety of the state8 ,do you think that the men against whom you declaim did not intend also to protect these interests1 by acting with that intolerance which is so revolting to you8 ,it has been acknowledged at all times and in all countries1 as an incontestable principle1 that the public authority has1 in certain cases1 the right of prohibiting certain acts1 in violation of the consciences of individuals who claim the right of performing them4 ,if the constant testimony of history were not enough1 at least the dialogue which we have just held ought to convince us of this truth2 we have seen that the most ardent advocates of tolerance may well be compelled1 in certain cases1 to be intolerant4 ,they would be obliged to be so in the name of humanity1 of modesty1 of public order2 universal toleration1 then1 with respect to doctrines and religions--that toleration which is proclaimed as the duty of every government--is an error2 it is a theory which cannot be put in practice4 ,we have clearly shown that intolerance has always been1 and still is1 a principle recognised by all governments1 and the application of which1 more or less indulgent or severe1 depends on circumstances1 and above all1 on the particular point of view in which the government considers things4 ,a great question of right now presents itself--a question which seems1 at first sight1 to require to be solved by condemning all intolerance1 both with respect to doctrines and acts2 but which1 when thoroughly examined1 leads to a very different result4 ,if we grant that the mind is incapable of completely removing the difficulty by means of direct reasoning1 it is not the less certain that indirect means1 and the reasoning called ad absurdum1 are here sufficient to show us the truth1 at least as far as it is necessary for us to know it as a guide for human prudence1 always uncertain4 ,the question is this3 ,by what right do you hinder a man from professing a doctrine1 and acting in conformity with it1 if he is convinced that it is true1 and that he only fulfils his duty1 or exercises a right1 by acting as it prescribes8 ,in order to prevent the prohibition being vain and ridiculous1 there must be a penalty attached to it2 now1 if you inflict this penalty1 you punish a man who1 according to his own conscience1 is innocent4 ,punishment by the hand of justice supposes culpability2 and no one is culpable without being so first in his conscience4 ,culpability has its root in the conscience2 and we cannot be responsible for the violation of a law1 unless that law has addressed us through our conscience4 ,if our conscience tells us that an action is bad1 we cannot perform it1 whatever may be the injunctions of the law which prescribes it2 on the contrary1 if conscience tells us that an action is a duty1 we cannot omit it1 whatever may be the prohibitions of the law4 ,this is1 in a few words1 and in all its force1 the whole argument that can be alleged against intolerance in regard to doctrines and facts emanating from them4 ,let us now see what is the real value of these observations1 apparently so conclusive4 ,it is apparent that the admission of this principle would render impossible the punishment of any political crime4 ,brutus1 when plunging his dagger into the heart of ,csar2 ,jacques ,clement1 when he assassinated ,henry ,,iii41 acted1 no doubt1 under the influence of an excitement of mind1 which made them view their attempts as deeds of heroism2 and yet1 if they had both been brought before a tribunal1 would you have thought them entitled to impunity--the one on account of his love of country1 and the other on account of his zeal for religion8 ,most political crimes are committed under a conviction of doing well2 and ,i do not speak merely of those times of trouble1 when men of parties the most opposed are fully persuaded that they have right on their side4 ,conspiracies contrived against governments in times of peace are generally the work of some individuals who look upon them as illegal and tyrannical2 when working to overthrow them1 they are acting in conformity with their own principles4 ,judges punish them justly when they inflict on them the penalties appointed by legislators2 and yet1 neither legislators when they decree the penalty1 nor the judges when they inflict it1 are1 or can be1 ignorant of the condition of mind of the delinquent who has violated the law4 ,it may be said1 that compassion and indulgence with respect to political crimes increase every day1 for these reasons4 ,i shall reply1 that if we lay down the principle that human justice has not the right to punish1 when the delinquent acts according to his conviction1 we must not only mitigate our punishments1 but even abolish them4 ,in this case1 capital punishment would be a real murder1 a fine a robbery1 and other penalties so many acts of violence4 ,i shall remark in passing1 that it is not true that severity towards political crimes diminishes as much as it is said to do2 the history of ,europe of late years affords us some proofs to the contrary4 ,we do not now see those cruel punishments which were in use at other times2 but that is not owing to the conscience of the criminal being considered by the judge1 but to the improvement of manners1 which1 being everywhere diffused1 has necessarily influenced penal legislation4 ,it is extraordinary that so much severity has been preserved in laws relating to political crimes1 when so great a number of legislators among the different nations of ,europe knew well that they themselves1 at other times1 had committed the same crimes4 ,and there is no doubt that more than one man1 in the discussion of certain penal laws1 has inclined to indulgence1 from the presentiment that these very laws might one day apply to himself4 ,the impunity of political crimes would bring about the subversion of social order1 by rendering all government impossible4 ,without dwelling longer on the fatal results which this doctrine would have1 let us observe1 that the benefit of impunity in favor of the illusions of conscience would not be due to political crimes alone1 but would be applicable also to those of an ordinary kind4 ,offences against property are crimes of this nature2 and yet we know that many at former periods regarded1 and that unfortunately some still regard1 property as a usurpation and an injustice4 ,offences against the sanctity of marriage are ordinarily considered crimes2 and yet have there not been sects in whose sight marriage was unlawful1 and others who have desired1 and still desire1 a community of women8 ,the sacred laws of modesty and respect for innocence have alike been regarded by some sects as an unjust infringement of the liberty of man2 to violate these laws1 therefore1 was a meritorious action4 ,at the time when the mistaken ideas and blind fanaticism of the men who professed these principles were undoubted1 would any one have been found to deny the justice of the chastisement which was inflicted on them when1 in pursuance of their doctrines1 they committed a crime1 or even when they had the audacity to diffuse their fatal maxims in society8 ,if it were unjust to punish the criminal for acting according to his conscience1 all imaginable crimes would be permitted to the atheist1 the fatalist1 the disciple of the doctrine of private interest2 for by destroying1 as they do1 the basis of all morality1 these men do not act against their consciences2 they have none4 ,if such an argument were to hold good1 how often would we have reason to charge tribunals with injustice1 when they inflict any punishment on men of this class4 ,by what right1 we would say to magistrates1 do you punish this man1 who1 not admitting the existence of ,god1 does not acknowledge himself culpable in his own eyes1 or consequently in yours8 ,you have made a law1 by virtue of which you punish him2 but this law has no power over the conscience of this man1 for you are his equals2 and he does not acknowledge the existence of any superior1 to give you the power of controlling his liberty4 ,by what right do you punish another1 who is convinced that all his actions are the effect of necessary causes1 that free-will is a chimera1 and who1 in the action which you charge on him as a crime1 believes that he had no more power of restraining himself than the wild beast1 when he throws himself upon the prey before his eyes1 or upon any other animal that excites his fury8 ,with what justice do you punish him1 who is persuaded that all morality is a lie2 that there is no other principle than individual interest2 that good and evil are nothing but this interest1 well or ill understood8 ,if you make him undergo any punishment1 it will not be because he is culpable in his own conscience2 you will punish him for being deceived in his calculation1 for having ill-understood the probable result of the action which he was about to commit4 ,such are the necessary and inevitable deductions from the doctrine1 which refuses to the public authority the power of punishing crimes committed in consequence of an error of the mind4 ,but ,i shall be told that the right of punishment only extends to actions1 and not to doctrines2 that actions ought to be subject to the law1 but that doctrines are entitled to unbounded liberty4 ,do you mean doctrines shut up in the mind and not outwardly manifested8 ,it is clear that not only the right1 but also the possibility of punishing them is wanting1 for ,god alone can tell the secrets of the heart of man4 ,if avowed doctrines are meant1 then the principle is false2 and we have just shown that those who maintain it in theory1 find it impossible to reduce it to practice4 ,in fine1 we shall be told that1 however absurd in its results may be the doctrine which we have been combating1 it is still impossible to justify the punishment of an action which was ordered or authorized by the conscience of the man who committed it4 ,how is this difficulty to be solved8 ,how is this great obstacle to be removed8 ,is it lawful in any case to treat as culpable the man who is not so at the tribunal of his own conscience8 ,although this question seems entirely to turn upon some point on which men of all opinions are agreed1 there is nevertheless a wide difference in this respect between ,catholics on one side and unbelievers and ,protestants on the other4 ,the first lay it down as an incontestable principle1 that there are errors of the understanding which are faults2 the others1 on the contrary1 think1 that all errors of the understanding are innocent4 ,the first consider error in regard to great moral and religious truths1 as one of the gravest offences which man can commit against ,god2 their opponents look upon errors of this kind with great indulgence1 and they ought to do so in order to be consistent4 ,catholics admit the possibility of invincible ignorance with respect to some very important truths2 but with them this possibility is limited to certain circumstances1 out of which they declare man to be culpable3 their opponents constantly extol liberty of thought1 without any other restriction than that imposed by the taste of each one in particular2 they constantly affirm that man is free to hold the opinions which he thinks proper2 they have gone so far as to persuade their followers that there are no culpable errors or opinions1 that man is not obliged to search into the secret recesses of his soul1 to make sure that there are no secret causes which induce him to reject the truth2 they have in the end monstrously confounded physical with moral liberty of thought2 they have banished from opinions the ideas of lawful and unlawful1 and have given men to understand that such ideas are not applicable to thought4 ,that is to say1 in the order of ideas1 they have confounded right with fact1 declaring1 in this respect1 the uselessness and incompetency of all laws1 divine and human4 ,senseless men6 as if it were possible for that which is most noble and elevated in human nature to be exempt from all rule2 as if it were possible for the element which makes man the king of the creation1 to be exempted from concurring in the ineffable harmony of all parts of the universe with themselves and with ,god2 as if this harmony could exist1 or even be conceived in man1 unless it were declared to be the first of human obligations to adhere constantly to truth4 ,this is one of the profound reasons which justify the ,catholic ,church1 when she considers the sin of heresy as one of the greatest that man can commit4 ,you1 who smile1 with pity and contempt at these words1 the sin of heresy2 you1 who consider this doctrine as the invention of priests to rule over consciences1 by retrenching the liberty of thought2 by what right do you claim the power of condemning heresies which are opposed to your orthodoxy8 ,by what right do you condemn those societies that profess opinions hostile to property1 public order1 and the existence of authority8 ,if the thought of man is free1 if you cannot attempt to restrain it without violating sacred rights1 if it is an absurdity and a contradiction to wish to oblige a man to act against his conscience1 or disobey its dictates--why do you interfere with those men who desire to destroy the existing state of society8 ,why baffle1 why oppose those dark conspiracies1 which1 from time to time1 send one of their members to assassinate a king8 ,you invoke your convictions to declare unjust and cruel the intolerance which has been practised at certain times against your enemies2 but you must remember that such societies and such men can also invoke their convictions4 ,you say that the doctrines of the ,church are human inventions2 they say that the doctrines prevailing in society are also human inventions4 ,you say that the ancient social order was a monopoly2 they say the present social order is a monopoly4 ,in your eyes1 the ancient authorities were tyrannical2 in theirs the present ones are so4 ,you pretended to destroy what existed1 in order to found new institutions conducive to the good of humanity2 to-day these men hold the same language4 ,you have proclaimed holy the war which was waged against ancient power2 they proclaim holy the war against present power4 ,when you availed yourselves of the means which offered themselves1 you pretended that necessity rendered them legitimate2 they declare to be not less legitimate the only means which they possess1 that of combinations1 of preparing for their opportunity1 and of hastening it by assassinating great men4 ,you have pretended to make all opinions respected1 even atheism1 and you have taught that nobody has a right to prevent your acting in conformity with your principles2 but the fanatics in question have also their horrible principles and their dreadful convictions4 ,do you require a proof of this8 ,see them amid the gayety of public celebrations1 glide1 pale and gloomy1 among the joyful multitude1 choose the fitting moment to cast desolation over a royal family1 and cover a nation with mourning1 while they accumulate on their own heads the public execration1 certain1 moreover1 of finishing their lives on the scaffold4 ,but our adversaries will say1 such convictions are inexcusable4 ,yours are so also4 ,all the difference is1 that you have contrived your ambitious and fatal systems amid ease and pleasure1 perhaps in opulence1 and under the shadow of power1 while they have conceived their abominable doctrines in the bosom of obscurity1 poverty1 misery1 and despair4 ,indeed1 the inconsistency of some men is shocking to the last degree4 ,to ridicule all religions1 to decry the spirituality and immortality of the soul1 and the existence of ,god1 to overturn all morality1 and sap its deepest foundations1 all this they have considered excusable1 and we may even say1 worthy of praise2 moreover1 the writers who have undertaken this fatal task are worthy of apotheosis2 men must expel the ,divinity from his temples to place there the names and busts of the leaders of their schools2 under the vaults of splendid basilicas1 where repose the ashes of ,christians awaiting the resurrection1 they must raise the mausoleum of ,voltaire and ,rousseau1 in order that future generations1 when they descend into their dark and silent abodes1 may receive the inspirations of their genius4 ,but have they1 then1 a right to complain that property1 and domestic life1 and social order are attacked8 ,property is sacred2 but is it more sacred than ,god8 ,however great may be the importance of the truths relating to the family and to society1 are they of a superior order to the eternal principles of morality1 or rather1 are they any thing more than the application of these principles8 ,but let us resume the thread of our discourse4 ,when the principle1 that there are culpable errors1 is once established 7a principle which in practice1 if not in theory1 must be received by all men1 but which ,catholicity alone can logically maintain in theory71 it is easy to see the reason of the punishments which human power decrees against the propagation and teaching of certain doctrines2 and we can understand why it is legitimate to punish1 without considering the conviction that animated the culprit1 the actions which are the result of his doctrines4 ,the law shows that this mortal error has existed1 or can exist2 but in this case it declares the error itself to be culpable2 and if man adduces the testimony of his own conscience1 the law reminds him that it is his duty to rectify his conscience4 ,such is1 in truth1 the foundation of a legislation which has appeared so unjust2 a foundation which it is necessary to point out1 in order to vindicate a great many human laws from a deep disgrace2 for it would be a great disgrace to claim the right of punishing a man who was really innocent4 ,such an absurd right is so far from belonging to human justice1 that it does not belong even to ,god4 ,the infinite justice of ,god would cease to be what it is1 if it could punish the innocent4 ,perhaps another origin will be assigned for the right which governments possess1 of punishing the propagation of certain doctrines and the actions committed in consequence of them1 when the criminal has acted from the deepest conviction4 ,governments1 it may be said1 act in the name of society1 which1 like every being1 possesses the right of self-defence4 ,there are certain doctrines which menace its existence2 it has1 therefore1 of necessity and right1 the power of resisting those who promulgate them4 ,such a reason1 however plausible it may appear1 is liable to this grave objection1 that it destroys at one blow the idea of punishment and justice4 ,to wound an aggressor in self-defence is not to chastise but to resist him4 ,if we consider society in this point of view1 the criminal led to punishment will no longer be a real criminal1 but the unfortunate victim of a rash and unequal struggle4 ,the voice of the judge condemning him will no longer be the august voice of justice2 his sentence will only be the act of society avenging the attack made upon it4 ,the word punishment will then assume quite a different meaning2 the gradations of it will depend entirely upon calculations1 and not on justice4 ,we must remember this2 if we suppose that society1 by virtue of the right of self-defence1 inflicts a punishment upon the man whom it considers quite innocent1 it no longer judges or condemns1 but fights and struggles4 ,that which is perfectly suitable with respect to the relations between one society and another1 is in no way suitable to society in its relations with individuals4 ,it then appears like a combat between a giant and a pigmy4 ,the giant takes the pigmy in his hand1 and crushes him against a stone4 ,the doctrine which ,i have just explained evidently shows the value of the much vaunted principle of universal toleration2 it has been demonstrated that that principle is as impracticable in fact as it is unsustainable in theory2 consequently all the accusations made against the ,catholic ,church on the subject of intolerance are overturned4 ,it has been clearly shown that intolerance is in some measure the right of all public power2 this has always been acknowledged2 it is acknowledged still1 generally speaking1 when philosophers1 the partisans of tolerance1 attain to power4 ,no doubt1 governments have a thousand times abused this principle2 no doubt1 more than once the truth has been persecuted in virtue of it2 but what do men not abuse8 ,their duty1 then1 as good philosophers1 was not to establish principles that cannot be sustained1 and are extremely dangerous2 not to declaim to satiety against the times and institutions which have preceded us2 but to endeavor to propagate sentiments of mildness and indulgence1 and1 above all1 not to impugn important truths1 without which society cannot be sustained1 and which cannot be destroyed without abandoning the world to the empire of force1 and1 consequently1 to despotism and tyranny4 ,men have attacked dogmas2 but they have not been willing to see that morality was intimately connected with dogmas1 and that it was itself a dogma4 ,by proclaiming unbounded liberty of thought1 they have asserted the impeccability of the mind2 error has ceased to figure among the faults of which men can be guilty4 ,they have forgotten that1 in order to will1 it was necessary to know2 and that to will rightly1 it was necessary to know truly4 ,if we examine the greater part of the errors of our hearts1 we shall see that they have their source in a misunderstanding2 is it possible1 then1 that it should not be the duty of man to preserve his mind from error8 ,but since it has been said that opinions are of little importance1 that man is free to choose such as please him1 even in matters of religion and morality1 truth has lost its value2 its intrinsic worth is no longer what it was in the eyes of man2 and too many consider themselves exempt from attempting to attain it1--a deplorable condition of mind1 which is one of the greatest evils afflicting society4#be ,,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,,on ,,the ,,inquisition ,,in ,,spain4 ,i find myself naturally led to make a few observations on the intolerance of certain ,catholic princes1 on the ,inquisition1 and in particular on that of ,spain4 ,i must make a rapid examination of the charges against ,catholicity on account of its conduct during the last centuries4 ,the dungeons1 the burnings of the ,inquisition1 and the intolerance of some ,catholic princes1 have furnished the enemies of the ,church with one of their most effective arguments in depreciating her1 and rendering her the object of odium and hatred2 and it must be allowed that they have1 in attacks of this kind1 many advantages1 which give them good prospects of success4 ,indeed 7as we have said above1 for the generality of readers1 who1 without undertaking to examine things to the bottom1 navely allow themselves to be led away by a subtle writer2 as we have said1 for all those who have sensitive hearts1 and are prompt to pity the unfortunate71 what is more likely to excite indignation than the exhibition of dark dungeons1 instruments of torture1 san-benitos1 and burnings8 ,imagine what effect must be produced1 amid our toleration1 our gentle manners1 our humane penal codes1 by the sudden exhibition of the severities1 the cruelties of another age2 the whole exaggerated and grouped into one picture1 where are shown all the melancholy scenes which occurred in different places1 and were spread over a long period of time4 ,they take care to remind us that all this was done in the name of the ,god of peace and love2 thereby the contrast is rendered more vivid1 the imagination is excited1 the heart becomes indignant2 and the result is1 that the clergy1 magistrates1 kings1 and popes of those remote times1 appear like a troop of executioners1 whose pleasure consists in tormenting and desolating the human race4 ,writers1 who have ventured to act in this way1 have certainly not added to their reputation for delicacy of conscience4 ,there is a rule which orators and writers ought never to forget1 viz4 that it is not allowable to excite the passions1 until they have convinced the reason1 unless it had been convinced before4 ,besides1 there is a degree of bad faith in appealing to the feelings with respect to matters which ought to be examined by the light of reason alone1 if they are to be examined properly4 ,in such a case we ought not to begin by moving1 but by convincing2 to do otherwise is to deceive the reader4 ,i am not going to write the history of the ,inquisition1 or of the different systems which various countries have adopted with respect to religious intolerance2 this would be impossible within my narrow limits2 besides1 it would lead me away from the object of my work4 ,ought we to draw from the ,inquisition in general1 that of ,spain in particular1 or from the greater or less intolerance of the legislation of some countries1 an accusation against ,catholicity8 ,can it1 in this respect1 be put in comparison with ,protestantism8 ,such are the questions ,i have to examine4 ,three things at first present themselves to the eyes of the observer3 #ast1 the legislation and institutions proceeding from the principle of intolerance2 #b;d1 the use which has been made of this legislation and these institutions2 #c;d1 the intolerant acts which have been committed illegally4 ,with respect to the latter1 ,i must say at once that they have nothing to do with the question4 ,the ,massacre of ,st4 ,bartholomew1 and other atrocities committed in the name of religion1 ought not to trouble the apologists of religion3 to render her responsible for all that has been done in her name1 would be to act with manifest injustice4 ,man is endowed with so strong and lively a sense of the excellence of virtue1 that he endeavors to cover the greatest crimes with her mantle2--would it be reasonable to banish virtue from the earth on that account8 ,there are1 in the history of mankind1 terrible periods1 where a fatal giddiness seizes upon the mind2 rage1 inflamed by disorder1 blinds the intellect and changes the heart2 evil is called good1 and good evil2 the most horrible attempts are made under the most respectable names4 ,historians and philosophers1 in treating of such periods1 should know what ought to be their line of conduct2 strictly accurate in the narration of such facts1 they ought to beware of drawing from them a judgment as to the prevailing ideas and institutions4 ,society then resembles a man in a state of delirium2 we should ill judge of the ideas1 character1 and conduct of such a man1 from what he says and does in that deplorable condition4 ,what party1 in those calamitous times1 can boast of not having committed great crimes8 ,if we fix our eyes on the period just mentioned1 do we not see the leaders of both parties assassinated by treason8 ,admiral ,coligny died by the hands of the assassins who began the massacre of ,st4 ,bartholomew2 but the ,duke of ,guise had been also assassinated by ,poltrot1 before ,orleans4 ,henry ,,iii4 was assassinated by ,jacques ,clement2 but this same ,henry ,,iii4 had treacherously murdered the other ,duke of ,guise in the corridors of his palace1 and his brother1 the ,cardinal1 in the tower of ,moulins2 this same ,henry ,,iii4 had taken part in the massacre of ,st4 ,bartholomew4 ,we see atrocities committed by the ,catholics2 but did not their opponents also commit them8 ,let us throw a veil over these catastrophes1 over these afflicting proofs of the misery and perversity of the human heart4 ,the tribunal of the ,inquisition1 considered in itself1 is only the application to a particular case of that doctrine of intolerance1 which1 to a greater or less degree1 is that of every existing power4 ,thus1 we have only to examine the character of that particular application1 and see whether its enemies are correct in their charges against it4 ,in the first place1 we must observe that those who extol antiquity1 sadly falsify history1 if they pretend that intolerance only appeared after the time when1 according to them1 the ,church had degenerated from her primitive purity4 ,as for myself1 ,i see that from the earliest times1 when the ,church began to exert political influence1 heresy began to figure in the codes as a crime2 and ,i have never been able to discover a period of complete tolerance4 ,i must here make an important remark1 which shows one of the causes of the rigor displayed in later centuries4 ,the ,inquisition was first directed against the ,manichean heretics2 that is1 against the sectaries who at all times were treated with the greatest severity4 ,in the #aath century1 when the punishment of fire had not yet been applied to the crime of heresy1 the ,manicheans were excepted from this rule4 ,even in the time of the ,pagan emperors1 these sectaries were treated with extreme rigor4 ,in the year #bif1 we see ,diocletian and ,maximilian1 by an edict1 condemning to different punishments the ,manicheans who had not abjured their dogmas1 and consigning their leaders to the fire4 ,these sectaries have always been considered as great criminals2 and to punish them has always been judged necessary1 not only for the interests of religion1 but even for the morals and good order of society4 ,this was one of the causes of the rigor of the ,inquisition at its commencement3 if we add to this1 the turbulent character of the sects which1 under various names1 arose in the #aath1 #abth1 and #acth centuries1 we shall have two of the causes that contributed to produce those scenes which now we can scarcely credit4 ,in studying the history of those centuries1 and fixing our attention on the troubles and disasters which ravaged the south of ,france1 we clearly see that it was not a dispute as to a particular dogma1 but that the whole social system was compromised4 ,the sectaries of those times were precursors of those of the #afth century2 with this difference1 that the latter1 if we except the frantic ,anabaptists1 were less democratic1 less apt to address the multitude4 ,amid the cruelties of those times1 when long ages of violence and revolution had given an excessive preponderance to brute force1 what could be expected from governments incessantly menaced with such imminent danger8 ,it is clear that the laws1 and their application1 must savour of the times4 ,as to the ,spanish ,inquisition1 which was only an extension of that which was established in other countries1 we must divide it1 with respect to its duration1 into three great periods2--we omit the time of its existence in the kingdom of ,aragon1 before its introduction into ,castille4 ,the first of these comprehends the time when the ,inquisition was principally directed against the relapsed ,jews and ,moors1 from the day of its installation under the ,catholic sovereigns1 till the middle of the reign of ,charles ,v4 ,the second extends from the time when it began to concentrate its efforts to prevent the introduction of ,protestantism into ,spain1 until that danger entirely ceased2 that is1 from the middle of the reign of ,charles ,v4 till the coming of the ,bourbons4 ,the third and last period is that when the ,inquisition was limited to repress infamous crimes1 and exclude the philosophy of ,voltaire2 this period was continued until its abolition in the beginning of the present century4 ,it is clear that1 the institution being successively modified according to circumstances at these different epochs1--although it always remained fundamentally the same1--the commencement and termination of each of these three periods which we have pointed out cannot be precisely marked2 nevertheless1 these three periods really existed in its history1 and present us with very different characters4 ,every one knows the peculiar circumstances in which the ,inquisition was established in the time of the ,catholic sovereigns2 yet it is worthy of remark1 that the ,bull of establishment was solicited by ,queen ,isabella2 that is1 by one of the most distinguished sovereigns in our history1--by that queen who still1 after three centuries1 preserves the respect and admiration of all ,spaniards4 ,isabella1 far from opposing the will of the people in this measure1 only realized the national wish4 ,the ,inquisition was established chiefly against the ,jews2 the ,papal ,bull had been sent in #adgh2 now1 before the ,inquisition published its first edict1 dated ,seville1 in #adha1 the ,cortes of ,toledo1 in #adhj1 had adopted severe measures on the subject4 ,to prevent the injury which the intercourse between ,jews and ,christians might occasion to the ,catholic faith1 the ,cortes had ordered that unbaptized ,israelites should be obliged to wear a distinctive mark1 dwell in separate quarters1 called ,juiveries1 and return there before night4 ,ancient regulations against them were renewed2 the professions of doctor1 surgeon1 shopkeeper1 barber1 and tavern-keeper1 were forbidden them4 ,intolerance was1 therefore1 popular at that time4 ,if the ,inquisition be justified in the eyes of friends to monarchy1 by conformity with the will of kings1 it has an equal claim to be so in the eyes of lovers of democracy4 ,no doubt the heart is grieved at reading the excessive severities exercised at that time against the ,jews2 but must there not have been very grave causes to provoke such excesses8 ,the danger which the ,spanish monarchy1 not yet well established1 would have incurred if the ,jews1 then very powerful on account of their riches and their alliances with the most influential families1 had been allowed to act without restraint1 has been pointed out as one of the most important of these causes4 ,it was greatly to be feared that they would league with the ,moors against the ,christians4 ,the respective positions of the three nations rendered this league natural3 this is the reason why it was looked upon as necessary to break a power which was capable of compromising anew the independence of the ,christians4 ,it is necessary also to observe1 that at the time when the ,inquisition was established1 the war of eight hundred years against the ,moors was not yet finished4 ,the ,inquisition was projected before #adgd2 it was established in #adhj1 and the conquest of ,granada did not take place till #adib4 ,thus it was founded at the time when the obstinate struggle was about to be decided2 it was yet to be known whether the ,christians would remain masters of the whole peninsula1 or whether the ,moors should retain possession of one of the most fertile and beautiful provinces2 whether these enemies1 shut up in ,granada1 should preserve a position1 excellent for their communication with ,africa1 and a means for all the attempts which1 at a later period1 the ,crescent might be disposed to make against us4 ,now1 the power of the ,crescent was very great1 as was clearly shown by its enterprises against the rest of ,europe in the next century4 ,in such emergencies1 after ages of fighting1 and at the moment which was to decide the victory for ever1 have combatants ever been known to conduct themselves with moderation and mildness8 ,it cannot be denied that the system of repression pursued in ,spain1 with respect to the ,jews and the ,moors1 was inspired1 in great measure1 by the instinct of self-preservation3 we can easily believe that the ,catholic princes had this motive before them when they decided on asking for the establishment of the ,inquisition in their dominions4 ,the danger was not imaginary3 it was perfectly real4 ,in order to form an idea of the turn which things might have taken if some precaution had not been adopted1 it is enough to recollect the insurrections of the last ,moors in later times4 ,yet it would be wrong1 in this affair1 to attribute all to the policy of royalty2 and it is necessary here to avoid exalting too much the foresight and designs of men2 for my part1 ,i am inclined to think that ,ferdinand and ,isabella naturally followed the generality of the nation1 in whose eyes the ,jews were odious when they persevered in their creed1 and suspected when they embraced the ,christian religion4 ,two causes contributed to this hatred and animadversion4 ,first1 the excited state of religious feeling then general in all ,europe1 and especially in ,spain2 #b;d1 the conduct by which the ,jews had drawn upon themselves the public indignation4 ,the necessity of restraining the cupidity of the ,jews1 for the sake of the independence of the ,christians1 was of ancient date in ,spain3 the old assemblies of ,toledo had attempted it4 ,in the following centuries the evil reached its height2 a great part of the riches of the peninsula had passed into the hands of the ,jews1 and almost all the ,christians found themselves their debtors4 ,thence the hatred of the people against the ,jews2 thence the frequent troubles which agitated some towns of the peninsula2 thence the tumults which more than once were fatal to the ,jews1 and in which their blood flowed in abundance4 ,it was difficult for a people accustomed for ages to set themselves free by force of arms1 to resign themselves peacefully and tranquilly to the lot prepared for them by the artifices and exactions of a strange race1 whose name1 moreover1 bore the recollection of a terrible malediction4 ,in later times1 an immense number of ,jews were converted to the ,christian religion2 but the hatred of the people was not extinguished thereby1 and mistrust followed these converts into their new state4 ,it is very probable that a great number of these conversions were hardly sincere1 as they were partly caused by the sad position in which the ,jews who continued in ,judaism were placed4 ,in default of conjectures founded on reason in this respect1 we will regard as a sufficient corroboration of our opinion1 the multitude of ,judaizing ,christians who were discovered as soon as care was taken to find out those who had been guilty of apostacy4 ,however this may be1 it is certain that the distinction between new and old ,christians was introduced2 the latter denomination was a title of honor1 and the former a mark of ignominy2 the converted ,jews were contemptuously called marranos1--impure men1 pigs4 ,with more or less foundation1 they were accused of horrible crimes4 ,in their dark assemblies they committed1 it was said1 atrocities which could hardly be believed1 for the honor of humanity4 ,for example1 it was said that1 to revenge themselves on the ,christians and in contempt of religion1 they crucified ,christian children1 taking care to choose for the purpose the greatest day among ,christian solemnities4 ,there is the often-repeated history of the knight of the house of ,guzman1 who1 being hidden one night in the house of a ,jew whose daughter he loved1 saw a child crucified at the time when the ,christians celebrated the institution of the sacrifice of the ,eucharist4 ,besides infanticide1 there were attributed to the ,jews1 sacrileges1 poisonings1 conspiracies1 and other crimes4 ,that these rumors were generally believed by the people is proved by the fact1 that the ,jews were forbidden by law to exercise the professions of doctor1 surgeon1 barber1 and tavern-keeper2 this shows what degree of confidence was placed in their morality4 ,it is useless to stay to examine the foundations for these sinister accusations4 ,we are not ignorant how far popular credulity will go1 above all when it is under the influence of excited feelings1 which makes it view all things in the same light4 ,it is enough for us to know that these rumors circulated everywhere and with credit1 to understand what must have been the public indignation against the ,jews1 and consequently how natural it was that authority1 yielding to the impulse of the general mind1 should be urged to treat them with excessive rigor4 ,the situation in which the ,jews were placed is sufficient to show1 that they might have attempted to act in concert to resist the ,christians2 what they did after the death of ,st4 ,peter ,arbues shows what they were capable of doing on other occasions4 ,the funds necessary for the accomplishment of the murder1 the pay of the assassins1 and the other expenses required for the plot1 were collected by means of voluntary contributions imposed on themselves by all the ,jews of ,aragon4 ,does not this show an advanced state of organization1 which might have become fatal if it had not been watched4 ,in alluding to the death of ,st4 ,peter ,arbues1 ,i wish to make an observation on what has been said on this subject1 as proving the unpopularity of the establishment of the ,inquisition in ,spain4 ,what more evident proof1 we shall be told1 can you have than the assassination of the ,inquisitor8 ,is it not a sure sign that the indignation of the people was at its height1 and that they were quite opposed to the ,inquisition8 ,would they otherwise have been hurried into such excesses8 ,if by 'the people' you mean the ,jews and their descendants1 ,i will not deny that the establishment of the ,inquisition was indeed very odious to them2 but it was not so with the rest of the nation4 ,the event we are speaking of gave rise to a circumstance which proves just the reverse4 ,when the report of the death of the ,inquisitor was spread through the town1 the people made a fearful tumult to avenge his death4 ,they spread through the town1 they went in crowds in pursuit of the new ,christians1 so that a bloody catastrophe would have ensued1 had not the young ,archbishop of ,saragossa1 ,alphonsus of ,aragon1 presented himself to the people on horseback1 and calmed them by the assurance that all the rigor of the laws should fall on the heads of the guilty4 ,was the ,inquisition as unpopular as it has been represented2 and will it be said that its adversaries were the majority of the people8 ,why1 then1 could not the tumult at ,saragossa have been avoided in spite of all the precautions which were no doubt taken by the conspirators1 at that time very powerful by their riches and influence8 ,at the time of the greatest rigor against the ,judaizing ,christians1 there is a fact worthy of attention4 ,persons accused1 or threatened with the pursuit of the ,inquisition1 took every means to escape the action of that tribunal3 they left the soil of ,spain and went to ,rome4 ,would those who imagine that ,rome has always been the hotbed of intolerance1 the firebrand of persecution1 have imagined this8 ,the number of causes commenced by the ,inquisition1 and summoned from ,spain to ,rome1 is countless1 during the first fifty years of the existence of that tribunal2 and it must be added1 that ,rome always inclined to the side of indulgence4 ,i do not know that it would be possible to cite one accused person who1 by appealing to ,rome1 did not ameliorate his condition4 ,the history of the ,inquisition at that time is full of contests between the ,kings and ,popes2 and we constantly find1 on the part of the ,holy ,see1 a desire to restrain the ,inquisition within the bounds of justice and humanity4 ,the line of conduct prescribed by the court of ,rome was not always followed as it ought to have been2 thus we see the ,popes compelled to receive a multitude of appeals1 and mitigate the lot that would have befallen the appellants1 if their cause had been definitely decided in ,spain4 ,we also see the ,pope name the judge of appeal1 at the solicitation of the ,catholic sovereigns1 who desired that causes should be finally decided in ,spain3 the first of these judges was ,dr4 ,inigo ,manrique1 ,archbishop of ,seville4 ,nevertheless1 at the end of a short time1 the same ,pope1 in a ,bull of the #b;d of ,august1 #adhc1 said that he had received new appeals1 made by a great number of the ,spaniards of ,seville1 who had not dared to address themselves to the judge of appeal for fear of being arrested4 ,such was then the excitement of the public mind2 such was1 at that time1 the necessity of preventing injustice1 or measures of undue severity4 ,the ,pope added1 that some of those who had had recourse to his justice had already received the absolution of the ,apostolical ,penitentiary1 and that others were about to receive it2 he afterwards complained that indulgences granted to divers accused persons had not been sufficiently respected at ,seville2 in fine1 after several other admonitions1 he observed to ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 that mercy towards the guilty was more pleasing to ,god than the severity which it was desired to use2 and he gave the example of the good ,shepherd following the wandering sheep4 ,he ended by exhorting the sovereigns to treat with mildness those who voluntarily confessed their faults1 desiring them to allow them to reside at ,seville1 or in some other place they might choose2 and to allow them the enjoyment of their property1 as if they had not been guilty of the crime of heresy4 ,moreover1 it is not to be supposed that the appeals admitted at ,rome1 and by virtue of which the lot of the accused was improved1 were founded on errors of form and injustice committed in the application of the law4 ,if the accused had recourse to ,rome1 it was not always to demand reparation for an injustice1 but because they were sure of finding indulgence4 ,we have a proof of this in the considerable number of ,spanish refugees convicted at ,rome of having fallen into ,judaism4 ,two hundred and fifty of them were found at one time2 yet there was not one capital execution4 ,some penances were imposed on them1 and when they were absolved1 they were free to return home1 without the least mark of ignominy4 ,this took place at ,rome in #adih4 ,it is a remarkable thing that the ,roman ,inquisition was never known to pronounce the execution of capital punishment1 although the ,apostolic ,see was occupied during that time by ,popes of extreme rigor and severity in all that relates to the civil administration4 ,we find in all parts of ,europe scaffolds prepared to punish crimes against religion2 scenes which sadden the soul were everywhere witnessed4 ,rome is an exception to the rule2 ,rome1 which it has been attempted to represent as a monster of intolerance and cruelty4 ,it is true1 that the ,popes have not preached1 like ,protestants1 universal toleration2 but facts show the difference between the ,popes and ,protestants4 ,the ,popes1 armed with a tribunal of intolerance1 have not spilled a drop of blood2 ,protestants and philosophers have shed torrents4 ,what advantage is it to the victim to hear his executioners proclaim toleration8 ,it is adding the bitterness of sarcasm to his punishment4 ,the conduct of ,rome in the use which she made of the ,inquisition1 is the best apology of ,catholicity against those who attempt to stigmatize her as barbarous and sanguinary4 ,in truth1 what is there in common between ,catholicity and the excessive severity employed in this place or that1 in the extraordinary situation in which many rival races were placed1 in the presence of danger which menaced one of them1 or in the interest which the kings had in maintaining the tranquillity of their states1 and securing their conquests from all danger8 ,i will not enter into a detailed examination of the conduct of the ,spanish ,inquisition with respect to ,judaizing ,christians2 and ,i am far from thinking that the rigor which it employed against them was preferable to the mildness recommended and displayed by the ,popes4 ,what ,i wish to show here is1 that rigor was the result of extraordinary circumstances1--the effect of the national spirit1 and of the severity of customs in ,europe at that time4 ,catholicity cannot be reproached with excesses committed for these different reasons4 ,still more1 if we pay attention to the spirit which prevails in all the instructions of the ,popes relating to the ,inquisition2 if we observe their manifest inclination to range themselves on the side of mildness1 and to suppress the marks of ignominy with which the guilty1 as well as their families1 were stigmatized1 we have a right to suppose that1 if the ,popes had not feared to displease the kings too much1 and to excite divisions which might have been fatal1 their measures would have been carried still further4 ,if we recollect the negotiations which took place with respect to the noisy affair of the claims of the ,cortes of ,aragon1 we shall see to which side the court of ,rome leaned4 ,as we are speaking of intolerance with regard to the ,judaizers1 let us say a few words as to the disposition of ,luther towards the ,jews4 ,does it not seem that the pretended reformer1 the founder of independence of thought1 the furious declaimer against the oppression and tyranny of the ,popes1 should have been animated with the most humane sentiments towards that people8 ,no doubt the eulogists of this chieftain of ,protestantism ought to think thus also4 ,i am sorry for them2 but history will not allow us to partake of this delusion4 ,according to all appearances1 if the apostate monk had found himself in the place of ,torquemada1 the ,judaizers would not have been in a better position4 ,what1 then1 was the system advised by ,luther1 according to ,seckendorf1 one of his apologists8 ,their synagogues ought to be destroyed1 their houses pulled down1 their prayer-books1 the ,talmud1 and even the books of the ,old ,testament1 to be taken from them2 their rabbis ought to be forbidden to teach1 and be compelled to gain their livelihood by hard labor4 ,the ,inquisition1 at least1 did not proceed against the ,jews1 but against the ,judaizers2 that is1 against those who1 after being converted to ,christianity1 relapsed into their errors1 and added sacrilege to their apostacy1 by the external profession of a creed which they detested in secret1 and which they profaned by the exercise of their old religion4 ,but ,luther extended his severity to the ,jews themselves2 so that1 according to his doctrines1 no reproach can be made against the sovereign who expelled the ,jews from their dominions4 ,the ,moors and the ,mooriscoes no less occupied the attention of the ,inquisition at that time2 and all that has been said on the subject of the ,jews may be applied to them with some modifications4 ,they were also an abhorred race--a race which had been contended with for eight centuries4 ,when they retained their religion1 the ,moors inspired hatred2 when they abjured it1 mistrust2 the ,popes interested themselves in their favor also in a peculiar manner4 ,we ought to remark a ,bull issued in #aecj1 which is expressed in language quite evangelical3 it is there said1 that the ignorance of these nations is one of the principal causes of their faults and errors2 the first thing to be done to render their conversion solid and sincere was1 according to the recommendation contained in this ,bull1 to endeavor to enlighten their minds with sound doctrine4 ,it will be said that the ,pope granted to ,charles ,v4 the ,bull which released him from the oath taken in the ,cortes of ,saragossa in the year #aeai2 an oath1 by which he had engaged not to make any change with respect to the ,moors2 whereby1 it is said1 the ,emperor was enabled to complete their expulsion4 ,but1 we must observe1 that the ,pope for a long time resisted that concession2 and1 that if he at length complied with the wishes of the ,emperor1 it was only because he thought that the expulsion of the ,moors was indispensable to secure the tranquillity of the kingdom4 ,whether this was true or not1 the ,emperor1 and not the ,pope1 was the better judge2 the latter1 placed at a great distance1 could not know the real state of things in detail4 ,moreover1 it was not the ,spanish monarch alone who thought so2 it is related that ,francis ,i41 when a prisoner at ,madrid1 one day conversing with ,charles ,v41 told him that tranquillity would never be established in ,spain1 if the ,moors and ,mooriscoes were not expelled4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvii4 ,,second ,,epoch ,,of ,,the ,,inquisition ,,in ,,spain4 ,it has been said that ,philip ,,ii4 founded a new ,inquisition in ,spain1 more terrible than that of the ,catholic sovereigns2 at the same time the ,inquisition of ,ferdinand and ,isabella receives a certain degree of indulgence1 which is refused to that of their successors4 ,at the very outset1 we find an important historical mistake in this assertion4 ,philip did not establish a new ,inquisition2 he maintained that which the ,catholic sovereigns had left him1 and which ,charles ,v41 his father and predecessor1 had particularly recommended to him by will4 ,the ,committee of the ,cortes of ,cadiz1 in the project for the abolition of the tribunal of the ,inquisition1 excuses the conduct of the ,catholic sovereigns1 and blames with severity that of ,philip ,,ii42 it attempts to make all the fault and odium fall on that prince4 ,an illustrious ,french writer1 very recently treating of this important question1 has allowed himself to be led into the same errors1 with that candor which sometimes accompanies genius4 ,there were1 says ,m4 ,lacordaire1 in the ,spanish ,inquisition1 two solemn periods1 which must not be confounded2 the one at the end of the fifteenth century1 under ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 before the ,moors were expelled from ,granada1 their last asylum2 the other1 in the middle of the sixteenth1 under ,philip ,,ii41 when ,protestantism threatened to propagate itself in ,spain4 ,the ,committee of the ,cortes has perfectly distinguished these two epochs2 and while it stigmatizes the ,inquisition of ,philip ,,ii41 expresses itself with moderation with respect to that of ,ferdinand and ,isabella4 ,after these words the writer quotes a text1 where it is affirmed that ,philip ,,ii4 was the real founder of the ,inquisition2 if that institution attained in the end to a high degree of power1 it was owing1 it says1 to the refined policy of that prince4 ,we read1 a little further on1 that ,philip ,,ii4 was the inventor of the auto-da-f1 to terrify heretics2 and that the first of these bloody spectacles was seen at ,seville in #aeei4 7,mmoire pour le rtablissement de l',ordre des ,frres ,precheurs1 chap1 vi47 ,setting aside the historical mistake with respect to the auto-da-fs1 it is well known that neither the san-benitos nor the fagots were the invention of ,philip ,,ii4 ,such mistakes easily escape a writer who is satisfied with alluding to a fact incidentally2 if we bring forward this one1 it is because it contains an accusation against a monarch to whom1 for a long time1 too little justice has been done4 ,philip ,,ii4 continued the work which had been begun by his predecessors2 if they are excused1 he ought not to be treated with greater severity4 ,ferdinand and ,isabella directed the ,inquisition against the apostate ,jews2 why could not ,philip ,,ii4 avail himself of it against ,protestants8 ,but ,i shall be told he abused his right and carried rigor to excess4 ,certainly there was not more indulgence in the times of ,ferdinand and ,isabella4 ,are the numerous executions at ,seville and other places forgotten8 ,or what ,mariana says in his history1 and the public measures taken by the ,popes for the purpose of checking the excessive severity8 ,the words quoted against ,philip ,,ii4 are taken from the work called ,la ,inquicitin sin mascura 7the ,inquisition unveiled17 published in ,spain in #ahaa4 ,we may judge of the value of this authority1 when we know that the author of the book was distinguished till his death by a deep hatred to the ,spanish kings4 ,the book bears the name of ,nathanael ,jomtob2 but the real author is a well-known ,spaniard1 who1 in his latter writings1 seems to have undertaken to avenge1 by his unbounded exaggerations and furious invectives1 all that he had previously attacked2 a writer who assails1 with an intolerable partiality1 all that presents itself before him--religion1 country1 classes of society1 individuals1 and opinions--insulting and tearing to pieces all1 as if he had been seized with a sally of passion1 and not even sparing the men of his own party4 ,is it1 then1 surprising that this writer regarded ,philip ,,ii4 as ,protestants and philosophers do1 that is1 as a monarch placed on the earth for the disgrace and misfortune of humanity1--a monster of ,machiavellianism1 anxious to diffuse darkness1 in order to maintain himself in safety in his cruelty and perfidy8 ,i will not undertake to justify1 on all points1 the policy of ,philip ,,ii42 ,i will not deny that there are exaggerations in the eulogiums which some ,spanish writers have given to that prince4 ,but1 on the other hand1 it cannot be doubted1 that ,protestants and the political enemies of ,philip ,,ii4 have ever been careful to denounce him4 ,and do you know why ,protestants have done this8 ,it is because it was he who prevented ,protestantism from penetrating into ,spain2 it was he who1 at that period of agitation1 maintained the cause of ,catholicity4 ,let us set aside the great events of the rest of ,europe1 of which each one will judge as he pleases2 let us limit ourselves to ,spain4 ,we do not fear to assert1 that the introduction of ,protestantism into that country was imminent and inevitable without the system which he pursued4 ,whether ,philip used the ,inquisition for political purposes1 in certain cases1 is not the question we have to examine here2 but at least it must be acknowledged that it was not a mere instrument of ambitious projects2 it was an institution strengthened and maintained in presence of an imminent danger4 ,it appears1 from the proceedings of the ,inquisition at this time1 that ,protestantism began to spread in an incredible manner in ,spain2 eminent ecclesiastics1 monks1 nuns1 seculars of distinction1 in a word1 individuals of the most influential classes1 were attached to the new errors4 ,could the efforts of ,protestants to introduce their creed into ,spain remain altogether unproductive1 when they employed every stratagem in their ardor to introduce their books8 ,they went so far as to place their prohibited writings in casks of ,champagne and ,burgundy wine1 with so much art as to deceive the custom-house men3 thus wrote the ,spanish ,ambassador at ,paris4 ,to perceive the whole danger1 it is enough to observe with attention the state of minds in ,spain at this time2 besides1 incontestable facts come in support of conjectures4 ,the ,protestants1 taking great care to declaim against abuses1 represented themselves as reformers1 and labored to draw to their side all who were animated by an ardent desire for reform4 ,this desire for reform had existed for a long time in the ,church2 but with some it was inspired by bad intentions2 in other words1 the specious name of reform concealed the real intention of many1 which was to destroy4 ,at the same time1 with some sincere ,catholics1 this desire1 although pure in principle1 went to imprudent zeal1 and reached an ill-regulated ardor4 ,it is probable that such zeal1 carried to too great an extent1 was1 with many1 changed into acrimony2 thence a certain facility in receiving the insidious suggestions of the enemies of the ,church4 ,many people who had begun with indiscreet zeal1 perhaps fell into exaggeration1 then into bitterness1 and finally into heresy4 ,spain was not exempt from this disposition of mind1 from whence the course of events might have drawn very bitter results1 if ,protestantism had obtained any footing on our soil4 ,we know that the ,spaniards at the ,council of ,trent distinguished themselves by their reforming zeal1 and their boldness in expressing their opinions4 ,let us remark1 moreover1 that religious discord being once introduced into a country1 minds are excited by disputes1 they are irritated by frequent shocks1 and it sometimes happens that respectable men precipitate themselves into excesses which they would have abhorred a short time before4 ,it is difficult to say with precision what would have happened if the rigor had been at all relaxed on this point4 ,certain it is1 that1 when reading some passages of ,luis ,vives1 of ,arias ,montanus1 of ,carranza1 and of the consultation of ,melchior ,cano1 we can fancy we find1 at the bottom of their minds1 a sort of disquietude and agitation1 which may best be compared to those heavy murmurings which announce from afar the commencement of a tempest4 ,the famous trial of the ,archbishop of ,toledo1 ,fray ,bartolom de ,carranza1 is one of the facts which are most frequently cited to show the arbitrary nature of the proceedings of the ,spanish ,inquisition4 ,we certainly cannot see without emotion1 shut up in prison for many years1 one of the most learned men in ,europe1 the ,archbishop of ,toledo1 honored with the intimate confidence of ,philip ,,ii4 and the ,queen of ,england1 allied in friendship with the most distinguished men of the time1 and known to all ,christendom by the brilliant part which he had played at the ,council of ,trent4 ,the process lasted seventeen years2 and although the cause was carried to ,rome1 where the ,archbishop must have found powerful friends1 a declaration of innocence in his favor could not be obtained4 ,without staying to notice the many incidents of a cause so long and so complicated1 without insisting on the more or less reason which the discourses and writings of ,carranza may have afforded for suspicions against his faith1 ,i am quite certain1 in my own mind1 that1 in his own conscience and before ,god1 he was perfectly innocent4 ,here is a proof that places my opinion beyond a doubt4 ,a short time after the judgment was given1 he fell ill2 his malady was supposed to be mortal1 and the sacraments were administered to him4 ,at the moment of receiving the ,viaticum1 in the presence of a large concourse1 he declared1 in the most solemn manner1 that he had never left the ,catholic faith1 that his conscience acquitted him of all the accusations made against him2 and he confirmed his declaration by calling to witness ,god1 in whose presence he was1 whom he was about to receive under the most sacred species1 and before whose awful tribunal he was in a few moments to appear4 ,this pathetic act drew tears from all present2 all suspicions against him were dissipated as by a breath1 and a new sympathy was added to that which his continued misfortunes had excited4 ,the ,sovereign ,pontiff did not doubt the sincerity of the declaration1 as a magnificent epitaph was placed upon his tomb1 which certainly would not have been allowed if there had been the least doubt of it4 ,it certainly would be rash to refuse to believe a declaration so explicit from the mouth of such a man as ,carranza1 expiring1 and in the presence of ,jesus ,christ ,himself4 ,after having paid this tribute to the knowledge1 virtues1 and misfortunes of ,carranza1 it remains for us to examine whether1 whatever may have been the purity of his conscience1 it can be justly said that his trial was a perfidious intrigue1 carried on by envy and hatred4 ,this is not the place to examine the immense procedure in this case2 but since allusion has been made to it to condemn ,philip ,,ii4 and the adversaries of ,carranza1 ,i wish1 in my turn1 to make some observations1 to endeavor to place the affair in its proper light4 ,in the first place1 is it not astonishing that a trial devoid of all foundation should have had so extraordinary a duration8 ,at least there must have been some appearance of it4 ,besides1 if the cause had been decided in ,spain1 the length of the trial might not have been so extraordinary4 ,but it was not so2 the cause remained pending in ,rome many years4 ,were the judges so blind or so wicked that they could not discover the calumny1 or that they wanted the virtue to destroy it1 supposing it to have been as clear and evident as it has been pretended8 ,it may be replied to this1 that the intrigues of ,philip ,,ii41 who was determined on the destruction of the ,archbishop1 prevented the truth from appearing2 in proof of this assertion1 have we not the difficulties which the king made to allow the prisoner to be transferred to ,rome8 ,it was necessary1 it is said1 for ,pius ,v4 to effect this by the threat of excommunication4 ,i will not deny that ,philip ,,ii4 attempted to aggravate the situation of the ,archbishop1 and wished for a sentence little favorable to the illustrious accused4 ,yet1 before deciding that the conduct of the king was criminal1 we must know whether he acted thus from personal resentment1 from conviction1 or from the suspicion that the ,archbishop inclined towards ,lutheranism4 ,carranza1 before his disgrace1 was highly favored and esteemed by ,philip1 as appears from the missions which were confided to him in ,england1 and from his elevation to the first ecclesiastical dignity in ,spain4 ,how1 then1 can we presume that so much good-will was converted on a sudden into personal and violent hatred8 ,is it not1 at least1 necessary that history should afford a fact in support of this conjecture8 ,now1 ,i find this nowhere in history1 nor am ,i aware that others have done so4 ,if ,philip took so decided a part against the ,archbishop1 it was evidently because he believed1 or strongly suspected him of being heretical4 ,in that case1 ,philip may have been rash1 imprudent--all that you please2 but it cannot be said that1 in the pursuit1 he was moved by the spirit of vengeance1 or by low animosity4 ,other men of the time were equally accused4 ,among the rest1 ,melchior ,cano4 ,carranza himself seemed to be suspicious2 he bitterly complained that ,melchior ,cano had ventured to say that the ,archbishop was as heretical as ,luther4 ,but ,salazar de ,mendoza1 when relating the fact in the life of ,carranza1 asserts that ,cano1 hearing this1 openly denied it1 saying1 that he had said nothing of the kind4 ,indeed1 the mind is easily inclined to believe him2 men with intellects as favored as his1 have1 in their own dignity1 too powerful a preservative against baseness1 to allow them to be suspected of playing the infamous part of calumniators4 ,i do not believe that it is necessary to seek for the cause of the misfortunes of ,carranza in private hatred or jealousy2 it is found in the critical circumstances of the time1 and in the character of this illustrious man himself4 ,the grave symptoms which produced alarm lest ,protestantism might make proselytes in ,spain2 the efforts of the ,protestants to introduce their books and emissaries there2 the experience of what happened in other countries1 and particularly in the kingdom of ,france1 created so much dread in men's minds1 rendered them so fearful and mistrustful1 that the least suspicion of error1 above all1 in persons elevated in dignity or distinguished for their knowledge1 occasioned disquietude and apprehension4 ,we are aware of the hot disputes which took place with respect to the ,polyglot of ,antwerp and ,arias ,montanus1 and we are not ignorant of the sufferings of the famous ,fray ,luis de ,leon1 and some other illustrious men of that time4 ,another conjuncture which contributed to push things to extremes was1 the political situation of ,spain with respect to strangers4 ,the ,spanish monarchy had too many enemies and rivals for her not to have reason to fear that heresy1 in the hands of her adversaries1 would become a means of introducing discord and civil war into her bosom4 ,these causes united1 naturally rendered ,philip suspicious and mistrustful2 the hatred of heresy combining in his mind with the desire of self-preservation1 he showed himself severe and inexorable with respect to all that could affect the purity of the ,catholic faith in his empire4 ,on the other hand1 it must be acknowledged that the character of ,carranza was not exactly what was required1 in such critical times1 to avoid all dangerous wanderings4 ,we perceive1 in reading his commentaries on the ,catechism1 that he was a man of acute penetration1 of vast erudition1 of profound learning1 of severe character1 and of a heart generous and frank4 ,he spoke his thoughts without circumlocution1 without regard to the displeasure which his words might give to this person or that4 ,when he believed that he had discovered an abuse1 he pointed it out and condemned it openly1 wherein he resembled his supposed adversary1 ,melchior ,cano1 in more features than one4 ,the accusations against him in the trial were founded1 not only on his writings1 but also on some of his sermons and private conversations4 ,i know not to what extent he exceeded the just limits2 but ,i hesitate not to affirm1 that a man who wrote in the tone which we find in his works1 must have expressed himself viva voce with great force1 and perhaps with excessive boldness4 ,it must be added1 to speak the whole truth1 that when treating of justification1 in his commentaries on the ,catechism1 he does not explain himself with all the clearness desirable1 and is wanting in the simplicity required by the unhappy circumstances of the times4 ,men versed in this delicate matter know how delicate certain points are4 ,these points were then the subject of the errors of ,germany2 and it may be easily imagined how much the attention must have been fixed on the words of ,carranza1 and how alarming the least shadow of ambiguity must have been4 ,it is certain that1 at ,rome he was not acquitted of all the accusations2 he was compelled to abjure a series of propositions1 with respect to which he was judged liable to suspicion2 and some penances were imposed on him4 ,carranza on his death-bed protested his innocence2 but he took care to declare that he did not regard the sentence of the ,pope as unjust4 ,the explanation of the enigma is this3 the innocence of the heart is not always accompanied by the prudence of the lips4 ,i have dwelt upon this famous cause because it involves considerations which strikingly exhibit the spirit of the age4 ,these considerations have1 besides1 the advantage of showing the truth in its proper light1 and prevent every thing being explained according to the wretched measure of the malice of men4 ,there is unhappily a tendency to explain all in this way2 and it may be truly said1 that men too often give a just foundation for it2 yet1 whenever there is no evident necessity to do so1 we ought to abstain from condemnation4 ,the picture of the history of humanity is sombre enough in itself2 let us not take pleasure in darkening it still more by new stains4 ,we often call crime that which was only ignorance4 ,man is inclined to evil2 but he is not less subject to error1 and error is not always culpable4 ,moreover1 ,i believe that to ,protestants themselves were owing the rigor and anxious mistrust which the ,inquisition of ,spain displayed at that time4 ,they excited a religious revolution2 and it is a constant law1 that all revolutions either destroy the power assailed1 or render it more harsh and severe4 ,what before was looked upon as indifferent1 is now considered as suspected2 and what1 in all other circumstances1 would only have appeared a fault1 is now regarded as a crime4 ,men are in continual dread of seeing liberty converted into licentiousness2 and as revolutions destroy all1 while they profess to reform1 whoever ventures to speak of reform1 runs the risk of being blamed as a disturber4 ,even prudent conduct is stigmatized as hypocritical caution2 frank and sincere language is termed insolence and dangerous suggestion2 reserve is a concealment full of cunning2 even silence itself assumes a meaning--it becomes alarming dissimulation4 ,we have seen so many things come to pass in our days1 that we are placed in an incomparable situation easily to understand the various phases of the history of humanity4 ,it is an undoubted fact1 that ,protestantism produced a reaction in ,spain4 ,its errors and excesses were the reason why the ecclesiastical and civil power infinitely restrained the liberty which had been previously enjoyed in all that related to religion4 ,spain was preserved from the ,protestant doctrines1 when all the probabilities were in favor of their being introduced there1 in one way or another4 ,it is clear that this could not be obtained without extraordinary efforts4 ,spain1 at that time1 appears to me like a place besieged by a powerful enemy1 where the leaders continually watched1 not only against attacks from without1 but also against treason from within4 ,i will confirm these observations by an example1 which will serve for many others4 ,let us remember what took place with respect to ,bibles in the vulgar tongue2 we shall then have an idea of what passed with relation to all the rest1 according to the natural order of things4 ,i have before me a testimony of what ,i have just said1 as respectable as it is worthy of interest--that of ,carranza himself4 ,hear what he says in his prologue to his commentaries on the ,christian ,catechism3 ,before the heresies of ,luther had come from the infernal regions to the light of this world1 ,i do not know that the ,holy ,scriptures in the vulgar tongue were anywhere forbidden4 ,in ,spain1 ,bibles were translated into it by order of the ,catholic sovereigns1 at the time when the ,moors and ,jews were allowed to live among the ,christians according to their own law4 ,after the expulsion of the ,jews from ,spain1 the judges of religion found that some of those who had been converted to our holy faith instructed their children in ,judaism1 and taught them the ceremonies of the law of ,moses by means of those ,bibles in the vulgar tongue1 which they took care to have printed in ,italy1 in the town of ,ferrara4 ,this is the real cause why ,bibles in the vulgar tongue were forbidden in ,spain2 but the possession and reading of them were always allowed to colleges and monasteries1 as well as to persons of distinction above all suspicion4 ,carranza continues to give1 in a few words1 the history of these prohibitions in ,germany1 ,france1 and other countries2 then he adds3 ,in ,spain1 which was1 and still is1 by the grace and goodness of ,god1 pure from the cockle1 care was taken to forbid generally all the translations of the ,scriptures in the vulgar tongue1 in order to prevent strangers having an opportunity of holding controversy with simple and ignorant persons1 and also because they had1 and still have1 experience of certain particular cases1 and of the errors which began to arise in ,spain from the ill-understood reading of certain passages of the ,bible4 ,what ,i have just stated is the real history of what took place2 this is why the ,bible in the vulgar tongue was prohibited4 ,this curious passage of ,carranza shows us1 in a few words1 the progress of things4 ,at first there was no prohibition2 but the abuse committed by the ,jews provoked one1 although still confined1 as we have just seen1 within certain limits4 ,afterwards came the ,protestants1 upsetting all ,europe by means of their ,bibles2 ,spain is threatened with the introduction of the new errors2 it is discovered that some persons have been misled by the false interpretation of certain passages of the ,bible2 they are compelled to take away this weapon from these strangers1 who attempt to use it to seduce simple people3 from that time the prohibition becomes rigorous and general4 ,to return to ,philip ,,ii41 let us not forget that this monarch was one of the firmest defenders of the ,catholic ,church2 and that in him was personified the policy of the faithful ages1 amid the vertigo which1 under the impulse of ,protestantism1 had taken possession of ,european policy4 ,if the ,catholic ,church1 amid these great perturbations1 could reckon on a powerful protection from the princes of the earth1 it was in great measure owing to ,philip ,,ii4 ,this age was critical and decisive in ,europe4 ,if it is true that he was unfortunate in ,flanders1 it is not less undoubted that his power and ability afforded a counterpoise to the ,protestant power1 which prevented it making itself master of ,europe4 ,even supposing that the efforts of ,philip had only the result of gaining time1 by breaking the first shock of the ,protestant policy1 this was not a slight service rendered to the ,catholic ,church1 then attacked on so many sides4 ,what would have happened to ,europe1 if ,protestantism had been introduced into ,spain as into ,france8 if the ,huguenots had been able to count on the assistance of the ,peninsula8 ,and what would have happened in ,italy1 if she had not been held in respect by the power of ,philip8 ,would not the sectaries of ,germany have succeeded in introducing their errors there8 ,here ,i appeal to all men who are acquainted with history1 whether1 if ,philip had abandoned his much-decried policy1 the ,catholic religion would not have run the risk of finding itself1 at the beginning of the seventeenth century1 under the hard necessity of existing only as a tolerated religion in the generality of the kingdoms of ,europe8 ,now1 we know what this toleration is worth to the ,catholic ,church2 ,england has told us for centuries2 ,prussia shows us at this moment1 and ,russia adds her testimony in a manner still more lamentable4 ,such is the point of view in which we must consider ,philip ,,ii4 ,one is forced to allow that1 considered in this way1 that prince is a great historical personage1--one of those who have left the deepest marks on the policy of the age which followed1--one of those who exert the greatest influence after them on the course of events4 ,spaniards1 who anathematize the founder of the ,escurial1 have you1 then1 forgotten our history1 or do you esteem it of no value8 ,do you stigmatize him as an odious tyrant8 ,do you not know that1 in denying his glory1 in covering it with ignominy1 you efface a feature of your own glory1 and throw into the mud the diadem which encircled the brows of ,ferdinand and ,isabella8 ,if you cannot pardon ,philip ,,ii4 for having sustained the ,inquisition1--if that reason alone obliges you to load his name with execration1 do the same with his illustrious father1 ,charles ,v42 and1 going back to ,isabella of ,castille1 write also on the list of the tyrants and scourges of humanity that name which was venerated by both worlds1 and which is the emblem of the glory and power of the ,spanish monarchy4 ,they all took part in the fact which excites your indignation2 do not curse some1 while you lavish hypocritical indulgence on the others4 ,if that indulgence is found in your words1 it is that the feeling of nationality which beats in your bosom compels you to partiality--to inconsistency2 you recoil when you are about to efface the glories of ,spain with a stroke of the pen--to wither all her laurels--to deny your country4 ,we have nothing left1 unfortunately1 but great recollections2 let us at least avoid despising them3 these recollections are1 in a nation1 like the titles of ancient nobility in a fallen family2 they raise the mind1 they fortify the soul in adversity2 and1 nourishing hope in the bottom of the heart1 they serve to prepare what is to come4 ,the immediate effect of the introduction of ,protestantism into ,spain would have been1 as in other countries1 civil war2 and this war would have been more fatal to us than to other people1 because the circumstances were much more critical for us4 ,the unity of the ,spanish monarchy could not have resisted the shocks and disturbances of intestine dissension2 the different parts were so heterogeneous among themselves1 and were so slightly united1 that the least blow would have parted them4 ,the laws and manners of the kingdoms of ,navarre and ,aragon were very different from those of ,castille2 a lively feeling of independence1 supported by frequent meetings of their own ,cortes1 was kept alive in the hearts of those unconquered nations2 they would certainly have availed themselves of the first opportunity to shake off a yoke which was not pleasing to them4 ,moreover1 in the other provinces1 factions were not wanting to distract the country4 ,the monarchy would have been miserably divided at a time when it was necessary to make head in the affairs of ,europe1 ,africa1 and ,america4 ,the ,moors were still in sight of our coasts2 the ,jews had not had time to forget ,spain3 certainly both would have availed themselves of the conjuncture to raise themselves by means of our discords4 ,on the policy of ,philip depended not only the tranquillity1 but perhaps even the existence of the ,spanish monarchy4 ,he is now accused of having been a tyrant2 if he had pursued another course1 he would have been taxed with incapacity and weakness4 ,one of the most unjust attacks of the enemies of religion against her friends is1 to attribute bad faith to them1 to accuse them of having in every thing false intentions1 tortuous and interested views4 ,when they speak of the ,machiavellianism of ,philip ,,ii41 they suppose that the ,inquisition1 while apparently only religious in its object1 was1 in reality1 an obedient instrument of policy in the hands of a crafty monarch4 ,nothing is more specious to the man in whose eyes history is only a matter for piquant and malicious observations2 but nothing is more false according to facts4 ,some people1 seeing in the ,inquisition an extraordinary tribunal1 have not been able to imagine the existence of that exceptional tribunal1 without supposing1 in the monarch who sustained and encouraged it1 profound reasons1 and views carried much further than appears on the surface of things4 ,they have not been willing to see that an epoch has its spirit1 its own manner of regarding things1 its own system of action1 both in doing good and in preventing evil4 ,during those times1 when all the nations of ,europe appealed to fire and sword to decide questions of religion1 when ,protestants and ,catholics burnt their adversaries1 when ,england1 ,france1 and ,germany assisted at the bloodiest scenes1 to bring a heretic to the scaffold was a natural and customary thing1 which gave no shock to prevailing ideas4 ,we feel our hair grow stiff on our heads at the mere idea of burning a man alive4 ,placed in society where the religious sentiment is considerably diminished2 accustomed to live among men who have a different religion1 and sometimes none at all2 we cannot bring ourselves to believe that it could be at that time quite an ordinary thing to see heretics or the impious led to punishment4 ,but1 if we read the authors of the time1 we shall see the immense difference on this point between their manners and ours2 and we shall remark1 that our language of moderation and toleration would not even have been understood by the man of the sixteenth century4 ,do you know what ,carranza himself1 who suffered so much from the ,inquisition1 thought of this matter8 ,every time that he has occasion to touch on this point in the work which ,i have quoted1 he expresses the ideas of his time1 without even staying to prove them2 he gives them as undoubted principles4 ,in ,england1 with ,queen ,mary1 he did not fear to express his opinions as to the rigor with which heretics ought to be treated2 and he was certainly far from suspecting that his name would one day be made use of to attack this intolerance4 ,kings and peoples1 ecclesiastics and seculars1 were all agreed on this point4 ,what would be said now-a-days of a king who would carry with his own hands the wood to burn heretics1 and would condemn blasphemers to have their tongues pierced with a hot iron8 ,now1 the first of these things is related of ,st4 ,ferdinand1 and we know that the second was done by ,st4 ,louis4 ,we now exclaim in seeing ,philip ,,ii4 assisting at an auto-da-f2 but1 if we consider that the court1 the great men1 all that was most select in society1 surrounded the king on these occasions1 we shall understand that1 if this spectacle is horrible and intolerable to us1 it was not so in the eyes of those men1 widely different from us in ideas and feelings4 ,and let it not be said that they were forced there by the will of the monarch1--that they were compelled to obey3 this was not the effect of the monarch's will2 it was only a consequence of the spirit of the age4 ,no monarch would have been sufficiently powerful to perform such a ceremony1 if the spirit of the age had been opposed to it2 besides1 no monarch is so hard and insensible as not to feel the influence of the times in which he lives4 ,suppose the most absolute despot of our time1 ,napoleon1 at the height of his power1 or the present ,emperor of ,russia1 and see whether they could thus violate the manners of the age4 ,an anecdote is related which is little adapted to confirm the opinion of those who assert that the ,inquisition was a political instrument in the hands of ,philip4 ,as it paints in a curious and interesting manner the customs and ideas of the age1 ,i will insert it here4 ,philip ,,ii4 held his court at ,madrid2 a certain preacher1 in a sermon delivered in presence of the king1 advanced1 that sovereigns had an absolute power over the persons as well as over the property of their subjects4 ,the proposition was not of a nature to displease a king2 the preacher at one blow relieved kings from all control over the exercise of their power4 ,now1 it seems that at that time all men were not in such abject subjection to despotic control as we have been led to believe2 some one was found to denounce to the ,inquisition the words in which the preacher had not been ashamed to flatter the absolute power of kings4 ,surely the orator had chosen a secure asylum2 and our readers may well suppose that this denunciation coming into collision with the power of ,philip1 the ,inquisition would have maintained a prudent silence4 ,yet it was not so3 the ,inquisition made an inquiry1 found the proposition contrary to sound doctrine1 and the preacher1 who was perhaps far from expecting such a reward1 had divers penances imposed on him1 and was condemned to retract publicly his proposition in the same place where he had made it4 ,the retractation took place with all the ceremonies of a juridical proceeding2 the preacher declared that he retracted his proposition as erroneous2 he explained the reasons by reading1 as he had been directed1 the following words1 well worthy of remark3 ,indeed1 messieurs1 kings have no other power over their subjects than that which is given to them by the divine and human law2 they have none proceeding from their own free and absolute will4 ,this is related by ,d4 ,antonio ,perez1 as may be seen at length in the note which corresponds to the present chapter4 ,we know1 moreover1 that he was not a fanatical partisan of the ,inquisition4 ,this took place at the time which some persons never mention without stigmatizing it with the words obscurantism1 tyranny1 and superstition4 ,yet ,i doubt whether1 at a time nearer to us--that1 for example1 when it is asserted that light and liberty dawned on ,spain under the reign of ,charles ,,iii4--a public and solemn condemnation of despotism would have been carried so far4 ,this condemnation1 at the time of ,philip ,,ii41 did as much honor to the tribunal which ordered it as to the monarch who consented to it4 ,with respect to knowledge1 it is a calumny to say that a design was formed to maintain and perpetuate ignorance4 ,certainly the conduct of ,philip does not indicate such a design1 when we see this prince1 not content with favoring the great enterprise of the ,polyglot of ,antwerp1 recommending to ,arias ,montanus to devote to the purchase of chosen works1 printed or manuscript1 the money which would revert to the printer ,plantinus1 to whom the king had advanced a large sum to aid in the enterprise4 ,this chosen collection was to be placed in the library of the monastery of the ,escurial1 which was then built4 ,the king had also charged ,don ,francis de ,alaba1 his ambassador in ,france1 to collect in that kingdom the best books which it was possible for him to procure1 as he himself says in his letter to ,arias ,montanus4 ,no2 the history of ,spain1 with respect to intolerance in religious matters1 is not so black as it has been represented4 ,when foreigners reproach us with cruelty1 we will reply that1 when ,europe was stained with blood by civil wars1 ,spain was at peace4 ,as to the number of persons who perished on the scaffold or died in exile1 we challenge the two nations who claim to be at the head of civilization1 ,france and ,england1 to show us their statistics on that subject at the same time1 and to compare them with ours3 we do not fear the comparison4 ,in proportion as the danger of the introduction of ,protestantism into ,spain diminished1 so did the rigor of the ,inquisition4 ,we may observe1 moreover1 that the procedure of that tribunal always became milder1 in accordance with the spirit of criminal legislation in the other countries of ,europe4 ,thus we see the auto-da-f becoming more rare as we approach our own times1 so that1 at the end of the last century1 the ,inquisition was only a shadow of what it had been4 ,it is useless to insist on this point1 which nobody denies1 and on which we are in unison with the most ardent enemies of that tribunal2 and this it is which1 in our eyes1 proves1 in the most convincing manner1 that we must seek in the ideas and manners of the time1 what people have attempted to find in the cruelty1 in the wickedness1 or in the ambition of men4 ,if the doctrines of those who plead for the abolition of the punishment of death are carried into effect1 posterity1 when reading the executions of our time1 will be seized with the same horror with which we view the punishment of times past1 and the gibbet and the guillotine will figure in the same rank as the ancient ,quemaderos4#bf ,,chapter ,,xxxviii4 ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,themselves4 ,religious institutions are another of those points whereon ,protestantism and ,catholicity are in complete opposition to each other3 the first abhors1 the second loves them2 the one destroys them1 the other establishes and encourages them4 ,one of the first acts of ,protestantism1 whenever it is introduced1 is to attack religious institutions by its doctrines and its acts2 it labors to destroy them immediately2 one would say that the pretended ,reformation cannot behold without irritation those holy abodes1 which continually remind it of the ignominious apostacy of its founder4 ,religious vows1 especially that of chastity1 have been the subject of the most cruel invectives on the part of ,protestants2 but it must be observed1 that what is said now1 and what has been repeated for three centuries1 is only the echo of the first voice which was raised in ,germany2 and what was that voice8 ,it was the voice of a monk without modesty1 who penetrated into the sanctuary and carried away a victim4 ,all the pomp of learning employed to combat a sacred dogma is insufficient to hide so impure an origin4 ,through the excitement of the false prophet we perceive the impure flames which devour his heart4 ,let us observe in passing1 that the same thing took place with respect to the celibacy of the clergy4 ,protestants1 from the beginning1 could not endure this2 they threw off the mask1 and condemned it without disguise2 they attempted to combat it with a certain ostentation of learning2 but1 at the bottom of all their declamation1 what do we find8 ,the clamor of a priest who has forgotten his duty2 who strives against the remorse of his conscience1 and endeavors to hide his shame by diminishing the horror of the scandal by the allegations of falsehood4 ,if such conduct had been pursued by the ,catholics1 all the arms of ridicule would have been employed to cover them with contempt1 to stamp it1 as it deserves1 with the brand of infamy2 but it was a man who declared deadly war against ,catholicity3 that was enough to turn away the contempt of philosophers1 and find indulgence for the declamation of a monk whose first argument against celibacy was1 to profane his vows and consummate a sacrilege4 ,the rest of the disturbers of that age imitated the example of so worthy a master4 ,all demanded and required from ,scripture and philosophy a veil to cover their weakness and baseness4 ,just punishment6 blindness of the mind was the result of corruption of the heart2 impudence sought and obtained the companionship of error4 ,never is the mind more vile than when1 to excuse a fault1 it becomes the accomplice of it2 then it is not deceived1 but prostituted4 ,this hatred of religious institutions has been inherited by philosophy from ,protestantism4 ,this is the reason why all revolutions1 excited and guided by ,protestants or philosophers1 have been signalized by their intolerance towards the institutions themselves1 and by their cruelty towards those who belonged to them4 ,what the law could not do was completed by the dagger and the torch of the incendiary4 ,what escaped the catastrophe was left to the slow punishment of misery and famine4 ,on this point1 as well as on many others1 it is manifest that the infidel philosophy is the daughter of the ,reformation4 ,it is useless to seek for a more convincing proof of this than the parallel of the histories of both1 in all that relates to the destruction of religious institutions2 the same flattery of kings1 the same exaggeration of the civil power1 the same declamation against the pretended evil inflicted on society1 the same calumnies2 we have only to change the names and the dates4 ,and we must also remark this peculiarity1 that1 in this matter1 the difference which1 apparently1 ought to have resulted from the progress of toleration and the softening of manners in recent times1 has scarcely been felt4 ,but is it true that religious institutions are as contemptible as they have been represented8 is it true that they do not even deserve attention1 and that all the questions relating to them can be solved by merely pronouncing the word fanaticism8 ,does not the man of observation1 the real philosopher1 find in them any thing worthy of attracting his attention8 ,it is difficult to believe that such was the nullity of these institutions1 whose history is so grand1 and which still preserve in their existence the promise of a great future4 ,it is difficult to believe that such institutions are not worthy of attention in the highest degree1 and that their study is wholly devoid of lively interest and solid profit4 ,we see them appear at every epoch of ,church history2 their memorials and monuments are found every moment under our feet2 they are preserved in the regions of ,asia1 in the sands of ,africa1 in the cities and solitudes of ,america2 in fine1 when1 after so much adversity1 we see them more or less prosperous in the various countries of ,europe1 sending forth again fresh shoots in those lands where their roots had been the most deeply torn up1 there naturally arises in the mind a spirit of curiosity to examine this phenomenon1 to inquire what is the origin1 the genius1 and the character of these institutions4 ,those who love to descend into the heart of philosophical questions discover1 at first sight1 that there must be there an abundant mine of the most precious information for the science of religion1 of society1 and of man4 ,he who has read the lives of the ancient fathers of the desert without being touched1 without feeling profound admiration1 and being filled with grave and lofty thoughts2 he who1 treading under his feet with indifference the ruins of an ancient abbey1 has not called up in fancy the shades of the cenobites who lived and died there2 he who passes coldly through the corridors and cells of convents half-demolished1 and feels no recollections1 and not even the curiosity to examine1--he may close the annals of history1 and may cease to study the beautiful and the sublime4 ,there exist for him no historical phenomena1 no beauty1 no sublimity2 his mind is in darkness1 his heart is in the dust4 ,with the intention of hiding the intimate connection which subsists between religious institutions and religion herself1 it has been said that she can exist without them4 ,this is an incontrovertible truth1 but abstract and wholly useless--a barren and isolated assertion1 which can throw no light upon science1 nor serve as any practical guide--an insidious truth1 which only tends entirely to change the whole state of the question1 and persuade men that when religious institutions are concerned1 religion has nothing to do with the matter4 ,there is here a gross sophism1 which is too much employed1 not only on this question1 but on many others4 ,this consists in replying to all difficulties by a proposition perfectly true in itself1 but which has nothing to do with the question4 ,by this means1 attention is turned another way2 the palpable truth which is presented to the mind makes men wander from the principal object1 and induces them to take that for a solution which is only a distraction4 ,with respect1 for example1 to the support of the clergy and divine worship1 it is said1 ,temporals are altogether different from spirituals4 ,when the ministers of religion are systematically calumniated1 ,religion1 they say1 is one thing1 and her ministers are another4 ,if it is wished to represent the conduct of ,rome for many centuries as an uninterrupted chain of injustice1 of corruption1 and of invasion of right1 all reply is anticipated by saying1 ,the supremacy of the ,sovereign ,pontiff has nothing to do with the vices of ,popes or their ambition4 ,reflections perfectly just1 and truths palpable1 no doubt1 which are very useful in certain cases1 but which writers of bad faith cunningly employ to conceal from the reader the real object they have in view4 ,such are the jugglers who attract the attention of the simple multitude on one side1 while their companions perform their criminal operations on the other4 ,because a thing is not necessary to the existence of another1 it does not follow that the first does not originate in the second1--does not find in the spirit of the latter its peculiar and permanent existence1 and that a system of intimate and delicate relation does not subsist between them4 ,the tree can subsist without flowers and fruits2 these can certainly fall without destroying the trunk2 but as long as the tree shall exist1 will it ever cease to give proofs of its vigor and its beauty1 and to offer its flowers to the eye1 and its fruits to the taste8 ,the stream may constantly flow in its crystal bed without the green margin which embellishes its sides2 but while its source is not dried up--as long as the fertilizing water penetrates the ground1 can its favored banks remain dry1 barren1 without color and ornament8 ,let us apply these images to our subject4 ,it is certain that religion can exist without religious communities1 and that their ruin does not necessarily entail that of religion herself4 ,more than once it has been seen that in countries where religious institutions have been destroyed1 the ,catholic faith has been long preserved4 ,but it is not less certain1 that there is a necessary dependence between them and religion2 that is1 that she has given being to them1 that she animates them with her spirit1 and nourishes them with her substance3 this is the reason why they immediately germinate wherever the ,catholic faith takes root2 and if they have been driven from a country where she continues to exist1 they will reappear4 ,without alluding to the examples of other countries1 do we not see this phenomenon take place in ,france in a remarkable manner8 ,the number of convents of men and women which are again established on the ,french soil is already very considerable4 ,who would have told the men of the ,constituent ,assembly1 the ,legislative ,assembly1 the ,convention1 that half a century should not elapse without seeing religious institutions reappear and flourish in ,france1 in spite of all their efforts to destroy even their memory8 ,if that happen1 they would have said1 it will be because the revolution which we are making will not be allowed to triumph--because ,europe will have again imposed despotism upon us2 then1 and then only1 will be witnessed in ,france--in ,paris--in this capital of the ,christian world--the re-establishment of religious institutions1 that legacy of fanaticism and superstition1 transmitted to us by the ideas and manners of an age which has passed away1 never to return4 ,senseless men6 your revolution has triumphed2 you have conquered ,europe2 the old principles of the ,french monarchy have been erased from legislation1 institutions1 and manners2 the genius of war has led your doctrines in triumph over ,europe1 and they were gilded by the rays of your glory4 ,your principles1 all your recollections have again triumphed at a recent period2 they still live in all their force and pride1 personified in some men who glory in being the heirs of what they call the glorious ,revolution of '#hi2 and yet1 in spite of so many triumphs1 although your revolution has only receded as much as was necessary the better to secure its conquests1 religious institutions have again arisen--they extend1 they are propagated everywhere1 and they regain an important place in the annals of our times4 ,to prevent this revival1 it would have been necessary to extirpate religion2 it was not enough to persecute her2 faith remained like a precious germ covered by stones and thorns2 ,providence sends down a ray of that divine star which softens stones1 and gives life and fertility2 the tree rises again in all its beauty1 in spite of the ruins which hindered its growth and development1 and its leaves are immediately covered with charming blossoms3--behold the religious institutions which you thought were for ever annihilated6 ,the example which we have just mentioned clearly shows the truth of what we wish to establish1 with respect to the intimate connection which exists between religion and religious institutions4 ,church history furnishes proofs in support of this truth4 ,besides1 the mere knowledge of religion1 and of the nature of the institutions of which we speak1 would suffice to prove it to us1 even if we had not history and experience in our favor4 ,the force of general prejudice on this subject is such1 that it is necessary to descend to the root of things1 to show the complete mistake of our adversaries4 ,what are religious institutions considered generally8 ,putting aside the differences1 the changes1 the alterations necessarily produced by variety of times1 countries1 and other circumstances1 we will say that a religious institute is a society of ,christians living together1 under certain rules1 for the purpose of practising the ,gospel precepts4 ,we include1 in this definition1 even the orders which are not bound by a vow4 ,it will be seen that we have considered the religious institution in its most general sense1 laying aside all that theologians and canonists say with respect to the conditions indispensable to constitute or complete its essence4 ,we must1 moreover1 observe that we ought not to exclude from the honorable denomination of religious institutes1 those associations which possess all the conditions except the vows4 ,the ,catholic religion is fertile enough to produce good by means and forms widely different4 ,in the generality of religious institutions1 she has shown us what man can do by binding himself by a vow1 for his whole life1 to a holy abnegation of his own will2 but she has also wished to show us that1 while leaving him at liberty1 she could attach him by a variety of ties1 and make him persevere until death1 as if he had been obliged by a perpetual vow4 ,the congregation of the oratory of ,st4 ,philip ,neri1 which is found in this latter category1 is certainly worthy of figuring among religious institutions as one of the finest monuments of the ,catholic ,church4 ,i am aware that the vow is comprised in the essence of religious institutes1 as they are commonly understood2 but my only object now is1 to vindicate this kind of association against ,protestants4 ,now we know that they condemn indiscriminately1 associations bound by vows and those which only consist of the permanent and free adhesion of the persons who compose them4 ,all that has the form of a religious community is regarded by them with a look of anger4 ,when they proscribed the religious orders1 they included in the same fate those which had vows and those which had not4 ,consequently1 when defending them1 we must class them together4 ,moreover1 this will not prevent our considering the vow in itself1 and justifying it before the tribunal of philosophy4 ,i do not imagine that it is necessary to say more to show that the object of religious institutions--that is1 as we have just said1 the putting in practice of the ,gospel counsels--is in perfect uniformity with the ,gospel itself4 ,and let us well observe that1 whatever may be the name1 whatever may be the form of the institutions1 they have always for their object something more than the simple observance of the precepts2 the idea of perfection is always included1 then1 either in the active or the contemplative life4 ,to keep the ,divine commandments is indispensable to all ,christians who wish to possess eternal life2 the religious orders attempt a more difficult path2 they aim at perfection4 ,this is the object of the men who1 after having heard these words from the mouth of their ,divine ,master3 ,if you wish to be perfect1 go sell all you have1 and give it to the poor1 have not departed sorrowful1 like the young man in the ,gospel1 but have embraced with courage the enterprise of quitting all and following ,jesus ,christ4 ,we have now inquired whether association is the best means to carry into execution so holy an object4 ,it would be easy for me to show this by adducing various texts of ,scripture1 where the true spirit of the ,christian religion1 and the will of our ,divine ,master1 are clearly shown on this point2 but the taste of our age1 and the self-evidence even of the truths in question1 warn us to avoid1 as much as possible1 all that savors of theological discussion4 ,i will remove the question1 then1 from this level1 to consider it in a light purely historical and philosophical2 that is to say1 without accumulating citations and texts1 ,i will prove that religious institutes are perfectly conformable to the spirit of the ,christian religion2 and that consequently that spirit has been deplorably mistaken by ,protestants1 when they have condemned or destroyed them4 ,if philosophers1 while they do not admit the truth of religion1 still avow that it is useful and beautiful1 ,i will prove to them that they cannot condemn those institutions which are the necessary result of it4 ,in the cradle of ,christianity1 when men preserved1 in all their energy and purity1 the sparks from the tongues of the ,holy ,spirit2 in those times1 when the words and examples of its ,divine ,founder were still fresh1 when the number of the faithful who had had the happiness of seeing and hearing ,him was still very great in the ,church1 we see the ,christians1 under the direction of the ,apostles themselves1 unite1 have all their property in common2 thus forming only one family1 the ,father of which was in heaven1 and which had only one heart and one soul4 ,i will not dispute as to the extent of this primitive proceeding2 ,i will abstain from analyzing the various circumstances which accompanied it1 and from examining how far it resembled the religious institutions of latter times2 it is enough to state its existence1 and show therefrom what is the true spirit of religion with respect to the most proper means to realize evangelical perfection4 ,i will only allude to the fact1 that ,cassian1 in the description which he gives of the commencement of religious institutions1 assigns as their cradle the proceeding we have just mentioned1 and which is reported in the ,acts of the ,apostles4 ,according to the same author1 this kind of life was never wholly interrupted2 so that there were always some fervent ,christians who continued it2 thus attaching1 by a continued chain1 the existence of the monks to the primitive associations of the apostolical times4 ,after having described the kind of life of the first ,christians1 and traced the alterations of the times that followed1 ,cassian continues thus3 ,those who preserved the apostolical fervor in this way1 recalling primitive perfection1 quitted towns1 and the society of those who believed that they were allowed to live with less severity2 they began to choose secret and retired places1 where they could follow in private the rules which they remembered to have been appointed by the ,apostles for the whole body of the ,church in general4 ,thus commenced the formation of the discipline of those who had quitted that contagion1 as they lived separate from the rest of the faithful2 abstaining from marriage1 and having no communication with the world1 even with their own families4 ,in the progress of time1 the name of monks was given to them1 in consideration of their singular and solitary life4 7,collat4 #ah1 cap4 #e47 ,times of persecution immediately followed1 which1 with some interruptions1 that may be called moments of repose1 lasted till the conversion of ,constantine4 ,there were1 then1 during this time1 some ,christians who attempted to continue the mode of life of the apostolical years4 ,cassian clearly indicates this in the passage which we have just read4 ,he omits to say that this primitive life was necessarily modified1 in its exterior form1 by the calamities with which the ,church was afflicted at that period4 ,in all that time we ought not to look for ,christians living in community2 we shall find them confessing ,jesus ,christ1 with imperturbable calmness1 on the rack1 amid all torments1 in the circus1 where they were torn to pieces by wild beasts1 on the scaffold1 where they quietly gave up their heads to the axe of the executioner4 ,but observe what happened even during the time of persecution2 the ,christians1 of whom the world was not worthy1 pursued in the towns like wild beasts1 wandered about in solitude1 seeking refuge in the deserts4 ,the solitudes of the ,east1 the sand and rocks of ,arabia1 the most inaccessible places of the ,thebad1 receive those troops of fugitives1 who dwell in the abodes of wild beasts1 in abandoned graves1 in dried-up cisterns1 in the deepest caverns1 only asking for an asylum for meditation and prayer4 ,and do you know the result of this8 ,these deserts1 in which the ,christians wandered1 like a few grains of sand driven by the wind1 became peopled1 as it were by magic1 with innumerable religious communities4 ,there they meditated1 prayed1 and read the ,gospel2 hardly had the fruitful seed touched the earth1 when the precious plant arose in a moment4 ,admirable are the designs of ,providence6 ,christianity1 persecuted in the towns1 fertilizes and embellishes the deserts2 the precious grain requires for its development neither the moisture of the earth nor the breeze of a mild atmosphere2 when carried through the air on the wings of the storm1 the seed loses nothing of its vitality2 when thrown on a rock1 it does not perish4 ,the fury of the elements avails nothing against the work of ,god1 who has made the north wind ,his courser3 the rock ceases to be barren when ,he pleases to fertilize it4 ,did ,he not make pure water spring forth at the mysterious touch of ,his ,prophet's rod8 ,when peace was given to the ,church by the conqueror of ,maxentius1 the germs contained in the bosom of ,christianity were able to develop themselves everywhere2 from that moment the ,church was never without religious communities4 ,with history in our hands1 we may defy the enemies of religious institutions to point out any period1 however short1 when these institutions had entirely disappeared4 ,under some form or in some country1 they have always perpetuated the existence which they had received in the early ages of ,christianity4 ,the fact is certain and constant1 and is found in every page of ecclesiastical history2 it plays an important part in all the great events in the annals of the ,church4 ,it is found in the west and in the east1 in modern and in ancient times1 in the prosperity and in the adversity of the ,church2 when the pursuit of religious perfection was an honor in the eyes of the world1 as well as when it was an object of persecution1 raillery1 and calumny4 ,what clearer proof can there be that there is an intimate connection between religious institutions and religion herself8 ,what more is required to show us that they are her spontaneous fruit8 ,in the moral and in the physical order of things1 the constant appearance of the one following the other1 is regarded as a proof of the reciprocal dependence of two phenomena4 ,if these phenomena have towards each other the relations of cause and effect--if we find in the essence of the one all the principles that are required in the production of the other1 the first is called the cause and the other the effect4 ,wherever the religion of ,jesus ,christ is established1 religious communities are found under some form or other2 they are1 therefore1 its spontaneous effect4 ,i do not know what reply can be made to so conclusive an argument4 ,by viewing the question in this way1 the favor and protection which religious institutions always found with the ,pontiff is naturally explained4 ,it was his duty to act in conformity with the spirit which animates the ,church1 of which he is the chief ruler upon earth2 it is certainly not the ,pope who has made the regulation1 that one of the means most apt to lead men to perfection is to unite themselves in associations under certain rules1 in conformity with the instructions of their ,divine ,master4 ,the ,eternal ,lord thus ruled in the secrets of ,his infinite wisdom1 and the conduct of the ,popes could not be contrary to the designs of the ,most ,high4 ,it has been said that interested views interposed2 it has been said that the policy of the ,popes found in these institutions a powerful means of sustaining and aggrandizing itself4 ,but can you not see any thing but the sordid instruments of cunning policy in the societies of the primitive faithful1 in the monasteries of the solitudes of the ,east1 in that crowd of institutions which have had for their object only the sanctification of their own members and the amelioration of some of the great evils of humanity8 ,a fact so general1 so great1 so beneficent1 cannot be explained by views of interest and narrow designs2 its origin is higher and nobler2 and he who will not seek for it in heaven ought at least to seek for it in something greater than the projects of a man or the policy of a court2 he ought to seek for lofty ideas1 sublime feelings1 capable1 if they do not mount to heaven1 at least of embracing a large part of the earth2 nothing less is here required than one of those thoughts which preside over the destinies of the human race4 ,some persons may be inclined to imagine private designs on the part of the ,popes1 because they see their authority interfere in all the foundations of later ages1 and their approbation constitute the validity of the rules of religious institutions2 but the course pursued in this respect by ecclesiastical discipline shows us that the most active intervention of the ,popes1 far from emanating from private views1 has been called for by a necessity of preventing an excessive multiplication of the religious orders in consequence of an indiscreet zeal4 ,this vigilance in preventing abuses was the origin of this supreme intervention4 ,in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the tendency to new foundations was so strong that the most serious inconveniences would have resulted from it1 without a continual watchfulness on the part of the ecclesiastical authority4 ,thus we see the ,sovereign ,pontiff ,innocent ,,iii4 ordain1 in the ,council of ,lateran1 that whoever wished to found a new religious house shall be bound to adopt one of the approved rules and institutions4 ,but let us pursue our design4 ,i can understand how those who deny the truth of the ,christian religion1 and turn into ridicule the counsels of the ,gospel1 bring themselves to deny all that is celestial and divine in the spirit of the religious communities2 but the truth of religion once established1 ,i cannot conceive how men who boast of following its laws can declare themselves the enemies of these institutions considered in themselves4 ,how can he who admits the principle refuse the consequence8 ,how can he who loves the cause reject the effect8 ,they must either affect a religion hypocritically1 or they profess without comprehending it4 ,in default of any other proof of the anti-evangelical spirit which guided the leaders of the pretended ,reformation1 their hatred to an institution so evidently founded on the ,gospel itself should suffice4 ,did not these enthusiasts for reading the ,bible without note or comment--they who pretend to find all its passages so clear--did they not remark the plain and easy sense of that multitude of passages which recommend self-abnegation1 the renunciation of all possessions1 and the privation of all pleasures8 ,these words are plain--they cannot be taken in any other signification--they do not require for their comprehension a profound study of the sacred sciences1 or that of languages2 and yet they have not been heard3 we should rather say1 they have not been listened to4 ,the intellect has understood1 but the passions have rejected them4 ,as to those philosophers who have regarded religious institutions as vain and contemptible1 if not dangerous1 it is clear that they have meditated but little on the human mind1 and on the deep feelings of our hearts1 full as they are of mystery4 ,as their hearts have felt nothing at the sight of those numbers of men and women assembled for the purpose of sanctifying themselves or others1 or of relieving wants1 and consoling the unfortunate1 it is but too clear that their souls have been dried up by the breath of skepticism4 ,to renounce for ever all the pleasures of life2 to live in solitude1 there to offer one's self1 in austerity and penance1 as a holocaust to the ,most ,high3 this1 certainly is a matter of horror to those philosophers who have only viewed the world through their own prejudices4 ,but humanity has other thoughts2 it feels itself attracted by those objects which philosophers find so vain1 so devoid of interest1 so worthy of horror4 ,wonderful are the secrets of our hearts6 ,although enervated by pleasure1 and involved in the whirlwind of amusement and mirth1 we cannot avoid being seized with deep emotion at the sight of austerity and recollection of soul4 ,solitude1 and even sadness itself1 exert an inexpressible influence over us4 ,whence comes that enthusiasm which moves a whole nation1 excites and makes it follow1 as if by enchantment1 the steps of a man whose brow is marked by recollection1 whose features display austerity of life1 whose clothes and manners show freedom from all that is earthly1 and forgetfulness of the world8 ,now1 it is a fact1 proved by the history both of true and of false religions2 so powerful a means of attracting respect and esteem has not remained unknown to imposture3 licentiousness and corruption1 desirous of making their fortunes in the world1 have more than once felt the imperious necessity of disguising themselves under the mantle of austerity and purity4 ,what at first sight might appear the most opposed to our feelings1 the most repugnant to our tastes--this shade of sadness diffused over the recollection and solitude of the religious life--is precisely what enchants and attracts us the most4 ,the religious life is solitary and pensive2 therefore it is beautiful1 and its beauty is sublime4 ,nothing is more apt than this sublimity to move our hearts deeply1 and make indelible impressions on them4 ,in reality1 our soul has the character of an exile2 it is affected by melancholy objects only2 it has not attained to that noisy joy which requires to borrow a tint of melancholy only for the sake of a happy contrast4 ,in order to clothe beauty with its most seductive charms1 it is necessary that a tear of anguish should flow from her eyes1 that her forehead should assume an air of sadness1 and her cheeks grow pale with a melancholy remembrance4 ,in order that the life of a hero excite a lively interest in us1 it is requisite that misfortune be his companion1 lamentation his consolation--that disaster and ingratitude be the reward of his virtues4 ,if you wish that a picture of nature or art should strongly attract our attention1 take possession of and absorb the powers of our soul1 it is necessary that a memorial of the nothingness of man1 and an image of death1 should be presented to our minds2 our hearts should be appealed to by the feelings of a tranquil sadness2 we desire to see sombre tints on a monument in ruins--the cross reminding us of the abode of the dead1 the massive walls covered with moss1 and pointing out the ancient dwelling of some powerful man1 who1 after having lived on earth for a short time1 has disappeared4 ,joy does not satisfy us1 it does not fill our hearts2 it intoxicates and dissipates them for a few moments2 but man does not find there his happiness1 because the joys of earth are frivolous1 and frivolity cannot attach a traveller who1 far from his country1 walks painfully through the valley of tears4 ,thence it comes that1 while sorrow and tears are accepted--we should rather say1 are carefully sought for by art--whenever a deep impression is to be made upon the soul1 joy and smiles are inexorably banished4 ,oratory1 poetry1 sculpture1 painting1 music1 have all constantly followed the same rule2 or1 rather1 have always been governed by the same instinct4 ,it certainly required a lofty spirit and a heart of fire to declare that the soul is naturally ,christian4 ,in these few words an illustrious thinker has known how to express all the relations which unite the faith1 morality1 and counsels of this divine religion1 with all that is most intimate1 delicate1 and noble in our hearts4 ,do you know ,christian pensiveness2 that grave and elevated feeling which is painted on the forehead of the ,christian1 like a memorial of sorrow on that of an illustrious proscribed one2 this feeling which moderates the enjoyments of life by the image of the tomb1 and lights up the depths of the grave with the rays of hope2 that pensiveness so natural and consoling1 so grave and noble1 which causes diadems and sceptres to be trodden under foot like dust1 and the greatness and splendor of the world to be despised as a passing illusion8 ,this melancholy1 carried to its perfection1 vivified and fertilized by grace1 and subjected to a holy rule1 is what presides over the foundation of religious institutions1 and accompanies them as long as they preserve their primitive fervor1 which they received from men who were guided by divine light1 and animated by the ,spirit of ,god4 ,this holy melancholy1 which carries with it freedom from all earthly things1 is the feeling which the ,church wishes to instil into and preserve in1 the religious orders1 when she surrounds their silent abodes with a shade of retirement and meditation4 ,that amid the fury and the convulsions of parties1 a mad and sacrilegious hand1 secretly excited by malice1 should plunge a fratricidal dagger into an innocent heart1 or set fire to a peaceful dwelling1 may be conceived2 for1 unhappily1 the history of man abounds in crimes and frenzies2 but that the essence of religious institutions should be attacked1 that their spirit should be considered narrow and imbecile1 that they should be deprived of the noble titles which give honor to their origin1 and the beauties which adorn their history1 can be allowed neither by the intellect nor by the heart4 ,a false philosophy1 which dries up and withers all that it touches1 has undertaken so mad a task4 ,but1 setting aside religion and reason1 literature and the fine arts have rebelled against this attempt2 literature and the fine arts1 which have need of old recollections1 and which are indebted for their wonders to lofty thoughts1 to grave and noble scenes1 and deep and melancholy feelings2 literature and the arts1 which delight in transporting the mind of man into regions of light1 in guiding the imagination through new and unknown paths1 and in ruling the heart by mysterious charms4 ,no2 a thousand times no6 ,as long as the religion of that ,god made man1 who had not where to repose his head1 and who sat down by a well on the wayside to rest1 like an humble traveller1 shall last2 of that ,god-man1 whose appearance was announced to the nations by a mysterious voice coming from the desert--by the voice of a man clothed in a goat-skin1 whose reins were bound with a leathern girdle1 and who lived on nothing but locusts and wild honey3 as long as this divine religion shall last1 nothing will be more holy or more worthy of our respect than those institutions1 the true and original object of which is to realize what ,heaven intended to teach man by such eloquent and sublime lessons4 ,times1 vicissitudes1 and revolutions1 succeed each other2 the institution will change its form1 will undergo alterations1 will be affected more or less by the weakness of men1 by the corrosive action of time1 and the destructive power of events2 but it will live--it will never perish4 ,if one society rejects it1 it will seek an asylum in another2 driven from towns1 it will take refuge in forests2 if there pursued1 it will flee to the horrors of the desert4 ,there will always be1 in some privileged hearts1 an echo for the voice of that sublime religion1 which1 holding in her hand a standard of sorrow and love--the sacred standard of the sufferings and death of the ,son of ,god--the ,cross1 will proclaim to men3 ,watch and pray1 that you enter not into temptation2 if you assemble to pray1 the ,lord will be in the midst of you2 all flesh is but grass2 life is a dream2 above your heads is an ocean of light and happiness2 under your feet an abyss2 your life on earth is a pilgrimage1 an exile4 ,then she marks his forehead with the mysterious ashes1 telling him1 ,thou art dust1 and unto dust thou shalt return4 ,we shall perhaps be asked why the faithful cannot practise evangelical perfection while living in the bosom of their families1 without assembling in communities8 ,we shall reply1 that we have no intention of denying the possibility of that practice1 even in the midst of the world2 and we willingly acknowledge that a great number of ,christians have done so at all times1 and do so now2 but this does not prove that the surest and easiest means is not that of the life in community with others who have the same object in view1 and in retirement from all the things of this world4 ,laying aside for a moment all consideration of religion1 are you not aware of the ascendency which the spirit of repeated examples exerts on those with whom we live8 ,do you not know how easily our spirit fails when we find ourselves alone in a difficult enterprise8 ,do you not know that1 in the greatest misfortunes1 it is a consolation to behold others participate in our sorrows8 ,on this point1 as well as on all others1 religion accords with sound philosophy1 and both unite in explaining to us the profound meaning contained in those words of ,scripture3 ,v soli6 ,wo to him who is alone6 ,before concluding this chapter1 ,i wish to say a few words on the vows which commonly accompany religious institutes4 ,perhaps they are one of the principal causes of the violent antipathy of ,protestantism against these institutions4 ,vows render things fixed and stable2 and the fundamental principle of ,protestantism does not admit of fixity or stability4 ,essentially separating and anarchical1 this principle rejects unity and destroys the hierarchy2 dissolving in its nature1 it allows the mind neither to remain in a permanent faith nor to be subject to rule4 ,for if virtue itself is only a vague entity1 which has no fixed foundation--a being which is fed on illusions1 and which cannot endure the application of any certain and constant rule1 this holy necessity of doing well1 of constantly walking in the path of perfection1 must be incomprehensible to it1 and in the highest degree repugnant2 this necessity must appear to it inconsistent with liberty2 as if man1 by binding himself by a vow1 lost his free will2 as if the sanction which a promise given to ,god imparts to a design1 at all diminished the merit of him who has the firmness necessary to accomplish what he had the courage to promise4 ,those who1 to condemn this necessity which man imposes on himself1 invoke the rights of liberty against it1 seem to forget that this effort of man to make himself the slave of good1 and secure his own future1 besides the sublime disinterestedness which it supposes1 is the vastest exercise which man can make of his liberty4 ,by one act alone1 he disposes of his whole life1 and by fulfilling the duties resulting from that act1 he continually fulfils his own will4 ,but we shall be told that man is so inconstant3 this is the reason why1 in order to prevent the effects of this inconstancy1 he finds himself penetrating into the vicissitudes of the future1 renders himself superior to them1 and governs them in advance4 ,but1 it will be said1 in that case1 good is done from necessity3 this is true2 but do you not know that the necessity of doing good is a happy one1 and in some measure assimilates man with ,god8 ,do you not know that ,infinite ,goodness is incapable of doing evil1 and ,infinite ,holiness can do nothing that is not holy8 ,theologians explain why a created being is capable of sinning by pointing out this profound reason4 ,it is1 they say1 because the creature is made out of nothing4 ,when man forces himself1 as far as he can1 to do well1 when he thus fetters his will1 he ennobles it1 he renders himself more like to ,god1 he assimilates himself to the state of the blessed1 who have no longer the melancholy liberty of doing evil1 and who are under the happy necessity of loving ,god4 ,the name of liberty1 from the time when ,protestants and false philosophers took possession of it1 seems condemned to be ill understood in all its applications4 ,in the religious1 moral1 social1 and political order1 it is enveloped in such obscurity1 that we can perceive the many efforts which have been made to darken and misrepresent it4 ,cicero gives an admirable definition of liberty when he says1 that it consists in being the slave of law4 ,in the same way it may be said1 that the liberty of the intellect consists in being the slave of truth2 and the liberty of the will in being the slave of virtue2 if you change this1 you destroy liberty4 ,if you take away the law1 you admit force2 if you take away the truth1 you admit error2 if you take away virtue1 you admit vice4 ,if you venture to exempt the world from the external law1 from that law which embraces man and society1 which extends to all orders1 which is the divine wisdom applied to reasonable creatures2 if you venture to seek for an imaginary liberty out of that immense circle1 you destroy all2 there remains in society nothing but the empire of brute force1 and in man that of the passions2 with tyranny1 and consequently slavery4 ,,chapter ,,xxxix4 ,,of ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,history4--,,the ,,first ,,solitaries4 ,i have just examined religious institutions in a general point of view1 by considering them in their relations with religion and the human mind4 ,i am now going to take a glance at the principal points of their history4 ,this examination1 ,i think1 will show us an important truth3 viz4 that the appearance of these institutions under different forms has been the expression and the fulfilment of great moral necessities1 and a powerful means1 in the hands of ,providence1 of promoting not only the spiritual good of the ,church1 but also the salvation and regeneration of society4 ,it will be understood that it is not possible for me to enter into details1 or pass in review the numerous religious institutions which have existed2 besides1 this is not necessary for my object4 ,i shall limit myself1 therefore1 to running over the principal phases of religious institutes1 and making a few remarks on each of them2 ,i shall act like the traveller who1 being unable to make a stay in the country through which he passes1 looks at it for a short time from the highest points4 ,i will begin with the solitaries of the ,east4 ,the ,colossus of the ,roman ,empire threatened an approaching and stunning fall3 the spirit of life was rapidly becoming extinguished1 and there was no longer any hope of a breath to reanimate it4 ,the blood circulated slowly in its veins2 the evil was incurable3 the symptoms of corruption everywhere manifested themselves1 and this agony was exactly coincident with the critical and formidable hour when it was necessary to collect all its forces to resist the violent shock which was about to destroy it4 ,the barbarians appeared on the frontiers of the empire1 like the carnivorous animals attracted by the exhalations of a dead body2 and at this crisis society found itself on the eve of a fearful catastrophe4 ,all the world was about to undergo an alarming change2 the next day was not likely to resemble the last2 the tree was about to be torn up2 but its roots were too deep for it to be extirpated without changing the whole face of the soil where it was planted4 ,the greatest refinement had to contend with barbarian ferocity1--the effeminate luxury of southern nations with the energy of the robust sons of the forest2 the result of the struggle could not be doubtful4 ,laws1 customs1 manners1 monuments1 arts and sciences1--all the civilization and refinement acquired during the course of many ages was all in peril1 all foreboded approaching ruin1 all understood that ,god had appointed an end to the power1 and even the existence of the rulers of the globe4 ,the barbarians were only the instrument of ,providence2 the hand which had given a mortal blow to the mistress of the world1 the queen of nations1 was that formidable hand which touches mountains with fire1 and reduces them to ashes1 which touches the rocks and melts them like metal2 it was the hand of ,him who sends forth ,his fiery breath upon the nations1 and burns them up like straw4 ,the world must be the prey of chaos for a short time2 but was not light again to come upon it8 ,was mankind to be melted1 like gold in the furnace1 in order to come out more brilliant and more pure8 ,were ideas respecting ,god and man to be corrected8 ,were more delicate and exalted notions of morality to be diffused8 ,was it reserved for the heart of man to receive more grave and sublime inspirations1 to emerge from its corrupt state1 and live in an atmosphere higher and more worthy of an immortal being8 ,yes6 ,providence thus decreed1 and ,his infinite wisdom has brought about this end by ways which man could not understand4 ,christianity was already spread over the face of the world2 her holy doctrines1 rendered fruitful by grace1 prepared the complete regeneration of the world2 but it was necessary that mankind should again receive a new impulse from her divine hands1 that the mind of man should be moved by a new shock1 that it might take its proper flight1 and raise itself at once to the exalted position which was intended for it1 and from which it was never to descend4 ,history tells us of the obstacles which opposed the establishment and development of ,christianity4 ,according to the warlike expression of the ,prophet1 ,god was compelled to assume ,his sword and buckler2 by the strength of wonderful prodigies1 ,he broke the resistance of the passions1 destroyed every knowledge which raised itself against the knowledge of ,god1 scattered all the powers which rebelled against ,him1 and extinguished the pride and obstinacy of hell4 ,when1 after three centuries of persecution1 victory declared itself throughout the world in favor of the true religion2 when the temples of the false gods were deserted1 and those idols which were not yet overthrown trembled on their pedestals2 when the sign of ,calvary was inscribed on the ,labarum of the ,csars1 and the legions of the empire bowed religiously before the ,cross1 then had the moment arrived for ,christianity to realize1 in a permanent manner1 in those sublime institutions conceived and established by herself alone1 the lofty counsels given three centuries before in ,palestine4 ,the wisdom of philosophers had been vain2 the time was come to realize the wisdom of the ,carpenter of ,nazareth1 of ,him who1 without having consulted human learning1 had proclaimed and taught truths unknown to the most privileged of mortals4 ,the virtues of the ,christians had already emerged from the obscurity of the catacombs2 they were to be resplendent in the light of heaven and amid peace1 as they had formerly shone in the depths of dungeons and amid the flames4 ,christianity had obtained possession of the sceptre of command1 as of the domestic hearth2 her disciples1 who now were multitudinous1 no longer lived in a community of goods2 it is clear that entire continence1 and complete freedom from all earthly things1 could no longer be the mode of life of the regenerated families4 ,the world was to continue2 the duration of the human race was not to cease at this point of its career2 therefore1 all ,christians were not to observe the lofty counsels which convert the life of man on earth into the angelic4 ,a great number of them were to belong to those who1 in order to obtain eternal life1 were satisfied with keeping the precepts1 without aspiring to the sublime perfection which results from the renouncement of all that is earthly1 and the complete abnegation of self4 ,yet the ,founder of the ,christian religion was unwilling that the counsels which ,he had given to men should be for a moment without some disciples amid the coldness and dissipation of the world4 ,he had not given them in vain2 and1 besides1 the practice of them1 although confined to a limited number of the faithful1 exerted on all sides a beneficent influence which facilitated and secured the observance of the precepts4 ,the force of example exerts so powerful an ascendency over the human heart1 that it is often sufficient of itself to triumph over the strongest and most obstinate resistance2 there is something in our hearts which inclines them to sympathize with all that approaches them1 whether good or evil2 and there seems to be a secret stimulus urging us to follow others1 whatever direction they may take4 ,therefore it is that there are so many advantages in the establishment of religious institutions1 in which the virtues and austerity of life are given as an example to the generality of men1 and make an eloquent reproach to the errors of passion4 ,providence desired to attain this great end by singular and extraordinary means2 the ,spirit of ,god breathed on the earth1 and immediately the men and power to commence this great work appeared4 ,the frightful deserts of ,thebad1 the burning solitudes of ,arabia1 ,palestine1 and ,syria1 show us men rudely clad1 with a mantle of goat-skin on their shoulders1 and a plain cowl on their heads3 behold all the luxury with which they confound the vanity and pride of worldlings6 ,their bodies1 exposed to the rays of the most burning sun and the most severe cold1 besides being attenuated by long fasts1 resemble walking spectres who have arisen from the dust of their sepulchres4 ,the herbs of the earth are their only food1 water their only drink2 the labor of their hands procures for them the scanty resources they require4 ,under the direction of a venerable old man1 whose claims to rule are a long life passed in the desert1 and hairs grown white amid privations and austerities1 they constantly keep the profoundest silence2 their lips are opened only to pronounce the words of prayer2 their voice is only heard to intone a hymn of praise to ,god4 ,for them the world has ceased to exist2 the relations of friendship1 the sweet ties of family and relationship1 are all broken by a spirit of perfection1 carried to an extent which surpasses all earthly considerations4 ,the cares of property do not disturb them2 before retiring to the desert1 they have abandoned all to him who was to succeed them2 or they have sold all they had1 and given the price to the poor4 ,the ,holy ,scriptures are the nourishment of their minds2 they learn by heart the words of that divine book2 they meditate on them unceasingly1 beseeching the ,lord to grant that they may understand them aright4 ,in their retired meetings1 nothing is heard but the voice of some venerable cenobite1 explaining with nave simplicity and touching unction the sense of the sacred text2 but always in such a way as to draw profit for the purification of souls4 ,the number of these solitaries was so great that we could not credit it1 if it were not vouched for by eye-witnesses worthy of the highest respect4 ,as to their sanctity1 spirit of penance1 and purity of life1 we cannot doubt them after the testimonies of ,rufinus1 ,palladius1 ,st4 ,jerome1 ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom1 ,st4 ,augustine1 and all the other illustrious men who distinguished themselves at that time4 ,the fact is singular1 extraordinary1 prodigious2 but no one can question its historical truth2 it is attested by all who came to the desert from all parts to seek for light in their doubts1 cures for their evils1 and pardon for their sins4 ,i could quote a thousand authorities to prove what ,i have said2 but ,i will content myself with one1 which shall suffice for all--that of ,st4 ,augustine4 ,hear how this holy doctor describes the life of these extraordinary men3 ,these fathers1 not only very holy in their manners1 but very learned in the ,christian doctrine1 excellent men in all respects1 do not govern with pride those whom they justly call their sons1 on account of the high authority of those who command1 and the ready will of those who obey4 ,at the decline of day1 one of them1 still fasting1 quits his habitation1 and all assemble to hear their master4 ,each of these fathers has at least three thousand under his direction2 for the number is sometimes much greater4 ,they listen with incredible attention1 in profound silence1 manifesting by their groans1 or tears1 or by their modest and tranquil joy1 the various feelings which the discourse excites in their souls4 7,st4 ,augustin4 lib4 #a1 ,de ,moribus ,ecclesi1 cap4 #ca47 ,but it will be said1 ,of what use were these men1 except for their own sanctification8 what good did they do to society8 what influence did they exert on ideas8 what change did they make in manners8 ,if we admit that this plant of the desert was beautiful and fragrant1 yet what did it avail8 it remained sterile4 ,it certainly would be an error to think that so many thousands of solitaries did not exercise great influence4 ,in the first place1 and to speak only of what relates to ideas1 we must observe1 that the monasteries of the ,east arose within reach1 and under the eyes of1 the schools of philosophy4 ,egypt was the country where the cenobitic life flourished the most4 ,now every one is aware of the high renown which the schools of ,alexandria enjoyed a short time before4 ,on all sides of the ,mediterranean--on that border of land which1 beginning in ,libya1 terminates in the ,black ,sea--men's minds were at that time in a state of extraordinary motion4 ,christianity and ,judaism1 the doctrines of the ,east and those of the ,west--all was collected and accumulated in this part of the world2 the remains of the ancient schools of ,greece were formed of the treasures1 which the course of ages and the passage of the most famous nations of the earth had brought to those countries4 ,new and gigantic events were come to throw floods of light upon the character and the value of ideas2 minds had felt shocks which did not allow them any longer to be contented with the quiet lessons contained in the dialogues of the ancient masters4 ,from these famous countries came the most eminent men of the early ages of ,christianity2 and we know from their works the extent and elevation of mind which man had attained at that time4 ,was it possible that a phenomenon so extraordinary--a girdle of monasteries and hermitages1 embracing this zone of the world1 and showing themselves in the face of the schools of philosophy--should not exert great influence on men's minds8 ,the ideas of the solitaries passed incessantly from the desert into the towns2 since1 in spite of all the care which they took to avoid the contact of the world1 the world sought and approached them1 and continually came to receive their inspirations4 ,when we see the nations crowd to the solitaries the most eminent for their sanctity1 to implore from their wisdom a remedy for suffering and a consolation in misfortunes2 when we see these venerable men impart1 together with the unction of the ,gospel1 the sublime lessons which they had learned during long years of meditation and prayer in the silence of solitude1 it is impossible not to understand how much these communications must have contributed to correct and elevate ideas relating to religion and morality1 and to amend and purify morals4 ,let us not forget that the human mind was1 as it were1 materialized by the corruption and grossness of the pagan religion4 ,the worship of nature1 of sensible forms1 was so deeply rooted that1 in order to raise minds to the conception of superior things1 a strong and extraordinary reaction was required2 it was necessary in some measure to annihilate matter in order to present to man only the mind4 ,the life of the solitaries was the best adapted to produce this effect4 ,in reading the history of these times1 we seem to find ourselves transported out of this world2 the flesh has disappeared1 and there remains nothing but the spirit2 and the force which has been employed in order to subdue the flesh is such--they have insisted so much on the vanity of earthly things--that reality itself is changed into illusion1 and the physical world vanishes to make way for the moral and intellectual2 all the ties of earth have been broken2 man puts himself in intimate communication with ,heaven4 ,miracles multiply exceedingly in these lives2 apparitions continually appear2 the abodes of the solitaries are arenas where earthly means are nothing2 good angels struggle against demons1 heaven against hell1 ,god against ,satan3 the earth is there only to serve as a field of battle2 the body exists no longer except to be consumed as a holocaust on the altars of virtue1 in the presence of the demon who struggles furiously to render it the slave of vice4 ,what has become of the idolatrous worship which ,greece paid to sensible forms1 that adoration which it offered to nature by deifying all that was delicious and beautiful1 all that could interest the senses and the heart8 ,what a profound change6 the same senses are subjected to the most severe privations2 they are most strictly circumcised in heart2 and man1 who then scarcely attempted to raise his mind above the earth1 now keeps it constantly fixed on ,heaven4 ,it is impossible to form an idea of what we are attempting to describe1 without having read the lives of these solitaries2 to understand all the effect of their great prodigies1 it is necessary to have spent many hours over these pages1 where1 so to speak1 nothing is found which follows the natural course of things4 ,it is not enough to imagine pure lives1 austerities1 visions1 and miracles2 it is necessary to see all this collected together1 and carried to the most wonderful extent in the path of perfection4 ,if you refuse to acknowledge the action of grace in facts so surprising2 if you will not see any supernatural effect in this religious movement2 ,i say more1 if you go so far as to suppose that the mortification of the flesh and the elevation of the soul are carried to blamable exaggeration1 still you cannot help allowing that such a reaction was very likely to spiritualize ideas1 to awaken the moral and intellectual forces in man1 and to concentrate all within himself1 by giving him the sentiment of that interior1 intimate1 and moral life1 with which1 until then1 he had not been occupied4 ,the forehead which1 till then1 had been bent towards the earth1 was raised towards the ,divinity2 something nobler than material enjoyments was offered to the mind1 and the brutal excesses authorized by the example of the false divinities of paganism1 at length appeared an offence against the high dignity of human nature4 ,in the moral order1 the effect must have been immense4 ,man1 until then1 had not even imagined that it was possible to resist the impetuosity of his passions4 ,there were found1 it is true1 in the cold morality of a few philosophers1 certain maxims intended to restrain the dangerous passions2 but this morality was only in the books1 the world did not regard it as practicable1 and if some men attempted to realize it1 they did so in such a manner that1 far from giving it credit1 they rendered it contemptible4 ,what did it avail to abandon riches and profess freedom from all earthly things1 as some philosophers did1 if at the same time they appeared so vain1 so full of themselves1 that it was evident that they only sacrificed on the altar of pride8 ,it was to overturn all the idols in order to place themselves on the altar1 and reign there without rival gods2 this was not to direct the passions1 to subject them to reason1 but to create a monster passion surpassing and devouring all4 ,humility1 the foundation-stone whereon the solitaries raised the edifice of their virtue1 placed them immediately in a position infinitely superior to that of the ancient philosophers who were distinguished for a life more or less severe4 ,in fine1 men were taught to avoid vice and practise virtue1 not for the futile pleasure of being regarded and admired1 but for superior motives founded on the relations of man with ,god1 and the destinies of eternity4 ,from that moment man knew that it was not impossible for him to triumph over evil1 in the obstinate struggle which he felt continually going on within himself4 ,at the sight of so many thousands of persons of both sexes who followed a rule of life so pure and austere1 mankind took fresh courage1 and were convinced that the paths of virtue were not impracticable for them4 ,the generous confidence with which man was inspired by the sight of such sublime examples1 lost nothing of its strength in presence of the ,christian dogma1 which does not allow actions meritorious of eternal life to be attributed to man himself1 and teaches him the necessity of divine aid1 if he wishes to escape the paths of perdition4 ,this dogma1 which1 on the other hand1 accords so well with the daily lessons of experience as to human frailty1 far from destroying the strength of the mind or diminishing its courage1 on the contrary1 animates it more and more to persevere in spite of all obstacles4 ,when man thinks himself alone1 when he does not feel himself supported by the powerful hand of ,providence1 he walks with the tottering steps of infancy2 he wants confidence in himself1 in his own strength2 the object he has in view seems too distant1 the enterprise too arduous1 and he is discouraged4 ,the dogma of grace1 as it is explained by the ,catholic ,church1 is not that fatalist doctrine1 the mother of despair1 which has hardened the heart among ,protestants1 as ,grotius laments4 ,it is a doctrine which1 leaving man all his free will1 teaches him the necessity of superior aid2 but that aid will be abundantly furnished him by the infinite goodness of ,god1 who has shed ,his blood for him in torments and ignominy1 and has breathed out for him ,his last sigh on ,mount ,calvary4 ,it seems as if ,providence had been pleased to choose a climate where mankind could make a trial of their strength vivified and sustained by grace4 ,it was under a sky apparently the most fatal for the corruption of the soul1 in countries where the relaxation of the body naturally leads to relaxation of mind1 and where even the air that they breathed inclined to pleasure1--it was there that the greatest energy of mind was displayed1 that the greatest austerities were practised1 and the pleasures of the senses were proscribed and banished with the greatest severity4 ,the solitaries fixed their abodes in deserts within the influence of the balmy breezes of the neighboring lands2 from their mountains and sandy hills their eyes could distinguish the peaceful and smiling countries which invited to pleasure and enjoyment2 like the ,christian virgin who abandoned her obscure cave to go and place herself in the hollow of a rock1 whence she saw the palace of her fathers overflowing with riches1 pleasures1 and delights1 while she herself lamented like a solitary dove in the holes of the rock4 ,from that time all climates were good for virtue2 austerity of morals did not at all depend on the proximity of the equatorial line2 the morality of man1 like man himself1 could live in all climates4 ,when the most perfect continence was practised in so wonderful a manner under the sky which we have described1 the monogamy of ,christianity could well be established and preserved4 ,when1 in the secrets of the ,eternal1 the time had arrived for calling a people to the light of truth1 it mattered not whether they lived amid the snows of ,scandinavia1 or on the burning plains of ,india4 ,the spirit of the divine laws was not to be confined within the narrow circle which the ,esprit des ,lois of ,montesquieu has attempted to assign it4 ,,chapter ,,xl4 ,,on ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,the ,,east4 ,the influence exercised by the lives of the solitaries of the ,east over religion and morality is beyond a doubt2 in truth it is not easy to appreciate it in all its extent and in all its effects2 but it is not the less true and real on that account4 ,it has not marked the doctrines of humanity like those thundering events the effects of which are often inadequate to their promises2 but it is like a beneficial rain which1 diffusing itself gently over the thirsty earth1 fertilizes the meadows and the fields4 ,if it were possible for man to comprehend and distinguish the vast assemblage of causes which have contributed to raise his mind1 to give him a lively consciousness of his immortality1 and to render a return to his ancient degradation almost impossible1 perhaps it would be found that the wonderful phenomenon of the ,eastern solitaries had a considerable share in that immense change4 ,let us not forget that from thence did the great men of the ,east receive their inspiration2 ,st4 ,jerome lived in a cave at ,bethlehem1 and the conversion of ,st4 ,augustine was accompanied by a holy emulation excited in his mind by reading the life of ,st4 ,anthony the ,abbot4 ,the monasteries which were founded in the ,east and ,west in imitation of these early establishments of the solitaries1 were a continuation of them1 although with many differences1 in consequence of times and circumstances4 ,thence came the ,basils1 the ,gregories1 the ,chrysostoms1 and so many distinguished men1 the glory of the ,church4 ,if a miserable spirit of dispute1 ambition1 and pride1 sowing the seeds of discord1 had not prepared the rupture which was to deprive the ,east of the vivifying influence of the ,roman ,see1 perhaps the ancient monasteries of the ,east would have served1 like those of the ,west1 to prepare a social regeneration1 by forming one people out of the conquerors and the conquered4 ,it is evident that the want of unity was one of the causes of the weakness of the ,east2 ,i will not deny that their position was very different from ours2 the enemy opposed to them did not at all resemble the barbarians of the ,north2 but ,i am not sure that it was easier to subdue the latter than it was to rule the nations by whom the ,east was conquered4 ,in the ,east1 the victory remained with the aggressors1 as with us2 but a conquered nation is not dead2 its defeat does not take from it all the great advantages which are able1 by giving it a moral ascendency over the conquerors1 to prepare1 in silence1 their transformation1 if not their expulsion4 ,the northern barbarians conquered the ,south of ,europe2 but the ,south1 in its turn1 triumphed over them by the ,christian religion2 the barbarians were not driven out1 but they were transformed4 ,spain was conquered by the ,arabs1 and the ,arabs could not be transformed2 but they were driven out in the end4 ,if the ,east had preserved unity1 if ,constantinople and the other episcopal sees had remained subject to ,rome like those of the ,west2 in a word1 if all the ,east had been contented to be a member of a great body1 instead of having the ambitious pretensions of being a great body itself1 ,i consider it certain that1 after the conquest of the ,saracens1 a struggle1 at once intellectual1 moral1 and physical1 would have been engaged in2 a profound change would have been worked in the conquered nation1 or the struggle would have ended by the conquering barbarians being driven back to their deserts4 ,it will be said that the transformation of the ,arabs was the work of ages4 ,but was not that of the barbarians of the ,north so likewise8 ,was this great work finished by their conversion to ,christianity8 ,a considerable part of them were ,arians2 and besides1 they understood the ,christian ideas so ill1 they found the practice of ,gospel morality so difficult1 that for a long time it was almost as difficult to treat with them as with nations of a different religion4 ,on the other hand1 let us not forget that the irruption of the barbarians was not a solitary event2 an event which1 when once finished1 did not recur2 it was continued for ages4 ,but the force of the religious principle in the ,west was such1 that all the invading nations were compelled to retire1 or were forced to bend to the ideas and manners of the countries they had recently acquired4 ,the defeat of the hordes of ,attila1 the victories of ,charlemagne over the ,saxons and the other nations beyond the ,rhine1 the successive conversion of the various idolatrous nations of the ,north by means of the missionaries sent from ,rome1--in fine1 the vicissitudes and the final result of the invasions of the ,normans1 and the ultimate triumph of the ,christians of ,spain over the ,moors after a war of eight centuries1 are so many decisive proofs of what ,i have just laid down--viz4 that the ,west1 vivified and fortified by ,catholic unity1 had had the secret of assimilating and appropriating to itself all that it was not able to reject1 and the force to reject all that it could not make its own4 ,this is what was wanting in the ,east3 the enterprise was not more difficult there than in the ,west4 ,if the ,west alone was able to liberate the ,holy ,sepulchre1 the ,west and ,east together would never have lost it2 or1 at least1 after having freed it1 they would have kept it for ever4 ,the same cause prevented the monasteries of the ,east from attaining to the same vitality and energy which distinguished those of the ,west2 therefore1 they have always been seen to grow weak with time1 without producing any thing great1 and capable of preventing social dissolution1 of silently preparing and slowly elaborating regeneration for posterity1 after the calamities with which it pleased ,providence to afflict ancient times4 ,he who has seen in history the brilliant commencement of the ,eastern monasteries1 cannot behold without pain the decline of their strength and splendor in the course of ages1 after the ravages caused by invasion1 wars1 and finally1 the deadly influence of the schism of ,constantinople2 the ancient abodes of so many men illustrious for science and sanctity gradually disappeared from the page of history like expiring lamps1 or the dying fires of an abandoned camp4 ,immense injury was done to all the branches of human knowledge by this decline1 which1 after having rendered the ,east barren1 ended by destroying it4 ,if we pay attention1 we shall see that1 amid the great shocks and revolutions which disturbed ,europe1 ,africa1 and ,asia1 the natural refuge for the remains of ancient knowledge1 was not the ,west1 but the ,east4 ,it was not in our monasteries that the books1 and other intellectual riches1 of which quieter and happier generations were one day to enjoy the benefit1 should naturally have been preserved2 this1 it would seem1 belonged to the monasteries of the eastern countries2 those lands1 where the most different civilizations were brought together and commingled as on neutral ground2 those regions1 where the human mind had displayed the greatest activity1 and taken the highest flights2 where the most abundant treasures of tradition and sciences1 and the beauties of art were accumulated2 in a word1 it was in this vast mart of all the riches of the civilization and refinement of all nations1--it was in this sanctuary and museum of antiquity1 that the intellectual patrimony of future generations ought to have been preserved4 ,let it not1 however1 be supposed that the monasteries of the ,east were of no service to the human mind2 the science and literature of ,europe are still mindful of the impulse which was communicated to them1 by the arrival of the precious materials thrown upon the coasts of ,italy1 after the taking of ,constantinople3 but even these riches1 brought to ,europe by a few men1 driven upon our shores by a tempest1 came to us1 like the remains of a shipwrecked crew1 who1 after having with difficulty saved their lives from the fury of the waves1 have only preserved in their benumbed hands some gold and a few precious stones4 ,for this reason1 precisely1 do we lament1 because from the example we have adduced1 we are enabled the better to understand the immense riches of the vessel which was lost2 this makes us grieve the more bitterly that the early times of the illustrious cenobites of the ,east have not been brought down to our day by a continued chain4 ,when we see their works overflow with sacred and profane learning1 when their labors show us proofs of indefatigable activity1 we think with sorrow of the inestimable treasures which their libraries must have contained4 ,yet1 in spite of the justness of the melancholy reflections we have here made1 it must be allowed that the influence of these monasteries never ceased to be extremely useful to the preservation of knowledge4 ,the ,arabs1 in the times of their success1 showed themselves to be intelligent and cultivated2 and ,europe1 in many respects1 is indebted to them for much advancement4 ,bagdad and ,grenada1 during the middle ages1 are two brilliant centres of intellectual movement and art1 which serve not a little to diminish the sombre effect of the barbarities of ,islamism3 they are two tranquil and pleasing features in a frightful picture4 ,if it were possible to follow the history of intellectual development among the ,arabs1 through the transformations and catastrophes of the ,east1 perhaps we should find in the sciences of the nations which they conquered or destroyed the origin of much of their progress4 ,it is certain that their own civilization did not contain any vital principle favorable to the development of the mind2 we have a proof of this in their religious and social organization1 and in the small results which they obtained1 after having been for so many centuries peacefully established in the conquered countries4 ,their whole system1 with respect to letters and intellectual cultivation1 is founded on that stupid maxim1 uttered by one of their chiefs1 when he condemned an immense library to the flames3 ,if these books are contrary to the ,alcoran1 they should be burnt as pernicious2 if they are not contrary to it1 they should be burnt as useless4 ,we read in ,palladius1 that the monks of ,egypt did not content themselves with working with rude and simple objects1 but that they devoted themselves to labors of all kinds4 ,these thousands of men1 who1 belonging to all classes and to all countries1 embraced the solitary life1 must have brought to the desert a large treasure of knowledge4 ,we know how far the human mind can go when left to itself1 and applied to a fixed occupation2 there is always some reason for thinking that a great part of the valuable ideas on the secrets of nature1 the utility and properties of certain ingredients1 the principles of some of the arts and sciences1 knowledge which formed the rich patrimony of the ,arabs at the time when they appeared in ,europe1 were nothing but the remains of ancient learning1 gathered by them in countries which had formerly been inundated by men from all parts4 ,we must remember that at the time of the first invasions of the northern barbarians1 when ,spain1 the south of ,france1 ,italy1 the north of ,africa1 and all the islands adjacent to these countries1 were ravaged by these terrible men1 the ,east became a refuge1 an asylum1 for all those who could undertake the voyage4 ,thus the treasures of ,western science accumulated every day in these countries2 this emigration from all the ,western regions may have contributed1 in an extraordinary manner1 to convey to the ,east the remains of ancient knowledge1 which afterwards came to us transformed and disfigured by the hands of the ,arabs4 ,deeply convinced of the nothingness of the world by so long a succession of heavy misfortunes1 these unfortunate men felt the religious sentiment strengthened in their hearts2 the fugitives assembled in the ,east listened with lively emotion to the energetic words of the solitary of the cave of ,bethlehem4 ,a great many of them retired into the monasteries1 where they found relief for their wants1 and consolation for their souls2 thus did the ,eastern monasteries gain a great addition of valuable knowledge and information of all sorts4 ,if ,european civilization one day become complete mistress of the countries which now groan under the ,mussulman yoke1 perhaps it will be given to the history of science to add a noble page to its labors1 when1 through the obscurities of the times1 and by means of manuscripts discovered by curiosity or chance1 she shall have found the thread which shall lead to a knowledge of the connection of ,arabian science with that of antiquity4 ,the succession of transformations will then be displayed1 and we shall understand how the science of the sons of ,omar has appeared to have a different origin in our eyes4 ,the archives of ,spain contain1 in documents relating to the dominion of the ,saracens1 riches1 the examination of which may be said not yet to be commenced2 perhaps they will throw some light on this point4 ,there is no doubt that they afford matter for careful investigation1 extremely curious for appreciating these two very different civilizations1 the ,mohammedan and the ,christian4 ,,chapter ,,xli4 ,,of ,,religious ,,institutions ,,in ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,west4 ,let us now examine religious institutions1 such as they appear in the ,west1 but laying aside those which1 although established in various parts of the ,west1 were only a sort of ramification of the ,eastern monasteries4 ,we observe that the religious establishments among us added to the ,gospel spirit1 the principle of their foundation1 a new character1 that of conservative1 restorative1 and regenerative associations4 ,the monks of the ,west were not content with sanctifying themselves2 from the first they influenced society4 ,the light and life which their holy abodes contained1 labored to enlighten and fertilize the chaos of the world4 ,i do not know in history a nobler or more consoling spectacle than that which is presented to us by the foundation1 existence1 and development of the religious institutions of ,europe4 ,society had need of strong efforts to preserve its life in the terrible crisis through which it had to pass4 ,the secret of strength is in the union of individual forces1 in association2 and it is remarkable that this secret has been taught to ,european society as if by a revelation from heaven4 ,every thing shakes1 falls to pieces1 and perishes4 ,religion1 morality1 public authority1 laws1 manners1 sciences1 and arts--every thing has sustained immense losses1 every thing goes to ruin2 and judging of the future fate of the world according to human probabilities1 the evils are so great and numerous that a remedy appears impossible4 ,the observer who1 fixing his eyes upon those desolate times1 finds there ,st4 ,bennet giving life to and animating the religious institutions1 organizing them1 giving them his wise rule and stability1 imagines that he sees an angel of light issuing from the bosom of darkness4 ,nothing can be imagined better calculated to restore to dissolved society a principle of life capable of reorganizing it1 than the extraordinary and sublime inspiration which guided this man4 ,who does not know what at that time was the condition of ,italy--,i should rather say1 of the whole of ,europe8 ,what ignorance1 what corruption1 what elements of social dissolution6 ,what desolation everywhere6 and it is amid this deplorable state of things that the holy solitary appears1 the child of an illustrious family of ,norcia1 resolved to combat the evil which threatens to invade the world4 ,his arms are his virtues2 the eloquence of his example gives him an irresistible ascendency2 elevated above the whole age1 burning with zeal1 and yet full of prudence and discretion1 he founds that institution which is to remain amid the revolution of ages1 like the pyramids unmoved by the storms of the desert4 ,what idea has there been more grand1 more beneficent1 more full of foresight and wisdom8 ,at a time when knowledge and virtue had no longer an asylum1 when ignorance1 corruption1 and barbarism rapidly extended their conquests1 was it not a grand idea to raise a refuge for misfortune1 to form a sacred deposit for the precious monuments of antiquity1 and to open schools of knowledge and virtue1 where men destined one day to figure in the vortex of the world might come for instruction8 ,when the reflecting man fixes his attention on the silent abode of ,monte ,cassino1 where the sons of the most illustrious families of the empire are seen to come from all parts to that monastery2 some with the intention of remaining there for ever1 others to receive a good education1 and soon to carry back to the world a recollection of the serious inspirations which the holy founder had received at ,subiaco2 when the monasteries of the order are seen to multiply everywhere1 to be established as great centres of activity in all places--in the plains1 in the forests1 in the most uninhabited countries2 he cannot help bending1 with profound veneration1 before the extraordinary man who has conceived such grand designs4 ,if we are unwilling to acknowledge in ,st4 ,bennet a man inspired by ,heaven1 at least we ought to consider him as one of those geniuses who1 from time to time1 appear on earth to become the tutelary angels of the human race4 ,not to acknowledge the powerful effect of such institutions would be to show but little intelligence4 ,when society is dissolved1 it requires not words1 not projects1 not laws1 but strong institutions1 to resist the shock of the passions1 the inconstancy of the human mind1 and the destructive power of events2 institutions which raise the mind1 pacify and ennoble the heart1 and establish in society a deep movement of reaction and resistance to the fatal elements which lead it to destruction4 ,if there exists1 then1 an active mind1 a generous heart1 a soul animated by a feeling of virtue1 they will all hasten to seek a refuge in the sacred asylums2 it is not always granted to them to change the course of the world1 but at least1 as men of solitude and sacrifice1 they labour to instruct and calm their own minds1 and they shed a tear of compassion over the senseless generations who are agitated by great disasters4 ,from time to time they succeed in making their voices heard amid the tumult1 to alarm the hearts of the wicked by accents which resemble the formidable warnings of ,heaven2 thus they diminish the force of the evil while it is impossible to prevent it entirely2 by constantly protesting against iniquity1 they prevent its acquiring prescriptive right2 in attesting to future generations1 by a solemn testimony1 that there were always1 amid darkness and corruption1 men who made efforts to enlighten the world and to restrain the torrent of vice and crime1 they preserve faith in truth and virtue1 and they reanimate the hopes of those who are afterwards placed in similar circumstances4 ,such was the action of the monks in the calamitous times of which we speak2 such was their noble and sublime mission to promote the interests of humanity4 ,perhaps it will be said that the immense properties acquired by the monasteries were an abundant recompense for their labors1 and perhaps also a proof that their exertions were little disinterested4 ,no doubt1 if we look at things in the light in which certain writers have represented them1 the wealth of the monks will appear as the fruit of unbounded cupidity1 of cruelty1 and perfidious policy2 but we have the whole of history to refute the calumnies of the enemies of religion2 and impartial philosophy1 while acknowledging that all that is human is liable to abuse1 takes care to assume a higher position1 to regard things en masse1 and to consider them in the vast picture where so many centuries have painted their features4 ,it therefore despises the evil1 which is only the exception1 while it contemplates and admires the good1 which is the rule4 ,besides the numerous religious motives which brought property into the hands of the monks1 there is another very legitimate one1 which has always been regarded as one of the justest titles of acquisition4 ,the monks cultivated waste lands1 dried up marshes1 constructed roads1 restrained rivers within their beds1 and built bridges over them2 that is to say1 in countries which had undergone another kind of general deluge1 they renewed1 in some measure1 what the first nations had done to restore the revolutionized globe to its original form4 ,a considerable portion of ,europe had never received cultivation from the hands of men2 the forests1 the rivers1 the lakes1 the thorny thickets1 were as rough as they had been left by the hands of nature4 ,the monasteries which were founded here and there may be regarded as the centres of action1 which the civilized nations established in the new countries1 the faces of which they proposed to change by their powerful colonies4 ,did there ever exist a more legitimate title for the possession of large properties8 ,is not he who reclaims a waste country1 cultivates it1 and fills it with inhabitants1 worthy of preserving large possessions there8 ,is not this the natural course of things8 ,who knows how many cities and towns arose and flourished under the shadow of the abbeys8 ,monastic properties1 besides their substantial utility1 had another1 which perhaps has not been sufficiently noticed4 ,the situation of a great part of the nations of ,europe1 at the time we speak of1 much resembled the state of fluctuation and inconstancy in which nations are found1 who have not yet made any progress in the career of civilization and refinement4 ,the idea of property1 one of the most fundamental in all social organization1 was but little rooted4 ,attacks on property at that time were very frequent1 as well as attacks on persons4 ,the man who is constantly compelled to defend his own1 is also constantly led to usurp the property of others2 the first thing to do to remedy so great an evil1 was to locate and fix the population by means of the agricultural life1 and to accustom them to respect for property1 not only by reasons drawn from morality and private interest1 but also by the sight of large domains belonging to establishments regarded as inviolable1 and against which a hand could not be raised without sacrilege4 ,thus religious ideas were connected with social ones1 and they slowly prepared an organization which was to be completed in more peaceable times4 ,add to this a new necessity1 the result of the change which took place at that time in the habits of the people4 ,among the ancients1 scarcely any other life than that of cities was known2 life in the country1 that dispersion of an immense population1 which in modern times forms a new nation in the fields1 was not known among the ancients2 and it is remarkable that this change in the mode of life was realized exactly when the most calamitous circumstances seemed to render it the most dangerous and difficult4 ,it is to the existence of the monasteries in fields and in retired places that we owe the establishment and consolidation of this new kind of life1 which1 no doubt1 would have been impossible without the ascendency and the beneficial influence of the powerful abbeys4 ,these religious foundations joined all the riches and the power of feudal lords with the mild and beneficent influence of religious authority4 ,how much does not ,germany owe to the monks6 ,did they not bring her lands into cultivation1 make her agriculture flourish1 and cover her with a numerous population8 ,how much are not ,france1 ,spain1 and ,england indebted to them6 ,it is certain that this latter country would never have reached the high degree of civilization of which she now boasts1 if the apostolic labors of the missionaries who penetrated thither in the sixth century had not drawn her out of the darkness of gross idolatry4 ,and who were these missionaries8 ,was not the chief of them ,augustine1 a monk full of zeal1 sent by a ,pope who had also been a monk1 ,st4 ,gregory the ,great8 ,where do you find1 amid the confusion of the middle ages1 the great writers of knowledge and virtue1 except in those solitary abodes whence issue ,st4 ,isidore1 the ,archbishop of ,seville2 the holy abbot ,st4 ,columbanus2 ,st4 ,aurelian1 ,bishop of ,arles2 ,st4 ,augustine1 the ,apostle of ,england2 that of ,germany1 ,st4 ,boniface2 ,bede1 ,cuthbert1 ,auperth1 ,paul1 monks of ,monte ,cassino2 ,hincmar of ,rheims1 brought up at the monastery of ,st4 ,denis2 ,st4 ,peter ,damiens1 ,st4 ,ives1 ,lanfranc1 and so many others1 who form a generation of distinguished men1 resembling in no respect the other men of their time4 ,besides the service rendered to society by the monks in religion and morals1 they conferred inestimable benefits on letters and science4 ,it has already been observed more than once1 that letters took refuge in the cloisters1 and that the monks1 by preserving and copying the ancient manuscripts1 prepared the materials which were one day to assist in the restoration of human learning4 ,but we must not limit their merit to that of mere copyists4 ,many of them advanced far in science1 many ages in advance of the times in which they lived4 ,not content with the laborious task of preserving and putting into order the ancient manuscripts1 they rendered the most eminent service to history by compiling chronicles4 ,thereby1 while continuing the tradition of the most important branches of study1 they collected the contemporary history1 which1 perhaps1 without their labor would have been lost4 ,adon1 ,archbishop of ,vienne1 brought up in the ,abbey of ,ferrire1 writes a universal history1 from the beginning of the world to his own time2 ,abbon1 monk of ,st4 ,germain-des-,prs1 composes a ,latin poem1 in which he relates the siege of ,paris by the ,normans2 ,aymon of ,aquitaine writes the history of the ,french in four books2 ,st4 ,ives publishes a chronicle of their kings2 the ,german monk ,witmar leaves us the chronicle of ,henry ,i41 of the ,kings ,otho and ,henry ,,ii41 which is much esteemed for its candor1 and has been published many times2 ,leibnitz has used it to throw light on the history of ,brunswick4 ,adhemar is the author of a chronicle1 which embraces the whole time from #hbi to #ajbi4 ,glaber1 monk of ,cluny1 has composed a much-esteemed history of the events which happened in ,france from #ihj to his own time2 ,herman1 a chronicle which embraces the six ages of the world down to the year #ajed4 ,in fine1 we should never finish if we were to mention the historical labors of ,sigebert1 ,guibert1 ,hugh1 ,prior of ,st4 ,victor1 and so many other illustrious men1 who1 rising above their times1 applied themselves to labors of this kind2 of which we cannot easily appreciate the difficulty and the high degree of merit1 we who live in an age when the means of knowledge are become so easy1 when the accumulated riches of so many ages are inherited1 and when we find on all sides wide and well-beaten paths4 ,without the existence of religious institutions1 without the asylum of the cloisters1 these eminent men would never have been formed4 ,not only had the sciences and letters been lost sight of1 but ignorance was so great1 that seculars who knew how to read and write were very rare4 ,surely such circumstances were not well adapted to form men of merit enough to do honor to advanced ages4 ,who has not often paused to contemplate the distinguished triumvirate1 ,peter the ,venerable1 ,st4 ,bernard1 and the ,abbot ,suger8 ,may it not be said that the twelfth century is elevated above its rank in history1 by producing a writer like ,peter the ,venerable1 an orator like ,st4 ,bernard1 and a statesman like ,suger8 ,these ages show us another celebrated monk1 whose influence on the progress of knowledge has not been rated at its just value by many critics who love only to point out defects3 ,i mean ,gratian4 ,those who have declaimed against him1 eager to look for his mistakes1 should have placed themselves in the position of a compiler in the thirteenth century1 at a time when all resources were wanting1 when the lights of criticism were yet to be created2 they would then have seen whether the bold enterprise of the monk was not attended with more success than there was reason to hope for4 ,the profit which was drawn from the collection of ,gratian is incalculable4 ,by giving in a small compass a great part of what was most precious in antiquity with respect to civil and canon law2 by making an abundant collection of texts from the holy fathers1 applied to all kinds of subjects1 he awakened a taste for that species of research2 he created the study of them2 he made an immense step towards satisfying one of the first necessities of modern nations1 the formation of civil and ecclesiastical codes4 ,it will be said that the errors of ,gratian were contagious1 and that it would have been better to have recourse directly to the originals2 but to read the originals it was necessary to know them2 it was necessary to be informed of their existence1 to be excited by the desire of explaining a proposed difficulty1 to have acquired a taste for researches of that kind2 all this was wanting before ,gratian2 all this was brought out by his enterprise4 ,the general favor with which his labors were received is the most convincing proof of their merit2 and if it be objected that this favor was owing to the ignorance of the time1 ,i will reply1 that we owe a tribute of gratitude to any one who throws a ray of light on the darkness1 however feeble and wavering this ray may be4 ,,chapter ,,xlii4 ,,of ,,religious ,,institutions ,,during ,,the ,,second ,,half ,,of ,,the ,,middle ,,ages4--,,the ,,military ,,orders4 ,the rapid view which we have just taken of religious institutions from the irruption of the barbarians to the twelfth century1 has shown us that the monastic foundations1 during that time1 were a powerful support for that remaining portion of society which was ready to fall to pieces in the universal ruin2 an asylum for misfortune1 for virtue1 and for knowledge2 a storehouse for the precious monuments of antiquity1 and in some measure an assemblage of civilizing associations1 which labored in silence at the reconstruction of the social edifice1 by neutralizing the force of the dissolving principles which had ruined its basis2 they were1 besides1 a nursery for forming the men who were required for the elevated posts in ,church and ,state4 ,in the twelfth and the following centuries1 these institutions take a new form1 and assume a character very different from that which we have just pointed out4 ,their aim remains not less highly religious and social2 but the times are changed1 and we must remember the words of the ,apostle1 omnia omnibus4 ,let us examine the causes and the results of these novelties4 ,before going further1 ,i will say a few words on the religious military orders1 the name of which sufficiently indicates their double character of monk and soldier4 ,the union of the monastic state with war3 what a monstrous mixture6 will be the cry4 ,in spite of the supposed monstrosity1 this union was in conformity with the natural and regular order of things2 it was a strong remedy applied to very great evils2 a rampart against imminent dangers2 in a word1 the expression of a great ,european necessity4 ,this is not the place to relate the annals of the military orders1 annals which1 like the most illustrious history1 afford wonderful and interesting pictures1 with that mixture of heroism and religious inspiration which assimilates history with poetry4 ,it is enough to pronounce the names of the knights of the ,temple1 of ,st4 ,john of ,jerusalem1 of the ,teutonic order1 of ,st4 ,raymond1 of the ,abbot of ,fitero1 of ,calatrava1 instantly to remind the reader of a long series of marvellous events1 forming one of the noblest pages in the history of that time4 ,let us omit these narrations1 which do not regard us2 but let us pause for a moment to examine the origin and spirit of these famous institutions4 ,the ,cross and the ,crescent were enemies irreconcilable by nature1 and urged to the greatest fury by a long and bloody struggle4 ,both had great power and vast designs2 both were supported by brave nations1 full of enthusiasm and ready to throw themselves on each other2 both had great hopes of success founded on former achievements2 on which side will the victory remain8 ,what course ought the ,christians to pursue in order to avoid the dangers which threaten them8 ,is it better quietly to await the attack of the ,mussulmen in ,europe1 or make a levy en masse to invade ,asia and seek the enemy in his own country1 where he believes himself to be invincible8 ,the problem was solved in the latter way2 the ,crusades took place1 and centuries have given their suffrage as to the wisdom of that resolution4 ,what avails a little declamation affecting to favor the cause of justice and humanity8 ,let no one allow himself to be dazzled2 the philosophy of history taught by the lessons of experience1 enriched with a more abundant treasure of knowledge1 the fruit of a more attentive study of the facts1 has given a decisive judgment in this case2 in this1 as in other cases1 religion has retired in triumph from the tribunal of philosophy4 ,the ,crusades1 far from being considered as an act of barbarism and rashness1 are justly regarded as a chef-d'uvre of policy1 which1 after having secured the independence of ,europe1 gave to the ,christian nations a decided preponderance over the ,mussulmen4 ,the military spirit was thereby increased and strengthened among ,european nations2 they all received a feeling of fraternity1 which transformed them into one people2 the human mind was developed in many ways2 the state of feudal vassals was improved1 and feudality was urged towards its entire ruin2 navies were created1 commerce and manufactures were encouraged2 thus society received from the ,crusades a most powerful impulse in the career of civilization4 ,we do not mean to say1 that the men who conceived them1 the ,popes who excited1 the nations who undertook1 the princes and lords who promoted them with their power1 were aware of the whole extent of their own works1 or even had a glimpse of the immensity of their results2 it is enough that they settled the existing question in the way the most favorable to the independence and prosperity of ,europe2 this1 ,i repeat1 is enough4 ,i would observe1 moreover1 that we should attribute so much the more importance to things as human foresight has had little share in the events2 now these things are nothing less than the principles and feelings of religion in connection with the preservation and happiness of society1 ,catholicity covering with her gis and animating with her breath the civilization of ,europe4 ,such were the ,crusades4 ,now1 remember that this idea1 so great and generous1 was conceived with a degree of vagueness1 and executed with that precipitation which is the fruit of the impatience of ardent zeal2 remember that this idea--the offspring of ,catholicity1 which always converts its ideas into institutions--was to be realized in an institution1 which faithfully represented it1 and served1 as it were1 as its organ1 in order that it might render itself felt1 and gain strength and fruitfulness for its support4 ,after this1 you will look for some means of uniting religion and arms2 and you will be filled with joy when1 under a cuirass of steel1 you shall find hearts zealous for the religion of ,jesus ,christ--when you shall see this new kind of men1 who devote themselves without reserve to the defence of religion1 while they renounce all that the world can offer--gentler than lambs1 bolder than lions1 in the words of ,st4 ,bernard4 ,sometimes they assembled in community1 to raise their voices to ,heaven in fervent prayer2 sometimes they boldly marched to battle1 brandishing their formidable lances1 the terror of the ,saracens4 ,no2 there does not exist in the annals of history an event so colossal as the ,crusades1 and you might search there in vain for an institution more generous than the military orders4 ,in the ,crusades we see numberless nations arise1 march across deserts1 bury themselves in countries with which they are unacquainted1 and expose themselves to all the rigors of climates and seasons2 and for what purpose8 ,to deliver a tomb6 ,grand and immortal movement1 where hundreds of nations advance to certain death--not in pursuit of a miserable self-interest--not to find an abode in milder and more fertile countries--not from an ardent desire to obtain for themselves earthly advantages--but inspired only by a religious idea1 by a jealous desire to possess the tomb of ,him who expired on the cross for the salvation of the human race6 ,when compared with this1 what becomes of the lofty deeds of the ,greeks1 chanted by ,homer8 ,greece arises to avenge an injured husband2 ,europe to redeem the sepulchre of a ,god4 ,when1 after the disasters and the triumphs of the ,crusades1 we see the military orders appear1 sometimes fighting in the oriental regions1 sometimes in the islands of the ,mediterranean1 sustaining and repelling the rude assaults of ,islamism1 which1 emboldened by its victories1 again longs to throw itself on ,europe1 we imagine that we behold those brave men1 who1 on the day of a great battle1 remain alone upon the field1 one against a hundred1 securing by their heroism1 and at the hazard of their lives1 the safety of their companions in arms who retire behind them4 ,honor and glory to the religion which has been capable of inspiring such lofty thoughts1 and has been able to realize such great and generous enterprises6 ,,chapter ,,xliii4 ,,continuation ,,of ,,the ,,same ,,subject--,,europe ,,in ,,the ,,thirteenth ,,century4 ,perhaps they who are the most opposed to religious communities may be reconciled to the solitaries of the ,east1 when they perceive in them a class of men who1 by practising the most sublime and austere counsels of religion1 have communicated a generous impulse to humanity1 have raised it from the dust where ,paganism had held it1 and made it wing its flight towards purer regions4 ,to accustom man to grave and strict morality2 to bring back the soul within itself2 to give a lively feeling of the dignity of his nature1 of the loftiness of his origin and his destiny2 to inspire him1 by means of extraordinary examples1 with confidence that the mind1 aided by divine grace1 can triumph over the animal passions1 and make man lead an angelic life upon earth3 these are benefits so signal1 that a noble heart must show itself grateful and full of lively interest for the men who have given them to the world4 ,as to the monasteries of the ,west1 the benefits of their civilizing influence are so visible1 that no man who loves humanity can regard them with animadversion2 in fine1 the military orders present us with an idea so noble1 so poetical1 and realize in so admirable a manner one of those golden dreams which cross the human mind in moments of enthusiasm1 that they must certainly find respectful homage in every heart which beats at a noble and sublime spectacle4 ,there yet remains a more difficult task1 that of presenting at the tribunal of philosophy--that philosophy so indifferent in religious matters--the other religious communities which are not comprised in the sketch which ,i have just made4 ,judgments of great severity have been passed upon those institutions which ,i have now to speak of2 but in such things justice cannot be prescriptive4 ,neither the applause of irreligious men1 nor the revolutions which upset all that stand in their way1 can prevent the truth being placed in its true light1 and folly and crime being stigmatized with disgrace4 ,the thirteenth century has just commenced2 there appears a new kind of men1 who1 under different titles1 denominations1 and forms1 profess a singular and extraordinary way of life4 ,some put on clothing of coarse cloth2 they renounce all wealth and property2 they condemn themselves to perpetual mendicity1 spreading themselves over the country and the towns for the sake of gaining souls for ,jesus ,christ4 ,others bear on their dress the distinctive mark of the redemption of man1 and undertake the mission of releasing from servitude the numberless captives who1 from the misfortune of the times1 have fallen into the hands of the ,mussulmen4 ,some erect the cross in the midst of a people who eagerly follow them1 and they institute a new devotion--a constant hymn of praise to ,jesus and to ,mary2 at the same time they indefatigably preach the faith of the ,crucified4 ,others go in search of all the miseries of man1 bury themselves in hospitals1 in all the asylums of misfortune1 to succour and console4 ,they all bear new standards2 all show equal contempt for the world2 they all form a portion separate from the rest of mankind2 but they resemble neither the solitaries of the ,east1 nor the sons of ,st4 ,bennet4 ,the new monks arise not in the desert1 but in the midst of society3 their object is not to live shut up in monasteries1 but to spread themselves over the fields and hamlets1 to penetrate to the heart of the great masses of the population1 and to make their voices heard both in the cottage of the shepherd and in the palace of the monarch4 ,they increase on all sides in a prodigious manner4 ,italy1 ,germany1 ,france1 ,spain1 ,england1 receive them2 numerous convents arise as if by enchantment in the villages and towns2 the ,popes protect them and enrich them with many privileges2 kings grant them the highest favors1 and support them in their enterprises2 the people regard them with veneration1 and listen to them with respectful docility4 ,a religious movement appears on all sides2 religious institutions1 more or less resembling each other1 arise like the branches from the same trunk4 ,the observer1 when he sees this immense and astonishing picture1 asks himself1 ,what are the causes of so extraordinary a phenomenon8 whence this singular movement8 what is its tendency8 what will be its effects on society8 ,when a fact of such high importance is realized all at once in many different countries1 and lasts for centuries1 it is a proof that there existed very powerful means to produce it4 ,it is vain to be entirely forgetful of the views of ,providence3 no one can deny that such a fact must have had its root in the essence of things2 consequently it is useless to declaim against the men and the institutions4 ,acknowledging this1 the true philosopher will not lose his time in anathematizing the fact1 but he will examine and analyze it4 ,no declamation or invectives against the monks can efface their history2 they have existed for many centuries1 and centuries do not retrace their steps4 ,we will not inquire if there was here some extraordinary design of ,providence1 and we will lay aside the reflections which religion suggests to every true ,catholic2 we will confine ourselves to considering the religious institutions of modern times in a purely philosophical point of view2 we can show that they were not only very conformable to the well-being of society1 but also perfectly adapted to the situation in which it was placed2 we can show that they displayed neither cunning1 malice1 nor vile self-interest2 that their object was highly advantageous1 and that they were at the same time the expression and the fulfilment of great social necessities4 ,the question of its own accord assumes the position in which we have just regarded it2 and it is strange that men have not acknowledged all the importance of the magnificent points of view which here present themselves4 ,in order the better to clear up this important matter1 ,i will enter upon an examination of the social condition of ,europe at the time of which we speak4 ,as soon as we take the first glance at this epoch1 we observe that1 in spite of the intellectual rudeness which one would imagine must have kept nations in abject silence1 there was at the bottom of men's minds an anxiety which deeply moved and agitated them4 ,these times are ignorant2 but it is an ignorance which is conscious of itself and which longs for knowledge4 ,there is felt a want of harmony in the relations and institutions of society2 but that want is everywhere felt and acknowledged1 and a continual agitation indicates that this harmony is anxiously desired and ardently sought for4 ,i know not what singular character is stamped upon the nations of ,europe1 but we do not find there the symptoms of death2 they are barbarous1 ignorant1 corrupt1 any thing you please2 but1 as if they constantly heard a voice calling them to light1 to civilization1 to a new life1 they incessantly labor to leave the fatal condition into which unhappy circumstances have plunged them4 ,they never sleep in tranquillity amid the darkness2 they never live without remorse amid the corruption of manners4 ,the echo of virtue continually resounds in their ears2 flashes of light appear in the darkness2 a thousand efforts are made to advance a step in the career of civilization2 a thousand times they are vain2 but they are renewed as often as they are repulsed2 the generous attempt is never abandoned2 they fail a thousand times2 but they never lose courage4 ,courage and ardour are never wanting4 ,there is this remarkable difference between the nations of ,europe1 and those nations among whom the ,christian religion has not yet penetrated1 or from whose bosom it has been banished4 ,ancient ,greece falls1 never to rise again2 the ,republics of the shore of ,asia disappear1 and do not rise out of their ruins4 ,the ancient civilization of ,egypt is broken to pieces by the conquerors1 and posterity has scarcely preserved a remembrance of them4 ,certainly none of the nations on the coast of ,africa can show us signs which reveal the ancient country of ,st4 ,cyprian1 of ,tertullian and ,st4 ,augustine4 ,still more2 a considerable portion of ,asia has preserved ,christianity1 but a ,christianity separated from ,rome2 and this has been unable to establish or regenerate any thing4 ,political power has aided and protected it1 but the nation remains feeble2 it cannot stand erect2 it is a dead body1 incapable of advancing2 it is not like ,lazarus1 who has just heard the all-powerful voice3 ,lazarus1 come forth2 ,lazare veni foras4 ,this anxiety1 this agitation1 this extreme eagerness towards a greater and happier future1 this desire for reformation in manners1 for enlargement and correction in ideas1 for amelioration in institutions--the distinctive characteristics of modern nations--made themselves felt in a fearful manner at the time to which we allude4 ,i will say nothing of the military history of those times1 which would furnish us with abundant proofs of our assertion2 ,i will confine myself to facts which1 owing to their religious and social character1 have the greatest analogy with the subject which now occupies us4 ,a formidable energy of mind1 a great fund of activity1 a simultaneous development of the most ardent passions1 an enterprising spirit1 a lively desire of independence1 a decided inclination to employ violent means1 an extraordinary zeal for proselytism1 ignorance combined with a thirst for knowledge1 even combined with enthusiasm and fanaticism for all that bears the name of science2 a high esteem for the titles of nobility1 and of illustrious blood1 united with the spirit of democracy1 and a profound respect for merit1 wherever it may be found2 a childlike candor1 an excessive credulity1 and1 at the same time1 the most obstinate indocility2 a tenacious spirit of resistance1 fearful stubbornness1 corruption1 and licentiousness of manners1 allied with admiration for virtue2 a taste for the most austere practices1 combined with an inclination for the most extravagant habits and manners2 such are the traits which history exhibits among these nations4 ,so singular a mixture appears strange at first sight2 and yet nothing was more natural4 ,things could not be otherwise3 societies are formed under the influence of certain principles1 and of certain particular circumstances1 which impart to them their genius1 character1 and countenance4 ,it is the same with society as with individuals2 education1 instruction1 temperament1 and a thousand other physical and moral circumstances1 concur in forming a collection of influences which produce qualities the most different1 and sometimes the most contradictory4 ,this concurrence of different causes was shown in a singular and extraordinary manner among the nations of ,europe2 it is on this account that we observe there the most extravagant and discordant effects4 ,let us recollect the history of those nations since the fall of the ,roman empire to the end of the ,crusades2 never did an assemblage of nations present a combination of more varied elements1 and a spectacle of greater events4 ,the moral principles which preside over the development of these nations were in direct opposition to their genius and situation4 ,these principles were essentially pure1 unchangeable as the ,god who had established them2 radiant with light1 because they emanated from the source of all light and life3 the nations1 on the contrary1 were ignorant1 rude1 fluctuating1 like the waves of the sea1 and corrupted1 as was to be expected of every thing which was the result of an impure mixture4 ,wherefore a terrible struggle took place between principles and facts2 wherefore there were witnessed the most extraordinary contradictions1 according as good and evil alternately preponderated4 ,never was the struggle between elements which could not remain at peace1 more clearly seen2 the genii of good and of evil seemed to descend into the arena1 and to fight hand to hand4 ,the nations of ,europe were not in their infancy1 for they were surrounded by old institutions4 ,full of the recollections of ancient civilization1 they preserved various remains of it4 ,they were themselves produced by the mixture of a hundred nations1 differing in laws1 customs1 and manners4 ,they were not yet adult nations2 as this denomination cannot be applied either to individuals or to society before they have reached a certain development1 from which the nations of ,europe were still far removed4 ,it is very difficult to find a word to express this social state2 it was neither a state of civilization1 nor that of barbarism2 for a number of laws and institutions existed there1 which certainly did not deserve the epithet of barbarous4 ,if we call these nations semi-barbarous1 perhaps we shall approach the truth4 ,words are of little importance1 if we have a clear idea of the things4 ,it cannot be denied that the ,european nations1 owing to a long series of revolutions1 and the extraordinary mixture of races1 of ideas1 and manners1 of the conquerors with each other1 and of the conquerors with the nations conquered1 had a large portion of barbarism1 and a fruitful germ of agitation and disorder4 ,but the malignant influence of these elements was combated by the action of ,christianity1 which had obtained a decided preponderance over minds1 and which1 besides1 was supported by powerful institutions4 ,christianity1 to accomplish this difficult work1 had the assistance of great material force4 ,the ,christian doctrines1 which penetrated on all sides1 tended1 like a sweetening liquid1 to soften and improve every thing2 but1 at every step1 the mind comes into collision with the senses1 morality with the passions1 order with anarchy1 charity with ferocity1 and law with fact4 ,thence a struggle1 which1 although general to a certain extent in all times and countries1 since it is founded on the nature of man1 was then more rude1 violent1 and clamorous4 ,the two most opposite principles1 barbarism and ,christianity1 were then face to face in the same arena1 with no one between them4 ,observe these nations with attention1 read their history with reflection1 and you will see that those two principles are constantly struggling1 and constantly contending for influence and preponderance2 thence the most strange situations1 and the most singular contrasts4 ,study the character of the wars of that time1 and you will hear the holiest maxims constantly proclaimed2 legitimacy1 law1 reason1 and justice are invoked2 the tribunal of ,god is incessantly appealed to3 this is the influence of ,christianity4 ,but1 at the same time1 you will be afflicted at the sight of numberless acts of violence1 of cruelties1 atrocities1 pillages1 rapines1 murders1 fires1 and disasters without end3 this is barbarism4 ,if you look at the ,crusades1 you will observe that grand ideas1 vast plans1 noble inspirations1 social and political views of the highest importance1 fermented in men's heads2 that all hearts overflowed with noble and generous feelings1 and that a holy enthusiasm1 transporting men out of themselves1 rendered them capable of heroic actions3 this is the influence of ,christianity4 ,but1 if you examine the execution1 you will see disorder1 improvidence1 want of discipline in the armies1 injuries1 and acts of violence2 you will seek in vain for concert and harmony among those who take part in the gigantic and perilous enterprise3 there is barbarism4 ,youths1 thirsting for knowledge1 crowd to the lectures of the famous masters1 from the most distant countries2 ,italians1 ,germans1 ,english1 ,spanish1 and ,french are mingled and confounded around the chairs of ,abelard1 ,peter ,lombard1 ,albertus ,magnus1 and ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin2 a powerful voice resounds in their ears1 calling them to leave the shades of ignorance and raise themselves to the regions of science2 the love of knowledge animates them2 the longest journeys cannot stop them2 the enthusiasm for illustrious masters is carried to an indescribable extent3 behold the influence of ,christianity2 behold her constantly stirring and illuminating the mind of man1 never allowing him to repose tranquilly in obscurity1 and continually exciting him to new intellectual labors and researches after truth6 ,but behold these same youths1 who exhibit such noble dispositions1 and inspire such legitimate and consoling hopes2 are they not also those licentious1 restless1 and turbulent young men1 giving way to the most deplorable acts of violence1 continually fighting in the streets1 and forming in the midst of great cities a small republic1 an unruly democracy1 where there is much difficulty in maintaining law and good order8 ,behold here barbarism6 ,it is good1 it is perfectly conformable to the spirit of religion1 that the guilty man who raises a repentant and humiliated heart to ,god1 should manifest his feeling and the affliction of his soul by external acts2 that he should labor to fortify his mind1 and restrain his evil inclinations1 by employing the rigors of gospel austerity against his flesh3 all this is sovereignly reasonable1 just1 holy1 and conformable to the maxims of the ,christian religion1 which thus ordains for the justification and sanctification of the sinner1 to repair the injury done to the souls of others by the scandal of a bad life4 ,but that penitents1 half naked1 should wander about loaded with chains1 carrying horror and alarm everywhere1 as happened at this time1 when we see ecclesiastical authority compelled to repress the abuse3 this marks the spirit of rudeness and ferocity which always accompany the state of barbarism4 ,nothing is more true1 noble1 and salutary for society1 than to imagine ,god always ready to defend innocence1 to protect it against injustice and calumny1 and to raise it above humiliation and disgrace1 by restoring to it1 sooner or later1 the purity and lustre of which they have attempted to deprive it4 ,this supposition is an effect of faith in ,providence--that faith emanating from ,christian ideas1 which represent to us ,god as embracing the whole world in his view1 reaching with his penetrating eye the deepest recesses of the heart1 and not even excluding the meanest of his creatures from his paternal love4 ,but who does not perceive the infinite distance which separates this pure faith from the trials by fire1 water1 and single combat8 ,who does not here discover rudeness confounding all things--the spirit of violence laboring to subject every thing to a rigorous law--attempting1 in some measure1 to oblige ,god himself to comply with our wants and caprices1 in order to interpose the testimony of his solemn miracles1 whenever it suits our pleasure or convenience to find out the truth8 ,i introduce these contrasts here in order to awaken the recollections of those who have read history1 and to enable me to establish1 in a few words1 the simple and general formula which sums up all those periods3 ,barbarism tempered by religion2 religion disfigured by barbarism4 ,in the study of history we constantly encounter a serious obstacle1 which renders it always difficult1 and sometimes impossible1 to understand it perfectly4 ,we make the mistake of referring every thing to ourselves1 and to the objects which surround us--a mistake which is excusable1 no doubt1 since it has its root in our own nature1 but against which we must be carefully on our guard1 if we wish to avoid deplorable errors4 ,we imagine the men of other times to be like ourselves2 without thinking of it1 we communicate to them our own ideas1 manners1 inclinations1 and even temperaments2 and1 after having fashioned men who exist only in our own imaginations1 we desire and demand that the real men should act in the same manner as these imaginary men2 and at the slightest discord between the historical facts and our unreasonable suppositions1 we cry out that it is strange and monstrous1 taxing with being strange and monstrous what was perfectly regular and ordinary according to the epoch4 ,it is the same with respect to laws and institutions3 when we do not find them according to the types which we have under our eyes1 we declaim against the ignorance1 iniquity1 and cruelty of the men who have conceived and established them4 ,if we wish to form an exact idea of an epoch1 it is necessary to transport ourselves there--to make an effort of imagination1 in order1 as it were1 to live and converse with its men2 it is not enough to hear the recital of the events1 it is necessary to witness them1 to become one of the spectators1 one of the actors1 if possible2 it is necessary to call forth generations from the tomb1 and make them act under our eyes4 ,i shall be told that this is very difficult4 ,i grant it2 but it is necessary1 if we wish that our knowledge of history should be something more than a mere notion of names and dates4 ,it is quite sure that we do not know an individual well1 unless acquainted with his ideas1 character1 and conduct4 ,it is the same with a society3 if we are ignorant by what doctrines it was guided1 what was its manner of considering and feeling things1 we shall see the events only superficially--we shall know the words of the law1 but we shall not penetrate its spirit or genius2 when contemplating an institution1 we shall see only the external frame-work1 without reaching the mechanism1 or guessing the moving machinery4 ,if we attempt to avoid these defects1 it is certain that the study of history becomes the most difficult of all2 but this knowledge has been wanting for a long time4 ,the secrets of man and the mysteries of society are1 at the same time1 the most important subject which can be proposed to the human mind1 and the most arduous1 the most difficult1 and the least accessible to the generality of intellects4 ,the individual in the times to which we allude was not the individual of to-day2 his ideas were very different1 his manner of seeing and feeling was not ours1 his soul was of quite another temper from our own2 what is inconceivable to us1 was perfectly natural to men of those times2 they took pleasure in what is now repugnant to us4 ,at the beginning of the thirteenth century1 ,europe had already experienced the powerful shock of the ,crusades2 the sciences began to germinate2 the spirit of commerce was in some degree developed2 the taste for industry made itself felt2 and the inclination of men to enter into communication with other men1 and of nations to mingle with other nations1 was every day extended and increased4 ,the feudal system1 already shaken1 was about to fall to pieces2 the power of the commonalty rapidly increased2 the spirit of enfranchisement showed itself everywhere2 in fine1 owing to the almost complete abolition of slavery1 and to the change effected by the ,crusades in the condition of vassals and serfs1 ,europe was covered with a numerous population who knew not slavery1 and who bore with difficulty the feudal yoke4 ,yet this population was still far from possessing all that is necessary to rise to the rank of free citizens4 ,modern democracy already offered itself to the view1 with its great advantages1 its numerous difficulties1 its immense problems1 which still embarrass and disconcert us1 after so many centuries of trial and experience4 ,the lords preserved in great measure their habits of barbarism and ferocity1 by which they had been unfortunately distinguished at former periods2 the royal power was far from having acquired that force and prestige necessary for ruling such opposite elements1 and to raise itself in the midst of society as a symbol of respect for all interests--a centre of reunion for all forces1 and a sublime personification of reason and justice4 ,in the same century1 wars began to assume a character more popular1 and consequently more vast and important2 the agitations of the people began to wear the aspect of political commotions4 ,already we discover something more than the ambition of emperors attempting to impose their yoke on ,italy2 we have no longer petty kings who contend for a crown or a province1 or counts or barons who1 followed by their serfs1 fight with each other or with the neighboring municipalities1 covering the land with blood and rapine4 ,we observe in the movements of that period something more important and alarming4 ,numerous nations arise and crowd around a banner on which1 instead of the ensigns of a baron or of a monarch1 appears the name of a system of doctrines4 ,no doubt1 the lords take part in the struggle1 and their power raises them still far above the crowd which surrounds and follows them2 but the cause in question is not that of these men2 they are accounted something in the problems of the times2 but mankind looks beyond the horizon of castles4 ,this agitation and movement1 produced by the appearance of new religious and social doctrines1 is the announcement and the beginning of that chain of revolutions which ,europe has to undergo4 ,the evil did not consist in the disposition of nations to carry out their ideas1 and refuse to take as their only guide the interests and doctrines of a few tyrants4 ,on the contrary1 this was a great step gained in the path of civilization2 men thus showed that they felt and understood their own dignity better1 that they took a more extended view1 and had a better understanding of their own situation and interests4 ,this progress was the natural result of the higher flight which was every day taken by the faculties of the mind4 ,the ,crusades had greatly contributed to this new movement2 from that great epoch the different nations of ,europe were accustomed no longer to fight for the possession of a small territory1 or to gratify private ambition or revenge4 ,the nations fought in support of a principle by laboring to avenge the outrage offered to the true religion2 in a word1 they became accustomed to be moved1 to contend1 to die1 for an idea which1 far from being limited to a small territory1 embraced heaven and earth4 ,thus1 we will observe in passing1 that the popular movement1 the movement in ideas1 began in ,spain much sooner than in the rest of ,europe1 because the war against the ,moors had advanced the period of the ,crusades for that country4 ,the evil1 ,i repeat it1 was not in the interest which the people took in ideas1 but in the imminent danger of seeing those nations1 on account of their rudeness and ignorance1 allow themselves to be abused and deceived by the first fanatic who came4 ,at a moment when the movement was so vast1 the fate of ,europe depended on the direction which was about to be given to the universal activity3 unless ,i am deceived1 the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were the critical epochs1 when1 in the face of great probabilities on both sides1 there was decided the great question of knowing whether ,europe1 in its twofold social and political relations1 was to take advantage of the benefits of ,christianity1 or permit all the promise of a better future to be lost and annihilated4 ,when we fix our eyes on this period1 we find1 in different parts of ,europe1 a certain germ and index of the greatest disasters2 the most horrible doctrines arise among the masses who begin to be agitated2 the most fearful disorders signalize the first step of these nations in the career of life4 ,before this1 we have discovered only kings and lords1 but now the people appear on the scene4 ,thus we see that some rays of light and heat have penetrated this shapeless mass4 ,at this sight the heart is dilated and encouraged1 presaging the new future which is reserved for humanity4 ,but1 at the same time1 the observer is alarmed1 for he is aware that this heat may produce excessive fermentation1 engender corruption1 and multiply impure insects in the field which promises soon to become an enchanting garden4 ,the extravagances of the human mind at this time appear under so alarming an aspect1 and with a turbulence of character so fearful1 that apprehensions apparently the most exaggerated are supported by facts1 and become terrible probabilities4 ,let me recall some of those facts which so vividly paint the condition of minds at that time2 facts which besides are connected with the principal point which we are examining4 ,at the beginning of the twelfth century1 we find the famous ,tanchme1 or ,tanquelin1 teaching the maddest theories and committing the greatest crimes2 yet at ,antwerp1 in ,zealand1 in the country of ,utrecht1 and in many other towns in the same countries1 he draws after him a numerous crowd4 ,this wretched man advanced that he was more worthy of supreme worship than ,jesus ,christ himself1 for1 said he1 if ,jesus ,christ had received the ,holy ,spirit1 he 7,tanchme7 had received the plenitude of that ,holy ,spirit4 ,he added that the whole ,church was comprised in his own person and in his disciples4 ,the pontificate1 episcopate1 and priesthood were1 according to him1 mere chimeras4 ,his instructions and discourses were particularly addressed to women2 the result of his doctrines and proceedings was the most revolting corruption4 ,yet the fanaticism which was excited by this abominable man went so far that the sick eagerly drank the water in which he had bathed1 believing it to be the most salutary remedy for body and soul4 ,women thought themselves happy to have obtained the favors of the monster2 mothers considered it an honor for their daughters to be selected as the victims of his profligacy1 and husbands were offended when their wives were not stained with this disgrace4 ,tanchme1 knowing all the ascendency which he was able to exert over minds1 was not backward in making use of the fanaticism of his followers2 one of the principal virtues with which he labored to inspire them was liberality in favor of his own interest4 ,one day when he was surrounded with a large concourse of people1 he had a picture of the ,virgin brought to him2 touching it with his sacrilegious hand1 he said that he took the ,virgin as his wife4 ,then1 turning toward the spectators1 he added1 that as he had contracted marriage with the ,queen of ,heaven1 as they had just seen1 it was their duty to make the wedding presents4 ,he immediately placed two boxes1 one on the right and the other on the left of the picture1 to receive on one side the offerings of the men1 and on the other those of the women2 for the purpose of learning1 as he said1 which of the two sexes had the greater affection for him4 ,this artifice1 as low and gross as it was sacrilegious1 seemed only calculated to excite the indignation of those who were present2 yet the results corresponded with the expectations of the artful impostor4 ,the women1 always jealous of the affection of ,tanchme1 surpassed in liberality2 in a perfect frenzy1 they stripped themselves of their necklaces1 golden rings1 and most precious jewels4 ,when he felt himself strong enough1 ,tanchme did not content himself with preaching2 he was desirous of surrounding himself with an armed troop1 in order to give him in the eyes of the world a far different appearance from that of an apostle4 ,three thousand men accompanied him everywhere4 ,surrounded by this respectable escort1 clothed in magnificent apparel1 and preceded by his standard1 he moved with all the pomp of a king4 ,when he stopped to preach1 the three thousand satellites stood armed around him with drawn swords4 ,it is evident1 the aggressive character of the heretical sects of succeeding ages was already traced out4 ,every one knows how numerous were the partisans of ,eon4 ,this unhappy man was excited by hearing the frequent repetition of the words3 ,per eum qui judicaturus est vivos et mortuos3 and he became persuaded and he asserted1 that he himself was the judge who was to judge the living and the dead4 ,we are also aware of the troubles excited by the seditious speeches of ,arnauld of ,brescia1 the iconoclastic fanaticism of ,pierre de ,bruis and ,henri4 ,if ,i did not fear to fatigue the attention of my readers1 it would be easy for me to relate here the most revolting scenes which represent to the life the spirit of the sects of those times1 and the unfortunate predisposition which led men's minds to novelty1 to extravagant spectacles1 and ,i know not what fatal giddiness1 whereby they were precipitated into the most strange errors and the most deplorable excesses4 ,at all events1 ,i must say a few words of the ,cathari1 ,vaudois1 ,paterins of ,arras1 ,albigenses1 and poor men of ,lyons4 ,these sects1 besides the influence which they had on the times of which we speak and on the later events of ,european history1 will be of great use in making us fathom more deeply the question now before us4 ,from the first ages of the ,church1 the sect of the ,manichees was remarkable for errors and extravagances4 ,under different names1 with more or less of followers1 and with doctrines more or less various1 it continued from age to age until the eleventh century1 when it excited disturbances in ,france4 ,from that time1 ,heribert and ,lisoy acquired an unhappy celebrity by their obstinacy and fanaticism4 ,in the time of ,st4 ,bernard1 the sects called apostolical were distinguished by their dislike to marriage2 while1 on the other hand1 they gave themselves up to the basest and most unbridled licentiousness4 ,nevertheless1 all these irregularities were favorably received by the ignorance or the corruption of the people4 ,this is proved by the rapidity with which they gained the masses and spread like a pestilence wherever they appeared4 ,besides the hypocrisy1 which is common to all the sects1 that of the ,manichees imagined an artifice the most apt to seduce rude and ignorant people3 they appeared with the most rigid austerity and the most miserable clothes4 ,before the year #aaha1 we see the ,manichees bold enough to venture out of their conventicles and openly teach their doctrines in the light of day4 ,they associated with the celebrated bandits called ,cottereaux1 and feared not to commit all sorts of excesses1 as they had seduced some knights and had secured the protection of some seigneurs of the country of ,toulouse2 they succeeded in exciting a formidable insurrection1 which could be repressed only by force of arms4 ,an eye-witness1 ,stephen1 ,abbot of ,st4 ,genevieve1 at that time sent to ,toulouse by the king1 describes to us in a few words the acts of violence committed by these sectaries3 ,i have seen on all sides1 he says1 churches burnt and ruined to their foundations3 ,i have seen the dwellings of men changed into the dens of beasts4 ,about the same time1 the ,vaudois1 or poor men of ,lyons1 became famous4 ,this last name was given to them on account of their extreme poverty1 their contempt for all riches1 and the rags with which they were covered4 ,their shoes also gave them the name of ,sabatathes4 ,they were perverse imitators of another kind of poor1 celebrated at that time1 and who were distinguished by their virtues1 and particularly by their spirit of humility and disinterestedness4 ,these latter1 who formed a kind of association1 comprising priests and laymen1 attracted the respect and esteem of real ,christians1 and obtained the ,pope's permission to teach publicly4 ,the disciples showed a profound contempt for ,church authority2 they afterwards entertained monstrous errors1 and in the end became a sect in opposition to religion1 injurious to good morals1 and incompatible with public tranquillity4 ,these errors1 which were the germs of so many calamities and troubles1 could not be extirpated2 with time they became more and more rooted in various countries1 and the progress of things was so fatal1 that at the beginning of the thirteenth century the period of short-lived seditions and isolated troubles was already long gone by1 the errors had already spread on a large scale1 and appeared with formidable resources for the contest4 ,already the south of ,france1 agitated by civil discord1 and precipitated into a fearful war1 was in a state of terrible conflict4 ,in the political organization of that time1 the throne had not strength enough to exercise a controlling power1 the lords had still the means of resisting kings and doing violence to the people4 ,when a spirit of disobedience1 agitation1 and movement is spread throughout the masses1 there is only one means of restraining them1 that of religion2 and this very ascendency of religious ideas was taken advantage of by the wicked and the fanatical2 and to mislead the multitude they availed themselves of violent declamation1 where religion and politics formed a confused mixture1 and where the spirit of austerity and disinterestedness was the subject of hypocritical affectation4 ,the new errors were no longer confined to subtile attacks on particular dogmas1 they assailed the fundamental ideas of religion1 penetrated to the sanctuary of the family1 on the one side condemning marriage1 and on the other promoting infamous abominations3 in fine1 the evil was not limited to countries which by a tardy and incomplete initiation into the doctrines of ,christianity1 or for any other reason1 had not fully participated in the ,european movement4 ,the arena principally chosen was the south2 that is1 the country where the human mind was developed in the most prompt and lively manner4 ,in the midst of such a concourse of unfortunate circumstances1 all attested and placed beyond a doubt by history1 was not the future of ,europe very dark and tempestuous8 ,ideas and manners were in imminent danger of taking a wrong direction2 the bands of authority1 the ties of family1 seemed ready to break asunder2 the nations might be led away by fanaticism or superstition2 ,europe was in danger of being replunged into the chaos whence it had emerged with so much difficulty4 ,at that time the ,crescent shone in ,spain1 it reigned in ,africa1 it triumphed in ,asia4 ,was ,europe at such a moment to lose her religious unity1 and see new errors penetrate everywhere1 sowing schism in all countries1 and with it discord and war8 ,were all the elements of civilization and refinement created by ,christianity to be dispersed and stricken with sterility for ever8 ,were the great nations formed under the influence of ,catholicity1 the laws and institutions impregnated with that divine religion1 to be corrupted1 falsified1 and destroyed by changes in the ancient faith8 ,in fine1 was the course of ,european civilization to be violently diverted1 and were the nations who were already advancing towards a peaceful1 prosperous1 and glorious future1 to be condemned to see their most flattering hopes dissipated in a moment1 and miserably to retrograde towards barbarism8 ,such was then the vast problem placed before society2 and ,i fear not to assert that the religious movement which at that time displayed itself in so extraordinary a manner1 and the new religious institutions1 so inconsiderately accused of folly and extravagance1 were a powerful means employed by ,providence to save religion and society4 ,if the illustrious ,spaniard1 ,st4 ,dominic de ,guzman1 and the wonderful man of ,assisi1 did not occupy a place on our altars1 there to receive the veneration of the faithful for their eminent sanctity1 they would deserve to have statues raised to them by the gratitude of society and humanity4 ,but what6 are our words an object of scandal to you1 who have only read and considered history through the deceitful medium of ,protestant and philosophical prejudices8 ,tell us1 then1 what you find reprehensible in these men1 whose establishments have been the subject of your endless diatribes1 as if they had been the greatest calamities of the human race8 ,their doctrines are those of the ,gospel2 they are the same doctrines1 to the loftiness and sanctity whereof you have been compelled to render solemn homage1 and their lives are pure1 holy1 heroic1 and conformable in every thing to their teachings4 ,ask them what is the object they have in view2 that of preaching the ,catholic truth to all men1 they will tell you2 of making every effort1 of exerting every energy to destroy error and reform morals2 of inspiring nations with the respect which is due to all legitimate authorities1 civil and ecclesiastical4 ,that is to say1 you will find among them a firm resolution to devote their lives to remedy the evils of ,church and ,state4 ,they do not content themselves with barren wishes2 they are not satisfied with a few discourses and transitory efforts2 they do not confine their plans to their mere personal sphere1 but1 extending their views to all countries and future times1 they found institutions whereof the members may spread themselves over the whole surface of the world1 and transmit to future generations the apostolical spirit which has inspired them with their grand ideas4 ,the poverty to which they condemn themselves is extreme2 the dress they wear is rude and miserable2 but do you not see the profound reasons for this conduct8 ,remember that they propose to renew the gospel spirit1 so much forgotten in their time2 that they frequently happen to meet face to face the emissaries of the corrupt sects1 who1 endeavoring to imitate ,christian humility1 and affecting an absolute disinterestedness1 make a parade of presenting themselves in public in the garb of beggars2 remember1 in fine1 that they go to preach to semi-barbarous nations1 and that to preserve them from the giddiness of error which has begun to take possession of their heads1 words are not enough1 even accompanied by a regular and uniform conduct2 extraordinary examples1 a mode of life which bears with it the most powerful edification1 and sanctity clothed with an exterior adapted to make a lively impression on the imagination1 are required4 ,the number of the new religious is very considerable2 they increase without measure in all the countries where they are established2 they are found1 not only in the country and in the hamlets1 but they penetrate into the midst of the most populous cities4 ,observe1 that ,europe is no longer composed of a collection of small towns and wretched cottages erected round feudal castles1 and humbly obedient to the authority or the influence of a proud baron2 ,europe no longer consists of villages grouped round rich abbeys1 listening with docility to the instructions of the monks1 and receiving with gratitude the benefits conferred on them4 ,a great number of vassals have already thrown off the yoke of their lords2 powerful municipalities arise on all sides1 and in their presence the feudal system is frequently compelled to humble itself in alarm4 ,towns become every day more populous--every day1 from the effects of the emancipation which takes place in the country1 they receive new families4 ,reviving industry and commerce display new means of subsistence1 and excite an increase of population4 ,it results from all this that religion and morality must act upon the nations of ,europe on a larger scale2 more general means1 issuing from a common centre1 and freed from ordinary fetters1 are necessary to satisfy the new necessities of the time4 ,such are the religious institutions of the time of which we speak2 this is the explanation of their astonishing number1 of their numerous privileges1 and of that remarkable regulation which places them under the immediate control of the ,pope4 ,even the character which marked these institutions--a character in some degree democratic1 not only because men of all classes are there united1 but also because of the special organization of their government--was eminently calculated to give efficacy to their influence over a democracy1 fierce1 turbulent1 and proud of its recent liberty1 and consequently little disposed to sympathize with any thing which might have been presented to it under aristocratic or exclusive forms4 ,this democracy found in these new religious institutions a certain analogy with its own existence and origin4 ,these men come from the people1 they live in constant communication with them1 and1 like them1 they are poor and meanly clad2 and as the people have their assemblies where they choose their municipal officers and bailiffs1 so do the religious hold their chapters1 where they name their priors and provincials4 ,they are not anchorites living in remote deserts1 nor monks sheltered in rich abbeys1 nor clergy whose functions and duties are confined to any particular country4 ,they are men without fixed abodes1 and who are found sometimes in populous cities and sometimes in miserable hamlets--to-day in the midst of the old continent1 to-morrow on a vessel which bears them to perilous missions in the remotest countries of the globe2 sometimes they are seen in the palaces of kings1 enlightening their councils1 and taking part in the highest affairs of state2 sometimes in the dwellings of obscure families1 consoling them in misfortune1 making up their quarrels1 and giving them advice on their domestic affairs4 ,these same men1 who are covered with glory in the chairs of the universities1 teach catechism to children in the humblest boroughs2 illustrious orators who have preached in courts1 before kings and great men1 go to explain the ,gospel in obscure villages4 ,the people find them everywhere1 meet them at every step1 in joy and in sorrow2 these men are constantly ready to take part in the happy festivities of a baptism which fills the house with joy1 or to lament a misfortune which has just covered it with mourning4 ,we can imagine without difficulty the force and ascendency of such institutions4 ,this influence on the minds of nations must have been incalculable2 the new sects which tended to mislead the multitude by their pestilential doctrines1 found themselves face to face with an adversary who completely conquered them4 ,they wished to seduce the simple by the ostentation of great austerity and wonderful disinterestedness2 they desired to deceive the imagination1 by striking it with the sight of exterior mortification1 of poor and mean clothing4 ,the new institutions united these qualities in an extraordinary manner4 ,thus the true doctrine had the same attributes which error had assumed4 ,from among the classes of the people there come forth violent declaimers1 who captivate the attention and take possession of the minds of the multitude by fiery eloquence4 ,in all parts of ,europe we meet with burning orators1 pleading the cause of truth1 who1 well versed in the passions1 ideas1 and tastes of the multitude1 know how to interest1 move1 and direct them1 making use1 in defence of religion1 of what others attempt to avail themselves of in attacking her4 ,they are found wheresoever they are wanted to combat the efforts of sects4 ,free from all worldly ties1 and belonging to no particular church1 province1 or kingdom1 they have all the means of passing rapidly from one place to another1 and are found at the proper time wherever their presence is urgently required4 ,the strength of association1 known to the sectaries1 and used by them with so much success1 is found in a remarkable degree in these new religious institutions4 ,the individual has no will of his own3 a vow of perpetual obedience has placed him at the disposal of another's will2 and this latter is in his turn subject to a third2 thus there is formed a chain1 whereof the first link is in the hands of the ,pope2 the strength of association1 and that of unity1 are thus united in authority4 ,there is all the motion1 all the warmth of a democracy2 all the vigor1 all the promptitude of monarchy4 ,it has been said that these institutions were a powerful support to the authority of the ,popes2 this is certain3 we may even add1 that if these institutions had not existed1 the fatal schism of ,luther would perhaps have taken place centuries earlier4 ,but1 on the other hand1 we must allow that the establishment of them was not due to projects of the papacy2 the ,sovereign ,pontiffs did not conceive the idea of them2 isolated individuals1 guided by superior inspiration1 formed the design1 traced out the plan1 and submitting that plan to the judgment of the ,holy ,see1 asked for authority to realize their enterprise4 ,civil institutions1 intended to consolidate and aggrandize the power of kings1 emanate sometimes from monarchs themselves1 sometimes from some of their ministers1 who1 identifying themselves with their views and interests1 have formed and executed the idea of the throne4 ,it is not thus with the power of the ,popes2 the support of new institutions contributes to sustain that power against the attacks of dissenting sects2 but the idea of founding the institutions themselves comes neither from the ,popes nor their ministers4 ,unknown men suddenly arise among the people2 nothing which has taken place affords reason to suspect them of having any previous understanding with ,rome2 their entire lives attest that they have acted by virtue of inspiration1 communicated to themselves1 an inspiration which does not allow them any repose1 until they have executed what was prescribed to them4 ,there are not1 there cannot be1 any private designs of ,rome2 ambition has no share4 ,from this1 all sensible men should draw one of these two consequences3 either the appearance of these new institutions was the work of ,god1 who was desirous of saving ,his ,church by sustaining her against new attacks1 and protecting the authority of the ,roman ,pontiff2 or1 ,catholicity herself contained within her breast a saving instinct which led her to create these institutions1 which were required to enable her to come triumphant out of the fearful crisis in which she was engaged4 ,to ,catholics1 these two propositions are identical3 in both we see only the fulfilment of the promise1 ,on this rock ,i will build my ,church1 and the gates of hell shall never prevail against her4 ,philosophers who do not regard things by the light of faith1 in order to explain this phenomenon1 may make use of what terms they please2 but they will be compelled to acknowledge that wonderful wisdom and the highest degree of foresight appear at the bottom of these facts4 ,if they persist in not acknowledging the finger of ,god1 and in seeing in the course of events only the fruit of well-concerted plans1 or the result of organization combined with art1 at least they cannot refuse a sort of homage to these plans and that organization4 ,indeed1 as they confess that the power of the ,roman ,pontiff1 considered in relations merely philosophical1 is the most wonderful of all the powers which have appeared on earth1 is it not evident that the society called the ,catholic ,church shows in her conduct1 in the spirit of life which animates her1 and in the instinct which makes her resist her greatest enemies1 the most incomprehensible combination of phenomena which have ever been witnessed in society8 ,it is of little importance to the truth1 whether you call this instinct1 mystery1 spirit1 or whatever name you please4 ,catholicity defies all societies1 all sects1 and all schools1 to realize what she has realized1 to triumph over what she has triumphed over1 and to pass through1 without perishing1 the crises through which she has passed4 ,a few examples1 where the work of ,god was more or less imitated1 may be alleged against us2 but the magicians of ,egypt1 placed in the presence of ,moses1 came to an end of their artifices2 the envoy of ,god performed wonders which they could not2 and they were compelled to exclaim1 ,the finger of ,god is here--the finger of ,god is here6 ,,chapter ,,xliv4 ,,the ,,religious ,,orders ,,for ,,the ,,redemption ,,of ,,captives4 ,when viewing the religious institutions produced by the ,church during the thirteenth century1 we did not pause to consider one among them1 which1 to the merit of participating in the glory of the others1 adds a peculiar character of beauty and sublimity1 and which is inexpressibly worthy of our attention3 ,i speak of that institution1 the object of which was to redeem captives from the hands of the ,infidels4 ,if ,i make use of this general designation1 it is because ,i do not intend to enter into a particular examination of the various branches which compose it4 ,i consider the unity of the object1 and1 on account of that unity1 ,i attribute unity to the institution itself4 ,thanks to the happy change which has taken place in the circumstances which occasioned its foundation1 we can now scarcely estimate the institution at its just value1 and appreciate in a proper manner the beneficent influence and the holy enthusiasm which it must have produced in all ,christian countries4 ,in consequence of the long wars with the ,infidels1 a very great number of the faithful groaned in fetters1 deprived of their liberty and country1 and often in danger of apostatizing from the faith of their fathers4 ,the ,moors still occupied a considerable part of ,spain2 they reigned exclusively on the coasts of ,africa1 and proudly triumphed in the ,east1 where the ,crusaders had been vanquished4 ,the ,infidels thus held the south of ,europe closely confined1 and were constantly able to seize favorable moments1 and procure multitudes of ,christian slaves4 ,the revolutions and disorders of those times continually offered favorable opportunities2 both hatred and cupidity urged them to gratify their revenge on the ,christians taken unawares4 ,we may be sure that this was one of the severest scourges which the human race had to endure at that time in ,europe4 ,if the word charity was to be any thing more than a mere name1 if the nations of ,europe were not to allow their bonds of fraternity and the ties which connected their common interests to be destroyed1 there was an urgent necessity for them to come to an understanding1 in order to remedy this evil4 ,the veteran who1 instead of a reward for his long services to religion and his country1 had found slavery in the depths of a dungeon2 the merchant who1 ploughing the seas to carry provisions to the ,christian armies1 had fallen into the power of an implacable enemy1 and paid by heavy chains for the boldness of his enterprise2 the timid virgin who1 playing upon the sea-shore1 had been perfidiously carried away by the merciless pirates1 like a dove borne away by a hawk3--all these unfortunate beings had undoubtedly some right to be looked at with compassion by their brethren in ,europe1 and to have an effort made to restore them to liberty4 ,how shall this charitable end be attained8 ,can means be employed to accomplish an enterprise which cannot be confided either to force or stratagem8 ,nothing is more fertile in resources than ,catholicity4 ,whatever may be the necessity which presents itself1 she immediately finds proper means of succor and remedy1 if allowed to act with freedom4 ,the remonstrances and negotiations of ,christian princes could obtain nothing in favor of the captives2 new wars undertaken for this purpose only served to increase the public calamities--they deteriorated the lot of those who groaned in slavery1 and perhaps increased their number1 by sending them fresh companions in misfortune2 pecuniary means1 without a central point of action and direction1 produced but little fruit1 and were lost in the hands of agents4 ,what resource1 then1 does there remain8 ,the powerful resource which is always found in the hands of the ,catholic religion--the secret whereby she accomplishes her greatest enterprises1 viz4 charity4 ,but how ought this charity to act8 ,in the same way as all the virtues of ,catholicity4 ,this divine religion1 which has come down from the loftiest regions1 and constantly raises the human mind to sublime meditations1 presents at the same time a singular characteristic1 whereby she is distinguished from all the schools and sects who have attempted to imitate her4 ,in spite of the spirit of abstraction1 if ,i may so speak1 which holds her continually detached from earthly things1 she has nothing vague1 unsubstantial1 or merely theoretical4 ,with her1 all is speculative and practical1 sublime and simple2 she adapts and accommodates herself to all that is compatible with the truth of her dogmas and the severity of her maxims4 ,while her eyes are fixed on heaven1 she forgets not that she is on earth1 and that she has to deal with mortal men1 subject to miseries and calamities4 ,with one hand she shows them eternity1 with the other she succors their misfortunes1 solaces their pains1 and dries up their tears4 ,she does not content herself with barren words2 the love of our neighbor is to her nothing1 if that love does not manifest itself in giving bread to him who is hungry1 drink to him who is thirsty2 in clothing the naked1 consoling the afflicted1 visiting the sick1 solacing the prisoner1 and redeeming the captive4 ,to make use of an expression of this age1 ,i will say that religion is eminently positive4 ,wherefore she labors to realize her ideas by means of beneficent and fruitful institutions1 thereby distinguishing herself from human philosophy1 the pompous language and gigantic projects of which form so miserable a contrast with the littleness and nothingness of its works4 ,religion speaks little1 but she meditates and executes as the worthy daughter of that infinite ,being who1 although absorbed in the contemplation of an ocean of light1 ,his own essence and ,his impenetrable nature1 has not the less created the universe the object of our admiration1 and ceases not to preserve it with ineffable goodness1 while governing it with incomprehensible wisdom4 ,it was necessary to go to the succor of the unhappy captives2 assuredly1 therefore1 we should applaud the idea of a vast association1 which1 extending over all the countries of ,europe1 and placing itself in connection with all the ,christians who would give alms in favor of so holy a work1 would have in its service a certain number of individuals always ready to traverse the seas1 and resolved to brave slavery and death for the redemption of their brethren4 ,numerous means would be thus combined1 and the good employment of the funds would be secured4 ,there was a certainty that the negotiations for the redemption of captives would be conducted by men of zeal and experience2 in a word1 such an association would completely fulfil its object2 and when it was established1 the ,christians might hope for the most prompt and efficacious succor4 ,now1 this was precisely the idea realized in the foundation of the religious orders for the redemption of captives4 ,the religious who embraced these orders bound themselves by vow to the accomplishment of this work of charity4 ,free from the embarrassments of family relations and worldly interests1 they could devote themselves to their task with all the ardor of their zeal4 ,long voyages1 the perils of the sea1 the danger of unhealthy climates1 or the ferocity of the ,infidels--nothing stopped them4 ,in their dress1 in the prayers of their institution1 they found a constant remembrance of the vow which they had taken in the ,divine presence4 ,neither repose1 comfort1 nor even their very lives1 any longer belong to them2 all are become the property of the unhappy captives1 who groan in the dungeons or wear heavy chains in presence of their masters1 on the other side of the ,mediterranean4 ,the families of the unhappy victims1 fixing their eyes on the religious1 required of him the accomplishment of his promise2 their groans and lamentations continually urge him to find means1 and to expose his life1 if necessary1 to restore the father to the son1 the son to the father1 the husband to the wife1 the innocent young girl to her desolate mother4 ,from the earliest ages of ,christianity we see great zeal displayed for the redemption of captives1 which has always been preserved1 and the inspiration of which from that time has called forth the greatest sacrifices4 ,the seventeenth chapter of this work1 and the notes attached to it1 have incontestably proved this truth2 and it is not necessary that ,i should stay to confirm it here4 ,yet ,i will not lose the opportunity of observing that the ,church1 in the present case1 as in all circumstances1 has adopted her constant rule1 viz4 to realize her ideas by means of institutions4 ,if you observe her conduct attentively1 you will find that she begins by teaching and highly extolling a virtue2 then she mildly persuades men to put it in practice2 the practice extends and gains strength1 and what was merely a good work becomes for some a work of obligation2 what was a simple wise act is converted into a strict duty for some select men4 ,at all times has the ,church been engaged in the redemption of captives2 at all times some ,christians of heroic charity have stripped themselves of their property1 of their liberty1 to accomplish this work of mercy2 but this care was still left to the discretion of the faithful1 and no bodies of men existed to represent this charitable idea4 ,new necessities arise2 the ordinary means do not suffice2 it is necessary that aid should be collected with promptitude1 and employed with discernment2 charity1 as it were1 requires an arm always ready to execute her orders2 a permanent institution becomes necessary2 the institution appears1 and the want is satisfied4 ,we are so accustomed to see the beautiful and the sublime in the work of religion1 that we scarcely observe the greatest prodigies there1 in the same way as1 while profiting by the benefits of nature1 we look upon her most wonderful works and productions with an eye of indifference4 ,the different religious institutions which1 under various forms1 have appeared since the beginning of ,christianity1 are worthy of exciting in the highest degree the astonishment of the philosopher and the ,christian2 but ,i doubt whether it be possible to find in the whole history of these institutions any thing more beautiful1 interesting1 and touching1 than the picture of the orders for the redemption of captives4 ,does there exist a more admirable symbol of religion protecting the unfortunate8 ,which is the most sublime emblem of the redemption consummated on ,calvary and extending itself to earthly captivity8 ,is it not the celebrated vision which preceded the establishment of the holy institutes of ,mercy and the ,trinity8 ,some will say that these apparitions were only chimeras and mere illusions6 ,happy are those illusions1 we will reply1 which produce the consolation of the human race6 ,however this may be1 we will here recall these visions1 braving1 if necessary1 the smiles of the incredulous4 ,if they have preserved in their hearts any generous feelings1 they will be compelled to allow that if these visions appear to them devoid of all historical truth1 there is at least in the sublime sacrifice which is made by the man who devotes himself to slavery for the ransom of his brethren1 a lofty poetry1 a sincere love of the human race1 an ardent desire to succor them1 and an heroic disinterestedness4 ,a doctor of the ,university of ,paris1 known by his virtues and his wisdom1 had just been raised to the priesthood1 and celebrated for the first time the holy sacrifice of the altar4 ,in consideration of these exalted favors of the ,most ,high1 he redoubles his ardor1 he excites his faith1 and endeavors to offer to the ,lamb without spot1 with all the recollection1 purity1 and fervor of which he is capable1 his heart inundated with favors and inflamed by charity4 ,he knows not how to manifest to ,god his profound gratitude for so great a benefit2 his lively desire is to be able to prove to ,him in some way his gratitude and his love4 ,he who had said1 ,what you have done to one of my little children you have done to myself1 immediately showed him a way to exhibit the fire of his charity4 ,the vision begins3 the priest sees an angel whose dress is white as snow and as brilliant as light2 the angel wears on his breast a red and blue cross2 at his sides are two captives1 the one a ,christian1 the other a ,moor2 he places his hands over the heads of each4 ,at this sight1 the priest1 ravished into ecstasy1 understands that ,god calls him to the holy work of the redemption of captives2 but before going any further1 he retires into solitude1 and devotes himself for three years to prayer and penance1 humbly begging of the ,lord that ,he would make known to him ,his sovereign will4 ,in the desert he met with a pious hermit2 the two solitaries aid each other by their prayers and examples4 ,one day1 when they were absorbed in pious communication by the side of a fountain1 a stag suddenly appears to them bearing on his horns the mysterious cross of two colors4 ,the priest relates to his astonished companion the first vision which he has had2 both redouble their prayers and penances2 both receive the celestial admonition for the third time4 ,then1 unwilling any longer to defer the accomplishment of the ,divine pleasure1 they hasten to ,rome1 and ask of the ,sovereign ,pontiff his counsels and permission4 ,the ,pope1 who at the same time had had a similar vision1 joyfully accedes to the request of the two pious solitaries2 the order of the ,most ,holy ,trinity for the ,redemption of ,captives is thus established4 ,the priest was called ,john of ,matha2 the hermit1 ,felix of ,valois4 ,they apply with ardent zeal to their work of charity2 after having dried up the tears of numbers of unhappy beings1 they now receive in heaven the reward of their labors4 ,the ,church1 wishing to celebrate their memories1 has placed them on her altars4 ,the foundation of the order of ,mercy had a similar origin4 ,st4 ,peter ,nolasco1 having spent all he possessed in the redemption of captives1 had sought in vain for new resources to continue his pious undertaking4 ,he had set himself to pray1 in order to strengthen himself in his holy resolution of selling his own liberty1 or remaining himself a captive in the place of some of his brethren4 ,during his prayer the ,blessed ,virgin appeared to him2 she gave him to understand how pleasing the foundation of an order for the redemption of captives would be to herself and her ,divine ,son4 ,the saint1 after consulting the ,king of ,aragon and ,st4 ,raymond of ,penafort1 proceeded to the establishment of the order4 ,he converted into a vow1 not only for himself but for all those who embraced the institute1 the holy desire which he had previously had to devote himself to slavery for the ransom of his brethren4 ,i repeat what ,i have already said3 in whatever manner you judge of these apparitions1 and if even you attempt to lay them aside altogether as mere illusions1 it is not the less proved that the ,catholic religion has labored with immense power to relieve a great misfortune1 and that no one can call in question the utility of the holy institution in which the heroism of charity is so wonderfully personified4 ,indeed1 supposing that the founder1 the dupe of illusions1 took for a revelation from heaven what was only the inspiration of ardent zeal1 do not the benefits lavished on the unhappy captives remain the same8 ,we hear much of illusions2 but certain it is that these illusions produced a reality4 ,when ,st4 ,peter ,armengol1 wanting all resources to deliver some unfortunates1 remained as a hostage in their place1 and when the day of ransom had expired1 resigned himself to be hung because the money had not arrived from ,europe1 the illusions certainly did not remain sterile4 ,what reality could produce greater prodigies of zeal and heroism8 ,long ago have the things of religion been condemned as illusions and madness2 from the earliest times of ,christianity the mystery of the cross was treated as folly2 but we do not see that this prevented the pretended folly from changing the face of the world4 ,,chapter ,,xlv4 ,,the ,,universal ,,progress ,,of ,,civilization ,,impeded ,,by ,,protestantism4 ,in the rapid sketch which ,i have just given1 my intention has not been to write the history of the religious orders2 this did not form part of my design4 ,i am satisfied with having offered a series of remarks which1 by showing the importance of these institutions1 were calculated to vindicate ,catholicity from the accusations made against her on account of the protection which she has at all times afforded them4 ,how could a comparison be made between ,catholicity and ,protestantism in their relations with the civilization of ,europe1 without devoting a few pages to the examination of the influence which these institutions have exercised on civilization8 ,now1 if it is once shown that this influence was salutary1 ,protestantism1 which has persecuted and calumniated these religious institutions with so much hatred and rancor1 remains convicted of having done violence to the history of our civilization1 of having mistaken its spirit1 and still more of having aimed a blow at the legitimate development of that civilization itself4 ,these reflections naturally lead me to point out another fault which ,protestantism has committed4 ,when breaking the unity of ,european civilization1 it introduced discord into the bosom of that civilization1 and weakened the physical and moral action which it exercised on the rest of the world4 ,europe was apparently destined to civilize the whole world4 ,the superiority of her intelligence1 the preponderance of her strength1 the superabundance of her population1 her enterprising and valiant character1 her transports of generosity and heroism1 her communicating and propagating spirit1 seemed to call her to diffuse her ideas1 feelings1 laws1 manners1 and institutions to the four quarters of the universe4 ,how does it happen that she has not realized this destiny8 ,how does it happen that barbarism is still found at her gates1 and that ,islamism still maintains itself in one of the finest climates and countries of ,europe8 ,asia1 with her want of moving power1 weakness1 despotism1 and degradation of women2 ,asia1 with all the disgraces of humanity1 lies under our eyes2 and scarcely have we done any thing which gives reason to hope that she will emerge from her degraded state4 ,asia ,minor1 the coasts of ,palestine1 ,egypt1 and the whole of ,africa1 are before us in a deplorable condition--a degradation which excites pity1 and forms a melancholy contrast with the great recollections of history4 ,america1 after four centuries of incessant communication with us1 is still so much behindhand that a great part of her intellectual powers and the resources with which nature has furnished her1 remain until this day to be improved4 ,how does it happen that ,europe1 full of life1 rich in means of all kinds1 overflowing with vigor and energy1 has remained within the narrow limits in which she still is8 ,if we pay deep attention to this melancholy phenomenon1 a phenomenon with which it is very strange that the philosophy of history has not occupied itself1 we shall find the cause4 ,the entire cause thereof is the want of unity2 her external action has been without concert1 and consequently without efficacy4 ,men constantly vaunt the utility of association2 they point out how necessary it is to obtain grand results1 and they do not dream that because this principle applies to nations as well as to individuals1 nations1 like individuals1 cannot accomplish great works1 without conforming to this general law4 ,when an assemblage of nations of the same origin1 and subject for many ages to the same influence1 have reached the development of their civilization under the guidance and control of a common idea1 among them association becomes a real necessity2 they form a family of brothers2 now1 among brothers1 division and discord have worse results than among strangers4 ,i do not pretend to say that the nations of ,europe could have attained to so perfect a concord1 that perpetual peace would have been established among them1 and that perfect harmony would have eventually presided over all their undertakings with respect to the other countries of the globe2 but without giving way to beautiful illusions1 the reality whereof is beyond the bounds of possibility1 we may nevertheless1 and without hazard of contradiction1 say1 that1 in spite of particular differences between nation and nation1 in spite of the greater or less degree of opposition between external and internal interests1 ,europe could have kept and perpetuated in her own breast a civilizing idea which1 raising itself above all the misery and littleness of human passions1 would have placed her in a condition to acquire a greater ascendency and a stronger and more useful influence over the other nations of the world4 ,amid the interminable series of wars and calamities which afflicted ,europe during the fluctuations of the barbarous nations1 this unity of thought existed2 and it was owing to it that order in the end came out of confusion1 and that light conquered darkness4 ,in the long struggle of ,christianity against ,islamism1 whether in ,europe1 ,asia1 or ,africa1 this same unity of thought enabled ,christian civilization to triumph1 in spite of the rivalries of kings and the excesses of the people4 ,while this unity existed1 ,europe preserved a transforming power which made all that it touched become ,european sooner or later4 ,the heart is grieved at the sight of the disastrous event which broke this precious unity1 by diverting the course of our civilization and destroying its fertilizing power4 ,one can hardly observe without pain1 not to say without anger1 that the appearance of ,protestantism was exactly coincident with the critical moment when the nations of ,europe1 about at length to reap the fruits of long ages of continued labor and unheard-of efforts1 appeared to the world full of vigor1 energy1 and splendor4 ,putting forth gigantic strength1 they discovered new worlds1 and placed one hand on the ,east and the other on the ,west4 ,vasco de ,gama had doubled the ,cape of ,good ,hope1 he had showed the way to the ,east ,indies1 and opened communication with unknown nations4 ,christopher ,columbus1 with the fleet of ,isabella1 ploughed the ,western seas1 discovered a new world1 and planted the standard of ,castile in unheard-of lands4 ,ferdinand ,cortez1 at the head of a handful of brave men1 penetrated to the heart of the new continent1 and took possession of its capital2 his arms1 which the natives had not yet seen1 made him appear like a ,god launching his lightnings4 ,europe everywhere displayed extreme activity2 a spirit of enterprise was developed in all hearts2 the hour had come when the nations of ,europe were about to see open before them a new horizon of power and grandeur1 the limits whereof were invisible to the eye4 ,magellan discovered the strait which united the east and west2 and ,sebastian d',elcano1 returning to the ,spanish coasts1 after having made the tour of the world1 seemed to be the sublime personification of ,european civilization taking possession of the universe4 ,at one extremity of ,europe1 the crescent still shows itself powerful and threatening1 like a dark figure appearing in the corner of a splendid picture3 but fear nothing2 its armies have been driven from ,granada1 the ,christian host is encamped on the coast of ,africa1 the standard of ,castile floats on the walls of ,oran1 and in the heart of ,spain grows up in silence the wonderful child1 who1 when he has but just laid aside the playthings of his age1 will frustrate the last efforts of the ,moors of that country by the triumphs of ,alpujarres1 and shortly after will break the ,mussulman power for ever on the waves of ,lepanto4 ,the development of mind kept pace with the increase of power4 ,erasmus examined all the sources of knowledge1 astonished the world by his talents and his learning1 and spread his fame in triumph from one end of ,europe to the other4 ,the distinguished ,spaniard1 ,louis ,vives1 rivalled the savant of ,rotterdam1 and undertook nothing less than to regenerate the sciences1 and give a new direction to the human mind4 ,in ,italy1 the schools of philosophy were in a state of fermentation1 and they seized with avidity the new lights brought from ,constantinople4 ,in the same country1 the genius of ,dante and ,petrarch was continued in their illustrious successors2 the land of ,tasso resounded with his accents like the nightingale announcing the coming of the dawn2 while ,spain1 intoxicated with her triumphs1 and transported with pride at the sight of her conquests1 sang like a soldier who1 after victory1 reposes on a heap of trophies4 ,what could resist such superiority1 such brilliant display1 such great power8 ,europe1 already secure against all her enemies1 enjoying a prosperity which must every day increase1 put in possession of laws and institutions better than any which had before been seen1 and whereof the completion and perfection could not fail to come with the slow progress of time3 ,europe1 we say1 in a condition so prosperous1 replete with noble hopes1 was about to commence the work of civilizing the world4 ,even the discoveries which were every day made1 indicated that the happy moment had arrived4 ,fleets transported1 together with warriors1 apostolic missionaries1 whose hands were about to scatter in the new countries the precious seed1 whence1 in the progress of time1 was to grow up the tree under whose shadow new nations were to find shelter4 ,thus was the noble work begun1 which1 favored by ,providence1 was about to civilize ,america1 ,africa1 and ,asia4 ,but the voice of the apostate who was about to cast discord into the bosoms of fraternal nations already resounded in the heart of ,germany4 ,the dispute begins1 minds are excited1 the irritation reaches its height1 an appeal is made to arms1 blood flows in torrents1 and the man who had been commissioned by hell to scatter this cloud of calamities over the earth1 contemplating before his death the dreadful fruit of his labors1 can insult the sorrows of the human race with a cruel and impudent smile4 ,such do we figure to ourselves the genius of evil leaving his dark abode and his throne in the midst of horrors4 ,he suddenly appears on the face of the globe1 his hand sheds desolation and tears on all sides2 he casts a look over the devastation which he has made1 and then buries himself in eternal darkness4 ,by extending itself over ,europe1 the schism of ,luther weakened in a deplorable manner the action of ,europeans on the other nations of the world2 the flattering hopes which had been conceived were dissipated in a moment1 and became no more than a golden dream4 ,henceforth1 the largest part of our intellectual1 moral1 and physical powers was condemned to be employed and sadly wasted in a struggle which armed brethren against brethren4 ,the nations which had preserved ,catholicity were compelled to concentrate all their resources1 power1 and energy1 in order to make head against the impious attacks which the new sectaries made upon them by the press or by force of arms4 ,the nations among whom the contagion of the new errors had been propagated were thrown into a sort of giddiness2 they had no other enemies but the ,catholics1 and they considered only one enterprise worthy of their efforts--the degradation and destruction of the ,roman ,see4 ,their thoughts no longer tended towards the invention of means for improving the lot of the human race2 the immense field which had been thrown open to noble ambition by the recent discoveries1 no longer merited attention2 for them there was only one holy work--that of destroying the authority of the ,roman ,pontiff4 ,this condition of men's minds struck with sterility the ascendency over nations recently discovered or conquered1 which naturally belonged to ,europeans4 ,when the nations of ,europe simultaneously approached new regions1 they no longer met as brothers or generous rivals1 stimulated by noble ambition2 they were exasperated and implacable enemies1 men who differed in religion1 and who fought battles against each other as bloody as those which had formerly been witnessed between the ,christians and the ,moors4 ,the name of the ,christian religion1 which had been the symbol of peace for so many ages--a name which on the eve of battle was able to compel adversaries to lay aside their hatred1 and embrace like brothers1 instead of tearing each other in pieces like lions2 a name which had served as an ensign to secure their triumph over ,mohammedan legions3 this name1 now disfigured by sacrilegious hands1 became a type of discord2 and after ,europe had been covered with blood and mourning1 the scandal was transported to the nations of the ,new ,world4 ,these simple and confiding nations were stricken with stupefaction on seeing the miseries1 the spirit of division1 hatred1 and revenge which reigned among the same men upon whom they had just looked as demigods4 ,from that time forward1 the forces of ,europe were not united in any of those great enterprises which had shed so much glory on previous ages4 ,the ,catholic missionary1 watering the ,indian or ,american forests with his sweat and blood1 could reckon on the assistance of the nation to which he belonged1 if that nation remained ,catholic2 but he could not hope that all ,europe1 uniting in the work of ,god1 would come to sustain the distant missions with her resources2 he knew1 on the contrary1 that a great many ,europeans would calumniate and insult him1 and use all imaginable means to prevent the seed of the gospel from taking root on the new soil1 and increasing the power of the ,popes1 by adding to the renown of the ,catholic ,church4 ,there was a time when the profanations of the ,mussulmen in ,jerusalem1 and the injuries inflicted on the pilgrims who visited the ,holy ,sepulchre1 were sufficient to arouse the indignation of all ,christian nations4 ,they all uttered the cry1 ,to arms6 and in crowds they followed the monk who led them to avenge the outrages against religion and the pious pilgrims4 ,after the heresy of ,luther1 all was changed3 the death of a missionary sacrificed in a foreign land1 his torments and martyrdom1 sublime scenes in which the zeal and charity of the first ages of the ,church reappeared with all their energy3 all this was devoted to contempt and ridicule by men who called themselves ,christians--the unworthy posterity of the heroes whose blood had flowed under the walls of ,jerusalem4 ,in order to conceive in its full extent the evil caused by ,protestantism in this respect1 let us imagine for a moment that ,protestantism had not appeared2 and in this hypothesis1 let us make a few reflections on the probable course of events4 ,in the first place1 all the strength1 genius1 and resources which ,spain employed to make head in the religious wars excited on the continent1 would have been able to exert themselves in the ,new ,world4 ,the same would have been the case with ,france1 the ,low ,countries1 and ,england4 ,these nations1 although divided1 have been able to furnish brilliant and glorious pages in history2 if their action on the new countries had been united and concentrated1 would they not have exerted a vigor and energy which would have been irresistible8 ,imagine all the ports from the ,baltic to the ,adriatic sending their missionaries to the ,east and to the ,west1 as did ,france1 ,spain1 ,portugal1 and ,italy2 imagine all the great cities of ,europe as so many centres where means for this great object are collected2 imagine all the missionaries guided by the same views1 under the influence of the same thought1 and burning with the same zeal for the propagation of the same faith2 wherever they meet1 they meet as brothers1 and co-operate in the common cause2 all are under the same authority3 do you not imagine that you see the ,christian religion exerting herself on an immense scale1 and everywhere gaining the most signal triumphs8 ,the vessel which bears the apostolic men to distant regions may fearlessly unfurl her sails2 when she discovers the flag of another country on the horizon1 she is under no apprehension of meeting with enemies2 she is sure of finding friends and brothers wherever there are ,europeans4 ,the ,catholic missions1 in spite of the obstacles which have been opposed to them by the turbulent spirit of ,protestantism1 have accomplished the most difficult enterprises1 and realized prodigies which form a brilliant page in modern history2 but how much nobler would have been their results1 if ,italy1 ,spain1 ,portugal1 and ,france had been supported by the whole of ,germany1 the ,united ,provinces1 ,england1 and other northern nations8 ,this association was natural1 and must have been realized1 had not the schism of ,luther destroyed it4 ,it may be observed1 moreover1 that this fatal event not only placed an obstacle in the way of universal association1 but hindered the ,catholic nations themselves from devoting the greatest part of their resources to the great work of converting and regenerating the world3 they were compelled to remain continually under arms1 on account of religious wars and civil discords4 ,at this epoch the religious orders were apparently called to be the arm of religion2 by their means religion1 consolidated in ,europe and satisfied with the social regeneration which she had just worked1 would have extended her action to the infidel nations4 ,when we glance over the course of events during the earliest ages of the ,church1 and compare them with those of modern times1 we clearly see that some powerful cause must have interfered in modern times to oppose the propagation of the faith4 ,christianity appears1 and she extends herself immediately with rapidity1 without any aid on the part of men1 and in spite of all the efforts of princes1 sages1 priests1 the passions1 and of all the stratagems of hell4 ,she is but of yesterday1 and already she is powerful1 and prevails in all parts of the empire2 nations differing in language and manners1 nations of various degrees of civilization1 abandon the worship of their false gods1 and embrace the religion of ,jesus ,christ4 ,the barbarians themselves1 as intractable and indomitable as wild horses1 listen to the missionaries who are sent to them1 and bow their heads2 in the midst of conquest and victory1 they are seen to embrace the religion of those whom they have just conquered4 ,christianity in modern times has been in possession of the exclusive empire of ,europe2 and yet she has not been able to succeed in introducing herself again on the coasts of ,africa and ,asia1 which lie under her eye4 ,it is true1 that the greatest part of ,america is become ,christian2 but observe1 that the nations of those countries have been conquered2 there the conquering nations have established those governments which have lasted for ages2 the ,european nations have inundated the ,new ,world with their soldiers and colonies1 so that a considerable portion of ,america is a kind of importation from ,europe2 consequently1 the religious transformation of that country does not resemble that which took place in the early ages of the ,church4 ,turn towards the ,west1 where ,european arms have not obtained a decided preponderance2 see what takes place there3 the nations are still under the yoke of false religions4 ,christianity has not been able to enlighten them2 although the ,catholic missions have obtained the means of founding a few establishments more or less considerable1 the precious seed has not been able to take sufficient root in the soil1 in order to bear the fruits which ardent charity hoped for1 and heroic zeal labored to produce4 ,from time to time1 the rays of divine light have penetrated to the heart of the great empires of ,japan and ,china2 at certain moments flattering hopes might be conceived2 but these hopes have been dissipated1 these rays of light have disappeared like a brilliant meteor amidst the darkness of midnight4 ,what is the cause of this impotence8 whence comes it that the fertilizing power1 after having been so great in the first ages1 had proved so vain in the last8 ,let us not examine the profound secrets of ,providence1 or seek to inquire into the incomprehensible mysteries of the ,divine ways2 but as far as it is given to a feeble spirit to learn the truth by the evidences contained in the history of the ,church1 as far as it is allowed us to carry our conjectures on the designs of the ,most ,high1 according to the indications which the ,lord himself has been pleased to communicate to us1 let us hazard an opinion on the facts3 although dependent on a superior order1 they yet have an ordinary course1 which is regulated by ,god himself4 ,the apostle ,st4 ,paul says that faith comes from hearing4 ,he asks1 how it is possible to hear1 if there is no one who preaches1 and how can there be preaching1 if there is no one who sends8 ,hence1 we must conclude that missions are necessary for the conversion of nations1 since ,god has not thought fit by constant miracles to send legions of angels from heaven to teach the nations who are deprived of the light of the earth4 ,having laid down this principle1 ,i will say that what was required for the conversion of infidel nations was the organization of missions on a large scale4 ,there were required missions which1 by the abundance of their resources and the number of their laborers1 might be in proportion to the greatness of the object4 ,observe that the distances are immense1 that the nations to whom the divine word is to be announced are dispersed in many countries1 and live under the influence of laws1 prejudices1 and climates the most opposite to the spirit of the ,gospel4 ,to make head against such vast wants1 and surmount such great difficulties1 there was required a perfect inundation of missionaries2 without whom the result would remain doubtful1 the existence of religious establishments very precarious1 and the conversion of great nations little probable1 unless ,providence interfered by one of those prodigies which change the face of the world in an instant4 ,now ,providence does not renew these prodigies every moment2 sometimes he does not even accord them to the most ardent supplications of the ,saints4 ,in order to form a complete idea of what took place in the latter ages1 let us pay attention to what exists4 ,what is wanting to infidel nations8 ,what is the incessant cry of the zealous men who devote themselves to the propagation of the ,gospel8 ,do we not constantly hear lamentations on the small number of laborers1 and on the scanty resources which are devoted to the subsistence of the missionaries8 ,is not this penury of resources the cause of the associations now formed among the ,catholics of ,europe8 ,the organization of missions on a large scale would have been realized if ,protestantism had not come to prevent it4 ,the nations of ,europe1 the privileged children of ,providence1 had the obligation and showed a decided will to procure for the other nations of the world1 by all the means in their power1 a participation in the benefits of the faith4 ,unhappily this faith was weakened in ,europe1 it was given up to the caprices of human reason1 and henceforth what had before been of easy execution became impossible4 ,providence1 which had permitted the deplorable disaster of the schism1 permits also to be deferred to a more remote period the happy day when the benighted nations shall enter in great numbers into the fold of the ,church4 ,but perhaps ,i shall be told that the zeal of modern ,catholicity is not that of the early ages of ,christianity1 and this is one of the reasons which have prevented the conversion of infidel nations4 ,i will not make a long comparison on this point2 ,i will not say all that might be said2 ,i will content myself with making an observation which will remove the difficulty at once4 ,our ,divine ,saviour1 in order to send ,his disciples to preach the ,gospel1 wished that they should abandon all they had and follow ,him4 ,the same ,saviour1 revealing to us the infallible sign of true charity1 tells us that there is nothing greater than to give one's life for one's brethren4 ,the ,catholic missionaries of the three last centuries have renounced all1 have abandoned their country1 their families1 all the comforts of life1 all that can engage the heart of man on earth2 they have gone to seek the infidels amid the most imminent dangers1 and they have sealed with their blood1 in all parts of the world1 their ardor for the conversion of their brethren1 and for the salvation of souls4 ,i believe that such missionaries are worthy of succeeding to those of the first ages of the ,church2 all declamations and calumnies are impotent before the triumphant evidence of facts4 ,the ,church of the early ages would be honored1 like that of our times1 by a ,st4 ,francis ,xavier and the martyrs of ,japan4 ,we have spoken1 also1 of the abundance of the missionaries4 ,the ,church had a wonderful fecundity for the conversion of the ancient and barbarian world4 ,at her first appearance1 the fiery tongues of the ,cenacle and the multitude of prodigies made up for numbers1 and multiplied the servants of ,god4 ,nations of different languages1 listening to the same discourse1 heard it at the same time each one in his own tongue2 but after this first impulse1 by which the ,almighty was pleased to confound the powers of hell1 things followed the ordinary course1 and a greater number of missionaries was required for a greater number of conversions4 ,the great centres of faith and charity1 the numerous churches of the ,east and ,west1 furnished in abundance the apostolic men necessary for the propagation of the faith2 and this sacred army had a powerful reserve at hand ready to make up its deficiencies when sickness1 fatigues1 and martyrdom had thinned its ranks4 ,rome was the centre of this great movement2 but ,rome1 in order to give the impulse1 had no need either of fleets ready to transport the holy colonies to many thousand places1 or of great treasures to support missionaries in desert regions and countries altogether unknown4 ,when the missionary1 prostrate at the feet of the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 asked his apostolical benediction1 the holy father could send him in peace with his pastoral staff alone2 he knew that the ,gospel envoy was about to traverse ,christian countries1 and that even in idolatrous lands he would not be far from princes already converted1 from bishops1 priests1 and faithful nations2 none of whom would refuse succor to him who went to sow the divine word in the neighboring countries4 ,i leave the reflections which ,i have just made1 on the injury done to the influence of ,europe by the schism of ,protestantism1 with confidence to the judgment of thinking men4 ,i am deeply convinced that this influence thereby received a terrible blow4 ,without the fatal event of the sixteenth century1 the condition of the world would now be very different from what it is4 ,i may1 no doubt1 delude myself in some degree on this point2 but ,i will appeal to simple good sense whether it is not true1 that unity of action1 of principles1 and of views1 the combination of resources1 and the association of agents1 are not in all things the secret of success1 and the surest guarantee for a happy result4 ,i will then ask whether ,protestantism did not break this unity1 render this combination impossible1 and this association impracticable8 ,are not these facts indisputable1 as clear as the light of day8 ,these facts are recent--they are of yesterday2 what is their consequence8 what deduction should be drawn from them8 ,let impartiality1 good sense1 and mere common sense1 answer me1 if they be only accompanied by good faith4 ,to every thinking man1 it is evident that ,europe is not what she would have been without the appearance of ,protestantism2 and certainly it is not less evident1 that the results of its civilizing influence on the world have not answered the promises of the early years of the sixteenth century4 ,let ,protestants boast of having given a new direction to ,european civilization2 let them vaunt of having enfeebled the spiritual power of the ,popes1 by removing millions of souls from the sacred fold2 let them glory in having destroyed the religious orders in countries subject to their dominion--of having broken in pieces the ecclesiastical hierarchy1 and thrown the ,bible in the midst of ignorant crowds1 with the assurance that1 to understand the sacred volume1 private inspiration or the judgment of natural reason was enough2 yet it is not the less certain that the unity of the ,christian religion has disappeared among them1 that they want a centre whence great efforts may proceed1 that they are without a guide1 wandering like a flock without a shepherd1 blown about by every wind of doctrine1 and unable to bring forth the least of those great works which ,catholicity has produced1 and still produces1 in such abundance2 it is not the less certain that1 by their eternal disputes1 their calumnies1 their attacks upon the dogmas and the discipline of the ,church1 they have compelled the latter to hold herself in an attitude of defence--to contend for three centuries1 depriving her of the precious time and means which she would have used to complete the great projects intended by her1 and already so happily begun4 ,is it a merit to divide men1 to provoke discord1 to excite wars1 to change brother nations into enemies1 to convert the great family-party of nations into an arena for rancorous strife8 ,is it a merit to throw discredit on the missionaries who go to preach the ,gospel to infidel nations--to place all imaginable obstacles in their way--to employ every means to render their zeal useless1 and their charity without result8 ,if1 indeed1 all this be a merit1 then ,i acknowledge that this merit belongs to ,protestantism2 but if all this be disastrous1 and injurious to humanity1 it is ,protestantism which must be responsible for it4 ,when ,luther said that he was charged with a high mission1 he spoke the truth1 but a fearful and alarming truth1 and one which he did not understand4 ,the sins of nations sometimes fill up the measure of the patience of the ,most ,high4 ,the sound of human offences mounts to heaven1 and calls for vengeance2 the ,eternal1 in ,his fearful anger1 sends down a look of fire upon the earth2 then strikes the fatal hour in ,his secret and infinite resolves1 and the son of perdition1 who is to cover the world with mourning and desolation1 appears4 ,as the cataracts of heaven were formerly opened to sweep the human race from the face of the earth1 so are the calamities which the ,god of vengeance holds in reserve for the day of ,his anger1 poured forth from their urn and scattered over the world4 ,the son of perdition raises his voice2 that moment is marked by the beginning of the catastrophe4 ,the spirit of evil moves over the whole face of the globe1 bearing on his sable pinions the echo of that ominous voice4 ,an incomprehensible giddiness takes possession of men's heads2 the nations have eyes1 and see not2 they have ears1 and hear not2 in their delirium1 the most frightful precipices appear to them smooth1 peaceful1 and flowery paths2 they call good evil1 and evil good2 they drink with feverish eagerness of the poisoned cup2 forgetfulness of all the past1 ingratitude for all benefits1 seize all minds2 the work of the genius of evil is consummated2 the prince of the rebellious spirits may again bury himself in his empire of darkness2 and the human race has learned1 by a terrible lesson1 that the indignation of the ,most ,high is not to be provoked with impunity4 ,,chapter ,,xlvi4 ,,the ,,jesuits4 ,as ,i am treating of religious institutions1 ,i must not pass over in silence that celebrated order1 which1 from the first years of its existence1 assumed the stature of a colossus1 and employed all a giant's strength2 that order which perished without having felt decay2 which did not follow the common course of others1 either in its foundation1 in its development1 or even in its fall2 that order of which it is truly and correctly said1 that it had neither infancy nor old age4 ,it is clear that ,i speak of the society of ,jesus1 the ,jesuits4 ,the name alone will be enough to alarm a certain class of readers2 and1 therefore1 in order to tranquillize them1 ,i will say that ,i do not here undertake to write an apology for the ,jesuits2 this task does not belong to the character of my work2 moreover1 others have undertaken it1 and it is not necessary for me to repeat what is well known4 ,but it is impossible to call to mind the religious institutions1 the religious1 political1 and literary history of ,europe1 during the last three centuries1 without meeting the ,jesuits at every step3 we cannot travel in the most distant countries1 traverse unknown seas1 visit the most remote lands1 or penetrate the most frightful deserts1 without finding everywhere under our feet some memorials of the ,jesuits4 ,on the other hand1 we cannot look at our libraries without immediately remarking the writings of some ,jesuits4 ,since this is the case1 even those among our readers who have the greatest horror of them1 ought to pardon us for fixing our attention for a moment on this institute which has filled the world with its name4 ,even if we were to attach no importance to their modern revival1 and to regard their present existence and their probable future as unworthy of examination1 it would still be altogether inexcusable not to speak of them1 at least as a historical fact4 ,to pass them over in silence1 would be to imitate those ignorant and heartless travellers1 who1 with stupid indifference1 tread under foot the most interesting ruins and the most valuable remains4 ,when we study the history of the ,jesuits1 this very extraordinary circumstance is apparent3 they have existed only for a few years1 if compared with the duration of other religious bodies1 and yet there is no religious order which has been the object of such keen animosity4 ,from their origin1 they have had numerous enemies2 never have they been free from them1 either in their prosperity and greatness1 or in their fall1 or even after it2 never has their persecution ceased2 we should rather say1 never has the animosity with which they have been pursued ceased4 ,since their reappearance1 men have constantly fixed their eyes upon them2 they tremble lest they should resume their ancient power2 the splendor which is reflected on them by the recollections of their brilliant history renders them visible everywhere1 and augments the fears of their enemies4 ,how many men among us are more alarmed at the foundation of a ,jesuits' college than at an irruption of ,cossacks6 ,there is1 therefore1 something very singular and extraordinary in this institute1 since it excites the public attention in so high a degree1 and its mere name disconcerts its enemies4 ,men do not despise the ,jesuits1 but they fear them2 sometimes they attempt to throw ridicule on them2 but when that weapon is employed against them1 it is felt that he who wields it is not sufficiently calm to use it with success4 ,in vain does he attempt to affect contempt2 through the affectation every one can perceive disquietude and anxiety4 ,it is immediately seen that he who attacks does not believe himself opposed to insignificant adversaries4 ,his bile is excited1 his sallies become checked1 his words1 steeped in a fearful bitterness1 fall from his mouth like drops from a poisoned cup2 it is clear that he takes the affair to heart1 and does not look upon it as a mere joke4 ,we fancy we hear him say to himself1 ,every thing affecting the ,jesuits is extremely grave2 there is no playing with these men--no regard1 no indulgence1 no moderation of any kind2 it is necessary always to treat them with rigor1 harshness1 and detestation2 with them1 the least negligence may become fatal4 ,unless ,i am much deceived1 this is the best demonstration that can be given of the eminent merit of the ,jesuits4 ,it must be the same with classes and corporations as with individuals--very extraordinary merit necessarily excites numerous enemies1 for the simple reason that such merit is always envied1 and very often dreaded4 ,in order to know the real cause of this implacable hatred against them1 it is enough to consider who are their principal enemies4 ,we know that ,protestants and infidels figure there in the first rank2 in the second1 we remark the men who1 with more or less clearness and resolution1 show themselves but little attached to the authority of the ,roman ,church4 ,both1 in their hatred against the ,jesuits1 are guided by a very rare instinct1 for truly they have never met with a more redoubtable adversary4 ,this reflection is worthy of the attention of sincere ,catholics1 who1 for one cause or another1 entertain unjust prejudices4 ,when we have to form a judgment on the merit and conduct of a man1 it is very often a sure means of deciding between contrary opinions to inquire who are his enemies4 ,when we fix our attention on the institute of the ,jesuits1 on the time of its foundation1 on the rapidity and greatness of its progress1 we find the important truth which ,i have before pointed out more and more confirmed1 viz41 that the ,catholic ,church1 with wonderful fruitfulness1 always furnishes an idea worthy of her to meet all the necessities which arise4 ,protestantism opposed the ,catholic doctrines with the pomp and parade of knowledge and learning2 the clat of human literature1 the knowledge of languages1 the taste for the models of antiquity1 were all employed against religion with a constancy and ardour worthy of a better cause4 ,incredible efforts were made to destroy the pontifical authority2 when they could not destroy it1 they attempted at least to weaken and discredit it4 ,the evil spread with fearful rapidity2 the mortal poison already circulated in the veins of a considerable portion of the ,european nations3 the contagion began to be propagated even in countries which had remained faithful to the truth4 ,to complete the misfortune1 schism and heresy1 traversing the seas1 corrupted the faith of the simple neophytes of the ,new ,world4 ,what was to be done in such a crisis8 ,could such great evils be remedied by ordinary means8 ,was it possible to make head against such great and imminent perils by employing common arms8 ,was it not proper to make some on purpose for such a struggle1 to temper the cuirass and shield1 to fit them for this new kind of warfare1 in order that the cause of truth might not appear in the new arena under fatal disadvantages8 ,who can doubt that the appearance of the ,jesuits was the answer to these questions1 that their institute was the solution of the problem8 ,the spirit of the coming ages was essentially one of scientific and literary progress4 ,the ,jesuits were aware of this truth2 they perfectly understood it4 ,it was necessary to advance with rapidity and never to remain behind3 this the new institute does2 it takes the lead in all sciences2 it allows none to anticipate it4 ,men study the oriental languages2 they produce great works on the ,bible2 they search the books of the ancient ,fathers1 the monuments of tradition and of ecclesiastical decisions3 in the midst of this great activity1 the ,jesuits are at their posts2 many supereminent works issue from their colleges4 ,the taste for dogmatical controversy is spread over all ,europe3 many schools preserve and love the scholastic discussions3 immortal works of controversy come from the hands of the ,jesuits1 at the same time that they yield to none in skill and penetration in the schools4 ,the mathematics1 astronomy1 all the natural sciences1 make great progress2 learned societies are formed in the capitals of ,europe to cultivate and encourage them3 in these societies the ,jesuits figure in the first rank4 ,the spirit of time is naturally dissolvent3 the institute of the ,jesuits is interiorly armed against dissolution2 in spite of the rapidity of its course1 it advances in a compact order1 like the mass of a powerful army4 ,the errors1 the eternal disputes1 the multitude of the new opinions1 even the progress of the sciences1 by exciting men's minds1 give a fatal inconstancy to the human intellect--an impetuous whirlwind1 agitating and stirring up all things1 carries them away4 ,the order of the ,jesuits appears in the midst of this whirlwind1 but it partakes neither of its inconstancy nor of its variability2 it pursues its career without losing itself2 and while only irregularity and vacillation are seen among its adversaries1 it advances with a sure step1 tending towards its object1 like a planet which performs its orbit according to fixed laws4 ,the authority of the ,pope1 assailed with animosity by ,protestants1 was indirectly attacked by others with stratagem and dissimulation2 the ,jesuits showed themselves faithfully attached to that authority2 they defend it wherever it is threatened2 like vigilant sentinels1 they constantly watch over the preservation of ,catholic unity4 ,their knowledge1 influence1 and riches never affect their profound submission to the authority of the ,popes--a submission which was ever their distinctive characteristic4 ,in consequence of the discovery of the new countries in the east and west1 a taste for travelling1 for observing distant countries1 for the knowledge of the language1 manners1 and customs of the recently discovered nations1 was developed in ,europe4 ,the ,jesuits1 spread over the face of the globe1 while preaching the ,gospel to the nations1 do not forget the study of the thousand things which may interest cultivated ,europe2 and at their return from their gigantic expeditions1 they are seen adding their valuable treasures to the common fund of modern science4 ,how1 then1 can we be surprised that ,protestants have been so violent against an institute in which they found so terrible an enemy2 and1 on the other hand1 was there any thing more natural than to see all the other enemies of religion1 enemies some of whom were wholly unmasked and some partially disguised1 make common cause with ,protestants on this point8 ,the ,jesuits were a wall of brass against the assaults upon the ,catholic faith2 it was resolved to undermine and overturn this rampart2 which in the end was accomplished4 ,very few years had elapsed since the suppression of the ,jesuits1 and already the memory of the great crimes which were imputed to them was effaced by the ravages of an unexampled revolution4 ,men of good faith1 whose excessive confidence had believed perfidious calumnies1 could convince themselves that the riches1 knowledge1 influence1 and the pretended ambition of the ,jesuits1 would never have been as fatal as the triumph of their enemies2 these religious men would never have upset a throne or cut off the head of a king on the scaffold4 ,m4 ,guizot1 in glancing at ,european civilization1 necessarily encountered the ,jesuits2 and it must be acknowledged that he has not done them the justice to which they are entitled4 ,after having lamented the inconsistency of the ,protestant ,reformation1 and the narrow spirit which guided it1 after having confessed that ,catholics knew very well what they did and what they wished1 and that they acted up to the principles of their conduct and avowed all their consequences1 ,m4 ,guizot declares that there never was a more consistent government than that of ,rome1 and that the court of ,rome1 always having a fixed idea1 has known how to pursue a consistent and regular line of conduct2 he extols the strength which results from a full knowledge of what one does and what one wishes2 he shows the advantage of a settled design1 and of the complete and absolute adoption of a principle and system2 that is to say1 he makes a brilliant panegyric on1 and a powerful apology for1 the ,catholic ,church4 ,nevertheless1 ,m4 ,guizot finds the ,jesuits in his way1 and unworthy as it is of such a mind as his1 which1 in order to require just renown1 has no need of burning incense before vulgar prejudices or mean passions1 he attempts1 in passing1 to throw a reproach upon them4 ,every one knows1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 that the principal power instituted to contend against the religious revolution1 was the order of the ,jesuits4 ,throw a glance over their history2 they have failed everywhere2 wherever they have interfered to any extent1 they have brought misfortune to the cause in which they have engaged4 ,in ,england they have destroyed kings1 in ,spain nations4 ,m4 ,guizot had just told us of the superiority which is obtained over an adversary by regular and consistent conduct1 by the complete and absolute adoption of a system1 and by a fixed idea2 as a proof of all this he showed us the ,jesuits1 he exhibited to us in them the expression of the system of the ,church2 and behold1 without any explanation1 if not without a motive1 the writer suddenly changes his course2 the advantages of the system which he has just praised disappear from his eyes2 for those who follow this system1 that is the ,jesuits themselves1 fail everywhere1 and everywhere bring misfortunes on the cause which they embrace4 ,how can such assertions be reconciled8 ,the credit1 influence1 and sagacity of the ,jesuits have passed into a proverb4 ,the reproach against them was1 of having extended their views too far1 of having conceived ambitious plans1 and obtained by their skill a decided ascendency in all the places where they succeeded in gaining entrance2 ,protestants themselves have openly confessed that the ,jesuits were their most redoubtable adversaries2 it was always thought that the foundation of the order had an immense result1 and now we learn from ,m4 ,guizot1 that the ,jesuits have everywhere failed2 that their support1 far from being a great succour1 always brought fatality and misfortune to the cause of which they declared themselves the advocates4 ,if they were such fatal servants1 why were their services sought with so much eagerness8 ,if they always conducted affairs so ill1 why have the most important ones in the end fallen into their hands8 ,adversaries so foolish or so unfortunate certainly ought not to have excited in the enemies' camp so much clamor as was raised at their approach4 ,in ,england the ,jesuits have destroyed kings1 in ,spain nations4 ,nothing is easier than these bold strokes of the pen2 the whole of a great history is traced in a single line1 and an infinity of facts1 grouped and confounded1 are made to pass under the eye of the reader with the rapidity of lightning2 the eye has not even time to look at them1 still less to analyze them as would be necessary4 ,m4 ,guizot should have devoted some sentences to prove his assertion2 he should have stated the facts and pointed out the reasons on which he builds1 when he affirms that the influence of the ,jesuits has had so fatal an effect4 ,with respect to the kings of ,england here so boldly sacrificed1 ,i cannot enter into an examination of the religious and political revolutions which agitated and desolated the three kingdoms for two centuries after the schism of ,henry ,,viii4 ,these revolutions1 in their immense circle1 have presented very different phases2 disfigured and perverted by the ,protestants1 who have success in their favor1 that decisive1 if not convincing argument1 they have made some men of little reflection believe that the disasters of ,england were in great part due to the imprudence of the ,catholics1 and1 as an indispensable corollary1 to the pretended intrigues of the ,jesuits4 ,in spite of this1 the ,catholic movement which ,england has witnessed for half a century1 and the great works which every day carry on the restoration of ,catholicity1 will at last disperse the calumnies by which our faith has been stigmatized4 ,before long1 the history of the last three centuries will be restored as it ought1 and the truth will appear in its proper light4 ,this observation relieves me from the necessity of entering into details on the subject of the first assertion of ,m4 ,guizot2 but ,i must not leave without reply what he so gratuitously affirms on the subject of ,spain4 ,the ,jesuits have destroyed nations in ,spain1 says ,m4 ,guizot2 ,i wish that the publicist had explained to us to what great disaster he alluded4 ,to what period does he refer8 ,i have examined our history1 and ,i do not find this destruction which was caused by the ,jesuits2 ,i cannot imagine whereon the historian fixed his eyes when he pronounced these words4 ,nevertheless1 the antithesis between ,spain and ,england1 between nations and kings1 leads us to suspect that ,m4 ,guizot alluded to the shipwreck of political liberty2 we are not aware that there is any other better-founded or more legitimate interpretation4 ,but then a new difficulty presents itself3 how can we believe that a man so versed in the knowledge of history1 composing a course of lectures which is particularly devoted to the general history of ,european civilization1 should fall into a palpable error1--should commit an unpardonable anachronism8 ,indeed1 whatever may be the judgments of publicists on the causes which have produced the loss of liberty in ,spain1 and on the important events of the days of the ,catholic sovereigns1 of ,philippe le ,beau1 of ,jeanne-la-,folle1 and the regency of ,cisneros1 all are unanimous in saying that the war of the ,commons was the critical moment1 decisive of the liberty of ,spain2 all are agreed that the two parties played their last stake at that time1 and that the battle of ,villalar and the punishment of ,padilla1 by confirming and increasing the royal power1 destroyed the last hopes of the partisans of the ancient liberties4 ,well1 the battle of ,villalar was fought in #aeba2 at that time the ,jesuits did not exist1 and ,st4 ,ignatius1 their founder1 was still a brilliant knight1 battling like a hero under the walls of ,pampeluna4 ,to this there is no reply2 all philosophy and eloquence are unable to efface these dates4 ,during the sixteenth century1 the ,cortes met more or less often1 and with more or less influence1 above all in the kingdom of ,aragon2 but it is as clear as daylight that the royal power had every thing under its domination1 that nothing could resist it1 and the unfortunate attempt of the ,aragonese1 at the time of the affair of ,don ,antonio ,perez1 sufficiently shows that there existed then no remains of ancient liberty which could oppose the will of kings4 ,some years after the war of the ,commons1 ,charles ,v4 gave the coup de grace to the ,cortes of ,castile1 by excluding from it the clergy and the nobles1 to leave only the ,estamento de ,procuradores1 a feeble rampart against the exigencies1 against the all-powerful attempts of a monarch on whose dominions the sun never set4 ,this exclusion took place in #aech1 at the time when ,st4 ,ignatius was still occupied with the foundation of his order2 the ,jesuits1 therefore1 could have had no influence therein4 ,still more1 the ,jesuits1 after their establishment in ,spain1 never employed their influence against the liberty of the people4 ,from their pulpits they did not teach doctrines favorable to despotism2 if they reminded the people of their duties1 they also reminded kings of theirs2 if they wished the rights of monarchs to be respected1 they would not allow those of the people to be trodden under foot4 ,to prove the truth of this1 ,i appeal to the testimony of those who have read the writings of the ,jesuits of that time on questions of public law4 ,the ,jesuits1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 were called to contend against the general course of events1 against the development of modern civilization1 against the liberty of the human mind4 ,if the general course of events is nothing but the course of ,protestantism1 if the development of ,protestantism is the development of modern civilization1 if the liberty of the human mind consists only in the fatal pride1 in the mad independence which the pretended reformers communicated to it1 then nothing is more true than the assertion of the publicist2 but if the preservation of ,catholicity is a fact of any weight in the history of ,europe1 if her influence during the last three centuries has amounted to any thing1 if the reigns of ,charles ,v41 ,philip ,,ii41 ,louis ,,xiv41 do not deserve to be effaced from modern history1 and if regard ought to be had to that immense counterpoise to which was owing the equilibrium of the two religions2 in fine1 if the faith of ,descartes1 ,malebranche1 ,bossuet1 and ,fnlon1 can make a dignified appearance in the picture of modern civilization1 it is impossible to understand how the ,jesuits1 when intrepidly defending ,catholicity1 could be struggling against the general course of events1 against the development of modern civilization1 and against the freedom of human thought4 ,after having made this first false step1 ,m4 ,guizot continues to slip in a deplorable manner4 ,i particularly call the attention of my readers to the following evident contradictions3 ,with the ,jesuits1 there is no clat1 no grandeur4 ,they have performed no brilliant exploits4 ,the publicist entirely forgets what he has just advanced1 or rather he directly retracts it1 when he adds1 a few lines further1 and yet1 nothing is more certain than that they have had grandeur2 a grand idea belongs to their names1 to their influence1 and to their history4 ,it is because they knew what they did1 and what they wished2 it is because they had a clear and full knowledge of the principles on which they acted1 and of the end towards which they tended2 that is to say1 because they have had grandeur of thought and of will4 ,is genius in its vastest enterprises1 in the realization of its most gigantic projects1 any thing more than a grand idea and a grand intention8 ,the mind conceives1 the will executes2 this fashions the model1 that makes the application2 if there be grandeur in the model and in the application1 how can the whole work fail to be grand8 ,pursuing the task of lowering the ,jesuits1 ,m4 ,guizot makes a parallel between them and the ,protestants2 he confounds ideas in such a way1 and so far forgets the nature of things1 that one would hardly believe it1 if the words themselves did not prove it beyond a doubt4 ,forgetting that it is necessary for the terms of a comparison not to be of a totally different kind1 which renders all comparison impossible1 ,m4 ,guizot compares a religious institute with whole nations2 he goes so far as to reproach the ,jesuits with not having raised the people en masse1 and with not having changed the form and condition of states4 ,here is the passage3 ,they have acted in subterraneous1 dark1 and inferior ways2 in ways which were not at all apt to strike the imagination1 or to conciliate for them that public interest which attaches itself to great things1 whatever may be their principle and end4 ,the party against which they contended1 on the contrary1 not only conquered1 but conquered with clat2 it has done great things and by great means2 it has aroused nations2 it has filled ,europe with great men2 it has changed the form and the lot of nations in the face of day4 ,in a word1 all has been against the ,jesuits1 both fortune and appearances4 ,without intending to offend ,m4 ,guizot1 let us avow1 that for the honor of his logic1 one would desire to efface from his writings such phrases as we have just read4 ,what6 ought the ,jesuits to have put the nations in motion1 made them arise en masse1 and changed the form and condition of states8 ,would they not have been extraordinary religious men1 if they had been allowed to do such things8 ,it was said of the ,jesuits that they had unbounded ambition1 and that they attempted to rule the world2 and now they are compared with their adversaries in order to throw it in their faces that the latter have overturned the world2 a distinguished merit1 which must have been a disgrace to the ,jesuits themselves4 ,indeed1 the ,jesuits have never attempted to imitate their adversaries on this point2 with respect to the spirit of confusion and perturbation1 they joyfully yield the palm to those to whom it rightly belongs4 ,as far as great men are concerned1 if the question be with respect to the greatness of the enterprises which are becoming in a minister of the ,god of peace1 then have the ,jesuits had this kind of grandeur in an eminent degree4 ,whether it be in the most arduous affairs1 or in the vastest projects in science and literature1 whether it be in the most distant missions1 or in the most redoubtable perils1 the ,jesuits have never remained behind2 on the contrary1 they have been seen to display a spirit so bold and enterprising1 that they have thereby obtained the most distinguished renown4 ,if the great men of whom ,m4 ,guizot speaks are restless tribunes1 who1 putting themselves at the head of an ungovernable people1 violated the public peace1 if they are the ,protestant warriors whose names have shone in the wars of ,germany1 ,france1 and ,england1 the comparison is foolish1 and has no meaning2 for priests and warriors1 religious and tribunes1 are so distinct1 so different in actions and character1 that to compare them is impossible4 ,justice required that in such a parallel1 where the ,jesuits are taken as one of the terms of the comparison1 ,protestants should not be placed on the other1 unless by them the reformed ministers are meant4 ,even in this later case the comparison would not have been absolutely exact1 since1 in the midst of the great differences between the two religions1 the ,jesuits are not found alone in defending ,catholicity4 ,the ,church1 during the last three centuries1 has had great prelates1 holy priests1 eminent savants1 and writers of the first order1 who did not belong to the company of ,jesus2 the ,jesuits were reckoned among the principal champions1 but they were not the only ones4 ,had it been wished fairly to compare ,protestantism with ,catholicity1 it would have been requisite to oppose ,protestant to ,catholic nations1 to compare priests with priests1 savants with savants1 politicians with politicians1 warriors with warriors2 to do otherwise is monstrously to confound names and things1 and to reckon too much on the limited understandings and excessive simplicity of hearers and readers4 ,it is certain that if the method we have pointed out were adopted1 ,protestantism would not appear so brilliant and superior as the publicist has exhibited it to us4 ,catholics1 as ,m4 ,guizot well knows1 do not yield to ,protestants in letters1 in war1 or in political ability4 ,history is there2 let it be consulted4 ,,chapter ,,xlvii4 ,,the ,,future ,,of ,,religious ,,institutions4--,,their ,,present ,,necessity4 ,when1 after having fixed our eyes on the vast and interesting picture which religious communities present to us1 after having called to mind their origin1 their varied forms1 their vicissitudes of poverty and riches1 of depression and prosperity1 of coldness and of fervor1 of relaxation and strict reform1 we see them still subsist and arise anew on all sides1 in spite of the efforts of their enemies1 we naturally ask what will be their future8 their past is full of glory2 what influence have they not exerted in society1 under a thousand different aspects1 and in the thousand phases of society itself8 ,yet what spectacle do they show us in modern times8 ,on one hand they have been weakened1 like an old wall which we see ruined by the effect of time2 on the other we have seen them suddenly disappear1 like weak trees overthrown by the whirlwind4 ,moreover1 they seemed to be condemned by the spirit of the age without appeal4 ,matter having become supreme1 extended its empire on all sides1 scarcely allowing the mind a moment for reflection and meditation2 industry and commerce1 carrying their turmoil to the remotest parts of the earth1 confirmed the judgment of an irreligious philosophy against a class of men devoted to prayer1 silence1 and solitude4 ,nevertheless1 facts every day belie their conjectures2 the hearts of ,christians still preserve the most flattering hopes1 and these hopes are strengthened and animated more and more4 ,the hand of ,god1 who carries out ,his high designs and laughs at the vain thoughts of man1 shows it more and more wonderful4 ,philosophy sees a wide field for meditation open before it2 it anticipates the probable future of religious communities2 it may make conjectures on the influence which is reserved for them in society for the future4 ,we have already seen what is the real origin of religious institutions2 we have found that origin in the spirit of the ,catholic religion1 and history has told us that they have arisen wherever she is established4 ,they have varied in form1 in rule1 in object1 but the fact has been always the same4 ,thence we have inferred that wherever the ,catholic faith shall be maintained1 religious institutions will appear anew under some form or other4 ,this prognostic may be made with complete certainty2 we do not fear that time will belie it4 ,we live in an age steeped in voluptuous materialism2 interests which are called positive1 or1 in plainer terms1 gold and pleasure1 have acquired such an ascendency that we might apparently fear to see some societies lamentably retrograde towards the manners of paganism1 towards that period of disgrace when religion might be summed up in the deification of matter4 ,but in the midst of this afflicting picture1 when the mind1 full of anguish1 feels itself on the point of swooning away1 the observer sees that the soul of man is not yet dead1 and that lofty ideas1 noble and dignified feelings1 are not entirely banished from the earth4 ,the human mind feels itself too great to be limited to wretched objects2 it comprehends that it is given it to rise higher than an air-balloon4 ,observe what happens with respect to industrial progress4 ,those steam-vessels which leave our ports with the rapidity of an arrow to traverse the immensity of ocean1 those burning vehicles which skim along our plains1 and penetrate into the heart of mountains1 realizing under our eyes what would have seemed a dream to our fathers2 those other machines which give movement to gigantic workshops1 and as if by magic set in motion innumerable instruments1 and elaborate with the most wonderful precision the most delicate productions3 all this is great and wonderful4 ,but however great1 however wonderful it may be1 it no longer astonishes2 these wonders no longer captivate our attention in a more lively manner than the generality of the objects which surround us4 ,man feels that he is still greater than these machines and masterpieces of art2 his heart is an abyss which nothing can fill2 give him the whole world1 and the void will be the same4 ,the depth is immeasurable2 the soul1 created in the image and likeness of ,god1 cannot be satisfied without the possession of ,him4 ,the ,catholic religion constantly revives these lofty thoughts1 and points out this immense void4 ,in barbarous times she placed herself among rude and ignorant nations to lead them to civilization2 she now remains among civilized nations to provide against the dissolution which threatens them4 ,she disregards the coldness and neglect with which indifference and ingratitude reply to her2 she cries out without ceasing1 addresses her warnings to the faithful with indefatigable constancy1 makes her voice resound in the ears of the incredulous1 and remains intact and immovable in the midst of the agitation and instability of human things4 ,thus do those wonderful temples which have been left to us by the remotest antiquity1 remain entire amid the action of time1 of revolutions1 and of convulsions2 around them arise and disappear the habitations of men1 the palaces of the great and the cottages of the poor1 but the time-stained edifice stands like a solemn and mysterious object in the midst of the smiling fields and showy structures which surround it2 its vast cupola annihilates all that is near2 its summit boldly rises towards the heavens4 ,the labors of religion do not remain without fruit2 penetrating minds acknowledge her truths2 even those who refuse their submission to the faith confess the beauty1 utility1 and necessity of this divine religion2 they regard it as an historical fact of the highest importance1 and agree that the good order and prosperity of families and states depend upon it4 ,but ,god1 who watches over the safety of the church1 is not content with these avowals of philosophy2 torrents of all-powerful grace descend from on high1 and the ,divine ,spirit is diffused and renewed on the face of the earth4 ,even from the whirlwind of the world1 corrupt and indifferent as it is1 privileged men frequently come forth1 whose foreheads have been touched with the flame of inspiration1 and whose hearts are on fire with heavenly love4 ,in retreat1 in solitude1 in meditation on the eternal truths1 they have acquired that disposition of mind which is necessary to perform arduous tasks2 in spite of raillery and ingratitude1 they devote themselves to console the unfortunate1 to educate the young1 and to convert idolatrous nations4 ,the ,catholic religion will last till the end of time1 and so long will there be these privileged men separated by ,god from the rest1 to be called to extraordinary sanctity1 or to console their brethren in their misfortunes4 ,now these men will seek each other1 will unite to pray1 will associate to aid each other in their enterprise1 will ask for the apostolical benediction of the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ1 and will found religious institutions4 ,whether they be old orders only modified1 or entirely new ones2 whatever be their forms1 rules of life or dress1 all this is of little importance2 the origin1 the nature1 and the object will be the same4 ,it is vain for men to oppose the miracles of grace4 ,even the present condition of society will require the existence of religious institutions4 ,when the organization of modern nations shall have been more profoundly examined1 when time by its bitter lessons and terrible experience shall have thrown more light on the real state of things1 it will be evident that errors greater than men have imagined1 have been committed in the social as well as in the political order4 ,sad experience has corrected ideas to a great extent1 but this does not suffice4 ,it is evident that present societies want the necessary means to supply the necessities which press upon them4 ,property is divided and subdivided more and more2 every day it becomes more feeble and inconstant1 industry multiplies productions in an alarming manner1 commerce extends itself indefinitely2 that is to say1 society1 approaching the term of pretended social perfection1 is on the point of attaining the wishes of that materialistic school1 in whose eyes men are only machines1 and which has not imagined that society can undertake any grander or more useful object than the immense development of material interests4 ,misery has increased in proportion to the augmentation of production2 to the eyes of all provident men it is as clear as the light of day that things are pursuing a wrong course1 and that if a remedy cannot be applied in time1 the dnouement will be fatal2 the vessel which we see advancing so rapidly1 with all her sails set and a favorable wind1 is about to strike upon a rock4 ,the accumulation of riches1 brought about by the rapidity of the industrial and commercial movement1 tends towards the establishment of a system which would devote the sweat and the lives of all to the profit of the few2 but this tendency finds its counterpoise in levelling ideas which agitate very many heads1 and which1 moulded into different theories1 more or less openly attack property1 the present organization of labor1 and the distribution of productions4 ,immense multitudes1 overwhelmed with misery and in want of moral instruction and education1 are disposed to promote the realization of projects not less criminal than foolish1 whenever an unhappy concurrence of circumstances shall render the attempt possible4 ,it is superfluous to support the melancholy assertions which we have just made with facts2 the experience of every day confirms them but too much4 ,such being the case1 may we be allowed to inquire of society1 what means there are1 either of improving the state of the masses1 or of guiding and restraining them8 ,it is clear that1 for the first of these1 neither the inspirations of private interests1 nor the instinct of preservation which animates the favored classes1 are sufficient4 ,these classes1 properly speaking1 as they exist1 have not the character which constitutes a class3 they are only a collection of families just emerged from poverty and obscurity1 and who rapidly advance towards the abyss whence they came1 leaving their place to other families who will run the same course4 ,we find nothing fixed or stable about them4 ,they live from day to day1 without thinking of the morrow3 far different from the old nobility1 whose origin was lost in the obscurity of the remotest antiquity1 and whose strength and organization promised long centuries of existence4 ,these men could and did follow a system2 for what existed to-day was sure of existence to-morrow2 now all is changeable and inconstant4 ,individuals1 like families1 labor to accumulate1 to lay by riches1 not in order to sustain for ages the power and splendor of an illustrious house1 but to enjoy to-day what has been but just acquired4 ,the presentiment of the short duration which things must have1 augments still more the giddiness and frenzy of dissipation4 ,the times are past when opulent families were desirous of founding some enduring establishment to evince their generosity and perpetuate the splendor of their names3 hospitals1 and other houses of beneficence1 do not come from the coffers of the bankers1 as they did from those of the old castles4 ,we must acknowledge1 however painful may be the avowal1 that the opulent classes of society do not fulfil the duty which belongs to them3 the poor should respect the property of the rich2 but the rich should1 in their turn1 respect the condition of the poor3 such is the will of ,god4 ,it follows from what ,i have stated1 that the resource of beneficence is wanting in the social organization2 and observe well1 that administration does not constitute society4 ,administration supposes society to be already existing and entirely formed2 when we expect the salvation of society from means purely administrative1 we attempt a thing which is out of the laws of nature4 ,in vain shall we imagine new expedients2 in vain shall we form ingenious plans1 and make new experiments2 society has need of a more powerful agent4 ,it is essential that the world should submit to the law of love or that of force1 to charity or servitude4 ,all the nations who have not had charity1 have found no other means of solving the social problem1 than that of subjecting the greatest number to slavery4 ,reason teaches1 and history proves1 that neither public order1 property1 nor even society itself1 can exist1 unless one of these is chosen2 modern society will not be exempted from the general law2 the symptoms which now present themselves to our eyes clearly indicate the events whereof the generations which are to succeed us will be the witnesses4 ,happily1 the fire of charity still burns on the earth2 but the indifference and prejudices of the wicked compel it to remain under the embers4 ,they are alarmed at the least spark of it which escapes1 as if it would enkindle a fatal conflagration4 ,if the development of institutions which are exclusively based upon the principle of charity was favored1 their salutary results and the superiority which they possess over all that are founded on other principles would soon be evident4 ,it is impossible to supply the wants which ,i have just pointed out1 without organizing1 on a vast scale1 systems of beneficence directed by charity3 now this organization cannot be made without religious institutions4 ,it cannot be denied that ,christians who live in the world may form associations by which this object will be accomplished more or less completely2 but there are always a multitude of cases which absolutely require the co-operation of men exclusively devoted to them4 ,it is necessary1 moreover1 to have a nucleus to serve as the centre of all efforts1 which presents1 by its own nature1 a guarantee for preservation1 and which provides against the interruptions and oscillations which are inevitable in a large concourse of agents1 who are not bound together by any tie strong enough to preserve them from differences1 from separation1 and even from intestine contests4 ,this vast system which we speak of ought to extend not only to beneficence1 but also to the education and instruction of the many4 ,the establishment of schools will remain sterile1 if not mischievous1 as long as they are not founded upon religion2 and they will be thus founded only in appearance and name1 while the direction of these schools does not belong to the ministers of religion4 ,the secular clergy may fulfil a portion of this charge1 but they are not enough for the task2 on the one hand1 their limited number1 and on the other1 their other duties1 prevent their acting on a scale sufficiently large to supply all the necessities of the times3 hence it follows1 that the propagation of religious institutions in our days has a social importance1 which cannot be mistaken without shutting one's eyes to the evidence of facts4 ,if you reflect on the organization of ,european nations1 you will understand that their real advance has been prevented by some fatal cause4 ,indeed1 their situation is so singular1 that it cannot be the result of the principles whence these nations have drawn their origin1 and which have given them their increase4 ,it is evident that the countless multitude which one sees in society1 making use of all its faculties with complete liberty1 could not1 in the state in which it now is1 have been comprised in the primitive design--in the plan of true civilization4 ,when we create forces1 we should know what we shall do with them1 by what means we shall move and direct them2 without this we only prepare violent shocks1 endless agitation1 disorder1 and destruction4 ,the mechanician who cannot introduce a force into his machine without breaking the harmony of the other movers1 takes care not to introduce it2 and he sacrifices acceleration of movement and the greatest strength of impulse to the fundamental necessity of the preservation of the machine and the order and utility of its functions4 ,in the present state of society1 we observe that power which is not in harmony with the others2 and the men who are charged with directing the machine pay but little attention to gaining the required harmony4 ,nothing acts upon the mass of the people but the ardent desire of ameliorating their condition1 of placing themselves in comfort1 and of obtaining the enjoyments of which the rich are in possession2 nothing to induce them to be resigned to the rigors of their lot2 nothing to console them in their misfortunes2 nothing to render the present evils more supportable by the hopes of a better future2 nothing to inspire them with respect for property1 obedience to the laws1 submission to government2 nothing to produce in their minds gratitude towards the powerful classes2 nothing to temper their hatreds1 diminish their envy1 and mollify their anger2 nothing to raise their ideas above earthly things1 their desires from sensual pleasures2 nothing to form in their hearts a solid morality capable of restraining them from vice and crime4 ,if we pay attention1 we shall see that the men of this age have only three means of restraining the masses1 and they regard these as enough2 but reason and experience show that these expedients are not only not efficacious1 but even dangerous2 they are these1--private interests well understood1 public force well employed1 and enervation of body1 followed by feebleness of mind1 which restrains the populace from violent means4 ,let us make the poor man understand1 says the philosopher1 that he has an interest in respecting the property of the rich2 that his powers and his labor are also real property1 which require to be respected in their turn2 let us maintain an imposing public force1 always ready to act on the menaced point1 in order to stifle any attempts at disorder at their birth2 let us organize a police1 extending over society like an immense net1 and allowing nothing to escape its sight2 let us satisfy the people with cheap enjoyments of all kinds2 let us furnish them with the means of imitating1 in their grosser orgies1 the refined pleasures of our saloons and theatres1 thereby their manners will be softened--that is to say1 they will be enervated2 the people will become impotent to make great revolutions1 their arms being weak1 and their hearts cowardly4 ,this is the system of those who attempt to govern society and control disturbing passions without the aid of religion4 ,let us pause for a moment to examine these means4 ,it is1 no doubt1 easy to say1 in fine language1 that the poor man is interested in respecting the property of the rich2 and that from this consideration alone he ought to submit to the established order of things2 and this without even saying a word of the principles of morality1 and leaving out all that is removed from mere material interests4 ,it is easy to write books to explain such doctrines2 but the difficulty consists in making them understood in the same way by the wretched father of a family1 who1 confined all the day to hard labor1 plunged into an unwholesome atmosphere1 or buried in the bowels of the earth to work in a coal-mine1 can scarcely earn the subsistence of himself and his family2 and who1 returning in the evening to his squalid abode1 instead of repose and consolation1 finds only the complaints of his wife and the tears of his children1 asking him for a mouthful of bread4 ,in truth1 is it strange that such a doctrine should not be graciously received by those wretched beings1 whose minds cannot perfectly understand the parity between the poor and the rich with respect to the interests of all1 and the respect due to property8 ,we will say plainly1 that if you banish from the world the moral principles1 and desire to found the respect due to property exclusively on private interest1 the words here addressed to the poor man are only a solemn imposture3 it is false that his private interest is in accordance with the interests of the rich4 ,let us suppose the most fearful revolution1 let us imagine that the established order is radically upset1 that authority gives way1 that all institutions are swallowed up1 that laws disappear1 that properties are divided1 or remain abandoned to the first who shall seize them1 there is no doubt that the rich man loses2 let us see what can happen to the poor4 ,will he be robbed of his wretched possessions8 no one will dream of doing so2 misery tempts not cupidity4 ,you will tell me that he will find no work1 and that hunger will therefore be his lot4 ,that is true2 but do you not see that in this case the poor man is a gambler at a high stake1 for whom the chance of loss1 arising from the want of work1 is compensated by the probabilities of obtaining a share of the rich booty8 ,you add that he will not be allowed to keep that part2 but observe that1 if his poverty becomes changed into riches1 he will soon imagine a new order of things1 a new arrangement1 a government which will guarantee acquired rights1 and prevent the destruction of established things4 ,will he be without an example to follow in such circumstances8 ,have recent examples been so easily forgotten8 ,the poor man sees clearly that a great number of his fellows will suffer evils without end or compensation2 he is not ignorant that he himself may1 perhaps1 be of the number of the unfortunate2 but1 supposing that he has no other guide than interest1 supposing that new misfortunes1 in the last excess1 can bring him only hunger and nakedness--things to which he is so well accustomed1 whether owing to the small return for his labor1 or to the frequent interruptions of work and the vicissitudes of industry--you cannot charge with rashness the boldness with which he comes forward1 at the risk of increasing his privations in some degree1 and with the hope of being delivered from them1 perhaps for ever4 ,this is a matter of calculation2 and when private interest is in question1 we cannot grant to philosophy the right of regulating the calculations of the poor4 ,the public power1 and the vigilance of the police1 are the two resources in which the best hopes are founded2 and certainly not without reason2 for1 at the present time1 if the world is not revolutionized1 it is owing to them4 ,we no longer see1 as in ancient times1 troops of slaves bound together with chains1 but we see whole armies1 with arms in their hands1 guarding capitals4 ,if you observe closely1 after so many discussions1 so many trials1 so many reforms1 so many changes1 questions of government and public order have1 in the end1 resolved themselves into questions of force4 ,the rich class is armed against the poor2 and above both1 there are armies to maintain tranquillity with cannon1 if necessary4 ,assuredly1 the picture which is exhibited to us in this respect1 among modern nations1 is worthy of our attention4 ,since the fall of ,napoleon1 the great powers have enjoyed an ,augustan peace2 for it is not worth while to speak of the small events which1 from time to time1 have disturbed this universal peace2 neither the occupation of ,ancona1 nor the siege of ,antwerp1 nor the war in ,poland1 can be considered as ,european wars2 as to ,spain1 limited1 as she is by nature1 to a narrow theatre1 she can neither traverse the seas1 nor pass the ,pyrenean mountains4 ,well1 in spite of this1 the statistics of ,europe show us enormous armies2 the budgets which are necessary to support them exhaust and overwhelm the nations4 ,what is the use of this military preparation8 ,do you believe that such gigantic forces are kept on foot only that governments may not be taken unawares by a general war2 that war1 which always threatens and never breaks out2 that war1 which is feared neither by the government nor by the people8 ,no6 they have another object3 these armies are intended to compensate for the moral means1 the want of which is deplorably felt on all sides1 and nowhere more keenly than where the words justice and liberty have been proclaimed with the most ostentation4 ,the enervation of the numerous classes1 by means of monotonous1 effortless labor1 and a complete abandonment to pleasure1 may be considered by some as an element of order2 as their power of striking is thereby taken away1 or at least diminished4 ,we allow that the workmen of our age are not capable of displaying the terrible energy of ancient champions of the ,commons2 of those men who1 throwing off the yoke of the feudal lords1 struggled hand to hand with formidable warriors1 whose names were immortalized on the plains of ,palestine4 ,the new revolutionists want1 also1 that courage and that enthusiasm which are communicated to the soul by great and generous ideas4 ,the man who fights only to procure enjoyments will never be capable of making heroic sacrifices4 ,sacrifices demand self-denial2 they are incompatible with egotism3 now the thirst for pleasure is egotism1 carried to the last degree of refinement4 ,nevertheless1 it must be observed that a mode of life purely material1 and deprived of the stimulus of the moral principles1 ends by extinguishing the feelings1 and plunges the soul into a sort of stupidity1 into a forgetfulness of self1 which may1 in certain cases1 supply the place of valor4 ,the soldier who marches with tranquillity to death1 when leaving a brutal orgy1 and the man who commits suicide with imperturbable calmness1 without anxiety for the future1 are precisely in the same position4 ,the boldness of the one1 and the firmness of the other1 show contempt of life4 ,so1 if we suppose their passions to be excited by the trouble of the times1 the numerous class may display an energy of which they are supposed to be incapable2 the sight of their numbers may raise their courage2 bold and cunning leaders1 putting themselves at their head1 may succeed in rendering them terrible4 ,however this may be1 it is at least certain that society cannot continue its career without the aid and influence of moral means2 these means cannot suffice1 shut up within the narrow circle in which they are confined2 consequently1 it is indispensable to encourage the development of institutions adapted to exercise moral influence in a practical and efficacious manner4 ,books are not enough2 the extension of instruction is but an inefficient means1 which may even become fatal1 unless based upon solid religious ideas4 ,the propagation of a vague religious feeling1 undefined1 without rules1 without dogmas or worship1 will only serve to propagate gross superstitions among the masses1 and to form a religion of poetry and romance among the cultivated classes2 they are vain remedies1 which do not stop the progress of the disease2 but1 by augmenting the delirium of the patient1 precipitate his death4 ,the education1 the instruction1 the improvement of the moral condition of the people1 these words1 which are in the mouth of everybody1 prove how keenly and generally the wound in the social body is felt1 and how urgent is the necessity of the timely application of a remedy1 in order to prevent incalculable evils4 ,this is the reason why projects of beneficence ferment in so many minds2 why it is attempted1 under so many different forms1 to establish schools for children and adults1 and other similar institutions2 but all will be useless1 unless the work be confided to ,christian charity4 ,let us profit by the knowledge acquired by experience in this matter2 let us take advantage of administrative improvements1 the better to attain our end2 let the establishments be accommodated to present wants and exigences2 let charity never embarrass the action of power1 and power1 on its side1 never oppose the action of charity3 all this will be well2 but nothing of all this is inconsistent with a system1 in which the ,catholic religion will recover the influence which belongs to her2 of her it may be said1 with perfect truth1 that she makes herself all to all1 to gain the whole world4 ,the little minds which do not carry their views beyond a limited horizon2 bad hearts1 which nourish only hatred1 and delight only in exciting rancor and in calling forth the evil passions2 the fanatics of a mechanical civilization1 who see no other agent than steam1 no other power than gold and silver1 no other object than production1 no other end than pleasure2 all these men1 assuredly1 will attach but little importance to the observations which ,i have made2 for them1 the moral development of individuals and society is of little importance2 they do not even perceive what passes under their eyes2 for them1 history is mute1 experience barren1 and the future a mere nothing4 ,happily there is a great number of men who believe that their minds are nobler than metal1 more powerful than steam1 and too grand and too sublime to be satisfied with momentary pleasure4 ,man1 in their eyes1 is not a being who lives by chance1 given up to the current of time and the mercy of circumstances1 who is not called upon to think of the destinies which attend him1 or to prepare for them1 by making a worthy use of the moral and intellectual qualifications wherewith the ,author of nature has favored him4 ,if the physical world is subject to the laws of the ,creator1 the moral world is not less so2 if matter can be used in a thousand ways for the profit of man1 the mind1 created to the image and likeness of ,god1 is also endowed with valuable powers2 a vast sphere opens before him2 he feels himself called to work for the good of humanity1 without confining himself to combinations and modifications of matter1 like an instrument or a slave of the material element1 whereof the empire and control have been granted to him by ,god4 ,let faith in another life1 and charity1 which have come down from ,god1 fertilize these noble feelings1 and enlighten and direct these sublime thoughts2 you will then clearly see that matter has no claim to be the ruler of the world2 and that the ,king of the creation has not yet abdicated his rights4 ,but if you attempt to build on any other foundation than that which has been established by ,god1 do not indulge flattering hopes1 your edifice will be like the house built upon sand2 the rain came1 the wind blew1 and the edifice was overturned with violence4#bg ,,chapter ,,xlviii4 ,,religion ,,and ,,liberty4 ,in the thirteenth chapter of this work we said1 ,the heart is filled with generous indignation when we hear the religion of ,jesus ,christ reproached with a tendency towards oppression4 ,it is true1 that if we confound the spirit of real liberty with that of demagogues1 we shall not find it in ,catholicity4 ,but if we abstain from a monstrous abuse of the name1 if we give to the word liberty its reasonable1 just1 useful1 and pleasant meaning1 then the ,catholic religion may fearlessly claim the gratitude of the human race1 for she has civilized the nations who have professed her1 and civilization is true liberty4 ,from what we have already shown1 the reader may judge whether ,catholicity has been favorable1 or otherwise1 to ,european civilization1 and1 consequently1 whether she has done any injury to real liberty4 ,on the various points on which we have compared her with ,protestantism1 we have seen the injurious tendencies of the one and the advantages of the other2 the judgment of clear and enlightened reason cannot be doubtful4 ,as the real liberty of nations does not consist in appearances1 but resides in their intimate organization1 in the same way as the life does in the heart1 ,i might dispense with entering into a comparison of the two religions with respect to civil liberty2 but ,i do not wish to be accused of having avoided a delicate question1 from a fear that ,catholicity would not come out of it with honor1 or to allow it to be suspected that my faith has any difficulty in sustaining a parallel as advantageously on this ground as on others4 ,in order to clear up this question completely1 it is necessary to examine thoroughly the vague accusations which have been made on this matter against ,catholicity1 and the eulogiums lavished on the pretended ,reformation4 ,it is necessary to show that only gratuitous calumny has been able to reproach the ,catholic religion with favoring servitude and oppression2 it is necessary to dissipate1 by the light of philosophy and history1 that deceitful prejudice1 by the aid of which freethinkers and ,protestants have labored to persuade the people that ,catholicity is favorable to servitude1 that the ,church is the bulwark of tyrants1 that the name of ,pope is synonymous with that of friend and natural protector of whoever desires to debase men and reduce them to servitude4 ,there are two ways in which this question may be decided2 by doctrines and by facts4 ,those who have said that the human race had lost its rights1 and that they were revived by ,rousseau1 certainly have not given themselves much trouble in examining what are the real rights of the human race1 and what are the apocryphal rights advanced by the philosopher of ,geneva in his ,contrat ,social4 ,indeed1 it may be said with more truth1 that the human race had very valuable rights1 acknowledged as such1 and which ,rousseau lost sight of4 ,he undertook to examine thoroughly the origin of the civil power1 and his wild notions1 instead of explaining the matter1 have only served to confuse it4 ,i believe that on this important point men have never had ideas less clear and distinct than now4 ,revolutions have upset every thing in theory and in fact2 governments have been sometimes revolutionary1 sometimes reactionary2 and sometimes revolution1 and sometimes reaction1 has been predominant4 ,it is extremely difficult to obtain from modern books a clear1 accurate1 and exact knowledge of the nature of the civil power1 of its origin1 and of its relations with subjects2 in some of these you will find the doctrines of ,rousseau1 in others those of ,bonald3 ,rousseau is a miner who saps in order to overturn2 ,bonald is the hero who saves in his arms the tutelary deities of the city delivered to the flames2 but in his fear of profanation1 he carries them covered with a veil4 ,however1 it would not be just to attribute to ,rousseau the melancholy honor of having begun the confusion of ideas on this point2 at various times there have been found misguided men1 who have labored to disturb society by anarchical doctrines2 but the embodiment of these doctrines1 and the forming of them into seductive theories1 dates chiefly from the birth of ,protestantism4 ,luther1 in his book ,de ,libertate ,christiana1 sowed the seeds of endless troubles by the extravagant doctrine1 that a ,christian is subject to no one4 ,in vain did he have recourse to the evasive declaration1 that he did not speak of magistrates or civil laws2 the peasants of ,germany drew their own consequences2 they rose up against their lords1 and enkindled a dreadful war4 ,the divine right held by ,catholics has been accused of favoring despotism2 and it has been considered as so much opposed to the rights of the people1 that the two expressions are often antithetically employed4 ,divine right1 well understood1 is not opposed to the rights1 but to the excesses of the people2 so far from giving unlimited extent to power1 it confines it within the limits of reason1 justice1 and public advantage4 ,in his lectures on the general history of civilization in ,europe1 ,m4 ,guizot1 speaking of this right as proclaimed by the ,church1 says3 ,the rights of liberty and political guarantees are combined with difficulty with the principle of religious royalty2 but that principle in itself is elevated1 moral1 and salutary4 7,lecture ix47 ,when men like ,m4 ,guizot1 who have made these questions their special study1 are so lamentably deceived on this point1 who can be astonished that the same thing occurs to the generality of writers6 ,before ,i go further1 ,i will make one observation1 which we ought always to have present to our minds4 ,on these questions we continually hear mention made of the schools of ,bossuet and of ,bonald2 private names are put forward1 sometimes in one way and sometimes in another4 ,much as ,i respect the merits of these men1 and of others not less illustrious produced by the ,catholic ,church1 yet ,i must observe that she is not responsible for any doctrines but those which she herself teaches2 that she is not personified in any doctor in particular2 and that being herself appointed by ,god himself to be the oracle of infallible truth in faith and morality1 she does not permit the faithful to defer blindly to the mere word of any private man1 however great may be his merit in science and in sanctity4 ,if you wish to know what the ,catholic ,church teaches1 consult the decisions of her ,councils and her ,pontiffs2 consult also her doctors of distinguished and unsullied reputation2 but beware of confounding the opinions of an author1 however respectable he may be1 with the doctrines of the ,church and the voice of the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ4 ,by this warning ,i do not mean to prematurely condemn the opinions of any one1 but simply to put those on their guard who1 little versed in ecclesiastical studies1 might1 in certain cases1 confound revealed dogmas with what is mere human thought4 ,having premised this much1 let us enter freely into the question4 ,wherein does this divine right1 of which we hear so much1 consist8 ,in order to explain this matter completely1 we must state the objects over which this right extends2 for these objects being widely different1 there will also be a great difference in the application made to them of the principle4 ,a great number of questions present themselves in this very important matter2 but it appears to me that they may all be reduced to these1 which embrace the rest1 viz4 ,what is the origin of the civil power8 ,how far does it extend8 ,is it lawful to resist it in any case8 ,the first question is1 ,what is the origin of the civil power8 ,how do we know that this power is from ,god8 ,there is much confusion prevailing on these points2 and certainly it is to be lamented1 that at a time so disturbed as the present they should be misunderstood2 for whatever may be said to the contrary1 doctrines are never wholly laid aside1 either in revolutions or in restorations2 men's interests1 no doubt1 have great weight therein1 but they are not left alone in the arena4 ,the best way of forming clear ideas on these points is to have recourse to ancient authors1 especially those whose doctrines have been respected for a long period of time1 who continue to be respected down to this day1 and who are looked upon as safe guides in the right interpretation of ecclesiastical doctrines4 ,this way of studying the question which now occupies us ought to be acceptable to those even who entertain contempt for the writers of whom we speak2 for we are now engaged more in seeking in what the doctrine consists1 than in examining into its truth4 ,now for this purpose we cannot find witnesses better informed1 or interpreters more competent1 than men who have devoted their whole lives to the study of the doctrine4 ,this last reflection is in no way contradictory to what we have said above1 on the care which we ought to take not to confound the mere opinions of men with the doctrines of the ,church2 it only tends to remind us of the necessity which exists of perusing a certain class of authors1 who are certainly not worthy of the ungrateful neglect with which they are treated2 indeed1 it is impossible that their important labors1 conscientiously pursued for so long a time1 should produce no fruit4 ,in order to understand the better the opinion of these writers on the matter which now occupies us1 we ought to observe the difference which they make in the application of the general principle of divine right to the origin of the civil or to that of the ecclesiastical power4 ,from this comparison there arises a bright light1 which resolves and clears up all difficulties4 ,open the works of the most distinguished theologians1 consult their treatises on the origin of the power of the ,pope1 and you will see that in establishing this power on divine right1 they mean that it emanates from ,god1 not only in a general sense1 that is1 inasmuch as all being comes from ,god2 not only in a social sense1 that is1 inasmuch as the ,church being a society1 ,god has willed the existence of a power to govern it2 but in a most special manner that ,god has ,himself instituted this power1 that ,he has ,himself established its form1 that ,he has ,himself pointed out the person1 and that consequently the successor to the chair of ,st4 ,peter is of divine right the supreme pastor of the universal ,church1 having over the whole of this ,church supreme honor and jurisdiction4 ,with respect to the civil power1 these authors speak thus4 ,in the first place1 all power comes from ,god2 for power exists1 and all existence comes from ,god2 power is sovereignty1 and ,god is the lord1 the supreme master of all things2 power is a right1 and in ,god is found the source of all right2 power is a moral movement1 and ,god is the universal cause of all sorts of movements2 power tends towards an exalted end1 and ,god is the end of all creatures2 ,his ,providence ordains and directs all things with mercy and efficacy4 ,thus we see that ,st4 ,thomas1 in his work ,de ,regimine ,principum1 affirms that all power comes from ,god as supreme master1 as may be shown in three ways3 as it is a being1 as it is a mover1 and as it is an end4 7,lib4 #c1 cap4 #a47 ,as ,i am treating of this method of explaining the origin of power1 ,i must pause for a moment to refute ,rousseau1 who1 in the allusion which he made to this doctrine1 showed that he did not understand it4 ,he says1 ,all power comes from ,god1 ,i allow2 but all diseases also come from ,him4 ,are we1 therefore1 to say that it is forbidden to call in a physician8 7,contrat ,social1 liv4 i4 c4 #c47 ,it is true that one of the senses in which the divine origin of power is affirmed is1 that all finite beings emanate from an infinite being2 but this sense is not the only one4 ,indeed1 theologians knew very well that this idea1 by itself1 did not imply its legitimacy1 and that it extended as well to physical force2 for as the author of the ,contrat ,social adds3 the pistol held by a robber in a wood is also a power4 ,rousseau1 in this passage1 has sacrificed the sense to show his ingenuity2 the love of making a brilliant sally has seduced him into removing the question from its proper ground4 ,it was easy1 indeed1 to see that1 with respect to the civil power1 men do not speak of a physical1 but of a moral1 a legitimate power2 in any other way it would be in vain to seek for its origin3 as well might they seek the source of riches1 health1 strength1 courage1 subtilty1 or the other qualities which contribute to form the material force of all power4 ,the question is with regard to the moral being which is called power2 and in the moral order1 illegitimate power is not power1 it is not a being1 it is nothing4 ,consequently1 there is no need of seeking its origin in ,god1 or in any thing else4 ,therefore1 power emanates from ,god as the source of all right1 justice1 and legitimacy2 and in considering power1 not as a mere physical1 but as a moral being1 it is affirmed that it can come from ,god alone1 who is the plenitude of all being4 ,not only is this doctrine1 taken generally1 above all difficulty1 but it must be admitted by all who do not profess themselves atheists2 they alone can call it in question4 ,let us now descend to particulars1 and see whether ,catholic doctors teach any thing which is not perfectly reasonable even in the eyes of philosophers4 ,man1 they say1 was not created to live alone2 his existence supposes a family2 his inclinations urge him to form an alliance1 without which the human race could not be perpetuated4 ,families are connected with each other by intimate and indestructible ties2 they have common wants2 none can insure happiness1 or even preservation1 without the aid of others4 ,therefore they are bound to enter into society4 ,society cannot exist without order1 or order without justice2 and both require a guardian1 an interpreter1 an executor4 ,this is the civil power4 ,god1 who created man1 and willed also his preservation1 consequently willed the existence of society1 and the power which it requires4 ,now the existence of the civil power is as conformable to the will of ,god as the existence of the paternal2 if families have need of the paternal1 society has no less need of the civil power4 ,our ,lord has condescended to secure us from mistakes on this important point by telling us in the ,scriptures1 that all power emanates from ,him1 that we are obliged to obey it1 that whoever resists it resists the ,divine command4 ,i seek in vain for an objection to this way of explaining the origin of society1 and of the power which governs it4 ,this doctrine preserves natural1 human1 and divine right2 all these rights are connected1 and support each other4 ,the sublimity of the theory rivals its simplicity2 revelation sanctions what was shown by the light of reason1 and grace fortifies nature4 ,such1 then1 is the famous divine right1 presented as a bugbear to the ignorant and unsuspecting1 in order to make them believe that the ,catholic ,church1 when she teaches the obligation of obeying the legitimate power1 and founds this obligation on the law of ,god1 proposes a dogma injurious to true human liberty4 ,to hear some men ridicule the divine right of kings1 one would say that we ,catholics believed that certain individuals and families have received bulls of institution from ,heaven1 and that we are grossly ignorant of the history of the changes of the civil power4 ,if they had examined the matter more deeply1 they would have found that1 far from being liable to the reproach of such folly1 we have only established a principle the necessity of which was acknowledged by all the legislators of antiquity1 and that our belief is quite reconcilable with true philosophical doctrines and the events recorded by history4 ,in support of what ,i have said1 see with what admirable clearness ,st4 ,chrysostom explains this point in his #bc;d homily on the ,epistle to the ,romans3 ,there is no power that does not come from ,god4 ,what do you say8 ,is every prince1 then1 appointed by ,god8 ,i do not say that2 for ,i do not speak of any prince in particular1 but of the thing itself1 that is1 of the power itself3 ,i affirm that the existence of principalities is the work of the divine wisdom1 and that to it it is owing that all things are not given up to blind chance4 ,therefore it is that the ,apostle does not say1 ,that there is no prince who does not come from ,god2 but he says1 speaking of the thing in itself1 ,there is no power which does not come from ,god4 ,non est potestas1 nisi a ,deo4 ,quid dicis8 ,ergo omnis princeps a ,deo constitutus8 ,istud non dico4 ,non enim de quovis principe mihi sermo est1 sed de re ipsa1 id est de ipsa potestate4 ,quod enim principatus sint1 quodque non simpliciter et temere cuncta ferantur1 divin sapienti opus esse dico4 ,propterea non dicit3 non enim princeps est nisi a ,deo4 ,sed de re ipsa disserit dicens3 non est potestas nisi a ,deo4 7,hom4 #bc1 in ,epist4 ad ,rom47 ,it appears1 from the words of ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom1 that the meaning of divine right1 according to ,catholics1 is1 that there exists a power for the government of society1 and that it is not abandoned to the mercy of passion and imagination4 ,this doctrine1 which insures public order1 by establishing the obligation of obedience on motives of conscience1 does not descend to the inferior questions1 which do not affect the fundamental principle4 ,it may perhaps be objected1 that if we admit the interpretation of ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom1 it was not necessary for the sacred text to teach that which reason so clearly dictated4 ,to this our reply is twofold3 #ast1 that the sacred ,scripture expressly prescribes to us several obligations which nature imposes on us independently of all divine right1 as to honor parents1 not to kill1 not to rob1 and other things of the kind2 #b;d1 that in the present case the ,apostles had very good reason to recommend particularly obedience to legitimate power1 and to sanction in a clear and conclusive manner this obligation1 founded on the natural law itself4 ,indeed1 the same ,st4 ,chrysostom tells us1 that at that time a very widely-spread opinion represented the ,apostles as seditious men and innovators1 laboring by their speeches and acts to bring about the downfall of laws4 ,plurima tunc temporis circumferebatur fama1 traducens ,apostolos veluti seditiosos rerumque novatores2 qui omnia ad evertendum leges communes et facerent et dicerent4 7,hom4 #bc1 in ,epist4 ad ,tim47 ,it was no doubt to this that ,st4 ,paul alluded when1 admonishing the faithful of the obligation of obeying authority1 he told them that such was the will of ,god1 that by acting thus they might put to silence the imprudence of foolish men4 7,epist4 i4 c4 #b47 ,we also know from ,st4 ,jerome1 that in the beginning of the ,church1 some1 hearing the ,gospel liberty preached1 imagined that universal liberty also was meant4 ,the necessity of inculcating a duty1 the fulfilment of which is indispensable for the preservation of society1 will be clearly perceived if we consider with what ease an error so flattering to proud and rebellious minds might take root4 ,after fourteen centuries had passed away1 we see the error reproduced in the time of ,wickliff and ,john ,huss4 ,the ,anabaptists made a dreadful application of it when they inundated ,germany with blood4 ,at a later period1 the fanatical sectaries of ,england raised the greatest disorders and brought about fearful catastrophes by a similar doctrine1 condemning alike the civil and ecclesiastical power4 ,the religion of ,jesus ,christ1 the law of peace and love1 when preaching liberty1 spoke of that liberty which draws us from the slavery of sin and the power of the devil1 renders us co-heirs of ,jesus ,christ1 and participators of grace and glory4 ,but she was very far from propagating doctrines which could favor disorder1 or subvert law and authority4 ,it was1 then1 of the greatest importance to her to disprove the calumnies by which her enemies attempted to injure her2 it was necessary for her to proclaim1 by her words and acts1 that the public interest had nothing to fear from her doctrines4 ,we also see that after the ,apostles had inculcated this sacred obligation on several occasions1 the ,fathers of the earliest times insist again and frequently on the same point4 ,st4 ,polycarp1 quoted by ,eusebius1 7lib4 iv4 ,hist4 cap4 #ae17 says1 when speaking to the proconsul3 ,it is ordained to render to the magistrates and powers appointed by ,god the honor which we owe them4 ,st4 ,justin1 in his ,apology for the ,christians1 also recalls the precept of ,jesus ,christ touching the payment of tributes3 ,tertullian1 in his ,apology1 chapter third1 reproaches the ,gentiles with the persecution they directed against the ,christians1 even at the time when the latter1 with their hands raised to heaven1 were praying for the safety of the emperors4 ,the zeal of the saints who were charged with the instruction and direction of the faithful succeeded in inculcating this precept so well1 that the ,christians were everywhere a model of submission and obedience4 ,thus ,pliny1 writing to the ,emperor ,trajan1 avowed that1 religion excepted1 he could not accuse them of being at all wanting in the fulfilment of the laws and imperial edicts4 ,nature herself has pointed out the persons in whom resides the paternal power2 the wants of the family mark the limits of this power2 the feelings of the heart prescribe its object and regulate its conduct4 ,in society it is otherwise3 the rights of the civil power are tossed about by the storms of human events2 here this right resides in one person1 there in several2 to-day it belongs to one family1 to-morrow to another2 one day it is exercised under one form1 the next under another very different4 ,the infant who weeps at his mother's bosom reminds her of the obligation of nourishing and watching over it2 woman1 weak and unsupported1 calls unmistakably on man to protect her and her child2 youth1 without strength to sustain or knowledge to direct itself1 shows parents their obligation of care and guardianship4 ,we see clearly the will of ,god2 the order of nature forcibly expresses it2 the tenderest feelings are its echo and interpreter2 we do not require any thing else to show us what is the will of ,god2 we do not need any refinement to convince us that the parental power is from above4 ,the rights and duties of parents and children are written in characters as distinct as they are beautiful4 ,but where shall we find1 with respect to the civil power1 an expression as unequivocal8 ,if power comes from ,god1 by what means does he communicate it8 ,in what channel is it conveyed8 ,this leads us to other secondary questions1 which all conduce to the explanation and solution of the principal question4 ,was there ever a man who by natural right found himself invested with civil power8 ,it is clear that in this case power would have no other origin than paternal authority2 that is to say1 in that case1 the civil power ought to be considered as an amplification of that authority1 as a transformation of domestic into civil power4 ,we immediately see the difference between the domestic and the social order1 their separate objects1 the diversity of rules by which they must be regulated1 and we see how different are the means which they both use for their government4 ,i do not deny that the type of society is found in the family1 and that society is in the most desirable condition when it most resembles the family in command and in obedience2 but mere analogies do not suffice to establish rights1 and it always remains indubitable that those of the civil power must not be confounded with those of the paternal4 ,on the other hand1 the nature of things shows that ,providence1 in ordaining the destinies of the world1 did not establish the paternal as the source of the civil4 ,indeed1 we do not see how such a power could have been transmitted1 and the legitimacy of its claims have been justified4 ,we can easily understand the limited rule of an old man1 governing a society1 composed of two or three generations only1 who were descended from him2 but as soon as this society increased1 extended to several countries1 and consequently was divided and subdivided1 the patriarchal power must have disappeared1 its exercise must have become impossible1 and we can no longer understand how the pretenders to the throne could come to an understanding with each other and the rest of the people1 to justify and legitimize their rule4 ,the theory which acknowledges the paternal as the origin of the civil power may be as promising as you please2 it may sustain itself on the example of the patriarchal government1 which we observe in the cradle of society2 but there are two things against it4 ,first1 it asserts1 but does not prove2 second1 it has no means of attaining the end for which it was intended1 viz4 the consolidation of government1 for it cannot establish itself by proving its legitimacy4 ,the greatest of kings and the humblest of subjects equally know that they are the sons of ,noe2 nothing more4 ,i have not been able to find this theory either in ,st4 ,thomas1 or in any of the other principal theologians2 and to go still higher1 ,i do not know that it can find any authority in the doctrines of the ,fathers1 in the tradition of the ,church1 or in ,scripture itself4 ,it is consequently a mere philosophical opinion1 of which the explanation and proof belong to those who advance it4 ,catholicity says nothing either for or against it4 ,it is then demonstrated that the civil power does not reside in any man of natural right1 and on the other hand1 we know that power comes from ,god4 ,who receives this power from ,god1 and how does he receive it8 ,it is necessary first to observe1 that the ,catholic ,church1 while acknowledging the divine origin of the civil power1 an origin which is expressly stated in ,scripture1 does not define any thing either as to the form of this power1 or the means which ,god employs in communicating it4 ,so that after the ,catholic doctrine is established1 there still remains to be examined and discussed1 who immediately receives the power1 and how it is transmitted8 ,this is acknowledged by theologians when they have treated of this matter2 this should be enough to remove the prejudices of those who consider the doctrine of the ,church on this point as conducive to popular degradation4 ,the ,church teaches the obligation of obeying legitimate authority1 and adds that the power which it exercises emanates from ,god2 this doctrine is as applicable to republics as to absolute monarchies1 and does not prejudge either the forms of government or the particular claims of legitimacy4 ,as to these latter questions they cannot be answered in general terms2 they depend upon a variety of circumstances into which the general principles which are the foundation of the good order and peace of society cannot enter4 ,i think it is so important to give clear ideas on this point1 and to state the doctrines of the most distinguished ,catholic divines1 that ,i consider it necessary to devote an entire chapter to this subject4 ,,chapter ,,xlix4 ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,society1 ,,according ,,to ,,catholic ,,divines4 ,there is nothing more instructive or more interesting1 than the study of public law in those writers who1 pretending not to pass for statesmen1 and entertaining no views of ambition1 express themselves without flattery and without bitterness2 and explain these matters with as much calmness and tranquillity as they would theories of rare application and limited extent4 ,at the present time it is almost impossible to open a book without immediately perceiving to which of the two contending parties the author belongs2 it seldom happens that his ideas are not affected by passion1 or adapted to serve particular designs2 and it not unfrequently happens that1 without conviction1 he speaks according to the dictates of his interest4 ,it is not so with the old writers1 of whom we are speaking4 ,let us render them at least this justice2 that their opinions are conscientious1 their language loyal and sincere2 and whatever may be the judgment with respect to them1 whether we consider them as real sages1 or as ignorant men and fanatics1 we cannot call in question their sincerity2 that they are animated by a religious idea1 that they develop a philosophical system1 that their pens are the faithful interpreters of their thoughts4 ,rousseau attempts to seek the origin of society1 and of the civil power2 and begins the first chapter of his work with these words3 ,man is born free1 and he is everywhere in fetters4 ,do you not immediately perceive the tribune under the mantle of the philosopher8 ,do you not observe that1 instead of addressing himself to the reason1 the writer appeals to the passions2 and wounds the most susceptible of them--viz4 pride4 ,it is in vain for the philosopher to endeavor to make us believe that he does not intend to reduce his doctrines to practice2 his language betrays his design4 ,in another place1 where he attempts nothing less than to give advice to a great nation1 he has hardly begun when he holds over ,europe the torch of an incendiary4 ,when we read ancient history1 we fancy ourselves transported to another world1 and among other beings4 ,what have the ,french1 the ,english1 the ,russians1 in common with the ,greeks and ,romans8 ,hardly any thing but the form4 ,the great souls of the latter appear to the others as exaggerations of history4 ,how can they1 who feel themselves to be so little1 imagine that such great men ever existed8 ,they did exist1 however2 and they were human like ourselves4 ,what hinders our being men like them8 ,our prejudices1 our low philosophy1 and grovelling passions1 combined with the egotism of men's hearts1 by absurd institutions1 directed by men of little minds4 7,considerations on the ,government of ,poland1 c41 ,chap4 #b47 ,do you not observe the poison conveyed in these words of the publicist8 ,and is it not palpable that he had something more in view than enlightening the mind8 ,see with what address he attempts to produce a feeling of irritation1 by harsh and indecent reproaches4 ,let us take the opposite extreme of the comparison1 and see in how different a tone ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin1 in his work ,de ,regimine ,principum1 begins his explanation on the same subject1 and gives directions for good government4a,a ,a ,this subject is so important1 so delicate1 that ,i shall not be satisfied with giving a translation of the passages which ,i quote1 however careful ,i may be to render them exact and literal1 at the risk of irregularity of style and violation of the idiom of our language4 ,i wish1 therefore1 to set before the reader the original texts themselves1 desiring him to judge from them and not from my version4 ,they will be found in the ,appendix4 ,if man1 he says1 was intended to live alone1 like many animals1 he would not require any one to govern him2 every man would be his own king1 under the supreme command of ,god2 inasmuch as he would govern himself by the light of reason given him by the ,creator4 ,but it is in the nature of man to be a social and political animal1 living in community1 differently from all other animals2 a thing which is clearly shown by the necessities of his nature4 ,nature has provided for other animals food2 skins for a covering1 means of defence1--as teeth1 horns1 claws1--or1 at least1 speed in flight2 but she has not endowed man with any of those qualities2 and instead she has given him reason1 by which1 with the assistance of his hands1 he can procure what he wants4 ,but to procure this1 one man alone is not enough2 for he is not in a condition to preserve his own life2 it is1 therefore1 in man's nature to live in society4 ,moreover1 nature has granted to other animals the power of discerning what is useful or injurious to them3 thus the sheep has a natural horror of his enemy the wolf4 ,there are also certain animals who know by nature the herbs which are medicinal to them1 and other things which are necessary for their preservation4 ,but man has not naturally the knowledge which is requisite for the support of life1 except in society2 inasmuch as the aid of reason is capable of leading from universal principles to the knowledge of particular things1 which are necessary for life4 ,thus1 then1 since it is impossible for man alone to obtain all this knowledge1 it is necessary that he should live in society1 one aiding another2 each one applying to his own task2 for example1 some in medicine2 some in one way1 and some in another4 ,this is shown with great clearness in that faculty peculiar to man1 language--which enables him to communicate his thoughts to others4 ,indeed1 brute animals mutually communicate their feelings2 as the dog communicates his anger by barking1 and other animals their passions by various ways4 ,but man1 with respect to his fellows1 is more communicative than any other animal2 even than those who are the most inclined to live in union1 as cranes1 ants1 and bees4 ,in this sense1 ,solomon says1 in ,ecclesiastes3 ',it is better1 therefore1 that two should be together than one2 for they have the advantage of their society4' ,thus1 if it be natural for man to live in society1 it is necessary that some one should direct the multitude2 for if many were united1 and each one did as he thought proper1 they would fall to pieces1 unless somebody looked after the public good1 as would be the case with the human body1 and that of any other animal1 if there did not exist a power to watch over the welfare of all the members4 ,thus ,solomon says3 ',thus1 where there is no one to govern1 the people will be dispersed4' ,in man himself the soul directs the body2 and in the soul1 the feelings of anger and concupiscence are governed by the reason4 ,among the members of the body1 there is one principal one1 which directs all2 as the heart or the head4 ,there ought1 then1 to be in every multitude some governing power4 7,st4 ,thomas1 ,de ,regimine ,principum1 lib4 i4 cap4 #a47 ,this passage1 so remarkable for profound wisdom1 clearness of ideas1 solidity of principles1 vigor and exactness of deductions1 contains1 in a few words1 all that can be said with respect to the origin of society1 and of power2 to the rights enjoyed by the latter1 and the obligations incumbent upon it3 the matter being considered in general1 and by the light of reason alone4 ,in the first place1 it was required to show1 with clearness1 the necessity of the existence of society2 and this the holy doctor does by this very simple reasoning--man is of such a nature that he cannot live alone1 and then he has need of being united to his fellows4 ,if a proof of this fundamental truth be required1 it is found in the fact that he is endowed with speech2 this is a sign that by nature he is destined to communicate with other men1 and consequently to live in society4 ,after having proved this invincible necessity1 it remained to demonstrate a necessity not less absolute--viz4 the necessity of a power to govern society4 ,in order to make this demonstration1 ,st4 ,thomas does not invent extravagant systems1 or unfounded theories2 he does not appeal to absurd suppositions2 he is satisfied with a reason founded on the nature of things1 dictated by common sense1 and supported by daily experience--viz4 that in all bodies of men1 there is a director requisite2 since1 without him1 disorder1 and even dispersion1 are inevitable2 for in all societies there must be a chief4 ,it must be allowed that this clear and simple explanation enables us to understand the theory of the origin of society much better than all the subtilties of explicit and implicit pacts2 it is enough for a thing to be founded on nature itself1 for it to be viewed as demonstrated as a real necessity1 in order that its existence may be easily conceived2 why then seek1 by subtilties and suppositions1 what is apparent at the first view8 ,let us not1 however1 suppose that ,st4 ,thomas does not acknowledge divine right1 or is ignorant that the obligation of obedience to power may be founded on it3 far from it2 this truth he establishes in many places in his works2 but he does not forget the natural and the human law1 which1 on this point1 are combined and allied with the divine1 in such a way1 that the latter is only a confirmation of1 and gives a sanction to1 the others4 ,we ought thus to interpret the passages in which the holy doctor attributes the civil power to human law1 considering this law with that of grace4 ,for example1 when examining whether infidels can have dominion or supremacy over the faithful1 he says3b ,it is necessary here to consider that dominion or supremacy is introduced by virtue of human law2 the distinction between the faithful and infidels1 is by divine law4 ,divine law1 which emanates from grace1 does not take away human law1 which is founded on the law of natural reason2 therefore the distinction between the faithful and infidels1 considered in itself1 does not take away the dominion or supremacy of infidels over the faithful4 ,when inquiring1 in another place1 if the prince who has apostatized from the faith by this fact loses dominion over his subjects1 so that they are no longer called upon to obey him1 he expresses himself thus3c ,as has been said before1 infidelity does not destroy dominion itself2 for dominion was introduced by the law of nations1 which is human right2 while the distinction between the faithful and infidels is by a divine1 which does not take away the human right4 ,again2 when examining if man is obliged to obey another man1 he says3d ,as natural actions proceed from natural powers1 so human operations proceed from the human will4 ,in natural things1 it was necessary that inferior things should be brought into their respective operations by the excellence of the natural virtue which ,god has given to superior things4 ,in the same way1 also1 it is necessary that in human things1 those which are superior should urge on the inferior1 by the force of authority ordained by ,god4 ,to move1 by means of reason and the will1 is to command2 and as1 by virtue of the natural order instituted by ,god1 inferior things in nature are necessarily subject to the motion of superior things1 so also1 in human things1 those which are inferior ought1 by natural and divine right1 to obey those which are superior4 ,on the same question1 ,st4 ,thomas examines whether obedience is a special virtue1 and he answers1e ,that to obey a superior is a duty conformable to the divine order communicated to things4 ,in the #fth article1 he states the question whether ,christians are obliged to obey the secular powers1 and says3f ,the faith of ,christ is the principle and cause of justice1 according to what is said in the ,epistle to the ,romans1 chap4 iii4 'the justice of ,god by the faith of ,jesus ,christ4' ,thus the faith of ,christ does not take away the law of justice1 but rather confirms it4 ,this law wills that inferiors should obey their superiors2 for without that1 human society could not be preserved2 and thus the faith of ,christ does not exempt the faithful from the obligation of obeying the secular powers4 ,i have quoted at some length these passages from ,st4 ,thomas1 in order to show that he does not understand the divine right in the sense in which the enemies of ,catholicity have made it a reproach to us2 but that1 properly speaking1 while he adheres to a dogma so expressly taught in the sacred text1 he considers the ,divine law as a confirmation and sanction of the natural and human law4 ,we know that for six centuries ,catholic doctors have regarded the authority of ,st4 ,thomas as worthy of the highest respect in all that concerns faith and morality4 ,we have just seen that this angel of the schools establishes1 as founded on the natural1 human1 and divine law1 the duty of obeying authority1 affirming that the source of all power is found in ,god1 without entering into the question whether ,god communicates this power directly or indirectly to those who exercise it1 and leaving a vast field where human opinions may debate without violating the purity of faith4 ,in the same way1 the most eminent doctors who have succeeded him in the ,catholic pulpits have contented themselves with establishing and enforcing the doctrine1 without rashly making use of the authority of the ,church in its application4 ,to prove this ,i will here insert some passages from distinguished theologians4 ,cardinal ,bellarmin expresses himself in these words3g ,it is certain that public authority comes from ,god1 from whom alone emanate all things good and lawful1 as is proved by ,st4 ,augustin throughout almost all the forty-five books of the ,city of ,god4 ,indeed1 the ,wisdom of ,god1 in the ,book of ,proverbs1 chap4 viii41 cries out1 ',it is by ,me that kings reign2' and further on1 ',it is by ,me that princes rule4' ,the prophet ,daniel1 in the second chapter1 ',the ,god of heaven has given thee the kingdom and the empire2' and the same prophet1 in the fourth chapter1 ',thy dwelling shall be with cattle and with wild beasts1 and thou shalt eat grass as an ox1 and shalt be wet with the dew of heaven1 and seven years shall pass over thee1 till thou know that the ,most ,high ruleth over the kingdom of men1 and giveth it to whomsoever ,he will4' ,after having proved1 by the authority of the ,holy ,scriptures1 this dogma1 via4 that the civil power comes from ,god1 the illustrious writer explains the sense in which it ought to be understood3h ,but1 he says1 it is necessary to make some observations here4 ,in the first place1 political power1 considered in general1 and without descending in particular to monarchy1 aristocracy1 or democracy1 emanates immediately from ,god alone2 for being necessarily annexed to the nature of man1 it proceeds from ,him who has made that nature4 ,besides1 that power is by natural law1 since it does not depend upon men's consent1 since they must have a government whether they wish it or not1 under pain of desiring the destruction of the human race1 which is against the inclination of nature4 ,it is thus that the law of nature is divine law1 and government is introduced by divine law2 and it is particularly this which the ,apostle seems to have had in view when he says to the ,romans1 chap4 xiii41 ',he who resists authority1 resists the ordinance of ,god4' ,this doctrine destroys all the theory of ,rousseau1 who makes the existence of society and the right of the civil power depend on human conventions2 it also overturns the absurd systems of some ,protestants1 and other heretics1 their predecessors1 who1 in the name of ,christian liberty1 pretended to condemn all authority4 ,no6 the existence of society does not depend on the consent of man2 society is not his work2 it satisfies an imperious necessity1 which1 if it were not satisfied1 would entail the destruction of the human race4 ,god1 when he created man1 did not deliver him to the mercy of chance2 ,he has given him the right of fulfilling his necessities1 and has imposed on him the care of his own preservation as a duty2 therefore the existence of the human race includes also the existence of government1 and the obligations of obedience4 ,there is no theory so clear1 simple1 and solid4 ,shall it be called the enemy and oppressor of human freedom8 ,is it any disgrace to man to acknowledge himself the creature of ,god8 to confess that he has received from ,him what is necessary for his preservation8 ,is the intervention of ,god any infringement of human liberty1 and cannot man be free without being an ,atheist8 ,it is absurd to say there is any thing favorable to servitude in a doctrine which tells us ,god wills not that you should live like wild beasts3 ,he commands you to be united in society1 and for this purpose ,he orders you to live in submission to an authority legitimately established4 ,if this be called servitude and oppression1 we desire this servitude1 we willingly give up the right which is pretended to be granted to us of wandering in the woods like wild beasts3 true liberty does not exist in man when he is stripped of the finest attribute of his nature1 that of acting in conformity with reason4 ,such is the explanation of divine right according to the illustrious commentator whom we have just quoted2 let us now see the applications which he makes of it1 and learn in what way1 according to him1 ,god communicates the civil power to those who are charged with its exercise4 ,after the words quoted above1 ,bellarmin continues3i ,in the second place1 observe1 that this power resides immediately1 as in its subject1 in all the multitude1 for it is by divine right4 ,the divine right has not given this power to any man in particular1 for it has given it to the multitude2 besides1 the positive law being taken away1 there is no reason why one should rule rather than another1 among a great number of equal men2 therefore power belongs to the whole multitude4 ,in fine1 society should be a perfect state2 it should have the power of self-preservation1 and1 consequently1 that of chastising the disturbers of the peace4 ,this doctrine has nothing in common with the foolish assertions of ,rousseau and his followers2 no one who has studied public law will confound things so different4 ,indeed1 what the ,cardinal establishes in the passage quoted1 viz4 that power resides immediately in the multitude1 is not in opposition to what he himself taught a little before1 when he said that it comes from ,god1 and is not owing to human conventions4 ,his doctrine may be conveyed in this form4 ,suppose a number of men without any positive law2 there is then no reason why any one of them should have a right to rule the rest4 ,nevertheless1 this law exists1 nature itself indicates its necessity1 ,god ordains a government2 therefore there exists among this number of men the legitimate power of instituting one4 ,to explain more clearly the ideas of this illustrious theologian1 let us suppose that a considerable number of families1 perfectly equal among themselves and absolutely independent of each other1 were thrown by a tempest on a desert island4 ,the vessel being destroyed1 they have no hope either of returning home or of pursuing their journey4 ,all communication with the rest of mankind is become impossible3 we ask1 whether these families could live without government8 ,no4 ,has any one among them a right of governing the rest8 ,clearly not4 ,can any individual among them pretend to such a right8 ,certainly not4 ,have they a right to appoint the government of which they stand in need8 ,certainly they have4 ,therefore in this multitude1 represented by the fathers of families or in some other way1 resides the civil power1 together with the right of transmitting it to one or more persons1 according as they shall judge proper4 ,it is difficult to make any valid objection to the doctrine placed in this point of view4 ,that this is the real meaning of his words is clearly shown by the observations which follow3k ,in the third place1 he says1 observe that the multitude transfers this power to one person or more by natural right2 for the republic not being able to exercise it by itself1 is obliged to communicate it to one or to a limited number2 and it is thus that the power of princes1 considered in general1 is by natural and divine law2 and the whole human race1 if assembled together1 could not establish the contrary1 viz4 that princes or governors did not exist4 ,but the fundamental principle being once established1 ,bellarmin allows to society an ample right of appointing the form of government which they think proper4 ,this ought to refute the accusations made against the ,catholic doctrine1 of favoring servitude2 for if all forms of government are reconcilable with this doctrine1 it is evident that it cannot justly be accused of being incompatible with liberty4 ,hear how the same author continues on this point3l ,observe1 in the fourth place1 he says1 that particular forms of government are by the law of nations1 and not by divine law1 since it depends upon the consent of the multitude to place over themselves a king1 consuls1 or other magistrates1 as is clear2 and1 for a legitimate reason1 they can change royalty into aristocracy1 or into democracy1 or vice vers1 as it was done in ,rome4 ,observe1 in the fifth place1 that it follows1 from what we have said1 that this power in particular comes from ,god1 but by means of the counsel and election of man1 like all other things which belong to the law of nations2 for the law of nations is1 as it were1 a conclusion drawn from the natural law by human reasoning4 ,thence follows a twofold difference between the political and the ecclesiastical power3 first1 difference with regard to the subject1 since political power is in the multitude1 and ecclesiastical in a man immediately1 as in its subject2 second1 difference with respect to the cause1 since political power1 considered generally1 is by divine law1 and in particular by the law of nations1 while the ecclesiastical power is in every way by divine law1 and emanates immediately from ,god4 ,these last words show clearly how correct ,i was in saying that theologians understand the divine law in a very different manner1 according as it is applied to the civil or to the ecclesiastical power4 ,it must not be supposed that the doctrine now stated is peculiar to ,cardinal ,bellarmin2 the generality of theologians follow him on this point2 but ,i have preferred quoting his authority1 because he1 being so strongly attached to the ,see of ,rome1 if the latter were imbued with the principles of despotism1 as it has been charged with being1 no doubt1 something of them would appear in the writings of this theologian4 ,it is easy to anticipate the objection that will be made to this explanation2 we shall be told that ,bellarmin1 having for his object the exaltation of the authority of the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 with this view attempted to lower the power of kings1 in order to take away or diminish all opposition to the authority of the ,popes4 ,i will not now enter into an examination of the opinions of ,bellarmin with respect to the two powers--this would be foreign to my design2 besides1 such points of civil and ecclesiastical law excited at that time great interest1 on account of circumstances at that period1 but now very little1 on account of the new course which events have taken1 and the great change which has been brought about in ideas4 ,i shall1 nevertheless1 reply to this supposed difficulty by two very simple observations4 ,the first is1 that we have not to inquire the intentions of ,bellarmin in explaining his doctrine1 but in what that doctrine consists4 ,whatever his motive may have been1 we see an author of vast renown1 whose opinion has great weight in ,catholic schools1 and who wrote at ,rome1 where1 so far from his writings being condemned1 he was surrounded with respect and honor3 this theologian1 ,i say1 explaining the doctrine of the ,church on the ,divine origin of the civil power1 does it in such terms that1 while giving sacred guarantees for the good order of society1 he does not infringe on the liberty of the people2 this is the vindication of ,rome against the attacks made upon her4 ,the second is1 that ,cardinal ,bellarmin does not here profess an isolated opinion--the generality of theologians are on his side2 therefore1 all that can be said against him personally proves nothing against his doctrines4 ,among the many authors that ,i could quote1 ,i will select some who will represent many different periods3 and as the obligation of being brief confines me within narrow limits1 ,i beg the reader himself to examine the works of ,catholic theologians and moralists2 he will thus make sure of becoming acquainted with their thoughts on this subject4 ,hear how ,suarez explains the origin of power3m ,herein1 he says1 the common opinion seems to be1 that ,god1 inasmuch as ,he is the author of nature1 gives the power2 so that men are1 so to speak1 the matter and subject capable of this power2 while ,god gives the form by giving the power4 7,de ,leg4 lib4 iii4 c4 #c47 ,he goes on to develop his doctrine1 relying on the reason usually made use of in this matter2 and when he comes to draw the conclusions1 he explains how society1 which1 according to him1 receives the power immediately from ,god1 communicates it to certain persons4 ,he adds3n ,in the second place1 it follows from what has been said1 that the civil power1 whenever it is found in a man or a prince1 has emanated according to usual and legitimate law1 from the people and the community1 either directly or remotely1 and that it cannot otherwise be justly possessed4 7,ibid4 cap4 #d47 ,perhaps some of my readers may not know that a ,spanish ,jesuit maintained against the ,king of ,england in person1 the doctrine that princes receive power mediately from ,god1 and immediately from the people4 ,this ,jesuit is ,suarez himself1 and the book to which ,i allude is called1o ,defence of the ,catholic and ,apostolic ,faith against the errors of the ,anglican sect2 accompanied by a ,reply to the ,apology for the ,oath of ,fidelity1 and to the monitory ,preface published by the most serene ,james1 ,king of ,england4 ,by ,p4 ,d4 ,franois ,suarez1 ,professor at the ,university of ,coimbra2 addressed to the most serene ,kings and ,princes of the ,christian world4 ,in the third book1 chapter second1 where he discusses the question1 ,whether the political sovereignty comes immediately from ,god or from divine institution1 ,suarez says3 ,here the most serene ,king not only gives a new and singular opinion1 but also acrimoniously attacks ,cardinal ,bellarmin1 for having affirmed that ,kings have not received authority immediately from ,god like the ,popes4 ,he himself affirms that ,kings hold their power not from the people1 but immediately from ,god2 and he attempts to support his opinion by arguments and examples the value of which ,i shall examine in the next chapter4 ,although this controversy does not immediately concern the dogmas of faith 7for we have nothing in reference to it either in the ,scriptures or in the ,fathers71 it may nevertheless be well to discuss and explain it carefully2 #a4 because it might possibly lead to error in other dogmas2 #b4 because the above opinion of the ,king1 as he maintains and explains it1 is new1 singular1 and apparently invented to exalt the temporal at the expense of the spiritual power2 and #c4 because we consider the opinion of the illustrious ,bellarmin ancient1 received1 true1 and necessary4 ,but we must not attribute these opinions to the circumstances of the times1 nor suppose that they disappeared from the schools of theologians as soon as they were advanced4 ,in support of them1 a multitude of authors might very easily be cited1 who would show that ,suarez was correct in saying that the opinion of ,bellarmin was received and ancient2 they would1 moreover1 show that this doctrine continued to be admitted as a matter of course1 without any doubt of its orthodoxy1 or of its containing any thing dangerous to the stability of monarchies4 ,in proof of what is here adduced1 ,i will cite passages from distinguished authors1 proving that at ,rome this mode of explaining the right divine has never been called in question2 and that in ,france and ,spain1 where absolute monarchy had taken so deep root1 this opinion was no longer regarded as dangerous to the stability of thrones4 ,a long period had already elapsed--the critical position which might more or less influence the direction of ideas had consequently disappeared1 yet theologians still maintained the same doctrines4 ,cardinal ,gotti1 who wrote in the early part of the last century1 gives1 in his ,treatise upon ,laws1 the above opinion as previously admitted1 without even attempting to confirm it4p ,in the ,moral ,theology of ,herman ,busenbaum1 enlarged by ,st4 ,alphonsus ,liguori1 book #ast1 second ,treatise upon ,laws1 7chap4 i4 dub4 #b1 #ajd17 it is expressly said3 ,it is certain that the power of making laws exists among men1 but as far as civil laws are concerned1 this power belongs naturally to no individual4 ,it belongs to the community1 who transfer it to one or to more1 that by them the community itself may be governed4 ,should any one say that ,i quote the ,jesuits only1 or suspect that these doctrines are mere casuistry1 ,i will cite remarkable passages from other theologians1 who are neither casuists nor prepossessed in favor of the ,jesuits4 ,father ,daniel ,concina1 who wrote at ,rome about the middle of the last century1 supports the same doctrine as generally admitted2 in his ,thologie chrtienne dogmatico-morale1 ,roman edition1 #agfh1 he expresses himself as follows3q ,all writers generally assert that the origin of supreme power is of ,god1 as ,solomon declares in the ,book of ,proverbs1 c4 viii41 saying1 ',by ,me kings reign1 and lawgivers decree just things3' as truly as subordinate princes are dependent upon the supreme temporal majesty1 so1 in like manner1 this majesty itself must depend upon the supreme ,king and ,lord of lords4 ,theologians and jurists dispute whether this supreme power comes immediately from ,god1 or merely in an indirect manner4 ,many affirm that it emanates immediately from ,god1 because it cannot emanate from men1 whether we consider them collectively or individually2 for all fathers of families are equal1 and each possesses1 with regard to his own family1 a power merely economical2 from which it follows1 that they cannot confer upon others that civil and political power which they themselves do not possess4 ,moreover1 if the community1 in its superiority1 had delegated to one or to more the power here under discussion1 it could revoke it at pleasure1 for the superior is always at liberty to withdraw the facilities he has delegated to another1 and this would be very injurious to society4 ,in support of the opposite opinion1 many answer1 and certainly with more probability and truth1 that1 in reality1 all power proceeds from ,god1 but that it is not delegated to any particular individual directly1 unless by consent of civil society4 ,that this power is not vested directly in any individual1 but in the entire collection of men1 is what ,st4 ,thomas expressly teaches 7#a1 #b1 qu4 #ij1 art4 #c1 ad #b1 et qu4 #ig1 art4 #c1 ad #c71 followed by ,dominic ,soto 7lib4 i4 qu4 #a1 art4 #c72 by ,ledesma 7#b part4 qu4 #ah1 art4 #c72 and by ,covarruvias 7in ,pract4 cap4 i474 ,the reason of this is evident2 for as all men are born free with regard to civil society1 no one has any civil power over another1 since this power exists not in each1 nor in any of them in a fixed manner2 it follows1 therefore1 that it is vested in the whole collection of men4 ,god does not confer this power by any special act distinct from creation1 but it is a property of right reason1 inasmuch as right reason dictates that men1 united in one moral whole1 shall prescribe1 by express or tacit consent1 in what manner society shall be governed1 preserved1 and upheld4 ,it is proper to remark1 that ,father ,concina1 speaking here of tacit or express consent1 has not in view the actual existence of society1 nor the authority by which it is governed1 but merely the mode of exercising this authority for the direction1 preservation1 and defence of society4 ,hence1 his opinion coincides with that of ,bellarmin2 society and power are of right divine and natural1 but the mode of organizing society1 and of transmitting and exercising authority1 is human4 ,after having shown in what sense we are to understand that civil power comes from ,god1 ,concina resumes the question which he had proposed1 viz4 in what manner authority exists in kings1 princes1 and other supreme heads of government4 ,he proceeds as follows3r ,it is evident1 therefore1 that the power existing in the prince1 the king1 or in many persons whether nobles or plebeians1 emanates from the community itself1 directly or indirectly2 for1 if it came immediately from ,god1 it would be manifested to us in a particular manner1 as in the instances of ,saul and ,david1 who were chosen by ,god4 ,we consider1 therefore1 erroneous1 the doctrine that ,god confers this power immediately and directly upon the king1 the prince1 or any other head of supreme government whatever1 to the exclusion of the tacit or express consent of the public4 ,this discussion1 it is true1 is one of words rather than of things1 for this power comes from ,god1 the author of nature1 inasmuch as ,he has ordained and appointed that the public itself shall confer upon one or more the power of supreme government1 for the preservation and defence of society4 ,the nomination of the person or persons appointed to command being once made1 their power is said to come from ,god1 because society itself is bound by natural and divine right to obey him who commands4 ,in fact1 it is the will of ,god that society shall be governed1 whether by one individual or by several4 ,in this manner the several opinions of theologians are reconciled with each other1 and the oracles of ,scripture appear in their true sense3 ',he that resisteth the power1 resisteth the ordinance of ,god4' ',there is no power but from ,god4' ',be subject1 therefore1 to every human creature for ,god's sake1 whether to the king1' c4 ',thou wouldst not have any power against ,me1 unless it were given thee from above4' ,these testimonies1 and others of a like nature1 ought to convince us that all is ordained and directed by ,god1 the supreme ,mediator4 ,this1 however1 does not exclude the operations of human institutions1 as is very justly interpreted by ,st4 ,augustin and ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom4 ,father ,billuart1 who lived in the early part of last century1 and1 consequently1 at the same epoch when the highly monarchical traditions of ,louis ,,xiv4 were in all their vigor1 expressed the same ideas on this subject as the theologians above cited4 ,in his work on ,moral ,theology1 which1 for almost a century1 has been widely circulated1 he thus expresses himself3s ,i maintain1 in the first place1 that legislative power belongs to the community1 or to its representative4 ,after quoting ,st4 ,thomas and ,st4 ,isidore1 he continues3 ,reason proves1 that to make laws belongs of right to him who is appointed to watch over the public good2 for the maintenance of the public good1 as has been already said1 is the end and aim of the laws4 ,it is the duty of the community1 or of its ruler1 to watch over the public good2 for as the welfare of an individual is a fit object for individual agency1 so is the public good for the agency of the community1 or of him to whom its functions have been delegated2 the power of legislation1 therefore1 is vested in the community1 or in its representative4 ,i will confirm what is here advanced4 ,the law has the power of commanding and of coercing in such a manner that no individual has any authority to command or restrain the multitude4 ,this authority belongs exclusively to the community1 or to its representative2 to these1 therefore1 legislative power belongs4 ,having made these reflections1 ,billuart starts another difficulty with regard to the extreme extension which he appears to have given to the rights of the multitude4 ,on this occasion he develops his system still further4t ,it will be objected1 says he1 that the right of commanding and compelling is vested in the superior1 and cannot belong to the community1 since it is not superior to itself4 ,to this ,i reply3 ,society1 in one sense1 is not superior to itself1 but in another it is4 ,the community may be considered collectively as one moral body1 and in this sense it is superior to itself as considered distributively in each of its members4 ,again2 it may be considered as acting in the place of ,god1 from whom emanates all legislative power1 as it is said in ,proverbs3 ',by ,me kings reign and the lawgivers decree just things2' or as capable of being governed conformably to the public good4 ,in the former case1 it is superior and legislative2 in the latter1 inferior and subject to the law4 ,as this explanation might appear somewhat obscure1 ,billuart proceeds to investigate more profoundly the origin of society and of civil power4 ,he endeavors to show how the natural1 the divine1 and the human laws agree on this point1 defining what belongs to each4 ,he then continues as follows3u ,to render this more clear1 it must be observed1 that man1 unlike other animals1 is born destitute of many things necessary both for body and soul1 and that for these he is indebted to society and the assistance of his fellow-mortals2 consequently he is1 by his very nature1 a social animal4 ,this society1 which nature and reason prescribe to him as indispensable1 cannot long exist without some power to direct it1 according to what is said in ,proverbs3 ',where there is no governor1 the people will come to ruin4' ,whence it follows1 that ,god1 who has given this nature1 has also given the power of governing and of legislating4 ,he1 in fact1 who gives the form1 gives1 at the same time1 all that such form necessarily requires4 ,but as it is not possible for this executive and legislative power to be exercised by the entire multitude1 since it would be difficult for all and each forming this multitude to assemble on all occasions when the affairs of the commonweal are to be discussed1 or laws to be established1 it is usual for the multitude to transfer its right or governing power1 either to a number of people selected from all classes1 and bearing the name of a democracy2 or to a select number of the nobles1 which takes the name of an aristocracy2 or to one alone1 for himself only1 or for his successors1 by virtue of the right of hereditary succession1 which is styled a monarchy4 ,from which it is evident that all power comes from ,god1 as the ,apostle says1 in his ,epistle to the ,romans1 chap4 xiii4 ,this power resides in the community1 directly and by natural right1 but in kings and other rulers merely indirectly and by human right1 unless ,god confers it directly upon certain individuals1 as ,he did upon ,moses over the ,jews1 and as ,christ has conferred it upon the ,supreme ,pontiff over the whole ,church4 ,what is still more remarkable1 our absolute monarchies were never alarmed at these theological doctrines1 not only previous to the ,french ,revolution1 but since that ,revolution1 and up to the time commonly styled with us the fatal decade1 7from #ahbc to #ahcc1 the latter part of the reign of ,ferdinand ,,vii47 ,it is well known that during that period the ,compendium ,salmaticense 7,compendium of ,salamanca7 had a most favorable reception in this country1 and served as a text-book among the professors of ethics in the colleges and universities4 ,ye who are continually declaiming against this epoch1 imagining1 without doubt1 that in those days no other doctrines than those in favor of the most arrant despotism could be circulated1 listen to what is said in the above book1 which was then placed in the hands of every youth destined to the ecclesiastical state4 ,after having established the existence of a civil legislative power1 the author thus proceeds3x ,you will ask me1 in the second place1 whether the prince receives this civil legislative power immediately from ,god4 ,i reply1 ,it1 is universally admitted that princes receive this power from ,god2 but1 at the same time1 it is maintained with more truth1 that they do not receive it directly1 but through the medium of the people's consent2 for all men are naturally equal1 and there is no natural distinction of superiority or inferiority4 ,since nature has not given any individual power over another1 ,god has conferred this power upon the community2 which1 as it may think it more proper to be ruled by one or by many appointed persons1 transfers it to one or to many1 that by them it may be ruled2 according to ,st4 ,thomas 7#a1 #b1 qu4 #ij1 art4 #c1 ad #b74 ,from this natural principle arises the variety in the forms of civil government2 for if a state transfers all its power to a single individual1 this government is termed monarchical2 if it confers it upon the nobles of the nation1 it takes the name of an aristocracy2 if the people or the state retain this power in their own hands1 the civil government is styled a democracy4 ,princes1 therefore1 receive from ,god the power of commanding2 for supposing the election made by the whole state1 ,god confers upon the prince the power which was vested in the community4 ,whence it follows1 that the prince rules and governs in the name of ,god1 and whoever resists him resists the ordinance of ,god1 according to the words of the ,apostle above cited4 ,,chapter ,l4 ,,on ,,the ,,right ,,divine1 ,,according ,,to ,,the ,,catholic ,,doctors4 ,the doctrine of the right divine1 considered in its relation to society1 presents to our notice two particular points which this doctrine contains3 #a4 ,the origin of civil power2 #b4 ,the mode in which ,god communicates this power4 ,the former point is a question of doctrine4 ,no ,catholic can entertain any doubt upon it4 ,the second is open to discussion2 and various opinions may be formed upon it1 without interfering with faith4 ,with regard to the right divine1 considered in itself1 true philosophy agrees with ,catholicity4 ,in fact1 if civil power comes not from ,god1 to what source can we trace its origin8 ,upon what solid principle can we support it8 ,if the man who exercises it does not rest upon ,god the legitimacy of his power1 no title will avail to uphold his right4 ,it will be radically and irretrievably null4 ,on the contrary1 supposing authority to come from ,god1 our duty to submit to it becomes evident1 and our dignity is not in the least hurt by the submission2 but1 in the other supposition1 we see only force1 craft1 tyranny1 but no reason or justice2 perhaps a necessity for submission1 but no obligation4 ,by what title does any man pretend to command us8 ,because he is possessed of superior intellect8 ,who had the right of adjudging to him the palm8 ,besides1 this superiority does not constitute a right2 in some instances its direction might be useful to us1 but it will not be obligatory4 ,is it because he is stronger than we8 ,in that case the elephant ought to be king of the entire world4 ,is it because he is more wealthy than we8 ,reason and justice exist not in metal4 ,the rich man is born naked1 and his riches will not descend with him into the tomb4 ,upon earth they have enabled him to acquire power2 but they do not confer upon him any right to exercise it over others4 ,shall it consist in certain faculties conferred on him by others8 who has constituted other men our proxies8 where is their consent8 who has collected their votes8 and how can either we or they flatter ourselves that we possess faculties equal to the exercise of civil power8 and if we do not possess them1 how can we delegate them8 ,we must here consider the doctrine which places the origin of civil power in the will of men1 supposing that this power is the result of a pact1 by which individuals have agreed to submit to the retrenchment of a part of their natural liberty1 in order to enjoy the benefits of society4 ,according to this system1 the rights of the civil power1 as well as the duties of the subject1 are alike founded on a pact1 differing from other contracts only in the nature and extent of its object2 so that1 in this case1 power would emanate from ,god merely in a general sense1 just as all rights and duties emanate from ,him4 ,those writers who thus explain the origin of power1 do not always agree with ,rousseau4 ,the ,contrat of the philosopher of ,geneva has nothing to do with the pact spoken of in other authors4 ,this is not the place to compare the doctrines of ,rousseau with those of other writers2 suffice it to say1 that although they rely upon the pact1 they wish1 nevertheless1 to establish the rights of civil power as they have been hitherto understood by the common consent of mankind1 whilst the author of the ,contrat ,social proposes in his book the following problem1 which he considers fundamental4 ,i quote his own words3 ,to find a form of association which shall defend and protect with all the common strength the person and property of each associate1 and by which each one1 being united to all1 shall nevertheless obey only himself1 and remain as free as before4 ,such is the fundamental problem1 the solution of which is given in the ,contrat ,social4 ,this nonsense of having none but one's self to obey1 making a contract1 and remaining as free as before1 needs no comment1 after what the author himself says in the following line3 ,the clauses of this contract are so fixed by the very nature of the act1 that the least modification would render them vain and of no effect4 7,book i4 chap4 #f47 ,rousseau's ideas on this subject do not1 therefore1 agree with those of many other writers1 who also have spoken of pacts1 in their explanation of the origin of power2 the latter sought a theory in support of power1 the former wished to destroy that which existed1 and to throw society into a state of excitement4 ,through a singular idea1 ,rousseau1 in his vault at the ,pantheon1 is represented to us with the door half open1 and a lighted torch in his hand--an emblem1 perhaps1 more significant than has been imagined4 ,the artist's intention was1 to express the idea of ,rousseau's enlightening the world even after his death2 but it should be remembered1 that the torch is also an emblem of the incendiary4 ,la ,harpe said of him3 ,sa parole est un feu1 mais un feu qui ravage4 ,to return to the question1 ,i will observe1 that the doctrine of a pact is of no avail in accounting for the establishment of power2 for it cannot even render legitimate either its origin or its exercise4 ,first1 an explicit pact has evidently never existed2 and secondly1 in the formation of even the most limited society1 such a pact never could obtain the consent of every individual member4 ,in any convention for such an object1 only the heads of families could take part2 and hence1 women1 children1 and servants might protest against it4 ,in assenting to such a pact1 what right would fathers have to represent the whole of their families8 ,the will of the latter1 it will be said1 was virtually included in that of their chief2 but this is the very point that wants proof4 ,supposition here is easy enough2 proof is not so easy4 ,when you seek the origin of power in principles of strict right1 and attempt to maintain that this is only one of those cases to which ordinary conditions of contracts are applicable1 you are met at once by a very serious difficulty2 for you are obliged to have recourse to a fiction3--the words implicit consent are a mere fiction1 and nothing more4 ,is it not evident1 that the consent of families must have been implicit1 even supposing that of their heads to be explicit8 ,this explicit consent would1 in fact1 be impossible in the formation of any society1 however limited in extent4 ,and moreover1 the consent of succeeding generations will be equally implicit1 since it is impossible to be continually renewing the contract1 for the purpose of consulting the wishes of the parties interested in its effects4 ,reason and history teach that society has never been thus organized2 our own experience tells us that it is not now upheld or governed by any such principles4 ,of what use1 then1 is this inexplicable theory8 ,when a theory has a practical object1 the best way of proving its fallacy is1 to prove its impracticability4 ,the faculties with which civil power is1 and always has been1 considered to be invested1 are of such a nature1 that they cannot have proceeded from a pact4 ,the right of life and death can have come only from ,god4 ,man is not in possession of this right4 ,no pact merely human could invest him with a power which he has not1 either in relation to himself or to others4 ,i will endeavor to demonstrate this point with all possible precision4 ,if the right of taking away life emanates not from ,god1 but from a pact1 it must have originated in the following manner3 every member of society must have said1 expressly or tacitly1 ,i consent to the establishment of laws to decree punishment of death for certain crimes2 and if ,i should at any time transgress them1 ,i am willing from that moment to forfeit my life4 ,in this manner1 every individual will have given up his life1 supposing that the conditions specified are realized2 but no individual having a right over his own life1 the resigning of it becomes radically null4 ,the joint consent of all the members of society does not obviate the radical and essential nullity of each one's right to give up his life2 the sum of their resignations is therefore equally null1 and consequently incapable of producing any right whatever4 ,it will be said1 perhaps1 that man1 properly speaking1 has no right over his own life1 when an arbitrary right is implied1 but that when he chooses to dispose of it for his own advantage1 the general principle should be restricted4 ,this reflection1 at first sight plausible1 would lead to the terrible consequence of authorizing suicide4 ,in reply1 it will be said1 that suicide is no advantage to him who commits it2 but if you once grant to the individual the right of disposing of his life1 provided he reap an advantage from so doing1 you cannot constitute yourselves judges to decide whether or not this advantage exists in any particular case4 ,according to you1 he had a right to sacrifice his life when1 for example1 to satisfy his wants or his taste1 he had stolen the property of another4 ,that is to say1 that he had a right of choice between the advantages of life and those of satisfying a desire3 what will you answer1 if he tell you that he prefers death to misery1 to ennui1 to grief1 or to such and such misfortunes which torment him8 ,the right of life and death cannot consequently emanate from a pact4 ,man's life is not his own2 he has only the use of it so long as it pleases the ,creator to grant it him4 ,he has not1 therefore1 the right of disposing of it1 and all conventions he may make for that purpose are null4 ,in some instances1 it is lawful1 glorious1 it may be even obligatory1 to deliver one's self up to certain death2 but let us not confound ideas3 man does not in that case sacrifice his life as being the master of it1 he is a voluntary victim to the salvation of his country1 or to the good of mankind4 ,the warrior who scales a wall1 the charitable man who confronts the most dangerous contagion in visiting the sick1 the missionary who resorts to unknown countries1 who resigns himself to live in unhealthy climates1 and who penetrates into inaccessible forests1 seeking ferocious hordes1 do not dispose of their lives as being their own2 they sacrifice them to a purpose great1 sublime1 just1 and pleasing to ,god2 for ,god loves virtue1 especially heroic virtue2 and it is a heroic virtue to die for one's country1 to die in visiting the sick1 or in carrying the light of truth to those seated in darkness and in the shadow of death4 ,this right of life and death1 with which civil power has ever been considered invested1 may by some be considered as founded upon the natural right of self-defence vested in society4 ,every individual1 they will say1 has the right of taking away the life of another in self-defence2 therefore society also has this right4 ,in the chapter on ,intolerance1 ,i have touched slightly upon this point1 and made some reflections which may be repeated here4 ,i will endeavor1 nevertheless1 to extend them and confirm them by arguments of another kind4 ,in the first place1 ,i maintain that the right of self-defence may confer upon society that of taking away life4 ,if one individual attacked by another may lawfully repel him--kill him even1 if necessary to save his own life1 it is evident that an assemblage of men have the same right4 ,this appears so evident1 that demonstration is superfluous4 ,one society attacked by another has incontestably the right of resisting and repelling the attack--it is justified in making war4 ,with more reason1 therefore1 might it resist an individual1 to make war on him1 or kill him4 ,this is all perfectly true and obvious2 and ,i grant that there thus exists1 from the very nature of things1 a title upon which we may found the right of inflicting capital punishment4 ,these ideas are plausible1 and seem at first sight to nullify the reasons on which we have supported the necessity of having recourse to ,god for the origin of this formidable right4 ,nevertheless1 when we come to examine them thoroughly1 they are far from satisfactory2 and it may be even said1 that in the sense in which they are understood and applied1 they are subversive of the acknowledged principles of society4 ,in fact1 if such a theory be admitted1 if the right of inflicting capital punishment be made to rest exclusively on this principle1 the ideas of penalty1 chastisement1 and of human justice disappear at once4 ,it has always been thought that the criminal dying upon a gibbet suffers a penalty2 and although this terrible act is certainly a satisfaction to society1 a means of preservation1 yet the principal and predominant idea1 that which surpasses all others1 which best justifies and exculpates society1 which gives to the judge his august character1 and stamps disgrace upon the criminal1 is the idea of chastisement1 of penalty1 and of justice4 ,all this disappears when once we can assert that society1 in taking away life1 only acts in self-defence4 ,such an act is conformable to reason1 it is just1 but it no longer merits the honorable title of an executive act of justice4 ,a man is justified in killing an assassin2 but in so doing he does not administer justice1 he does not execute justice1 nor inflict a penalty4 ,these things are very different1 and of a distinct order2 we cannot confound them without shocking the good sense of mankind4 ,we will render this distinction more apparent by putting the two theories into the mouth of the judge3 the contrast is striking4 ,in the former case1 the judge says to the criminal3 ,you are guilty2 the law decrees against you the penalty of death2 ,i1 the minister of justice1 apply it2 the executioner is ordered to inflict it4 ,in the second1 he says to him3 ,you have attacked society1 which cannot exist if such attacks are tolerated4 ,it defends itself1 and for this reason puts you to death2 ,i1 its agent1 declare1 that the time for its defending itself is come1 and hence ,i give you up to the executioner4 ,in the former supposition1 the judge is a minister of justice1 and the culprit a criminal who undergoes a just penalty2 in the latter1 the judge is an instrument of force1 the culprit a victim4 ,but1 it will be said1 the criminal is not on this account less criminal1 and still merits the penalty which he undergoes4 ,this is true with respect to the guilt1 but not with respect to the penalty4 ,the fault exists in the eyes of ,god1 and also in the eyes of man1 inasmuch as he possesses a conscience capable of judging of the morality of actions2 but it does not exist in the eyes of man1 considered as a judge4 ,according to you1 the judge does not punish a crime2 he restrains an act injurious to society3 but if you say that the judge inflicts a penalty1 you change the nature of the question1 for he then does something more than protect society4 ,it follows from what we have just established1 that the right of inflicting capital punishment can only emanate from ,god1 and1 consequently1 if there existed no other reason for referring to ,god the origin of power1 this alone would suffice4 ,war against an invading nation may be explained by the right of self-defence2 invasion also comes under the same principle2 for if it be just1 it can be entered upon only with a view to enforce some reparation or compensation refused by the enemy4 ,war for the sake of alliance enters into that class of actions which are performed for the assistance of a friend2 so that this phenomenon of war1 with all its glory1 and all its ravages1 does not so forcibly oblige us to have recourse to a divine origin as this simple right of condemning a man to the gibbet4 ,the sanction of lawful wars also undoubtedly belongs to ,god1 for in ,him exists the sanction of all rights and of all duties2 but there is not1 in this case at least1 any need of particular authorization1 as in the case of inflicting capital punishment4 ,it is sufficient to have the general sanction which ,god1 as the author of nature1 has given to all natural rights and duties4 ,how do we know that ,god has granted such an authorization to man8 ,there are three ways of answering this question4 #a4 ,the testimony of the ,scriptures is sufficient for all ,christians4 #b4 ,the right of life and death is a universal tradition of the human race1 and does1 therefore1 exist in reality2 and as we have shown that it can have its origin only in ,god1 it is right to suppose that ,he has communicated it to man in one way or another4 #c4 ,this right is essential to the preservation of society2 ,god must1 therefore1 have granted it2 for if ,he wills the preservation of a being1 it is evident that ,he will have bestowed upon it all things necessary for such preservation4 ,to recapitulate what we have hitherto advanced3 the ,church teaches that civil power comes from ,god1 and this doctrine1 which agrees with the formal texts of ,scripture1 agrees also with natural reason4 ,the ,church contents herself with establishing this dogma1 and deducing from it the immediate consequence resulting from it1 viz4 that obedience to the lawful authorities is of right divine4 ,with regard to the mode in which this right divine is communicated1 the ,church has not determined any thing3 the general opinion of theologians is1 that society receives it from ,god1 and that1 from society1 it is transferred1 by lawful means1 to the person or persons appointed to exercise it4 ,in order that civil power may exact obedience1 and be considered invested with this right divine1 it must be legitimate2 that is to say1 the person or persons in possession of it must have acquired it by lawful means1 or this power must have become legitimate in their possession1 by means acknowledged to be in accordance with right4 ,with respect to political forms1 the ,church does not determine any thing2 but whatever be the form of government1 the civil power must be confined within legitimate bounds1 while the subject1 on his side1 is bound to obey4 ,the fitness and legitimacy of such or such persons1 and of such and such forms1 are subjects not appertaining to right divine4 ,they are particular questions1 depending upon a variety of circumstances1 and to which no general theory is applicable4 ,one example of private right will serve to illustrate what we have just explained4 ,respect for property is of natural and divine right2 but the ownership of property1 the respective rights of individuals to the same thing1 the restrictions to which property should be subject1 are questions appertaining to civil right1 which have always been resolved1 and are still resolved1 in various ways4 ,the main object is to adhere to the protective principle of property1 the indispensable basis of all social organization2 but the application of this principle is1 and must be1 subject to a variety of circumstances and events1 a variety arising from the course of human affairs4 ,it is the same with power4 ,the ,church1 intrusted with the great deposit of the most important truths1 keeps in this deposit the truth which guaranties a divine origin to civil power1 and makes the existence of the law an affair of right divine2 but she does not interfere in particular cases1 which are always controlled more or less by the fluctuation and uncertainty with which the world is agitated4 ,when thus explained1 the ,catholic doctrine is not in the least opposed to true liberty2 it consolidates power1 and does not prejudice the questions that may arise between the governors and the governed4 ,no unlawful power can lay claim to the right divine2 for it must be legitimate to merit the application of this right4 ,this legitimacy is determined and declared by the laws of each country1 from which it follows that the law is the organ of the right divine4 ,this right1 therefore1 only consolidates what is just2 and certainly that which insures justice in the world cannot be said to lead to despotism1 for nothing can be more opposed to the liberty and happiness of the people than the absence of justice and legitimacy4 ,popular liberties are not endangered by the strong safeguards surrounding the legitimacy of the governing power4 ,on the contrary1 reason1 history1 and experience teach that all illegitimate powers are tyrannical4 ,their illegitimacy necessarily carries weakness along with it2 and it is not the strong1 but the weak powers that oppress the people4 ,real tyranny consists in the person governing taking care of his own instead of the public interest4 ,now this is precisely what takes place when1 feeling himself weak and tottering1 he is forced to guard and protect himself4 ,his object is then1 no longer society1 but himself4 ,instead of thinking how he may benefit those over whom he rules1 he only studies and calculates beforehand the utility he may derive from his own measures4 ,i have said in another place1 and ,i repeat1 that1 in looking over history1 we find continually this important truth written in letters of blood3 ,wo to the people governed by a power which is obliged to think of its own preservation6 ,a fundamental truth in political science1 and which has1 nevertheless1 been lamentably overlooked in modern times4 ,much labor has been and is still spent to produce guarantees for liberty4 ,to this end a multitude of governments have been overturned1 and attempts have been made to weaken them all1 without thinking that this was the most certain means of introducing oppression4 ,what signify the veils under which despotism is concealed1 and the forms by which it seeks to disguise its existence8 ,history1 which has recorded the outrages committed in ,europe during the last century2 true history1 not that written by the authors of those outrages1 by their accomplices1 or by interested parties1 will relate to posterity the injustices and crimes committed in the midst of civil discord by governments foreseeing their end1 and feeling in themselves extreme weakness caused by their tyrannical conduct and the illegality of their origin4 ,how is it1 then1 that such a violent warfare has been declared against doctrines tending to consolidate civil authority by rendering it legitimate1 and to prove this legitimacy by declaring that power descends from ,heaven8 ,how has it been overlooked that the legitimacy of power is an essential element of its strength1 and that this strength is the safest guarantee of true liberty8 ,let it not be said that these are paradoxes4 ,what is the object of societies and governments8 ,is it not the substitution of public for private force1 of the rule of right for the rule of the strong8 ,but when once you begin to undermine power1 to make it an object of popular aversion or defiance2 when once you represent it to the people as their natural enemy1 and vilify the sacred titles on which obedience due to it is founded1 you attack at once the very object of the institution of society2 and by weakening the action of public force1 you provoke a development of private force1 which is the very thing that governments were instituted to prevent4 ,the secret of that mildness for which ,european monarchies were remarkable1 consisted chiefly in their security and strength1 founded upon the loftiness and legality of the titles of their power2 whilst you will find in the perils with which the thrones of the ,roman emperors and ,eastern monarchs were beset1 one reason for their monstrous despotism4 ,i do not hesitate to assert1 and in the course of this work ,i shall prove more and more1 that one cause of the evils to which ,europe has been exposed during the laborious solution of the problem of the alliance between order and liberty1 is the oblivion of ,catholic doctrines on this point4 ,these doctrines have been condemned without being heard or examined into1 and the enemies of the ,church have copied each other without ever having recourse to the real sources1 where they might easily have found out the truth4 ,protestantism1 departing from the teaching of ,catholicity1 has been thrown alternately upon two opposite rocks2 wishing to establish order1 it has done so to the prejudice of true liberty2 and in its desire to maintain liberty1 it has become an enemy to order4 ,from the bosom of false reform have arisen the insane doctrines1 which1 preaching up ,christian liberty1 discharged the subject from his obedience to the lawful authorities2 from the bosom of the same reform has likewise arisen the theory of ,hobbes1 which sets up despotism in the midst of society as a monstrous idol1 to which all should be sacrificed1 without regard for the eternal principles of morality1 with no other rule than the caprice of him who rules1 with no other bounds to his power than those marked out by the extent of his strength4 ,such is the necessary result of banishing from the world the authority of ,god4 ,man1 left to himself1 can only succeed in producing slavery or anarchy2 the same thing under two forms2 the reign of force4 ,in explaining the origin of society and power1 divers modern writers have said a great deal about a certain state of nature anterior to all societies1 and have supposed that these societies were formed by a gradual transition from a barbarous to a civilized state4 ,this erroneous doctrine lies deeper than some persons imagine4 ,if we pay particular attention to the subject1 we shall find that the erroneous ideas entertained on this subject may be traced to the forgetfulness of ,christian teaching4 ,hobbes derives every kind of right from a pact4 ,according to him1 when men live in a state of nature1 they have a right to every thing2 which means1 in other terms1 that there is no difference between good and evil4 ,from which it follows that society was organized without any regard to morality1 and ought to be considered merely as a means to an end4 ,puffendorf and some others1 admitting the principle of sociality1 that is1 deriving from society the rules of morality1 arrive at last at the principle of ,hobbes1 and trample under foot both the natural and eternal laws4 ,investigating the causes of these grave errors1 ,i find them in the deplorable contempt which writers on philosophy and morality in modern times have so eagerly evinced for the treasures of light afforded us by religion4 ,this light1 religion affords us on all questions1 fixing by its dogmas the cardinal points of all true philosophy1 and offering us in its narrations the only thread that can guide us through the labyrinth of the first ages4 ,read the ,protestant writers1 compare them with the ,catholic1 and you will find a remarkable difference between them4 ,the latter reason1 give their minds free scope1 and allow them a wide range2 but they ever leave untouched certain fundamental principles1 and every theory which they cannot reconcile with these principles is inexorably rejected by them as erroneous4 ,the former roam without guide or compass in the boundless space of human opinions1 presenting to us a lively image of that pagan philosophy which had not the light of faith to guide its inquiries into the principles of things4 ,instead of finding a ,god1 the ,creator and ,director1 occupied without ceasing1 like a tender father1 with the happiness of beings whom ,he has drawn from nothing1 this philosophy never discovered any thing but chaos1 either in the physical or in the social world4 ,this degraded and brutalized state1 disguised under the name of nature1 is in reality nothing but the chaos of society4 ,this chaos will be found in a great number of modern writers who are not ,catholics2 and by a surprising coincidence1 worthy of the most serious reflection1 it will also be found in the principal writers on pagan science4 ,from the moment that we lose sight of the great traditions of mankind1 traditions in which man is represented to us receiving from ,god himself intelligence1 speech1 and rules for his conduct in this life2 from the moment that we forget the narration of ,moses1 that simple1 sublime1 and only true explanation of the origin of man and of society2 our ideas become confused1 the facts are jumbled1 one absurdity creates another1 and1 like the builders of the tower of ,babel1 we suffer the just punishment of our pride4 ,how wonderful6 that antiquity1 which1 deprived of the light of ,christianity1 and lost in the labyrinth of human inventions1 had almost forgotten the primitive tradition of the origin of society1 and had recourse to the absurd transition from the barbarous to the civilized state1 should nevertheless1 whenever a society was to be formed1 have invoked this right divine1 which certain philosophers have treated with so much disdain4 ,the most renowned legislators sought to establish upon ,divine authority1 the laws they were giving to the people1 thus rendering a solemn homage to that truth logically established by ,catholics1 viz4 that all power1 to be regarded as legitimate and to exercise its due ascendency1 must receive its titles from ,god4 ,if you desire that the legislator should not be placed under the sad necessity of feigning revelations which he has never received1 or bringing forward the intervention of ,god at every moment in an extraordinary manner in human affairs1 establish the general principle that all power proceeds from ,god1 that the author of nature is likewise the author of society1 that the existence of society is a precept imposed upon mankind for their own preservation4 ,let submission and obedience be so regulated as not to wound man's pride2 let those who rule over him be invested with superior authority1 to which he can submit without a shadow of self-abasement4 ,in short1 establish the ,catholic doctrine4 ,whatever be the form of government1 you will then have found a solid basis on which to support the respect due to the authorities2 you will have placed the social edifice upon a foundation far more secure than human conventions4 ,examine the right divine such as ,i have represented it1 supported by the interpretations of illustrious doctors1 and ,i am certain that you cannot refuse to admit its perfect conformity to the lights of true philosophy2 but if you persist in giving to this right a strange sense which it does not possess1 pretending that it ought to have a different explanation1 ,i shall insist upon one thing which you cannot refuse me3 produce me a text of ,scripture1 a monument of the traditions acknowledged as articles of faith in the ,catholic ,church1 a decision of the ,councils or of the ,pontiffs1 showing your interpretation to be well founded4 ,until you have done this1 ,i have a right to tell you1 that1 possessed with the desire of rendering ,catholicity odious1 you impute to it doctrines which it does not profess1 you attribute to it dogmas which it does not acknowledge2 that you are adversaries without candor or honesty1 and employ weapons disallowed by the laws of combat4#bh ,,chapter ,,li4 ,,transmission ,,of ,,power1 ,,according ,,to ,,the ,,catholic ,,doctors4 ,the difference of opinion concerning the mode in which ,god communicates civil power1 however grave in theory1 does not appear to be of great importance in practice4 ,we have already observed1 that1 among those who assert that this power comes from ,god1 some maintain that it proceeds from ,him directly1 others indirectly4 ,in the opinion of the former1 when once the nomination of the persons appointed to exercise authority is made1 society not only lays down the necessary conditions for the communication of power1 but actually communicates it1 having first received it from ,god4 ,the latter maintain that society merely makes the appointment1 and1 by means of this act1 ,god confers the power upon the person appointed4 ,i repeat1 that1 in practice1 the result is the same1 and the difference therefore vanishes4 ,nay1 even in theory1 the divergence may not be so great as it appears at first sight4 ,i shall endeavor to demonstrate this by submitting the two opinions to rigorous investigation4 ,the explanation given of the origin of power by both parties may be set forth in the following terms3 ,in the opinion of some1 ,god says1 ,society1 for thy preservation and well-being1 thou requirest a government2 choose1 therefore1 under what form this government shall be exercised1 and appoint the persons who are to take charge of it2 ,i1 on my part1 will confer upon them the faculties necessary for the fulfilment of their mission4 ,in the opinion of others1 ,god says1 ,society1 for thy preservation and well-being1 thou requirest a government3 ,i confer upon thee the faculties necessary for the fulfilment of this object2 choose thyself the form under which this government shall be exercised1 and1 appointing the persons who are to take charge of it1 transmit to them the faculties which ,i have communicated to thee4 ,in order to be convinced of the identity of the results of these two formulas1 we must examine them in their relations3 #a4 to the sanctity of their origin2 #b4 to the rights and duties of power2 #c4 to the rights and duties of the subject4 ,whether ,god has communicated power to society1 to be transmitted by it to the persons appointed to exercise it1 or has merely conferred upon it the right of determining the form and appointing such persons1 that1 by means of this determination and appointment1 the rights annexed to supreme power may be directly communicated to the persons intrusted with the exercise of it1 it follows1 in either case1 that this supreme power1 wherever it exists1 emanates from ,god2 and is not less sacred because it passes through an intermediate means appointed by ,him4 ,i will illustrate these ideas by a very simple and obvious example4 ,suppose there exists in a state some particular community1 instituted by the sovereign1 and having no rights but those granted by him2 no duties but those which he imposes upon it2 in fine1 a community indebted to the sovereign for all that it is and has4 ,this community1 however small it may be1 will require a government3 this government may be formed in two ways2 either the sovereign who has given it its laws has conferred upon it the right of governing itself1 and of transmitting this right to the person or persons whom it may think proper to elect2 or he has left to the community itself the determination of the form and the appointment of the persons1 adding that such determination and appointment being once made1 it shall be understood that1 by this simple act1 the sovereign grants to the persons appointed the right of exercising their functions within lawful bounds4 ,it is evident that the parity is complete2 and now ,i ask1 ,is it not true that1 in this case1 as in the other1 the faculties of him who governs should be considered and respected as an emanation from the sovereign8 ,is it not true that it would be difficult to discover any difference between these two kinds of investiture8 ,in both suppositions1 the community would have the right of determining the form and appointing the person2 in both cases1 he who governs could only obtain his powers by virtue of the previous determination and appointment2 in neither case would there need any new manifestation on the part of the sovereign1 that the person nominated might be understood to be invested with faculties corresponding to the exercise of his functions4 ,in practice1 therefore1 there would be no difference2 further1 ,i will assert that1 in theory even1 it would be difficult to trace the point of separation between the two cases4 ,certainly1 if we view the matter with the eye of an acute metaphysician1 we may very easily discover this difference1 by considering the moral entity which we call power2 not as it is in itself1 and in its effects1 but as an abstract being1 passing from one hand to another1 in the manner of corporeal objects4 ,but1 instead of examining the question for the curiosity of knowing whether this moral entity1 before arriving at one person1 has not first passed through another1 let us first seek to verify from whence it emanates1 and what are the faculties it confers1 the rights it imposes3 we shall then find that1 in saying1 ,i confer this faculty upon you1 transmit it to whomsoever you think proper1 and in whatever way you think proper1 the sovereign expresses no more than if he should say3 ,such or such a faculty shall be conferred by me upon the person you wish1 and in the manner you wish1 by the simple fact of the election you have made4 ,it follows hence1 that whether we adopt the opinion of direct communication1 or the contrary one1 the supreme rights of hereditary monarchies1 of elective monarchies1 and in general of all supreme powers1 whatever be their forms of government1 will not on this account be less sacred1 less certainly sealed with divine authority4 ,difference in the forms of government does not in the least diminish the obligations of submitting to civil power1 lawfully established2 so that the refusing of obedience to the president of a republic1 in a country in which republicanism is the legal form of government1 is no less a criminal resistance to the ordinance of ,god1 than the refusing of the same obedience to the most absolute monarch4 ,bossuet1 so strongly attached to monarchy1 and writing in a country and at a period in which the king might exclaim1 ,i am the state2 and in a work1 in which he proposed nothing less than to offer a complete treatise on ,politics1 taken from the words of ,holy ,scripture2 established1 nevertheless1 in a manner the most explicit and conclusive1 the truth which ,i have just pointed out4 ,we ought to be subject1 says he1 to the form of government established in our country4 ,and he afterwards quotes these words of ,st4 ,paul in his ,epistle to the ,romans1 chap4 xiii43 ,let every soul be subject to higher powers2 for there is no power but from ,god2 and those that are1 are ordained of ,god2 therefore he that resisteth the power1 resisteth the ordinance of ,god4 ,there is no form of government1 continues ,bossuet1 nor any human institution1 without its inconveniences2 so that it is necessary to remain in the state to which length of time has inured the people4 ,for this reason1 ,god takes under ,his protection all legitimate governments1 in whatever form they may be established2 whoever undertakes to overturn them1 is not only an enemy to the public1 but also to ,god4 7,liv4 ii4 prop4 #ab47 ,it is of little consequence whether power be communicated directly or indirectly2 the respect and obedience due to it are not in the least changed1 and consequently the sacredness of the origin of power remains the same1 whichever opinion be adopted2 neither do the rights and duties of government1 and those of the subject1 remain less sacred4 ,these rights and duties suffer no change1 whether there be or not an intermediate means for the communication of power2 their nature and limits are founded upon the very object of the institution of society2 but this object is totally independent of the mode in which ,god communicates power to man4 ,against what ,i have advanced upon the small amount of difference existing between these various opinions1 the authority of the theologians1 whose texts ,i have cited in the preceding chapter1 will be objected4 ,these theologians1 it will be said1 certainly understood these affairs2 and as they placed so much importance upon the distinction here under discussion1 they undoubtedly saw in it some great truth proper to be taken into account4 ,this objection acquires the more force1 when we consider that the distinction made upon this point by these theologians does not proceed from a spirit of subtilty1 as it might be suspected in the case of those scholastic theologians1 whose writings are replete with dialectic arguments1 rather than with reasoning founded upon ,scripture1 upon the apostolical traditions and other theological resources1 from which we ought principally to take our arguments in controversies of this nature2 but the theologians whom ,i have quoted are certainly not of this class4 ,we need only name ,bellarmin1 to recognise a grave and extremely solid author1 who opposed the ,protestants with ,scripture1 with traditions1 with the authority of the holy ,fathers1 the decisions of the universal ,church and of the ,sovereign ,pontiffs3 ,bellarmin was not one of those theologians who excited the lamentations of ,melchior ,cano1 and of whom he said1 that in the hour of combat against heresy1 instead of wielding well-tempered weapons1 they wielded only long reeds3 arundines longas4 ,such was the importance given to this distinction1 that ,james1 ,king of ,england1 complained loudly that ,cardinal ,bellarmin taught that the power of kings came from ,god only indirectly2 and the ,catholic schools were so far from looking upon this distinction as insignificant1 that they defended it against the attacks of ,king ,james2 and that one of their most illustrious doctors1 ,suarez1 entered the lists to contend for the doctrines of ,bellarmin4 ,it appears1 then1 at first sight1 that ,i am wrong in what ,i have said upon the slight importance of the distinction here mentioned4 ,i believe1 nevertheless1 that the difficulty may be easily removed1 and that it will suffice for this purpose to distinguish the different aspects under which the question presents itself4 ,first of all1 ,i will observe1 that the ,catholic theologians proceeded upon this point with admirable prudence and foresight2 and truly the question1 such as it was then proposed1 comprehended more than a subtilty2 ,i am inclined to think that it included one of the most serious points of public right4 ,in order to examine deeply these doctrines of ,catholic theologians1 and to lay hold of their true sense1 we must fix our attention upon the tendencies which the religious reform of the sixteenth century communicated to ,european monarchy4 ,even before this reform1 thrones had acquired a great deal of force and solidity1 through the decline in the power of the feudal lords1 and the development of the democratic element4 ,that element1 which in due time was destined to acquire the power of which it is now possessed1 was not then in sufficiently favorable circumstances to exert its action on the vast scale which it embraces in our days4 ,on this account1 it was obliged to take refuge under the shadow of the throne--an emblem of order and justice elevated in the midst of society--a sort of universal regulator and leveller1 destined gradually to destroy the extreme inequalities so harassing and obnoxious to the people4 ,thus1 democracy itself1 which1 in after ages1 was to overturn so many thrones1 served them1 at that time1 as a firm support1 sheltering them from the attacks of a turbulent and formidable aristocracy1 unwilling to be transformed into mere courtiers4 ,there was nothing in this state of things very mischievous1 so long as matters remained within the limits prescribed by reason and justice2 but1 unfortunately1 good principles were exaggerated1 regal authority was gradually converted into an absorbent force1 which would have concentrated in itself all other forces4 ,european monarchy lost thus its true character1 which consists in monarchy having just limits1 even when these limits are not marked out and guarded by political institutions4 ,protestantism exalts to an incredible degree the pretensions of kings1 by attacking the spiritual power of the ,pope1 by painting in the darkest colors the dangers of his temporal power1 and especially by establishing the fatal doctrine1 that the supreme civil power has ecclesiastical affairs totally under its direction2 and by accusing of abuse1 of usurpation1 of unbounded ambition1 the independence which the ,church claims by virtue of the sacred canons1 of the guarantee afforded by the civil law1 of the traditions of fifteen centuries1 and above all1 of the institution of her ,divine ,founder4 ,he had no need of the permission1 of any civil power to send ,his apostles to preach the ,gospel1 and to baptize in the name of the ,father1 of the ,son1 and of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,a glance at the history of ,europe at the epoch here mentioned will convince us of the evil consequences of such a doctrine1 and show us how agreeable it must have been to the ears of power1 which it invested with unbounded faculties1 even in matters purely religious4 ,this exaggeration of the rights of civil power1 coinciding with the efforts made on the other hand to repress the pontifical authority1 must have favored the doctrine which attempted to place the power of kings upon a level1 in every respect1 with that of ,popes2 and consequently1 it was very natural that its authors should wish to establish1 that sovereigns received their power from ,god1 in the same manner as the ,popes1 without any difference whatever4 ,the doctrine of direct communication1 although very susceptible1 as we have seen1 of a reasonable explanation1 might involve a more extensive meaning1 which would have made the people oblivious of the special and characteristic manner in which the supreme power of the ,church was instituted by ,god himself4 ,what ,i have just advanced cannot be considered as merely conjectural2 the whole is supported by facts which cannot have been forgotten4 ,the reigns of ,henry ,,viii4 and of ,elizabeth of ,england1 and the usurpations and violence in which ,protestant powers indulged against the ,catholic ,church1 are a sufficient confirmation of these sad truths4 ,but1 unfortunately1 even in countries where ,catholicity remained triumphant1 attempts were then1 have since been1 and still are witnessed1 that show clearly enough how strong was the impulse given in this sense to the civil power2 for even now it is but too prone to transgress its legitimate bounds4 ,the circumstances under which the two illustrious theologians above cited1 ,bellarmin and ,suarez1 wrote1 are another reason in support of what ,i have just adduced4 ,i have quoted remarkable passages from a work by ,suarez1 written in refutation of a publication of ,king ,james of ,england4 ,this ,king could not bear the idea of ,cardinal ,bellarmin's having established that the power of kings does not emanate directly from ,god1 but is communicated through the medium of society1 which receives it in a direct manner4 ,possessed1 as is well known1 with the mania for theological debates and decisions1 ,king ,james did not confine himself to simple theory2 he reduced his theory to practice1 and said to his ,parliament3 that ,god had appointed him absolute master2 and that all privileges which co-legislative bodies enjoyed were pure concessions proceeding from the bounty of kings4 ,his courtiers1 in their adulations1 decreed him the title of the modern ,solomon2 he might well1 therefore1 feel displeased with the ,italian and ,spanish theologians for endeavoring to humble the pride of his presumptuous wisdom1 and restrain his despotism4 ,if we reflect upon the words of ,bellarmin1 and especially on those of ,suarez1 we shall find that the aim of these eminent theologians was to point out the difference between the civil and ecclesiastical powers1 with respect to the mode of their origin4 ,they admit that both powers come from ,god2 that it is an indispensable duty to be subject to them2 and that to resist them is to resist the ordinance of ,god2 but not finding1 either in the ,scripture or in tradition1 the least foundation for establishing that civil power1 like that of the ,sovereign ,pontiffs1 has been instituted in a special and extraordinary manner1 they are anxious that this difference should remain obvious1 and seek to avoid the introduction1 in a point of such import1 of a confusion of ideas1 from which dangerous errors might arise4 ,this opinion1 says ,suarez1 is new1 singular1 and apparently invented to exalt the temporal over the spiritual power4 7,see above47 ,hence1 in discussing the question of the origin of civil power1 they require you to bear in mind the influence of society4 ,by means of man's counsel and election1 says ,bellarmin2 thus reminding the ,king1 that how sacred soever his authority might be1 it had been very differently instituted from that of the ,sovereign ,pontiff4 ,the distinction between direct and indirect communication served1 in a particular manner1 to prove the difference in question2 for this very distinction recalled to mind that civil power1 although established by ,god1 owed its existence to no extraordinary measure1 and could not be considered as supernatural1 but was to be looked upon as dependent upon human and natural right1 sanctioned1 nevertheless1 in an express manner1 by right divine4 ,these theologians would not1 perhaps1 have forcibly insisted upon this distinction1 had it not been for the efforts made by others to efface it4 ,it was a matter of consequence with them to humble the pride of power1 to prevent it from assuming1 whether in respect to its origin or its rights1 titles not appertaining to it2 to prevent its ascribing to itself an unlawful supremacy1 even in religious affairs1 and thus causing monarchy to degenerate into a sort of ,oriental despotism1 in which the governing power is every thing1 the people and their affairs nothing4 ,if we weigh their words attentively1 we shall find that the predominating idea with them was that which ,i have just stated4 ,at first sight1 their language appears exceedingly democratical1 from their frequent use of the words community1 state1 society1 people2 but on examining closely their system of doctrine1 and paying attention to the expressions they use1 we perceive that they had no subversive design1 and that anarchical theories never once entered their minds4 ,they advocated on the one hand the rights of authority1 whilst they protected on the other those of the subject1 thus endeavoring to resolve the problem which formed the continual occupation of all honest political writers2 to limit power without destroying it1 or placing it under too great restraint2 to protect society against the disorder of despotism1 without rendering it at the same time refractory or turbulent4 ,from the above reasoning we see that the distinction between direct and indirect communication may be of great or of little importance1 according to the view we take of it4 ,it is of great importance when serving to remind the civil power that the establishment of governments and the regulation of their forms has in some way been dependent upon society itself1 and that no individual1 no family1 can presume upon having received from ,god the government of the people without regard to the laws of the country1 as if those laws1 in whatever form1 were a free offering made by them to the people4 ,this same distinction serves1 in short1 to establish the origin of civil power as an emanation from the ,deity1 the ,author of nature1 but not as instituted in an extraordinary manner1 as something supernatural1 as in the case of the supreme ecclesiastical power4 ,from this latter consideration two consequences follow1 one of which is of more importance than the other to the legitimate liberties of mankind and the independence of the ,church4 ,to call in the intervention1 express or tacit1 of society for the establishment of governments and the regulation of their forms1 is to prevent the concealment of their origin under any veil of mystery2 it is simply and plainly to define their object1 consequently to explain their duties1 as well as to point out their faculties4 ,by these means a restraint is put upon the disorders and abuses of authority1 which it is thenceforth clearly seen are not to find support in enigmatical theories4 ,the independence of the ,church is thus established upon a solid basis4 ,whenever the civil power attempts to offer it violence1 the ,church may say3 ,my authority is established directly and immediately by ,god in a special1 extraordinary1 and miraculous manner2 yours likewise emanates from ,god1 but through the intervention of man1 through the intermediary of the laws1 in the ordinary course pointed out by nature and determined by human prudence2 but neither man nor the civil power has a right to destroy or change what ,god ,himself1 deviating from the course of nature and making use of ineffable prodigies1 has thought proper to institute4 ,so long as the ideas here set forth are respected1 so long as direct communication is not received in too extensive a sense1 and care taken not to confound things whose limits so gravely affect religion and society1 the distinction here spoken of is of little importance4 ,we have seen1 even1 that the two opinions may be reconciled with each other4 ,at all events1 this distinction will have served to illustrate with what exalted views ,catholic theologians have discussed the grave questions of public right4 ,guided by sound philosophy1 and without ever losing sight of the beacon of revelation1 they have given equal satisfaction to the desires of both schools4 ,they have not fallen into the errors of either2 democratical without being anarchists1 monarchical without being base adulators4 ,in establishing the rights of the people1 they were not1 like modern demagogues1 under the necessity of destroying religion1 but made her the guardian of the rights of the people1 as well as of those of kings4 ,liberty was not with them a synonyme for license and irreligion2 in their opinion1 men might be free without being rebellious or impious2 liberty consisted in being subject to the law2 and1 as they could not conceive that law was possible without religion and without ,god2 in like manner also they believed that liberty was not possible without ,god and religion4 ,what reason1 revelation1 and history taught them has become evident to us by experience4 ,shall we be told of the dangers1 grave or slight1 in which theologians could involve governments8 ,but people now-a-days are not led astray by affected and insidious declamations2 and kings well know whether the schools of theologians have exiled royalty1 and led it to the scaffold4#bi ,,chapter ,,lii4 ,,freedom ,,of ,,speech ,,under ,,the ,,spanish ,,monarchy4 ,extreme doctrines neither insure the liberty of the people1 nor the force and stability of governments2 both require truth and justice1 the only foundations upon which we can build with any hope of the durability of the edifice4 ,in general1 maxims favorable to liberty are never carried to a higher pitch than on the eve of the establishment of despotism2 and it is to be feared that the overthrow and ruin of governments are very near when undue adulations are lavished upon their power4 ,when was the power of kings more extolled than about the middle of last century8 ,who is not aware of the exaggerations given to the prerogatives of royal power1 when the ,jesuits were to be expelled1 and the authority of the ,sovereign ,pontiff impugned8 ,in ,portugal1 ,spain1 ,italy1 ,austria1 and in ,france1 the unanimous voice of the purest and most fervent royalism was heard2 and yet what became of this great love1 this lively zeal for monarchy1 from the moment that the revolutionary storm had placed it in danger8 ,observe what1 generally speaking1 has been the conduct of men opposed to the ecclesiastical authority2 they have united themselves to demagogues for destroying1 at the same time1 the authority of the ,church and that of kings2 they have forgotten their base adulations1 and abandoned themselves to insults and violence4 ,people and governments should never lose sight of this rule of conduct1 so useful to men of sense1 to mistrust flatterers1 and to confide in those who warn and correct them4 ,let them beware whenever they are caressed with an affected tenderness1 and their cause is maintained with especial warmth2 it is a sure sign of an attempt to make use of them as tools for the furtherance of interests very different from their own4 ,in ,france1 at certain times1 monarchical zeal was carried to such an extent as to call forth1 in the assembly of the ,states-,general1 a motion for establishing1 as a sacred principle1 that kings receive their supreme authority immediately from ,god3 this was not carried into effect1 but the proposal shows how ardently the cause of the throne was then maintained4 ,now1 what did all this ardor mean8 ,simply an antipathy against the ,court of ,rome1 a dread of the extension of papal power2 it was an obstacle to be opposed to the phantom of a universal monarchy4 ,louis ,,xiv41 so tenacious of the royal prerogative1 assuredly did not foresee the misfortunes of ,louis ,,xvi42 and ,charles ,,iii41 in listening to the ,count of ,aranda and ,campomanes1 little thought that the constituent ,cortes of ,cadiz was so near4 ,in the midst of their splendor1 monarchs forgot one principle predominating in the whole modern history of ,europe1 viz4 that social organization is an emanation of religion1 and1 consequently1 that the two powers to which the defence and preservation of society appertain ought to co-exist in perfect harmony4 ,the power of the ,church cannot be diminished without injury to the civil power2 he who sows schism will reap rebellion4 ,during the last three centuries the most liberal and popular doctrines upon the origin of power have been circulated amongst us4 ,what did it matter to the ,spanish monarchy1 since those very persons who advocated these doctrines were the first to condemn resistance to the lawful authorities1 to inculcate the obligation of obedience to them1 and to establish in all hearts1 respect1 love1 and veneration for the sovereign8 ,the disturbances of our epoch1 and the dangers constantly besetting thrones1 are not exactly attributable to the propagation of doctrines more or less democratical1 but to the absence of moral and religious principles4 ,what will be gained by asserting that power comes from ,god1 if people believe not in ,god8 ,point out the sacred character of the duty of obedience1 and what effect will it produce upon those who admit not the existence of moral order1 and to whom duty is merely a chimerical idea8 ,suppose1 on the contrary1 that you have to deal with men penetrated with moral and religious principles1 who bow to the will of ,god1 and believe themselves bound to submit to it1 so soon as it is manifested to them4 ,what does it matter then whether civil power proceeds from ,god directly or indirectly8 it is enough to convince them1 in one way or another1 that1 whatever be its origin1 ,god approves of it1 and wills that it should be obeyed2 they will immediately submit with pleasure1 for they will see in this submission the accomplishment of a duty4 ,these considerations serve to explain the reason why certain doctrines appear more dangerous now than formerly3 incredulity and immorality give them perverse interpretations1 and apply them so as to create nothing but excesses and disorders4 ,from the manner in which the despotism of ,philip ,,ii4 and his successors is now spoken of1 we might be led to suppose that in their time no other doctrines than those in favor of the most rigid absolutism could be circulated2 and yet we find that there were circulated1 without the least apprehension on the part of power1 works maintaining theories which1 even in our days1 would be esteemed too bold4 ,is it not1 therefore1 remarkable1 that the famous book of ,father ,mariana1 intituled ,de ,rege et ,regis institutione1 which was burned at ,paris by the hand of the public executioner1 had been published in ,spain eleven years before1 without the least obstacle to its publication1 either on the part of the ecclesiastical or civil authority8 ,mariana undertook his task at the instigation and request of ,d4 ,garcia de ,loaisa1 tutor to ,philip ,,iii41 and subsequently ,bishop of ,toledo2 so that the work1 strange to say1 was intended for the instruction of the heir-apparent4 ,never was more freedom used in speaking to kings2 never was tyranny condemned in a louder voice2 never were more popular doctrines proclaimed2 and the work was1 nevertheless1 published at ,toledo1 in #aeii1 in the printing-office of ,pedro ,rodrigo1 printer to the king1 with the approbation of ,p4 ,fr4 ,pedro de ,ona1 provincial of the ,mercenaries of ,madrid1 with the permission of ,stephen ,hojeda1 visitor of the ,society of ,jesus in the province of ,toledo1 under the generalship of ,claude ,aquaviva2 and1 what is still more forcible1 with the royal sanction1 and a dedication to the king himself4 ,we should also observe1 that ,mariana was not satisfied with this dedication placed at the commencement of the book1 but he makes the very title itself serve to show to whom it was addressed3 ,de ,rege et ,regis institutione4 ,libri #c1 ad ,philippum #c1 ,hispani ,regem ,catholicum2 and1 as if this were not sufficient1 in dedicating his ,spanish version of the ,history of ,spain to ,philip ,,iii41 he says to him3 ,i last year dedicated to your majesty a work of my own composition1 upon the virtues which ought to exist in a good king1 my desire being that all princes should read it carefully and understand it4 ,el ao pasado present ,v4 ,m4 un libro que compuse de las virtudes que debe tener un buen ,rey1 que deseo lean y entiendan todos los principes con cuidado4 ,we will pass over his doctrine upon tyrannicide1 which was the principal cause of its condemnation in ,france1 where there existed1 without doubt1 motives of alarm1 since kings were perishing there by the hand of the assassin4 ,on examining his theory upon power1 we find it as popular and liberal as those of modern democrats could be4 ,mariana ventures to express his opinions without evasion or disguise4 ,for example1 drawing a parallel between the king and the tyrant1 he says3 ,the king exercises with great moderation the power which he has received from his subjects4444 ,hence1 he does not1 like the tyrant1 oppress his subjects as slaves1 but governs them as free men2 and having received his power from the people1 he takes particular care that during his life1 the people shall voluntarily yield him submission4 ,rex quam a subditis accepit potestatem singulari modestia exercet4444 ,sic fit1 ut subditis non tanquam servis dominetur1 quod faciunt tyranni1 sed tanquam liberis prsit1 et qui a populo potestatem accepit1 id in primis cur habet ut per totam vitam volentibus imperet4 7,lib4 #a1 cap4 #d1 p4 #eg47 ,this was said in ,spain by a simple religious1 was sanctioned by his superiors1 and attentively listened to by kings4 ,to what grave reflections does this simple fact lead us6 ,where is that strict and indissoluble alliance which the enemies of the ,church have imagined to exist between her dogmas and those of slavery8 ,if such expressions as the above were tolerated in a country in which ,catholicity predominated so extensively1 how can it be maintained that such a religion tends to enslave the human race1 and that its doctrines are favorable to despotism8 ,nothing would be easier than to fill whole volumes with remarkable passages of our writers1 both lay and clerical1 showing the extreme liberty granted upon this point1 as well by the ,church as by the civil government4 ,what absolute monarch in ,europe would approve of one of his high functionaries expressing the origin of power after the manner of our immortal ,saavedra8 ,it is from the centre of justice1 says he1 that the circumference of the crown has been drawn4 ,the latter would not be necessary1 if we could dispense with the former4 ,hac una reges olim sunt fine creati1 ,dicere jus populis1 injustaque tollere facta4 ,in the first age1 there was no necessity for penalties1 because the law did not take cognisance of transgressions2 rewards were equally unnecessary1 because integrity and honor were loved for their own sakes4 ,but vice1 growing with the age of the world1 intimidated virtue2 simple and confiding1 the latter1 till then1 dwelt in the country4 ,equality was despised1 modesty and chastity lost1 ambition and force introduced1 and after them domination4 ,prudence1 forced by necessity1 and aroused by the light of nature1 reduced men to a state of civil society1 to exercise therein those virtues to which reason inclines them4 ,by means of the articulate voice with which nature had gifted them1 they could explain to each other their mutual thoughts1 manifest to each other their sentiments1 and explain their wants1 instruct1 counsel1 and protect each other4 ,society once formed1 a power was created by common consent1 in the whole of this community1 enlightened by the law of nature1 for preserving its different parts1 for maintaining them in justice and peace1 by punishing vice and rewarding virtue4 ,as this power could not remain spread through the whole body of the people1 on account of the confusion which would have arisen from the resolutions and their execution1 and as it was absolutely necessary that there should be some to command1 and others to obey1 one portion divested itself of this power1 and vested it in one member1 or in a small1 or in a great1 number of members1 that is to say1 in one of the three forms of every state government--monarchy1 aristocracy1 or democracy4 ,monarchy was the first2 because men selected for their government1 out of their families1 and afterwards even from among the whole people1 some one who excelled the rest in goodness3 his greatness increasing1 they honored his hand with the sceptre1 and encircled his head with a crown as an emblem of majesty1 and as a badge of the supreme power which they had conferred upon him4 ,this power1 however1 consists chiefly in that justice which ought to maintain the people in peace2 this justice failing1 the order of the state fails1 and the office of king ceases1 as was the case in ,castile1 when the government by judges was substituted for that by kings1 on account of the injustice of ,d4 ,ordona and of ,d4 ,fruela4 7,character of a ,christian ,prince's ,policy1 set forth in a hundred ,devices1 by ,d4 ,diego de ,saavedra ,fajardo1 ,knight of the ,order of ,st4 ,james1 ,member of his ,majesty's ,supreme ,council for the ,indies1 device #bb47 ,the words people1 pact1 consent1 have ended in becoming the dread of men of sound ideas and upright intentions1 on account of the deplorable abuses which have been made of them in those immoral schools which ought rather to be qualified with the epithet of irreligious than with that of democratical4 ,no1 it was not the desire of ameliorating the condition of the people which led them to overthrow the world1 by overturning thrones and shedding torrents of blood in civil discord2 the real cause was a blind rage for reducing to ashes the work of ages1 by especially attacking religion1 the main support of every thing wise1 just1 and salutary1 that ,european civilization had acquired4 ,and1 in fact1 have we not seen impious schools1 whilst boasting of their liberty1 bend under the hand of despotism1 whenever they thought it useful to their designs8 ,previous to the ,french ,revolution1 were they not the basest adulators of kings1 whose prerogatives they extended immeasurably1 with the intention of making regal power the means of oppressing the ,church8 ,after the revolutionary epoch1 did we not see them assembled round ,napoleon2 and even yet1 do they not almost deify him8 ,and why8 ,because ,napoleon was revolution personified1 the representative and executor of the new ideas sought to be substituted for the old ones4 ,in the same manner ,protestantism extols its ,queen ,elizabeth2 because it was she who placed the ,establishment upon a solid foundation4 ,revolutionary doctrines1 besides the evils they inflict upon society1 produce indirectly another effect1 which may1 at first sight1 appear salutary1 but which1 in reality1 is not so4 ,they occasion dangerous reactions in the order of events1 and check the progress of knowledge1 by narrowing and debasing men's ideas1 leading them to condemn as erroneous and pernicious1 or to view with mistrust1 principles which would previously have been looked upon as sound1 or that would1 at all events1 have been regarded as mere harmless errors4 ,the reason of all this is1 simply1 that liberty has no worse enemy than licentiousness4 ,in support of this last observation1 it may be well to show1 that the most rigorous doctrines in political matters have originated in countries in which anarchy had made the greatest ravages1 and precisely at the time when the evil1 still present1 or very recent1 was most keenly felt4 ,the religious revolution of the sixteenth century1 and the political commotions consequent upon it1 were principally felt in the north of ,europe2 the south1 and especially ,italy and ,spain1 were almost entirely preserved from them4 ,now1 these last two countries are precisely those in which the dignities and prerogatives of civil power have been the least exaggerated1 as well as those in which they were not disparaged in theory1 and were respected in practice4 ,of all modern nations1 ,england was the first in which a revolution1 properly so called1 was realized2 for ,i do not consider as such the insurrection of the ,german peasantry1 which1 in spite of the terrible catastrophe which it caused1 never effected any change in the state of society2 or that of the ,united ,provinces1 which may be considered a war of independence4 ,now1 it was precisely in ,england that the most erroneous doctrines in favor of the supreme authority of civil power appeared4 ,hobbes1 who1 whilst he refused to allow the rights of the ,creator1 attributed unbounded authority to the monarchs of the earth1 lived at the most agitated and turbulent epoch in the annals of ,great ,britain4 ,he was born in #aehh1 and died in #afgi4 ,in ,spain1 where the impious and anarchical doctrines1 which had troubled ,europe since the schism of ,luther1 did not penetrate until the latter part of the eighteenth century1 we have seen that the greatest license of expression was permitted upon the most important points of public right1 and that doctrines were maintained which1 in any other country1 would have been looked upon as dangerous4 ,error gave rise to exaggeration2 the rights of monarchs were never so much extolled as under the reign of ,charles ,,iii42 that is1 at the time when the modern epoch was inaugurated among us4 ,religion1 which predominated in all consciences1 maintained them in the obedience due to the sovereign1 without there being any need of giving this obedience any extraordinary titles1 when its real ones were sufficient1 as they certainly were4 ,for him who knows that ,god has prescribed obedience to lawful authority1 it matters little whether this authority emanate from ,heaven directly or indirectly1 or whether society has more or less taken part in the determination of political forms1 or in the election of the persons or families who are to exercise the supreme command4 ,hence we find that in ,spain1 although the words people1 consent1 pacts1 were spoken of1 monarchs were held in the most profound veneration1 so much so that modern history does not mention a single attempt upon their persons4 ,popular tumults were also of rare occurrence2 and those which did happen are not attributable to either of the two above-mentioned doctrines4 ,how does it happen that1 at the end of the sixteenth century1 the ,council of ,castile was not alarmed at the bold principles of ,mariana1 in his book ,de ,rege et ,regis institutione1 whilst those of the ,abb ,spedalieri1 at the end of the eighteenth century1 were such a terror to it8 ,the reason of this lies not so much in the contents of the works1 as in the epoch of their publication4 ,the former appeared at a time when the ,spanish nation1 confirmed in religious and moral principles1 might be compared to those robust constitutions capable of bearing food difficult of digestion4 ,the latter was introduced among us when the doctrines and deeds of the ,french ,revolution were shaking all the thrones of ,europe1 and when the propagandism of ,paris was beginning to pervert us by its emissaries and books4 ,in a nation in which reason and virtue prevail1 in which evil passions are never excited1 in which the well-being and prosperity of the country are the only aim of every citizen1 the most popular and liberal forms of government may exist without danger2 for in such a nation numerous assemblies produce no disorder1 merit is not obscured by intrigue1 nor are worthless persons raised to the government1 and the names of public liberty and felicity do not serve as means to raise the fortunes or satisfy the ambition of individuals4 ,so also in a country in which religion and morality rule in every breast1 in which duty is not looked upon as an empty word1 in which it is considered really criminal to disturb the tranquillity of the state1 to revolt against the lawful authorities3 in such a country1 ,i say1 it is less dangerous to discuss1 with more or less freedom1 questions arising from theories on the formation of society and the origin of the civil power1 and to establish principles favorable to popular rights4 ,but when these conditions do not exist1 it is of little use to proclaim rigorous doctrines4 ,to abstain from pronouncing the name of people1 as a sacrilegious word1 is a useless precaution4 ,how can it be expected1 that he who respects not ,divine ,majesty1 should respect human8 ,the conservative schools of our age1 proposing to place a restraint upon the revolutionary torrent1 and to tranquillize agitated nations1 have almost always been infected with a certain failing1 which consists in forgetting the truth which ,i have just noticed3 royal majesty1 authority of the government1 supremacy of the law1 parliamentary sovereignty1 respect for established forms1 and order3 such are the terms they are constantly making use of4 ,this is their palladium of society2 and they condemn with all their might the state1 insubordination1 disobedience to the laws1 insurrection1 riot1 anarchy2 but they forget that these doctrines will not suffice1 unless there be some fixed point to which the first link of the chain may be riveted4 ,these schools1 generally speaking1 originate in the bosom of revolution2 they are directed by men who have figured in revolutions1 who have contributed to prepare them1 who have given them their force1 and who1 in order to attain the object of their ardent desires1 feared not to ruin the edifice at its foundation1 by diminishing the ascendency of religion and opening the way to moral relaxation4 ,hence they become powerless when prudence1 or their own interests1 bid them say1 ,we have gone far enough2 and1 hurried on like the rest by the furious whirlwind1 they have neither the means of stopping the movement nor of giving it a proper direction4 ,we are continually hearing the ,contrat ,social of ,rousseau condemned on account of its anarchical doctrines1 whilst at the same time doctrines are circulated tending visibly to weaken religion4 ,can we possibly believe that the ,contrat ,social has alone caused all the commotions of ,europe8 ,it has doubtless produced serious evils1 but still more serious ones have been caused by that irreligion which so deeply undermines the foundations of society1 which loosens family bonds1 and delivers up the individual to the caprice of his passions1 with no other restraint or guide than the promptings of his own low egotism4 ,men of upright and reflecting minds begin to penetrate these truths4 ,we find1 nevertheless1 in the political sphere1 this error1 which attributes to the action of civil government sufficient creative power to form1 organize1 and preserve society1 independently of all moral and religious influences4 ,it is of little consequence what be maintained in theory1 if this error be acted upon in practice2 and what avails the proclaiming of certain sound principles1 if our conduct is not guided by them8 ,these philosophico-political schools1 which are desirous of ruling the destinies of the world1 proceed in a way diametrically opposite to that of ,christianity4 ,the latter1 whose principal object was heaven1 did not1 however1 neglect the happiness of man upon earth2 it addressed itself directly to the understanding and the heart1 considering that the community is regulated by the conduct of individuals1 and that1 in order to have a well-regulated society1 it was necessary to have good citizens4 ,to proclaim certain political principles1 to institute particular forms--such is the panacea of some schools1 who deem it possible to govern society without exercising a due influence over the intelligence and heart of man2 reason and experience agree in teaching us what we may expect from such a system4 ,profoundly to impress the minds of men with religion and morality1--this is the first step towards the prevention of revolutions and disorganization4 ,when these sacred objects have acquired their full influence over the hearts of men1 there is no longer any thing to be apprehended from a greater or less latitude in political opinions4 ,what confidence can a government repose in a man professing highly monarchical opinions1 if he join impiety to them8 ,will he who refuses to give to ,god his rights1 respect those of temporal kings8 ,the first thing1 says ,seneca1 is the worship of the gods1 and faith in their existence2 we are next to acknowledge their majesty1 and bounty1 without which there is no majesty4 ,primum est ,deorum cultus1 ,deos credere2 deinde reddere illis majestatem suam1 reddere bonitatem1 sine qua nulla majestas est4 7,seneca1 ,epist4 #ie47 ,observe how ,cicero1 the first orator and perhaps the greatest philosopher of ,rome1 expresses himself3 ,it is necessary1 says he1 that the citizens should be first persuaded of the existence of gods1 the directors and rulers of all things1 in whose hands are all events1 who are ever conferring on mankind immense benefits1 who search the heart of man1 who see his actions1 the spirit of piety which he carries into the practice of religion1 and who distinguish the life of the pious from that of the ungodly man4 ,sit igitur jam hoc a principio persuasum civibus1 dominos esse omnium rerum1 ac moderatores deos2 eaque qu gerantur1 eorum geri ditione ac numine1 eosdemque optime de genere hominum mereri1 et qualis quisque sit1 quid agat1 quid inde admittat1 qua mente1 qua pietate colat religiones intueri3 piorumque et impiorum habere rationem4 7,cic4 de ,nat4 ,deor4 #b47 ,these truths should be profoundly impressed upon the mind3 the evils of society do not principally emanate from political ideas or systems2 the root of the evil lies in religion2 and if a check is not put upon irreligion1 it is vain to proclaim the most rigid monarchical principles4 ,hobbes did certainly flatter kings a little more than ,bellarmin2 and yet1 when these two writers are compared1 what sensible monarch would not prefer as a subject the learned and pious controvertist8#cj ,,chapter ,,liii4 ,,on ,,the ,,faculties ,,of ,,the ,,civil ,,power4 ,having shown that the ,catholic doctrine upon the origin of the civil power does not include any thing but what is perfectly reasonable and reconcilable with the true interests of the people1 let us discuss the second of the proposed questions4 ,let us inquire into the nature of the faculties of this power1 and see whether under this aspect the ,church teaches any thing favorable to despotism--to that oppression of which she is so calumniously accused of being a supporter4 ,we invite our opponents to demonstrate the contrary1 fully confident that they will find it more difficult to succeed in so doing1 than to accumulate vague accusations1 which serve only to lead too confiding minds astray4 ,to sustain these charges properly1 recourse should be had to texts of ,scripture1 to tradition1 to the decisions of ,councils1 or to those of ,supreme ,pontiffs1 to passages of the ,fathers2 and it should be shown that these immoderately extend the bounds of power1 with the design of placing undue restraint upon the liberty of the people1 or of destroying it4 ,but it will be said1 if the sources retained their purity1 the streams have been polluted by commentators2 in other terms1 theologians of latter ages1 becoming the adulators of civil power1 have powerfully labored to extend its faculties1 and1 consequently1 to establish despotism4 ,as many persons too readily claim the right of criticizing the doctors of what is termed the period of decline1 flippantly censuring those illustrious men1 without having ever taken the trouble to open their works1 it is necessary for us to enter into some details on this subject1 and to dispel prejudices and errors which are seriously injurious to religion1 and not less so to science4 ,the declamations and invectives of ,protestants have induced certain minds to imagine that every idea of liberty would have disappeared from the heart of ,europe1 had it not been for the timely intervention of the pretended ,reformation of the sixteenth century4 ,according to this idea1 ,catholic theologians are represented as a crowd of ignorant monks1 capable only of writing1 in bad language and in still worse style1 a heap of nonsense1 the ultimate and only aim of which was to exalt the authority of ,popes and kings1 and to support intellectual and political oppression1 obscurantism1 and tyranny4 ,that a portion should become the victim of illusion in matters the investigation of which is difficult and arduous2 that the reader should suffer himself to be deceived by a writer on whose word he must either rely or remain in complete ignorance1--as1 for example1 in the description of a country or a phenomenon examined only by the narrator1--is nothing strange2 but that any one should adhere to errors which a few moments spent in the most obscure library would eradicate1 that the authors of the brilliant volumes of ,paris should have the privilege of disfiguring with impunity the opinions of a writer lying covered with dust and forgotten in the same library1 and perhaps on the same shelf upon which the former glitter2 that the reader should peruse with avidity the glossy pages of the newly-published work1 filling his mind with the writer's notions1 without even so much as putting forth his hand to the voluminous tome within his reach1 and which needs only to be opened to furnish at every page a refutation of the censures in which levity1 if not bad faith1 is so ready to indulge2 is difficult to be conceived or excused in any man professing to be a lover of science1 and a conscientious investigator of truth4 ,a great number of writers would assuredly not be so ready and free to speak of what they have never studied1 to analyze books which they have never read1 if they did not reckon upon the docility and levity of their readers2 they would certainly refrain from pronouncing magisterially upon an opinion1 a system1 or a school1 in fine1 upon the labors of many ages1 from deciding the gravest questions by a sally of wit1 if they found that the reader1 seized in his turn with distrust1 and particularly with the skepticism of the period1 would not place implicit faith in their assertions1 but would take the trouble to confront them with the facts to which they relate4 ,our ancestors did not consider themselves justified1 ,i will not say in making an assertion1 but even a single allusion1 without giving careful references to the source of their information4 ,their delicacy on this point was carried to excess2 but we have done wrong by going to the opposite extreme1 and judging that we might dispense with all formality1 even in the most important matters which imperiously demand the testimony of facts4 ,but the opinions of ancient writers are facts1 facts averred in their writings4 ,by judging them hastily1 without entering into details1 without imposing upon ourselves the obligation of quoting authorities1 we incur the suspicion of falsifying history1 and history1 ,i repeat1 the most precious1 that of the human mind4 ,the levity observable in certain writers proceeds1 in a great measure1 from the character which science has assumed in our days4 ,there is no longer any particular science1 but only a general one1 embracing them all1 and including in its immense circle all branches of knowledge4 ,consequently1 minds of ordinary capacity are obliged to remain satisfied with vague notions1 unfortunately only serving to stimulate abstraction and universality4 ,never was knowledge so much generalized as now1 and never was it more difficult to obtain deserved renown for wisdom4 ,in every aspirant to scientific excellence the state of science requires a laborious activity in the acquisition of knowledge1 profound reflection to regulate and direct it1 a comprehensive and penetrating view to simplify and concentrate it1 an intellect of a high order1 elevating him to the regions in which science has established her abode4 ,how many men are endowed with these qualifications8 ,but let us revert to the subject4 ,catholic theologians are so far from favoring despotism1 that ,i doubt much whether it would be possible to find better books than theirs for enabling us to form clear and just ideas of the faculties of power4 ,i will even add that1 generally speaking1 they incline1 in a very remarkable manner1 to the development of true liberty4 ,the great type of theological schools1 the model to the contemplation of which they have constantly turned during several centuries1 are the works of ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin2 and we may with full confidence defy our opponents to find us a jurist or philosopher who expounds with more lucidity1 wisdom1 noble independence1 and generous dignity1 the principles to which civil power ought to adhere4 ,his ,treatise upon ,laws is immortal1 and whoever has fully comprehended it has no further information to acquire respecting the great principles which ought to guide the legislator4 ,you think lightly of past times1 imagining that till now nothing was known of politics or public right2 and in your imagination you invent an incestuous alliance between religion and despotism1 fancying you have discovered in the distant obscurity of the cloister1 the plot contrived by this infamous pact4 ,but have you heard the opinion of a religious of the thirteenth century upon the nature of law8 ,you already imagine that you see in his ideas force dominating over all1 and constantly invoking religion the better to disguise his rude snares with a few falsehoods4 ,learn1 then1 that you could not yourself have given a milder definition of law4 ,you would never have thought1 as he has done1 of excluding from it the idea of force2 you could never have conceived how1 in so few words1 he has managed to say all1 and with such exactitude1 such lucidity1 in terms so favorable to the true liberty of the people and to the dignity of man4 ,the definition here spoken of being the summary of his entire doctrine1 and at the same time the guide which has directed theologians1 may be considered as an abridgment of theological doctrines in their relation to the faculties of civil power4 ,it presents to us at a single glance what were1 in this point of view1 the predominating principles among ,catholics4 ,civil power acts upon society through the medium of the law2 and1 according to ,st4 ,thomas1 the law is1 a rule dictated by reason1 the aim of which is the public good1 and promulgated by him who has the care of society4 ,qudam rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune1 et ab eo qui curam communitatis habet promulgata4 7#a1 #b1 qust4 #ij1 art4 #d47 ,a rule dictated by reason1 rationis ordinatio4 ,here by one word despotism and force are banished2 here is the principle that the law is not a pure effect of the will4 ,the celebrated maxim1 ,quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem1 is here corrected4 ,although capable of a reasonable and just interpretation1 this maxim was1 nevertheless1 incorrect1 and inclined to flattery4 ,a celebrated writer of our days has devoted numerous pages to proving that legitimacy has not its origin in the will of man1 but in reason1 inferring from this that what ought to command men is not in the will of another man1 but reason4 ,with much less pomp1 but not less solidity and conciseness1 the holy ,doctor expresses this idea in the words above quoted1 rationis ordinatio4 ,on reflection we find that despotism1 arbitrary power1 and tyranny are nothing else than the absence of reason in power1 the domination of the will4 ,when reason commands1 there is legitimacy1 justice1 liberty2 when the will alone commands1 there is illegitimacy1 injustice1 despotism4 ,hence the fundamental idea of all law is1 that it be in accordance with reason1 that it be an emanation from reason1 an application of reason to society2 and the will1 in giving its sanction to law and carrying it into execution1 should be merely auxiliary to reason1 its instrument1 its arm4 ,it is evident that1 without the action of the will1 there is no law2 for acts of pure reason1 without the co-operation of the will1 are thoughts and not commands4 ,they enlighten the mind1 but do not produce action4 ,it is1 therefore1 impossible to conceive the existence of law without the combined operation of the will and of reason4 ,but this is no reason why we should not consider all law to have a rational foundation and to be conformable to reason1 that it may merit the name of law4 ,these observations have not escaped the penetration of the holy ,doctor2 he examines them1 and dispels the error of believing that the law consists in the mere will of the prince4 ,he expresses himself as follows3 ,reason receives its motive power from the will1 as we have observed above 7qust4 #ag1 art4 #a27 for whilst the will seeks the end1 reason enjoins the means of its attainment2 but the will1 to have the force of law1 must be guided by reason4 ,in this sense only can the will of a sovereign be said to have the force of law2 in any other sense it would not be law1 but injustice4 ,ratio habet vim movendi a voluntate1 ut supra dictum est4 7,qust4 #ag1 art4 #a47 ,ex hoc enim quod aliquis vult finem1 ratio imperat de his qu sunt ad finem1 sed voluntas de his qu imperantur1 ad hoc quod legis rationem habeat1 oportet quod sit aliqua ratione regulata2 et hoc modo intelligitur quod voluntas principis habet vigorem legis2 alioquin voluntas principis magis esset iniquitas quam lex4 7,qust4 #ij1 art4 #a47 ,these doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas are the same as those of all theologians4 ,impartiality and good sense will tell us whether they are favorable to absolutism and despotism1 whether they are in any way opposed to true liberty1 whether they are not eminently conformable to the dignity of man4 ,these doctrines form the most explicit and conclusive proclamation of the limits of civil power1 and they certainly have in this respect more weight than the declarations of imprescriptible rights4 ,that which humbles man1 wounds in him the feeling of a just independence1 and introduces despotism into the world1 is the will of man commanding and exacting submission merely because it is his will2 but by submitting to reason1 being guided by her dictates1 we are not degraded2 on the contrary1 we are elevated1 we are dignified1 for we live conformably to eternal order and to the divine will4 ,the obligation of being subject to the law does not originate in the will of another1 but in reason4 ,theologians1 however1 have not considered the latter of itself sufficient to command4 ,they derive the sanction of the law from a higher source2 when the conscience of man was to be acted upon1 to be bound by duty1 they could find nothing in the sphere of created things capable of attaining so high an object4 ,human laws1 if they are just1 says the holy ,doctor1 are binding in conscience1 and they derive their power from the eternal law1 from which they are formed1 according to what is said in ,proverbs1 chap4 viii41 ',by ,me kings reign1 and the lawgivers decree just things4' ,si quidem just sunt1 habent vim obligandi in foro conscienti a lege eterna1 a qua derivantur1 secundum illud ,proverb4 cap4 #h1 per me reges regnant1 et legum conditores justa decernunt4 7#a1 #b1 qust4 #if1 art4 #c47 ,this proves1 according to ,st4 ,thomas1 that just law is derived not exactly from human reason1 but from the eternal law2 and that this is what makes it binding upon conscience4 ,this is doubtless more philosophical than to seek the obligatory force of laws in private reason1 in pacts1 or in the general will4 ,in this manner the titles1 the true titles of humanity are explained1 a reasonable limit is placed upon civil power1 and obedience is easily obtained2 the rights and duties of governments1 as well as those of subjects1 are established upon solid and indestructible foundations2 the nature of power1 society1 command1 and obedience become perfectly comprehensible4 ,it is no longer the will of one man predominating over that of his fellow-man2 it is not his reason1 but reason emanating from ,god1 or more properly speaking the reason of ,god1 the eternal law1 ,god ,himself4 ,a sublime theory1 in which power finds its rights1 its duties1 its force1 its authority1 its prestige1 and in which society possesses its safest guarantee of order1 well-being1 and true liberty2 a theory which divests authority of the will of man1 since it changes this will into an instrument of the eternal law1 into a divine ministry1 whose aim is the public good1 ad bonum commune4 ,this1 according to ,st4 ,thomas1 is also one of the essential conditions of law4 ,it has been asked1 ,whether kings are made for the people1 or the people for kings8 ,such a question could only arise from a want of due reflection upon the nature of society1 its object1 and its origin1 and upon the intent of power4 ,the concise expression above cited1 ad bonum commune1 is a fitting answer to this question4 ,laws1 says the holy ,doctor1 may be unjust in two ways2 either by being opposed to the commonweal1 or by having an improper aim1 as when a government imposes upon its subjects onerous laws1 which do not serve the common interest1 but rather cupidity and ambition4 ,such laws are rather injustices than laws4 ,injust autem sunt leges dupliciter2 uno modo per contrarietatem ad bonum commune1 e contrario prdictis2 vel ex fine1 sicut cum aliquis prsidens leges imponit1 onerosas subditis non pertinentes ad utilitatem communem1 sed magis ad propriam cupiditatem vel gloriam3 444444 ,et hujusmodi magis sunt violenti quam leges4 7#a1 #b1 q4 #if1 art4 #d47 ,from this doctrine it follows1 that command must be exercised for the well-being of all2 and1 failing in this condition1 it is unjust3 governors are invested with it only for the advantage of the governed4 ,kings are not1 as some philosophers1 regardless of the most palpable inconsistencies1 have absurdly maintained1 the slaves of their people2 neither is their power a simple commission without any real authority1 and continually subject to the caprice of their people2 but1 at the same time1 the people are not the property of their kings4 ,the latter can1 by no means1 consider their subjects as slaves1 to be disposed of at their free-will3 governments are not1 by any means1 the absolute arbiters of the lives and fortunes of the governed2 they are bound to watch over them1 not as a master over slaves from whom he derives profit1 but as a father over the son whom he loves and whose happiness he has at heart4 ,the kingdom is not made for the king1 but the king for the kingdom1 says the holy ,doctor1 from whom ,i continue to quote2 and1 in a style remarkable for its force and freedom1 he continues as follows3 for ,god has constituted kings to rule and govern1 and to secure to every one the possession of his rights2 such is the aim of their institution2 but if kings1 turning things to their own profit1 should act otherwise1 they are no longer kings1 but tyrants4 7,d4 ,th4 de ,reg4 ,princ4 cap4 #aa47 ,from this doctrine it is evident1 that the people are not made for kings2 that the subject is not made for the ruler2 but that all governments have been established for the good of society1 and that this alone should be the compass to guide those who are in command1 whatever be the form of government4 ,from the president of the most insignificant republic to the most powerful monarch1 none are exempt from this law2 for it is a law anterior to society1--a law which presided at the formation of society1 and which is superior to human law1 inasmuch as it emanates from the ,author of all society1 from the source of all law4 ,no1 the people are not made for kings2 kings are all appointed for the good of the people3 and if this object is not accomplished1 the government is useless2 and this affects the republic as well as the monarchy4 ,to flatter kings with opposite maxims is to ruin them4 ,religion has not1 at any time1 done this2 this was not the language of those illustrious men who1 clothed in the sacerdotal habit1 delivered to the powerful ones of the earth the messages of ,heaven4 ,kings1 princes1 magistrates1 cries out the venerable ,palafox1 all jurisdiction is ordained by ,god for the preservation of ,his people1 not for their destruction2 for defence1 not for offence2 for man's right1 and not for his injury4 ,they who maintain that kings can do as they please1 and who establish their power upon their will1 open the way to tyranny4 ,those who maintain that kings have power to do as they ought1 and what is necessary for the preservation of their subjects and of their crowns1 for the exaltation of faith and religion1 for the just and right administration of justice1 the preservation of peace and the support of just war1 for the due and becoming clat of regal dignity1 the honorable maintenance of their houses and families1 speak the truth without flattery1 throw open the gates to justice1 and to magnanimous and royal virtues4 7,hist4 ,real4 ,sagrada1 lib4 i4 cap4 #aa47 ,when ,louis ,,xiv4 said1 ,i am the state1 he had not learned this maxim either from ,bossuet1 ,bourdaloue1 or ,masillon4 ,pride1 exalted by so much grandeur and power1 and infatuated by base adulators1 was here speaking by his mouth4 ,how unsearchable are the ways of ,providence6 ,the corpse of this man1 who said he was the state1 was insulted at his funeral2 and1 before the lapse of a century1 his grandson suffered death on the scaffold6 ,thus the crimes of families are expiated1 as well as those of nations4 ,when the measure of ,his indignation is filled up1 the ,lord reminds terrified man that the ,god of mercy is likewise a ,god of vengeance1 and that1 as ,he opened upon the world the floodgates of heaven1 so also ,he lets loose upon kings and nations the tempests of revolution4 ,when once the rights and duties of power are founded upon a base as solid as that of their divine origin1 when once they become established by a rule as exalted as that of the eternal law1 there is no longer any necessity for extolling or exaggerating power1 nor of attributing to it faculties to which it has no claim2 and1 on the other hand1 it is no longer necessary to exact from it the fulfilment of its obligations with that imperious haughtiness which enervates by humiliating it4 ,flattery and menace become alike needless when there are other resources for exciting it to action1 and other barriers for restraining it within due bounds4 ,the statue of the king1 it is true1 is not set up in the public squares as an object for the people's adoration2 but1 on the other hand1 the king is no longer placed at the mercy of democrats1 soon to become an object of mockery and derision1 the contemptible laughing-stock of demagogues4 ,observe the moderation and mildness of the definition we have just analysed6 ,it does not contain a single word which can wound the most delicate susceptibility of the most ardent partisans of public liberty4 ,the law1 according to this definition1 consists in the rule of reason2 the common weal is its only aim2 and when the authority of him who promulgates and executes it is spoken of1 there is no mention made of any sovereignty1 no expression is used indicative of slavish subjection1 the most measured term which it was possible to select is made use of--care3 ,qui ,,curam communitatis habet4 ,bear in mind1 that the author here quoted is accustomed to weigh his words like precious metal1 and to employ them with the most scrupulous delicacy1 pausing a long time1 when necessary1 to explain any that may present the least ambiguity1 and you will then understand what ideas this great man entertained upon power2 you will discover whether the spirit of oppressive doctrines could have prevailed in the ,catholic schools1 in which this ,doctor was1 and is still1 acknowledged as an almost infallible oracle4 ,compare the definition given by ,st4 ,thomas1 and adopted by all theologians1 with that which ,rousseau has given4 ,in that of ,st4 ,thomas1 law is the expression of reason2 in that of ,rousseau1 the expression of will3 in the former1 it is an application of the eternal law2 in the latter1 the product of general will4 ,on which side are wisdom and good sense8 ,law was understood among the nations of ,europe as it is explained by ,st4 ,thomas and all the ,catholic schools2 and tyranny was banished from ,europe1 ,asiatic despotism was impossible1 the admirable institution of ,european monarchy was established4 ,at a later period1 ,rousseau's explanation was adopted1 and then came the ,convention1 with its scaffolds and its horrors4 ,publicists have already nearly abandoned the theory of a general will2 and even those who contend for the sovereignty of the people1 do not maintain that the will of all the citizens should constitute the law4 ,the law1 say they1 is not the expression of general will1 but of general reason4 ,the philosopher of ,geneva would have the will of individuals collected1 the aggregate of which he termed the general will4 ,in like manner1 the publicists of whom we are speaking are of opinion that it is necessary to collect1 amongst the governed1 the greatest amount of reason1 and to give this to the government for its guidance1 the governing body being merely an instrument for the application of it4 ,it is not men who command1 say they1 but the law2 and the law is nothing else than reason and justice4 ,this theory1 so far as it is correct1 and apart from the applications which might be made of it1 is not a discovery of modern science2 it is a traditional principle of all ,europe1 which presided at the formation of society1 and has given to civil power an organisation differing widely from those of antiquity1 and equally so from those of modern times that have not participated in our civilisation4 ,this1 on close examination1 appears to be the reason why ,european monarchies1 even the most absolute1 have been so very different from the ,asiatic4 ,a singular phenomenon3 at the very time when society among us had no legal guarantees against the power of kings1 it still had other very forcible ones which were purely moral4 ,modern science cannot1 therefore1 claim the discovery of a new principle of government2 it has unknowingly resuscitated the ancient one4 ,by rejecting the doctrine of ,rousseau1 instead of making1 according to the vulgar expression1 a step in advance1 it retrograded2 but to retrograde is not always to lose an advantage4 ,what is or can be lost by receding from the brink of a precipice to enter upon a safe road8 ,rousseau complains1 and with reason1 that certain writers have so far exaggerated the prerogatives of civil power1 as to convert mankind into a common herd1 of which rulers could dispose to serve their interest or caprice4 ,such reproaches1 however1 cannot be applied to the ,catholic ,church1 nor to any of the illustrious schools sheltered in her bosom4 ,the philosopher of ,geneva makes a severe attack upon ,hobbes and ,grotius for having maintained this servile doctrine4 ,catholics have nothing to do with the cause of these two writers4 ,i will observe1 however1 that it would not be just to place the latter upon a parallel with the former4 ,grotius has certainly afforded reason for the accusation4 ,he maintains that there are cases in which governments are not for the benefit of the governed1 but for that of the governing powers4 ,sic imperia qudam esse possunt comparata ad regum utilitatem4 7,de ,jure ,belli et ,pacis1 lib4 i4 cap4 #c47 ,but1 whilst we acknowledge that this principle has a dangerous tendency1 we grant that the doctrines of the ,dutch writer do not upon the whole tend to the total ruin of morality4 ,by rendering ,grotius his due share of justice1 we prevent any exaggeration of the evil which may exist on the side of our opponents2 it must now be permitted to ,catholic hearts to remark with noble satisfaction1 that such doctrines could never be established amongst the professors of the true faith1 and that the fatal maxims which lead to oppression have originated precisely among those who have deviated from the teaching of the ,chair of ,st4 ,peter4 ,no2 ,catholics have never brought under discussion whether kings have an unlimited power over the lives and fortunes of their subjects1 to such a degree as to admit of no opposition1 whatever be the excess of the absolutism and despotism exercised over them4 ,whenever flattery raised its voice to exaggerate the royal prerogative1 this voice was immediately silenced by the unanimous outcry of the supporters of sound doctrine4 ,witness the remarkable example of a solemn retractation imposed by the tribunal of the ,inquisition upon a preacher who had exceeded his bounds4 ,not so in ,england1 a country proverbial for its hatred of ,catholicity4 ,whilst here1 in ,spain1 it was forbidden under a severe penalty to circulate maxims so degrading1 in ,england the question was proposed with the greatest gravity1 and writers upon law were divided in their sentiments4 7,see end of chapter #ci47 ,every impartial reader has already been able to form an opinion on the value of declamations against the right divine1 and on that pretended affinity of ,catholic doctrines with despotism and slavery4 ,the exposition of these doctrines which ,i have just given is certainly not founded upon vain reasoning1 sought out on purpose to darken the question4 ,i have not in any way shunned the difficulty4 ,the question was1 to know in what these doctrines consisted4 ,i have shown clearly1 that those who calumniate them do not understand them1 and that we may even be allowed to suppose that they have never taken the trouble to examine them1 such is the levity and ignorance with which they express themselves4 ,perhaps ,i have adduced too many facts and quotations2 but let the reader bear in mind1 that my object is not to present him with a code of doctrines1 but to give to this point of doctrine an historical investigation4 ,now1 history does not call for discourses1 but facts2 and in matters of doctrine1 the sentiments of authors are facts4 ,whilst beholding the salutary reaction now taking place in favour of sound principles1 let us avoid giving an incomplete statement of the truth4 ,for the cause of religion it is highly important that its advocates should be free from even the most remote suspicion of dishonesty or dissimulation4 ,on this account1 ,i have1 without hesitation1 given in their integrity the doctrines laid down by ,catholic writers1 just as ,i find them in their works4 ,by misrepresenting and confounding facts1 ,protestants and unbelievers have succeeded in deceiving2 let me hope that1 by explaining and elucidating them1 ,i shall not be unsuccessful in removing the deception4 ,i purpose examining1 in the remaining part of this work1 some other questions relating to the same subject--questions perhaps not more important1 but certainly more delicate4 ,and for this reason1 ,i was obliged to smooth the way1 that ,i might proceed with more liberty and ease4 ,i have hitherto made the cause of religion defend itself with its own weapons1 without borrowing the support of auxiliaries which were superfluous4 ,i shall proceed in the same course1 fully convinced that ,catholicity can only lose by any line of vindication that identifies it with political interests1 and confines it within a circle too limited for its immensity4 ,empires appear and disappear2 the ,church of ,christ will last till the end of time4 ,political opinions undergo changes and modifications2 the august dogmas of our religion remain immutable4 ,thrones rise and fall2 and the rock upon which ,jesus ,christ has built ,his ,church stands unshaken throughout the course of time1 ever defying the powers of hell4 ,when we take up arms in her defence1 let us be impressed with the importance of our mission2 let there be no exaggeration1 no flattery--the pure truth in measured1 but accurate and firm language4 ,in addressing ourselves to the people1 in proclaiming the truth to kings1 let us bear in mind that religion is above politics1 and ,god above kings and people4 ,,chapter ,,liv4 ,,on ,,resistance ,,to ,,the ,,civil ,,power4 ,the doctrines of ,catholicity1 therefore1 in reference both to the origin and the exercise of civil power1 are unobjectionable4 ,let us now proceed to another point--one of greater delicacy and difficulty1 if not of more importance4 ,to state the question frankly1 without any subterfuge or evasion3 ,is it allowable in any case to resist the civil power8 ,it is impossible to speak more distinctly1 or to employ more precise and simple terms in stating this question1 which is the most important1 the most difficult1 and the most startling of any that the subject we have in hand presents for our investigation4 ,we know that ,protestantism from its commencement proclaimed the right of insurrection against civil power2 and no one is ignorant of the fact that ,catholicity has ever preached up obedience to this power2 so that if the former has been from its infancy an element of revolution and of overthrow1 the latter has been an element of tranquillity and good order4 ,this distinction might induce us to believe that ,catholicity favors oppression1 since it leaves the people without arms to defend their liberty4 ,you preach up obedience to the civil powers1 our adversaries will say2 you pronounce1 in all cases1 an anathema upon any insurrection which attacks them2 should tyranny prevail1 therefore1 you become its most powerful auxiliaries2 for1 by your doctrine1 you arrest the arm ready to be raised in defence of liberty2 you stifle with the cry of conscience the indignation awakened in generous hearts4 ,this is a serious charge1 which compels us to elucidate1 as far as possible1 this important point1 and to distinguish in it truth from error1 certainty from doubt4 ,some men would shrink from the investigation of such questions1 and prefer drawing a veil over them--a veil which they venture not to raise1 lest they should find an abyss4 ,and assuredly their timidity is not inexcusable2 for there are abysses unfathomable1 and dangers that strike the mind with awe4 ,one false step may lead to destruction2 one move in a wrong direction may let loose tempests that would lay society in ruins4 ,whilst1 however1 ,i willingly admit the pure intentions of such persons1 ,i may be permitted to observe1 that their prudence is quite thrown away1 that their foresight and precaution are of no avail4 ,whether they investigate these questions or not1 they are investigated1 agitated1 and decided1 in a manner that we must deplore2 and1 worse still1 the theories thence arising have been reduced to practice4 ,revolutions are no longer confined to books1 they have become realities2 quitting the quiet path of mere speculative philosophy1 they are to be seen in the streets and in the public squares4 ,since1 then1 things have come to such a pass1 why seek palliatives1 make use of restrictions1 or invoke silence8 ,let us tell the truth1 just as it is1 without concealment2 since it is the truth1 it will neither shrink before abundance of knowledge1 nor the attacks of error4 ,it is truth2 its manifestation1 its diffusion can have no injurious effect4 ,in a word1 ,god1 who is the ,author of societies1 had no need of establishing them upon falsehood4 ,this candor is the more necessary1 because political changes may have led some persons to disavow the truths we are discussing1 or no longer to understand them aright2 whilst others imagine that obedience to legitimate authority has been taught only by a party anxious to make this doctrine the foundation of their tyranny4 ,men of erroneous opinions and evil intentions have their own codes1 to which they have recourse whenever it will forward their designs3 their fatal errors or their sordid interests form the rule of their conduct2 this is the source of their knowledge and of their inspirations4 ,men1 therefore1 endowed with a pure heart and with upright intentions1 should know what to hold by in political oscillations2 it is no longer sufficient for them to have a general knowledge of the principle of obedience to the legitimate authorities2 they must also be acquainted with their applications4 ,it is true that1 in conflicts arising from civil discord1 many men throw aside their own convictions to accommodate themselves to the exigencies of their interests2 but it is no less certain1 that there is still to be found a great number of conscientious men who adhere to them4 ,we may also add1 that the generality of the individuals composing a nation1 not being usually in the urgent necessity of choosing between the sacrifice of their convictions and the risk of grave and imminent peril1 those who entertain them usually find means to make their influence felt in preventing great evils or in remedying them4 ,according to certain pessimistes1 reason and justice are for ever banished from the earth1 leaving it a prey to self-interest1 and substituting for the dictates of conscience the designs of egotism4 ,in their estimation1 it is labor in vain to discuss and decide questions which may guide us in practice2 for1 according to them1 whatever a man's conviction may be in theory1 his practical decision will always be the same4 ,it is my happiness1 or misfortune1 to take a different view of the case1 and to believe that there still exist in the world1 and particularly in ,spain1 men of profound convictions1 and possessed of sufficient strength of mind to regulate their conduct by those convictions4 ,the strongest proof that the inutility of doctrines is exaggerated1 is the zeal evinced by all parties to lay hold of them4 ,whether from interest or from delicacy1 all appeal to doctrines2 and this interest or delicacy would not exist1 if doctrines did not possess a powerful ascendency in society4 ,nothing1 in discussion1 is more perplexing than the introduction of several questions at the same time2 and for this reason1 ,i shall proceed in such a manner as to distinguish those which present themselves here4 ,i will resolve1 one by one1 those which relate to our object1 and pass over those which are foreign to it4 ,above all1 we must bear in mind the general principle at all times inculcated by ,catholicity1 viz4 the obligation of obeying legitimate authority4 ,let us now see how this principle is to be applied4 ,in the first place1 ,are we to obey the civil power when it commands something that is evil in itself8 ,no1 we are not2 for the simple reason that what is evil in itself is forbidden by ,god2 now1 we must obey ,god rather than men4 ,in the second place1 ,are we to obey the civil power when it interferes in matters not included in the circle of its faculties8 ,no2 for1 with regard to these matters1 it is not a power4 ,from the very supposition that its faculties do not extend so far1 we affirm that1 in this point of view1 it is not a real power4 ,besides1 what ,i have advanced does not exactly and exclusively concern spiritual matters1 to which ,i appear to allude4 ,i apply this restriction of civil power also to matters purely temporal4 ,it is necessary to refer here to what ,i have said in another part of this work1 viz41 that whilst we grant to civil power sufficient force and attributes for the maintenance of order and unity in the social body1 it is just nevertheless1 that we should not allow it to absorb the individual and the family1 so as to destroy their individuality1 to deprive them of their own sphere1 and leave them only the means of acting as an integral part of society4 ,this is one of the distinguishing features between ,christian and pagan civilisation3 the latter1 in its zeal for the preservation of social unity1 excluded every individual and family right2 the former1 on the contrary1 has amalgamated the interests of the individual with those of families and society1 so that they neither destroy nor embarrass each other4 ,thus1 besides the sphere within which the action of the civil power is properly confined1 there are others into which it has no right to enter1 and in which individuals and families live without clashing with the colossal force of the government4 ,it is just to observe here1 that ,catholicity has done much for the maintenance of this principle1 which is a strong guarantee of the liberty of the people4 ,the separation of the two powers temporal and spiritual1 the independence of the latter with respect to the former1 the distinction of the persons in whom it is vested3 such has been one of the principal causes of this liberty1 which1 under different forms of government1 is the common inheritance of ,european nations4 ,ever since the foundation of the ,church1 this principle of the independence of the spiritual power has at all times served1 by the mere fact of its existence1 to remind men that the rights of civil power are limited1 that there are things beyond its province1 cases in which a man may say1 and ought to say1 ,i will not obey4 ,this is another of those cases in which ,protestantism has given a wrong direction to the civilisation of ,europe1 and in which1 far from opening the way to liberty1 it has riveted the chains of slavery4 ,its first step was the abolition of the ,pontifical authority1 the overthrow of the hierarchy1 the refusal to grant to the ,church any kind of power whatever1 and the placing of spiritual supremacy in the hands of princes2 that is to say1 it has retrograded towards pagan civilisation1 in which we find the sceptre united with the pontificate4 ,the grand political problem was precisely the separation of these two powers1 in order to save society from subjection to one sole unlimited authority1 exercising its faculties without restraint1 and from which might consequently be expected vexation and oppression4 ,this separation was effected without any political views1 any fixed design on the part of men1 wherever ,catholicity was established2 for her discipline required and her dogmas inculcated it4 ,is it not strange that the advocates of theories of equilibrium and counterpoise1 who have so loudly extolled the utility of separating powers1 and of dividing authority among them with a view to prevent it from being converted into tyranny1 should not have noticed the profound wisdom of this ,catholic doctrine1 even when considered merely in a social and political point of view8 ,but no2 it is remarkable1 on the contrary1 that all modern revolutions have manifested a decided tendency towards the amalgamation of the civil and ecclesiastical powers--a convincing proof that these revolutions have proceeded from an origin contrary to the generative principle of ,european civilisation1 and that instead of guiding it towards perfection1 they have rather served to lead it astray4 ,the union of ,church and ,state in ,england1 under the reigns of ,henry ,,viii4 and ,elizabeth1 produced the most cruel despotism2 and if that country at a later period acquired a higher degree of liberty1 it was not assuredly owing to that religious authority given by ,protestantism to the head of the state1 but in spite of it4 ,it is worthy of remark1 that in later times1 when ,england entered upon a more extensive sphere of liberty1 it was owing to the diminution of the civil power on all matters appertaining to religion1 and to a greater development of ,catholicity1 opposed in its very principles to this monstrous supremacy4 ,in the ,north of ,europe1 where the ,protestant system has also prevailed1 civil authority has been unlimited2 and even at the present time1 we find the ,emperor of ,russia indulging in the most barbarous persecutions against ,catholics2 more distrustful of those who defend the independence of spiritual power1 than of the revolutionary clubs4 ,the autocrat is devoured with a thirst for unlimited authority1 and a decided instinct urges him to attack in particular the ,catholic religion1 which forms his principal obstacle4 ,it is remarkable with what uniformity all power1 in this respect1 tends to despotism1 whether under a revolutionary or monarchical form4 ,impatient of the restraint laid upon him by the spiritual power1 ,louis ,,xiv4 attempted to crush the power of ,rome4 ,he was urged to it by the same motives as the ,constituent ,assembly2 the monarch rested his cause upon the rights of royalty1 and the liberties of the ,gallican ,church--the ,constituent ,assembly invoked the rights of the nation1 and the principles of philosophy2 but in the main they were actuated by one and the same motive1 that of ascertaining whether or not civil power should be restricted3 in the former case1 it was monarchy tending to despotism2 in the latter1 democracy advancing to the terrors of the ,convention4 ,when ,napoleon wished to bruise the head of the revolutionary hydra1 to reorganize society1 to create a power1 he made use of religion as the most potent element4 ,catholicity was the only predominating religion in ,france2 to this he had recourse1 and signed the ,concordat4 ,but1 observe1 that no sooner did he imagine his work of reparation complete1 and the critical moment of the establishment of his power passed1 than he began to think of extending it1 of freeing himself from all restraint4 ,he began to look upon that pontiff1 whose presence at his coronation had so much gratified him1 with a more supercilious eye4 ,at first he had some serious disputes with him1 and ended by becoming his most inveterate enemy4 ,these observations1 to which ,i invite the attention of every reflecting mind1 acquire more importance from the consideration of what has taken place in our own religious and most ,catholic monarchy4 ,in spite of the preponderating influence of the ,catholic religion in ,spain1 the principle of resistance to the court of ,rome has ever been preserved in a particular and remarkable manner2 thus1 whilst the ,austrian dynasty and the ,bourbons endeavoured to lay aside our old laws1 so far as they were favourable to political liberty1 they preserved as a sacred deposit the traditional resistance of ,ferdinand the ,catholic1 of ,charles ,v41 and of ,philip ,,ii4 ,the deep root which ,catholicity had taken in ,spain doubtless prevented matters from being carried to extremes2 but it is no less true that the germ existed1 and was handed down from generation to generation1 as if its complete development was expected at some more favourable period4 ,this fact was placed in peculiarly strong relief at the time of the ,bourbon accession1 when the monarchy of ,louis ,,xiv4 was introduced amongst us1 and the last vestiges of the ancient liberties of ,castile1 ,aragon1 ,valencia1 and ,catalonia disappeared2 the mania for kingly rights was at its height in the reigns of ,charles ,,iii4 and ,charles ,,iv4 ,strange coincidence6 ,the epoch in which the greatest jealousy was entertained against the ,court of ,rome and the independence of ,church authority1 was exactly that in which ministerial despotism was in its greatest force1 and in which there was seen something still worse--the despotism of a favorite1 with all its pitiful show4 ,true1 the ideas of the ,french schools were at that time influencing ,spain2 and of this neither the ,king1 nor1 probably1 some of his ministers1 were aware3 but this does not militate against the reflections we are making2 on the contrary1 it comes in support of them1 by showing their applicability to circumstances quite dissimilar1 and consequently their soundness and importance4 ,the object here aimed at was the overthrow of the established authority1 to make way for another equally unlimited2 to effect this1 it was necessary to urge on the former to abuse its prerogatives1 and1 at the same time1 to establish precedents to fall back upon1 so soon as the revolution should have displaced the absolute monarchy4 ,what important reflections are here presented to us6 ,what strange analogies rise to view between circumstances apparently most antagonistic6 ,in our times1 we have seen bishops brought to trial from the same motives that were alleged in a celebrated cause in the reign of ,charles ,,iii42 and the ,supreme ,tribunals of our own days have heard from the lips of their fiscals,b the same doctrines formerly propounded by those of the ,council4 ,thus do doctrines meet1 and thus1 by different ways1 do we arrive at the same end4 ,according to the ancient fiscals1 the authority of the king was every thing2 the rights of the crown1 like the ark of old1 were held so sacred1 that to touch1 or even to look upon them1 was accounted a sacrilege4 ,well1 the ancient monarchy has disappeared--the throne is no longer any thing more than a shadow of what it once was--the ,revolution has triumphed over it2 and yet1 despite a change so profound1 it is not long since a fiscal of the ,supreme ,tribunal1 charging a bishop with an offence against the rights of the civil power1 made use of these words3 ,in the state1 a leaf cannot be plucked without the permission of government4 ,these words need no comment2 the writer of these lines heard them uttered2 and this plain1 unequivocal declaration of arbitrary power seemed to him to throw a new ray of light upon history4 ,b ,crown attorneys1 charged with the prosecution of criminal and other causes4 ,the gravity and importance of this subject required this digression2 it was incumbent on me to show how far the ,catholic principle of the independence of spiritual power may serve the cause of true liberty4 ,this principle1 in fact1 eminently teaches that the faculties of civil power are limited1 and it is1 consequently1 a perpetual condemnation of despotism4 ,to revert to the original question4 ,it remains1 then1 established1 that we are to be subject to the civil power so long as it does not go beyond its proper limits2 but that the ,catholic doctrine never enjoins obedience when civil power oversteps the limits of its faculties4 ,it will not be uninteresting to the reader to learn how the principle of obedience was understood by one of the most illustrious interpreters of ,catholic doctrine--by the holy ,doctor so often cited4 ,according to him1 whenever laws are unjust 7and observe1 that1 in his opinion1 they may be so in many ways71 they are not binding on conscience1 unless for fear of creating scandal1 or causing greater evils2 that is to say1 that1 in certain cases1 an unjust law may become obligatory1 not by virtue of any duty which it imposes1 but from motives of prudence4 ,these are his words1 to which ,i crave the reader's particular attention3 ,laws are unjust in two ways2 either because they are opposed to the common weal2 or on account of their aim1 as is the case when a government imposes upon its subjects onerous laws1 not for the good of the commonweal1 but for the sake of self-interest or ambition2 or on account of their author1 as when any one makes a law without being invested with proper faculties2 again1 they may be unjust in form1 as when the taxes are unequally divided among the multitude1 although in other respects tending to the public good4 ,such laws are rather outrages than laws2 since1 as ,st4 ,augustin observes 7lib4 i4 de ,lib4 ,arb4 cap4 #e71 ',an unjust law does not appear to be a law4' ,such laws1 therefore1 are not binding in conscience1 unless1 perhaps1 for the avoiding of scandal and trouble--a motive which ought to induce man to give up his right1 as ,st4 ,matthew observes3 ',and whosoever shall force thee to go one mile1 go with him other two2 and if any man will go to law with thee1 and take away thy coat1 let him have thy cloak also4' ,laws may also be unjust in another point of view1 when they are contrary to the will of ,god2 as the laws of tyrants enforcing idolatry1 or anything else contrary to divine law4 ,with respect to such laws1 it is not allowable1 under any circumstances1 to obey them2 for1 as it is said in the ,acts of the ,apostles1 ',we must obey ,god rather than man4' ,injust autem sunt leges dupliciter2 uno modo per contrarietatem ad bonum commune e contrario prdictis1 vel ex fine1 sicut cum aliquis prsidens leges imponit onerosas subditis non pertinentes ad utilitatem communem1 sed magis ad propriam cupiditatem vel gloriam2 vel etiam ex auctore1 sicut cum aliquis legem fert ultra sibi commissam potestatem2 vel etiam ex forma cum inqualiter onera multitudinis dispensantur1 etiamsi ordinentur ad bonum commune2 et hujusmodi magis sunt violenti quam leges1 quia sicut ,augustinus dicit 7lib4 i4 de ,lib4 ,arb4 cap4 #e1 parum a princ47 lex esse non videtur qu justa non fuerit1 unde tales leges in foro conscienti non obligant1 nisi forte propter vitandum scandalum vel turbationem1 propter quod etiam homo juri suo cedere debet secundum illud ,math4 cap4 v4 ',qui te angariaverit mille passus1 vade cum eo alia duo1 et qui abstulerit tibi tunicam da ei et pallium4' ,alio modo leges possunt esse injust per contrarietatem ad bonum divinum1 sicut leges tyrannorum inducentes ad idololatriam1 vel ad quodcumque aliud quod sit contra legem divinam1 et tales leges nullo modo licet observare1 quia sicut dicitur ,act4 cap4 v43 ',obedire oportet ,deo magis quam hominibus4' 7,d4 ,th4 #a1 #b1 qust4 #ij1 art4 #a47 ,this doctrine furnishes us with the following rules3 #a4 ,we cannot1 under any circumstances1 obey the civil power when its commands are opposed to the divine law4 #b4 ,when laws are unjust1 they are not binding in conscience4 #c4 ,it may become necessary to obey these laws from motives of prudence2 that is1 in order to avoid scandal and commotions4 #d4 ,laws are unjust from some one of the following causes3 ,when they are opposed to the common weal--when their aim is not the good of the commonweal--when the legislator outsteps the limits of his faculties--when1 although in other respects tending to the good of the commonweal1 and proceeding from competent authority1 they do not observe suitable equity2 for instance1 when they divide unequally the public imposts4 ,we have quoted and copied the venerable text whence these rules are derived3 their illustrious author has been the guide of all the theological schools during the last six centuries2 his authority has never been called in question in these schools on points of dogma or morality2 these rules may1 therefore1 be regarded as the recapitulation of the doctrines of ,catholic theologians with reference to the obedience due to authority4 ,we may now1 without doubt1 appeal with entire confidence to every man of good sense4 ,let him judge whether these doctrines are in the least inclined to despotism1 whether they have the least tendency to tyranny1 in fine1 whether they aim the slightest blow at liberty4 ,it is vain to seek in them the slightest appearance of flattery to the civil power1 whose limits are marked out with rigorous severity2 if it outsteps them1 it is openly told1 ,thy laws are not laws1 but outrages2 they are not binding in conscience2 and if1 in some instances1 thou art obeyed1 it is not owing to any obligation1 but to prudence1 in order to avoid scandal and commotion2 it is thenceforth such a dishonor to thee1 that thy triumph1 far from entitling thee to renown1 assimilates thee to the robber who despoils the peaceable man of his garment1 and to whom the latter1 for the sake of peace1 gives up his cloak also4 ,if these are doctrines of oppression and despotism1 we also are advocates for such oppression and despotism2 for we cannot conceive doctrines more favorable to liberty4 ,upon these principles the admirable institution of ,european monarchy was founded4 ,this teaching has created the moral defences by which that monarchy is surrounded2 defences restraining it within the limits of its duties1 even where political guarantees do not exist4 ,the mind1 wearied with foolish declamations against the tyranny of kings1 and1 on the other hand1 not less tired of the boisterous adulations lavished upon power in modern times1 expands and rejoices on meeting with this pure1 disinterested1 and sincere expression of the rights and duties of governments and of people1 on hearing this language1 impressed with as much of wisdom as of upright intention and generous freedom4 ,what books were consulted by men making use of such language8 ,the ,scriptures1 the ,fathers1 the collections of ecclesiastical documents4 ,could they have received their inspirations from the society which surrounded them8 ,no2 for in that same society disorder and confusion prevailed2 sometimes a turbulent disobedience1 at others despotism was predominant4 ,and yet they speak with as much discretion1 tact1 and calmness as if they were living in the midst of well-regulated society4 ,they were guided by divine revelation1 which taught them truth4 ,how often did they see it forgotten and trampled under foot6 ,but uninfluenced by circumstances1 however unfavorable1 they wrote in a region far above the atmosphere of human passions4 ,truth is of all times2 proclaim it ever1 and ,god will effect the rest4#ca ,,chapter ,,lv4 ,,on ,,resistance ,,to ,,de ,,facto ,,governments4 ,the questions hitherto discussed relating to the obedience due to power are very grave2 but those of resistance to it are still more important4 ,is it allowable1 under any circumstances1 in any supposition1 to resist the civil power by physical force8 ,does there nowhere exist a deposing power8 ,how far do ,catholic doctrines extend on this subject8 ,such are the extreme points we purpose to discuss4 ,according to one system1 obedience is due to a government from the very fact of its existence1 even on the supposition that its existence is illegitimate4 ,now1 it is important to demonstrate1 at the very outset1 the unsoundness of this doctrine1 which is contrary to right reason1 and has never been taught by ,catholicity4 ,in preaching obedience to the powers that be1 the ,church speaks of powers that have a legitimate existence4 ,the absurdity1 that a simple fact can create right1 can never become a dogma of ,catholicity4 ,were it true that resistance would be unlawful1 it would be equally true that an illegitimate government has a right to command2 for the obligation to obey is correlative with the right to command2 and an illegitimate government would1 consequently1 become legitimatised by the simple fact of its existence4 ,this would legitimatise all usurpations2 the most heroic resistance on the part of the people would be condemned2 the world would be abandoned to the mere rule of force4 ,no2 that degrading doctrine is not true which derives legitimacy from usurpation2 which says to a people conquered and subjugated by any usurper whatever1 ,obey your tyrant2 his rights are founded on force1 and your obligation to him on your weakness4 ,no2 there cannot be truth in a doctrine that would efface from our history one of its brightest pages1 that would entail disgrace upon a nation taking up arms to expel an usurper1 struggling for its independence during a period of six years1 and finally overthrowing the conqueror of ,europe4 ,if ,napoleon had succeeded in establishing his power amongst us1 the ,spanish nation would still have maintained the right on account of which it revolted in #ahjh2 victory could not have rendered usurpation legitimate4 ,the victims of the second of ,may did not legalise the command of ,murat2 and had even every corner of the peninsula been made a theatre of horrors similar to those witnessed on the ,prado1 the blood of martyred patriots1 covering the usurper and his satellites with everlasting infamy1 would only have confirmed the sacred right of revolting in defence of the throne1 of national independence4 ,we must repeat it3 the simple fact does not create a right1 either in private or public affairs2 and so soon as such a principle is acknowledged1 every idea of reason and justice disappears from the world4 ,those who may have wished to flatter governments with so fatal a doctrine1 were not aware that this was the very way to ruin them1 and to sow the seeds of usurpation and insurrection4 ,what will be safe here below if we admit the principle1 that success insures justice1 and that the conqueror is always the rightful ruler8 ,is not this throwing open a wide gate to ambition1 and to every crime8 ,is it not exciting men to forget every idea of right1 reason1 and justice1 to acknowledge no other rule than brute force8 ,governments protected by so strange a doctrine would assuredly owe little gratitude to their protectors3 this1 in fact1 is no defence2 it is an insult2 it is more of a cruel sarcasm than an apology4 ,to what1 indeed1 does it amount1 and how would this doctrine sound8 ,why1 as follows3 ,people1 obey him who commands you2 you say his authority is usurped2 we do not deny it2 but1 by the very fact of his having attained his end1 the usurper has acquired a right4 ,he is1 indeed1 a robber who has attacked you on the highway2 he has stolen your money2 but1 by the mere fact of your not being able to resist him1 and being forced to deliver to him your purse1 now that he is possessed of it1 you ought to respect this money as an inviolable property3 such is your duty4 ,it is a robbery2 but this robbery being a consummated act1 you cannot now obtain redress for it4 ,in this point of view the doctrine of consummated facts appears so much opposed to generally received ideas1 that no reasonable man can seriously accept it4 ,i do not deny that there are cases in which obedience1 even to an illegitimate government1 is to be recommended2 when1 for instance1 we foresee that resistance would be useless1 that it would only lead to new disorders1 and to a greater effusion of blood3 but in recommending prudence to the people1 let us not disguise it under false doctrines--let us beware of calming the exasperation of misfortune by circulating errors subversive of all governments1 of all society4 ,it is worthy of remark1 that all powers1 even the most illegitimate1 have a truer instinct than that manifested by the maintenance of such maxims4 ,all powers in the first moment of their existence1 before commencing their operations1 before proceeding to one single act1 proclaim their legitimacy4 ,they seek it in right divine and human1 they establish it upon birth or election1 they derive it from historical titles1 or the sudden development of extraordinary events2 but all tends to the same point1 the pretension to legitimacy4 ,they never speak of the mere fact of their existence2 from the instinct that prompts their own preservation they learn better than to rely upon such grounds1 since to do so would be to annihilate their authority1 to destroy their prestige1 to encourage revolt2 in a word1 to commit self-destruction4 ,we have here the most explicit condemnation of the doctrine we are combating1 for the most shameless usurpers have more respect for good sense and the public conscience4 ,it sometimes happens that doctrines the most erroneous assume a veil of gentleness and ,christian meekness4 ,we must overthrow the arguments that might be employed against us1 by the advocates of blind submission to any power that happens to be established4 ,the ,scriptures1 they will say1 prescribe to us obedience to the authorities1 without any distinction2 the ,christian1 therefore1 ought not to make any distinction1 but submit with resignation to such as he finds established4 ,in reply to this objection1 ,i see the following very decisive answers4 #a4 ,illegitimate authority is no authority at all2 the idea of power involves the idea of right1 without which it is mere physical power1 that is1 force4 ,when1 therefore1 the ,scriptures prescribe obedience to the authorities1 it is the lawful authorities that are implied4 #b4 ,the sacred text1 in enjoining us obedience to the civil power1 tells us that it is ordained by ,god ,himself1 that it is the minister of ,god ,himself2 and it is evident that usurpation is never invested with so high a character4 ,the usurper is perhaps the instrument of ,providence1 the scourge of ,heaven1 as ,attila designated himself1 but not the minister of ,god4 #c4 ,the sacred ,scriptures prescribe obedience to the subject in relation to the civil power1 in the same way as they prescribe it to the slave in relation to his master4 ,but what sort of masters are here implied8 ,evidently such as exercised a legitimate dominion1 as it was understood at the time1 conformable to the prevailing laws and customs2 otherwise the ,scriptures would require obedience from such slaves as were reduced to slavery by an abuse of power4 ,hence1 as the obedience to masters prescribed by the ,scriptures does not deprive the slave unjustly retained in servitude of his right1 so also the obedience due to the established authorities should be restricted to the lawful authorities1 and to cases in which prudence would dictate it in order to avoid commotion and scandal4 ,in confirmation of the doctrine of mere de facto government1 the conduct of the first ,christians has been sometimes alleged4 ,they submitted1 it is said1 to the constituted authorities without even inquiring whether they were legitimate or not4 ,at this epoch usurpations were frequent1 the imperial throne was established by force1 its occupants one after another owed their elevation to military insurrection1 and to the assassination of their predecessors4 ,we find1 nevertheless1 that ,christians never meddled with the question of legitimacy2 they respected the established power1 and this power failing1 they submitted without murmuring to the new tyrant who had usurped the throne4 ,this argument1 it cannot be denied1 is very plausible1 and presents at first sight a serious difficulty2 a few reflections1 however1 suffice to show its extreme futility4 ,in order that an insurrection against an unlawful power may be legitimate and prudent1 those who undertake to overturn it should be sure of its illegitimacy1 should have in view the substitution of a lawful power1 and should count besides on the probability of the success of their enterprise4 ,if these conditions are not fulfilled1 the insurrection has no object2 it is a mere fruitless attempt1 an impotent revenge1 which1 instead of being useful to society1 only causes bloodshed1 only irritates the power attacked1 and can have in consequence no other effect than to increase oppression and tyranny4 ,none of the conditions here mentioned were in existence at the time we are speaking of2 all that upright men could do was quietly to resign themselves to the calamitous circumstances of the times1 and by fervent prayer to implore the ,almighty to take compassion on mankind4 ,when every thing was decided by force of arms1 who could say whether such or such an emperor was lawfully established8 ,upon what rules was the imperial succession established8 ,where was legitimacy to be substituted for illegitimacy8 ,amongst the ,romans--those vile1 degraded beings1 kissing the chains of the first tyrant who offered them food and games8 ,in the worthless posterity of those illustrious patricians who formerly gave laws to the universe8 ,was it vested in the sons or in the family of some assassinated emperor1 when the laws had not established hereditary succession1 when the sceptre of the empire was at the disposal of the legions1 when it frequently happened that the emperor1 the victim of usurpation1 had been himself merely a usurper1 who had mounted to the throne over the corpse of his rival8 ,did it exist in the ancient rights of those conquered nations now reduced to simple dependencies of the empire1 divested of all national spirit1 having even lost the recollection of their former condition1 without a thought capable of conducting them in the work of their emancipation1 and destitute of resources against the colossal force of their masters8 ,what object could any one have1 under such circumstances1 in making attempts against the established government8 ,when the legions decided the fate of the world1 alternately elevating and assassinating their masters1 what could or what ought the ,christian to do8 ,the disciple of a ,god of peace and love1 he could not take part in criminal scenes of bloodshed and tumult2 authority was tottering and uncertain2 it was not for him to decide whether it was legitimate or not2 it only remained for him to submit to the power generally acknowledged1 and at the arrival of one of those changes1 at that time of so frequent occurrence1 to yield the same obedience to the newly-established government4 ,the interference of ,christians in political disputes would only have served to bring into disrepute the holy religion they professed2 it would have given to philosophers and idolaters a pretext for increasing the catalogue of black calumnies which they everywhere brought against the faith4 ,public report accused ,catholicity of being subversive of governments2 ,christians would have furnished a pretext for extending and accrediting this unfounded report1 the hatred of governments would have been redoubled1 and the rigors of persecution so cruelly exercised against the disciples of the cross would have been increased4 ,has this state of things ever existed but once1 either in ancient or modern times8 ,and could the conduct of the first ,christians in this respect be made a rule for the ,spaniards1 for instance1 at the time they resisted the usurpation of ,bonaparte8 ,or could it be imitated by any other people in similar circumstances8 ,or will it be received as an argument in favor of every kind of usurpation8 ,no2 man1 in becoming a ,christian1 does not cease to be a citizen1 to be a man1 to have his rights1 and he acts in a praiseworthy manner whenever1 within the bounds of reason and justice1 he attempts to maintain these rights with fearless intrepidity4 ,don ,felix ,amat1 ,archbishop of ,palmyra1 in his posthumous work entitled ,idea of the ,church ,militant1 makes use of these words3 ,jesus ,christ1 by his plain and expressive answer1 ,render to ,csar the things that are ,csar's1 has sufficiently established1 that the mere fact of a government's existence is sufficient for enforcing the obedience of subjects to it4 ,what ,i have already advanced is enough1 in my opinion1 to show the fallacy of such an assertion2 and1 as ,i intend to revert to this subject1 and investigate more attentively this author's opinion1 and the reasons upon which he supports it1 ,i shall not now attempt to enter upon its refutation4 ,i will1 nevertheless1 make one observation1 which occurred to me on reading the passages in which the ,archbishop of ,palmyra developes it4 ,his work was forbidden at ,rome2 and whatever may have been the motives for such a prohibition1 we may rest assured that1 in the case of a book advocating such doctrines1 every man who is jealous of his rights might acquiesce in the decree of the ,sacred ,congregation4 ,as the opportunity is favorable1 we may make a few remarks upon consummated facts1 which are so closely connected with the doctrine under discussion4 ,consummated implies something perfect in its kind2 hence an act is consummated when it has attained its completion4 ,this word1 applied to crimes1 is opposed to mere attempt4 ,we say an attempt at robbery1 murder1 or arson1 when the undertaking to commit these crimes has been manifested by some act2 for instance1 the lock of a door has been broken1 an attack has been made with a murderous weapon1 combustible matter has been ignited--but the crime is not said to be consummated till the robbery1 murder1 or arson has actually been committed4 ,hence1 in a political and social sense1 we designate consummated facts an usurpation1 completely overthrowing the legitimate power1 and by means of which the usurper is already substituted in its place2 a measure executed in all its points2 such as the suppression of the regular clergy in ,spain1 and the confiscation of their property to the treasury2 a revolution which has been triumphant1 and which has entirely disposed of a country1 as was the case with our ,american possessions4 ,from this explanation1 we see clearly that a fact does not1 by being consummated1 change its nature2 it still remains a simple fact--just or unjust1 legal or illegal--as it was before4 ,the most horrible outrages may also be termed consummated facts2 yet1 for all that1 they do not cease to deserve disgrace and punishment4 ,what1 then1 is the meaning of certain phrases continually uttered by some men8 ,we must respect consummated facts2 we must always accept consummated facts2 it is folly to resist consummated facts2 it is a wise policy that yields to consummated facts4 ,far be it from me to assert that all those who establish these maxims1 profess the fatal doctrines to which they give rise4 ,we often admit principles1 the consequences of which we reject2 and point out a certain line of conduct as right1 without attending to the abominable maxims in which it originates4 ,in human affairs1 good and evil1 error and truth are so narrowly separated1 and prudence so closely borders on culpable timidity1 that in theory1 as well as in practice1 it is not always easy to remain within the bounds prescribed by reason and the eternal principles of sound morality4 ,if respect for consummated facts is mentioned1 perverse men immediately include in it the sanctioning of crime1 the spoils of plunder secured to the robber1 no hope of restitution left to the victims1 and a gag put upon their mouths1 to stifle their complaints4 ,others1 ,i am aware1 have no such design in making use of these words1 but are the dupes of a confusion of ideas1 arising from their not having distinguished between moral principles and public expediency4 ,on this point1 therefore1 we must distinguish and define1 which ,i will do in a few words4 ,the simple consummation of a fact does not render it legitimate2 and1 consequently1 it is not on this account alone worthy of respect4 ,the robber who has stolen does not acquire a right to the thing stolen2 the incendiary who reduces a house to ashes is no less deserving of punishment1 of being forced to make reparation1 than if he had been arrested in the attempt4 ,this is so evident and clear1 that it cannot be called in question4 ,to assert the contrary1 is to become the enemy of all morality1 of all justice1 of all right2 and to proclaim the exclusive rule of force and cunning4 ,consummated facts1 appertaining to social and political order1 do not change their nature2 the usurper1 who seizes upon the crown of his lawful predecessor2 the conqueror1 who1 by mere force of arms1 has subdued a nation1 does not thereby acquire a right to its possession2 the government1 which by gross iniquities has despoiled entire classes of citizens1 exacted undue contributions1 abolished legitimate rights1 cannot justify its acts by the simple fact of its having sufficient strength to execute these iniquities4 ,that is equally evident2 and if there is here any difference at all1 the crime is only the greater1 from the greater gravity and extent of the wrongs committed1 and of the scandal given to the public4 ,such are the principles of sound morality--individual morality1 social morality2 morality of the whole human race2 immutable1 eternal morality4 ,let us now examine the question of public expediency4 ,in some instances1 a consummated fact1 in spite of all its injustice1 all its immorality and atrocity1 acquires such an ascendency1 that by not accepting it1 or by being determined to destroy it1 we should let loose a train of troubles and commotions1 and perhaps without effect4 ,every government is bound to respect justice1 and to act in such a manner that its subjects may also respect it2 but it should not command what will not be obeyed1 when it is deprived of the means of enforcing obedience4 ,in such a case1 we should not commit an injustice by not attacking the illegal interests1 or by not endeavoring to obtain redress for the victims2 the government1 in such a case1 may be compared to a man who1 beholding robbers loaded with the fruit of their theft1 is without the means of forcing them to make restitution4 ,if you suppose an impossibility1 what does it avail to say that the government is not a single individual1 but a defender of all legitimate interests8 ,no one is bound to impossibilities4 ,observe1 also1 that this remark applies not only to a physical impossibility1 but also to a moral one4 ,whenever1 therefore1 the government possesses the material means of obtaining reparation1 a moral impossibility will be constituted1 when the employing of those means would cause serious difficulties to the state1 endanger the public peace1 or sow the seeds of future insurrection4 ,order and public interest require the preference1 for these are the primary objects of all government2 consequently1 that which cannot be accomplished without endangering them1 ought to be considered as impossible4 ,the application of these doctrines will always be a question of prudence1 that cannot be subjected to any general rule4 ,depending as it does upon a thousand circumstances1 it cannot be decided upon abstract principles2 but by the consideration of existing facts1 duly appreciated and considered by political tact4 ,such is the case of the respect due to consummated facts2 the injustice of these facts is apparent2 but we must not overlook their force4 ,not to attack them is not1 necessarily1 to sanction them4 ,the legislator is bound to diminish the evil as far as possible2 but not to risk an aggravation of it by attempting an impracticable reparation4 ,as it is particularly injurious to society for great interests to remain insecure1 and uncertain for the future1 just means must be adopted1 which1 without occasioning complicity in the evil1 may prevent the dangers of a doubtful situation1 resulting from injustice itself4 ,a just policy does not sanction injustice2 but a wise policy never despises the importance of established facts4 ,if such facts exist1 and appear indestructible1 it tolerates them2 but without affording them the sanction of its participation or approval4 ,acting with dignity1 it makes the best of difficulties2 and in some sort allies the principles of eternal justice with the views of public expediency4 ,we have a very striking case in point1 which will place this matter in the clearest possible light4 ,after the great evils1 and the enormous acts of injustice perpetrated during the ,french ,revolution1 what possibility was there of making a complete reparation8 ,in #ahad1 could every thing be restored to the position in which it stood in #aghi8 ,the throne overturned1 all social distinctions levelled1 and property broken up2 who could reconstruct the ancient social edifice8 ,no one4 ,such is the respect to be entertained for consummated facts1 which might be more properly termed indestructible ones4 ,to illustrate my idea still further1 ,i will give it a very simple exemplification4 ,a proprietor1 driven from his possessions by a powerful neighbor1 has not the means of repossessing himself of them4 ,he has neither wealth nor influence2 and his spoliator abounds in both4 ,if he have recourse to force1 he will be vanquished2 if to the tribunal1 he will lose his cause2 what1 therefore1 is he to do8 ,to negotiate for an accommodation1 to obtain what he can1 and be resigned to his fate4 ,this is all that can be said2 and it is remarkable1 that such are the principles adopted by governments4 ,history and experience teach us1 that consummated facts are respected when they are indestructible2 that is1 when they possess in themselves sufficient force to make them respected2 in any other case1 they are not so4 ,and nothing is more natural4 ,whatever is not founded upon right1 can only be maintained by force4#cb ,,chapter ,,lvi4 ,,how ,,the ,,civil ,,power ,,may ,,be ,,lawfully ,,resisted4 ,from what has been said in the foregoing chapters it follows1 that it is allowable to resist illegitimate power by force4 ,the ,catholic religion does not enjoin obedience to governments existing merely de facto2 for morality does not admit a mere fact1 unsupported by right and justice4 ,however1 when power is in itself lawful1 but in its exercise tyrannical1 does our religion prohibit1 in every instance1 resistance by physical force2 so that not to resist at all1 forms a part of her dogmas8 ,is insurrection never allowable1 in any supposition1 for any motive8 ,although ,i have already eliminated many questions1 it is necessary to draw here a fresh distinction1 in order to fix exactly the point at which dogma ends1 and opinions begin4 ,it is evident1 in the first place1 that an individual has no right to kill a tyrant on his own authority4 ,the ,council of ,constance1 in its #aeth session1 condemned the following proposition as heretical3 ,any vassal or subject may and should1 lawfully and meritoriously1 kill any tyrant4 ,he may even1 for this purpose1 avail himself of ambushes1 and wily expressions of affection or adulation2 notwithstanding any oath or pact imposed upon him by the tyrant2 and without waiting for the sentence or order of any judge4 ,quilibet tyrannus potest et debet licite et meritorie occidi per quemcumque vassallum suum vel subditum1 etiam per clanculares insidias1 et subtiles blanditias vel adulationes1 non obstante quocumque prstito juramento1 seu confderatione factis cum eo1 non expectata sententia vel mandato judicis cujuscumque4 ,but does this decision of the ,council of ,constance constitute a prohibition of every kind of insurrection8 ,no2 it speaks of the murder of a tyrant by any particular individual2 but every case of resistance is not maintained by a single individual2 neither is it the aim of every insurrection to destroy a tyrant4 ,this doctrine only serves to prevent murder1 and a train of evils which would overwhelm society if it were established that any individual had a right of his own authority to kill the supreme ruler4 ,who will venture to accuse this doctrine of being favorable to tyranny8 ,the liberty of the people should not be based upon the horrid right of assassination2 the defence of the rights of society should not be confided to the dagger of a fanatic4 ,the attributes of public power are so extensive and various1 that their exercise must necessarily and frequently inconvenience some individuals4 ,man1 inclined to extremes and revenge1 easily enlarges upon the grievances which he suffers2 passing from a particular to a general1 he is inclined to look upon those who injure or oppose him as villains4 ,at the slightest shock which he receives from government1 he cries out that tyranny is insupportable2 the act of arbitrary power1 real or imaginary1 committed against him1 becomes1 in his mouth1 one of the many iniquities perpetrated1 or the commencement of those that are to be4 ,grant1 therefore1 to the individual the right of killing a tyrant2 proclaim to the people that1 to render such an act lawful and meritorious1 there is no need of a sentence1 or any judicial condemnation2 and from that time this horrible crime will become frequent4 ,the wisest1 the justest kings will fall victims to the parricidal dagger1 or the poisoned cup4 ,you will have furnished no guarantee to the liberty of the people1 and you will have exposed the dearest interests of society to dreadful hazards4 ,the ,catholic ,church1 by this solemn declaration1 has conferred an immense service on humanity4 ,the violent death of him who holds the supreme power seldom happens without causing bloodshed and great commotion4 ,it provokes measures of suspicious precaution1 easily converted into tyranny4 ,it follows1 then1 that any crime instigated by excessive hatred of tyranny contributes to establish it in a form still more absolute and cruel4 ,modern nations should feel grateful to the ,catholic ,church for having established this sacred and saving principle4 ,a person must be possessed of very mean sentiments1 or very ferocious instincts1 not to appreciate it1 or to regret the bloody scenes of the ,roman ,empire and the barbarian monarchy4 ,we have seen1 and we still see1 powerful nations delivered up to dreadful troubles1 by the neglect of this ,catholic maxim4 ,the history of the last three centuries1 and the experience of this1 prove that this august precept of the ,church was given to the people in anticipation of the dangers which were threatening them4 ,in it we find no flattery for kings2 for they are not the only ones benefited by it2 it is a general proposition1 including all others1 whatever be their titles1 who exercise supreme authority1 whatever be the form of government1 from the ,russian autocrat to the most democratical republic4 ,it is worthy of remark1 that modern constitutions1 proceeding from the bosom of revolutions1 have universally rendered a solemn homage to this ,catholic maxim2 they have declared the person of the monarch sacred and inviolable4 ,what does this mean1 but that this person should be placed under an impenetrable safeguard8 ,you reproach the ,catholic ,church with placing a sort of shield before the person of kings1 and yet you yourselves declare that person inviolable4 ,the anointing of kings you ridicule1 and yet you yourself declare that the king is sacred4 ,since you are forced to imitate the ,church1 her dogmas and her discipline must have contained an eternal truth1 and high political principles2 with this difference1 however1 that you represent as the work of the will of man what she esteems the work of the will of ,god4 ,but if supreme power makes a scandalous abuse of its faculties1 if it outsteps its just bounds1 if it tramples under foot fundamental laws1 if it persecutes religion1 corrupts morality1 outrages public dignity1 attacks the honor of citizens1 exacts illegal and disproportionate contributions1 alienates national property1 dismembers provinces1 inflicts death and ignominy upon the people3 in such cases1 does ,catholicity also prescribe obedience8 does it forbid resistance8 does it command subjects to remain tranquil1 like a lamb in the claws of a wild beast8 ,may there not exist1 either in an individual1 or in the principal bodies1 or in the most distinguished classes of society1 or in the entire mass of the nation1 somewhere1 in fine1 the right of opposing1 of resisting1 after all means of mildness1 representation1 counsel1 and entreaty have failed8 ,in such disastrous circumstances1 does the ,church leave the people without hope1 and tyrants without restraint8 ,in such extremities1 certain very renowned theologians think that resistance is allowable2 but the dogmas of the ,church do not descend to these details4 ,the ,church abstains from condemning the opposite doctrines4 ,in such extreme circumstances1 non-resistance is not a dogmatical prescription4 ,the ,church has never taught such a doctrine2 if any one will maintain that she has1 let him bring forward a decision of a ,council or of a ,sovereign ,pontiff to that effect4 ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin1 ,cardinal ,bellarmin1 ,suarez1 and other eminent theologians1 were well versed in the dogmas of the ,church2 and yet1 if you consult their works1 so far from finding this doctrine in them1 you will find the opposite one4 ,now the ,church has not condemned them1 she has not confounded them with those seditious writers in whom ,protestantism abounds1 nor with modern revolutionists1 who are continually disturbing social order4 ,bossuet and other authors of repute differ from ,st4 ,thomas1 ,bellarmin1 ,suarez2 and this gives credit to the opposite opinion1 but does not convert it into a dogma4 ,upon certain points of the highest import1 the opinions of the illustrious ,bishop of ,meaux suffered contradiction2 and we know that upon this case of an excess of tyranny1 the ,pope at another period was acknowledged to possess faculties which ,bossuet refuses him4 ,the ,abb de ,lamennais1 in his impotent and obstinate resistance to the ,holy see1 adduced the doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas1 and those of some other theologians1 pretending that to condemn his own works was to condemn schools hitherto held irreproachable4 7,affaires de ,rome47 ,the ,abb ,gerbet1 in his excellent refutation of ,m4 de ,lamennais1 after having very judiciously remarked1 that the ,sovereign ,pontiff's object in reproving modern doctrines was1 to prevent a renewal of the errors of ,wickliffe1 observes1 at the epoch of this heresiarch's condemnation1 the doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas and of other theologians were well known1 and that1 nevertheless1 no one believed that they were included in the condemnation4 ,the excellent author of this refutation deemed this sufficient to deprive ,m4 de ,lamennais of the shield under which he sought to defend and cover his apostacy2 and for this reason1 he abstains from drawing a parallel between the two doctrines4 ,in fact1 this reflection alone is sufficient to convince any judicious man that the doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas bear no resemblance to those of ,m4 de ,lamennais4 ,it may1 however1 be useful to give in few words a comparison of the two doctrines4 ,at the present time1 and in these matters1 it is very proper to know1 not only that these doctrines differ1 but likewise wherein they differ4 ,m4 de ,lamennais' theory may be stated in the following terms3 ,a natural equality among men1 and1 as necessary consequences1 #a4 ,equality of rights1 political rights included2 #b4 ,the injustice of every social and political organization not establishing this equality completely1 as is the case in ,europe and in the whole universe2 #c4 ,expediency and legitimacy of insurrection1 to destroy governments1 and change social organization2 #d4 ,abolition of all government1 as the object of the progress of the human race4 ,the doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas on the same points may be thus expressed3 ,a natural equality among men2 that is to say1 an essential equality1 but exclusive of physical1 intellectual1 and moral gifts--an equality among men in the eyes of ,god--an equality in their destination1 inasmuch as they are all created to enjoy ,god--an equality of means1 inasmuch as they are all redeemed by ,christ1 and may all receive ,his grace2 but exclusive of the inequalities which it may please ,god to establish by gifts of grace and glory4 #a4 ,an equality of social and political rights4 ,according to the holy doctor1 such an equality is impossible4 ,he rather supports the utility and legitimacy of certain hierarchies2 the respect due to those established by law2 the necessity of there being some to command and others to obey2 the obligation of being subject to the established laws of the country1 whatever be the form of government2 the preference for monarchical governments4 #b4 ,the injustice of every social and political organization not establishing a complete equality4 ,st4 ,thomas looks upon this as an error opposed to reason and to faith4 ,nay1 more2 not only is it true that the inequality founded upon the very nature of man and of society is an effect and punishment of original sin1 in as far as it entails upon man injury or inconvenience2 but1 according to the holy ,doctor1 this inequality would have existed among men even in a state of innocence4 #c4 ,expediency and legitimacy of insurrection1 to destroy governments1 and to change the social organization4 ,an erroneous and fatal opinion4 ,we ought to submit to legitimate governments2 it is expedient even to tolerate such as make an improper use of their power2 we must exhaust every means of entreaty1 of counsel and representation1 before we have recourse to others4 ,we can only appeal to force in the greatest extremities1 on rare occasions1 and then only under many restrictions1 as will be seen elsewhere4 #d4 ,abolition of all government1 as the object of the progress of the human race4 ,an absurd proposition--a dream that cannot be realized4 ,the necessity of government in every society2 arguments founded upon the nature of man2 analogies from the human body1 from the very order of the universe2 the existence of government even in a state of innocence4 ,such are the doctrines of ,de ,lamennais and ,st4 ,thomas respectively4 ,let the reader compare them1 and judge for himself4 ,it is impossible to adduce the words of the holy ,doctor--they would fill the volume4 ,should any reader wish to consult them himself1 let him read1 in addition to the passages inserted in this work1 the whole treatise1 ,de ,regimine ,principum1 the commentaries on the ,epistle to the ,romans1 and those passages of the ,summa in which the holy ,doctor treats of the soul1 of the creation of man1 of the state of innocence1 of the angels and of their hierarchy1 of original sin and its effects1 and1 above all1 his valuable ,treatise on ,laws and that on ,justice1 in which he discusses the origin of the right of property and of inflicting punishments4 ,after that he will be convinced of the truth of what ,i have just advanced2 he will then see the injustice of ,m4 de ,lamennais in attempting to make the illustrious writers and saints venerated on our altars the accomplices of his apostacy4 ,in grave and delicate matters confusion produces error1 the enemies of truth are interested in spreading darkness1 in establishing general and vague propositions susceptible of various interpretations4 ,they seek with anxiety a text favorable to some one of the numerous interpretations that are possible1 and proudly exclaim1 ,how unjust it is in you to condemn us2 what we maintain was asserted centuries ago1 by the most respected and celebrated writers4 ,the ,abb de ,lamennais must have reckoned in a singular manner upon the credulity of his readers1 to think of making them believe that there was no honest man to be found at ,rome capable of informing the ,pope1 that in condemning the doctrines of the apostle of revolution1 he was condemning also those of the angel of the schools1 and other distinguished theologians4 ,it is possible that ,m4 de ,lamennais never read the authors except in haste and in fragments1 but many persons at ,rome have spent their lives in studying them4 ,we are not ignorant of the violent declamations of ,luther1 ,zwinglius1 ,knox1 ,jurieu1 and other leaders of ,protestantism1 to stir up the people to revolt against princes2 we are not ignorant of the gross and violent invectives made use of by these sectaries to excite the multitude4 ,catholics look upon such extravagances with horror4 ,in like manner1 they look with dread upon the anarchical doctrine of ,rousseau1 establishing that the clauses of the social contract are so determined by the very nature of the act1 that the least modification of them would render them vain and null2 so that every one then resumes his former rights and regains his natural liberty4 7,contrat ,social1 l4 i4 c4 #f47 ,the doctrine of the theologians above cited does not contain this fruitful germ of insurrection and disaster2 but1 on the other hand1 they are not found timid and pusillanimous in the last extremities4 ,they preach up resignation1 patience1 and longanimity2 but there is a point at which they stop and exclaim1 ,enough4 ,if they do not advocate insurrection1 they do not prohibit it2 it would be in vain to require them to teach as a dogmatical truth the obligation of not resisting in extreme cases4 ,they cannot teach the people to consider as a dogma what they do not acknowledge as such4 ,it is not their fault if the tempest bursts1 if the roaring waves arise2 no other hand can control them than that of ,god1 who rides upon the north wind and sports with the tempest4 ,for many centuries there has been inculcated in ,europe a doctrine much criticised by those who do not understand it1 the intervention of the ,pontifical authority between the people and their sovereigns4 ,this doctrine was nothing less than ,heaven descending as an arbiter and judge1 to put an end to the disputes of the earth4 ,the temporal power of the ,popes has served as a wonderful theme to the enemies of the ,church to create alarm1 and declaim against ,rome2 but this power is no less an historical fact and a social phenomenon1 which has filled with admiration the most renowned men of modern times1 including some ,protestants4 ,the ,scriptures make it a duty for slaves to obey their masters1 even when they are oppressive and unjust4 ,all that can be inferred from this is1 that a prince1 by the simple fact of his being wicked1 does not lose his authority over his subjects1 which condemns beforehand the errors of those who make the right of commanding dependent upon the sanctity of its possessor4 ,such a principle is anarchical1 and incompatible with the existence of every society4 ,when it is once established1 power remains unsafe and tottering2 every disturber declares all those divested of authority whom he may deem culpable4 ,but our question is of a different nature1 and the opinion of theologians cited by us has nothing to do with this error4 ,these theologians also on their part advocate obedience to rulers1 even though they be oppressive and unjust2 they also condemn insurrection1 when founded on no other pretext than the vices of persons exercising supreme power2 they do not admit that any abuse of power justifies resistance2 but they do not consider that they impugn the sacred text by admitting that in extreme cases it is allowable to place a barrier against the excesses of a tyrant4 ,if governments do not lose their power by the simple fact of their being wicked1 how1 it will be said1 can we conceive resistance to them lawful8 ,this is certainly not allowable1 so long as they do not outstep the bounds of their faculties2 but when they do so1 their commands1 as ,st4 ,thomas says1 are rather acts of violence than laws4 ,no one has the right of judging the supreme power4 ,this is true2 but above this power exist the principles of reason1 morality1 religion4 ,power1 although supreme1 is bound to the execution of its promises1 to keep its oaths4 ,society is not formed upon the model of ,rousseau's ideal contract2 but there exist1 in certain cases1 real pacts between the rulers and the people1 to which both are bound to adhere4 ,in the celebrated ,catholic ,proclamation to his pious ,majesty ,philip the ,great1 ,king of ,spain and ,emperor of the ,indies by the ,counsellors and the ,council of ,one ,hundred of the city of ,barcelona1 in #afdj1 an epoch so profoundly religious that the ,counsellors quote1 as a high title of glory1 the zeal of the ,catalonians for the ,catholic faith1 the devotion of the ,catalonians to our lady the ,blessed ,virgin and the most holy ,sacrament2--at that time1 which pride and ignorance have so often taxed with fanaticism1 these counsellors said to the king1 ,besides civil obligation1 the customs1 constitutions1 and acts of the court of ,catalonia are binding on conscience1 and to violate them would be a mortal sin2 for the prince has no right to annul a contract2 it is made freely1 but cannot be revoked without injustice4 ,if a contract is not subject to the civil law1 it is subject to the law of reason2 and although the prince may be the master of the laws1 the contracts he makes with his vassals are inviolable1 for in making them he is a mere individual1 and the vassal acquires a right equal to his4 ,a contract1 in fine1 should be made between equals4 ,hence1 as the vassal cannot be unfaithful to his lord1 the latter1 in like manner1 is bound to keep the promise he has made by solemn engagement2 and indeed1 the rupture of a pact ought least of all to be expected on the part of a prince4 ,if the word of a king is law1 that word given in a solemn contract is still more binding4 7,catholic ,proclamation1 sect4 #bg47 ,the courtiers urged the monarch to measures of coercion to reduce the ,catalonians to submission2 the ,castilian army was preparing to enter the principality4 ,in this extremity1 after exhausting all means of representation and entreaty1 the counsellors thus expressed themselves3 ,finally1 men who have vowed an inveterate hatred against the ,catalonians have been so successful in their continual persuasions1 that the uprightness and equity of your majesty have been turned from the means of peace and tranquillity proposed by us1 and which should have been admitted1 were it only on the grounds of experience2 and to fill up the cup of their malice1 they now lay your majesty under an obligation of oppressing the principality still further1 by sending an army to sack and pillage wherever the caprice of the soldier may lead him2 which would place this country in a position to say 7were it not for the love it has borne1 still bears1 and ever will bear to your majesty7 that such a breach of sworn faith would leave it free1 a thing of which the province is unwilling to think1 and prays ,god to avert4 ,nevertheless1 the principality knows from experience that these soldiers have neither respect nor pity for any thing or person1 married women and innocent virgins1 temples1 or ,god ,himself1 images of the ,saints or the sacred vessels of our churches1 nay1 even the blessed ,sacrament has twice this year been committed to the flames by these soldiers4 ,the principality is1 therefore1 everywhere in arms to defend1 in such an urgent and irremediable extremity1 fortune1 life1 honor1 liberty1 home1 laws1 and above all the sacred temples1 the sacred images1 and the holy ,sacrament of the altar 7be the same for ever praised74 ,in such a case1 the holy theologians do not merely affirm that resistance is lawful1 but still further1 that all persons1 whether lay or clerical1 may take up arms to avert the evil2 that both secular and ecclesiastical property may and ought to contribute to the defence2 that the nations invaded may1 as the cause is universal1 unite1 confederate1 and form juntas with a view to prevent such evils4 7#cf7 ,such was the language addressed to kings1 at a time when religion predominated over all things4 ,the counsellors1 according to the usage of the time1 took care to make marginal notes of the sources of their information2 and we are not aware that their doctrines have ever been condemned as heretical4 ,these doctrines cannot1 without manifest dishonesty1 be confounded with those of many ,protestants and modern revolutionists4 ,a cursory perusal of these writings will enable any one to discover how widely they differ4 ,by maintaining that it is not allowable in any case1 in the greatest extremities1 not even when the most precious and sacred interests are at stake1 to offer resistance to the civil power1 the thrones of kings are thought to be strengthened2 for it is generally kings that are spoken of4 ,but it should be remembered1 that this doctrine affects every other supreme power1 under every form of government4 ,since the texts of ,scripture recommending obedience to the powers that be1 do not allude to kings only1 but to all supreme powers1 without exception or distinction1 it follows that resistance cannot in any case be offered to the president of a republic4 ,will it be said that the faculties of a president are determined8 ,are not the faculties of a king also determined8 ,are there not1 in absolute governments1 laws fixing the limits of these faculties8 ,and is not this the distinction constantly employed by the supporters of monarchy to repel the errors of their adversaries1 who confound monarchy with despotism8 ,but1 it will be said1 the president of a republic is only temporary4 ,and what if he were perpetual8 ,besides1 the faculties are neither increased nor diminished by the simple fact of their having to last a long or short period4 ,if a council1 a man1 a family1 is invested with a certain right1 by virtue of a certain law2 with certain restrictions1 but with certain contracts and oaths2 such a council1 such a man or such a family is bound to adhere to the oath taken1 whatever be the extent of its duration1 temporary or perpetual4 ,such are the principles of natural right2 so certain and simple1 that they cannot present any difficulty4 ,theologians1 even those most attached to the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 teach a doctrine which we must notice here1 on account of the analogy it bears to the point under discussion4 ,it is known that the ,pope1 when speaking ex cathedra1 is acknowledged to be infallible1 but not as a simple individual2 and that1 in this latter capacity1 he might fall into heresy4 ,in this case1 theologians are of opinion that he would forfeit his dignity2 some maintaining that he ought to be deposed1 others that his deposition is the consequence of his having fallen from the faith4 ,whichever of these opinions be admitted1 in this case resistance would become allowable1 for this reason1 that the ,pope would have shamefully departed from the object of his institution1 would have trampled on the basis of the laws of the ,church1 which is her dogmas1 and would consequently have nullified the promises and oaths of obedience made to him4 ,spedalieri1 in adducing this argument1 observes1 that kings are certainly not of higher rank than ,popes1--that power has been granted to both in dificationem non in destructionem2 adding1 that if ,sovereign ,pontiffs authorize this doctrine with relation to themselves1 temporal sovereigns cannot object to its application to them4 ,it is strange that the monarchical zeal of ,protestants and incredulous philosophers imputes to the ,catholic religion as a crime1 that she has allowed it to be maintained within her bosom1 that1 in certain cases1 the subject may be released from his oath of allegiance2 whilst other philosophers of the same school reproach it with having sanctioned despotism by its detestable doctrine of non-resistance1 as ,dr4 ,beatty expresses it4 ,the direct1 indirect1 and declaratory powers of the ,popes have served as an admirable bugbear to intimidate kings2 the dangerous principles of theological works formed an excellent pretext for raising the cry of alarm1 for representing ,catholicity as a nest of seditious maxims4 ,the hour of revolutions was struck1--circumstances were changed1--fresh necessities arose1 and men adapted their language to the times4 ,the ,catholics1 a short time before seditious and regicidal1 were then declared abettors of despotism1 fulsome adulators of civil power4 ,recently1 the ,jesuits1 leagued with the infernal policy of ,rome1 were everywhere undermining thrones1 to establish on their ruins the universal monarchy of the ,pope2 but the secret of this horrid plot was discovered1 and fortunately so1 for the world was otherwise about to experience a frightful catastrophe4 ,but now that the ,jesuits are expelled1 and are expiating their crimes in exile1 the ,french ,revolution1 the prelude to so many others1 breaks out1 and the aspect of affairs changes immediately4 ,protestants and unbelievers1 the supporters of ancient discipline1 the zealous adversaries of the abuses of the ,court of ,rome1 fully comprehending the new situation of affairs1 hasten to conform to it4 ,from that moment1 the ,jesuits1 the ,catholics1 the ,pope1 are no longer seditious or tyrannicides1 but ,machiavellian supporters of tyranny1 enemies of the liberty of the people2 and just as a league had been supposed to exist between the ,jesuits and the ,pope for the foundation of a universal theocracy1 there is now discovered1 thanks to the investigations of these eminent philosophers and strict1 incorruptible ,christians1 an infamous pact between the ,pope and kings to oppress1 enslave1 and degrade the unfortunate human race4 ,the answer to this enigma may be thus briefly expressed4 ,so long as kings maintain their power and the peaceable possession of their thrones1 so long as ,providence restrains the tempest1 and the monarch1 raising his proud head towards heaven1 commands the people with a lofty air1 the ,catholic ,church does not flatter him4 ,thou art dust1 she says to him1 and into dust thou shalt return2 power was given thee not unto destruction1 but unto edification2 thy faculties are great1 but not boundless4 ,god is thy judge1 as well as that of the lowest of thy subjects4 ,the ,church is then accused of insolence2 and if any theologian should venture to investigate the origin of civil power1 to point out1 with generous freedom1 the duties to which this power is subject2 to write1 in a word1 with prudence upon public right1 but without servility1 the ,catholics are then declared seditious4 ,but the tempest bursts1 thrones are overturned1 revolution prevails1 spills the blood of the people in torrents1 cuts off royal heads1 and all in the name of liberty4 ,the ,church says3 ,this is no liberty1 but a succession of crimes2 the fraternity and equality which ,i have taught1 were never your orgies and guillotines4 ,the ,church then becomes a vile flatterer2 her words1 her actions1 have indubitably revealed that the ,sovereign ,pontiff is the surest anchor of despotism2 it has been proved that the ,court of ,rome has been polluted by an infamous pact4#cc ,,chapter ,,lvii4 ,,political ,,society ,,in ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,we have already seen what has been the conduct of the ,christian religion with respect to society2 that is to say1 that not caring whether such or such political forms were established in a country1 she has ever addressed herself to man1 seeking to enlighten his understanding and to purify his heart1 fully confident that when these objects were attained1 society would naturally pursue a safe course4 ,this is sufficient to obliterate the reproach imputed to her of being an enemy to the liberty of the people4 ,protestantism has certainly never revealed to the world a single dogma which exalts the dignity of man1 nor created fresh motives of consideration and respect1 or closer bonds of fraternity4 ,the ,reformation cannot1 therefore1 boast of having given the least impetus to the progress of modern nations2 it cannot1 consequently1 lay the least claim to the gratitude of the people in this respect4 ,but as it frequently happens that people lay aside main points and set a great value on appearances2 and as ,protestantism has been supposed to accord much better than ,catholicity with those institutions in which it is usual to find guarantees for a high degree of liberty2 we must draw a parallel4 ,besides1 we cannot omit it without betraying an ignorance of the genius of this age1 and authorizing the suspicion that ,catholicity cannot derive any advantage from such a comparison4 ,in the first place1 ,i will observe1 that those who look upon ,protestantism as inseparable from public liberty do not in this respect agree with ,m4 ,guizot1 who cannot certainly be accused of any want of sympathy for the ,reformation4 ,in ,germany1 says this celebrated publicist1 far from demanding political liberty1 it has accepted1 ,i should not like to say political servitude1 but the absence of liberty4 7,hist4 ,gn4 de la ,civil4 en ,eur4 le4 #ab47 ,i quote ,m4 ,guizot1 because in ,spain we are so accustomed to translations1 because we ,spaniards have been led to suppose1 that the best thing for us is to believe foreigners on their bare word2 because amongst us1 in questions of importance1 it is necessary to have recourse to foreign authorities2 and hence1 a writer who appears to slight such authorities1 exposes himself to the risk of being treated as an ignoramus1 as one behind the age4 ,besides1 with a certain class of writers1 the authority of ,m4 ,guizot is decisive4 ,in fact1 a multitude of publications have appeared amongst us bearing the title of ,philosophy of ,history1 whose authors1 it is quite clear1 have used the works of that ,french writer as their text-books4 ,is this assertion1 that ,protestantism is the natural bulwark of liberty1 true or false1 accurate or inaccurate8 ,what do history and philosophy teach us on this point8 ,has ,protestantism advanced the popular cause1 by contributing to the establishment and development of liberal forms of government8 ,to place the question in its true light1 and discuss it thoroughly1 we must take a view of the state of ,europe at the close of the fifteenth century1 and at the beginning of the sixteenth4 ,it is incontestable that individuals and society were then making rapid progress towards perfection4 ,we have sufficient evidence of this fact in the wonderful march of intellect at this period1 in the numerous measures of improvement effected at that epoch1 and in the better organization everywhere introduced4 ,this organization is doubtless still imperfect2 but it is nevertheless such as cannot be likened to that of former times4 ,if we carefully examine into the state of society at that epoch1 as represented either in the writings or in the events of the time1 we shall observe a certain restlessness1 anxiety1 and fermentation1 which1 while they indicated the existence of vast wants not yet satisfied1 were evidence also of a tolerably distinct knowledge of those wants4 ,far from discovering in the men of that period a contempt or forgetfulness of their rights and dignity1 or any discouragement and pusillanimity at the sight of obstacles1 we find them abounding in foresight and ingenuity1 swayed by lofty and sublime thoughts1 fired with noble sentiments1 and animated with intrepid and ardent courage4 ,the progress of ,european society at that epoch was very rapid2 three very remarkable circumstances contributed to render it so3 #a4 ,the introduction of the whole body of men to the rank of citizens1 as a necessary consequence of the abolition of slavery and the decline of feudality2 #b4 ,the very nature of civilization1 in which every thing advances together and abreast2 #c4 ,in fine1 the existence of a means for increasing its development and rapidity--this means was the art of printing4 ,to make use of a physico-mathematical expression1 we may say1 that the amount of motion must have been very considerable1 since it was the product of the mass by the rapidity1 and that the mass1 as well as the rapidity1 were then very considerable4 ,this powerful movement1 which proceeds from good1 is in itself good1 and is productive of good1 is1 however1 accompanied by inconveniences and perils2 it raises flattering hopes1 but it also inspires apprehensions and fears4 ,the people of ,europe are an ancient people1 but they may be said to have become young again2 their inclinations1 their wants1 urge them to great enterprises2 and they enter upon them with the ardor of an impetuous and inexperienced young man1 feeling in his breast a great heart1 and in his head the lively spark of genius4 ,in this situation1 a great problem presents itself for solution1 viz41 to find the most proper means for directing society without impeding its progress2 and for conducting it by a way free from precipices to the objects of its aim1 intelligence1 morality1 felicity4 ,a slight glance at this problem startles us at its immense extent2 so numerous are the objects it embraces1 the relations it bears1 the obstacles and difficulties with which it is beset4 ,considering this question attentively1 and comparing it with man's weakness1 the mind is ready to lose courage and despond4 ,the problem1 however1 exists1 not as a scientific speculation1 but as a real and urgent necessity4 ,in such a case1 society is like individuals2 it attempts1 essays1 and makes efforts to get clear of the difficulty as well as possible4 ,man's civil state improves daily2 but to maintain this improvement1 and to perfect it1 requires a means3 and this is the problem of political forms4 ,what ought these forms to be8 ,and1 above all1 what elements can we make use of8 ,what is the respective force of these elements8 ,what are their tendencies1 their relations1 their affinities8 ,how shall they be combined8 ,monarchy1 ,aristocracy1 ,democracy--these three powers present themselves at the same time to dispute for the direction and government of society4 ,they are certainly not equal1 either in force1 means of action1 or in practical intelligence2 but they all command our respect1 they have all pretensions to a preponderance more or less decisive1 and none of them are without the probability of obtaining it4 ,this simultaneous concurrence of pretensions1 this rivalship of three powers so different in their nature and aim1 forms one of the leading features of this epoch4 ,it is1 as it were1 in a great measure the key to the principal events2 and1 in spite of the various aspects presented by this feature1 it may be signalized as a general fact among all the civilized portion of the nations of ,europe4 ,before proceeding further in our examination of this subject1 the mere indication of such a fact suggests the reflection1 that it must be very incorrect to say that ,catholicity has tendencies opposed to the true liberty of the people2 for we see that ,european civilization1 which1 during so many ages1 was under the influence and guardianship of this religion1 did not then present one single principle of government exclusively predominating4 ,survey the whole of ,europe at this period1 and you will not find one country in which the same fact did not exist4 ,in ,spain1 ,france1 ,england1 ,germany1 under the names of ,cortes1 ,states-,general1 ,parliaments1 or ,diets2 the same thing everywhere1 with the simple modifications which necessarily result from circumstances adapted to each people4 ,what is very remarkable in this case is1 that if there be a single exception1 it is in favor of liberty2 and1 strange to say1 it exists precisely in ,italy1 where the influence of the ,popes is immediately felt4 ,the names of the ,republics of ,genoa1 ,pisa1 ,sienna1 ,florence1 ,venice1 are familiar to all4 ,it is well known that ,italy is the country in which popular forms at that period gained most ground1 and in which they were put in practice1 whilst in other countries they had already abandoned the field4 ,i do not mean to say that the ,italian ,republics were a model worthy of being imitated by the other nations of ,europe4 ,i am well aware that these forms of government were attended with grave inconveniences2 but since so much is said of spirit and tendencies1 since the ,catholic ,church is reproached with her affinity to despotism1 and the ,popes with a taste for oppression1 it is well to adduce those facts which may serve to throw some doubt upon certain authoritative assertions1 adduced as so many philosophico-historical dogmas4 ,if ,italy preserved her independence in spite of the efforts of the ,emperors of ,germany to wrest it from her1 she owed it in a great part to the firmness and energy of the ,popes4 ,in order to comprehend fully the relations which ,catholicity bears to political institutions1 in order to ascertain what degree of affinity it bears to such and such forms1 and to form a correct idea of the influence of ,protestantism in this respect over ,european civilization1 we must examine carefully and in detail each of the elements claiming preponderance4 ,when we examine them afterwards in their relations with each other1 we will ascertain1 as far as possible1 where the truth lies in this shapeless mass4 ,every one of these three may be considered in two ways3 #a4 ,according to the ideas formed of them at the period we are speaking of2 #b4 ,according to the interests these elements represent1 and the part they play in society4 ,we must lay particular stress upon this distinction1 without which we should expose ourselves to the commission of serious errors4 ,in fact1 the ideas which were entertained upon such or such principles of government did not coincide with the interest represented by this same element1 and with the part it acted in society2 and although it is clear that these two things must have had very close relations with each other1 and could not be disengaged from a real and reciprocal influence1 yet it is most certain that they differ considerably1 and that this difference1 the source of very various considerations1 shows the subject in points of view quite dissimilar4 ,,chapter ,,lviii4 ,,monarchy ,,in ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,the idea of monarchy has ever existed in the bosom of ,european society1 even at the time when the least use was made of it2 and it is worthy of remark1 that at the time when its energy was taken away1 and it was destroyed in practice1 it still retained its force in theory4 ,we cannot say that our ancestors had any very fixed notions upon the nature of the object represented by this idea2 nor can we wonder at it1 since the continual variations and modifications which they witnessed must have prevented them from forming any very correct knowledge of it4 ,nevertheless1 if we peruse the codes in places where monarchy is treated of1 and if we consult the writings which have been preserved upon this matter1 we shall find that their ideas on this point were more fixed than might have been imagined4 ,by studying the manner of thinking of this period1 we find that men in general were almost destitute of analytical knowledge1 being more erudite than philosophical2 so much so1 that they scarcely ventured to express an idea without supporting it by a multitude of authorities4 ,this taste for erudition1 which is visible at the first glance into their writings--a mere tissue of quotations--and which must have been very natural1 since it was so general and lasting1 had very advantageous results2 not the least of which was the uniting of ancient with modern society1 by the preservation of a great number of records and memorials1 which1 had it not been for this public taste1 must have been destroyed1 and by exhuming from the dust the remains of antiquity about to perish4 ,but1 on the other hand1 it produced many evils2 amongst others1 a sort of stifling of thought1 which could no longer indulge in its own inspirations1 although they may have been more happy than the ancient ones on some points4 ,however it may be1 such is the fact3 on examining it in relation to the matter under discussion1 we find that monarchy was represented at that time as one single picture1 in which there appeared at the same time the kings of the ,jews and the ,roman emperors1 whose features had been corrected by the hand of ,christianity4 ,that is to say1 the principles of monarchy were composed of the teachings of ,scripture and the ,roman codes4 ,seek every where the idea of emperor1 king1 or prince1 you will always find the same thing1 whether you look for the origin of power1 its extent1 its exercise1 or its object4 ,but what ideas were entertained of monarchy8 ,what was the acceptation of this word8 ,taken in a general sense1 abstractedly from the various modifications which a variety of circumstances gave to its signification1 it meant1 the supreme command over society1 vested in the hands of one man1 who was to exercise it according to reason and justice4 ,this was the leading idea1 the only one fixed1 as a sort of pole1 round which all other questions revolved4 ,did the monarch possess in himself the faculty of making laws without consulting general assemblies1 which1 under different names1 represented the different classes of the kingdom8 ,from the moment that we propose this question we come upon new ground4 ,we have descended from theory to practice2 we have brought our ideas into contact with the object to which they are to be applied4 ,from that moment1 we must allow1 every thing vacillates and becomes obscure2 a thousand incoherent1 strange1 and contradictory facts pass before our eyes2 the parchments upon which are inscribed the rights1 liberties1 and laws of the people give rise to a variety of interpretations1 which multiply doubts and increase difficulties4 ,we see1 in the first place1 that the relations of the monarch with the subject1 or1 more properly speaking1 the mode in which government should be exercised1 was not very well defined4 ,the confusion from which society was emerging was still felt1 and was inevitable in an aggregation of heterogeneous bodies1 in a combination of rival and hostile elements2 that is1 we discover an embryo1 and consequently it is impossible as yet to find regular and well-defined forms4 ,did this idea of monarchy contain any thing of despotism1 any thing that subjected one man to the dominion of another by setting aside the eternal laws of reason and justice8 ,no2 from the moment that we touch upon this point we discover a new horizon1 clear and transparent1 upon which objects present themselves distinctly1 without a shade of dimness or obscurity4 ,the answer of all writers is decisive3 ,rule ought to be conformable to reason and justice2 if it is not1 it is mere tyranny4 ,so that the principle maintained by ,m4 ,guizot1 in his ,discours sur la ,democratie moderne1 and in his ,history of ,civilisation in ,europe1 viz4 that the will alone does not constitute a right2 that laws1 to be laws1 should accord with those of eternal reason1 the only source of all legitimate power2--that this principle1 ,i say1 which we might imagine to be newly applied to society1 is as ancient as the world4 ,acknowledged by ancient philosophers1 developed1 inculcated1 and applied by ,christianity1 we find it in every page of jurists and theologians4 ,but we know what this principle was worth in the monarchies of antiquity1 and also in our own days in countries where ,christianity has not yet been established4 ,who1 in such countries1 presumes continually to remind kings of their obligation to be just8 ,observe1 on the contrary1 what is the case among ,christians3 the words 'reason' and 'justice' are constantly in the mouth of the subject1 because he knows that no one has a right to treat him unreasonably or unjustly2 and this he knows1 because ,christianity has impressed him with a profound idea of his own dignity1 because it has accustomed him to look upon reason and justice1 not as vain words1 but as eternal characters engraven on the heart of man by the hand of ,god1 perpetually reminding man that1 although he is a frail creature1 subject to error and to weakness1 he is1 nevertheless1 stamped with the image of eternal truth and of immutable justice4 ,if any one should question the truth of what ,i have advanced1 it will suffice1 to convince him1 to remind him of the numerous texts previously cited in this work1 and in which the most eminent ,catholic writers bear testimony to their manner of thinking on the origin and faculties of civil power4 ,so much for ideas2 as for facts1 they vary according to times and countries4 ,during the incursions of the barbarians1 and so long as the feudal system prevailed1 monarchy remained much beneath its typical idea2 but during the course of the sixteenth century1 matters assumed a different aspect4 ,in ,germany1 ,france1 ,england1 and ,spain1 powerful monarchs were reigning1 who filled the world with the fame of their names2 in their presence aristocracy and democracy bowed with humility2 or if by chance they ventured to raise their heads1 it was only to suffer still greater degradation4 ,the throne1 it is true1 had not yet attained that ascendency of power and importance which it acquired in the following century2 but its destiny was irrevocably fixed--power and glory awaited it4 ,aristocracy and democracy might have labored to take part in future events2 but it would have been labor in vain for them to attempt to appropriate them4 ,a fixed and powerful centre was essential to ,european society1 and monarchy completely satisfied this imperative necessity4 ,the people understood and felt it2 hence we find them eagerly grasping at this saving principle1 and placing themselves under the safeguard of the throne4 ,the question is not1 therefore1 whether or not the throne ought to exist1 or whether it ought to preponderate over aristocracy and democracy3 these two questions have been already resolved4 ,at the commencement of the sixteenth century1 its existence and preponderance were already necessary4 ,the question to be resolved is1 whether the throne ought so decisively to have prevailed1 that the two elements1 aristocracy and democracy1 should be erased from the political world2 whether the combination which had hitherto existed was still to exist3 or1 whether these two elements should disappear2 whether monarchical power should be absolute4 ,the ,church resisted royal power when it attempted to lay hands upon sacred things2 but her zeal never carried her so far as to depreciate1 in the eyes of the people1 an authority which was so essential to them4 ,on the contrary1 besides continually giving to the power of kings a more solid basis1 by her doctrines favorable to all legitimate authority1 she endeavored to give them a still more sacred character by the august ceremonies displayed at their coronations4 ,the ,church has been sometimes accused of anarchical tendencies1 for having energetically struggled against the pretensions of sovereigns2 by some1 on the contrary1 she has been reproached with favoring despotism1 because she preached up to the people the duty of obedience to the lawful authorities4 ,if ,i mistake not1 these accusations1 so opposite to each other1 prove that the ,church has neither been adulatory nor anarchical2 she has maintained the balance even1 by telling the truth both to kings and their subjects4 ,let the spirit of sectarianism seek1 on all sides1 historical facts1 to prove that the ,popes have attempted to destroy civil monarchy by confiscating it to their own profit4 ,but let us bear in mind what the ,protestant ,mller says1 that the ,father of the faithful was1 during the barbarous ages1 a tutor sent by ,god to the ,european nations2 and let us not be astonished to find that differences have sometimes occurred between him and his pupils4 ,to discover the intention which dictated these reproaches against the ,court of ,rome1 relative to monarchy1 we need only reflect upon the following question4 ,all writers consider as a great benefit the creation of a strong central authority1 and yet circumscribed within just limits that it may not abuse its power2 they laud to the skies every thing tending1 directly or indirectly1 among all the nations of ,europe1 to establish such an authority4 ,why1 then1 when speaking of the conduct of ,popes1 do they attribute to a pretended taste for despotism the support which they give to royal authority1 whilst they qualify with anarchical usurpation their efforts to restrain1 upon certain points1 the faculties of sovereigns8 ,the answer is not difficult4#cd ,,chapter ,,lix4 ,,the ,,aristocracy ,,of ,,the ,,sixteenth ,,century4 ,the aristocracy1 as including the privileged portion of society1 comprehended two classes very distinct in their origin and nature1 the nobility and the clergy4 ,both abounded in power and riches2 both were placed far above the people1 and were important wheels in the political machine4 ,there was1 however1 this remarkable difference between them1 that the principal basis of the power and grandeur of the ,clergy was religious ideas--ideas which circulated throughout society1 which animated it1 gave it life1 and consequently insured for a long time the preponderance of the ecclesiastical power2 whilst the grandeur and influence of the nobles rested solely upon a fact necessarily transient1 viz4 the social organization of the epoch--an organization which was becoming rapidly modified1 since the people were then struggling to liberate themselves from the bonds of feudalism4 ,i do not mean1 that the nobles did not possess legitimate rights to the power and influence which they exercised2 but merely that the principal portion of these rights1 even supposing them founded upon the most just laws and titles1 was not necessarily connected with any of the great conservative principles of society--those principles which invest with an immense force and ascendency the person or class which in any way represents them4 ,but we touch here upon a subject little investigated1 and upon the explanation of which depends the comprehension of great social facts4 ,it is well1 therefore1 to develop it fully1 and to examine it attentively4 ,of what was monarchy the representative8 ,of a principle eminently conservative of society--a principle which has withstood all the attacks of theories and revolutions1 and to which have been attached1 as the only anchor of safety1 those very nations in the bosom of which democratical ideas were diffused1 and in which liberal institutions originated4 ,this is one of the causes why monarchy1 even in its most calamitous times1 triumphed over its disasters4 ,feudal pride1 and the unsettled state of the times1 with the agitation of rising democracy1 united to oppress it2 scarcely was its power distinguishable amid the troubled waves of society1 like the broken mast of a shipwrecked vessel4 ,but1 even at this time1 we find the ideas of force and power bound to those of monarchy4 ,regal dignity was trampled under foot and outraged in various ways1 but still held sacred and recognised as inviolable4 ,theory was not in accordance with practice2 the idea was more forcible than the fact which it expressed3 but we need not be astonished at this phenomenon1 since such is always the character of ideas producing great changes4 ,they are1 at first1 merely visible in society2 they spread1 take root1 and penetrate into all institutions2 time continues to prepare the way2 and if the idea is just and moral1 if it point to the satisfaction of a want1 the moment at length comes in which facts give way1 the idea triumphs1 and bends and humbles all before it4 ,this was the case1 in the sixteenth century1 with regard to monarchy2 under one form or another1 with greater or less modifications1 it was actually essential to the people1 as it is still2 and for this reason it naturally prevailed over all its adversaries1 and survived all accidents4 ,with respect to the clergy1 we need not attempt to show that they were the representatives of the religious principle--a real social necessity for all the nations of the earth1 when taken in its general sense2 and a real social necessity for the nations of ,europe1 when taken in its ,christian sense4 ,we have already seen that the nobility could not be compared either to monarchy or to the clergy1 since they were destitute of the high principles represented by each of these bodies4 ,extensive privileges1 and the ancient possession of great estates1 with the guarantee of the laws and customs of the time2 glorious traditions of military feats1 pompous names1 titles1 and escutcheons of illustrious ancestors2 such were the insignia of the lay aristocracy4 ,but nothing of all this had any direct and essential relation with the great wants of society4 ,the nobility depended upon a particular organization1 necessarily transient2 they were too nearly allied to a law purely positive and human1 to be able to reckon upon a long duration1 or to flatter themselves with success in all their pretensions and exigencies4 ,it will be objected1 perhaps1 that the existence of an intermediate class between the monarch and the people is an essential necessity1 acknowledged by all publicists1 and founded upon the very nature of things4 ,in fact1 we have seen that in nations from which the ancient aristocracy has disappeared1 a new one has been formed1 either by the course of events or by the action of governments4 ,but this objection is not applicable to the question in the point of view under which ,i consider it4 ,i do not deny the necessity of an intermediate class2 ,i merely affirm that the ancient nobility1 such as it was1 did not contain elements to ensure its duration1 since it was liable to be replaced by another1 as it has been in effect4 ,the classes of the laity acquire their political and social importance from a superiority of intellect and force2 this superiority no longer existing in the nobility1 its fall was inevitable4 ,at the beginning of the sixteenth century the throne and the people daily acquired a greater ascendency2 the former became the centre of all social forces1 and the people were constantly enriching themselves by industry and commerce4 ,with regard to learning1 the discovery of printing1 as it became general1 prevented it from being henceforth the exclusive patrimony of any particular class4 ,it was evident1 therefore1 that the nobility perceived1 at this epoch1 their ancient power escaping1 and possessed no other means of preserving a part of it than to struggle to preserve the titles which it had given them4 ,unfortunately for them1 their wealth was daily decreasing1 not only from the dilapidations occasioned by luxury1 but also from the extraordinary increase of non-territorial riches2 the profound changes wrought in the value of every thing by means of the reorganization of society and the discovery of ,america caused immovable property to lose much of its importance4 ,if the force of landed property was gradually diminishing1 the rights of jurisdiction were marching still more rapidly towards their ruin4 ,on one hand1 these rights were opposed by the power of kings2 and1 on the other1 by municipalities and other centres of action possessed by the popular element2 so that1 in spite of the most profound respect for acquired rights1 and merely by allowing things to take their ordinary course1 the ancient nobility was inevitably sunk to that point of depression in which it now exists4 ,this could not happen to the clergy4 ,despoiled of their wealth1 entirely or partially deprived of their privileges1 there still remained for them the ministry of religion4 ,no one could exercise this ministry without them2 which was sufficient to insure them great influence in spite of all commotions and changes4 ,,chapter ,,lx4 ,,on ,,democracy4 ,such was the situation of ,europe during the centuries preceding the sixteenth1 that it appears difficult to find for democracy a well-defined place in political theories4 ,stifled by the established powers1 deprived as yet of the resources which1 in time1 gave it the ascendency1 it was natural it should be almost unobserved by politicians4 ,it was in reality very feeble2 and it was not1 therefore1 surprising that1 owing to the influence of reality over ideas1 theorists should regard the people merely as an abject portion of society1 unworthy of honors or happiness1 and fit only to labor and to serve4 ,it is1 however1 worthy of remark1 that ideas from that time took a new direction2 it may even be affirmed that they were infinitely more elevated and more generous than facts4 ,this is one of the most convincing proofs of the intellectual development that ,christianity had operated amongst men--one of the most unexceptionable testimonies in favor of that profound sentiment of reason and justice which it had deposited in the heart of society4 ,now these elements were not to be stifled by events the most unfavorable1 nor by the rudest shocks2 for they were supported upon the very dogmas of religion1 which still remain firm1 in spite of all commotion1 as an immovable axis remains fixed in the midst of broken machinery4 ,in perusing the writings of this epoch1 we find established1 as an indubitable fact1 the right of the people to the administration of justice2 they were not to be irritated by any vexatious regulations2 the public imposts were to be equally divided2 no one was to be forced to do any thing contrary to reason or the well-being of society3 that is to say1 these writers acknowledged and established all those principles upon which were to be based the laws and customs destined one day to produce civil liberty4 ,this is so true1 that1 in proportion as circumstances permitted1 these principles were rapidly and extensively developed2 vast and numerous applications were immediately made of them2 and civil liberty took such deep root among the people of modern ,europe1 that it has never been erased from their bosoms2 and we see it preserved in forms of absolute government as well as in the mixed forms4 ,to complete my demonstration1 that the ideas in favor of the people proceeded from ,christianity1 ,i will adduce a reason which appears to me decisive4 ,the philosophy adopted by the schools of that period was that of ,aristotle4 ,aristotle's authority was of great weight2 he was called by an autonomasia1 the ,philosopher2 a good commentary of his works was considered the highest point to be attained in these matters4 ,and yet1 so far as the relations of society were concerned1 the doctrines of the ,stagyrite were not adopted2 ,christian writers took a higher and more generous view of mankind4 ,aristotle's degrading doctrines upon man born to servitude1 destined to this end even by nature1 anterior to all legislation2 his horrible doctrines upon infanticide2 his theories1 which at one blow deprived all those who professed the mechanical arts of the title of citizen2 in a word1 those monstrous systems1 which the ancient philosophers unconsciously learned from the society which surrounded them1 were utterly rejected by ,christian philosophers4 ,the man who had just perused ,aristotle's work on ,politics took up his ,bible1 or the works of the ,fathers3 the authority of ,aristotle was great1 but that of the ,church was still greater2 the works of the pagan philosopher must be interpreted piously1 or abandoned2 in either case the rights of humanity were saved1 and this was an effect of the preponderating force of the ,catholic faith4 ,the system of castes most forcibly contributes to arrest the development of the popular element1 by condemning the majority of the people of a country to a state of perpetual abjection and slavery4 ,in this system1 honors1 riches1 and command are confined and transferred from father to son2 a barrier separates men from each other1 and ends in causing the most powerful to be considered as belonging to a superior class of beings4 ,the ,church has ever opposed the introduction of so fatal a system1 and to apply the word caste to the clergy would betray an ignorance of its meaning4 ,on this subject ,m4 ,guizot has done ample justice to the cause of truth4 ,he expresses himself in the following manner in the fifth lecture of his ,histoire gnrale de la ,civilisation en ,europe3 ,with regard to the mode of formation and transmission of power in the ,church1 there is a word1 says he1 much used in speaking of the ,christian clergy1 and which ,i am under the obligation of discarding2 it is the word caste4 ,the body of ecclesiastical magistrates has often been called a caste4 ,this expression is not correct2 the idea of heirship is inherent in that of caste4 ,travel over the world2 take all those countries in which the system of castes exists1 in ,india1 in ,egypt1 you will find everywhere the caste essentially hereditary2 it is the transmission of the same situation1 of the same power1 from father to son4 ,where heirship does not exist1 there is no caste1 there is a corporation2 the spirit of corporate bodies has its inconveniences1 but it is very different from that of castes4 ,the word caste cannot be applied to the ,christian ,church4 ,the celibacy of the clergy has prevented them from becoming a caste4 ,you perceive already the consequences of this difference4 ,a system of caste1 and the existence of hereditary succession1 inevitably involve the idea of privileges4 ,the very definition of a caste implies privileges4 ,when the same functions1 the same powers1 become hereditary in the same families1 it is evident that privileges follow1 and that no one can acquire such functions and powers unless he is born to them4 ,this1 in fact1 is what has taken place3 wherever religious government has fallen into the hands of a caste1 it has become a privilege2 no one has been permitted to enter it but the members of families belonging to the caste4 ,nothing of this has ever occurred in the ,christian ,church2 on the contrary1 she has ever maintained the equal admissibility of all men1 whatever their origin1 to all her functions1 to all her dignities4 ,the ecclesiastical state1 particularly from the fifth to the twelfth century1 was open to all4 ,the ,church was recruited from all ranks1 from the inferior as well as from the superior1--more commonly even from the inferior4 ,she alone resisted the system of castes2 she alone maintained the principle of equality of competition2 she alone called all legitimate superiors to the possession of power4 ,this is the first grand result naturally produced by the fact that she was a corporation1 and not a caste4 ,this splendid passage of the ,french writer completely vindicates the ,catholic ,church from the reproach of exclusiveness with which it had been attempted to stain her2 it presents to me also the opportunity of making some reflections upon the beneficial effects of ,catholicity upon the development of civilization in favor of the plebeian classes4 ,we are not ignorant of the numerous declamations against religious celibacy which have proceeded from the mouths of the pretended defenders of the rights of humanity2 but is it not strange that they forget1 as ,m4 ,guizot justly observes1 that celibacy is exactly what has prevented the ,christian clergy from becoming a caste8 ,let us examine1 in fact1 what would have been the case on the contrary supposition4 ,at the time to which we refer1 the ascendency of religious power was unlimited1 and the wealth of the ,church considerable2 that is to say1 she possessed every thing necessary for enabling a caste to establish its preponderance and stability4 ,what further was needful1 therefore8 ,hereditary succession1 nothing more2 and this would have been established by the marriage of the clergy4 ,what ,i here affirm is no vain conjecture1 it is a positive fact1 which ,i can render evident by bringing forward historical proof4 ,from certain remarkable regulations in ecclesiastical legislation1 we learn that it required all the energy of pontifical authority to prevent this succession from being introduced4 ,every thing1 in fine1 tended to such an end2 and if the ,church preserved itself from such a calamity1 it was owing to the horror which she always entertained of this fatal custom4 ,read the #agth chapter of the first book of the ,decretals of ,gregory ,,ix42 the pontifical regulations therein contained prove that the evil here spoken of presented alarming symptoms4 ,the pope makes use of the strongest terms possible to be found3 ,ad enormitatem istam eradicandam1 observato ,apostolici rescripti decreto quod successionem in ,ecclesia ,dei hereditariam detestatur4 ,ad extirpandas successiones a sanctis ,dei ,ecclesiis studio totius sollicitudinis debemus intendere4 ,quia igitur in ,ecclesia successiones1 et in prlaturis et dignitatibus ecclesiasticis statutis canonicis damnantur4 ,these expressions1 and others of a like nature1 clearly show that the danger was already considered serious1 and justify the prudence of the ,holy ,see in reserving to itself the exclusive right of granting dispensations on this point4 ,it required the continual vigilance of the pontifical authority to prevent this abuse from making daily progress1 for it was urged on by the most powerful feelings of nature4 ,four centuries had elapsed since these measures had been taken1 and yet we find that1 in #aecc1 ,pope ,clement ,,vii4 was obliged to restrict a canon of ,alexander ,,iii4 in order to prevent grave scandals1 grievously lamented by the pious ,pontiff4 ,suppose that the ,church had not opposed such an abuse with all her force1 and that the custom had become general2 bear in mind also1 that in those ages of the grossest ignorance1 the privileged classes were every thing1 and the people had scarcely a civil existence2 and see whether there would not have been formed an ecclesiastical caste along with that of the nobility1 and whether both1 united by the bonds of family and common interest1 would not have opposed an invincible obstacle to the ulterior development of the plebeian class1 plunging ,european society into that degradation in which ,asiatic society now exists4 ,such would have been the consequence of the marriage of the clergy1 if the pretended reform had been realized a few centuries sooner4 ,when it came1 at the beginning of the sixteenth century1 it found ,european society in a great measure formed2 it had to contend against an adult1 who could not easily be made to forget his ideas and change his habits4 ,what has actually taken place may lead us to infer what would have taken place4 ,in ,england1 a close alliance was formed between the lay aristocracy and the ,protestant clergy2 and what is very remarkable1 we have seen1 and we still see1 in that country1 something resembling castes1 with the modifications which must necessarily ensue from the great development of a certain kind of civilization and liberty at which ,great ,britain has arrived4 ,if the clergy in the middle age1 establishing their perpetuity by hereditary succession1 had constituted themselves an exclusive class1 would not the aristocratic alliance of which we are speaking have been a natural consequence8 ,and who would thenceforth have been able to break this alliance8 ,the enemies of the ,church interpret all her discipline1 and even some of her dogmas1 by imputing to her ulterior designs2 and hence they consider the law of celibacy as the result of an interested design4 ,it was easy to see1 however1 that if the ,church had entertained worldly views1 she might have selected as a model those priests of other religions who have formed a separate1 preponderating1 and exclusive class1 for which the severity of duty did not form a brazen wall against the enjoyments of nature4 ,europe1 it will be objected1 is not ,asia4 ,this is true2 but the ,europe of our days1 and even that of the sixteenth century1 is no longer the ,europe of the middle ages4 ,in those centuries1 in which none but the clergy could read and write1 and in which knowledge was exclusively in their possession1 had they wished to plunge the world into darkness1 they had only to extinguish the torch with which they were enlightening it4 ,it is also very certain1 that celibacy has given to the clergy a moral force and ascendency which they could not have attained by any other means4 ,but this only proves that the ,church has preferred moral to physical power1 and that the spirit of her institutions is to act by exercising a direct influence upon the intelligence and heart of man4 ,now1 is it not eminently praiseworthy to use all possible moral means for the direction of mankind8 ,is it not an honor to the ,catholic clergy to have accomplished1 by institutions severe against themselves1 what they might have realized in part by systems indulgent to their own passions and degrading to others8 ,oh1 we see here the work of ,him who will remain with ,his ,church till the end of the world4 ,whatever may be the value of these reflections1 it cannot be contested1 that where ,christianity has not existed1 the people have been the victims of a small number1 whose contempt and insults have been the only recompense of their labors4 ,consult history and experience2 the fact is general and constant2 there is not an exception even in those ancient republics so vaunted for their liberty4 ,under liberal forms1 slavery existed2 a slavery properly so called for some men2 a slavery glossed over with fine appearances for that turbulent multitude who served the caprice of the ,tribunes1 and believed they were exercising their sublime rights by condemning to ostracism or to death the most virtuous citizens4 ,it has sometimes happened that1 among the ,christians1 appearances were not in favor of liberty1 but things were so in reality1 if we understand by the word liberty the empire of just laws1 aiming at the well-being of the multitude1 and founded upon the consideration and profound respect due to the rights of mankind4 ,observe the grand phases of ,european society at the time when ,catholicity exclusively predominated4 ,with various forms1 distinct origins1 different inclinations1 they all follow the same course2 all tend to favor the cause of the multitude2 whatever has this for its aim1 endures2 whatever has not1 perishes4 ,whence comes it that this was not the case in other countries8 ,if evident reasons and palpable facts1 moreover1 did not manifest the salutary influence of the religion of ,jesus ,christ1 so remarkable a coincidence would suffice to suggest grave reflections to those1 who meditate upon the cause and character of the events which change or modify the destiny of mankind4 ,let those who represent ,catholicity as the enemy of the people1 point out to us a single doctrine of the ,church sanctioning the abuses under which the people were suffering1 or the injustice which oppressed them4 ,let them show us whether1 at the commencement of the sixteenth century1 when ,europe was under the exclusive domination of the ,catholic religion1 the people were not as far advanced as they could be1 considering the ordinary course of things4 ,they certainly did not possess so much wealth as they have since acquired1 and their knowledge was not so extensive as in modern times2 but is the progress which has been made in this respect attributable to ,protestantism8 ,was not the sixteenth century commenced under more favorable auspices than the fifteenth1 and the latter under better auspices than the fourteenth8 ,this proves that ,europe1 under the shield of ,catholicity1 continued in a progressive march2 that the cause of the multitude suffered no prejudice from the influence of ,catholicity2 and that if great ameliorations have since been effected1 they have not been a consequence of what is called the ,reformation4 ,it is the development of industry and commerce that has most powerfully contributed to elevate modern democracy1 by diminishing the preponderance of the aristocratic classes4 ,i do not touch upon the events which took place in ,europe before the appearance of ,protestantism2 but ,i see at a glance that1 far from impeding such a movement1 ,catholic doctrines and institutions must have favored it1 since1 under their shield and protection1 the manufacturing and mercantile interests were surprisingly developed4 ,no one is ignorant of their astonishing success in ,spain3 and we cannot attribute this progress to the ,moors2 for ,catalonia1 subject exclusively to the ,catholic influence1 evinced such activity1 prosperity1 and intelligence in industry and commerce1 that we could scarcely believe to what a state of perfection they had arrived1 did not unexceptionable documents bear ample testimony to the fact4 ,read the ,historical ,memoirs of the ,marine1 ,commerce1 and ,arts of the ancient ,city of ,barcelona1 by our celebrated ,capmany4 ,may we not account it an honor to belong to this ,catalonian nation1 whose ancestors displayed such zeal in all things1 never allowing other nations to surpass them in the march of civilization and improvement8 ,whilst this phenomenon was advancing in the south of ,europe1 the association of the ,hanseatic towns1 the origin of which is lost in the centuries of the middle ages1 was created in the north4 ,it obtained in time such an amount of power as to measure its force with that of kings4 ,its rich factories1 established all over ,europe1 and favored with many advantageous privileges1 elevated it to the rank of a real power4 ,not satisfied with the power which it enjoyed in its own country1 and in ,sweden1 ,norway1 and ,denmark1 it extended it to ,england and ,russia4 ,london and ,novogorod admired the splendid establishments of those intrepid merchants1 who1 by means of their wealth1 obtained exorbitant privileges2 who had their own magistrates1 and formed an independent state in the centre of foreign countries4 ,it is very remarkable that the ,hanseatic league selected religious communities as their model1 in all that concerned the system of life of the clerks in their counting-houses4 ,their clerks ate in common1 had common dormitories1 and none of them were allowed to marry4 ,any one of them transgressing this law1 forfeited his rights to remain a member or a citizen of the ,hanseatic ,confederation4 ,in ,france1 the manufacturing classes were also organized1 the better to resist the elements of dissolution existing in their bosom2 and this change1 so fruitful in results1 is entirely due to a king venerated upon the altars of the ,catholic ,church4 ,the ,establishment for the ,trades of ,paris gave a powerful impetus to the industrial classes1 by augmenting their intelligence and improving their morals2 and whatever were the abuses that crept into that organization1 it cannot be denied that ,st4 ,louis satisfactorily supplied a great want1 by organizing the trades in the best manner possible1 considering how little progress had at that time been made4 ,what shall we say of ,italy1 containing within its bosom the powerful republics of ,venice1 ,florence1 ,genoa1 and ,pisa8 ,it is difficult to conceive what progress industry had made in this peninsula1 and1 as a natural consequence1 what a development the democratical element received4 ,had the influence in itself been so oppressive1 had the breath of the ,roman court been fatal to the progress of the people1 is it not evident that its effects would have been particularly felt in those countries which were the scene of its actions8 ,whence comes it1 then1 that whilst a great part of ,europe was groaning under feudal oppression1 the middle class1 whose only title to nobility was the fruit of their intelligence and labor1 appeared in ,italy so powerful1 so brilliant and flourishing8 ,i will not contend that this development was attributable to the ,popes2 but1 at least1 we must grant that they never opposed it4 ,now1 if we observe a similar phenomenon in ,spain1 and particularly in ,aragon1 where the ,pontifical influence was great2 if the same thing is observable in the north of ,europe1 inhabited by people whom ,catholicity alone has civilized2 if1 in fine1 the same phenomenon is realized1 with greater or less rapidity1 in all countries exclusively subject to the belief and authority of the ,church1 we may conclude that ,catholicity contains nothing opposed to the movement of civilization1 and that it is not opposed to a just and legitimate development of the popular element4 ,i cannot think how it is possible for any one who has read history to accord to ,protestantism the honor of being favorable to the interests of the multitude4 ,its origin was essentially aristocratic2 and in those countries in which it has succeeded in taking root1 it has established aristocracy upon such firm foundations1 that the revolutions of three centuries have not been able to overturn it4 ,witness1 for a proof of this1 what has taken place in ,germany1 ,england1 and all the north of ,europe4 ,it has been said that ,calvinism is more favorable to the democratical element2 and that if it had prevailed in ,france it would have established a system of federative republic in place of monarchy4 ,whatever may be the value of this conjecture upon a change which would certainly not have been very beneficial to the future prospects of that nation1 it is perfectly certain that no other system than that of aristocracy would have been found practicable in ,france2 for circumstances at that period would admit of nothing else2 and the aristocrats who were at the head of religious innovation1 would admit of no other organization4 ,had ,protestantism triumphed in ,france1 it is probable that the poor of that country1 in imitation of their brethren in ,germany1 would have claimed a share in the rich booty2 but they certainly would not have found ,calvin's proverbial harshness more advantageous to them than the furious rashness of ,luther was to the ,germans4 ,it is probable that these wretched villagers1 who1 according to contemporary writers1 had nothing to eat but rye-bread1 with no animal food1 and slept upon a bundle of straw1 with a board for their pillow1 would not have felt themselves more comfortable than their brethren in ,germany1 had they thought proper to participate in the effects of the new doctrines4 ,in this case1 they would not have been punished1 but exterminated1 like their brethren beyond the ,rhine4 ,in ,england1 the sudden disappearance of the monasteries produced pauperism4 ,their property having fallen into the hands of laymen1 the religious being driven from their abodes1 the poor who subsisted upon the alms of these holy establishments were left without the means of subsistence4 ,and observe1 that the evil was not temporary2 it has continued to our own days1 and is now one of the greatest evils afflicting ,great ,britain4 ,i am aware that almsgiving is said to encourage indolence2 but it is very certain that ,england1 with her poor-laws and her legal charity1 contains a far greater number of destitute poor than ,catholic countries4 ,it will be difficult to convince me1 that to let people die of hunger is a good means of developing the popular element4 ,protestantism must have contained something very repulsive to the democrats of that period1 since we find it rejected in ,spain and ,italy1 the two countries in which the people enjoyed the greatest share of prosperity and rights4 ,and this becomes still more worthy of attention1 when we remark that religious innovation took root wherever the feudal aristocracy predominated4 ,look1 it will be said1 at the ,united ,provinces2 but this example only proves that ,protestantism1 determined to find supporters1 willingly took part with the mal-contents4 ,if ,philip ,,ii4 had been a zealous ,protestant1 the ,united ,provinces would probably have alleged that they were unwilling to remain any longer subject to an heretical prince4 ,these provinces were for a long time under the exclusive influence of ,catholicity1 and yet they were prosperous2 the popular element was developed in their bosom1 without meeting any obstacle on the part of religion4 ,exactly at the beginning of the sixteenth century they made the discovery1 that they could no longer prosper without abjuring the faith of their ancestors4 ,observe the geographical position of the ,united ,provinces2 see them surrounded by reformists offering to assist them2 and you will find in political considerations the reason which you may seek in vain in imaginary affinity between the ,protestant system and the interests of the people4#ce ,,chapter ,,lxi4 ,,on ,,the ,,value ,,of ,,the ,,different ,,political ,,forms--,,character ,,of ,,monarchy ,,in ,,europe4 ,the enthusiasm enkindled in ,europe in latter times1 has cooled down by degrees2 experience has shown that a political organization not in accordance with the social organization is of no advantage to a nation1 but rather overwhelms it with evil4 ,men also understand1 and not without difficulty1 simple as the matter is1 that political systems should be regarded solely as a means of ameliorating the condition of the people1 and that political liberty1 to be at all rational1 must be made a medium for the acquisition of civil liberty4 ,amongst enlightened men1 these are ordinary ideas2 fanaticism for such or such political forms1 considered abstractly from their civil results1 is now abandoned as a thing denoting ignorance1 or as a discreditable means hypocritically made use of by the ambitious1 devoid of real merit1 whose only way to fortune is disturbance and revolution4 ,it cannot1 however1 be denied that1 considered as simple instruments1 certain political forms1 such as mixed1 moderate1 constitutional1 or representative governments1 or whatever they be designated1 have acquired in some countries consideration and solidity2 and that1 in many countries1 any principle which might be considered opposed to representative forms1 and only favorable to absolute ones1 would be repudiated beforehand4 ,civil liberty has become necessary to the people of ,europe2 and in some nations the idea of this liberty is so identified with that of political liberty1 that it is difficult to explain how civil liberty can exist under an absolute monarchy4 ,we must therefore examine what are the tendencies of the ,catholic and those of the ,protestant religions4 ,i will proceed so as to discover these tendencies by an impartial analysis of historical facts4 ,never1 perhaps1 as ,m4 ,guizot felicitously observes1 were the natural course of things1 and the hidden ways of ,providence1 less understood4 ,wheresoever we meet not with assemblies1 elections1 urns1 and votes1 we imagine power must be absolute1 and liberty unprotected4 ,i have an express design in making use of the word tendencies1 because it is clear that ,catholicity has no dogma on this point--it does not pronounce upon the advantages of any particular form of government4 ,the ,roman ,pontiff acknowledges equally as his son the ,catholic seated upon the bench of an ,american ,assembly1 and the most humble subject of the most powerful monarch4 ,the ,catholic religion is too prudent to descend upon any such ground4 ,emanating from heaven itself1 she diffuses herself1 like the light of the sun1 over all things1 enlightens and strengthens all1 and is never obscured or tarnished4 ,her object is to conduct man to heaven1 by furnishing him on his passage with great assistance and consolation upon earth2 she ceases not to point out to him eternal truths2 she gives him in all his affairs1 salutary counsels2 but the moment we come to mere details1 she has no obligation to impose1 no duty to enjoin4 ,she impresses upon his mind her sacred maxims of morality1 admonishing him never to depart from them2 like a tender mother speaking to her son1 she says to him1 ,provided you depart not from my instructions1 do what you consider most expedient4 ,but is it true that there is in ,catholicity at least a tendency to obstruct liberty8 ,what has been the result of ,protestantism in ,europe with regard to political forms8 ,in what has it corrected or ameliorated the work of ,catholicity8 ,in the centuries preceding the sixteenth1 the organization of ,european society was so complicated1 the development of all the intellectual faculties had arrived at such a point1 the contention of interests was so lively1 in fine1 every nation was so enlarged by the successive agglomeration of provinces1 that a central1 forcible1 energetic power1 predominating over all individual pretensions and those of classes1 was indispensable to the peace and prosperity of the people4 ,europe had no other hope for peace2 for wherever there exists a great number of various1 opposite1 and all powerful elements1 a regulating action is necessary to prevent violent shocks1 to calm excessive ardor1 to moderate the rapidity of motion1 to prevent a continual war1 which would necessarily lead to destruction and chaos4 ,this immediately gave to the monarchical principle a fresh and irresistible impulse2 and as this impulse was felt in every ,european country1 even in those possessing republican institutions1 it evidently resulted from causes that lay deep in the social condition of the times4 ,at the present day there is not a publicist of any note who would question these truths4 ,during the last half century1 in fact1 events have occurred well calculated to demonstrate that in ,europe monarchy is something more than usurpation and tyranny4 ,in the very countries in which democratical ideas have taken root1 it has been found necessary to modify them1 and in some degree to depart from them1 in order to preserve the throne1 which is regarded as the best safeguard of the great interests of society4 ,it is the infirmity of all things human1 however good and salutary they may be1 always to bring with them an accompaniment of inconveniences and evils4 ,monarchy could not evidently be exempt from this general rule2 in other words1 the great extension of force and power was sure to produce abuse and excess4 ,the ,european nations are not of a sufficiently patient character1 nor of a sufficiently moderate temperament1 to endure with resignation all sorts of disorders4 ,the ,european entertains so profound an idea of his dignity1 that he cannot comprehend the quietism of the ,oriental nations1 living in the midst of degradation1 bowing their slavish heads before the despot who despises and oppresses them4 ,hence1 whilst we in ,europe acknowledge and feel the necessity of a very strong power1 we have always endeavored to take measures for restraining and preventing the abuse of this power4 ,nothing exalts so much the grandeur and dignity of the ,european nations as the comparison of them with those of ,asia4 ,the latter have no better means of delivering themselves from oppression than the assassination of their sovereigns4 ,whilst the blood of one monarch is still warm1 another ascends his throne1 trampling with a disdainful foot on the heads of nations as cruel as they are degraded4 ,not so in ,europe2 we have always recourse to intellectual means2 we have established institutions which lastingly protect the people from oppression and excesses4 ,we cannot deny that our efforts have cost torrents of blood1 or affirm that we have always adopted the most expedient means2 but on this point ,europe1 guided by the same spirit as in all other matters1 has become anxious to substitute right in the place of mere might4 ,this is no recent problem2 it existed when ,european society was in its infancy1 and in these latter times has been overlooked4 ,great efforts were made many centuries ago to resolve it4 ,observe how ,count de ,maistre states his opinions on this difficult problem3 ,although the greatest and most general interest of sovereignty consists in its being just1 and although the cases in which it transgresses this condition are incomparably fewer than the others1 unfortunately it does1 however1 frequently transgress it2 and the particular character of certain sovereigns may so far augment these inconveniences1 that in order to render them supportable1 it is necessary to compare them with those which would exist if there were no sovereign4 ,it was therefore impossible that men should not1 from time to time1 make efforts to secure themselves against the excess of this enormous prerogative2 but on this point the world has adopted two widely different systems4 ,the daring tribe of ,japheth has at all times been gravitating 7if we may use the expression7 towards what is termed liberty2 that is1 towards that social condition in which the influence of the governing powers is least sensibly felt4 ,ever jealous of his rights and liberties1 the ,european has sought to preserve them1 sometimes by expelling his rulers1 and at other times by opposing to them the barrier of law4 ,he has tried every thing1 every imaginable form of government1 to set himself free from his rulers1 or to restrain their power4 ,the immense posterity of ,shem and ,cham have pursued another course4 ,from the earliest ages down to our own time they have always said to their fellowmen1 ,do whatever you please1 and when we are tired we will put you to death4 ,besides1 they have never been able or willing to comprehend the nature of a republic2 the balance of power1 all those privileges1 all those fundamental laws of which we are so proud1 are totally unknown to them4 ,among them1 the richest and most independent man1 the possessor of immense movable wealth1 absolutely at liberty to transport it whither he pleases1 sure1 moreover1 of entire protection upon ,european ground1 and threatened at home with the rope or the dagger1 prefers them1 nevertheless1 to the misery of dying of ennui among us4 ,but no one will ever think of recommending to ,europe the public law of ,asia and ,africa1 so short and clear2 but as power in ,europe is always so much feared1 discussed1 attacked1 or transferred1 since nothing so much wounds our pride as despotic government1 the most general ,european problem is to know how sovereign power may be restrained without being destroyed4 7,du ,pape1 liv4 ii4 chap4 #b47 ,this spirit of political liberty1 this desire of limiting power by means of institutions1 did not originate with the ,french philosophers2 before their time1 and long before the appearance of ,protestantism1 it was circulating in the veins of the ,european people4 ,history has left us irrefragable testimonies of this truth4 ,what institutions were deemed suitable for the accomplishment of this object8 ,certain assemblies1 in which the voice of the nation's interests and opinions might be heard--assemblies formed in various ways1 and meeting from time to time around the throne to make their complaints and assert their claims4 ,as it was impossible for these assemblies to constitute the government without destroying the monarchy1 it was necessary1 in one way or another1 to secure their influence in state affairs2 and ,i do not see that anything better has hitherto been devised for attaining this object than the right of intervention in the enactment of laws1 a right guaranteed to them by another1 that may be justly termed the right arm of national representation1--the right of voting the supplies4 ,much has been written respecting constitutions and representative governments1 but this is the essential point4 ,many and various modifications may be introduced1 but in reality all consists in the establishment of the throne as the centre of power and of action1 surrounded by assemblies that shall deliberate upon the laws and the taxes4 ,does political liberty in this point of view originate in ,protestant ideas8 ,is it under any obligation to them8 ,has it1 in fine1 any reproach against ,catholicity8 ,i open the works of ,catholic writers anterior to ,protestantism1 in order to ascertain their sentiments on this subject1 and ,i find that they take a clear view of the problem to be solved4 ,i examine rigidly whether they teach anything opposed to the progress of the world1 to the dignity or the rights of man2 ,i examine1 again1 whether they bear any affinity to despotism or to tyranny1 and ,i find them full of sympathy for the progress of enlightenment and of mankind1 inflamed with noble and generous sentiments1 and zealous for the happiness of the multitude4 ,i remark1 indeed1 that their hearts swell with indignation at the mere names of tyranny and despotism4 ,i open the records of history2 ,i study the opinions and customs of the nations1 and the predominating institutions2 ,i behold on all sides nothing but fueros1 privileges1 liberty1 cortes1 states-general1 municipalities1 and juries4 ,all this appears in the greatest confusion1 but ,i see it2 and ,i am not astonished to discover an absence of order1 for it is a new world just arisen from chaos4 ,i ask myself if the monarch possesses in himself the faculty of making laws2 and upon this question ,i very naturally find variety1 uncertainty1 and confusion2 but ,i observe that the assemblies representing the different classes of the nation take part in the enactment of the laws4 ,i ask whether they have any interference in the great affairs of the state2 and ,i find it stated in the codes that they are to be consulted on all grave and important affairs3 ,i see monarchs frequently observing this precept4 ,i ask whether these assemblies possess any guarantees for their existence and their influence2 and the codes inform me by the most decisive texts1 and a thousand facts are at hand to convince me1 that these institutions were deeply rooted in the customs and manners of the people4 ,now what was then the predominating religion8 ,catholicity4 ,were the people much attached to religion8 ,so much so that the spirit of religion predominated over all4 ,did the clergy possess great influence8 ,very great4 ,what was the power of the ,popes8 ,it was immense4 ,where do you find the clergy attempting to extend the power of kings to the prejudice of the people8 ,where are the pontifical decrees against such or such forms8 ,where are the measures and plans of the ,popes for the restriction of one single legitimate right8 ,no reply4 ,then ,i say indignantly1 ,europe1 under the influence of ,catholicity1 arose from chaos to order1 civilization advanced at a firm and steady pace1 the grand problem of political forms engaged the attention of men of wisdom1 questions of morality and laws were receiving a solution favorable to liberty1 and yet the influence of the clergy was never greater even in temporal matters1 and the power of the ,popes was in every sense quite colossal4 ,what6 one word from the ,sovereign ,pontiff would have smitten unto death every form of popular government2 and yet such forms were receiving a rapid development4 ,where1 then1 is the tendency of the ,catholic religion to enslave the people8 ,where the infamous alliance between kings and ,popes to oppress and harass the people1 to establish on the throne a ferocious despotism1 and to rejoice under its gloomy shades over the misfortune and tears of mankind8 ,when the ,popes had a quarrel with any kingdom1 was it usually with the king or the people8 ,when it was necessary to oppose a firm front against tyranny and oppression1 who stood forward more promptly or more firmly than the ,sovereign ,pontiff8 ,does not ,voltaire himself admit that the ,popes restrained princes1 protected the people1 put an end to the quarrels of the time by a wise intervention1 reminded both kings and people of their duties1 and hurled anathemas against those enormities which they could not prevent8 7,quoted by ,m4 de ,maistre1 ,du ,pape47 ,it is very remarkable that the ,bull ,in ,cna ,domini1 which created so much alarm1 contains in its fifth article an excommunication against those who should levy new taxes upon their estates1 or should increase those already existing beyond the bounds marked out by right4 ,the spirit of deliberation1 so common even at this period1 and which formed so singular a contrast with the tendency to violent measures1 arose in a great measure from the example given by the ,catholic ,church during so many centuries4 ,in fact1 it is impossible to point out a society in which more assemblies have been held1 combining in them every thing distinguished by science and virtue4 ,general1 national1 provincial ,councils and diocesan synods are to be met with in every page of the ,church's history4 ,such an example1 exposed during centuries to the view of the people1 could not fail to influence and affect customs and laws4 ,in ,spain the greatest part of the ,councils of ,toledo were also national congresses2 whilst the episcopal authority performed its functions in them1 watching over the purity of dogmas1 and providing for the wants of discipline1 the great affairs of the state were also discussed in them in harmony with the secular power4 ,in them were enacted those laws which are still an object of admiration to modern observers4 ,the utopias of ,rousseau are now fallen into complete disrepute among the best publicists4 ,representative governments are no longer to be defended as a means of bringing the general will into action1 but as an instrument1 through the medium of which reason and good sense may be consulted1 which would otherwise remain dispersed throughout the nation4 ,legislative assemblies are now represented to us1 in works upon constitutional law1 as the foci in which all knowledge serving to throw light on the difficulties of public affairs may be concentrated2 they are held up to us as the representatives of all legitimate interests1 as the organ of all reasonable opinions1 the voice of all just complaints1 a channel of perpetual communication between governors and their subjects1 a measure of justice in the laws1 a means of rendering the laws respectable and venerable in the eyes of the people2 in short1 as a permanent guarantee that a government1 never consulting its own interests1 should study only public utility and expediency4 ,at a time when we are informed in such fine terms what these assemblies ought to be1 not what they are1 it will not be uninteresting to refer to the ,councils2 for we see at a glance that the ,councils must in a certain manner explain the nature and spirit1 and point out the motives and aim1 of political assemblies4 ,i am aware of the fundamental differences existing between these two assemblies2 men who receive their powers from popular election cannot1 in fact1 be placed in the same rank as those who have been appointed by the ,holy ,ghost to govern the ,church of ,god2 neither can the monarch1 who derives his right to the throne from the fundamental laws of the nation1 be confounded with that rock upon which the ,church of ,christ is built4 ,i grant also that1 whether with regard to the subjects discussed in the ,councils1 or with regard to the persons engaged in these discussions1 and to the extension of the ,church over the whole earth1 there must necessarily be a great dissimilarity between the ,councils and political assemblies1 with respect to the epoch of their being assembled1 and the mode of their organization and of their proceedings4 ,but we are not here about to imagine an ingenious parallel1 and to seek with subtilty resemblances which do not exist2 my only aim is to show the influence which the lessons of prudence and maturity given for so long a time by the ,church must have exercised upon political laws and customs4 ,if we consult the annals of the nations of antiquity1 or those of modern times1 we shall discover that all deliberative assemblies are composed of persons who have a right to sit in them by a regulation stated in the laws4 ,but to admit into them a man of knowledge1 simply because he is so1 is to pay a noble tribute to merit--to proclaim in the most solemn manner1 that the care of ruling the world belongs properly to intelligence4 ,this the ,church alone has done4 ,i make this observation to prove that society is indebted mainly to the ,church for the progress it has made in this respect4 ,i will adduce on this point a fact that has not perhaps been sufficiently attended to1 but which clearly shows that the ,catholic ,church was the first to seek out men of talent wherever they were to be found1 and unhesitatingly to allow them influence in public affairs4 ,i will not speak of that spirit which forms one of her distinctive characteristics among all other societies1 which has ever led her to seek merit1 and nothing but merit1 and to raise it to the highest functions--a spirit which no one can deny her1 and which has eminently contributed to her splendor and preponderance4 ,but it is very remarkable that the influence of this spirit has been felt where1 at first sight1 it might have been least expected4 ,in fact1 it is well known that1 according to the doctrines of the ,church1 no private individual has any right to interfere in the decisions and deliberations of the ,councils2 hence1 however learned a theologian or jurist may be1 his knowledge gives him no right whatever to take part in those august assemblies4 ,nevertheless1 it is well known that the ,church has ever taken care to call to them men who1 whatever might be their titles1 excelled most by their talents or their learning4 ,who does not read with pleasure the list of learned men who1 although not ,bishops1 were present at the ,council of ,trent8 ,in modern society1 do not talent1 wisdom1 and genius carry the highest head1 command the greatest consideration and respect1 and present the best claims to the direction of public affairs1 and to the exercise of a preponderating influence8 ,these should know that nowhere have their claims been respected or their dignity acknowledged so well as in the ,church4 ,what society1 in fact1 has ever sought1 as the ,church has1 to elevate them1 to consult them in the most important affairs1 and to afford them an opportunity of shining in grand assemblies8 ,in the ,church1 birth and riches are of no importance4 ,if you are a man of high merit1 untarnished by misconduct1 and at the same time conspicuous by your abilities and your knowledge1 that is enough--she will look upon you as a great man1 will always show you extreme consideration1 treat you with respect1 and listen to you with deference4 ,and since your brow1 though sprung from obscurity1 is radiant with fame1 it will be held worthy to bear the mitre1 the ,cardinal's hat1 or the tiara4 ,to speak in the language of the day1 ,i may remark1 that the aristocracy of knowledge owes much of its importance to the ideas and discipline of the ,church4#cf ,,chapter ,,lxii4 ,,the ,,development ,,of ,,monarchy ,,in ,,europe4 ,a single glance at the state of ,europe in the fifteenth century enables us to discover that such a state of things could not long exist1 and that of the three elements claiming preference1 the monarchical must necessarily prevail4 ,and it could not be otherwise2 for we have always seen that societies1 after a long period of trouble and agitation1 place themselves at last under the protection of that power which offers them the greatest security and well-being4 ,beholding1 on the one hand1 those great feudatories1 so proud1 so exacting1 so turbulent1 enemies to each other1 and rivals of the king as well as of the people2 on the other hand1 the commons1 whose existence appears under so many different forms--whose rights1 privileges1 fueros and liberties present so various and complex an aspect--whose ideas have no constant and well defined direction2--we conclude at once1 that neither were possessed of sufficient force to struggle against the royal power1 already acting by a fixed plan and a determinate system1 seizing every opportunity which might serve to forward its views4 ,who is not aware of the sagacity displayed by ,ferdinand the ,catholic in developing and implanting his prominent idea--that of centralizing power1 giving it vigor1 and rendering its action forcible and universal2 that is1 the idea of founding a true monarchy8 ,and why not acknowledge in the immortal ,ximenes a worthy and more eminent continuator of this policy8 ,it would be erroneous to consider this as an evil to nations4 ,all publicists agree that it was necessary to give strength and stability to power1 and prevent its action from becoming weak or intermittent2 but the only representative of real power at that time was the throne4 ,hence1 to fortify and aggrandize royal power was of real necessity2 all plans and efforts of man would have failed to place an obstacle in its way4 ,but it remains1 nevertheless1 to be seen1 whether this aggrandizement of royal power outstepped its due bounds2 and this is the place for contrasting ,protestantism with ,catholicity1 that we may ascertain which of them was culpable1 if either1 and to what extent4 ,this is a very important and curious subject1 but at the same time one of difficulty and delicacy4 ,in fact1 such a change has taken place of late in the meaning of words1 the aversion which parties profess for each other is so profound1 each one repels with such impetuosity every thing which bears the most remote resemblance to what is esteemed by his adversaries1 that it is an arduous undertaking to render the state of the question and the meaning of words comprehensible4 ,i ask one thing of my readers of all opinions2 that is1 that they will suspend their judgment until they have read the whole of what ,i have to adduce on this point4 ,if they consent to this1 and do not quarrel with the first word that shocks them--in a word1 if they have sufficient patience to hear before they judge1 ,i am confident that1 if we do not altogether agree1 which is impossible amid such a variety of opinions1 they will at least grant that ,i have taken an apparently reasonable view of the subject1 and that my conjectures are not altogether unfounded4 ,i shall commence1 in the first place1 by completely laying aside the question whether it was advantageous or not to society that1 in the greatest part of ,european monarchies1 royal power should have any other limits than those naturally imposed upon it by the state of ideas and customs4 ,this question some will answer in the affirmative1 others in the negative2 and ,i need not observe to what party they respectively belong4 ,to many people the word liberty is a scandal1 just as the term absolute power is with others synonymous with despotism4 ,but what is that liberty which the former repel with so much force8 what meaning is attached to this word in their dictionaries8 ,they have witnessed the ,french ,revolution1 with its iniquities and frightful crimes1 and they have heard it continually crying out for liberty3 they have witnessed the ,spanish ,revolution1 with its vociferations of death1 and its sanguinary excesses--its injustice1 its disdain for every thing that ,spaniards had been accustomed to esteem the most valuable and sacred2 and yet they have heard the cries of this ,revolution also for liberty4 ,what was to be expected8 ,why1 what we now witness4 ,they confounded the name of liberty with all sorts of impieties and crimes2 and1 in consequence1 they hated it1 they repelled it1 they fought against it sword in hand4 ,in vain were they informed that the cortes was an ancient institution2 they replied1 that the ancient cortes was not like that of their times4 ,in vain were they reminded that our laws ordained the nation's right of interference by its vote on the levying of taxes4 ,they replied3 ,we are well aware of it2 but the nation is not now represented by those who interfere in its affairs2 they only avail themselves of this pretended title to enslave both the king and the people4 ,they were told that the representatives of the different classes had formerly the right of intervention in the important affairs of the state4 ,what class do you represent1 they replied2 you who degrade the monarch1 insult and persecute the nobility1 abuse and plunder the clergy1 despising the people1 and making their customs and their religious belief a subject for your sneers8 ,what1 then1 do you represent8 ,is it the ,spanish nation1 when you trample on her religion and laws1 when you excite social dissolution on all sides1 and make blood flow in torrents8 ,how can you call yourselves the restorers of our fundamental laws1 when we find nothing either in you or in your acts which marks the true ,spaniard2 when all your theories1 plans1 and projects are only miserable copies of foreign books but too well known1 while you have forgotten your own language8 ,i pray the reader will cast his eyes over the files of the journals1 the bulletins of the cortes1 and other documents that remain of the two epochs of #ahab and #ahbj2 let him also call to mind the events we have recently witnessed2 let him afterwards peruse the records and memorials of anterior epochs1--our codes1 our books1 every thing1 in fine1 capable of throwing light upon the character1 the ideas1 and the customs of the ,spanish people2 then let him lay his hand upon his heart1 and1 whatever be his political opinions1 let him tell us1 upon his honor1 if he finds the least resemblance between the past and the present2 if he does not1 at the very first glance1 perceive a striking and violent contrast between the two epochs--a chasm1 in fact1 to fill up which1 ,i say it with grief1 would require heaps of fresh ruins1 ashes1 dead bodies1 and torrents of blood4 ,were we to place the question beyond the influence of the empoisoned atmosphere of human passions and of bitter recollections1 we might1 it is true1 very well examine the expediency of allowing the royal authority to attain to a growth that set it free from every kind of check or restraint1 even in affairs of the most essential importance and in the voting of the government supplies4 ,the question would then have merely a historico-political aspect1 could not be confounded with actual practice1 and1 consequently1 would not affect either the interests or the opinions of our time4 ,however that might be1 ,i will not stop to consider or to notice what has been thought and said upon the subject1 but will take up the hypothesis1 that the disappearance from the body politic1 at that time1 of every element save the monarchical1 was a misfortune to the people1 and an obstacle to the progress of true civilization4 ,and whose was the fault8 let me ask4 ,it is remarkable that the greatest increase of royal power in ,europe dates precisely from the commencement of ,protestantism4 ,in ,england1 from the time of ,henry ,,viii41 not only did monarchy prevail1 but a despotism so cruel that no vain appearances of impotent forms have availed to disguise its excesses4 ,in ,france1 after the ,huguenot war1 royal power became more absolute than ever2 in ,sweden1 ,gustavus ascended the throne1 and from that time kings began to exercise an almost unlimited power2 in ,denmark1 monarchy continued1 and became stronger2 in ,germany1 the kingdom of ,prussia was formed1 and absolute forms generally prevailed2 in ,austria1 the empire of ,charles ,v4 arose in all its power and splendor2 in ,italy1 the small republics were fast disappearing1 and the people1 under some title or another1 became subject to princes2 in ,spain1 in fine1 the ancient cortes of ,castile1 ,aragon1 ,valencia1 and ,catalonia fell into disuse3 that is to say1 instead of seeing1 by the accession of ,protestantism1 the people take one step towards representative forms1 we find1 on the contrary1 that they rapidly advanced towards absolute government4 ,this is a certain1 incontestable fact4 ,sufficient attention has not perhaps been paid to so singular a coincidence2 but it is not the less real1 and is certainly of a nature to suggest numerous and interesting reflections4 ,was this coincidence purely accidental8 ,was there any hidden connection between ,protestantism and the development and definitive establishment of absolutism8 ,i think there was2 and ,i will even add1 that1 had ,catholicism retained an exclusive sway in ,europe1 the power of the throne would have been gradually diminished--that representative forms would probably not have disappeared altogether--that the people would have continued to take part in national affairs--that we should have been much farther advanced in civilization1 much better fitted for the enjoyment of true liberty--and that this liberty would not be associated in our minds with scenes of horror4 ,yes1 the fatal ,reformation has given a wrong direction to ,european society1 injured civilization1 created necessities that previously had no existence1 and opened chasms which it cannot close4 ,it destroyed many elements of good1 and consequently produced a radical change in the conditions of the political problem4 ,this ,i think ,i can demonstrate4 ,,chapter ,,lxiii4 ,,two ,,kinds ,,of ,,democracy4 ,there is in the history of ,europe one leading fact contained in all its pages1 and still visible in our days1 viz4 the parallel march of two democracies1 which1 although sometimes apparently alike1 are1 in reality1 very different in their nature1 origin1 and aim4 ,the one is based upon the knowledge and dignity of man1 and on the right which he possesses of enjoying a certain amount of liberty conformable to reason and justice4 ,with ideas more or less clear1 more or less uniform1 upon the real origin of society and of power1 it entertains at least very clear1 precise1 and fixed ones upon the real object and aim of both4 ,whether the right of commanding proceeds directly and immediately from ,god1 or whether we suppose it communicated previously to society1 and transmitted afterwards to those who govern1 it always grants that power is for the common weal1 and that1 if it does not direct its actions to this end1 it falls into tyranny4 ,to privileges1 honors1 and distinctions of every kind1 it applies its favorite touchstone--the public good2 whatever is opposed to this1 is rejected as noxious2 whatever does not tend to promote it1 is repudiated as superfluous4 ,convinced that knowledge and virtue are the only things of real worth1 and deserving of consideration in the distribution of the social functions1 this democracy requires them to be sought without ceasing1 that they may be elevated to the summit of power and of glory2 it goes to seek them in the midst of the deepest obscurity4 ,a nobleman1 proud of his titles and his heraldry1 and boasting of the glorious deeds of his ancestors1 without being able to imitate them1 is1 in its estimation1 an object of ridicule2 it will allow such a man to enjoy his riches1 that the sacred right of property may not be violated2 but it will remove from his grasp1 by all lawful means1 the influence he might derive from the nobility of his blood4 ,in fine1 if it takes nobility1 birth or riches into consideration1 it is not for any intrinsic worth of these advantages1 but because they are signs which lead us to expect a more accomplished education1 more knowledge and probity4 ,full of generous ideas1 this democracy1 placing the dignity of man in the highest degree1 reminding man of his rights1 and also of his duties1 is indignant at the very name of tyranny4 ,it hates tyranny1 condemns it1 repels it1 and is perpetually employed in discovering the best means for preventing it4 ,wise and calm1 as the inseparable companion of reason and good sense must ever be1 it agrees very well with monarchy2 but we may rest assured that its desires have generally been1 that the laws of the country should1 in one way or another1 place a restraint upon the excesses of kings4 ,aware that the rock against which they ran the risk of being wrecked1 was the excess of contributions levied upon the people1 its favorite idea1 which it has never abandoned1 even when it was impracticable1 has been to restrain the unlimited faculties of power with respect to contributions4 ,another of its predominating ideas has been to prevent the will of man from prevailing in the formation or application of the laws4 ,it has ever sought to guarantee and secure in some way1 that the will should not usurp the place of reason4 ,such has been the force of this universal desire1 that it has been indelibly stamped upon ,european manners1 and the most absolute monarchs have been compelled to gratify it4 ,hence one thing very worthy of remark is1 that the throne has ever been surrounded by respectable counsellors1 whose existence was insured either by the laws or by the national customs4 ,these counsellors certainly could not preserve1 in all circumstances1 the independence necessary for the accomplishment of their object1 but they did not fail to be of great service2 for their mere existence was an eloquent protest against unjust and arbitrary regulations2 it was a noble personification of reason and justice1 pointing out the sacred limits ever to be regarded as inviolable by the most powerful monarch4 ,this is also the reason why sovereigns in ,europe never exercise themselves the faculty of pronouncing judgment1 differing in this respect from the sultans4 ,the laws and customs of ,europe energetically repulse this faculty1 as fatal to the people as it is to the monarch2 and the mere recital of such an attempt would excite public indignation against its author4 ,the meaning of all this is1 that this principle1 so much extolled1 that it is not the monarch but the law that commands1 has been received in ,europe for many centuries2 it was in full force in all the ,european nations long before modern publicists emphatically enunciated it4 ,it will be said1 perhaps1 that if this was the case in theory1 it was not so in practice4 ,i do not deny that there were reprehensible exceptions1 but the principle was generally respected4 ,as a case in point1 let us take the most absolute reign of modern times1 with the most unlimited royal power in all its splendor1 in its apogee1--the reign in which the king could exclaim with too much pride1 but yet with truth1 ,i am the state--that of ,louis the ,fourteenth4 ,it lasted more than half a century1 with an astonishing variety and complication of events4 ,how many deaths1 confiscations1 and banishments took place in it1 executed by the royal command1 without any judicial ordeal6 ,perhaps some arbitrary acts of this time may be cited2 but let them be compared with what was passing under equivalent circumstances amongst the nations out of ,europe3 let any one recall to mind what took place at the time of the ,roman empire1 and the excesses of absolute royalty wherever ,christianity did not exist1 and he will see that the excesses committed in ,european monarchies are scarcely worthy of being mentioned4 ,this is a proof that the distinction made between monarchical governments1 whether absolute or despotic1 is not arbitrary and fictitious4 ,any one acquainted with the legislation and history of ,europe must be well aware that this distinction is correct1 and he will be forced to smile at those boisterous declamations in which malice or ignorance endeavors to confound the two systems of government4 ,this limit imposed upon power1 this circle of reason and justice which we always find traced around it1 derives its origin principally from the ideas disseminated by ,christianity1 whether it have its guarantee in ideas and manners or in political forms4 ,it is ,christianity that has proclaimed1 ,reason and justice1 knowledge and virtue1 are every thing2 the mere will of man1 his birth1 his titles1 are of no intrinsic value4 ,these words have penetrated every where1 from the palace of kings to the poor man's cottage2 and1 from the moment that the mind of an entire people became imbued with such ideas1 ,asiatic despotism became impracticable4 ,in fact1 in the absence of every political form limiting the power of the monarch1 a voice resounds in his ears on all sides1 exclaiming1 ,we are not thy slaves1 we are thy subjects2 thou art a king1 but thou art a man1 and a man who1 like ourselves1 must appear one day before the ,supreme ,judge2 thou hast the power of making laws1 but merely for our interests2 thou canst exact tributes from us1 but only such as are necessary for the common weal2 thou canst not judge us according to thy caprice1 but only conformably to the laws2 thou canst not seize our property without rendering thyself more culpable than the common robber1 nor make an attempt on our lives1 of thy own will1 without becoming an assassin2 the power thou hast received is not for thy comfort or pleasure1 nor for the gratification of thy passions1 but solely for our happiness2 thou art a person exclusively devoted to the public weal2 if thou forgettest this1 thou art a tyrant4 ,unfortunately1 however1 together with this spirit of lawful independence1 of rational liberty1--together with this just1 noble1 and generous democracy1 there has ever been another accompanying it1 and forming with it the most lively contrast4 ,the latter has been extremely injurious to the former1 by preventing it from attaining the object of its just pretensions2 erroneous in its principles and perverse in its intentions1 violent and unjust in its mode of acting1 its traces have been everywhere marked by a stream of blood4 ,instead of obtaining true liberty for the people1 it has merely served to deprive them of that which they already possessed2 or if it actually found them groaning under the yoke of slavery1 it has only served to rivet their chains4 ,allying itself on all occasions with the basest passions1 it has attracted to its standard all that was most vile and abject in society1 and gathered together the most turbulent and ill-disposed men4 ,by cheating its miserable followers with delusive promises1 and exciting them with the prospect of plunder and pillage1 it has been a perpetual source of commotions1 scandals1 and bitter animosities1 that have at length produced their natural results--persecutions1 proscriptions1 and executions4 ,its fundamental dogma was the rejection of all authority of every description1 to overturn which was its constant aim2 the reward it expected for its labors was to seat itself upon a throne established amidst universal ruin1 to glut itself with the blood of thousands of victims1 and to revel in the grossest orgies during the distribution of its blood-stained spoil4 ,in all times1 in all countries1 riots1 popular insurrections1 and revolutions have taken place2 but1 for the last seven centuries1 ,europe presents these scenes in so singular a character1 that it forms a most fitting subject for the reflection of philosophers4 ,in fact1 these tendencies towards social dissolution--tendencies1 the origin of which it is not difficult to discover in the very heart of man--have not only existed in the bosom of ,europe1 but have been formed into a theory2 as ideas1 they have been defended with all the obstinacy and infatuation of a sectarian spirit2 and1 wherever an opportunity occurred1 reduced to practice with unyielding pertinacity and unbridled fury4 ,the system was made up of folly and fanaticism1 and carried out with obstinacy1 a spirit of proselytism1 and monstrous crimes4 ,in every page of its history this truth is attested in characters of blood4 ,happy our nation1 had she not tried the experiment6 ,europe may be compared to those men of great capacity and of active and intrepid characters1 who are either the very best or the very worst of men4 ,scarcely can a single fact of any weight remain isolated in ,europe3 there is not a truth that is not useful1 nor an error that is not fatal4 ,ideas have a tendency to become realized1 and facts1 in their turn1 incessantly call in the aid of ideas4 ,if virtues exist1 they are explained1 and their foundation is sought for in elevated theories4 ,if crimes are met with1 their vindication is attempted on the authority of perverse theories4 ,nations do not rest satisfied with the practice either of good or evil--they strive to propagate it1 and are restless till they have induced their neighbors to imitate them4 ,nay1 there is something beyond a mere spirit of proselytism limited to a few countries--ideas1 in our times1 aim at nothing short of universal empire4 ,the spirit of propagandism does not date from the ,french ,revolution1 nor even from the sixteenth century2 from the very dawn of civilization1 from the times when the minds of men began to evince symptoms of activity1 this phenomenon is apparent1 and in a very striking manner4 ,in the agitated ,europe of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries1 we behold the ,europe of the nineteenth century1 just as the imperfectly defined lineaments of the germ contain forms of the future being4 ,a great part of the sects which assailed the ,church1 dating from the tenth century1 were decidedly revolutionary2 they either proceeded from the fatal democracy which ,i have just mentioned1 or derived their support from it4 ,unfortunately this democracy1 restless1 unjust and turbulent1 having compromised the tranquillity of ,europe in the centuries anterior to the sixteenth1 found in ,protestantism its most fervent propagators4 ,among the numerous sects into which the pretended reform was immediately divided1 some opened the way for it1 and others adopted it as their standard4 ,and what must have been the result in the political organization of ,europe8 ,i will say it candidly3 the disappearance of those political institutions which enabled the different classes of the state to take part in its affairs1 was inevitable4 ,now1 as it was very difficult for the ,european people1 considering their character1 ideas and customs1 to submit for ever to their new condition1 as their predominant inclination must have urged them to place bounds upon the extension of power1 it was natural that revolutions should ensue2 it was natural that future generations should have to witness great catastrophes1 such as the ,english ,revolution of the seventeenth century and the ,french ,revolution of the eighteenth4 ,there was a time when it might have been difficult to comprehend these truths2 that time is past4 ,the revolutions in which for some centuries the different nations of ,europe have been successively involved1 have brought within the reach of the least intelligent that social law so frequently realized1 viz4 that anarchy leads to despotism1 and that despotism begets anarchy4 ,never1 at any time1 in any nation 7history and experience prove the fact71 have anti-social ideas been inculcated1 the minds of the people been imbued with the spirit of insubordination and rebellion1 without almost immediately provoking the application of the only remedy at the command of nations in such conflicts1 the establishment of a very strong government1 which justly or unjustly1 legally or not1 lifts up its iron arm over every one1 and makes all heads bend under its yoke4 ,to clamor and tumult succeeds the most profound silence2 the people then easily become resigned to their new condition1 for reflection and instinct teach them that although it is well to possess a certain amount of liberty1 the first want of society is self-preservation4 ,what was the case in ,germany1 after the introduction of ,protestantism by a succession of religious revolutions8 ,maxims destructive of all society were propagated1 factions formed1 insurrections took place2 upon the field of battle and upon the scaffolds blood flowed in torrents2 but no sooner did the instinct of social preservation begin to operate1 than1 instead of popular forms being established and taking root1 every thing tended towards the opposite extreme4 ,and was not this the country in which the people had been flattered by the prospect of unrestrained liberty1 of a repartition and even a community of property2 in fine1 by the promise of the most absolute equality in every thing4 ,yet1 in this same country1 the most striking inequality prevailed1 and the feudal aristocracy preserved its full force4 ,in other countries1 in which no such hopes of liberty and equality had been held out1 we can scarcely discover the limits which separated the nobility from the people4 ,in ,germany1 the nobility still retained their wealth and their preponderance1 were still surrounded by titles1 privileges1 and distinctions of every description4 ,in that very country1 in which there were such outcries against the power of kings1 in which the name of king was declared synonymous with tyrant1 the most absolute monarchy was established2 and the apostate of the ,teutonic order founded that kingdom of ,prussia1 from which representative forms are still excluded4,c ,in ,denmark1 ,protestantism was established1 and with it absolute power immediately took deep root2 in ,sweden we find1 at the very same time1 the power of ,gustavus established4 ,c ,when this was written4--,tr4 ,what was the case in ,england8 ,representative forms were not introduced into that country by ,protestantism2 they existed centuries before1 as well as in other nations of ,europe4 ,but the monarch who founded the ,anglican ,church was distinguished for his despotism1 and the ,parliament1 which ought to have restrained him1 was most shamefully degraded4 ,what idea can we form of the liberty of a country whose legislators and representatives debased themselves so far as to declare1 that any one obtaining a knowledge of the illicit amours of the ,queen is bound1 under pain of high treason1 to bring an accusation against her8 ,what can we think of the liberty of a country1 in which the very men who ought to defend that liberty1 cringe with so much baseness to the unruly passions of the monarch1 that they are not ashamed1 in order to flatter the jealousy of the sovereign1 to establish that any young female who should marry a king of ,england1 should1 under a pain of high treason1 be compelled before her marriage to reveal any stain there might be on her virtue8 ,such ignominious enactments are certainly a stronger proof of abject servility than the declaration of that same ,parliament1 establishing that the mere will of the monarch should have the force of law4 ,representative forms preserved in that country at a time when they had disappeared from almost every other nation of ,europe1 were not1 however1 a guarantee against tyranny2 for the ,english cannot assuredly boast of the liberty they enjoyed under the reigns of ,henry ,,viii4 and ,elizabeth4 ,perhaps in no country in ,europe was less liberty enjoyed1 in no country were the people more oppressed under popular forms1 in no country did despotism prevail to a greater extent4 ,if there be anything which can convince us of these truths1 in case the facts already cited should be found insufficient1 it is undoubtedly the efforts made by the ,english to acquire liberty4 ,and if the efforts made to shake off the yoke of oppression are to be regarded as a sure sign of its galling effects1 we are justified in thinking that the oppression under which ,england was groaning must have been very severe1 since that country has passed through so long and terrible a revolution1 in which so many tears and so much blood has been shed4 ,when we consider what has taken place in ,france1 we remark that religious wars have always given an ascendency to royal power4 ,after such long agitations1 so many troubles and civil wars1 we see the reign of ,louis ,,xiv41 and we hear that proud monarch exclaim1 ,i am the state4 ,we have here the most complete personification of the absolute power which always follows anarchy4 ,have the ,european nations had to complain of the unlimited power exercised by monarchs8 have they had to regret that all the representative forms which could ensure their liberties perished under the ascendency of the throne8 ,let them blame ,protestantism for it1 which spreading the germs of anarchy all over ,europe1 created an imperious1 urgent1 and inevitable necessity for centralizing rule1 for fortifying royal power3 it was necessary to stop up every source from which dissolvent principles might flow1 and to keep within narrow bounds all the elements which1 by contact and vicinity1 were ready to ignite and produce a fatal conflagration4 ,every reflecting man will agree with me on this point4 ,considering the aggrandizement of absolute power1 they will discover in it nothing but the realization of a fact already long ago everywhere observed4 ,assuredly1 the monarchs of ,europe cannot be compared1 either by the fact of their origin or the character of their measures1 to those despots who1 under different titles1 have usurped the command of society at the critical moment when it was near its dissolution2 but it may be said with reason1 that the unlimited extent of their power has been caused by a great social necessity1 viz4 that of one sole and forcible authority1 without which the preservation of public order was impossible4 ,we cannot without dismay take a view of ,europe after the appearance of ,protestantism4 ,what frightful dissolution6 ,what erroneous ideas6 ,what relaxation of morals6 ,what a multitude of sects6 ,what animosity in men's minds6 ,what rage1 what ferocity6 ,violent disputes1 interminable debates1 accusations1 recriminations without end2 troubles1 rebellion1 intestine and foreign wars1 sanguinary battles1 and atrocious punishments4 ,such is the picture that ,europe presents2 such are the effects of this apple of discord thrown among men who are brethren4 ,and what was sure to be the result of this confusion1 of this retrograde movement1 by which society seemed returning to violent means1 to the tyranny of might over right8 ,the result was sure to be what it has in fact been3 the instinct of preservation1 stronger than the passions and the frenzy of man1 was sure to prevail2 it suggested to ,europe the only means of self-preservation2 royal power1 already in the ascendant1 and verging towards its highest point1 was sure to end by attaining it in reality2 there to become isolated and completely separated from the people1 and to impose silence on popular passions4 ,what ought to have been effected by a wise direction of ideas1 was accomplished by the force of a very powerful institution2 the vigor of the sceptre had to neutralize the impulse given to society towards its ruin4 ,if we consider attentively1 we shall find that such is the meaning of the event of #afhj in ,sweden1 when that country was subjected to the fierce will of ,charles ,,xi42 such the meaning of the event of #affi in ,denmark1 when that nation1 wearied with anarchy1 supplicated ,king ,frederick ,,iii4 to declare the monarchy hereditary and absolute1 which he in fact did2 such1 in fine1 is the meaning of what took place in ,holland in #agdg1 and of the creation of an hereditary stadtholder4 ,if we require more convincing examples1 we have the despotism of ,cromwell in ,england after such terrible revolutions1 and that of ,napoleon in ,france after the republic4#cg ,,chapter ,,lxiv4 ,,struggle ,,between ,,the ,,three ,,social ,,elements4 ,when once these three elements of government1 monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 began each to contend for the ascendency1 the most certain means of securing the victory to monarchy1 to the exclusion of the other two elements1 was to drive one of these latter into acts of turbulence and outrage2 for it thus became absolutely necessary to establish one sole1 powerful1 unfettered centre of action1 that would be able to awe the turbulent and to insure public order4 ,now1 just at this time1 the position of the popular element was full of hope1 but also beset with dangers2 and hence1 to preserve the influence it had already acquired1 and to increase its ascendency and power1 the greatest moderation and circumspection were requisite4 ,monarchy had already acquired great power1 and1 having obtained it in part by espousing the cause of the people against the lords1 it came to be regarded as the natural protector of popular interests4 ,it certainly had some claims to this title1 but no less certainly did it find in this circumstance a most favorable opportunity for extending its power to an unlimited degree1 at the expense of the rights and liberties of the people4 ,there existed a germ of division between the aristocracy and the commons1 which afforded the monarchs an opportunity of curtailing the rights and powers of the lords1 convinced1 moreover1 as they were1 that any measure tending to such an object would be well received by the multitude4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the monarch might rest assured that the lords would hail with delight any act tending to humble the people1 who already had raised their heads so high when the feudal aristocracy was to be resisted2 and1 in this case1 if the people committed any excesses1 if they adopted maxims and doctrines subversive of public order1 no one could prevent the monarch from putting a stop to their proceedings by all possible means4 ,the lords1 who were powerful enough to repress such disorders themselves1 would very naturally be glad to leave such a work to the monarch1 fearing lest the people1 in their exasperation against them1 might deprive them of their prerogatives1 their honors1 their property1 and even of their lives2 or from the secret satisfaction they would naturally feel at seeing that rival power brought down which had recently humbled themselves1 and whose rivalry had been maintained through so many and such ferocious struggles4 ,in such an undertaking1 the lords would naturally bring the whole weight of their influence to the support of the monarch1 thus taking advantage of the false direction given to the popular movement to revenge themselves upon the people1 whilst veiling their vengeance under the pretext of public utility4 ,the people1 it is true1 possessed various means of defence2 but when isolated and opposed to the throne1 they found these means too weak to afford them any hope of victory4 ,learning1 indeed1 was no longer the exclusive patrimony of any privileged class1 but knowledge had not had time to become diffused so far as to form a public opinion strong enough to exercise any direct influence upon the affairs of government4 ,the art of printing was already producing its results1 but was not yet sufficiently developed to produce that rapid and extensive circulation of ideas which has subsequently been attained4 ,notwithstanding the efforts everywhere made at that time to promote the diffusion of knowledge1 we need only understand correctly the nature and character of the knowledge of the period1 to be convinced that neither in substance nor in form was it calculated to become1 to any general extent1 the property of the popular classes4 ,thanks to the progress of commerce and the arts1 there arose1 it is true1 a new description of wealth1 destined of necessity to become the patrimony of the people4 ,but commerce and the arts were then in their infancy1 and did not possess either the extent or the influence which1 at a later period1 connected them intimately with every branch of society4 ,except in some few countries of very little importance1 the position of the merchant and the artizan could not secure them any great amount of influence of itself4 ,considering the course of events1 and the elevation which royal power had acquired on the ruins of feudalism1 the only means for restricting monarchical power1 until the democratic element should have acquired sufficient force to be respected1 was the union of the aristocracy with the people4 ,but such a coalition was not easily to be obtained1 since between the aristocracy and the people there existed so much animosity and rivalry--a rivalry which1 to a certain extent1 was inevitable1 owing to the opposition of their respective interests4 ,we must bear in mind1 however1 that the nobility were not the only aristocracy2 there was another much more powerful and influential than they--the clergy4 ,this latter class was at that time possessed of all the ascendency and influence which both moral and material means can confer2 in fact1 besides the religious character1 which insured the respect and veneration of the people1 they were possessed1 at the same time1 of abundant riches2 which easily secured to them1 on the one hand1 gratitude and influence2 and1 on the other1 made them feared by the great1 and respected by monarchs4 ,now1 here is one of the leading mistakes of ,protestantism3 to crush the power of the clergy at such a time1 was to accelerate the complete victory of absolute monarchy1 to leave the people defenceless1 the monarch unrestrained1 aristocracy without a bond of union1 without a vital principle2 it was to prevent the three elements--monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy--from uniting to form a limited government1 towards which almost all the ,european nations appeared to be inclining4 ,we have already seen that it was not at that time expedient to isolate the people1 for their political existence was still feeble and precarious2 and it is no less evident that the nobility1 as a means of government1 ought not to have been left to themselves4 ,this class1 possessing no other vital principle than that derived from their titles and privileges1 were incapable of resisting the attacks continually aimed at them by the royal power4 ,in spite of themselves1 the nobility were under the necessity of yielding to the monarch's will1 of abandoning their inaccessible castles1 to resort to the sumptuous palaces of kings1 and play the part of courtiers4 ,protestantism crushed the power of the clergy1 not only in the countries in which it succeeded in implanting its errors1 but also in others4 ,in fact1 where it could not fully introduce itself1 its ideas1 when not in open opposition to the ,catholic faith1 exercised a certain degree of influence4 ,from that time the power of the clergy lost its principal support in the political influence of the ,popes1 for whilst kings assumed a tone of greater boldness against the pretensions of the ,holy ,see1 the ,popes1 on their side1 that they might give no pretext1 no occasion for the declamations of ,protestants1 were obliged to act with great circumspection in every thing relating to temporal affairs4 ,all this has been regarded as the progress of ,european civilization1--as one step towards liberty2 however1 the rapid sketch which ,i have just given of the political condition of that period1 clearly proves that1 instead of taking the surest way to the development of representative forms1 the road to absolute monarchy was chosen4 ,protestantism1 interested in crushing by all possible means the power of the ,popes1 exalted that of kings even in spiritual matters4 ,by thus concentrating in their hands the spiritual and temporal powers1 it left the throne without any sort of counterpoise4 ,by destroying the hope of obtaining liberty by peaceable means1 it led the people to have recourse to force1 and opened the crater of those revolutions which have cost modern ,europe so many tears4 ,in order that the forms of political liberty should take root and attain to perfection1 they were not to be forced prematurely from the atmosphere which gave them birth2 for in this atmosphere existed together the monarchical1 aristocratical1 and popular elements1 all strengthened and directed by the ,catholic religion2 under the influence of this same religion1 these elements were being gradually combined1 politics were not to be separated from religion4 ,instead of regarding the clergy as a fatal element1 it was important to look upon them as a mediator among all classes and powers1 ready to calm the ardor of strife1 to place bounds against excess1 to prevent the exclusive preponderance of the monarch1 the nobility1 or the people4 ,whenever powers and interests of different natures are to be combined1 a mediator is essential1 or some sort of intervention to prevent violent shocks2 if this mediator does not exist in the very nature of the circumstances1 recourse must be had to the law for the creation of one4 ,from this it is evident what an evil ,protestantism inflicted upon ,europe2 since its first act was completely to isolate the temporal power1 to place it in rivalship and hostility to the spiritual1 and to leave no mediator between the monarch and the people4 ,the lay aristocracy at once lost their political influence2 for they had now lost their force and bond of union1 which they derived from their connection with the ecclesiastical aristocracy4 ,when once the nobles were reduced to mere courtiers1 the power of the throne was entirely without a counterpoise4 ,i have said it1 and ,i repeat it1 that the strengthening of the royal power1 even at the expense of the rights and liberties of the lords and of the commons1 tended powerfully to the maintenance of public order1 and consequently to the progress of civilization2 but1 at the same time1 the extreme preponderance obtained by this power is much to be lamented2 and it may be well to reflect1 that one of the principal causes of this preponderance was the removal of the clergy from the sphere of politics4 ,at the commencement of the sixteenth century1 the question no longer was1 whether those numerous castles should be left standing1 from the heights of which proud barons gave the law to their vassals1 and held themselves justified in despising the ordinances of the monarch2 nor whether that long list of communal liberties should be preserved1 which had no connection with each other1 which were opposed to the pretensions of the great1 and at the same time embarrassed the action of the sovereign1 by preventing the formation of a central government capable of insuring order1 of protecting legitimate interests1 of giving an impulse to the movement of civilization1 which had everywhere commenced with so much activity4 ,this was no longer the question2 on all sides the castles were being levelled1 the great lords were descending from their fortresses1 and becoming more humane towards the people2 they were giving up their exactions1 and beginning to show respect to the power of the monarch2 and the commons1 obliged to submit to an amalgamation of the multitude of petty states1 to form extensive monarchies1 were forced to part with so much of their rights and liberties as was opposed to the system of general centralization4 ,the question was1 to discover whether there existed any means of limiting power1 and yet securing to the people the benefits of its centralization and augmentation2 whether it was possible1 without embarrassing or weakening the action of power1 to secure to the people a reasonable amount of influence over the progress of affairs1 and1 above all1 the right they had already acquired of watching over the public revenues4 ,that is1 at once to prevent the sanguinary horrors of revolutions1 and the abuses and disorders of court favorites4 ,the people alone were incapable of preserving this influence1 unless they had been furnished with a knowledge of the public affairs2 an indispensable resource in such a case1 but of which they were in general completely destitute4 ,i do not mean to deny the existence of a certain kind of knowledge amongst the commons2 but we must bear in mind that the term public affairs had acquired an extensive signification2 for it was not merely applied to a municipality or a province2 centralization becoming everywhere more general and triumphant1 caused this term to be applied to whole kingdoms1 not merely considered as isolated1 but in the whole of their relations with other nations4 ,from that time ,european civilization began to assume that character of generality1 which still distinguishes it3 from that time1 to understand aright the private affairs of any one kingdom1 it was necessary to look abroad over the whole of ,europe1 sometimes over the whole world4 ,men capable of such elevated views could not be very common in society2 moreover1 as the most exalted part of society was attracted by the splendor of the throne of the monarch1 a focus of intelligence was sure to be formed there1 with exclusive pretensions to the government4 ,compare with this centre of action and intelligence1 the people alone1 still weak and ignorant1 and the result may be easily guessed4 ,weakness and ignorance never prevailed over force and intelligence4 ,but1 what remedy was there for this difficulty8 ,the preservation of the ,catholic religion all over ,europe1 and consequently the influence of the clergy2 for it is well known that the clergy were still considered at this epoch as the centre of learning4 ,those who have extolled ,protestantism for having weakened the influence of the ,catholic clergy1 have not sufficiently reflected upon the nature of that influence4 ,it would have been difficult to discover at that epoch a class of citizens connected with the three elements of power by common interests with each1 and yet not exclusively allied to any4 ,monarchy had nothing to fear from the clergy4 ,in fact1 how can we imagine that the ministers of a religion regarding power as an emanation from ,heaven would declare themselves the enemies of royal power1 which was acknowledged to be at the head of all others8 ,neither had the aristocracy any thing to apprehend on the part of the clergy1 so long as they did not outstep the bounds of reason4 ,the titles1 by virtue of which they claimed the possession of riches1 their rights to a certain degree of consideration and of precedence were not likely to be combated by a class whose principles and interests were necessarily favorable to every thing within the bounds of reason1 of justice1 and of the laws4 ,the democracy1 comprising the generality of the people1 found support and most generous protection in the ,church4 ,how could the ,church1 which had labored so much to emancipate them from the ancient slavery1 and at a later period from feudal chains1 declare herself the enemy of a class which might be considered as her creature8 ,if the people experienced an amelioration in their civil condition1 it was owing to the efforts of the clergy2 if they acquired political influence1 it was owing to the amelioration of their condition--another favor obtained through the influence of the clergy2 and if the clergy had any where a sure support1 it was natural to look for it in that popular class which1 continually in contact with them1 received from them their inspirations and instructions4 ,besides1 the ,church selected her members indiscriminately from all classes4 ,to elevate a man to the sacred ministry she required neither titles of nobility nor riches1 and this alone was sufficient to insure intimate relations between the clergy and the people1 and to prevent the latter from regarding them with aversion and estrangement4 ,hence the clergy1 united to all classes1 were an element perfectly adapted to prevent the exclusive preponderance of any of these classes1 to maintain all social elements in a certain gentle and productive fermentation1 which in time would have produced and matured a natural combination4 ,i do not mean to assert that there would not have arisen differences1 disputes1 perhaps conflicts1 inevitable occurrences so long as men shall be men2 but who does not see that the terrible effusion of blood in the wars of ,germany1 in the revolutions of ,england and ,france1 would have been impossible8 ,it will be said1 perhaps1 that the spirit of ,european civilization necessarily tended to diminish the extreme inequality of classes2 ,i grant it1 and will even add1 that this tendency was conformable to the principles and maxims of the ,christian religion1 continually reminding men of their equality before ,god1 of their common origin and destination1 of the emptiness of honors and riches1 and proclaiming that virtue is the only thing solid upon earth1 the only thing capable of rendering us pleasing in the eyes of ,god4 ,but to reform is not to destroy2 to cure the disease1 we must not kill the patient4 ,it was deemed better to overthrow at one blow what might have been corrected by legal means2 ,european civilization having been corrupted by the fatal innovations of the sixteenth century1 legitimate authority having been disregarded even in matters within its exclusive sphere1 its mild and beneficent action has been replaced by the disastrous expedients of violence4 ,three centuries of calamity have more or less opened the eyes of nations1 by teaching them how perilous it is1 even for the success of an enterprise1 to confide it to the cruel hazard of the employment of force2 but it is probable that if ,protestantism1 like an apple of discord1 had not been thrown into the middle of ,europe1 all these great social and political questions would1 at the present time1 be much nearer being solved in a safe1 peaceable1 and certain manner1 if1 indeed1 they had not been already solved long since4#ch ,,chapter ,,lxv4 ,,political ,,doctrines ,,before ,,the ,,appearance ,,of ,,protestantism4 ,in matters appertaining to representative government1 modern political science boasts of its great progress3 we hear it continually asserting that the school in which the deputies of the ,constituent ,assembly imbibed their lessons was totally ignorant of political constitutions4 ,now when we compare the doctrines of the predominating school of the present day with those of the preceding school1 what difference do we discover between them8 ,on what points do they differ8 ,where is this boasted progress8 ,the school of the eighteenth century said3 ,the king is the natural enemy of the people2 his power must either be totally destroyed1 or at least so far restrained and limited1 that he may only appear with his hands tied on the summit of the social edifice1 merely invested with the faculty of approving the measures of the representatives of the people4 ,and what says the modern school1 which boasts of its progress1 of the advantage it has derived from experience1 and of having hit the exact point marked out by reason and good sense8 ,monarchy1 says this school1 is essential to the great ,european nations2 the attempts at republicanism made in ,america1 whatever may be their results1 require1 as yet1 the test of time2 besides1 they were made under circumstances very different from those in which we are placed1 and consequently1 are not to be imitated by us4 ,the king should not be regarded as the enemy of the people1 but as their father2 instead of presenting him to public view with his hands tied1 he should be represented surrounded with power1 grandeur1 and even with majesty and pomp2 without which it is impossible for the throne to fulfil the high functions with which it is invested4 ,the king should be inviolable--not nominally1 but really and effectually1 so that his power cannot1 under any pretext1 be attacked4 ,he should be placed in a sphere beyond the whirlwind of passion and party1 like a tutelar divinity1 a stranger to mean views and base passions2 he ought to be1 as it were1 the representative of reason and justice4 ,fools1 exclaims this school to its adversaries1 can you not see that it would be better to have no king at all than such a one as you would have8 ,your king would always be an enemy to the constitution1 for he would find this constitution always attacking1 embarrassing1 restricting1 and humiliating him4 ,we will now compare this progress with the doctrines predominating in ,europe long before the appearance of ,protestantism4 ,this comparison will enable us to show clearly that every thing reasonable1 just1 and useful1 contained in these doctrines1 was already known and generally propagated in ,europe when society was under the exclusive influence of the ,catholic ,church4 ,a king is essential1 says the modern school2 and1 thanks to the influence of the ,catholic religion1 all the great nations of ,europe had a king3 the king must not be regarded as the enemy1 but as the father of the people2 and he was already called the father of the people3 the power of the king should be great2 that power was great3 the king should be inviolable1 his person sacred2 his person was sacred1 and his prerogative insured to him by the ,church from the earliest ages1 in an august and solemn ceremony1 that of his coronation4 ,the people are supreme1 said the school of the last century2 the law is the expression of the general will1 the representatives of the people are alone1 therefore1 invested with legislative faculties2 the monarch cannot resist this will4 ,the laws are submitted to his sanction through mere formality2 if the king refuses this sanction1 the laws are to undergo another examination2 but if the will of the representatives of the people still remains the same1 it shall be raised to the dignity of law2 and the monarch who1 by the refusal of his sanction1 shall show that he regards this general will as detrimental to the public good1 shall be compelled1 at the expense of his dignity and independence1 to give effect to it4 ,in reply to this1 the modern school says3 ,the supremacy of the people is either unmeaning1 or has a dangerous sense2 the law should not be the expression of will1 but of reason2 mere will does not constitute a law2 for this purpose1 reason1 justice1 and public expediency are required4 ,these ideas were general long before the sixteenth century1 not only amongst educated men1 but even among the most simple and ignorant classes4 ,a doctor of the thirteenth century admirably expressed it in his habitual laconic language3 ,it is a rule dictated by reason1 and having the common weal for its aim4 ,would you1 continued the modern school1 have royal power a truth1 you must assign it the first place among legislative powers2 you must entrust it with an absolute veto4 ,in the ancient cortes1 in the ancient states-general and parliaments1 the king did occupy this place among the legislative powers2 nothing was done without his consent2 he possessed an absolute veto4 ,away with classes6 exclaims the ,constituent ,assembly2 away with distinctions6 ,the king face to face with the people1 directly and immediately2 the rest is an attempt against imprescriptible rights4 ,you are rash1 replies the modern school2 if there are no distinctions1 they must be created4 ,if there are not in society classes forming in themselves a second legislative body a mediator between the king and the people1 there must be artificial ones2 through the medium of the law must be created what does not exist in society2 if reality is wanting1 recourse must be had to fiction4 ,now these classes existed in ancient society1 they took part in public affairs1 they were organized as active instruments1 they formed the first legislative bodies4 ,i ask now1 whether this parallel does not show1 as clear as the light of day1 that what is now termed progress in matters of government1 is1 in fact1 a true return towards what was every where taught and practised under the influence of the ,catholic religion before the appearance of ,protestantism8 ,in addressing myself to men endowed with the least intelligence upon social and political questions1 ,i may assuredly dispense with the differences which must necessarily result from the two epochs4 ,i grant that the course of events would of itself have caused important modifications2 political institutions were to be accommodated to the fresh wants to be satisfied4 ,but ,i maintain1 at the same time1 that1 so far as circumstances permitted1 ,european civilization was advancing on the right road to a better state1 containing within itself the means necessary for reforming without destroying4 ,but for this purpose a spontaneous development of events was necessary to bear in mind that the mere action of man is of little avail1 that sudden attempts are dangerous2 that the great productions of society are like those of nature1 both requiring an indispensable element1 time4 ,there is one fact which appears to me to have been too little reflected upon1 although including the explanation of some strange phenomena of the last three centuries4 ,this fact is1 that ,protestantism has prevented civilization from becoming homogeneous1 in spite of a strong tendency urging all the nations of ,europe to homogeneity4 ,the civilization of the nations without doubt receives its nature and its characteristics from the principles that have given it life and movement2 now these principles being the same1 or very nearly so1 in all the nations of ,europe1 these nations must have borne a close resemblance to each other4 ,history and philosophy agree on this point2 therefore1 so long as the ,european nations did not receive the inculcation of any germ of division1 their civil and political institutions were developed with a very remarkable similarity4 ,true1 certain differences were observable in them1 which were the inevitable consequences of a variety of circumstances2 but we see that they were becoming more and more alike and forming ,europe into one vast whole1 of which we can scarcely form a correct idea1 accustomed as we are to ideas of disunion4 ,this homogeneity would have arrived at its perfection through the effect of the rapidity which the increase and prosperity of commerce and the arts gave to intellectual and material communications2 the art of printing would have contributed to it more than anything else1 for the ebb and flow of ideas would have dispersed the inequalities separating the nations one from another4 ,but unfortunately1 ,protestantism appeared and separated the ,european people into two great families1 which1 since their division1 have professed a mortal hatred towards each other4 ,this hatred has been the cause of furious wars1 in which torrents of blood have been shed4 ,one thing yet more fatal than these catastrophies was the germ of civil1 political1 and literary schism1 introduced into the bosom of ,europe by the absence of religious unity4 ,civil and political institutions1 and all the branches of learning1 had appeared and prospered in ,europe under the influence of religion2 the schism was religious2 it affected even the root1 and extended to the branches4 ,thus arose among the various nations those brazen walls which kept them separate2 the spirit of suspicion and mistrust was everywhere spread2 things which before would have been deemed innocent or without importance1 from that time were looked upon as eminently dangerous4 ,what uneasiness1 disquietude1 and agitation must have been the result of these fatal complications6 ,we may say that in this detestable germ is contained the history of the calamities with which ,europe was afflicted during the last three centuries4 ,to what may we attribute the ,anabaptist wars in ,germany1 those of the empire1 and the ,thirty-years war2 those of the ,huguenots in ,france1 and the bloody scenes of the ,league2 and that profound source of division1 that uninterrupted series of discord1 which beginning with the ,huguenots1 was continued by the ,jansenists1 and then by philosophers1 terminating in the ,convention8 ,had ,england not contained in her bosom that nest of sects engendered by ,protestantism1 would she have had to suffer the disasters of a revolution which lasted so many years8 ,had ,henry ,,viii4 not seceded from the ,catholic ,church1 ,great ,britain would not have passed two-thirds of the sixteenth century in the most atrocious religious persecutions1 and under the most brutal despotism2 she would not have been drowned during the greater part of the seventeenth in torrents of blood1 shed by sectarian fanaticism4 ,had it not been for ,protestantism1 would ,england have been in the fatal position in which she is placed by the ,irish question1 scarcely leaving her a choice between a dismemberment of the empire and a terrible revolution8 ,would not nations of brethren have found the means of coming to an amicable understanding1 if1 during the last three centuries1 religious discords had not separated them by a lake of blood8 ,those offensive and defensive confederations between nation and nation1 which divided ,europe into two parties1 as inimical to each other as the ,christians to the ,mussulmans1 that traditional hatred between the ,north and the ,south1 that profound separation between ,protestant and ,catholic ,germany1 between ,spain and ,england1 between that country and ,france1 were sure to have an extraordinary effect in retarding communications between ,european nations2 and what would have been obtained much sooner by moral means1 could only be obtained by material ones4 ,steam tends to convert ,europe into one vast city2 if men who were one day to live under the same roof hated one another for three centuries1 what was the cause of it8 ,if people's hearts had been united long before in mutual affection1 would not the happy moment in which they were to join hands have been hastened8 ,,chapter ,,lxvi4 ,,political ,,doctrines ,,in ,,spain4 ,my explanation of this matter would be incomplete1 were ,i to leave the following difficulty unresolved3 ,in ,spain1 ,catholicity has prevailed exclusively1 and under it an absolute monarchy was established1 a sufficient indication that ,catholic doctrines are inimical to political liberty4 ,the great majority of men never look deeply into the real nature of things1 nor pay due attention to the true meaning of words4 ,present them with something in strong relief that will make a vivid impression on their imagination1 and they take facts just as they appear at the first glance1 thoughtlessly confounding causality with coincidence4 ,it cannot be denied that the empire of the ,catholic religion coincided in ,spain with the final preponderance of absolute monarchy2 but the question is1 ,was the ,catholic religion the true cause of this preponderance8 ,was it she that overturned the ancient cortes1 to establish the throne of absolute monarchs on the ruins of popular institutions8 ,before we commence our examination into the cause that destroyed the influence of the nation on public affairs1 it may be well to remind the reader that in ,denmark1 ,sweden1 and ,germany1 absolutism was established and upheld in juxtaposition with ,protestantism4 ,hence the argument of coincidence is very little worth1 as1 owing to the exact identity of circumstances in the two cases1 it could just as well be proved that ,protestantism leads to absolutism4 ,i will just observe here1 that in my endeavors to demonstrate in the foregoing chapters that the pseudo-,reformation tended to the overthrow of political liberty1 ,i have not rested my arguments upon coincidences only1 however careful ,i may have been to point them out to the reader4 ,i have said that ,protestantism1 by diffusing dissolvent doctrines1 had occasioned a necessity for an extension of temporal power2 that by destroying the political influence of the clergy and the ,popes1 it had destroyed the equilibrium between the social classes1 left no counterpoise to the throne1 and further augmented the power of the monarch1 by granting him ecclesiastical supremacy in ,protestant countries1 and exaggerating his prerogatives in ,catholic nations4 ,but we will dismiss these general considerations1 and fix our attention upon ,spain4 ,this nation has the misfortune to be one of those that are least known2 its history is not properly studied1 nor are sound views taken of its present condition4 ,its troubles1 its rebellions1 its civil wars1 proclaim that it has not yet received its true system of government1 which proves that the nation to be governed is but imperfectly understood4 ,its history is1 if possible1 still less perfectly understood4 ,the present influence of events already very remote1 works secretly and almost imperceptibly2 and hence the eye of the observer is satisfied with a superficial view of affairs1 and he forms his opinions too hastily--opinions which too often1 in consequence1 take the place of facts and reality4 ,in treating of the causes that have deprived ,spain of her political liberty1 almost all authors fix their attention principally or exclusively upon ,castile1 giving monarchs infinitely more credit for sagacity than the course of events would seem to justify4 ,they generally select the war of the ,communeros as their point of view1 and1 according to certain writers1 but for the defeat at ,villalar1 the liberties of ,spain would have been forever secure4 ,i admit that the war of the ,communeros affords an excellent point of view for the study of this matter2 in fact1 the field of ,villalar was in some measure witness to the conclusion of the drama4 ,castile should be regarded as the centre of events2 and it is here that the ,spanish monarchs gave proof of great sagacity in the manner in which they brought the enterprise to a close4 ,nevertheless1 ,i do not deem it just to give an exclusive preference to one of these considerations1 and it does appear to me that the real state of the question is generally misconceived3 effects are taken for causes1 accessories for principals4 ,in my opinion1 the ruin of free institutions resulted from the following causes3--#ast1 the premature and immoderately extensive development of these institutions2 #b;dly1 the formation of the ,spanish nation out of a successive reunion of very heterogeneous parts1 all possessing institutions extremely popular2 #c;dly1 the establishment of the centre of power in the middle of the provinces where these forms were most restricted1 and where the authority of the crown was the greatest2 #dthly1 the extreme abundance of wealth1 the power and the splendor which the ,spanish people saw everywhere around them1 and which lulled them to sleep in the arms of prosperity2 #ethly1 the exclusively military position of the ,spanish monarchs1 whose armies were everywhere victorious1 their military power and prestige being at their height precisely at the critical time when the quarrel had to be decided4 ,i will take a rapid view of these causes1 although the nature of this work does not permit me to devote to them the space which the gravity and importance of the subject demand4 ,the reader will pardon me this political digression on account of the close connection existing between this subject and the religious question4 ,as regards popular forms of government1 ,spain has been in advance of all monarchical nations4 ,this is an indubitable fact4 ,in ,spain1 these forms received a premature and extreme development2 and this contributed to their ruin1 as a child sickens and dies1 if1 in its tender years1 its growth is too rapid1 or its intellect too precocious4 ,this active spirit of liberty1 this multitude of fueros and of privileges1 these impediments everywhere placed in the way of power1 checking the rapidity and energy of its action--this great development of the popular element1 in its very nature restless and turbulent1 existing simultaneously with the wealth1 the power1 and the pride of the aristocracy1 very naturally gave rise to many commotions4 ,elements so numerous1 so various1 and so opposite to each other1 which1 moreover1 had not time to be combined so as to form a peaceable and harmonious whole1 were not likely to work tranquilly together4 ,order is the prime necessity of society2 it is essential to the growth of the ideas1 the manners1 and the laws of a nation4 ,wherever there exists a germ of continual disorder1 how deep soever it may have struck its roots1 it is sure to be extirpated1 or at least crushed1 so as no longer to keep public tranquillity in perpetual danger4 ,the municipal and political organization of ,spain had this inconvenience1 and hence an imperative necessity for its modification4 ,but the ideas and the manners of the time were such1 that matters could not be expected to stop at a simple modification4 ,the system of constituencies1 which so easily creates numerous assemblies1 either to enact new fundamental codes or to reform the old ones1 was not then understood as it is in our days2 neither were men's ideas at that time so generalized as to place them above all that exclusively and particularly relates to a people1 at a point of elevation whence they could no longer observe every petty local object1 but had their attention wholly engrossed by mankind1 society1 the nation1 or the government4 ,it was not so at that time3 a charter of liberty granted by a king to a city or a town2 an immunity wrested from a feudal lord by his armed vassals2 some privilege obtained in reward of warlike achievements1 or sometimes granted as a recompense for the bravery of a man's ancestors2 a concession to the cortes1 made by the monarch in exchange for the grant of a contribution1 or1 as it was then termed1 of a service1--a law or custom1 the antiquity of which lay hidden in the depths of the past1 or confounded with the infancy of monarchy3 such1 to give a few instances1 were the titles of which they were proud1 and which they maintained with jealous ardor4 ,liberty now-a-days is more vague1 and sometimes less positive1 owing to the generalization and elevation which men's ideas have assumed2 but then it is far less liable to destruction4 ,speaking a language well understood by the people1 and appearing as the common cause of all nations1 it awakens universal sympathies1 and is in a position to found more extensive associations as a guarantee against the attacks of power4 ,the words liberty1 equality1 rights of man1 intervention of the people in public affairs1 ministerial responsibility1 public opinion1 liberty of the press1 toleration1 and other similar ones1 do undoubtedly contain a great diversity of meanings1 which it would be difficult to determine and to classify when we come to make a specific application of them2 and yet these words present to the mind certain ideas which1 although complicated and confused1 have a false appearance of clearness and simplicity4 ,on the other hand1 these words represent certain striking objects that dazzle the mind by their vivid and flattering colors1 and hence they cannot be uttered without exciting a lively interest2 they are understood by the masses1 and hence every self-constituted champion of the ideas they convey is at once regarded as a defender of the rights of all mankind4 ,but imagine yourself living among the people of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries1 and your position will be found very different4 ,take for your subject the franchises of ,catalonia or of ,castile1 and address yourself to the ,aragonese1 who were so intractable on the subject of their fueros1 and you will produce no effect--will not succeed in awakening either their zeal or their interest2 a charter that does not contain the name of one of their towns or cities is1 in their eyes1 a thing of no importance1 and foreign to their wishes4 ,this inconvenience1 originating in the ideas of the times1 which were naturally confined to local circumstances1 became very great in ,spain1 where1 under the same sceptre1 there was formed an amalgamation of people differing most widely in their manners1 in their municipal and political organization1 and divided1 moreover1 by rivalries and animosities4 ,in such a state of things it was comparatively easy to curtail the liberties of one province without giving umbrage to the others1 or exciting their apprehensions for their own liberties4 ,if1 at the period of the insurrections of the ,communeros in ,castile against ,charles ,v41 there had existed that communication of ideas and sentiments1 and those lively sympathies1 which at the present time unite people together1 the defeat of ,villalar would have been a simple defeat and nothing more2 the cry of alarm1 resounding throughout ,aragon and ,castile1 would certainly have given more trouble to the young and ill-advised monarch4 ,but such was not the case2 all the efforts of the people were isolated1 and consequently barren of results4 ,the royal power1 proceeding upon a fixed and steady plan1 was able to beat down piecemeal these scattered forces1 and the result was not doubtful4 ,in #aeba1 ,padilla1 ,bravo1 and ,maldonado perished on the scaffold2 in #aeia1 ,d4 ,diego de ,heredia1 ,d4 ,juan de ,luna1 and the ,justiciary himself1 ,d4 ,antonio de ,lanuza1 met the same fate2 when1 in #afdj1 the ,catalonians rose in insurrection for the defence of their rights1 notwithstanding the manifestos they issued to attract supporters1 they found no one to assist them4 ,there were then no flying sheets1 coming every morning to fix the attention of the people upon all sorts of questions1 and to stir up alarm at the least appearance of danger to their liberties4 ,the people1 warmly attached to their customs and usages1 satisfied with the nominal confirmations which their monarchs were daily giving to their fueros1 proud also of the respect shown to their ancient liberties1 were little aware that they were confronted by a sagacious adversary1 who never resorted to force but to effect a decisive blow1 yet constantly held his powerful arm ready to crush them4 ,an attentive study of the history of ,spain will show that the concentration of the whole governing power in the hands of the monarch1 to the exclusion1 as far as was possible1 of popular influence1 dates from the reign of ,ferdinand and ,isabella4 ,nor is this surprising2 for there was then a greater necessity for such a course1 and it could be more easily adopted4 ,there was a greater necessity2 for1 from that time1 the action of government began to extend from one common center over the whole of ,spain1 the various portions of which differed so widely in their laws1 their manners1 and their customs2 hence the central action naturally felt more sensibly the embarrassment occasioned by so great a diversity of cortes1 of municipalities1 of codes1 and of privileges2 and1 as every government wishes its action to be rapid and efficacious1 the idea of simplifying1 uniting1 and centralizing their power naturally took possession of the kings of ,spain4 ,it is1 in fact1 easy to understand that a monarch at the head of numerous armies1 with magnificent fleets at his disposal1 who had1 on a hundred occasions1 humbled his most powerful foes1 and won the respect of foreign nations1 would not like to be continually going to preside over the cortes in ,castile1 in ,aragon1 in ,valencia1 and in ,catalonia4 ,it would undoubtedly cost him dear to be constantly repeating the oath binding him to protect the rights and liberties of his subjects1 and listening to the perpetual strain re-echoed in his ears by the procuradores of ,castile1 and the brazos of ,aragon1 ,valencia1 and ,catalonia4 ,it was hard for him to be obliged humbly to solicit from the cortes assistance for the expenses of the state1 and particularly for almost continual wars4 ,if he submitted to this1 it was only from the dread of those resolute men1 real lions in the battle-field when fighting in defence of their religion1 their country1 and their king1 and who would have fought with no less intrepidity in their streets and houses1 had an attempt been made to despoil them of those rights and franchises which they inherited from their forefathers4 ,the union of the crowns of ,aragon and ,castile alone so far prepared the way for the ruin of popular institutions1 that it followed almost necessarily4 ,from that time1 in fact1 the throne had obtained too great a preponderance for the fueros of the kingdoms recently united to oppose it with success4 ,to imagine the existence at that period of a political power capable of resisting the crown1 we must suppose all the assemblies held from time to time in the different kingdoms under the name of cortes united into one grand national representative body1 with a power analogous to that of the king2 we must suppose this central assembly actuated by a zeal equal to that of the ancient assemblies for the preservation of their fueros and privileges1 ready to sacrifice all their rivalries to the public good1 and advancing towards their object with a firm step1 in one compact mass1 and never giving an advantage to their adversary4 ,in other words1 we must suppose what was utterly impossible at that period2 impossible1 on account of the ideas1 the habits1 and the rivalries of the people2 impossible1 at a time when the people were incapable of comprehending the question in so lofty a sense2 impossible1 owing to the resistance which it would have met with from the monarchs2 to the embarrassment and complication1 arising from the municipal1 social1 and political organization4 ,in a word1 it was something impossible to effect or even to conceive4 ,every circumstance was in favor of the aggrandizement of the royal power4 ,the monarch being no longer merely king of ,aragon or of ,castile1 but of ,spain1 the ancient kingdoms dwindled into insignificance before the majesty and the splendor of the throne1 and sank by degrees to the rank which alone suited them1 that of provinces4 ,from that moment the action of the monarch became more extensive and complicated1 and consequently he could not come so frequently into contact with his vassals4 ,the celebration of the cortes in each of the recently united kingdoms1 would have occasioned long delays2 for the king was oftentimes engaged at another part of the empire4 ,when sedition was to be chastised1 abuses to be checked1 or excesses to be repressed1 he was no longer obliged to have recourse to the forces of the particular kingdom in which these things occurred1 as he could employ the arms of ,castile to subdue insurrection in the kingdom of ,aragon1 and those of ,aragon to put down the rebels of ,castile4 ,grenada lay at his feet2 ,italy yielded to one of his victorious captains2 in his fleet was ,columbus1 who had just discovered a new world2 under these circumstances1 it was in vain to listen for the murmurs of the cortes and of ayuntamientos1--these were no longer heard1 they had totally disappeared4 ,had the national manners had a peaceable tendency1 had not ,spain been habituated to war1 democratic institutions would probably have been preserved with less difficulty4 ,had the attention of the people been fixed exclusively upon their municipal and political affairs1 they would have better understood their real interests2 kings themselves would not have been so ready to rush into war1 and the throne would in some degree have lost the prestige it obtained from the splendor and success of its armies2 the administration would not have been imbued with that blunt harshness for which military habits are always more or less remarkable2 and the ancient fueros would thus have more easily retained some consideration4 ,but precisely at that period ,spain was the most warlike nation in the world2 it was in its element on the battle-field2 seven centuries of combats had made it a nation of soldiers4 ,its recent victories over the ,moors2 the exploits of its armies in ,italy2 the discoveries of ,columbus2 every thing1 in fine1 contributed to its exaltation1 and to inspire it with that spirit of chivalry which1 for so long a time1 was one of its distinguishing characteristics4 ,it was necessary for the king to be a captain2 and he was certain to captivate the minds of ,spaniards1 so long as he won renown by brilliant feats of arms4 ,now1 arms are the bane of popular institutions4 ,after a victory on the field of battle1 the order and discipline of the camp are usually transferred to the city4 ,from the time of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 the throne rose to such a height of power that liberal institutions were almost lost sight of4 ,the people and the grandees1 it is true1 reappeared upon the scene after the death of ,isabella2 but this was entirely owing to the misunderstanding between ,ferdinand the ,catholic and ,philip le ,bel1 which impaired the unity1 and consequently the strength of the throne2 and hence1 as soon as these circumstances disappeared1 the throne again resumed its full preponderance1 and that not only during the last days of ,ferdinand1 but even under the regency of ,ximenes4 ,the men of ,castile1 exasperated by the excesses of the ,flemish1 and encouraged perhaps by the hope1 that the rule of a young monarch would be1 as it usually is1 only feeble1 again raised their voices2 their remonstrances and complaints speedily ended in commotions and in open insurrection4 ,notwithstanding many circumstances highly favorable to the ,communeros1 and the probability that their conduct would be followed by all the provinces of the monarchy1 we find that the insurrection1 although considerable1 did not assume either the importance or extent of a national movement2 a great portion of the ,peninsula preserved a strict neutrality1 and the rest inclined to the cause of monarchy4 ,if ,i am not mistaken1 this fact indicates that the throne had already obtained an immense prestige1 and was regarded as the highest and most powerful institution4 ,the entire reign of ,charles ,v4 was extremely well calculated to perfect this beginning4 ,commenced under the auspices of the battle of ,villalar1 this reign continued through an uninterrupted series of wars1 in which the treasures and the blood of ,spain were spent with incredible profusion in all the countries of ,europe1 ,africa1 and ,america4 ,the nation was not allowed time even to think of its affairs3 almost always deprived of the presence of its king1 it had become a province at the disposal of the ,emperor of ,germany1 the ruler of ,europe4 ,true1 the cortes of #aech boldly gave ,charles a severe lecture instead of the succor he demanded4 ,but it was already too late2 the clergy and the nobility were expelled from the cortes1 and the representation of ,castile was restricted for the future to the procuradores alone2 that is1 it was doomed to be no more than the shadow of what it had been--a mere instrument of the royal will4 ,much has been said against ,philip ,,ii42 but1 in my opinion1 this monarch merely kept his place1 and allowed things to take their natural course4 ,the crisis was already past2 the question already decided2 the ,spanish nation could not regain its lost influence1 save by the regenerating action of centuries4 ,still1 we must not imagine that absolute power was so fully and completely established as to leave not a vestige of ancient liberty2 but this liberty could do nothing from its asylum in ,aragon and ,catalonia against the giant that held it in check from the midst of a country entirely subject to his sway1 from the capital of ,castile4 ,the monarchs might probably1 by one bold and heavy blow1 have struck down every thing that opposed them2 but whatever probabilities of success they had in the vast means at their disposal1 they were very careful not to make the attempt1 but left the inhabitants of ,navarre1 the subjects of the crown of ,aragon1 in the tranquil enjoyment of their franchises1 rights1 and privileges4 ,at the same time1 they were careful to prevent the contagion spreading to the other provinces4 ,by means of partial attacks1 and more especially by leading the people to allow their ancient liberties to fall into desuetude1 they gradually diminished their zeal for them1 and insensibly brought them to a habit of tamely bending under the action of a central power4#ci ,,chapter ,,lxvii4 ,,political ,,liberty ,,and ,,religious ,,intolerance4 ,in the sketch ,i have here drawn1 the rigorous accuracy of which no one can question1 we have not discovered any thing like oppression in ,catholicity1 nor any alliance between the clergy and the throne for the destruction of liberty3 what we have discovered is merely the regular and natural order of things1--a successive development of events contained in each other1 as the plant is contained in the germ4 ,as for the ,inquisition1 ,i think ,i have said enough respecting it in the chapters that treat of it3 in this place ,i will merely observe1 that it was not a political instrument in the hands of kings1 ready to be used at their beck4 ,religion was its object2 and as we have seen1 far from losing sight of this object to suit the wishes of the sovereign1 it unhesitatingly condemned the doctrines that would have unjustly extended the powers of the monarch4 ,shall ,i be told1 that the ,inquisition was in its very nature intolerant1 and consequently opposed to the growth of liberty8 ,i answer1 that toleration1 as now understood1 had at that time no existence in any ,european country4 ,besides1 it was under the direct and full influence of religious intolerance that the people were emancipated1 municipalities organized1 the system of large representative assemblies established1 which1 under different names1 and more or less directly1 interfered in public affairs4 ,men's ideas were not yet so far perverted as to lead them to believe that religion was favorable and conducive to the oppression of the people2 on the contrary1 we observe in the hearts of these people a vehement desire for liberty and progress1 whilst at the same time they clung with enthusiasm to a faith1 in the sight of which it appeared to them just and salutary to refuse toleration to any doctrine at variance with the teaching of the ,church of ,rome4 ,unity of faith does not fetter the people--does not impede their movements in any direction--as well1 indeed1 might it be said1 that the mariner is fettered by the compass that guides him in safety through the wide expanse of waters4 ,was the ancient unity of ,european civilization wanting in grandeur1 in variety1 or in beauty8 ,did ,catholic unity1 presiding over the destinies of society1 arrest its progress1 even in the ages of barbarism8 ,let us fix our eyes upon the grand and delightful spectacle exhibited in the centuries preceding the sixteenth1 and pause a moment to reflect2 we shall all the better understand in what manner ,protestantism has given a wrong direction to the course of civilization4 ,the immense agitation occasioned by the gigantic enterprise of the ,crusades shows in what a state of fermentation were the elements deposited in the bosom of society4 ,the shock excited them to activity--union augmented their force--every where1 and in every sense1 was to be seen a vigorous and active movement1 a sure presage of the high degree of civilization and refinement which ,europe was about to attain4 ,the arts and sciences1 as if called into life by some powerful voice1 reappeared1 loudly asserting their claim to protection and an honorable reception4 ,on the feudal castles1 those heirlooms of the manners of the period of conquest1 a ray of light suddenly gleamed1 that illuminated with the rapidity of lightning all climates and all people4 ,those masses of men1 who had hitherto bent in painful toil for the benefit of their masters1 now lifted up their heads1 and1 with bold hearts and enfranchised lips1 demanded a share in social advantages4 ,addressing each other with a look of intelligence1 they combined together1 and insisted in common that the law should be substituted for caprice4 ,then towns sprang up1 increased in size and importance1 and were surrounded with ramparts2 municipal institutions arose1 and began to develop themselves2 kings1 till then the sport of the pride1 ambition or stubbornness of the feudal lords1 seized upon an opportunity so favorable1 and made common cause with the people4 ,threatened with destruction1 feudalism entered valiantly into the contest1 but in vain2 and1 restrained by a power even more irresistible than the weapons of its adversaries1 and1 as if oppressed by the air it breathed1 it felt its action impeded1 its energies enfeebled1 and1 despairing of victory1 it gave itself up to the enjoyment to be found in the patronage of the arts4 ,to the coat of mail now succeeded elegance of dress2 to the powerful shield1 the pompous escutcheon2 to the bearing and address of the warrior1 the manners of the courtier3--thus was the whole power of feudalism undermined2 the popular element was left completely at liberty to develop itself2 and the powers of monarchs became every day more extensive4 ,royalty thus strengthened1 municipal institutions in full vigor1 and feudalism undermined1 the remnants of barbarism and oppression still existing in the laws fell one by one beneath the attacks of so many adversaries2 and1 for the first time in the world's history1 there was seen a considerable number of great nations presenting the peaceful spectacle of many millions of men living in social union1 and enjoying together the rights of men and of citizens4 ,until this period1 public tranquillity1 and even the very existence of society1 had to be secured by carefully excluding from the working of the political machine a great number of individuals by means of slavery--a system that proved at once the intrinsic inferiority and weakness of the governments of antiquity4 ,the ,christian religion1 with the courage inspired by the consciousness of strength1 and with an ardent love for humanity1 had never doubted that she held in her hands other means of restraining men than a recourse to degradation and violence1 and had1 in fact1 resolved the problem in a manner the most noble and generous4 ,she had said to society3 ,dost thou dread this immense multitude1 that have no sufficient titles to thy confidence8 ,i will stand security for them4 ,thou enslavest them2 thou puttest chains around their necks2 ,i will subdue their hearts4 ,leave them free2 and this multitude1 before which thou tremblest as before a herd of wild beasts1 will become a class of men serviceable to themselves and to thee4 ,this voice had been heard1 and all men were freed from the yoke of slavery--all entered upon this noble struggle1 which was to place society in equilibrium1 without destroying or shaking its foundations4 ,we have already said above1 that there existed powerful adversaries4 ,shocks more or less violent were inevitable2 but there was no cause for anticipating any serious catastrophe1 unless some fatal combination of circumstances arose to overthrow the only power capable of moderating the inflamed1 and sometimes exasperated1 passions of men--to impose silence upon that powerful voice1 ever ready to say to the combatants1 ,that is enough4 ,that voice--the voice of ,christianity--might have been heard with greater or less docility2 but it would always have sufficed to calm down the fury of the passions1 to moderate the fierceness of their conflicts1 and thus to prevent scenes of bloodshed4 ,if we take a glance at ,europe at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries1 with a view to discover the social elements1 whose struggle seemed likely to disturb public tranquillity1 we shall find the power of the throne already far superior to that of the lords and of the people2 we shall see it endeavoring to please its rivals1 lending its aid to one for the subjugation of the others3 but already this power was evidently indestructible4 ,held more or less in check by the proud remnants of feudalism1 and by the ever-growing and encroaching power of the people1 monarchy nevertheless maintained its position as a central force for the protection of society against violence and excess4 ,this tendency was so strong1 that we every where meet with the same phenomenon1 manifested with more or less distinctness1 and with characters of greater or less identity4 ,the nations of ,europe were great both in numbers and extent2 the abolition of slavery gave a sanction to the principle1 that man ought to live free in the midst of society1 enjoying its most essential advantages1 and with sufficient room to enable him to take a more or less elevated rank1 according to the means he employs to gain it4 ,thus society had said to each individual3 ,i acknowledge thee as a man and a citizen2 from this moment ,i guarantee to thee the possession of these titles4 ,if thou desirest to lead a quiet life in the bosom of thy family--labor and be careful2 no one shall wrest from thee the rewards of thy labors1 nor trammel the free exercise of thy faculties4 ,dost thou aspire to the possession of wealth--consider how others have acquired it1 and display a similar activity and intelligence4 ,art thou ambitious of fame1 of rising to an elevated rank1 to splendid titles--the sciences and the military profession are before thee4 ,if thou hast inherited an illustrious name1 thou mayest still increase its lustre2 if thou art not in possession of such a name1 thou art free to acquire one4 ,such was the condition of the social problem at the end of the fifteenth century4 ,every thing was made public1 all the great means of action were openly developing themselves with rapidity2 the art of printing already transmitted men's thoughts from one end of the world to the other with the speed of lightning1 and insured their preservation for the benefit of future generations4 ,the frequent intercourse between nations1 the revival of literature and the arts1 the cultivation of the sciences1 the inclination for travelling and commerce1 the discovery of a new passage to the ,east ,indies1 the discovery of ,america1 the preference given to political negotiations for effecting the arrangements of international relations1--every thing combined to give to the minds of men that strong impulse1 that shock which at once arouses and develops all their faculties1 and gives new life4 ,it is difficult to understand by what process of reasoning1 in the face of facts so positive and certain1--facts that stand so prominently forward in every page of history1 any man could ever seriously maintain that ,protestantism aided human progress4 ,if previous to ,luther's reform society had been found stationary1 and still submerged in the chaos into which it had been plunged by the irruptions of the barbarians2 if the people had not succeeded1 previously to that reform1 in forming themselves into great nations1 and in providing themselves with systems of government more or less perfectly organized1 but all unquestionably superior to any that had hitherto existed1--the assertion might carry with it a degree of plausibility1 or1 at all events1 it would not stand1 as it unfortunately does1 in direct opposition to the most authentic and notorious facts4 ,but what1 on the contrary1 was the actual state of ,europe at the time of ,luther's appearance8 ,the administration of justice1 exercised with more or less perfection1 already possessed a highly moral1 rational1 and equitable system of legislation for the guidance of its decisions2 the people had in great part shaken off the yoke of feudalism1 and had acquired abundant resources for the preservation and defence of their liberties2 the executive had made immense progress1 owing to the establishment1 extension1 and amelioration of municipalities2 the royal authority1 enlarged1 fortified1 and consolidated1 formed in the midst of society a central force powerful to work good1 to prevent evil1 to restrain the passions1 to preserve the balance of interests1 to prevent ruinous social contests1 and to watch over the general welfare of society by constant protection and effectual encouragement2 in fine1 at that period1 nations were seen to fix a look of great foresight and sagacity on the rock upon which the vessel of society is in danger of being wrecked1 whenever the power of royalty is left without any sort of counterpoise4 ,such was already the condition of ,europe before the religious revolution of the sixteenth century4 ,i promptly concede that great progress has been made since that period in all matters of a social1 political and administrative nature2 but does it follow that this progress is owing to the ,protestant ,reformation8 ,to prove that it is1 it would be necessary to produce two societies absolutely similar in position and circumstances1 but separated by a long space of time1 that would render all reciprocal influence between them impossible1 and subjected1 one to the influence of the ,catholic1 the other to the ,protestant principle2 then each of the two religions might come forward and say to the world1 ,this is my work4 ,but it is absurd to compare1 as is often done1 times so widely different1 circumstances so utterly dissimilar and exceptional with ordinary cases2 it should also be remembered1 that1 in every thing1 the first step is always the most difficult1 and the greatest merit is always due to invention2 in a word1 after so many other violations of the rules of logic1 our opponents should not obstinately persist in deducing from one single fact all other facts1 simply because the latter happen to be posterior to the former1 otherwise they will fall under suspicion of insincerity in their search after truth1 and of a wish to falsify history4 ,the organization of ,european society1 such as ,protestantism found it1 was1 assuredly not perfect1 but it was1 at all events1 as perfect as was possible4 ,unless ,providence had vouchsafed to govern the world by prodigies1 ,europe1 at this period1 could not have attained to a more advantageous position4 ,the elements of progress1 of happiness1 of civilization and refinement1 were in her bosom2 they were numerous and powerful2 time was developing them by degrees in a manner truly wonderful2 and as mournful experience is every day lessening the prestige and credit of destructive doctrines1 the time is perhaps not far distant1 when philosophers1 examining dispassionately this period of history1 will agree that society had even then received the most fortunate impulse4 ,it will be seen that ,protestantism1 by giving a wrong direction to the march of society1 only precipitated it upon a perilous route1 where it has been on the brink of ruin2 and would perhaps have been ruined altogether1 had not the hand of the ,most ,high been stronger than the feeble arm of man4 ,protestants boast of having rendered great service to society by having destroyed in some countries1 and impaired in others1 the power of the ,popes4 ,as regards the ,papal supremacy in relation to matters of faith1 what ,i have elsewhere said will suffice to demonstrate the disastrous consequences of the exercise of private judgment2 as to discipline1 ,i am unwilling to enter upon questions that would indefinitely extend the limits of this work4 ,i will merely ask my opponents1 whether they deem it prudent to leave a society co-extensive with the world without a legislator1 without a judge1 without an arbitrator1 without a counsellor1 without a chief8 ,temporal power4--,this term has long been the bugbear of kings--the watchword of the anti-,catholic party--a snare into which many upright men have fallen--a butt for the shafts of discontented statesmen1 disappointed writers1 and snarling canonists2 and nothing more natural1 seeing that the subject afforded them an opportunity of pouring out their resentments1 and of giving currency to their suspicious doctrines1 well assured that1 by affecting zeal for the power of the monarch1 they would find1 in case of danger1 a ready asylum in the palaces of kings4 ,the present is not the place for the discussion of a question that has been the subject of so many vehement and learned disputes2 and it would be the more inopportune1 as1 in the existing state of things1 assuredly no power apprehends the least temporal usurpation on the part of the ,holy ,see1 which1 whatever its enemies may say1 has evinced at all times1 and even humanly speaking1 more prudence1 tact1 patience1 and wisdom than any other power upon earth2 and amidst the extreme difficulties of modern times1 has taken up a position that enables it to yield to the various exigencies of the times without any compromise of its high dignity1 without any deviation from its sublime obligations4 ,it is certain that the temporal power of the ,popes had risen in the course of time to such a height1 that the successor of ,st4 ,peter had become a universal counsellor1 arbitrator1 and judge1 from whose sentence it was dangerous to appeal1 even in purely political matters4 ,the general movement throughout ,europe had somewhat weakened this power2 but yet1 at the moment when ,protestantism made its appearance1 it still had such an ascendency over the minds of men1 it commanded so much veneration and respect1 and was possessed of such vast means for defending its rights1 enforcing its pretensions1 supporting its decisions1 and making its counsels respected1 that the most powerful monarchs of ,europe considered it a very serious matter to have the ,court of ,rome opposed to them in any affair whatever2 and consequently they eagerly sought on all occasions1 to secure its favor and friendship4 ,rome had thus become a general centre of negotiation1 and no affair of importance could escape its influence4 ,such have been the outcries raised against the colossal power1 against this pretended usurpation of rights1 that one might suppose the ,popes to have been a succession of deep conspirators1 who1 by their intrigues and artifices1 aimed at nothing short of universal monarchy4 ,as our opponents plume themselves on their spirit of observation and historical analysis1 ,i felt it necessary to observe1 that the temporal power of the ,popes was strengthened and extended at a time when no other power was as yet really constituted4 ,to call that power usurpation therefore1 is not merely an inaccuracy--it is an anachronism4 ,in the general confusion brought upon all ,european society by the irruptions of the barbarians1 in that strange medley of races1 laws1 manners1 and traditions1 there remained only one solid foundation for the structure of the edifice of civilization and refinement1 only one luminous body to shine upon the chaos1 only one element capable of giving life to the germ of regeneration that lay buried in blood-stained ruins--,christianity1 predominant over and annihilating the remains of other religions1 arose1 in this age of desolation1 like a solitary column in the center of a ruined city1 or like a bright beacon amid darkness4 ,barbarians1 and proud of their triumphs as they were1 the conquering people bowed their heads beneath the pastoral staff that governs the flock of ,jesus ,christ4 ,the spiritual pastors1 a body of men quite new to these barbarians1 and speaking a lofty and divine language1 obtained over the chiefs of the ferocious hordes from the north a complete and permanent ascendency1 which the course of ages could not destroy4 ,such was the foundation of the temporal power in the ,church2 and it will be easily conceived that as the ,pope towered above all the other pastors in the ecclesiastical edifice1 like a superb cupola above the other parts of a magnificent temple1 his temporal power must have risen far higher than that of ordinary bishops2 and must also have had a deeper1 more solid1 and more lasting foundation4 ,all the principles of legislation1 all the foundations of society1 all the elements of intellectual culture1 all that remained of the arts and sciences1 all was in the hands of religion2 and all very naturally sought protection from the pontifical throne1 the only power acting with order1 concert1 and regularity1 and the only one that offered any guarantee for stability and permanence4 ,wars succeeded to wars1 convulsions to convulsions1 the forms of society were continually changing2 but the one great1 general1 and dominant fact1 the stability and influence of religion1 remained still the same3 and it is ridiculous in any man to declaim against a phenomenon so natural1 so inevitable1 and1 above all1 so advantageous1 designating it1 ,a succession of usurpations of temporal power4 ,power1 ere it can be usurped1 must exist2 and where1 ,i pray1 did temporal power then exist8 ,was it in kings8--the sport1 and frequently the victims of the haughty barons8 ,in the feudal lords8--continually engaged in contests amongst themselves1 with kings1 and with the people8 ,in fine1 was it in the people8--a troop of slaves1 who1 thanks to the efforts of religion1 were slowly working out their freedom8 ,the people1 it is true1 united against the lords--they raised their voices to demand protection from the monarch1 or to solicit the aid of the ,church against the vexations and outrages inflicted on them by both2 still1 however1 they as yet formed but an unorganized embryo of society1 without any fixed rule1 without government1 and without laws4 ,could we honestly compare modern times with these8 ,could we apply to these bygone ages restrictions and distinctions of authority that are admissible only in a state of society in which the elements of life and civilization have been developed1 in which solid and permanent foundations have been laid1 in which1 consequently1 the functions of social authority could be1 and have in effect been1 regulated1 after a minute analysis of the limits of their respective jurisdictions8 ,to reason otherwise1 would be to seek order in chaos1 smoothness on the surface of a tempest-tossed ocean4 ,we should not forget1 either1 a general and unvarying fact1 founded on the very nature of things1--a fact1 moreover1 to which the history of all times and all countries is continually calling our attention1 and which has received a striking confirmation from the revolutions of modern times1--viz4 that whenever society is deeply diseased1 there is always at hand a principle of life to stay the progress of the malady4 ,a contest takes place--collisions occur one after another--they become more frequent and more violent2 but ultimately the principle of order prevails over that of disorder1 and continues long afterwards to predominate in society4 ,this principle may be more or less just1 more or less rational1 more or less violent1 more or less adequate to attain its object2 but whatever it be in these respects1 it always prevails in the end1 unless1 during the struggle1 another1 a better and more powerful principle takes its place4 ,now1 in the middle ages1 this principle was the ,christian ,church4 ,she alone could be this principle1 for she had truth in her doctrines1 justice in her laws1 and regularity and prudence in her government4 ,she was the only element of life that existed at this period--the only depository of the grand idea upon which the reorganization of society depended2 and this idea was not vague and abstract1 but positive and practicable1 for it proceeded from the lips of ,him whose word calls forth worlds out of nothing1 and makes light to shine forth in the midst of darkness4 ,when once the sublime doctrines of the ,church had penetrated into the heart of society1 her pure1 fraternal1 and consoling morality necessarily influenced its manners4 ,forms of government also1 and systems of legislation were1 in like manner1 more or less affected by her mild and powerful influence4 ,these are facts--undeniable facts4 ,now1 the ,roman ,pontiffs were the center of this happy preponderance which religion so legitimately obtained and so justly deserved2 hence it is clear that the power of the ,holy ,see very naturally rose above all other powers4 ,after having contemplated this sublime picture1 drawn from the plain and authentic records of history1 why dwell on the defects or the vices of some few individuals8 ,why drag to light the excesses1 the errors1 the disorders ever incident to humanity8 ,why maliciously seek out facts through a long succession of obscure ages1 collecting them together and placing them in a light most calculated to make an impression1 and to mislead the ignorant8 ,why1 in fine1 urge1 exaggerate1 disfigure1 and paint these facts in the darkest possible colors8 ,to do so1 is to betray a very shallow understanding of the philosophy of history1 a spirit of great partiality1 low views1 grovelling sentiments1 and miserable spleen4 ,it should be loudly proclaimed to the whole world1 and a thousand times repeated1 that it may never be forgotten1 that limits which have no existence cannot be respected--that to create power is not to usurp it--that to make laws is not to violate them--that to reduce to order the chaos in which society is overwhelmed is not to disturb society4 ,now this was the work of the ,church--this is what was done by the ,popes4#dj ,,chapter ,,lxviii4 ,,unity ,,in ,,faith ,,not ,,adverse ,,to ,,political ,,liberty4 ,the supposed incompatibility of unity in faith with political liberty is an invention of the irreligious philosophy of the last century4 ,whatever political opinions be adopted1 it is of extreme importance that we be on our guard against such a doctrine4 ,we must not forget that the ,catholic religion occupies a sphere far above all forms of government--she does not reject from her bosom either the citizen of the ,united ,states1 or the inhabitant of ,russia1 but embraces all men with equal tenderness1 commanding all to obey the legitimate governments of their respective countries4 ,she considers them all as children of the same father1 participators in the same redemption1 heirs to the same glory4 ,it is very important to bear in mind that irreligion allies itself to liberty or to despotism1 according as its interests incline2 lavish of its applause when an infuriated populace are burning temples and massacring the ministers of the altar1 it is ever ready to flatter monarchs1 to exaggerate their power beyond measure1 whenever they win its favor by despoiling the clergy1 subverting discipline1 and insulting the ,pope4 ,caring little what instruments it employs1 provided it accomplishes its work1 it is royalist when in a position to sway the minds of kings1 to expel the ,jesuits from ,france1 from ,spain1 from ,portugal1 to pursue them to the four quarters of the globe without allowing them either respite or repose2 liberal in the midst of popular assemblies that exact sacrilegious oaths from the clergy1 and send into exile or to the scaffold the ministers of religion who remain faithful to their duty4 ,the man who cannot see that what ,i have advanced is strictly true1 must have forgotten history1 and paid little attention to very recent occurrences4 ,with religion and morality1 all forms of government are good2 without them1 none can be good4 ,an absolute monarch1 imbued with religious ideas1 surrounded by counsellors of sound doctrines1 and reigning over a people amongst whom the same doctrines prevail1 may make his subjects happy1 and will be sure to do so as far as circumstances of time and place permit4 ,a wicked monarch1 or one surrounded by wicked counsellors1 will do mischief in proportion to the extent of his powers2 he will be even more to be dreaded than revolution itself1 because better able to arrange his plans1 and to carry them out more rapidly1 with fewer obstacles1 a greater appearance of legality1 more pretensions to public utility1 and consequently with more certainty of success and of permanent results4 ,revolutions have undoubtedly done great injury to the ,church2 but persecuting monarchs have done equally as much4 ,a freak of ,henry ,,viii4 established ,protestantism in ,england2 the cupidity of certain other princes produced a like result in the nations of the north2 and in our own days1 a decree of the ,autocrat of ,russia drives millions of souls into schism4 ,it follows that an unmixed monarchy1 if it be not religious1 is not desirable2 for irreligion1 immoral in its nature1 naturally tends to injustice1 and consequently to tyranny4 ,if irreligion be seated on an absolute throne1 or if she hold possession of the mind of its occupant1 her powers are unlimited2 and1 for my part1 ,i know nothing more horrible than the omnipotence of wickedness4 ,in recent times1 ,european democracy has signalized itself lamentably by its attacks upon religion2 a circumstance which1 far from favoring its cause1 has injured it extremely4 ,we can indeed form an idea of a government more or less free1 when society is virtuous1 moral1 and religious2 but not when these conditions are wanting4 ,in the latter case1 the only form of government that remains is despotism1 the rule of force1 for force alone can govern men who are without conscience and without ,god4 ,if we attentively consider the points of difference between the revolution of the ,united ,states and that of ,france1 we shall find that one of the principal points of difference consists in this1 that the ,american revolution was essentially democratic1 that of ,france essentially impious4 ,in the manifestos by which the former was inaugurated1 the name of ,god1 of ,providence1 is every where seen2 the men engaged in the perilous enterprise of shaking off the yoke of ,great ,britain1 far from blaspheming the ,almighty1 invoke his assistance1 convinced that the cause of independence was the cause of reason and of justice4 ,the ,french began by deifying the leaders of irreligion1 overthrowing altars1 watering with the blood of priests the temples1 the streets1 and the scaffolds--the only emblem of revolution recognized by the people is ,atheism hand in hand with liberty4 ,this folly has borne its fruits--it communicated its fatal contagion to other revolutions in recent times--the new order of things has been inaugurated with sacrilegious crimes2 and the proclamation of the rights of man was begun by the profanation of the temples of ,him from whom all rights emanate4 ,modern demagogues1 it is true1 have only imitated their predecessors the ,protestants1 the ,hussites1 the ,albigenses2 with this difference1 however1 that in our days irreligion has manifested itself openly1 side by side with its companion1 the democracy of blood and baseness2 whilst the democracy of former times was allied with sectarian fanaticism4 ,the dissolving doctrines of ,protestantism rendered a stronger power necessary1 precipitated the overthrow of ancient liberties1 and obliged authority to hold itself continually on the alert1 and ready to strike4 ,when the influence of ,catholicity had been enfeebled1 the void had to be filled up by a system of espionage and force4 ,do not forget this1 you who make war upon religion in the name of liberty2 do not forget that like causes produce like effects4 ,where moral influences do not exist1 their absence must be supplied by physical force3 if you take from the people the sweet yoke of religion1 you leave governments no other resource than the vigilance of police1 and the force of bayonets4 ,reflect1 and choose4 ,before the advent of ,protestantism1 ,european civilization1 under the gis of the ,catholic religion1 was evidently tending towards that general harmony1 the absence of which has rendered necessary an excessive employment of force4 ,unity of faith disappeared1 opening the way to an unrestrained liberty of opinion and religious discord2 the influence of the clergy was in some countries destroyed1 in others weakened3 thus was the equilibrium between different classes put an end to1 and the class naturally destined to fill the office of mediator rendered powerless4 ,by abridging the power of the ,popes1 both people and governments were let loose from that gentle curb which restrained without oppressing1 and corrected without degrading2 kings and people were arrayed against each other1 without any body of men possessed of authority to interpose between them in case of a conflict2 without a single judge1 who1 the friend of both parties1 and disinterested in the quarrel1 might have settled their differences with impartiality1 governments began to place their reliance upon standing armies1 and the people upon insurrections4 ,and it is of no avail to allege that in countries where ,catholicity prevailed1 a political phenomenon arose similar to that which we observe in ,protestant nations2 for ,i maintain that amongst ,catholics themselves events did not follow the course which they naturally would have followed1 had not the fatal ,reformation intervened4 ,to attain its complete development1 ,european civilization required the unity from which it had sprung2 it could not by any other means establish harmony amongst the diverse elements which it sheltered in its bosom4 ,its homogeneity was gone the moment unity of faith disappeared4 ,from that hour no nation could adequately effect its organization without taking into account1 not only its own internal wants1 but also the principles that prevailed in other countries1 against the influence of which it had to be on its guard4 ,do you suppose1 for instance1 that the policy of the ,spanish government1 constituted as it was the protector of ,catholicity against powerful ,protestant nations1 was not powerfully influenced by the peculiar and very dangerous position of the country8 ,i think ,i have shown that the ,church has never been opposed to the legitimate development of any form of government2 that she has taken them all under her protection1 and consequently that to assert that she is the enemy of popular institutions is a calumny4 ,i have also placed it equally beyond a doubt1 that the sects hostile to the ,catholic ,church1 by encouraging a democracy either irreligious or blinded by fanaticism1 so far from aiding in the establishment of just and rational liberty1 have1 in fact1 left the people no alternative between unbridled licentiousness and unrestrained despotism4 ,the lesson thus furnished by history is confirmed by experience2 and the future will serve only to corroborate its truth4 ,the more religious and moral men are1 the more deserving they are of liberty2 for they have then less need of external restraints1 having a most powerful one in their own consciences4 ,an irreligious and immoral people stand in need of some authority to keep them in order1 otherwise they will be constantly abusing their rights1 and will consequently deserve to lose them4 ,st4 ,augustine perfectly understood these truths1 and explains briefly and beautifully the conditions necessary for all forms of government4 ,the holy ,doctor shows that popular forms are good where the people are moral and conscientious2 where they are corrupt1 they require either an oligarchy or an unmixed monarchy4 ,i have no doubt that an interesting passage1 in the form of a dialogue1 that we meet with in his first book on ,free ,will1 chap4 vi41 will be read with pleasure4 ,augustine4 ,you would not maintain1 for instance1 that men or people are so constituted by nature as to be absolutely eternal1 and subject neither to destruction nor change8--,evodius4 ,who can doubt that they are changeable1 and subject to the influence of time8--,augustine4 ,if the people are serious and temperate2 and if1 moreover1 they have such a concern for the public good that each one would prefer the public interest to his own1 is it not true that it would be advisable to enact that such a people should choose their own authorities the administration of their affairs8--,evodius4 ,certainly4--,augustine4 ,but1 in case these same people become so corrupt that the citizens prefer their own to the public good2 if they sell their votes2 if1 corrupted by ambitious men1 they intrust the government of the state to men as criminal and corrupt as themselves2 is it not true that1 in such a case1 if there be amongst them a man of integrity1 and possessing sufficient power for the purpose1 he will do well to take from these people the power of conferring honors1 and concentrate it in the hands of a small number of upright men1 or even in the hands of one man8--,evodius4 ,undoubtedly4--,augustine4 ,yet1 since these laws appear very much opposed to each other1 the one granting the people the right of conferring honors1 the other depriving them of that right2 since1 moreover1 they cannot both be in force at once1 are we to affirm that one of these laws is unjust1 or that it should not have been enacted8--,evodius4 ,by no means4,d ,d ,aug4 ,quid ipsi homines et populi1 ejusne generis rerum sunt1 ut interire mutarive non possint1 ternique omnino sint8--,evod4 ,mutabile plane atque tempori obnoxium hoc genus esse quis dubitet8--,aug4 ,ergo1 si populus sit bene moderatus et gravis1 communisque utilitatis diligentissimus custos1 in quo unusquisque minoris rem privatam quam publicam pendat1 nonne recte lex fertur1 qua huic ipsi populo liceat creare sibi magistratus1 per quos sua res1 id est publica1 administretur8--,evod4 ,recte prorsus4--,aug4 ,porro1 si paulatim depravatus idem populus rem privatam reipublic prferat1 atque habeat venale suffragium1 corruptusque ab eis qui honores amant1 regimen in se flagitiosis consceleratisque committat1 nonne item recte1 si quis tunc extiterit vir bonus1 qui plurimum possit1 adimat huic populo potestatem dandi honores1 et in paucorum bonorum vel etiam unius redigat arbitrium8--,evod4 ,et id recte4--,aug4 ,cum ergo du ist leges ita sibi videantur esse contrari1 ut una earum honorum dandorum populo tribuat potestatem1 auferat altera1 et cum ista secunda ita lata sit1 ut nullo modo amb in una civitate simul esse possint1 num dicemus aliquam earum injustam esse et ferri minime debuisse8--,evod4 ,nullo modo4 ,the whole question is here comprised in a few words3 ,can monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 be one and all legitimate and proper8 ,yes4 ,by what considerations are we to be guided in our decision as to which of these forms is legitimate and proper in any given case8 ,by the consideration of existing rights1 and of the condition of the people to whom such form is to be applied4 ,can a form once good become bad8 ,certainly it may2 for all human things are subject to change4 ,these reflections1 as solid as they are simple1 will prevent all excessive enthusiasm in favor of any particular form of government4 ,this is not a mere question of theory1 but one of prudence also4 ,now1 prudence does not decide before having attentively considered and weighed all circumstances4 ,but there is one predominant idea in this doctrine of ,st4 ,augustine3 this idea ,i have already indicated1 viz4 that great virtue and disinterestedness are required under a free government4 ,those who are laboring to establish political liberty on the ruins of all religious belief would do well to reflect upon the words of the illustrious doctor4 ,how would you have people exercise extensive rights1 if you disqualify them by perverting their ideas and corrupting their morals8 ,you say that under representative forms of government reason and justice are secured by means of elections2 and yet you labor to banish this reason and justice from the bosom of that society in which you talk of securing them4 ,you sow the wind1 and reap the whirlwind2 instead of models of wisdom and prudence1 you offer the people scandalous scenes4 ,do not say that we are condemning the age1 and that it progresses in spite of us3 we reject nothing that is good2 but perversity and corruption we must reprobate4 ,the age progresses--true2 but neither you nor we know whither4 ,catholics know one thing--a thing which it needs not a prophet to tell1 viz4 that a good social condition cannot be formed out of bad men2 that immoral men are bad2 that where there is no religion1 morality cannot take root4 ,firm in our faith1 we shall leave you to try1 if you choose1 a thousand forms of government1 to apply your palliatives to your own social patient1 to impose upon him with deceitful words2 his frequent convulsions--his continued restlessness--are evidences of your incapacity2 and well is it for your patient that he still feels this anxiety3 it is a sure sign that you have not entirely succeeded in securing his confidence4 ,if ever you do secure it--if ever he fall asleep quietly in your arms--all flesh will then have corrupted its way2 and it may also be feared lest ,god should resolve to sweep man from the face of the earth4 ,,chapter ,,lxix4 ,,of ,,intellectual ,,development ,,under ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,catholicity4 ,it has been abundantly proved in the course of this work1 that the pseudo-,reformation has not in any way contributed to the perfection either of individuals or of society2 from which we may naturally infer that the case is the same as regards the development of the intellect4 ,i am unwilling1 however1 to let this truth stand merely as a corollary1 and ,i believe it to be susceptible of a special elucidation4 ,we may freely examine what advantage ,protestantism has conferred upon the various branches of human learning1 without any fear of the result as regards ,catholicity4 ,when we are to examine objects naturally embracing a great many different relations1 it is not enough merely to pronounce certain conspicuous names1 or to cite with emphasis one or two facts4 ,this is not the way to place a question in its proper light2 and to treat it adequately1 much more is required4 ,a discussion1 either confined within limits too narrow to admit of its full development1 or allowed an indefinite range1 carries with it1 in the eyes of an observer of only slight penetration1 an air of universality1 elevation1 and boldness1 whilst in reality it is all uncertainty and vagueness1 and is liable to be involved in endless contradictions4 ,to investigate this question satisfactorily1 we must1 it seems to me1 grasp the ,catholic and ,protestant principles respectively1 subject them to a most rigid scrutiny1 and seize upon every point that appears favorable or inimical to the development of the human mind4 ,further1 we should survey1 in its widest range1 the history of the intellect2 pausing here and there at the epochs where the influence of the principle whose tendencies and effects we are studying has been most effectively exerted2 then1 rejecting anomalous exceptions1 as proving nothing either one way or the other1 and facts too insignificant and isolated to affect in any way the course of events1 the mind1 sufficiently elevated1 and observing attentively1 and with a sincere desire to know the truth1 will be enabled to discover how far its philosophical deductions are in accordance with facts2 and thus will it complete the solution of the problem4 ,one of the fundamental principles of ,catholicity1 one of its distinctive characteristics1 is the submission of the intellect to authority in matters of faith4 ,this is the point against which the attacks of ,protestants have ever been and still are directed3 and this is quite natural1 seeing that ,protestants profess resistance to authority as a fundamental and constituent principle4 ,from this fatal source flow all their other errors4 ,if there be in ,catholicity any thing capable of arresting the march of the mind or of lowering its flight1 it must unquestionably be the principle of submission to authority4 ,with this principle must rest all the blame in this respect1 if indeed the ,catholic religion be chargeable with any4 ,submission of the intellect to authority4 ,these words1 it cannot be denied1 do1 unless we have seized upon their true meaning1 and ascertained the precise objects to which this submission is applicable1 at first sight1 convey an idea of antagonism to intellectual development4 ,if you cherish an ardent affection for the dignity of our nature2 if you are an enthusiastic advocate of scientific progress1 and behold with delight the brilliant efforts of a bold1 vigorous1 and accomplished genius2 you will discover something repulsive in a principle which appears to invoke slavery1 since it checks the flight of the mind1 clips the wings of the intellect1 and casts it into the dust4 ,but if you examine this principle in its essence1 apply it to the various branches of learning1 and observe what are the points of contact which it offers with the methods adopted for the cultivation of the mind1 will you discover any foundation for these suspicions and apprehensions8 ,what truth will you find in the reproaches of which ,catholicity has been made the object8 ,how vain and puerile will appear all the declamation published on this subject6 ,we will now enter fully into the examination of this difficulty2 we will take the ,catholic principle1 and analyze it with the eye of impartial philosophy4 ,with this principle before us1 we will survey the whole field of science1 and consult the testimony of the greatest men4 ,if we find that it has ever been opposed to the genuine development of any one branch of learning2 if1 on visiting the tombs where repose the most illustrious1 they tell us that the principle of submission to authority chained down their intellects1 obscured their imaginations1 and withered their hearts1--we will then acknowledge that ,protestants are right in the reproaches which they are constantly directing against the ,catholic religion on this subject4 ,god1 man1 society1 nature1 the entire creation--such are the objects on which our minds can be occupied2 beyond the sphere of these objects we cannot reach1 for they embrace infinity--there is nothing beyond them4 ,well1 then1 the ,catholic principle opposes no obstacle to the mind's progress4 ,whether as regards ,god or man1 society or nature1 it imposes no shackles1 places no obstacle in the way of the human mind2 instead of checking this progress1 it rather serves as a lofty beacon1 which1 far from interfering with the mariner's liberty1 guides him in safety amid the obscurity of night4 ,how does the ,catholic principle oppose the freedom of the human mind in anything relating to the ,divinity8 ,protestants surely will not tell us that there is anything at all wrong in the idea which the ,catholic religion gives of ,god4 ,agreeing with us on the idea of a being eternal1 immutable1 infinite1 the ,creator of heaven and earth1 just1 holy1 full of goodness1 a rewarder of the good1 and a punisher of the wicked1 they admit this to be the only reasonable idea of ,god that can be presented to the mind of man4 ,to this idea the ,catholic religion unites an incomprehensible1 profound1 and ineffable mystery1 veiled from the sight of weak mortals1--the august mystery of the ,trinity2 but on this point ,protestants cannot reproach us1 unless they are prepared to avow themselves ,socinians4 ,the ,lutherans1 the ,calvinists1 the ,anglicans1 and many other sects1 condemn1 as well as we do1 those who deny this august mystery4 ,we may remark here1 that ,calvin had ,michael ,servetus burned at ,geneva for his heretical doctrines on the ,trinity4 ,i am well aware of the ravages that ,socinianism has made among the separated ,churches1 where the spirit and the right of private judgment in matters of faith have converted ,christians into unbelieving philosophers2 but1 notwithstanding this1 the mystery of the ,trinity was long respected by the leading ,protestant sects1 and is so yet1 externally at least1 by the greater part of them4 ,in any case1 ,i cannot see how this mystery shackles human reason in its contemplation of the ,divinity4 ,does it prevent it from going forth into immensity8 ,what limit does it fix to the infinite ocean of light and being implied in the word ,god8 ,does it in the least obscure this splendor8 ,when the mind of man1 soaring above the regions of creation1 and detaching itself from the body that would bear it down1 abandons itself to the delights of sublime meditation on the infinite ,being1 ,creator of heaven and earth1 does this august mystery stop him in his heavenward flight8 ,ask the innumerable volumes written on the ,divinity1 eloquent and irrefragable testimonies of liberty enjoyed by the human mind wherever ,catholicity prevails4 ,the doctrines of ,catholicity relative to the ,divinity may be considered under two aspects2 either as having reference to mysteries above our comprehension1 or as touching what is within the reach of reason4 ,as regards mysteries1 their abode is in a region so sublime1 they appertain to an order of things so superior to any created thought1 that the mind1 even after the most extensive1 most profound1 and1 at the same time1 most free investigations1 is unable1 without the aid of revelation1 to form even the most remote idea of these ineffable wonders4 ,how can things that never meet1 which are of a totally distinct order1 and which are an immense distance apart1 interfere with each other8 ,the intellect can fix upon one of them by means of meditation1 can lose itself in contemplating it1 without even thinking of the other4 ,can the moon's orbit come into contact with the remotest of the fixed stars8 ,do you fear that the revelation of a mystery may limit the sphere of your reason's operations8 ,are you apprehensive lest1 in wandering through immensity1 you may be smothered in the narrowness of your reason8 ,was space wanted for the genius of ,descartes1 of ,gassendi1 of ,mallebranche8 ,did these men complain that their intellects were limited1 imprisoned8 ,why1 indeed1 should they complain 7,i speak not of them only1 but of all the great minds of modern times who have treated of the ,divinity71 when they cannot but own that they are indebted to ,catholicity for the most splendid and sublime ideas that enrich their writings8 ,the philosophers of antiquity1 in their treatises on the ,divinity1 are at an immense distance below the least eminent of our metaphysical theologians4 ,what would ,plato himself be compared to ,lewis of ,granada1 ,louis de ,lon1 ,fnlon1 or ,bossuet8 ,before ,christianity appeared upon earth1 before the faith of the ,chair of ,peter had taken possession of the world1 the primitive ideas on the ,divinity having been effaced1 the human mind wandered amongst a thousand errors1 a thousand monstrous fancies2 feeling the necessity of a ,god1 man substituted for the ,supreme ,being the creation of his own imagination4 ,but ever since the ineffable splendor1 descending from the bosom of the ,father of light1 has shone upon the whole earth1 ideas of the ,divinity have remained so fixed1 clear1 and simple1 and at the same time so lofty and sublime1 that human reason has obtained a wider range2 the veil which concealed the origin of the universe has been withdrawn2 the world's destiny has been marked out1 and man has received the key that explains the wonders which fill and surround him4 ,protestants have felt the force of this truth2 their aversion for every thing ,catholic was almost fanatical2 yet1 generally speaking1 they may be said to have respected the idea of the ,divinity4 ,on this point1 of all others1 the spirit of innovation has been felt the least4 ,how1 indeed1 could it be otherwise8 ,the ,god of the ,catholics was too great to be replaced by any other4 ,newton and ,leibnitz1 embracing heaven and earth in their speculations1 could say nothing new of the ,author of so many wonders1 nothing but what had already been taught by the ,catholic religion4 ,well had it been for ,protestants if1 whilst in the midst of their wanderings they preserved this precious treasure1 they had faithfully followed the example of their predecessors1 and had rejected that monstrous philosophy which threatens us with the revival of all errors1 ancient and modern1 beginning with the substitution of a monstrous pantheism for the sublime ,deity of ,christianity4 ,let those ,protestants who are friends of truth1 jealous of the honor of their communion1 devoted to their country's welfare1 and interested in the future prospects of mankind1 be warned in time4 ,if pantheism should prevail1 it will not be the spiritualist but the naturalist philosophers who will triumph4 ,the ,german philosophers may in vain seek refuge in abstraction and enigmas1 in vain condemn the sensualist philosophy of the last century2 a ,god confounded with nature is not ,god1 a ,god identified with every thing is nothing2 pantheism is a deification of the universe1 that is1 a denial of ,god4 ,what sorrowful reflections suggest themselves to us when we consider the direction now taken by the minds of men in different parts of ,europe1 and more especially in ,germany6 ,catholics long since told them they would begin with resistance to authority by denying a dogma1 but would end by a denial of all1 and fall into atheism2 and the course of ideas during the last three centuries has fully confirmed the truth of the prediction4 ,strange1 that ,german philosophy should aim at producing a reaction against the materialist school1 and with all its spiritualism end in pantheism6 ,providence1 it would seem1 has ordained that the soil which has produced so many errors should be barren of truth4 ,out of the ,church all is unsteadiness and confusion2 materialism ending in atheism1 wild idealism and fantastic spiritualism resulting in pantheism6 ,verily1 ,god still abhors pride1 and repeats the terrible chastisement of the confusion of tongues4 ,catholicity triumphs the while2 but mourns in the midst of her triumphs4 ,i do not see either how it can be that ,catholicity impedes the operation of the intellect as regards the study of man4 ,what does the ,church require of us on this point8 ,what does she teach on the subject8 ,how far extends the circle embracing the doctrines we are forbidden to call in question8 ,philosophers are divided into two schools1 the materialists and the spiritualists4 ,the former assert that the human soul is only a portion of matter1 which1 by a certain modification1 produces in us what we call thought and will2 the latter maintains that the energy accompanying thought and will is incompatible with the inertness of matter2 that what is divisible1 composed of divers parts1 and consequently of divers entities1 could not harmonize with the simple unity essential to a being that thinks1 wills1 reasons1 with itself upon every thing1 and possesses the profound consciousness of individuality4 ,for these reasons they assert that the contrary opinion is false and absurd2 and they ground their opinion upon a variety of considerations4 ,the ,catholic ,church intervenes in the dispute1 and says3 ,the soul of man is not corporeal1 it is a spirit2 you cannot be both a ,catholic and a materialist4 ,but ask the ,catholic ,church by what systems you are to explain the ideas1 the sensations1 the acts of the will1 and human feelings1--and she will tell you that on these matters you are perfectly free to hold what you consider most in accordance with reason2 that faith does not descend to particular questions appertaining to the affairs of this world1 which ,god himself delivered to the consideration of men4 ,before the light of the ,gospel shone upon the world1 the schools of philosophy were in the most profound ignorance on the subject of our origin and our destiny2 none of the philosophers could explain the profound contradictions that are found in man2 none of them succeeded in pointing out the cause of that strange mixture of greatness and littleness1 of goodness and malice1 of knowledge and ignorance1 of excellence and baseness4 ,but religion came forth1 and said3 ,man is the work of ,god2 his destiny is to be for evermore united with ,god2 for him the earth is a place of exile only2 man is no longer what he was when he came forth from the hands of his ,creator2 the whole human race is subjected to the consequences of a great fall4 ,now ,i would defy all philosophers1 ancient and modern1 to show wherein the obligation of believing these things militates in the slightest degree against the progress of true philosophy4 ,so far1 indeed1 are the doctrines of ,catholicity from checking philosophical progress1 that they are1 on the contrary1 a most fruitful source of this progress in every respect4 ,if we wish to make progress in any of the sciences1 it is no slight advantage for the intellect to have a safe and firm axis around which it may revolve2 it is a fortunate thing to be enabled to avoid at the very outset in the intellectual race1 a multitude of questions which would entangle us in inextricable labyrinths1 or from which we could not escape without falling into most lamentable absurdities2 in a word1 when we approach the investigation of these questions1 we ought to consider ourselves happy in finding them resolved beforehand in their most important points1 and in knowing where the truth lies1 and where the danger of falling into error4 ,the philosopher's position is then that of a man who1 sure of the existence of a mine in a certain spot1 does not waste his time in searching after it1 but1 knowing his ground1 his researches and labors are profitable from the first4 ,this is the cause of the vast advantage which in these matters modern philosophers possess over those of antiquity3 the ancients had to grope in the dark2 the moderns1 preceded by brilliant lights1 advance with a firm and sure step1 and march straight to their destination4 ,they may boast incessantly that they set aside revelation1 that they hold it in disdain1 perhaps that they even openly attack it4 ,even in this case religion enlightens them1 and often guides their steps2 for there are a thousand splendid ideas for which they are indebted to religion1 and which they cannot erase from their minds2 ideas which they have found in books1 learned in catechisms1 and imbibed with their milk2 ideas which they hear uttered by every one around them1 which are spread everywhere1 and which impregnate with their vivifying and beneficent influence the atmosphere they breathe4 ,in repudiating religion1 these same moderns are carrying ingratitude to great lengths2 for at the very moment they insult her1 they are profiting by her favors4 ,this is not the place to enter into details on this matter1 or numerous proofs might easily be adduced in support of the foregoing observations2 a comparison between the first works of modern philosophy that came to hand and the works of the ancients would be decisive2 but such a labor would still be incomplete for those who are not versed in these matters2 and for those who are so1 it would be superfluous4 ,i leave the question with entire confidence to the perspicacity and impartiality of my readers2 it will1 ,i think1 be acknowledged that whenever our modern philosophers have spoken of man with truth and dignity1 their language has borne the impress of ,christian ideas4 ,such is the influence of ,catholicity upon those sciences which1 confined to a purely speculative order1 allow the genius of the philosopher the widest range and the greatest freedom possible2 but if1 as regards those sciences1 the influence of ,catholicity1 instead of checking the mind in its flight1 only enlarges its range1 increases its sublimity1 its daring1 and at the same time its security1 by preventing it from running astray1 what shall we say of its influence on the study of ethics8 ,has the whole body of philosophers together ever discovered any thing beyond what is contained in the ,gospel8 ,what doctrine excels in purity1 in sanctity1 in sublimity that taught by the ,catholic religion8 ,on this point we will do justice to the philosophers1 even to those most hostile to the ,christian religion4 ,they have attacked its doctrines1 and smiled at the divinity of its origin2 but have always evinced a profound respect for its morality4 ,i know not what secret influence has constrained them into an avowal that must certainly have cost them dear4 ,yes1 they invariably say1 it cannot be denied that the morality of ,catholicity is excellent4 ,there are certain doctrines of ,catholicity which cannot be said to appertain directly either to ,god1 to man1 or to morality1 in the sense generally given to this word4 ,the ,catholic religion is a revealed religion1 of an order far superior to any thing that the human mind is capable of conceiving4 ,its object is to guide us to a destiny that we could neither attain nor even imagine by our own strength1 and it is based upon this principle1 that human nature1 corrupted by the fall1 requires to be restored and purified2 evidently1 therefore1 it should contain certain doctrines explanatory of the mode in which this work of restoration and purification is to be effected1 whether in a general or particular sense2 and at the same time pointing out the means which ,god has chosen to lead man to happiness4 ,such are the doctrines of the ,incarnation1 of ,redemption1 of ,grace1 and of the ,sacraments4 ,these dogmas embrace a wide field2 the relations in which they stand to ,god and to man are very extensive2 the doctrines of the ,catholic ,church are1 and always have been1 unchangeable4 ,well then6 extensive as they are1 they afford not a single point that can be said to have a tendency to embarrass the free action of the intellect in investigations of any kind4 ,the cause of this fact is the same as that ,i have already indicated4 ,those who have attentively compared the sciences of philosophy and theology may have remarked that theology1 in the sublime questions mentioned above1 occupies a sphere so distinct and supereminent as scarcely to preserve a single point of contact with that in which philosophy moves4 ,they are two vast and sublime orbits1 occupying in the depths of space positions very distant from each other4 ,man sometimes tries to make them approximate1 and would be glad if a ray of terrestrial light could penetrate into the region of incomprehensible mysteries2 but he scarcely knows how to begin this1 and we hear him avow1 with a profound sense of his own weakness1 that he is speaking only conventionally and by analogy1 merely with a view to make himself better understood4 ,the ,church allows such attempts1 owing to the good intentions they evince2 sometimes she even prompts and encourages them1 desiring1 as far as possible1 to accommodate what is incomprehensible in her doctrines to the feeble capacities of men4 ,after all their reasonings on the attributes of the ,divinity and the relations of man to ,god1 have philosophers discovered any thing incompatible with these doctrines of ,catholicity8 ,have revealed truths stood in their way as a stumbling-block to their investigations8 ,when ,descartes1 in the seventeenth century1 effected a revolution in philosophy1 a singular incident occurred that will throw a strong light on this subject4 ,the ,catholic doctrine respecting the august mystery of the ,eucharist is known1 and also in what the dogma of transubstantiation consists4 ,many theologians1 the reader is also probably aware1 in order to explain the supernatural phenomenon which takes place after the consummation of the miracle1 had recourse to the doctrine of accidents1 which they distinguished from the substance4 ,now the theory of ,descartes1 and of almost all other modern philosophers1 was incompatible with this explanation1 for they denied the existence of accidents distinct from the substance4 ,it consequently appeared at first sight that a difficulty would here arise for the ,catholic doctrine1 and that the ,church would have to oppose this system of philosophy4 ,and did it so happen8 ,not at all4 ,upon a careful investigation of the matter1 it was seen that the ,catholic dogma belonged to a region infinitely above that uncertain one in which the philosophic doctrine was discovered1 however closely they might have seemed to approximate4 ,in vain theologians discussed the matter1 indulged in mutual recriminations1 drew from the new doctrine all sorts of inferences1 in order to represent it as dangerous4 ,the ,church1 always superior to the thoughts of men1 kept aloof from these disputes1 maintaining that grave1 majestic1 and impassive attitude so well becoming her to whom ,jesus ,christ confided the sacred deposit of ,his doctrine4 ,such is the liberty accorded by the ,church to the genius of philosophers1 that it is free in every sense4 ,the ,church has no need to be continually imposing restrictions and conditions2 the sacred doctrines of which she is the depository dwelling in so elevated a region that the mind of man can scarcely ever meet them1 at least so long as his investigations do not wander from the track of true philosophy4 ,but this human reason1 at once so powerful and so feeble1 sometimes becomes puffed up with arrogance and pride1 and in the name of liberty and independence claims a right to blaspheme the ,almighty1 to deny man's free will1 the immortality and spirituality of his soul1 her sublime origin and her heavenly destiny4 ,at such a time we avow1 and we glory in the avowal1 the ,church does raise her voice1 not to oppress or tyrannize over the human mind1 but to defend the rights of the ,supreme ,being and the dignity of human nature2 then1 indeed1 we behold her opposing1 with unyielding firmness1 that senseless liberty which consists in the fatal right of uttering all sorts of extravagances4 ,this liberty ,catholics neither possess nor desire1 knowing that in these matters1 as in others1 there is a sacred line of demarcation between liberty and licentiousness4 ,happy slavery1 that keeps us from atheism1 materialism1 and from doubting whether our souls come from ,god1 whether they tend towards ,him1 and whether there exists for unhappy mortals1 after the sufferings that weigh upon them in this life1 a life of eternal happiness purchased by the merits of a ,god-man6 ,as for the sciences which have society for their object1 ,i think ,i need not vindicate the ,catholic religion from the reproach of having in this respect oppressed the human mind4 ,the long train of reflections in which ,i have set forth her doctrines and her influence1 as regards the nature and extent of power1 and the civil and political liberty of nations1 proves to a demonstration that the ,catholic religion1 without descending to the arena in which the passions of men strive and contend1 teaches a doctrine most favorable to true civilization and to the rightly-understood liberties of the people4 ,i will also touch briefly upon the relations of the ,catholic principle with the study of the natural sciences4 ,assuredly it is not easy to see in what way this principle can be injurious to the progress of the human mind in this department of knowledge4 ,i have said1 it is not easy2 ,i might have said impossible1 and that for a very simple reason1 founded upon a fact within the reach of every man2 viz4 the extreme reserve which the ,catholic religion evinces in every thing relating to purely natural science4 ,one might suppose that ,god had designed1 on this matter1 to read us a severe lesson on our excessive curiosity3 you have only to read the ,bible to be convinced of the truth of what ,i have advanced4 ,i do not mean that nature is never noticed in the ,bible2 that divine book presents her to us in her grandest1 noblest1 and most sublime aspect2 as a living whole1 in fact1 together with all her relations and her sublime destiny1 but without any kind of analysis or decomposition4 ,in these sacred pages the painter's pencil and the poet's fancy will meet with magnificent models2 but the inquisitive philosopher will look in vain for the hints he is in quest of4 ,the ,holy ,spirit did not aim at making naturalists1 but virtuous men2 hence1 in describing the creation1 ,he represents it solely in a light the best adapted to excite in us feelings of admiration and gratitude towards the ,author of so many wonders and benefits4 ,nature1 as she appears in the sacred text1 has not much to gratify the curiosity of the philosopher2 but then she delights and ennobles the imagination--she moves and penetrates the heart4 ,,chapter ,,lxx4 ,,historical ,,analysis ,,of ,,intellectual ,,development4 ,from the rapid view we have taken of the several branches of learning in their relations to the authority of the ,church1 it is clear to a demonstration1 that the alleged enslavement of the intellect amongst ,catholics is nothing but a mere bugbear3 in no respect does our faith either arrest or retard the progress of learning4 ,since1 however1 it not unfrequently happens that1 in arguments apparently the most solid1 a flaw is discovered when they are brought to the test of facts1 it will be well to corroborate our assertion by historical testimony2 fully assured as we are1 that the result must be favorable to the cause of truth4 ,we will begin at the beginning4 ,m4 ,guizot maintains that the contest between the ,church and the advocates of the freedom of thought originated in the middle ages4 ,noticing the efforts of ,john ,erigena1 ,roscelin1 ,abelard1 and the alarm they excited in the ,church1 he observes3 ,this was the great event that occurred at the end of the eleventh1 and at the beginning of the twelfth centuries1 at a time when the ,church was under theocratic and monastic influence4 ,it was then that1 for the first time1 a serious struggle was commenced between the clergy and the freethinkers4 7,hist4 ,gnrale de la ,civilisation en ,europe4 ,leon #f47 ,the entire scope of ,m4 ,guizot's work shows that1 in his judgment1 the best-founded reproach that could be cast upon the ,catholic ,church was1 that she checked the freedom of thought4 ,according to him1 this is the point upon which the advantage of the ,protestant system over ,catholicity is the least controvertible4 ,his object being the complete development of this idea1 in treating of the religious revolution of the sixteenth century it was requisite for him to deposit it as a seed in his preliminary lectures2 as otherwise the fact of the ,reformation would have appeared isolated1 and shorn of its importance4 ,besides1 it was necessary that the resistance of ,protestants to the ,catholic ,church should have a meaning2 that it should carry with it the appearance of a noble and generous thought2 that it should be regarded as the proclamation of the freedom of the human mind4 ,to attain this end1 the ,church1 on the one hand1 must be represented as asserting claims in the middle ages to which she had not previously pretended2 and1 on the other1 those writers who resisted these alleged pretensions of the ,church must be held up as men of extraordinary penetration4 ,now1 such is precisely the thread of ,m4 ,guizot's discourse2 and we hence infer his efforts to prepare beforehand the triumph of his opinions4 ,his plan1 however1 is ill-concerted2 for he appears to have overlooked the most palpable facts in the history of the ,church2 and not even to have known what were the doctrines of the three champions1 whose names he invokes with so much complacency4 ,that no one may accuse me of making inconsiderate assertions1 ,i will here quote his words literally3 ,thus every thing1 says he1 seemed turning to the advantage of the ,church1 of her unity1 and of her power4 ,but whilst the ,papacy was grasping at the government of the world1 whilst the monasteries were undergoing a moral reformation1 a few powerful but isolated individuals claimed for human reason the right of being something in man1 the right to interfere in the formation of his opinions4 ,most of them refrained from attacking received opinions1 or religious belief2 they merely said that reason had a right to prove them2 and that it was not enough that they were affirmed by authority4 ,john ,erigena1 ,roscelin1 and ,abelard were the interpreters1 through whom individual reason began to lay claim to her inheritance--the first authors of that movement of liberty1 which was associated with the reform movement of ,hildebrand and ,st4 ,bernard4 ,if we seek the dominant feature of this movement1 we shall find that it was not a change of opinion1 a revolt against the system of public belief2 it was simply the right of reasoning claimed for reason4 7,hist4 ,gnrale de la ,civilisation en ,europe4 ,leon #f47 ,we will pass over the author's singular parallel between the efforts of ,john ,erigena1 ,roscelin1 and ,abelard1 and those of the great reformers1 ,hildebrand or ,st4 ,gregory ,,vii41 and ,st4 ,bernard4 ,these latter sought to reform the ,church by legitimate means1 to render the clergy more venerable by making them more virtuous1 and to win greater respect for authority by sanctifying the persons entrusted with its exercise3 the others1 according to ,m4 ,guizot1 resisted this authority in matters of faith2 that is1 they aimed at its overthrow1 and for this purpose laid the axe to the root2 the former were reformers1 the latter devastators3 and yet we are told that their efforts were directed to one and the same object1 had one and the same tendency4 ,verily1 the philosophy of history were a sorry thing1 if it could allow of such a confusion of ideas6 ,what progress can be made in this branch of knowledge1 by men who have so strange a way of dealing with facts8 ,but1 ,i repeat1 let us take leave of these aberrations1 and fix our attention specially on two points3 the worth of these three writers1 so much vaunted1 and the idea we are told to entertain of their resistance to authority4 ,doubtless the names of ,john ,erigena and ,roscelin are already pronounced with respect by those persons who would fain be thought well versed in the philosophy of history1 without having ever read history1 and who are obliged to content themselves with those easy lessons that are learned in an hour1 and studied in an evening4 ,with persons of this description1 it is enough to have heard these names pronounced with emphasis1 to have seen them coupled with epithets1 such as powerful men1 advocates of human reason1 interpreters of individual reason1 to make them fancy that learning is no less indebted to ,erigena and ,roscelin than to ,descartes or ,bacon4 ,without bearing in mind the remarks ,i have already made on the peculiarity of ,m4 ,guizot's position1 it would not be easy to conjecture why he should seek to represent as new and extraordinary1 what was1 in fact1 neither new nor uncommon2 how he could say that the ,church first began the contest against liberty of thought1 when she put down ,erigena1 ,roscelin1 and ,abelard4 ,he brings forward these three writers1 as though their influence had been paramount2 whereas they had no more influence than other sectarians1 who abounded in preceding centuries4 ,who and what really was this ,john ,erigena8 ,a writer but imperfectly versed in theological science2 but who1 puffed up by the favor shown him by ,charles the ,bold1 broached certain errors on the subject of the ,eucharist1 predestination and grace4 ,in all that1 ,i see only a man departing from the doctrine of the ,church2 and in ,nicholas the ,first attempting to stop him in his career1 ,i see only a ,pope fulfilling his duty4 ,what is there in all this either new or extraordinary8 ,does not the whole history of the ,church1 from the time of the ,apostles1 exhibit an unbroken succession of similar facts8 ,i repeat1 it is impossible to conceive for what purpose the name of ,erigena is brought forward4 ,his errors produced no result of importance2 and the age in which he lived cannot be considered as having exercised any great influence on the intellectual development of subsequent times4 ,he lived in the ninth century4 ,now1 this century had no share in the movement of those that followed2 indeed1 it is well known that the tenth century was the darkest period of ignorance during the middle ages2 and that the intellectual movement commenced only at the close of the tenth1 and at the opening of the eleventh century4 ,erigena and ,roscelin are separated by two centuries4 ,as for ,roscelin and ,abelard1 it is easier to understand why their names are cited4 ,every one knows the noise that ,abelard made in the world by his doctrines1 and perhaps still more by his adventures4 ,roscelin may also command attention by his errors1 and especially as the master of ,abelard4 ,to give an idea of the spirit that guided these men1 and of the opinion we are to form of their intentions1 we must enter into some details touching their lives and their doctrines4 ,roscelin was one of the most crafty men of his time4 ,a subtle dialectician and warm partizan of the sect of the ,nominalists1 he substituted his own opinions for the teaching of the ,church2 and ended by falling into the gravest errors on the sacred mystery of the ,trinity4 ,history has recorded a fact1 that proves incontestably the notorious dishonesty of the man--his want of probity and of modesty4 ,at the time that ,roscelin was propagating his errors1 ,st4 ,anselm1 who was afterwards archbishop of ,canterbury1 was living1 but at that time abbot of ,beck4 ,lanfranc1 archbishop of ,canterbury1 who died some time before1 had left behind him the highest reputation for virtue and sound doctrine4 ,roscelin thought that the authority of so high a name would give currency and consideration to his errors2 and1 resorting to the foulest calumny1 he affirmed that his opinions were the same as those of ,archbishop ,lanfranc1 and ,anselm1 abbot of ,beck4 ,to this calumny ,lanfranc could not reply1 as he was already in the tomb2 but the abbot of ,beck vigorously repelled so unjust an imputation2 and at the same time vindicated the reputation of ,lanfranc1 who had been his master4 ,the works of ,st4 ,anselm leave no doubt as to the nature of ,roscelin's errors4 ,we find them recorded with the greatest precision4 ,in fact1 it were difficult to say why ,m4 ,guizot has conferred so much importance upon this man1 or why he should be adduced as one of the principal champions of the freedom of thought4 ,there is nothing in ,roscelin to distinguish him from other heretics4 ,he is a man who employs artifices and subtleties1 and falls into error2 but nothing is more common in the history of the ,church2 and it certainly cannot be considered matter of astonishment4 ,abelard is more deserving of notice3 his name has become so famous that no one is unacquainted with his sad adventures4 ,a disciple of ,roscelin1 and as well skilled as his master in the dialectics of the age1 endowed with great talents1 and eager to parade them on the principal theatres of literature1 ,abelard earned a reputation never attained by the dialectician of ,compigne4 ,his errors on points of very great importance produced much mischief in the ,church1 and drew upon himself many sorrows4 ,but it is not true1 as ,m4 ,guizot will have it1 that his doctrines met with less reproof than his method2 neither is it true that he and his master ,roscelin had no intention of effecting a radical change in matters of doctrine4 ,evidence of a most unexceptionable kind fortunately places the matter beyond all doubt1 and proves that it was not ,roscelin's method1 but his error on the ,trinity1 for which he was condemned4 ,nor have we less certainty in the case of ,abelard2 for the various errors taken from his works are preserved in the form of articles4 ,we learn from ,st4 ,bernard1 that on the ,trinity1 ,abelard held the opinions of ,arius--on the ,incarnation1 those of ,nestorius--on grace1 those of ,pelagius4 ,all this did not merely tend to a radical change of doctrine1 but actually was one4 ,i do not know that ,abelard ever protested against the truth of these accusations2 and even if he had1 we all know how to estimate such a protest4 ,it is certain that1 in the famous ,assembly of ,sens--convoked at the request of ,abelard himself--he had not a word to say in reply to the sainted abbot of ,clairvaux1 who reproached him with his errors2 and laying before him the very words of his propositions1 extracted from his writings1 urged him either to defend or abjure them4 ,abelard1 confronted with so formidable an adversary1 was so embarrassed that he could only say1 in reply1 that he appealed to ,rome4 ,the ,council of ,sens1 out of respect for the ,holy ,see1 abstained from condemning the person of the innovator1 but did not fail to condemn his errors2 and this condemnation was approved by the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 and extended to his person also4 ,now1 from the articles containing the errors of ,abelard1 it does not appear that his dominant idea was to proclaim the liberty of thought4 ,he has1 it is true1 an overweening confidence in his own subtleties2 but1 beyond this1 his only fault is an erroneous and dogmatizing spirit on points of the greatest importance2 a fault which he had in common with all the heretics who preceded him4 ,all this ,m4 ,guizot ought to have known2 how he can have overlooked it ,i cannot imagine1 nor why he attaches to these authors an importance which they really do not deserve4 ,perhaps he was anxious to furnish ,protestants with some illustrious predecessors1 when he laid such stress on the names of ,roscelin and ,abelard4 ,these two1 after all1 were not deficient in ability or in erudition1 and they lived precisely during the early period of the intellectual movement4 ,probably ,m4 ,guizot thought1 that to bring these two innovators upon the scene would answer his purpose extremely well1 as showing that1 from the very dawn of intellectual development1 men of the greatest fame had raised their voices in favor of freedom of thought4 ,after all1 had ,m4 ,guizot succeeded in proving that ,john ,erigena1 ,roscelin1 and ,abelard aimed at nothing more than the assertion of the right of private examination in matters of faith1 it would not follow that these innovators had not sought to effect a radical change in matters of doctrine4 ,in fact1 what can be more radical as regards matters of faith than that which strikes at authority1 the root of all certainty8 ,neither would it follow1 that in condemning the errors of these men the ,church had taken alarm merely at their method2 for if this method was to consist in withdrawing the intellect from the yoke of authority1 even in matters of faith1 it was itself a very grievous error1 combated at all times by the ,catholic ,church1 which never would consent to have her authority called in question on points of faith4 ,and yet1 if these innovators had entered into the contest chiefly for the purpose of contending against authority in matters of faith1 ,m4 ,guizot would have had some reason to notice their proceedings as constituting a new era2 but1 strange to say1 their propositions do not appear to have been drawn up with a view to advocate the independence of thought1 nor against authority in matters of faith2 it was not for such an attempt1 but for other errors1 that the ,church condemned them4 ,where1 then1 are the accuracy and historical truth which we should expect from such a man as ,m4 ,guizot8 ,how could he venture1 in addressing a numerous audience1 thus to substitute his own thoughts for facts8 ,the fact is1 he well knew that these were matters generally treated very superficially2 that to gain the sympathy of superficial men it would suffice to speak in pompous terms of the liberty of thought1 to pronounce certain names probably heard by many for the first time1 such as ,erigena and ,roscelin1 and especially to mention the unfortunate lover of ,helose4 ,m4 ,guizot1 unable to conceal from himself that his observations upon this period were somewhat feeble1 tries to apply a remedy by inserting a passage from the ,introduction to the ,theology of ,abelard1 which1 in my opinion1 is very far from answering the purpose of the publicist4 ,his object1 in fact1 is to show that from that very period a vigorous spirit of resistance to the authority of the ,church in matters of faith had sprung up1 and that the human mind was even then longing to burst asunder the fetters in which it had been held4 ,he would have us believe that ,abelard1 yielding to the importunities of his own disciples1 had the courage to throw off the yoke of authority2 and that his writings were1 to a certain extent1 the expression of a necessity long felt1 of an idea with which many minds had long been agitated4 ,the following is the passage referred to3 ,if we seek the dominant feature of this movement1 we shall find that it was not a change of opinion1 a revolt against the system of public belief2 it was simply the right of reasoning claimed for reason4 ,we have already seen how utterly devoid of truth is this assertion of the publicist4 ,the very attack upon authority was itself a radical change in opinions1 and a revolution in received doctrines2 for the authority of the ,church was in itself a dogma1 and formed the basis of all religious belief1 as experience has satisfactorily shown1 since the appearance of ,protestantism at the commencement of the sixteenth century4 ,but let us allow the historian to proceed3 ,the disciples of ,abelard1 as he himself tells us in his ,introduction to ,theology1 required of him philosophical arguments1 and such as would satisfy reason1 requesting him to teach them not merely to repeat his instructions1 but to understand them also2 for no one can believe what he does not understand1 and it is ridiculous to preach to others things that neither the teacher nor his pupils understand4 ',what object can the study of philosophy have but that of leading the mind to the contemplation of ,god1 to whom all things are to be referred8 ,why are the faithful allowed to read works treating of worldly affairs and the books of the ,gentiles1 except to prepare them to understand the sacred ,scriptures1 and to furnish them with the skill necessary for their defence8444 ,for this purpose alone we should avail ourselves of all our reasoning powers1 lest1 on questions so difficult and complicated as those that form the object of ,christian faith1 the subtilty of our opponents should too readily injure the purity of our faith4' ,it cannot be denied1 that in ,abelard's time a lively curiosity aroused men's minds to employ all their powers to be able to give a reason for what they believed2 but it is not true that the ,church threw any obstacle in the way of this movement1 considering it as a scientific method1 and so long as it did not overstep legitimate bounds1 and attack or undermine the articles of faith4 ,it is impossible to take a more unfavorable view of the ,church than ,m4 ,guizot has here taken of her2 nor could any one more completely overlook1 ,i will even say distort1 facts4 ,the importance of this first attempt at liberty1 says he1 of this revival of the spirit of inquiry1 was soon felt4 ,the ,church1 though engaged in effecting her own reform1 took the alarm nevertheless1 and at once declared war against the reformers1 whose new methods menaced her with more evils than their doctrines4 ,thus is the ,church represented as conspiring against the progress of thought1 repressing with a strong arm the first attempts of the mind to advance in the path of science1 and laying aside questions of doctrine to contend against methods2 and all this1 we are told1 as if it were something new and wonderful4 ,for1 says ,m4 ,guizot1 this was the great event which occurred at the end of the eleventh and beginning of the twelfth centuries1 at a time when the ,church was under theocratic and monastic influence4 ,it was now that1 for the first time1 a serious struggle commenced between the clergy and the freethinkers4 ,the quarrels of ,abelard and ,st4 ,bernard1 the ,councils of ,soissons and ,sens1 in which ,abelard was condemned1 merely give expression to this event1 which has occupied so large a space in the history of modern civilization4 ,still the same confusion of ideas4 ,i have said already1 and must repeat here that the ,church has condemned no method2 it was not a method1 but error1 that the ,church condemned1 unless by a method be meant an assault upon the articles of faith1 under pretence of breaking the fetters of authority1 which is not merely a method1 but an error of the very highest import4 ,in reproving a pernicious doctrine1 subversive of all faith1 and denying the infallibility of the ,see of ,st4 ,peter in matters of doctrine1 the ,church did not put forth any new pretensions2 her conduct has always been the same ever since the time of the ,apostles1 and is the same still4 ,the moment a doctrine is propagated that appears in the least degree dangerous1 the ,church examines it1 compares it with the sacred deposit of truth confided to her2 if the doctrine is not inconsistent with divine truth1 she allows it free circulation1 for she is not ignorant that ,god has given up the world to the controversies of men2 but if it is opposed to the faith1 its condemnation is irremissible1 without concern or regret4 ,were the ,church to act otherwise1 she would contradict herself1 and cease to be what she is1 the jealous depository of divine truth4 ,if she allowed her infallible authority to be questioned1 that moment she would forget one of her most sacred obligations1 and would lose all claim on our belief2 for1 in betraying an indifference for truth1 she would prove herself to be no longer a religion descended from heaven1 but a mere delusion4 ,precisely at the time of which ,m4 ,guizot speaks1 we observe a fact which proves that the ,church allows free scope to the exercise of thought4 ,the high reputation which ,st4 ,anselm sustained during his whole career1 and the great esteem in which he was held by the ,sovereign ,pontiffs of his time1 are well known2 yet ,st4 ,anselm philosophised with great freedom4 ,in the introduction to his ,monologue1 he tells us that some persons entreated him to explain things by reason alone1 without the aid of the sacred ,scriptures4 ,the ,saint was not afraid to comply with their request1 and he accordingly wrote the little work we have just named4 ,in other parts of his works1 too1 ,st4 ,anselm adopts the same method4 ,very few persons concern themselves now-a-days about ancient writers1 and doubtless very few have read the works of the holy ,doctor of whom we are speaking4 ,they display1 however1 such perspicuity of thought1 such solid reasoning1 and above all such a discreet and temperate judgment1 that we are surprised to find the human mind1 at the very commencement of the intellectual movement1 attaining to so high an elevation4 ,in him we find the greatest freedom of thought combined with the respect due to the authority of the ,church2 and far from impairing the vigor of his ideas1 this respect augments their force and perspicuity4 ,from his works we learn that ,abelard was not the only one who taught1 not merely to repeat his lectures1 but also to understand them2 for ,st4 ,anselm1 some years previous1 followed the same method with a clearness and solidity far beyond what could be expected at that time4 ,we there discover1 also1 that in the bosom of the ,catholic ,church men carried the operations of reason to the greatest possible extent1 though always within the bounds prescribed by its own weakness1 and with reverential regard to the sacred veil that shrouds august mysteries4 ,the works of ,st4 ,anselm prove that ,abelard was not exactly the man to teach the world that the end of philosophical studies is to lead the mind to the contemplation of ,god1 to whom all things should be referred2 and that we should avail ourselves of all our reasoning powers1 lest on questions so difficult and complicated as those that form the object of ,christian faith1 the subtilties of our opponents should too readily injure the purity of our faith4 ,but from the ,saint's profound submission to the authority of the ,church1 from the candor and ingenuousness with which he acknowledges the limits of the human mind1 we see that he was persuaded that it is not impossible to believe what we do not comprehend2 and1 in fact1 there is a wide difference between the conviction that a thing exists1 and a clear knowledge of the nature of the thing in the existence of which we believe4 ,,chapter ,,lxxi4 ,,religion ,,and ,,the ,,human ,,mind ,,in ,,europe4 ,as we are to examine what was1 in the eleventh and twelfth centuries1 the conduct of the ,church in reference to innovators1 we will avail ourselves of the excellent opportunity afforded by this epoch for noticing the progress of the human mind4 ,it has been said that in ,europe intellectual development was exclusively theological4 ,this is true1 and necessarily so2 all the faculties of man receive their development according to the circumstances that surround him2 and as his health1 his temperament1 his strength1 his color even1 and his stature depend upon climate1 food1 mode of life1 and other circumstances affecting him1 so in like manner his moral and intellectual faculties bear the stamp of the principles which predominate in the family and society of which he forms a constituent part4 ,now1 in ,europe1 religion was the predominating element2 in every thing religion made herself heard and felt2 nowhere was there a principle of life or action discoverable unconnected with religion4 ,it was quite natural1 therefore1 that in ,europe all the faculties of man should have their development in a religious sense4 ,a little attention will show us that this was the case not with the intellect only1 but likewise with the heart1 with the passions even1 and with the whole moral man2 just as1 in whatever direction we go in ,europe1 we meet at every step with some monument of religion2 so whatever faculty we examine in the individual ,european1 we find upon it the impress of religion4 ,and the case was the same with families and society as with individuals2 religion was equally predominant in both4 ,wherever man has progressed towards a state of perfection1 we observe a similar phenomenon2 and it is an invariable fact in the history of the human race1 that no society ever entered on the road to civilization1 save under the direction and impulse of religious principles4 ,true or false1 rational or absurd1 wherever man is on the road to improvement1 these principles are found4 ,some nations1 indeed1 may well excite our pity at the monstrous superstitions into which they have fallen2 but we still must acknowledge1 that1 under these very superstitions1 lay concealed germs of good that did not fail to produce considerable benefits4 ,the ,egyptians1 ,phnicians1 ,greeks1 and ,romans were all extremely superstitious2 yet the progress they made in civilization and intellectual culture was such1 that their monuments and memorials strike us even yet with admiration4 ,it is easy to smile at an extravagant observance or a senseless dogma2 but we should remember that the growth and preservation of certain moral principles cannot be otherwise secured than under the protecting shade of religious belief4 ,now1 these principles are most indispensably necessary to prevent individuals from being monstrously changed1 and to maintain the social and family ties unbroken4 ,much has been said against the immorality tolerated1 permitted1 and sometimes even taught by certain forms of religion2 and certainly nothing is more lamentable than to behold man thus led astray by that which ought to be his best guide4 ,let us1 however1 look for a reality beneath these shadows1 which appear at first so gloomy1 and we shall soon discover some rays of light that may lead us to regard false religions1 not indeed with indulgence1 but with less horror than those infamous systems which make matter self-existent1 and pleasure the only divinity4 ,to preserve the idea of moral good and evil1 an idea without meaning except in the supposition that there exists a divine power1 is itself an inestimable advantage4 ,now this advantage adheres inseparably to every form of religion1 even to those that make the most absurd and most criminal applications of the idea of good and evil4 ,doubtless1 the people of antiquity1 and those of our own time who have not received the light of ,christianity1 have gone most deplorably astray2 but1 in the midst of their very wanderings1 there always remains a certain degree of light2 and this light1 however dimly it shines1 however faint and feeble its rays1 is incomparably better than the thick darkness of atheism4 ,between the nations of antiquity and those of ,europe there is this very remarkable difference1 that the former passed from a state of infancy to a state of civilization2 while the latter advanced to this1 in passing from that undefinable state which1 in ,europe1 was the result of the invasion of the barbarians1 of the confused mixture of a young with a decrepit society1 of rude and ferocious nations with others that were civilized1 cultivated1 or rather effeminate4 ,hence1 amongst the ancients the imagination was developed before the intellect1 whilst amongst ,europeans the intellect came before the imagination4 ,with the former1 poetry came first2 with the latter1 what is termed dialectics and metaphysics4 ,what is the reason of so striking a difference8 ,when a people are yet in their infancy1 either an infancy properly so called1 or having lived long in ignorance1 in a state similar to that of an infant people1 we find them rich in sensations1 but very poor in ideas4 ,nature1 with her majesty1 her wonders1 and her mysteries1 affects such a people the most2 their language is grand1 picturesque1 and highly poetical2 their passions are not refined1 but1 on the other hand1 they are very energetic and violent4 ,now an intellect that ingenuously seeks the light1 loves truth in its purity and simplicity1 confesses and embraces it readily1 lending itself neither to subtilties1 artifices1 nor disputes4 ,the least thing that makes a vivid impression upon the senses or the imagination of such a people fills them with surprise and wonder2 you cannot inspire them with enthusiasm without setting before them something heroic and sublime4 ,on the first glance at the state of the people of ,europe in the middle ages1 we perceive in them a certain resemblance to an infant people1 but1 at the same time1 a very striking difference on several points4 ,their passions are very strong1 they are pleased beyond every thing with the wonderful and the extraordinary1 and1 for want of realities1 their imagination conjures up gigantic phantoms4 ,the profession of arms is their favorite occupation2 they rush eagerly into the most perilous adventures1 and meet them with incredible courage4 ,all this indicates a development of the feelings of sensibility and imagination1 inasmuch as they produce intrepidity and valor2 but1 strange to say1 together with these dispositions1 we find a singular taste for things the most purely intellectual2 with the most lively1 ardent1 and picturesque reality1 we find associated a taste for the coldest and barest abstractions4 ,a knight1 with the cross on his shoulder1 gorgeously clad1 covered with trophies1 beaming with glory won in a hundred combats2 a subtile dialectician1 disputing on the system of the ,nominalists1 and urging his subtilely devised abstractions till he becomes unintelligible2--these are certainly two characters very dissimilar1 and yet they exist together in the same society2 both have their prestige1 receive the greatest homage1 and are followed by enthusiastic admirers4 ,even when we have taken into account the singular position of the ,european nations at that period1 it is not easy to assign a cause for this anomaly4 ,we can easily understand how the people of ,europe1 emerging1 for the most part1 from the forests of the ,north1 and engaged for a long time either in intestine wars or in conflicts with vanquished tribes1 should have preserved1 together with their warlike habits1 a strong and lively imagination and violent passions2 but it is not so easy to account for their taste for an order of ideas purely metaphysical and dialectical4 ,when1 however1 we come to look deeply into the matter1 we discover that this apparent anomaly had its origin in the very nature of things4 ,how is it that a people in their infancy have so much imagination and sensibility8 ,because the objects by which these faculties are naturally excited abound around them2 because individuals1 being continually exposed to the influence of external things1 these objects operate upon them more forcibly4 ,man first feels and imagines2 later he understands and reflects3 this is the natural order in which his faculties begin to operate4 ,hence1 with every people the development of the imagination and of the passions precedes that of the intellect2 the passions and the imagination finding their object and aliment before the intellect4 ,this accounts1 also1 for the fact that the poetical always precedes the philosophical era4 ,from this it follows1 that nations in their infancy think little1 as they want ideas2 and this is the chief distinctive mark between them and the people of ,europe at the period we are speaking of4 ,in fact1 ideas at that time abounded in ,europe2 and hence the purely intellectual was held in such repute even amidst the most profound ignorance4 ,hence1 also1 the intellect strove to shine even before its time appeared to have arrived4 ,sound ideas respecting ,god1 respecting man and society1 were already everywhere disseminated1 thanks to the incessant teaching of ,christianity2 and as there still remained numerous traces of the wisdom of antiquity1 both ,christian and ,pagan1 the consequence was1 that every man possessed of a little learning had1 in fact1 a great fund of ideas4 ,it is clear1 however1 that notwithstanding these advantages1 the minds of men could not1 amidst the chaos of erudition and philosophy that then presented itself1 escape the confusion naturally resulting from the wide-spread ignorance1 occasioned by a long succession of revolutions4 ,they could not possess sufficient discrimination and judgment to pursue all at once1 and with success1 the study of the ,bible1 of the writings of the holy ,fathers1 of the civil and canon law1 of the works of ,aristotle1 and of the ,arabian commentaries4 ,yet these were all studied at the same time2 on all these1 disputes were zealously maintained2 and the errors and extravagances which in such a state of things were inevitable were accompanied by the presumption that is invariably inherent in ignorance4 ,to succeed in explaining certain passages of the ,bible1 of the ,fathers1 of the codes1 and of the works of philosophers1 great preparatory labors were necessary1 as the experience of subsequent ages has proved4 ,it was necessary to study languages1 to examine archives and monuments1 to collect together from all parts an immense mass of materials2 then1 to reduce these to order1 to compare them together1 and to discriminate between them2 in a word1 it was necessary to possess a rich fund of learning1 enlightened by the torch of criticism4 ,now all this was then wanting1 and could only be attained in the course of ages4 ,the consequence was inevitable1 considering the mania that existed for explaining every thing4 ,if a difficulty arose1 and the facts and knowledge requisite for its solution were wanting1 they adopted a roundabout way2 instead of seeking the support derivable from facts1 the disputants took their stand upon an idea2 substituting some subtle abstraction for solid reasoning2 where they found it impossible to form a body of sound doctrine1 they threw together a confused mass of ideas and words4 ,who could repress a smile1 or not feel pity for ,abelard1 for instance1 promising his disciples to explain to them the prophet ,ezechiel1 with very little time for preparation1 and actually fulfilling his promise8 ,i would ask the reader whether1 in the middle of the thirteenth century1 an explanation of ,ezechiel1 given with only a slight preparation1 could have been successful or interesting8 ,the study of dialectics and metaphysics was embraced with so much ardor1 that in a short time these branches of knowledge superseded all others4 ,the consequences were prejudicial to the minds of men2 their attention being wholly engrossed by this object of their choice1 the pursuit of more solid learning was regarded with indifference--history was neglected1 literature unnoticed1 in a word1 the mind was only half developed4 ,every thing appertaining to the imagination and the feelings was sacrificed to the cultivation of the intellect2 not1 indeed1 in its most useful operations1--the formation of a clear and perfect perception1 of a mature judgment1 of a habit of sound and accurate reasoning1--but in those which are astute1 subtle1 and extravagant4 ,those who would reproach the ,church for her conduct at that period in reference to innovators have a very imperfect understanding of the actual condition of ,europe as regards science and religion4 ,we have already seen that the intellectual development was religious2 consequently1 even when it deviated from the right path1 it still retained this character1 and the oddest subtilties were applied to mysteries the most sublime4 ,almost all the heretics of the time were renowned dialecticians1 and their errors arose from an excess of subtilty4 ,roscelin1 one of the leading dialecticians of his time1 was the founder1 or at least one of the leaders of the sect of the ,nominalists4 ,abelard was celebrated for the readiness of his talents1 his skill in disputation1 and his address in explaining every thing to suit his thesis4 ,the abuse of his intellect led him into the errors which we have already spoken of--errors which he would have avoided1 had he not proudly yielded himself up to his own vain thoughts4 ,the mania for subtilising every thing drew ,gilbert de la ,poire into the most lamentable errors on the subject of the ,divinity2 ,amaury1 another celebrated philosopher1 after the fashion of the time1 took up so warmly the question of ,aristotle's primordial matter1 that he ended by declaring matter to be ,god4 ,the ,church strenuously opposed these errors1 which arose in great numbers in minds led astray by vain arguments1 and puffed up with foolish pride4 ,it would argue a strange misconception of the true interests of science1 to suppose that the ,church's resistance to these raving innovators was not most favorable to intellectual progress4 ,these headstrong men1 eager in the pursuit of knowledge1 and captivated by the first chimera presented to their imagination1 stood greatly in need of some discreet authority to restrain them within the bounds of reason and moderation4 ,the intellect had scarcely taken the first steps in the career of knowledge1 and yet fancied it already knew every thing1 pretending to know all things except the nescio1 ,i know not1 as ,st4 ,bernard reproaches the vain ,abelard4 ,why should we not1 for the good of humanity1 and the credit of the human intellect1 approve the condemnation pronounced by the ,church against the errors of ,gilbert1 which aimed at nothing less than the overthrow of the ideas that we have of ,god8 ,if ,amaury and his disciple ,david de ,dinant are smitten by the sentence of the ,church1 it is because they destroy the idea of the ,divinity by confounding the ,creator with primordial matter4 ,was it for the advantage of ,europe that its intellectual movement should be commenced by precipitating itself at the very outset into the abyss of pantheism8 ,had the human intellect followed in its development the way marked out for it by the ,church1 ,european civilization would have gained at least two centuries2 the fourteenth century would have been as far advanced as the sixteenth was4 ,to convince ourselves of the truth of this assertion1 we have only to compare writings with writings1 and men with men2 the men most firmly attached to the faith of the ,church attained to such eminence that they left the age in which they lived far behind them4 ,roscelin's antagonist was ,st4 ,anselm2 the latter always remained faithful to the authority of the ,church2 the former rebelled against her3 and who1 let met ask1 would have the hardihood to compare the dialectician of ,compigne with the learned ,archbishop of ,canterbury8 ,how vast the difference between the profound and skilful metaphysician who composed the ,monologue and the ,prosologue1 and the frivolous leader of the disputes of the ,nominalists6 ,have the subtilties and cavillings of ,roscelin any weight whatever against the lofty thoughts of the man who1 in the eleventh century1 to prove the existence of ,god1 could reject all vain and captious reasonings1 concentrate himself within himself1 consult his own ideas1 compare them with their object1 and demonstrate the existence of ,god from the very idea of ,god1 thus anticipating ,descartes by five hundred years8 ,who best understood the true interests of science8 ,show me how the intellect of ,st4 ,anselm was degraded or shackled by the influence of the formidable authority of the ,church1 by any usurpation on the part of ,popes of the rights of the human mind4 ,and can ,abelard himself be compared1 either as a man1 or as a writer1 with his ,catholic adversary1 ,st4 ,bernard8 ,abelard was a perfect master of all the subtilties of the schools2 noisy disputes were his amusement2 he was intoxicated with the applause of his disciples1 who were dazzled by their master's talents and courage1 and still more by the learned follies of the age2 yet what has become of his works8 ,who reads them8 ,who ever thinks of finding in them a single page of sound reasoning1 the description of a single great event1 or a picture of the manners of the time1 in other words1 the least matter of interest to science or history8 ,on the contrary1 what man of learning has not often sought this in the immortal works of ,st4 ,bernard8 ,it is impossible to find a more sublime personification of the ,church combating against the heretics of his time than the illustrious ,abbot of ,clairvaux1 contending against all innovators1 and speaking1 if we may use the term1 in the name of the ,catholic faith4 ,no one could more worthily represent the ideas and sentiments which the ,church endeavored to diffuse amongst mankind1 nor more faithfully delineate the course through which ,catholicity would have led the human mind4 ,let us pause for a moment in the presence of this gigantic mind1 which attained to an eminence far beyond any of its contemporaries4 ,this extraordinary man fills the world with his name--upheaves it by his words--sways it by his influence2 in the midst of darkness he is its light2 he forms1 as it were1 a mysterious link1 connecting the two epochs of ,st4 ,jerome and ,st4 ,augustine1 of ,bossuet and ,bourdaloue4 ,in the midst of a general relaxation and corruption of morals1 by the strictest observances and the most perfect purity he is proof against every assault4 ,ignorance prevails throughout all classes2 he studies night and day to enlighten his mind4 ,a false and counterfeit erudition usurps the place of true knowledge2 he knows its unsoundness1 disdains and despises it2 and his eagle eye discovers at a glance that the star of truth moves at an immense distance from this false reflection1 from this crude mass of subtilties and follies1 which the men of his time termed philosophy4 ,if at that period there existed any useful learning1 it was to be sought in the ,bible1 and in the writings of the holy ,fathers2 to the study of these1 therefore1 ,st4 ,bernard devotes himself unremittingly4 ,far from consulting the vain babblers who are arguing and declaiming in the schools1 ,st4 ,bernard seeks his inspirations in the silence of the cloister1 or in the august sanctuary of the temple2 if he goes out1 it is to contemplate the great book of nature1 to study eternal truths in the solitude of the desert1 and1 as he himself has expressed it1 in forests of beech-trees4 ,thus did this great man1 rising superior to the prejudices of his time1 avoid the evil produced in his contemporaries by the method then prevailing4 ,by this method the imagination and the feelings were stifled2 the judgment warped2 the intellect sharpened to excess2 and learning converted into a labyrinth of confusion4 ,read the works of the sainted ,abbot of ,clairvaux1 and you will find that all his faculties go1 as it were1 hand in hand4 ,if you look for imagination1 you will find the finest coloring1 faithful portraits1 and splendid descriptions4 ,if you want feeling1 you will learn how skilfully he finds his way into the heart1 captivates1 subdues1 and fashions it to his will4 ,now he strikes a salutary fear into the hardened sinner1 tracing with great force the formidable picture of the divine justice and the eternal vengeance2 then he consoles and sustains the man who is sinking under worldly adversity1 the assaults of his passions1 the recollection of his transgressions1 or an exaggerated fear of the divine justice4 ,do you want pathos8 ,listen to his colloquies with ,jesus and ,mary2 hear him speaking of the blessed ,virgin with such enrapturing sweetness1 that he seems to exhaust all the epithets that the liveliest hope and the most pure and tender love can suggest4 ,would you have vigor and vehemence of style1 and that irresistible torrent of eloquence which nothing can resist1 which carries the mind beyond itself1 fires it with enthusiasm1 compels it to enter upon the most arduous paths1 and to undertake the most heroic enterprises8 ,see him with his burning words inflaming the zeal of the people1 nobles1 and kings2 moving them to quit their homes1 to take up arms1 and to unite in numerous armies that pour into ,asia to rescue the ,holy ,sepulchre4 ,this extraordinary man is every where met with1 every where heard4 ,entirely free from ambition1 he possesses1 nevertheless1 a leading influence in the great affairs of ,europe3 though fond of solitude and retirement1 he is continually obliged to quit the obscurity of the cloister to assist in the councils of kings and popes4 ,he never flatters1 never betrays the truth1 never dissembles the sacred ardor which burns within his breast2 and yet he is every where listened to with profound respect2 his stern voice is heard in the cottages of the poor and in the palaces of kings2 he admonishes with terrible severity the most obscure monk and the ,sovereign ,pontiff4 ,in the midst of so much ardor and activity1 his mind loses none of its clearness or precision4 ,his exposition of a point of doctrine is remarkable for ease and lucidity2 his demonstrations are vigorous and conclusive2 his reasoning is conducted with a force of logic that presses close upon his adversary1 and leaves him no means of escape3 in defence1 his quickness and address are surprising4 ,in his answers he is clear and precise2 in repartee1 quick and penetrating2 and without dealing in the subtilties of the schools1 he displays wonderful tact in disentangling truth from error1 sound reason from artifice and fraud4 ,here is a man formed entirely and exclusively under the influence of ,catholicity2 a man who never strayed from the pale of the ,church1 who never dreamed of setting his intellect free from the yoke of authority2 and yet he rises like a mighty pyramid above all the men of his time4 ,to the eternal honor of the ,catholic ,church1 and utterly to disprove the accusation brought against her1 of exerting an influence hostile to the freedom of the human mind1 ,i must observe that ,st4 ,bernard was not the only man who rose superior to the age1 and pointed out the way to genuine progress4 ,it is unquestionably certain1 that the most distinguished men of that period1 those least influenced by the evils that so long kept the human mind in pursuit of mere vanities and shadows1 were precisely the men most devotedly attached to ,catholicity4 ,these men set an example of what was necessary to be done for the advancement of learning2 an example that for a long time had1 it is true1 but few followers1 but which found some in subsequent ages3 now it is to be observed that the progress of learning was due to the credit obtained by this method--,i speak of the study of antiquity4 ,the sacred sciences were the chief object of attention at this period2 as the intellect was theologically developed1 dialectics and metaphysics were studied with a view to their application to theology4 ,with ,roscelin1 ,abelard1 ,gilbert de la ,poire1 and ,amaury1 the phrase was3 ,let us reason1 subtilise1 and apply our systems to all sorts of questions2 let our reason be our rule and guide1 without which knowledge is impossible4 ,with ,st4 ,bernard1 ,st4 ,anselm1 ,hugh and ,richard de ,st4 ,victor1 ,peter ,lombard1 on the contrary1 it was3 ,let us see what antiquity teaches2 let us study the works of the holy ,fathers2 let us analyse and compare their texts2 we cannot place our dependence exclusively on arguments1 which are sometime dangerous and sometimes futile4 ,which of these two judgments has been actually confirmed8 ,which of these methods was adopted when real progress was to be made8 ,was not recourse had to an unremitting study of ancient works8 ,was it not found necessary to throw aside the cavils of the dialecticians8 ,protestants themselves boast of having taken this way2 their theologians consider it an honor to be versed in antiquity2 and would be offended if treated as mere dialecticians4 ,on which side1 then1 was reason8 ,with the heretics1 or with the ,church8 ,who best understood the method most favorable to intellectual progress8 ,the heretical dialectician1 or the orthodox doctor8 ,to these questions there can only be one reply4 ,these are not mere opinions--they are facts2 not an empty theory1 but the actual history of learning1 as known by all the world1 and as represented to us in irrefragable documents4 ,unless prepossessed by the authority of ,m4 ,guizot1 the reader certainly cannot complain that ,i have eschewed questions of history1 or claimed his belief on my own bare word4 ,unhappily1 mankind seemed doomed never to find the true road without going a long way round2 thus the intellect1 taking the very worst way of all1 went in pursuit of subtilties and cavils1 forsaking the beaten track of reason and good sense4 ,at the beginning of the twelfth century the evil had reached to such a height1 that to apply a remedy was no slight undertaking2 nor is it easy to say how far matters might have gone1 nor what evils would have ensued in various ways1 had not ,providence1 who never abandons the care of the moral1 any more than of the physical universe1 raised up an extraordinary genius1 who1 rising to an immense height above the men of his age1 reduced the chaos to order4 ,out of the undigested mass1 by retrenching here1 adding there1 classifying and explaining1 this man collected a fund of real learning4 ,persons acquainted with the history of learning at that time will readily understand that ,i speak of ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas4 ,rightly to appreciate the extraordinary merit of this great ,doctor1 we must view him in connection with the times and circumstances of which we are treating4 ,beholding in ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas one of the most luminous1 most comprehensive1 and most penetrating intellects that have ever adorned the human race1 we are almost tempted to think that his appearance in the thirteenth century was inopportune2 we regret that he did not live in a more recent age1 to enter the lists with the most illustrious men of whom modern ,europe can boast4 ,but1 upon further reflection1 we find that the human mind owes so much to him1 we see so clearly the reason why his appearance at the time when ,europe received his lectures was most opportune1 that we have no other feeling left than one of profound admiration of the designs of ,providence4 ,what was the philosophy of his time8 ,amidst the strange compound of ,greek and ,arabian philosophy and of ,christian ideas1 what would have become of dialectics1 metaphysics1 and morality8 ,we have already seen what sort of fruit began to grow out of such combinations1 favored by a degree of ignorance unable to distinguish the real nature of things1 and encouraged by pride that pretended to a knowledge of every thing4 ,and yet the evil was only beginning2 its further development would have been attended with symptoms still more alarming4 ,fortunately1 this great man appeared2 the first touch of his powerful hand advanced learning two or three centuries4 ,he could not root out the evil1 but at least he applied a remedy2 owing to his indisputable superiority1 his method and his learning soon won their way everywhere4 ,he became1 as it were1 the centre of a grand system1 round which all other scholastic writers were forced to revolve2 he thus prevented a multitude of errors that without his intervention would have been almost inevitable4 ,he found the schools in a state of complete anarchy2 he reduced them to order2 and on account of his angelic intellect1 and his eminent sanctity1 was looked up to as their sublime dictator4 ,this is the view ,i take of the mission of ,st4 ,thomas2 it will be viewed in the same light by all those who study his works1 and do not content themselves with a hasty perusal of a biographical article respecting him4 ,now this man was a ,catholic1 and the ,catholic ,church venerates him upon her altars1 and ,i do not see that his mind was shackled by authority in matters of faith2 it goes abroad freely amongst all the branches of knowledge2 he unites in his person such extensive and profound acquirements as to appear a prodigy for the age in which he lived4 ,we observe in ,st4 ,thomas1 notwithstanding the purely scholastic method which he adopted1 the same characteristic that we discover in all the eminent ,catholic writers of the times4 ,he reasons much2 but it is easy to see that he does not trust entirely to his reason1 but proceeds with that wise diffidence which is an unequivocal sign of real learning4 ,he avails himself of the doctrines of ,aristotle2 but evidently would have made less use of them1 and more of the ,fathers1 but for his leading idea1 which was1 to make the philosophy of his time subservient to the defence of religion4 ,the reader must not suppose that his metaphysics and moral philosophy are a congeries of inexplicable enigmas1 as a knowledge of the period at which he wrote might lead us to apprehend4 ,nothing of the kind2 and any one who entertains such an idea has evidently not spent much time in the study of his writings4 ,his metaphysical works1 it must be acknowledged1 make us perfectly acquainted with the dominant ideas of the time2 but it is equally undeniable1 that in every page we meet with the most luminous passages on the most complicated questions of ideology1 ontology1 cosmology1 and psychology2 so much so1 that we almost imagine we are reading the works of a philosopher who wrote after the fullest development of the sciences had been attained4 ,what his political ideas were1 we have already seen2 were it necessary1 and did the nature of the present work permit1 ,i might here produce many fragments from his ,treatise on ,laws and on ,justice1 distinguished for such solid principles1 such lofty views1 so profound a knowledge of the nature of society1 that they would occupy an honorable position amongst the best works on legislation written in modern times4 ,his treatises on virtues and vices1 whether considered generally1 or in detail1 exhaust the subject1 and defy all subsequent writers to produce a single idea of any importance that has not been already either developed1 or at least suggested in them4 ,above all1 his works are remarkable for moderation and extreme reserve in doctrinal expositions1 in which respect they are eminently conformable to the spirit of ,catholicity2 and assuredly if all writers had followed in his footsteps1 the field of science would have presented us with an assembly of sages1 and would not have been converted into a blood-stained arena for furious combatants4 ,such is his modesty1 that he does not relate a single incident in his life1 private or public2 from him we hear nothing but the language of enlightened reason1 calmly dispensing its treasures3 the man1 with his fame1 his misfortunes1 his labors1 and all his vain pretensions1 with which other writers are wont to weary us1 never appears for an instant4#da ,,chapter ,,lxxii4 ,,on ,,the ,,progress ,,of ,,the ,,human ,,mind ,,from ,,the ,,eleventh ,,century ,,to ,,the ,,present ,,time4 ,i think ,i have satisfactorily vindicated the ,catholic ,church from the reproaches cast upon her by her enemies1 for her conduct during the eleventh and twelfth centuries in reference to the development of the human mind4 ,let us now take a rapid survey of the march of intellect up to our own times1 and see what titles ,protestantism can produce to the gratitude of the friends of progress in human knowledge4 ,if ,i mistake not1 the following are the phases through which the human mind has passed1 since the revival of learning in the eleventh century4 ,first came the epoch of subtilties1 with its heaps of crude erudition2 then the age of criticism1 with appropriate attempts at grave controversies on the meaning of records and monuments2 and finally came the reflecting age1 and the inauguration of the philosophical period4 ,the eleventh and succeeding centuries1 to the sixteenth1 were characterized by a fondness for dialectics and erudite trifles2 criticism and controversy formed the distinctive characteristics of the sixteenth1 and part of the seventeenth centuries2 the philosophical spirit began to prevail towards the middle of the seventeenth1 and continued to our own time4 ,now of what advantage was ,protestantism to learning8 ,none2 ,protestantism found learning already accumulated--this ,i can easily prove--,erasmus and ,louis ,vives shone in the time of ,luther4 ,did ,protestantism promote the study of criticism8 ,yes2 just as an epidemic that decimates nations aids the progress of the medicinal art4 ,but we must not suppose that the taste for this kind of literary labor would not have been disseminated without the aid of the pseudo-,reformation4 ,as monuments came to light1 as a knowledge of languages became more general1 as the public acquired clearer and more correct notions of history1 people would naturally set themselves to discriminate between the apocryphal and the authentic4 ,the necessary documents were at hand1 and were studied unremittingly2 for this was the favorite taste of the epoch4 ,under such circumstances1 how is it possible there should have existed no desire to examine to what author1 and to what age1 such documents severally belonged2 to investigate how far ignorance or dishonesty had falsified them1 had taken from1 or added to them8 ,on this subject1 ,i need only relate what took place relative to the famous decretals of ,isidore ,mercator4 ,these decretals had been received1 without opposition1 during the centuries anterior to the fifteenth1 owing to the want of antiquarian and critical research2 but the moment that knowledge and facts began to accumulate1 the edifice of imposture gave way4 ,as early as the fifteenth century1 ,cardinal ,cusa challenged the authenticity of certain decretals that had been supposed to be anterior to ,pope ,siricius2 and the reflections of the learned ,cardinal led the way to other attacks of a similar kind4 ,a serious discussion arose1 in which ,protestants naturally took part2 but it would unquestionably have been engaged in all the same1 if ,catholic writers had been left entirely to themselves4 ,when the learned came to read the codes of ,theodosius and ,justinian1 the works of antiquity1 and collections of ecclesiastical records1 they could not possibly fail to observe that the spurious decretals contained sentences and fragments belonging to an era posterior to the time to which they were referred2 and when once such doubts had arisen1 error was sure to be promptly exposed4 ,we may say of controversy1 what we have just said of criticism4 ,there would have been no want of controversy1 even if the unity of the faith had never been violated4 ,in support of this assertion1 the recollection of what occurred amongst the different schools of ,catholics is quite conclusive4 ,these schools were engaged in controversy amongst themselves1 in the presence even of the common opponent3 and we may rest assured that1 if their attention had not been partially diverted by that enemy1 their polemical discussions would have been maintained only with the greater energy and warmth4 ,protestants have no more the advantage over ,catholics1 as regards controversy than as regards criticism4 ,however true it be that some of our theologians did not see the necessity of opposing the enemy with arms superior to those taken from the arsenal of ,aristotelian philosophy1 it is quite certain that a great number of them took up a sufficiently lofty position1 and were thoroughly impressed with the importance of the crisis1 and urged the introduction of very great modifications into the course of theological studies4 ,bellarmin1 ,melchior ,cano1 ,petau1 and many others1 were no way inferior to the most skilful ,protestants1 whatever may have been the boasted scientific merits of the defenders of error4 ,the knowledge of the learned languages must have contributed in an extraordinary degree to the progress of critical and controversial learning4 ,now ,i do not see that ,catholics were behind others in the knowledge of ,latin1 ,greek1 and ,hebrew4 ,anthony de ,nebrija1 ,erasmus1 ,louis ,vives1 ,lawrence ,villa1 ,leonardus ,aretinus1 ,cardinal ,bembo1 ,sadolet1 ,poggio1 ,melchior ,cano1 and many others1 too numerous to mention2 were they1 ,i ask1 trained in ,protestantism8 ,did not the ,popes1 moreover1 take the lead in this literary movement8 ,who patronized the learned with greater liberality8 ,who supplied them with more abundant resources8 ,who incurred greater expenses in the purchase of the best manuscripts8 ,nor let it be forgotten1 that such was the taste for pure ,latinity1 that some among the learned objected to read the ,vulgate1 for fear of acquiring inelegant phrases4 ,as regards ,greek1 we need only bear in mind the causes that led to its diffusion in ,europe1 to be convinced that the progress made in the knowledge of this language owes nothing whatever to the pseudo-,reformation4 ,it is well known that1 after the taking of ,constantinople by the ,turks1 the literary remains of that unfortunate nation were brought to the coasts of ,italy4 ,in ,italy the study of ,greek was first seriously commenced2 from ,italy it spread to ,france1 and to the other ,european states4 ,half a century before the appearance of ,protestantism1 this language was taught in ,paris by the ,italian ,gregory de ,tiferno4 ,at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries1 ,germany itself could boast of the celebrated ,john ,reuchlin1 who taught ,greek with great applause1 first at ,orleans and ,poictiers1 and afterwards at ,ingolstadt4 ,reuchlin1 being on one occasion at ,rome1 so felicitously explained1 and read with so pure an accent1 a passage from ,thucydides1 in the presence of ,argyropilus1 that the latter1 filled with admiration1 exclaimed3 ,gracia nostra exilio transvolavit ,alpes2 our exiled ,greece has crossed the ,alps4 ,respecting ,hebrew1 ,i will transcribe a passage from the ,abb ,goujet3 ,protestants1 says he1 would fain have it thought that they effected the revival of this language in ,europe2 but they are forced to acknowledge1 that whatever they know of ,hebrew they owe to the ,catholics1 who were their teachers1 and the sources whence1 even to this day1 is obtained all that is most valuable in ,oriental literature4 ,john ,reuchlin1 who lived the greater part of his time in the fifteenth century1 was unquestionably a ,catholic1 and one of the most skilful ,hebrew scholars1 and was also the first ,christian who reduced the teaching of that language to a system4 ,john ,weissel of ,groningen had taught him the elements of this language1 and had himself pupils in whom he had awakened a love for this study4 ,in like manner1 it was by the exertions of ,picus de ,mirandula1 who was a strict ,catholic1 that a taste for the study of ,hebrew was revived in the ,west4 ,at the time of the ,council of ,trent1 most of the heretics who then knew that language had learned it in the bosom of the ,church they had forsaken2 and their vain subtilties respecting the meaning of the sacred text excited the faithful to still greater assiduity in the study of a language so well calculated to insure their own triumph and the defeat of their opponents4 ,in devoting themselves to this branch of study1 moreover1 they were only following out the intentions of ,pope ,clement ,v41 who1 as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century1 had ordained that ,greek1 and ,hebrew1 and even ,arabic and ,chaldean1 should be publicly taught1 for the benefit of foreigners1 at ,rome1 at ,paris1 at ,oxford1 at ,bologna1 and at ,salamanca4 ,the design of this ,pope1 who so well knew the advantages resulting from well-conducted studies1 was1 to augment the learning of the ,church by the study of languages1 and to raise up doctors capable of defending her against every form of error4 ,by means of these languages1 and more especially of ,hebrew1 he intended to renew the study of the sacred books1 that the latter1 when read in the original1 might appear more worthy of the ,holy ,spirit who inspired them1 and by their combined grandeur and simplicity1 when better known1 awaken greater reverence for them2 and that1 without derogating from the respect due to the ,latin version1 it might be felt that an intimate acquaintance with the originals was peculiarly serviceable in confirming the faith of believers1 and confuting heretics4 7,l',abb ,goujet1 ,discours sur le renouvellement des ,etudes1 et principalement des ,etudes ecclsiastiques depuis le quatorzime sicle47 ,one of the causes which contributed the most to the development of the human mind was the creation of great centres of instruction1 collecting the most illustrious talents and learning1 and diffusing rays of light in all directions4 ,i know not how men could forget that this idea was not due to the pretended ,reformation1 seeing that most of the universities of ,europe were established long before the birth of ,luther4 ,that of ,oxford was established in #hie2 ,cambridge in #abhj2 that of ,prague1 in ,bohemia1 in #aceh2 that of ,louvain1 in ,belgium1 in #adbe2 that of ,vienna1 in ,austria1 in #acfe2 that of ,ingolstadt1 in ,germany1 in #acgb2 that of ,leipsic in #adjh2 that of ,basle1 in ,switzerland1 in #adfi2 that of ,salamanca in #abjj2 that of ,alcala in #aeag4 ,it would be superfluous to notice the antiquity of the universities of ,paris1 of ,bologna1 of ,ferrara1 and of a great many others1 which attained the highest renown long before the advent of ,protestantism4 ,the ,popes1 it is well known1 took an active part in the establishment of universities1 granting them privileges1 and bestowing upon them the highest honors and distinctions4 ,how can any one1 then1 venture to assert1 that ,rome has opposed the progress of learning and the sciences1 in order to keep the people in darkness and ignorance8 ,as if ,divine ,providence had intended to confound these future calumniators of ,his ,church1 ,protestantism made its appearance precisely at the time when1 under the auspices of a renowned ,pope1 the progress in the science1 in literature and the arts was most active4 ,posterity1 judging of our disputes with impartiality1 will undoubtedly pass a severe sentence upon those pretended philosophers1 who are constantly endeavoring to prove from history1 that ,catholicity has impeded the progress of the human mind1 and that scientific progress has been all owing to the cry of liberty raised in central ,germany4 ,yes2 sensible men in future ages1 like those of our own times1 will form a correct judgment upon this subject1 when they reflect that ,luther began to propagate his errors in the age of ,leo ,x4 ,certainly1 the court of ,rome could not at that time be reproached with obscurantism4 ,rome was at the head of all progress1 which she urged onwards with the most active zeal1 the most ardent enthusiasm2 so much so1 indeed1 that if she were censurable at all--if there were in her conduct any thing of which history should disapprove--it was rather that her march was too quick than too slow4 ,had another ,st4 ,bernard addressed ,leo ,x41 he would assuredly not have blamed him for abusing his authority to impede the march of the human intellect and the progress of learning4 ,the ,reformation1 says ,m4 de ,chateaubriand1 deeply imbued with the spirit of its founder--a coarse and jealous monk--declared itself the enemy of the arts4 ,by prohibiting the exercise of the imaginative faculties1 it clipped the wings of genius1 and made her plod on foot4 ,it raised an outcry against certain alms destined for the erection of the basilica of ,st4 ,peter for the use of the ,christian world4 ,would the ,greeks have refused the assistance solicited from their piety for the building of a temple to ,minerva8 ,had the ,reformation been completely successful from the beginning1 it would have established1 for a time at least1 another species of barbarism3 viewing as superstition the pomp of divine worship2 as idolatry the chefs-d'uvre of sculpture1 of architecture1 and of painting1 its tendency was to annihilate lofty eloquence and sublime poetry--to degrade taste1 by repudiating its models--to introduce a dry1 cold1 and captious formality into the operations of the mind--to substitute in society affectation and materialism in lieu of ingenuousness and intellectuality1 and to make machinery take the place of manual and mental operations4 ,these are truths confirmed by everyday experience4 ,amongst the various branches of the reformed religion1 their approximation to the beautiful and sublime is always found to be proportioned to the amount of ,catholic truth they have retained4 ,in ,england1 where an ecclesiastical hierarchy has been upheld1 literature has had its classic era4 ,lutheranism preserves some sparks of imagination1 which ,calvinism aims at utterly extinguishing2 and so on1 till we come to ,quakerism1 which would reduce social life to unpolished manners and the practice of trades4 ,shakspeare1 in all probability1 was a ,catholic2 ,milton has evidently imitated some parts of the poems of ,st4 ,avitus and ,masenius2 ,klopstock has borrowed very largely from the faith of ,rome4 ,in our own days1 in ,germany1 the high imaginative powers have been put forth only when the spirit of ,protestantism had begun to decline4 ,it was in treating ,catholic subjects that the genius of ,goethe and ,schiller was manifested2 ,rousseau and ,madame de ,stal are1 indeed1 illustrious exceptions to this rule2 but were they ,protestants after the model of the first disciples of ,calvin8 ,at this very day1 painters1 architects1 and sculptors1 of all the conflicting creeds1 go to seek inspiration at ,rome1 where they find universal toleration4 ,europe1 nay1 the whole world1 is covered with monuments of the ,catholic religion4 ,to it we are indebted for that ,gothic architecture1 which rivals in its details1 and eclipses in its magnificence1 the monuments of ,greece4 ,it is now three centuries since ,protestantism arose1--it is powerful in ,england1 in ,germany1 in ,america1--it is professed by millions of men1--and what has it erected8 ,it can show only the ruins it has made2 on which perhaps1 it has planted gardens or built factories4 ,rebelling against the authority of tradition1 the experience of centuries1 and the venerable wisdom of ages1 ,protestantism let go its hold on the past1 and planted a society without roots4 ,acknowledging for their founder a ,german monk of the sixteenth century1 the reformers renounced the wonderful genealogy that unites ,catholics1 through a succession of great and holy men1 with ,jesus ,christ ,himself1 and1 through ,him1 with the patriarchs and the earliest of mankind4 ,the ,protestant era1 from the first hours of its existence1 refused all relationship with the era of that ,leo who protected the civilized world against ,attila1 and also with the era of that other ,leo1 at whose coming barbarism vanished1 and society1 now no longer in need of defence1 put on the ornaments of civilization4 7,etud4 ,histor41 ,franois ,i47 ,it is much to be regretted that the author of such noble sentiments1 who so accurately describes the effects of ,protestantism on literature and the arts1 should have said1 that the ,reformation was1 properly speaking1 philosophic truth1 under the guise of ,christianity1 attacking religious truth4 7,etud4 ,histor41 ,preface47 ,what is the meaning of these words8 ,we shall best understand them from the illustrious author's own explanation4 ,religious truth1 says he1 is the knowledge of one ,god manifested in a form of worship4 ,philosophic truth is the threefold knowledge of things intellectual1 moral1 and natural4 7,etud4 ,histor41 ,exposition47 ,it is difficult to imagine how any one who admits the truth of the ,catholic religion1 and1 as a necessary consequence1 the falsehood of ,protestantism1 can define the latter to be1 philosophic truth at war with religious truth4 ,in the natural1 as well as in the supernatural1 order of things1 in philosophy as in religion1 all truths come from ,god1 all end in ,him4 ,there cannot1 therefore1 be any antagonism between truths of one order and truths of another order2 between religious and true philosophy1 between nature and grace1 no antagonism is possible4 ,truth is that which is2 for truth resides in beings themselves2 we should rather say1 it consists of beings themselves such as they exist1 such as they are in their substance2 and hence it is quite incorrect to say that philosophic truth has ever stood in antagonism to religious truth4 ,according to the same author ,philosophic truth is neither more nor less than the independence of the human mind2 its tendency being to make discoveries1 and lead to perfection in the three sciences that come within its sphere1 viz4 the intellectual1 the moral1 and the natural4 ,but philosophic truth1 he continues1 looking forwards to the future1 has stood in opposition to religious truth1 which adheres to the past1 owing to the immovable nature of the eternal principle upon which it is founded4 7,etud4 ,histor41 ,exposition47 ,with all the respect due to the immortal author of the ,gnie du ,christianisme and of the ,martyrs1 ,i must take the liberty to observe1 that we find here a lamentable confusion of ideas4 ,the philosophic truth of which ,m4 de ,chateaubriand here treats1 must be either science itself1 considered as an aggregate of truths1 or a general knowledge1 in which truth and error are commingled2 or1 in fine1 the whole body of men of learning1 considered as constituting a very influential class in society4 ,in the first case1 it is impossible for philosophic truth to be in antagonism to religious truth1--that is1 to ,catholicity2 in the second case1 the alleged opposition is nothing extraordinary1 for error being in this case mixed up with truth1 will on some points be found to be opposed to ,catholic faith2 and1 finally1 as regards the third hypothesis1 it is unfortunately too true1 that many men1 distinguished by their talents and erudition1 have been opposed to ,catholicity2 but1 on the other hand1 as great a number of men equally eminent have triumphantly maintained the truth of ,catholicity2 hence it would be extremely illogical to affirm that philosophic truth1 even in this sense1 is opposed to religious truth4 ,it is not my wish to give an unfavorable interpretation to the words of the illustrious writer2 ,i rather incline to think1 that1 in his mind1 philosophic truth is nothing but a spirit of independence considered in a general1 vague1 and undefined sense1 and not as applied to any object in particular4 ,this is the only way to reconcile assertions so different2 for it is quite clear1 that1 after he had so severely condemned the ,protestant ,reformation1 the writer could not proceed to admit that this same ,reformation carried with it philosophic truth1 properly so called1 wherein it became opposed to ,catholic doctrines4 ,but1 in this case1 the language of the illustrious author is unquestionably wanting in precision2 this1 however1 need not surprise us1 as1 upon reflection1 we shall find that1 in treating historico-philosophical subjects1 precision is not to be expected from writers whose genius has been wont to soar into the highest regions on the wings of a sublime poetry4 ,it was not either in ,germany or in ,england1 but in ,catholic ,france1 that the philosophical movement advanced with the greatest freedom and daring4 ,descartes1 the founder of a new era in philosophy1 that superseded the ,aristotelian1 and gave a fresh impulse to the study of logic1 of physics1 and metaphysics1 was a ,frenchman and a ,catholic4 ,the greater part of his most distinguished followers were also in communion with the ,roman ,church4 ,philosophy1 then1 in the highest sense of the word1 owes nothing to ,protestantism4 ,before ,leibnitz1 ,germany could scarcely reckon a single philosopher of any note2 and the ,english schools that attained to any thing like celebrity arose after ,descartes' time4 ,we shall find1 upon reflection1 that ,france was the centre of the philosophical movement from the end of the sixteenth century2 and at that period all the ,protestant countries were so backward in this kind of study1 that the active progress of philosophy amongst the ,catholics was scarcely noticed by them4 ,in like manner1 it was in the bosom of the ,catholic ,church that the taste arose for profound meditations on the secrets of the heart1 and on the relations of the human mind to ,god and nature1 and that sublime abstraction which concentrates man's faculties1 sets him free from the body1 and elevates him to those exalted regions that appear destined to be visited exclusively by celestial spirits4 ,is not mysticism1 in its purest1 most refined1 and most elevated form1 found in our ,catholic writers of the golden age8 ,since that time1 what has been published that may not be met with in the works of ,st4 ,teresa1 in those of ,st4 ,john of the ,cross1 in the venerable ,avila1 in ,louis de ,grenada1 and in ,louis de ,lon8 ,and ,pascal1 that man of thought1 one of the most vigorous geniuses of the seventeenth century1 who was unhappily deceived for some time by a hypocritical and canting sect1 was he a ,protestant8 ,was it not he who laid the basis of that philosophico-religious school1 whose investigations1 directed at one time to the deepest questions of religion1 at another to those of nature1 or to the mysteries of the human heart1 have surrounded truth with a flood of light8 ,do not the apologists of ,christianity1 whether ,protestants or ,catholics1 when engaged in combating indifference or incredulity1 avail themselves by preference of his ,penses8 ,authors who have written on the philosophy of history have perhaps surpassed all others in their eagerness to vilify the ,church as the enemy of enlightenment1 whilst they represent ,protestantism as the great bulwark of the rights of the mind4 ,now1 gratitude alone should have induced them to proceed more circumspectly2 they should not forget that the real founder of the philosophy of history was a ,catholic1 and that the first and best work ever written on this subject came from the pen of a ,catholic ,bishop4 ,it was ,bossuet1 in his immortal ,discours sur l',histoire ,universelle1 who first taught our modern thinkers to take a lofty survey of the human race2 to embrace at one view all the events that have marked the course of ages1 contemplating them in all their vastness and intimate connection1 with all their phases1 effects1 and causes1 and to draw from them salutary lessons for the instruction both of princes and people4 ,now1 ,bossuet was a ,catholic1 and1 moreover1 one of the most trenchant adversaries of the ,protestant ,reformation4 ,his fame is heightened too by another work1 in which he completely overthrows the doctrines of the innovators1 by proving their continual variations1 and demonstrating that theirs must be the way of error1 seeing that variation is incompatible with truth4 ,we may ask the abettors of ,protestantism1 if the ,eagle of ,meaux feels in his flight the fetters of the ,catholic religion1 when1 glancing at the origin and destiny of mankind1 at the fall of our first parents and its consequences1 on the revolutions of the ,east and ,west1 he traces with such wonderful sublimity the designs of ,divine ,providence8 ,as regards the literary movement1 ,i might almost consider myself relieved from all necessity of combating the reproaches cast upon ,catholicity by its enemies4 ,what1 in fact1 was the literature of all the ,protestant countries together1 at the time when ,italy produced those orators and poets1 who1 in succeeding ages1 have been universally received as models8 ,various descriptions of literature were already quite common in ,catholic countries1 that were not even known in ,england or ,germany2 and when1 at a later period1 an attempt was made to fill up the hiatus1 no better means could be found for the purpose than to take for models the ,spanish writers1 who had been subject to ,catholic obscurantism and the fires of the ,inquisition4 ,neither the mind1 the heart1 nor the imagination of man owes any thing to ,protestantism4 ,before the ,reformation these were all in graceful and vigorous progress2 after the ,reformation1 this progress continued in the bosom of the ,catholic ,church as successfully as before4 ,catholicity displays a bright array of illustrious men crowned with the glories they have won amidst the unanimous plaudits of all civilized nations4 ,whatever has been said of the tendency of our religion to enslave and hoodwink the mind1 is but calumny4 ,no2 that which is born of light1 cannot produce darkness2 that which is the work of truth itself1 need not fly from the sun's rays to conceal itself in the bowels of the earth4 ,the daughter of heaven may walk in the brightness of day1 may dare discussion1 may gather around her all the brightest intellects2 well assured that the more closely and attentively they see and contemplate her1 the more pure1 the more beauteous and enrapturing will she appear4 ,,chapter ,,lxxiii4 ,,summary4--,,declaration ,,of ,,the ,,author4 ,having reached the end of my difficult enterprise1 let me be allowed to take a retrospective view of the vast space over which ,i have but just passed1 like the traveller who rests after his labor4 ,the fear of seeing religious schism introduced into my country2 the sight of the efforts which were made to inculcate ,protestant errors amongst us2 the perusal of certain writings1 wherein it was stated that the pretended ,reformation had been favorable to the progress of nations1--such were the motives which inspired me with the idea of undertaking this work4 ,my object was1 to show that neither individuals nor society owe any thing to ,protestantism1 either in a religious1 social1 political1 or literary point of view4 ,i undertook to examine what history tells us1 and what philosophy teaches us1 on this point4 ,i was not ignorant of the immense extent of the questions which ,i had to enter upon2 ,i was far from flattering myself that ,i was able to clear them up in a becoming manner2 nevertheless ,i set forth upon my journey1 with that courage which is inspired by the love of truth1 and the confidence that one is defending its cause4 ,when considering the birth of ,protestantism1 ,i have endeavored to take as lofty a view as possible4 ,i have rendered to men that justice which is due to them2 ,i have attributed a large portion of the evil to the wretched condition of mankind1 to the weakness of our minds1 and to that inheritance of perverseness and ignorance which has been transmitted to us by the fall of our first parent4 ,luther1 ,calvin1 and ,zuinglius have disappeared from my eyes2 placed in the immense picture of events1 they have been viewed by me as small imperceptible figures1 whose individuality was far from deserving the importance which was given to them at other periods4 ,honest in my convictions1 and unreserved in my words1 ,i have acknowledged with candor1 but with sorrow1 that there existed certain abuses1 and that these abuses were taken as pretexts when it was wished to break the unity of the faith4 ,i have allowed that a portion of the blame shall also fall upon men2 but ,i have also pointed out1 that the more you here lay stress upon the weakness and wickedness of man1 the more do you illustrate the providence of ,him who has promised to be with ,his ,church till the consummation of ages4 ,by the aid of reasoning and irrefragable experience1 ,i have proved that the fundamental dogmas of ,protestantism show little knowledge of the human mind1 and were a fruitful source of errors and catastrophes4 ,then1 turning my attention to the development of ,european civilization1 ,i have made a continued comparison between ,protestantism and ,catholicity2 and ,i believe that ,i may assert1 that ,i have not hazarded any proposition of importance without having supported it by the evidence of historical facts4 ,i have found it necessary to take a survey of all ages1 dating from the commencement of ,christianity1 and to observe the different phases under which civilization has appeared2 without this1 it would have been impossible to give a complete vindication of the ,catholic religion4 ,the reader may have observed that the prevailing idea of the work is this3 ,before ,protestantism ,european civilization had reached all the development which was possible for it2 ,protestantism perverted the course of civilization1 and produced immense evils in modern society2 the progress which has been made since ,protestantism1 has been made not by it1 but in spite of it4 ,i have only consulted history1 and ,i have taken extreme care not to pervert it2 ,i have borne in mind this passage of holy writ3 ,has ,god1 then1 need of thy falsehood8 ,the documents to which ,i refer are there2 they are to be found in all libraries1 ready to answer2 read them1 and judge for yourselves4 ,i am not aware1 in the multitude of questions which have presented themselves to me1 and which it has been indispensable for me to examine1 that ,i have resolved any in a manner not in conformity with the dogmas of the religion which ,i was desirous of defending4 ,i am not aware that1 in any passage of my book1 ,i have laid down erroneous propositions1 or expressed myself in ill-sounding terms4 ,before publishing my work1 ,i submitted it to the examination of ecclesiastical authority2 and without hesitation1 ,i complied with the slightest hint on its part1 purifying1 correcting1 and modifying what had been pointed out as worthy of purification1 correction1 or modification4 ,notwithstanding that1 ,i submit my whole work to the judgment of the ,catholic1 ,apostolic1 and ,roman ,church2 as soon as the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ upon earth1 shall pronounce sentence against any one of my opinions1 ,i will hasten to declare that ,i consider that opinion erroneous1 and cease to profess it4 ,,notes4 ,,note #a1 p4 #bf4 ,the ,history of the ,variations is one of those works which exhaust their subject1 and which do not admit of reply or addition4 ,if this immortal chef-d'uvre be read with attention1 the cause of ,protestantism1 with respect to faith1 is forever decided3 there is no middle way left between ,catholicity and infidelity4 ,gibbon read it in his youth1 and he became a ,catholic1 abandoning the ,protestant religion in which he had been brought up4 ,when1 at a later period1 he left the ,catholic ,church1 he did not become a ,protestant1 but an unbeliever4 ,my readers will perhaps like to learn from the mouth of this famous writer what he thought of the work of ,bossuet1 and the effect which was produced on him by its perusal4 ,these are his words3 ,in the ,history of the ,variations1 an attack equally vigorous and well-directed1 says he1 ,bossuet shows1 by a happy mixture of reasoning and narration1 the errors1 mistakes1 uncertainties1 and contradictions of our first reformers1 whose variations1 as he learnedly maintains1 bear the marks of error2 while the uninterrupted unity of the ,catholic ,church is a sign and testimony of infallible truth4 ,i read1 approved1 and believed4 7,gibbon's ,memoirs47 ,,note #b1 p4 #bg4 ,it has been wished to represent ,luther to us as a man of lofty ideas1 of noble and generous feelings1 and as a defender of the rights of the human race4 ,yet he himself has left us in his writings the most striking testimony of the violence of his character1 of his disgusting rudeness1 and his savage intolerance4 ,henry ,,viii41 king of ,england1 undertook to refute the book of ,luther called ,de ,captivitate ,babylonica2 and behold the latter1 irritated by such boldness1 writes to the king1 and calls him sacrilegious1 mad1 senseless1 the grossest of all pigs and of all asses4 ,it is evident that ,luther paid but little regard to royalty2 he did the same with respect to literary merit4 ,erasmus1 who was perhaps the most learned man of his age1 or who at least surpassed all others in the variety of his knowledge1 in the refinement and clat of his mind1 was not better treated by the furious innovator1 in spite of all the indulgence for which the latter was indebted to him4 ,as soon as ,luther saw that ,erasmus did not think proper to be enrolled in the new sect1 he attacked him with so much violence1 that the latter complained of it1 saying1 that in his old age he was compelled to contend against a savage beast1 a furious wild boar4 ,luther did not confine himself to mere words2 he proceeded to acts4 ,it was at his instigation that ,carlostad was exiled from the states of the ,duke of ,saxony1 and was reduced to such misery1 that he was compelled to carry wood1 and do other similar things1 to gain his livelihood4 ,in his many disputes with the ,zwinglians1 ,luther did not belie his character2 he called them damned1 fools1 blasphemers4 ,as he lavished such epithets on his dissenting companions1 we cannot be astonished that he called the doctors of ,louvain beasts1 pigs1 ,pagans1 ,epicureans1 ,atheists2 and that he makes use of other expressions which decency will not allow us to cite2 and that1 launching forth against the ,pope1 he says1 ,he is a mad wolf1 against whom every one ought to take arms1 without waiting even for the order of the magistrates2 in this matter there can be no room left for repentance1 except for not having been able to bury the sword in his breast2 adding1 that all those who followed the ,pope ought to be pursued like bandit-chiefs1 were they kings or emperors4 ,such was the spirit of tolerance which animated ,luther4 ,and let it not be imagined that this intolerance was confined to him2 it extended to all the party of the innovators1 and its effects were cruelly felt4 ,we have an unexceptionable witness of this truth in ,melancthon1 the beloved disciple of ,luther1 and one of the most distinguished men that ,protestantism has had4 ,i find myself under such oppression1 wrote ,melancthon to his friend ,camerarius1 that ,i seem to be in the cave of the ,cyclops2 it is almost impossible for me to explain to you my troubles2 and every moment ,i feel myself tempted to take flight4 ,these are1 he says1 in another letter1 ignorant men1 who know neither piety nor discipline2 behold what they are who command1 and you will understand that ,i am like ,daniel in the lions' den4 ,how1 then1 can it be maintained that such an enterprise was guided by a generous idea1 and that it was really attempted to free the human mind8 ,the intolerance of ,calvin1 sufficiently shown by the single fact mentioned in the text1 is manifested in his works at every page1 by the manner in which he treats his adversaries4 ,wicked men1 rogues1 drunkards1 fools1 madmen1 furies1 beasts1 bulls1 pigs1 asses1 dogs1 and vile slaves of ,satan4 ,such are the polite terms which abound in the writings of the famous reformer4 ,and how many wretched things of the same kind could ,i not relate1 if ,i did not fear to disgust my readers6 ,,note #c1 p4 #bg4 ,the ,diet of ,spires had made a decree concerning the change of religion and worship2 fourteen towns of the empire refused to submit to it1 and presented a ,protest2 hence men began to call the dissenters ,protestants4 ,as this name is a condemnation of the separated churches1 they have several times attempted to assume others1 but always in vain2 the names which they took were false1 and false names do not last4 ,what was their meaning when they called themselves ,evangelicals8 ,that they adhered to the ,gospel alone8 ,in that case they ought rather to call themselves ,biblicals2 for it was not to the ,gospel that they professed to adhere1 but to the ,bible4 ,they are also sometimes called ,reformers2 and many people have been accustomed to call ,protestantism1 reformation2 but it is enough to pronounce this word1 to feel how inappropriate it is2 religious revolution would be much more proper4 ,,note #d1 p4 #bg4 ,count de ,maistre1 in his work ,du ,pape1 has developed this question of names in an inimitable manner4 ,among his numerous observations1 there is one very just one3 it is1 that the ,catholic ,church alone has a positive and proper name1 which she gives to herself1 and which is given to her by the whole world4 ,the separated ,churches have invented many1 but without the power of appropriating them4--,each one was free to take what name he pleased1 says ,m4 de ,maistre2 ,lais1 in person1 might be able to write upon her door1 ,htel d',artmise4 ,the great point is1 to compel others to give us a particular name1 which is not so easy as to take it of our own authority4 ,moreover1 it must not be imagined that ,count de ,maistre was the inventor of this argument2 a long time before him ,st4 ,jerome and ,st4 ,augustin had used it4 ,if you1 says ,st4 ,jerome1 hear them called ,marcionites1 ,valentinians1 ,montanists1 know that they are not the ,church of ,christ1 but the synagogue of ,antichrist4--,si audieris nuncupari ,marcionitas1 ,valentinianos1 ,montanenses1 scito1 non ,ecclesiam ,christi1 sed ,antichristi esse synagogam4 7,hieron4 lib4 ,adversus ,luciferianos47 ,i am retained in the ,church1 says ,st4 ,augustin1 by her very name of ,catholic2 for it was not without a cause that she alone1 amid so many heresies1 obtained that name4 ,all the heretics desire to be called ,catholics2 yet if a stranger asks them which is the church of the ,catholics1 none of them venture to point out their church or house4--,tenet me in ,ecclesia ipsum ,catholic nomen1 quod non sine causa inter tam multas hreses1 sic ipsa sola obtinuit1 ut cum omnes hretici se ,catholicos dici velint1 qurenti tamen peregrino alicui1 ubi ad ,catholicam conveniatur1 nullus hreticorum1 vel basilicam suam vel domum audeat ostendere4 7,st4 ,augustin47 ,what ,st4 ,augustin observed of his time is again realized with respect to the ,protestants4 ,i appeal to the testimony of those who have visited the countries where different communions exist4 ,an illustrious ,spaniard of the seventeenth century1 who had lived a long time in ,germany1 tells us1 ,they all wish to be called ,catholic and ,apostolical2 but notwithstanding this pretension1 they are called ,lutherans1 or ,calvinists4--,singuli volunt ,catholici et ,apostolici1 sed volunt1 et ab aliis non hoc prtenso illis nomine1 sed ,luterani potius aut ,calviniani nominantur4 7,caramuel47 ,i have dwelt in the towns of heretics1 continues the same writer1 and ,i have seen with my eyes and heard with my ears a thing on which the heterodox should reflect3 it is1 that with the exception of the ,protestant preacher1 and a few others1 who desire to know more of the thing than is necessary1 all the crowd of heretics gave the name of ,catholics to the ,romans4--,habitavi in hreticorum civitatibus2 et hoc propriis oculis vidi1 propriis audivi auribus1 quod deberet ab hterodoxis ponderari1 prter prdicantem1 et pauculos qui plus sapiunt quam oportet sapere1 totum hreticorum vulgus ,catholicos vocat ,romanos4 ,such is the force of truth4 ,the ideologists know well that these phenomena have deep causes1 and that these arguments are something more than subtilties4 ,,note #e1 p4 #ch4 ,so much has been said of abuses1 the influence which they may have had on the disasters which the ,church suffered during the last centuries has been so much exaggerated1 and at the same time so much care has been taken1 by hypocritical praise1 to exalt the purity of manners and strictness of discipline in the primitive ,church1 that some people have at last imagined a line of division between ancient and modern times4 ,these persons see in the early times only truth and sanctity2 they attribute to the others only corruption and falsehood2 as if1 in the early ages of the ,church1 all the faithful were angels--as if the ,church1 at all times1 had not errors to correct and passions to control4 ,with history in our hands1 it would be easy to reduce these exaggerated ideas to their just value1 to which ,erasmus himself1 certainly little disposed to exculpate his contemporaries1 does justice4 ,he clearly shows us1 in a parallel between his own times and those of the early ages of the ,church1 how puerile and ill-founded was the desire1 then so widely diffused1 of exalting antiquity at the expense of the present time4 ,we find a fragment of this parallel in the works of ,marchetti1 among his observations on ,fleury's history4 ,it would not be less curious to pass in review the regulations made by the ,church to check all kinds of abuses4 ,the collections of councils would furnish us with so many materials thereupon1 that many volumes would not suffice to make them known2 or rather1 these collections themselves1 with alarming bulk1 from one end to the other1 are nothing but an evident proof of these two truths3 #ast1 that there have been at all times many abuses to be corrected1 an effect1 in some measure necessary1 of the weakness and corruption of human nature2 #b;dly1 that at all periods the ,church has labored to correct these abuses1 so that it may be affirmed without hesitation1 that you cannot point out one without immediately finding a canonical regulation by its side to check or punish it4 ,these observations clearly show that ,protestantism was not caused by abuses1 but that it was a great calamity1 as it were1 rendered unavoidable by the fickleness of the human mind1 and the condition in which society was placed4 ,in the same sense ,jesus ,christ has said1 that it was necessary that there should be scandal2 not that any one in particular is forced to give it1 but because such is the corruption of the human heart1 that the natural course of things must necessarily bring it4 ,,note #f1 p4 #db4 ,this concert and unity1 which are found in ,catholicity1 are things which ought to fill every sensible man with admiration and astonishment1 whatever his religious ideas may be4 ,if we do not suppose that the finger of ,god is here1 how can we explain or understand the continuance of the centre of unity in the see of ,rome8 ,so much has been said of the supremacy of the ,pope1 that it is very difficult to add any thing new2 but perhaps our readers will not be displeased to see a passage of ,st4 ,francis de ,sales1 where the various remarkable titles given to the ,sovereign ,pontiff and to his see1 by the ,church in ancient times1 are collected4 ,this work of the holy ,bishop is worthy of being introduced1 not only because it interests the curiosity1 but also because it furnishes matter for grave reflection1 which we leave to the reader4 ,,titles ,,of ,,the ,,pope4 ,most ,holy ,bishop of the ,catholic ,church--,council of ,soissons1 of #cjj ,bishops4 ,most ,holy and ,blessed ,patriarch--,ibid41 t4 vii41 ,council4 ,most ,blessed ,lord--,st4 ,augustine1 ,ep4 #ie4 ,universal ,patriarch--,st4 ,leo1 ,p41 ,ep4 #fb4 ,chief of the ,church in the ,world--,innoc4 ad ,p4 ,p4 ,concil4 ,milevit4 ,the ,bishop elevated to the ,apostolic eminence--,st4 ,cyprian1 ,ep4 #c1 #ab4 ,father of ,fathers--,council of ,chalcedon1 ,sess4 iii4 ,sovereign ,pontiff of ,bishops--,id41 in prf4 ,sovereign ,priest--,council of ,chalcedon1 ,sess4 xvi4 ,prince of ,priests--,stephen1 ,bishop of ,carthage4 ,prefect of the ,house of ,god and ,guardian of the ,lord's ,vineyard--,council of ,carthage1 ,ep4 to ,damasus4 ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ1 ,confirmer of the ,faith of ,christians--,st4 ,jerome1 prf4 in ,evang4 ad ,damasum4 ,high-,priest--,valentinian1 and all antiquity with him4 ,the ,sovereign ,pontiff--,council of ,chalcedon1 in ,epist4 ad ,theodos4 ,imper4 ,the ,prince of ,bishops--,ibid4 ,the ,heir of the ,apostles--,st4 ,bern41 lib4 de ,consid4 ,abraham by the ,patriarchate--,st4 ,ambrose1 in #a ,tim4 iii4 ,melchisedech by ordination--,council of ,chalcedon1 ,epist4 ad ,leonem4 ,moses by authority--,st4 ,bernard1 ,epist4 #aij4 ,samuel by jurisdiction--,id4 ib41 et in lib4 de ,consider4 ,peter by power--,ibid4 ,christ by unction--,ibid4 ,the ,shepherd of the ,fold of ,jesus ,christ--,id4 lib ii4 de ,consider4 ,key-,bearer of the ,house of ,god--,id4 ibid4 c4 viii4 ,the ,shepherd of all ,shepherds--,ibid4 ,the ,pontiff called to the plentitude of power--,ibid4 ,st4 ,peter was the ,mouth of ,jesus ,christ--,st4 ,chrysost41 ,hom4 ii41 in ,div4 ,serm4 ,the ,mouth and ,head of the ,apostleship--,orig41 ,hom4 lv4 in ,matth4 ,the ,cathedra and ,principal ,church--,st4 ,cypr41 ,ep4 lv4 ad ,cornel4 ,the ,source of ,sacerdotal ,unity--,id41 ,epist4 iii4 #b4 ,the ,bond of ,unity--,id4 ibid4 iv4 #b4 ,the ,church where resides the chief power 7potentior principalitas7--,id4 ibid4 iii4 #h4 ,the ,church the ,root and ,mother of all the others--,st4 ,anaclet4 ,papa1 ,epist4 ad omnes ,episc4 et ,fideles4 ,the ,see on which our ,lord has built the ,universal ,church--,st4 ,damasus1 ,epist4 ad ,univ4 ,episcop4 ,the ,cardinal ,point and ,head of all the ,churches--,st4 ,marcellinus1 ,r4 ,epist4 ad ,episc4 ,antioch4 ,the ,refuge of ,bishops--,conc4 ,alex41 ,epist4 ad ,felic4 ,p4 ,the ,supreme ,apostolic ,see--,st4 ,athanasius4 ,the ,presiding ,church--,emperor ,justin41 in lib4 viii41 ,cod4 de ,sum4 ,trinit4 ,the ,supreme ,see which cannot be judged by any other--,st4 ,leo1 in ,nat4 ,,ss4 ,apost4 ,the ,church set over and preferred to all the others--,victor d',utiq41 in lib4 de ,perfect4 ,the first of all the ,sees--,st4 ,prosper1 in lib4 de ,ingrat4 ,the ,apostolic ,fountain--,st4 ,ignatius1 ,epist4 ad ,rom4 in ,subscript4 ,the most secure ,citadel of all ,catholic ,communion--,council of ,rome under ,st4 ,gelasius4 ,,note #g1 p4 #de4 ,i have said that the most distinguished ,protestants have felt the void which is found in all sects separated from the ,catholic ,church4 ,i am about to give proofs of this assertion1 which perhaps some persons may consider hazardous4 ,luther1 writing to ,zwinglius1 said1 ,if the world lasts for a long time1 it will be again necessary1 on account of the different interpretations which are now given to the ,scriptures1 to receive the decrees of ,councils1 and take refuge in them1 in order to preserve the unity of the faith4--,si diutius steterit mundus1 iterum erit necessarium1 propter diversas ,scriptur interpretationes qu nunc sunt1 ad conservandam fidei unitatem1 ut conciliorum decreta recipiamus1 atque ad ea confugiamus4 ,melancthon1 deploring the fatal results of the want of spiritual jurisdiction1 said1 ,there will result from it a liberty useless to the world2 and in another place he utters these remarkable words3 ,there are required in the ,church inspectors1 to maintain order1 to observe attentively those who are called to the ecclesiastical ministry1 to watch over the doctrine of priests1 and pronounce ecclesiastical judgments2 so that if bishops did not exist1 it would be necessary to create them4 ,the monarchy of the ,pope would be of great utility to preserve among such various nations uniformity of doctrine4 ,let us hear ,calvin3 ,god has placed the seat of his worship in the centre of the earth1 and has placed there only one ,pontiff1 whom all may regard1 the better to preserve unity4--,cultus sui sedem in medio terr collocavit1 illi unum ,antisticem prfecit1 quem omnes respicerent1 quo melius in unitate continerentur4--7,calvin1 ,inst4 #f1 #aa47 ,i have also1 says ,beza1 been long and greatly tormented by the same thoughts which you describe to me4 ,i see our people wander at the mercy of every wind of doctrine1 and after having been raised up1 fall sometimes on one side1 and sometimes on the other4 ,what they think of religion to-day you may know2 what they will think of it to-morrow you cannot affirm4 ,on what point of religion are the ,churches which have declared war against the ,pope agreed8 ,examine all1 from beginning to end1 you will hardly find one thing affirmed by the one which the other does not directly cry out against as impiety4--,exercuerunt me diu et multum ill ips quas describis cogitationes4 ,video nostros palantes omni doctrin vento1 et in altum sublatos1 modo ad hanc1 modo ad illam partem deferri4 ,horum1 qu sit hodie de religione sententia scire fortasse possis2 sed qu cras de eadem futura sit opinio1 neque tu certo affirmare queas4 ,in quo tandem religionis capite congruunt inter se ,ecclesi1 qu ,romano ,pontifici bellum indixerunt8 ,a capite ad calcem si percurras omnia1 nihil propemodum reperias ab uno affirmari1 quod alter statim non impium esse clamitet4 7,th4 ,bez4 ,epist4 ad ,andream ,dudit47 ,grotius1 one of the most learned of ,protestants1 also felt the weakness of the foundation on which the separated sects repose4 ,many people have believed that he died a ,catholic4 ,the ,protestants accused him of having the intention of embracing the ,roman faith2 and the ,catholics1 who had relations with him at ,paris1 thought the same thing4 ,it is said that the celebrated ,petau1 the friend of ,grotius1 at the news of his death1 said mass for him2 an anecdote the truth of which ,i do not guarantee4 ,it is certain that ,grotius1 in his work entitled ,de ,antichristo1 does not think1 with other ,protestants1 that the ,pope is ,antichrist4 ,it is certain that1 in his work entitled ,votum pro ,pace ,ecclesi1 he says1 without circumlocution1 that without the supremacy of the ,pope1 it is impossible to put an end to disputes2 and he alleges the example of the ,protestants3 as it happens1 says he1 among the ,protestants4 ,it is certain that1 in his posthumous work1 ,rivetiani ,apologetici ,discussio1 he openly lays down the fundamental principle of ,catholicity1 namely1 that the dogmas of faith should be decided by tradition and the authority of the ,church1 and not by the holy ,scriptures only4 ,the conversion of the celebrated ,protestant ,papin1 which made so much noise1 is another proof of what we are endeavoring to show4 ,papin reflected on the fundamental principle of ,protestantism1 and on the contradiction which exists between this principle and the intolerance of ,protestants1 who1 relying only on private judgment1 yet have recourse to authority for self-preservation4 ,he reasoned as follows3 ,if the principle of authority1 which they attempt to adopt1 is innocent and legitimate1 it condemns their origin1 wherein they refused to submit to the authority of the ,catholic ,church2 but if the principle of private judgment1 which they embraced in the beginning1 was right and just1 this is enough to condemn the principle of authority invented by them for the purpose of avoiding its excesses2 for this principle opens and smooths the way to the greatest disorders of impiety4 ,puffendorf1 who will certainly not be accused of coldness when attacking ,catholicity1 could not help paying his tribute also to the truth1 when1 in a confession for which all ,catholics ought to thank him1 he says1 ,the suppression of the authority of the ,pope has sowed endless germs of discord in the world3 as there is no longer any sovereign authority to terminate the disputes which arise on all sides1 we have seen the ,protestants split among themselves1 and tear their bowels with their own hands4 7,puffendorf1 de ,monarch4 ,pont4 ,roman47 ,leibnitz1 that great man1 who1 according to the expression of ,fontenelle1 advanced all sciences1 also acknowledged the weakness of ,protestantism1 and the organizing power which belongs to the ,catholic ,church4 ,we know that1 far from participating in the anger of ,protestants against the ,pope1 he regarded the religious supremacy of ,rome with the most lively sympathy4 ,he openly avows the superiority of the ,catholic over the ,protestant missions2 the religious communities themselves1 the objects of so much aversion to so many people1 were to him highly respectable4 ,these anticipations with respect to the religious ideas of this great man have been more and more confirmed by one of his posthumous works1 published for the first time at ,paris in #ahai4 ,the ,exposition of the ,doctrine of ,leibnitz on ,religion1 followed by ,thoughts extracted from the writings of the same ,author1 by ,m4 ,emery1 formerly ,general ,superior of ,st4 ,sulpice1 contains the posthumous work of ,leibnitz1 whereof the title1 in the original manuscript1 is1 ,theological ,system4 ,the commencement of this work1 remarkable for its seriousness and simplicity1 is certainly worthy of the great soul of this distinguished thinker4 ,it is this3 ,after having long and profoundly studied religious controversies1 after having implored the divine assistance1 and laid aside1 as far as it is possible for man1 all spirit of party1 ,i have considered myself as a neophyte come from the new world1 and one who had not yet embraced an opinion2 behold1 therefore1 the conclusions at which ,i have arrived1 and what appeared to me1 out of all that ,i have examined1 worthy to be received by all unprejudiced men1 as what is most conformable to the holy ,scriptures and respectable antiquity2 ,i will even say1 to right reason and the most certain historical facts4 ,leibnitz afterwards lays down the existence of ,god1 the ,incarnation1 the ,trinity1 and the other dogmas of ,christianity2 he adopts with candor1 and defends with much learning1 the doctrine of the ,catholic ,church on tradition1 the sacraments1 the sacrifice of the ,mass1 the respect paid to relics and holy images1 the ,church hierarchy1 and the supremacy of the ,pope4 ,he adds1 ,in all cases which do not admit the delay of the convocation of a general ,council1 or which do not deserve to be considered therein1 it must be admitted that the first of the ,bishops1 or the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 has the same power as the whole ,church4 ,,note #h1 p4 #di4 ,some persons may suppose that what we have said with respect to the emptiness of human knowledge and the weakness of our intellect1 has been said only for the purpose of making the necessity of a rule in matters of faith more sensibly felt4 ,it is not so4 ,it would be easy for me to insert here a long list of texts1 drawn from the writings of the most illustrious men of ancient and modern times1 who have insisted upon this very point4 ,i will only quote here an excellent passage from an illustrious ,spaniard1 one of the greatest men of the sixteenth century1 ,louis ,vives4 ,jam mens ipsa1 suprema animi et celsissima pars1 videbit quantopere sit tum natura sua tarda ac prpedita1 tum tenebris peccati cca1 et a doctrina1 usu1 ac solertia imperita et rudis1 ut ne ea quidem qu videt1 quque manibus contrectat1 cujusmodi sint1 aut quid fiant assequatur1 nedum ut in abdito illa natur1 arcana possit penetrare2 sapienterque ab ,aristotele illa est posita sententia3 ,mentem nostram ad manifestissima natur non aliter habere se1 quam noctu oculum ad lumen solis4 ,ea omnia1 qu universum hominum genus novit1 quota sunt pars eorum qu ignoramus8 ,nec solum id in universitate artium est verum1 sed in singulis earum1 in quarum nulla tantum est humanum ingenium progressum1 ut ad medium pervenerit1 etiam in infimis illis ac villissimis2 ut nihil existimetur verius esse dictum ab ,academicis quam ,scire nihil4 7,ludovic4 ,vives1 de ,concordia et ,discordia1 lib4 iv4 c4 iii47 ,so thought this great man1 who1 to vast erudition in sacred and profane things1 added profound meditation on the human intellect itself2 who followed the progress of the sciences with an observant eye1 and undertook to regenerate them1 as his writings prove4 ,i regret that ,i cannot copy his words at length1 as well those in the passage which ,i have just cited1 as those of his immortal work on the causes of the decline of the arts and sciences1 and on the manner of teaching them4 ,if any one complain that ,i have told some truths as to the weakness of our minds1 and fear lest this should impede the progress of knowledge by checking its flights1 ,i will remind him that the best way of promoting the progress of our minds is1 to give them a knowledge of themselves4 ,on this point1 the profound sentence of ,seneca may be quoted3 ,i know that many persons would have attained to wisdom1 if they had not presumed that they already possessed it4 ,puto multos ad sapientiam protuisse pervenire1 nisi se jam crederent pervenisse4 ,,note #i1 p4 #ec4 ,dense clouds surround the intellect as soon as it approaches the first principles of the sciences4 ,i have said that even the mathematics1 the clearness and certainty of which have become proverbial1 are not exempted from this universal rule4 ,the infinitesimal calculation1 which1 in the present state of science1 may be said to play the leading part1 nevertheless depends on a few ideas which1 up to this time1 have not been well explained by any one--ideas with respect to limits4 ,i do not wish to throw any doubt on the certainty of this calculation3 ,i only wish to show1 that1 if it were attempted to examine the ideas which are as it were the elements of it1 before the tribunal of metaphysical philosophy1 the consequence would be1 that shades would be cast upon their certainty4 ,without going further than the elementary part of science1 we might discover some points which would not bear a continued metaphysical and ideological analysis without injury3 a thing which it would be very easy to prove by example1 if the nature of this work allowed it4 ,we may recommend to the reader on this subject1 the valuable letter addressed by the ,spanish ,jesuit1 ,eximeno1 a distinguished philosopher and mathematician1 to his friend1 ,juan ,andres2 he will there find some appropriate observations made by a man who certainly will not be rejected on the ground of incompetency4 ,it is in ,latin1 and is called ,epistola ad clarissimum virum ,joannem ,andresium4 ,as to the other sciences1 it is not necessary to say much to prove that their first principles are surrounded with darkness2 and it may be said that the brilliant reveries of the most illustrious men have had no other source than this very obscurity4 ,led away by the feeling of their own strength1 these men pursued truth even to the abyss2 there1 to use the expression of an illustrious contemporary poet1 the torch was extinguished in their hands2 lost in an obscure labyrinth1 they were then abandoned to the mercy of their fancies and inspirations2 it was thus that reality gave place to the beautiful dreams of their genius4 ,,note #aj1 p4 #ed4 ,nothing is better for understanding and explaining the innate weakness of the human mind1 than to survey the history of heresies2 a history which we owe to the ,church1 to the extreme care which she has taken to define and classify errors4 ,from ,simon ,magus1 who called himself the legislator of the ,jews1 the renovator of the world1 and the paraclete1 while paying a worship of latria to his mistress ,helena1 under the name of ,minerva1 down to ,hermann1 preaching the massacre of all the priests and all the magistrates of the world1 and affirming that he was the real son of ,god2 a vast picture1 very unpleasant to behold1 ,i acknowledge1 if it were only on account of the extravagances with which it abounds1 presents itself to the observer1 and suggests to him very grave and profound reflections on the real character of the human mind2 there it is easy to see the wisdom of ,catholicity1 in attempting1 in certain cases1 to subject this inconstant spirit to rule4 ,,note #aa1 p4 #eg4 ,if any persons find difficulty in persuading themselves that illusion and fanaticism are1 as it were1 in their proper element among ,protestants1 behold the irresistible testimony of facts in aid of our assertion4 ,this subject would furnish large volumes2 but ,i must be content with a rapid glance4 ,i begin with ,luther4 ,is it possible to carry raving further than to pretend to have been taught by the devil1 to boast of it1 and to found new doctrines on so powerful an authority8 ,yet this was the raving of ,luther himself1 the founder of ,protestantism1 who has left us in his works the evidence of his interview with ,satan4--,whether the apparition was real1 or produced by the dreams of a night agitated by fever1 it is impossible to carry fanaticism further than to boast of having had such a master4 ,luther tells us himself that he had many colloquies with the devil2 but what is above all worthy of attention is1 the vision in which1 as he relates in the most serious manner1 ,satan1 by his arguments1 compelled him to proscribe private masses4 ,he gives us a lively description of this adventure4 ,he wakes in the middle of the night2 ,satan appears to him4--,luther is seized with horror2 he sweats1 he trembles2 his heart beats in a fearful manner4 ,nevertheless the discussion begins1 and the devil1 like a good disputant1 presses him so hard with his arguments1 that he leaves him without reply4 ,luther is conquered2 which ought not to astonish us1 since he tells us that the logic of the devil was accompanied by a voice so alarming1 that the blood froze in his veins4 ,i then understood1 says this wretched being1 how it often happens that people die at the break of day2 it is because the devil is able to kill or suffocate men2 and without going so far as that1 when he disputes with them1 he places them in such embarrassment1 that he can thus occasion their death4 ,i have often experienced this myself4 ,this passage is certainly curious4 ,the phantom which appeared to ,zwinglius1 the founder of ,protestantism in ,switzerland1 affords us another example of extravagance no less absurd4 ,this heresiarch wished to deny the real presence of ,jesus ,christ in the ,eucharist2 he pretended that what exists under the consecrated species is only a sign4 ,as the authority of the sacred text1 which clearly expresses the contrary1 embarrassed him1 behold1 suddenly1 at the moment when he imagined that he was disputing with the secretary of the town1 a white or black phantom1 so he tells us himself1 appeared to him1 and showed him a means4 ,this pleasant anecdote we have from ,zwinglius himself4 ,who does not regret to see such a man as ,melancthon also given up to the prejudices and manias of the most ridiculous superstition1 stupidly credulous with respect to dreams1 extraordinary phenomena1 and astrological prognostics8 ,read his letters1 which are filled with such pitiful things4 ,at the time when the diet of ,augsburg was held1 ,melancthon regarded as favourable presages for the new gospel an inundation of the ,tiber1 the birth at ,rome of a monstrous mule with a crane's foot1 and that of a calf with two heads in the territory of ,augsburg1--events which to him were the undoubted announcements of a change in the universe1 and particularly of the approaching ruin of ,rome by the power of schism4 ,he himself makes the horoscope of his daughter1 and he trembles for her because ,mars presents an alarming aspect2 he is not the less alarmed at the tail of a comet appearing within the limits of the north4 ,the astrologers had predicted that in autumn the stars would be more favorable to ecclesiastical disputes2 this prognostic sufficed to console him for the slowness of the conferences of ,augsburg on the subject of religion3 we see1 moreover1 that his friends--that is1 the leaders of the party--allowed themselves to be ruled by the same powerful reasons4 ,as if he had not troubles enough1 it is predicted that ,melancthon will be shipwrecked in the ,baltic2 he avoids sailing on those fatal waters4 ,certain ,franciscans had prophesied that the power of the ,pope was about to decline1 and then to fall for ever2 also that1 in the year #afjj1 the ,turks were to become masters of ,italy and ,germany2 ,melancthon boasts of having the original prophecy in his possession2 moreover1 the earthquakes which occur confirm him in his belief4 ,the human mind had but just set itself up as the only judge of faith1 when the atrocities of the most furious fanaticism already inundated ,germany with blood4 ,mathias ,harlem1 the ,anabaptist1 at the head of a ferocious troop1 orders the churches to be sacked1 the sacred ornaments to be broken in pieces1 and all books1 except the ,bible1 to be burnt1 as impious or useless4 ,established at ,munster1 which he calls ,mont ,sion1 he causes all the gold1 silver1 and precious stones possessed by the inhabitants to be brought to him1 and places them in a common treasury1 and names deacons to distribute them4 ,all his disciples are compelled to eat in common1 to live in perfect equality1 and to prepare for the war which they would have to undertake1 quitting ,mount ,sion1 as he himself said1 to subject all the nations of the earth to his power4 ,he at length dies in a rash attempt1 wherein1 like another ,gideon1 he undertook nothing less than to exterminate the army of the impious with a handful of men4 ,mathias immediately found an heir to his fanaticism in ,becold1 perhaps better known under the name of ,john of ,leyden4 ,this fanatic1 a tailor by trade1 ran naked through the streets of ,munster1 crying out1 ,behold1 the king of ,sion comes4 ,he returned to his house1 shut himself up there for three days2 and when the people came to inquire for him1 he pretended that he could not speak2 like another ,zachary1 he made signs that he wanted writing materials1 and wrote that it had been revealed to him by ,god1 that the people should be governed by judges1 in imitation of the people of ,israel4 ,he named twelve judges1 choosing the men who were the most attached to himself2 and until the authority of the new magistrates had been acknowledged1 he took the precaution not to allow himself to be seen by any body4 ,already was the authority of the new prophet secured in a certain manner2 but not content with the real command1 he desired to surround himself with pomp and majesty2 he proposed nothing less than to have himself proclaimed king4 ,now the blindness of the sectarian fanatics was so great1 that it was not difficult for him to complete his mad enterprise2 it was enough for him to play off a gross farce4 ,a goldsmith who had an understanding with the aspirant to royalty1 and was also initiated in the art of prophecy1 presented himself before the judges of ,israel1 and spoke to them thus3 ,behold1 this is the will of the ,lord ,god1 the ,eternal3 as in other times ,i established ,saul over ,israel1 and after him ,david1 who was only a simple shepherd1 so ,i now establish my prophet ,becold king of ,sion4 ,the judges would not resolve on abdication2 but ,becold assured them that he also had had the same vision1 that he had concealed it from humility1 but that ,god having spoken by another prophet1 it was necessary for him to resign himself to mount the throne1 and accomplish the orders of the ,most ,high4 ,the judges persisted in wishing to call the people together2 they assembled in the market-place2 there a prophet1 on the part of ,god1 presented to ,becold a drawn sword1 as a sign of the power of justice1 which was conferred on him over all the earth1 to extend to the four quarters of the world the empire of ,sion2 he was proclaimed king with the most boisterous joy1 and solemnly crowned on the #bdth of ,june1 #aecd4 ,as he had espoused the wife of his predecessor1 he raised her to the royal dignity2 but while reserving to her the exclusive privilege of being queen1 he continued to have seventeen wives1 in conformity with the holy liberty which he had proclaimed in this matter4 ,the orgies1 assassinations1 atrocities1 and ravings of all kinds which followed cannot be related2 it may be affirmed that the sixteen months of the reign of this madman were only a series of crimes4 ,the ,catholics cried out against such horrible excesses4 ,the ,protestants cried out also2 but who was to blame8 ,was it not they who1 after having proclaimed resistance to the authority of the ,church1 had thrown the ,bible into the midst of these wretched men1 at the risk of their heads being turned by the ravings of individual interpretation1 and of precipitating them into projects as criminal as they were senseless8 ,the ,anabaptists were well aware of this2 and they were exceedingly indignant with ,luther1 who condemned them in his writings2 and indeed1 what right had he1 who had established the principle1 to desire to check its consequences8 ,if ,luther found in the ,bible that the ,pope was ,antichrist1 if he arrogated to himself1 of his own authority1 the mission of destroying the reign of the ,pope1 by exhorting all the world to conspire against him1 why could not the ,anabaptists say1 in their turn1 that they had intercourse with ,god1 and had received the order to exterminate all the wicked1 and to establish a new kingdom1 in which were to be seen only wise1 pious1 and innocent men1 having become the masters of all things4 ,hermann preaching the massacre of all the priests and all the magistrates of the world2 ,david ,george proclaiming that his doctrine alone was perfect1 that that of the ,old and ,new ,testaments was imperfect1 and that he was the true ,son of ,god2 ,nicholas rejecting faith and worship as useless1 treading under foot the fundamental precepts of morality1 and teaching that it was good to continue in sin1 that grace might abound2 ,hacket pretending that the spirit of the ,messiah had descended upon him1 and sending two of his disciples to cry out in the streets of ,london1 ,behold ,christ coming here with a vase in his hand6 ,hacket himself crying out1 at the sight of the gibbet1 and in the agony of punishment1 ,jehovah6 ,jehovah6 do you not see that the heavens open1 and that ,jesus ,christ comes to deliver me8 are not all these deplorable spectacles1 and a hundred others that ,i might mention1 proofs sufficiently evident that the ,protestant system nourishes and inflames a fearful fanaticism8 ,venner1 ,fox1 ,william ,simpson1 ,j4 ,naylor1 ,count ,zinzendorf1 ,wesley1 ,baron ,swedenborg1 and other similar names1 are sufficient to remind us of an assemblage of sects so extravagant1 and a series of crimes such as would fill volumes1 which would afford us the most ridiculous and the most odious pictures1 the greatest miseries and the most deplorable errors of the human mind4 ,i have not invented or exaggerated4 ,open history1 consult authors--,i do not mean ,catholics1 but ,protestants1 or whatever they may be--and you will every where find a multitude of witnesses who depose to the truth of these facts2 notorious facts1 which have taken place in the light of day1 in great capitals1 and in times bordering on our own2 and let it not be supposed that this abundant source of illusion and fanaticism has been exhausted in the course of ages2 it does not seem that it is yet near being dried up1 and ,europe appears condemned to hear the recital of visions1 such as those of ,baron ,swedenborg in the inn in ,london2 and we shall still see passports for heaven with three seals given out1 like those of ,johanna ,southcote4 ,,note #ab1 p4 #fj4 ,nothing is more palpable than the difference which exists on this point between ,protestants and ,catholics4 ,on both sides there are persons who consider themselves to be favored with heavenly visions2 but these visions render ,protestants proud1 turbulent1 and raving mad1 while among ,catholics they increase the spirit of humility1 peace1 and love4 ,even in that very sixteenth century1 in which the fanaticism of the ,protestants agitated and stained ,europe with blood1 there lived in ,spain a woman who1 in the judgment of unbelievers and ,protestants1 is certainly one of those who have been the most deeply infected with illusion and fanaticism2 but has the supposed fanaticism of this woman ever caused the spilling of a drop of blood1 or the shedding of a tear8 ,were her visions1 like those of ,protestants1 orders from heaven for the extermination of men8 ,after the desolate and horrible picture which ,i have given in the preceding note1 perhaps the reader will be glad to let his eyes rest upon a spectacle as peaceful as it is beautiful4 ,it is ,st4 ,theresa writing her own life out of pure obedience1 and relating to us her visions with angelic candor and ineffable sweetness4 ,the ,lord 7she says7 willed that ,i should once have this vision3 ,i saw near to me1 on the left hand1 an angel in a corporeal form2 this is what ,i do not usually see1 except by a prodigy2 although angels often present themselves to me without my seeing them1 as ,i have said in the preceding vision4 ,in this the ,lord willed that ,i should see him in the following manner3 he was not tall1 but small and very beautiful1 his face all in a flame1 and he seemed to be one of the angels very high in the hierarchy1 who apparently are all on fire4 ,without doubt1 he was one of those who are called seraphim4--,these angels do not tell me their names2 but ,i clearly see that there is so great a difference among the angels1 between some and others1 that ,i do not know how to express it4 ,i saw in his hands a long dart of gold1 which appeared to me to have some fire at the end of the point4 ,it seemed to me that the angel buried this dart from time to time in my heart1 and made it penetrate to my bowels1 and that when withdrawing it1 he carried them away1 leaving me all inflamed with a great love of ,god4 7,vie de ,st4 ,thrse1 c4 xxix4 no4 #aa47 ,another example3 ,at this moment ,i see on my head a dove very different from those of earth2 for this one had no feathers1 but wings as it were of the shell of mother of pearl1 which shone brightly4 ,it was larger than a dove2 it seemed to me that ,i heard the noise of its wings4 ,it moved them almost for the time of an ,ave ,maria4 ,the soul was already in such a condition that1 herself swooning away1 she also lost sight of this divine dove4 ,the mind grew tranquil with the presence of such a guest1 although it seemed to me that so wonderful a favor ought to fill it with perturbation and alarm2 but as the soul began to enjoy it1 fear departed1 repose came with enjoyment1 and the mind remained in ecstacy4 7,vie1 c4 xxviii4 no4 #g47 ,it would be difficult to find any thing more beautiful1 expressed in more lively colors1 and with a more amiable simplicity4 ,it will not be out of place to copy here two other passages of a different kind1 which1 while they enforce what we wish to show1 may contribute to awaken the taste of our nation for a certain class of ,spanish writers1 who are every day falling into oblivion with us1 while foreigners seek for them with eagerness1 and publish handsome editions of them4 ,i was once at office with all the rest2 my soul was suddenly fixed in attention1 and it seemed to me to be entirely as a clear mirror without reverse or side1 neither high nor low1 but shining every where4 ,in the midst of it1 ,christ our ,saviour presented himself to me1 as ,i am accustomed to see ,him4 ,he appeared to me to be at once in all parts of my soul4 ,i saw ,him as in a clear mirror1 and this mirror also 7,i cannot say how7 was entirely imprinted on our ,lord himself1 by a communication which ,i cannot describe--a communication full of love4 ,i know that this vision has been of great advantage to me every time that ,i recollect it1 principally when ,i have just received communion4 ,i was given to understand that when a soul is in a state of mortal sin1 this mirror is covered with great darkness1 and is extremely obscure1 so that our ,lord cannot appear or be seen therein1 although ,he is always present as giving being2 as to heretics1 it is as if the mirror were broken1 which is much worse than if it were obscured4 ,there is a great difference between seeing this and telling it2 it is difficult to make such a thing understood4 ,i repeat1 that this has been very profitable to me1 and also very afflicting1 on account of the view of the various offences by which ,i have obscured my soul1 and have been deprived of seeing my ,lord4 7,vie1 c4 xi4 no4 #d47 ,in another place she explains a manner of seeing things in ,god2 she represents the idea by an image so brilliant and sublime1 that we appear to be reading ,malebranche1 when developing his famous system4 ,we say that the ,divinity is like a bright diamond1 infinitely larger than the world2 or rather like a mirror1 as ,i have said of the soul in another vision2 except that here it is in a manner so sublime1 that ,i know not how to exalt it sufficiently4 ,all that we do is seen in this diamond1 which contains all in itself2 for there is nothing which is not comprised in so great a magnitude4 ,it was alarming to me to see in so short a time so many things assembled in this bright diamond2 and ,i am profoundly afflicted every time that ,i think that things so shocking as my sins appeared to me in this most pure brightness4 7,vie1 c4 xl4 no4 #g47 ,let us now suppose1 with ,protestants1 that all these visions were only pure illusions3 at least it is evident that they do not pervert ideas1 corrupt morals1 or disturb public order2 and assuredly1 had they served only to inspire these beautiful pages1 we should not know how to regret the illusion4 ,this is a confirmation of what ,i have said of the salutary effects which the ,catholic principle produces in souls1 by preventing them from being blinded by pride1 or throwing themselves into dangerous courses4 ,this principle confines them to a sphere where it is impossible for them to injure any one2 but it does not deprive them of any of their force or energy to do good1 supposing that the inspiration is real4 ,although it would have been easy for me to cite a thousand examples1 ,i was compelled1 for the sake of brevity1 to confine myself to one1 when selecting ,st4 ,theresa as one of those who are the most distinguished in this respect1 and because she was contemporary with the great aberrations of ,protestantism4 ,in fine1 as she was a daughter of ,spain1 ,i seized the opportunity of recalling her to the memories of ,spaniards1 who begin too much to forget her4 ,,note #ac1 p4 #fd4 ,some of the leaders of the ,reformation have left suspicions that they taught with insincerity1 that they did not themselves believe what they preached1 and that they had no other object than to deceive their proselytes4 ,as ,i am unwilling to have it imputed to me that ,i have made this accusation rashly1 ,i will adduce some proofs in support of my assertion4 ,let us hear ,luther himself4 ,often1 he says1 do ,i think within myself that ,i scarcely know where ,i am1 and whether ,i teach the truth or not 7,spe sic mecum cogito1 propemodum nescio1 quo loco sim1 et utrum veritatem doceam1 necne74 7,luther1 ,col4 ,isleb4 de ,christo47 ,and it is the same man who said3 ,it is certain that ,i have received my dogmas from heaven4 ,i will not allow you to judge of my doctrine1 neither you nor even the angels of heaven 7,certum est dogmata mea habere me de clo4 ,non sinam vel vos vel ipsos angelos de clo de mea doctrina judicare74 7,luther1 contra ,reg4 ,ang47 ,john ,matthei1 the author of many writings on the life of ,luther1 and who is not scanty in eulogies on the heresiarch1 has preserved a very curious anecdote touching the convictions of ,luther4 ,it is this3 ,a preacher called ,john ,musa related to me that he one day complained to ,luther that he could not prevail on himself to believe what he taught to others3 ',blessed be ,god 7said ,luther7 that the same thing happens to others as to myself3 ,i believed till now that ,,that was a thing which happened only to me4' 7,johann4 ,matthesius1 conc4 #ab47 ,the doctrines of infidelity were not long delayed2 but would it be believed that they are found expressed in various parts of ,luther's own works8 ,it is likely1 says he1 speaking of the dead1 that1 except a few1 they all sleep deprived of feeling4 ,i think that the dead are buried in so ineffable and wonderful a sleep1 that they feel or see less than those who sleep an ordinary sleep4 ,the souls of the dead enter neither into purgatory nor into hell4 ,the human soul sleeps2 all its senses buried4 ,there is no suffering in the abode of the dead4 7,verisimile est1 exceptis paucis1 omnes dormire insensibiles4 ,ego puto mortuos sic ineffabili et miro somno sopitos1 ut minus sentiant aut videant1 quam hi qui alias dormiunt4 ,anim mortuorum non ingrediuntur in purgatorium nec infernum4 ,anima humana dormit1 omnibus sensibus sepultis4 ,mortuorum locus cruciatus nullos habet47 7,tom4 ii4 ,epist4 ,lat4 ,isleb4 fol4 #dd2 t4 vi4 ,lat4 ,wittenberg1 in cap4 ii41 cap4 xxiii41 c4 xxv41 c4 xlii4 et xlix4 ,genes4 et t4 iv4 ,lat4 ,wittenberg1 fol4 #aji47 ,persons were not wanting ready to receive such doctrines2 and this teaching caused such ravages1 that the ,lutheran ,brentzen1 disciple and successor of ,luther1 hesitates not to say3 ,although no one among us publicly professes that the soul perishes with the body1 and that there is no resurrection of the dead1 nevertheless the impure and wholly profane lives which they for the most part lead1 show very clearly that they do not believe that there is another life4 ,some even allow words of this kind to escape them1 not only in the intoxication of libations1 but even when fasting1 in their familiar intercourse4 7,et si inter nos nulla sit publica professio quod anima simul cum corpore intereat1 et quod non sit mortuorum resurrectio1 tamen impurissima et profanissima illa vita1 quam maxima pars hominum sectatur1 perspicue indicat quod non sentiat vitam post hanc4 ,nonnullis etiam tales voces1 tam ebriis inter pocula1 quam sobriis in familiaribus colloquiis47 7,brentius1 ,hom4 #ce1 in cap4 #bj1 ,luc47 ,there were in this same sixteenth century some men who cared not to give their names to this or that sect1 but who professed infidelity and scepticism without disguise4 ,we know that the famous ,gruet paid with his head for his boldness in this way2 and it was not the ,catholics who cut it off1 but the ,calvinists1 who were offended that this unhappy man had taken the liberty to paint the character and conduct of ,calvin in their true colors4 ,gruet had also committed the crime of posting up placards at ,geneva1 in which he charged the pretended reformers with inconsistency1 on account of the tyranny which they attempted to exercise over consciences1 after having shaken off the yoke of authority on their own account4 ,this took place soon after the birth of ,protestantism1 as the sentence on ,gruet was executed in #aedi4 ,montaigne1 who has been pointed out as one of the first sceptics who acquired reputation in ,europe1 carries the thing so far1 that he does not even admit the natural law4 ,they are not serious 7he says7 when1 to give some certainty to laws1 they say that there are any laws fixed1 perpetual1 and immutable1 which they call natural1 which are impressed on the human race by the condition of their peculiar essence4 7,montaigne1 ,ess4 l4 ii4 c4 #ab47 ,we have already seen what ,luther thought of death1 or at least the expression which escaped him on this subject2 and we cannot be astonished after that1 that ,montaigne wished to die like a real unbeliever1 and that he says1 speaking of the terrible passage3 ,i plunge my head1 insensibly sunk in death1 without considering or observing it1 as in a silent and obscure depth1 which swallows me up at once1 stifles me in a moment with powerful sleep full of insipidity and indolence4 7,montaigne1 l4 iii4 c4 #i47 ,but this man1 who wished that death should find him planting his cabbages1 and without thinking of it 7,je veux que la mort me trouve plantant mes choux1 mais sans me soucier d'elle71 was not of the same opinion in his last moments4 ,when he was near breathing his last1 he wished that the holy sacrifice of the ,mass should be celebrated in his apartment1 and he expired while making an effort to raise himself on his bed1 in the act of adoring the sacred ,host4 ,we see that he had profited in his heart by some of his ideas with respect to the ,christian religion4 ,it is pride1 he had said1 that leads man out of the common path1 and urges him to embrace novelties1 loving rather to be the chief of a wandering and undisciplined band1 than to be a disciple of the school of truth4 ,in another place1 at once condemning all the dissenting sects1 he had said1 ,in religious matters it is necessary to adhere to those who are the established judges of doctrine1 and who have legitimate authority1 not to the most learned and the cleverest4 ,from all that ,i have just said1 it is clear that if ,i accuse ,protestantism of having been one of the principal causes of infidelity in ,europe1 ,i do not accuse it without reason4 ,i repeat here1 that it is by no means my intention to overlook the efforts of some ,protestants to oppose infidelity2 ,i do not assail persons1 but things1 and ,i honor merit wherever ,i find it4 ,in fine1 ,i will add1 that if at the end of the seventeenth century a considerable number of ,protestants displayed a tendency towards ,catholicity1 we must seek the reason for it in the progress which they saw infidelity making1--a progress which it was impossible to check1 at least without holding fast to the anchor of authority which the ,catholic ,church offered to the whole world4 ,i cannot1 without exceeding the limits which ,i have marked out for myself1 give a circumstantial detail of the correspondence between ,molanus and the ,bishop of ,tyna1 of ,leibnitz and ,bossuet4 ,readers who desire to become thoroughly acquainted with that affair1 may examine it partly in the works of ,bossuet himself1 and partly in the interesting work of ,m4 de ,beausset1 prefixed to some editions of ,bossuet4 ,,note #ad1 p4 #hf4 ,in order to form an idea of the state of knowledge at the time of the appearance of ,christianity1 and become convinced that there was nothing to be expected from the human mind abandoned to its own strength1 it is enough to recall to mind the monstrous sects which every where abounded in the first ages of the ,church1 the doctrines whereof formed the most shapeless1 extravagant1 and immoral compound that it is possible to conceive4 ,the names of ,cerinthus1 ,menander1 ,ebion1 ,saturninus1 ,basilides1 ,nicolas1 ,carpocrates1 ,valentinus1 ,marcion1 ,montanus1 and so many others1 remind us of the sects in which delirium was connected with immorality4 ,when we throw a glance over these philosophico-religious sects1 we see that they were capable neither of conceiving a philosophical system with any degree of concert1 nor of imagining a collection of doctrines and practices to which the name of religion can be applied4 ,these men overturned1 mixed1 and confounded all2 ,judaism1 ,christianity1 and the recollections of the ancient schools1 were all amalgamated in their deluded heads2 what they never forgot was1 to give a loose rein to all kinds of corruption and obscenity4 ,in the spectacle of these ages1 a wide field is opened to the conjectures of true philosophy4 ,what would have become of human knowledge1 if ,christianity had not come to enlighten the world with her celestial doctrines2 if that divine religion1 confounding the foolish pride of man1 had not come to show him how vain and senseless were his thoughts1 and how far he was removed from the path of truth8 ,it is remarkable that these same men1 whose aberrations make us shudder1 gave themselves the name of ,gnostics1 on account of the superior knowledge with which they supposed themselves to be endowed4 ,we see that man is at all times the same4 ,,note #ae1 p4 #aae4 ,i have thought that it would not be useless to transcribe here1 word for word1 the canons which ,i have mentioned in the text4 ,my readers may thereby acquire for themselves a complete knowledge of what is found there2 and there will be no room left to suppose that the real sense of the regulations has been perverted in the extracts which ,i have given4 ,,canons ,,and ,,other ,,documents1 ,which show the solicitude of the ,church to improve the lot of slaves1 and the various means she has used to accomplish the abolition of slavery3 ,i4 ,a penance is imposed on the mistress who maltreats her slave 7ancillam74 7,concilium ,eliberitanum1 anno #cje47 ,si qua domina furore zeli accensa flagris verberaverit ancillam suam1 ita ut in tertium diem animam cum cruciatu effundat2 eo quod incertum sit1 voluntate an casu occiderit2 si voluntate1 post septem annos1 si casu1 post quinquennii tempora1 acta legitima pnitentia1 ad communionem placuit admitti4 ,quod si infra tempora constituta fuerit infirmata1 accipiat communionem4 7,canon #e47 ,it must be observed1 that the word 'ancillam' means a slave properly so called1 and not any kind of servant4 ,this appears1 indeed1 from the words flagris verberaverit1 which express a chastisement reserved for slaves4 ,they excommunicate the master who1 of his own authority1 beats his slave to death4 7,concilium ,epaoense1 anno #eag47 ,si quis servum proprium sine conscientia judicis occiderit1 excommunicatione biennii effusionem sanguinis expiabit4 7,canon #cd47 ,this same regulation is repeated in the #aeth canon of the #agth ,council of ,toledo1 held in #fid2 even the words of the ,council of ,epaon are there copied with very slight change4 7,ibid47 ,the slave guilty of an atrocious crime was to escape corporeal punishments by taking refuge in a church4 ,servus reatu atrociore culpabilis si ad ecclesiam confugerit1 a corporabilibus tantum suppliciis excusetur4 ,de capillis vero1 vel quocumque opere1 placuit1 a dominis juramenta non exigi4 7,canon #ci47 ,very remarkable precautions to prevent masters from maltreating the slaves who had taken refuge in churches4 7,concilium ,aurelianense quintum1 anno #edi47 ,de servis vero1 qui pro qualibet culpa ad ecclesi septa confugerint1 id statuimus observandum1 ut1 sicut in antiquis constitutionibus tenetur scriptum1 pro concessa culpa datis a domino sacramentis1 quisquis ille fuerit1 expediatur de venia jam securus4 ,enim vero si immemor fidei dominus trascendisse convincitur quod juravit1 ut is qui veniam acceperat1 probetur postmodum pro ea culpa qualicumque supplicio cruciatus1 dominus ille qui immemor fuit dat fidei1 sit ab omnium communione suspensus4 ,iterum si servus de promissione veni datis sacramentis a domino jam securus exire noluerit1 ne sub tali contumacia requirens locum fug1 domino fortasse dispereat1 egredi nolentem a domino eum liceat occupari1 ut nullam1 quasi pro retentatione servi1 quibuslibet modis molestiam aut calumniam patiatur ecclesia3 fidem tamen dominus1 quam pro concessa venia dedit1 nulla temeritate transcendat4 ,quod si aut gentilis dominus fuerit1 aut alterius sect1 qui a conventu ecclesi probatur extraneus1 is qui servum repetit1 personas requirat bon fidei ,christianas1 ut ipsi in persona domini servo prbeant sacramenta3 quia ipsi possunt servare quod sacrum est1 qui pro transgressione ecclesiasticum metuunt disciplinam4 7,canon #bb47 ,it is difficult to carry solicitude for the lot of slaves further4 ,this document is very curious4 ,they forbid bishops to mutilate their slaves3 they order that the duty of chastising them should be left to the judge of the town1 who1 nevertheless1 could not cut off their hair1 a punishment which was considered too ignominious4 7,concilium ,emeritense1 anno #fff47 ,si regalis pietas pro salute omnium suarum legum dignata est ponere decreta1 cur religio sancta per sancti concilii ordinem non habeat instituta1 qu omnino debent esse cavenda8 ,ideoque placuit huic sancto concilio1 ut omnis potestas episcopalis modum su ponat ir2 nec pro quolibet excessu cuilibet ex familia1 ecclesi aliquod corporis membrorum sua ordinatione prsumat extirpare aut auferre4 ,quod si talis emerserit culpa1 advocato judice civitatis1 ad examen ejus deducatur quod factum fuisse asseritur4 ,et quia omnino justum est1 ut pontifex svissimam non impendat vindictam2 quidquid coram judice verius patuerit1 per disciplin severitatem absque turpi decalvatione maneat emendatum4 7,canon #ae47 ,priests are forbidden to have their slaves mutilated4 7,concilium ,toletanum undecimum1 anno #fge47 ,his a quibus domini sacramenta tractanda sunt1 judicium sanguinis agitare non licet3 et ideo magnopere talium excessibus prohibendum est1 ne indiscret prsumptionis motibus agitati1 aut quod morte plectendum est1 sententia propria judicare prsumant1 aut truncationes quaslibet membrorum quibuslibet personis aut per se inferant1 aut inferendas prcipiant4 ,quod si quisquam horum immemor prceptorum1 aut ecclesi su familiis1 aut in quibuslibet personis tale quid fecerit1 et concessi ordinis honore privatus1 et loco suo1 perpetuo damnationis teneatur religatus ergastulo3 cui tamen communio exeunti ex hac vita non neganda est1 propter domini misericordiam1 qui non vult peccatoris mortem1 sed ut convertatur et vivat4 7,canon #f47 ,it should be remarked1 that the word familia1 employed in the two last canons which we have just cited1 should be understood of slaves4 ,the real meaning of this word is clearly shown us by the #gdth canon of the #dth ,council of ,toledo4 ,de familiis ecclesi constituere presbyteros et diaconos per parochias liceat 44444 ea tamen ratione ut antea manumissi libertatem status sui percipiant4 ,we see this word employed in the same sense by ,pope ,st4 ,gregory4 7,epist4 xliv4 l4 #d47 ,a penance is imposed on the master who kills his slave of his own authority4 7,concilium ,wormatiense1 anno #hfh47 ,si quis servum proprium sine conscientia judicum qui tale quid commiserit1 quod morte sit dignum1 occiderit1 excommunicatione vel pnitentia biennii1 reatum sanguinis emendabit4 7,canon #ch47 ,si qua femina furore zeli accensa1 flagris verberaverit ancillam suam1 ita ut intra tertium diem animam suam cum cruciatu effundat1 eo quod incertum sit voluntate1 an casu occiderit2 si voluntate1 septem annos1 si casu1 per quinque annorum tempora legitimam peragat pnitentiam4 7,canon #ci47 ,they check the violence of those who1 to revenge themselves for the asylum granted to slaves1 take possession of the goods of the ,church4 7,concilium ,arausicanum primum1 anno #dda47 ,si quis autem mancipia clericorum pro suis mancipiis ad ecclesiam fugientibus crediderit occupanda1 per omnes ecclesias districtissima damnatione feriatur4 7,canon #f47 ,,ii4 7,ibid47 ,they check all attempts made against the liberty of slaves enfranchised by the ,church1 or who have been recommended to her by will4 ,in ecclesia manumissos1 vel per testamentum ecclesi commendatos1 si quis in servitutem1 vel obsequium1 vel ad colonariam conditionem imprimere tentaverit1 animadversione ecclesiastica coerceatur4 7,canon #g47 ,they secure the liberty of those who have received the benefit of manumission in the ,churches4 ,the latter are enjoined to take upon themselves the defence of the enfranchised4 7,concilium quintum ,aurelianense1 anno #edi47 ,et quia plurimorum suggestione comperimus1 eos qui in ecclesiis juxta patrioticam consuetudinem a servitiis fuerunt absoluti1 pro libito quorumcumque iterum ad servitium revocari1 impium esse tractavimus1 ut quod in ecclesia ,dei consideratione a vinculo servitutis absolvitur1 irritum habeatur4 ,ideo pietatis causa communi concilio placuit observandum1 ut qucumque mancipia ab ingenuis dominis servitute laxantur1 in ea libertate maneant1 quam tunc a dominis perceperunt4 ,hujusmodi quoque libertas si a quocumque pulsata fuerit1 cum justitia ab ecclesiis defendatur1 prter eas culpas1 pro quibus leges collatas servis revocare jusserunt libertates4 7,canon #g47 ,the ,church is charged with the defence of the enfranchised1 whether they have been emancipated within her enclosure1 whether they have been so by letter or testament1 or have gained their liberty by prescription4 ,they restrain the arbitrariness of the judges towards these unfortunate persons4 ,it is decided that the ,bishops shall take cognizance of these causes4 7,concilium ,matisconense secundum1 anno #ehe47 ,qu dum postea universo ctui secundum consuetudinem recitata innotescerent1 ,prtextatus et ,pappulus viri beatissimi dixerunt3 ,decernat itaque1 et de miseris libertis vestr auctoritatis vigor insignis1 qui ideo plus a judicibus affliguntur1 quia sacris sunt commendati ecclesiis3 ut si quas quispiam dixerit contra eos actiones habere1 non audeat eos magistratus contradere2 sed in episcopi tantum judicio1 in cujus prsentia litem contestans1 qu sunt justiti ac veritatis audiat4 ,indignum est enim1 ut hi qui in sacrosancta ecclesia jure noscuntur legitimo manumissi1 aut per epistolam1 aut per testamentum1 aut per longinquitatem temporis libertatis jure fruuntur1 a quolibet injustissime inquietentur4 ,universa sacerdotalis ,congregatio dixit3 ,justum est1 ut contra calumniatorum omnium versutias defendantur1 qui patrocinium immortalis ecclesi concupiscunt4 ,et quicumque a nobis de libertis latum decretum1 superbi ausu prvaricare tentaverit1 irreparabili damnationis su sententia feriatur4 ,sed si placuerit episcopo ordinarium judicem1 aut quemlibet alium scularem1 in audientiam eorum accersiri1 cum libuerit fiat1 et nullus alius audeat causas pertractare libertorum nisi episcopus cujus interest1 aut is cui idem audiendum tradiderit4 7,canon #g47 ,the defence of the freed is confided to the priests4 7,concilium ,parisiense quintum1 anno #fad47 ,liberti quorumcumque ingenuorum a sacerdotibus defensentur1 nec ad publicum ulterius revocentur4 ,quod si quis ausu temerario eos imprimere voluerit1 aut ad publicum revocare1 et admonitus per pontificem ad audientiam venire neglexerit1 aut emendare quod perpetravit distulerit1 communione privetur4 7,canon #e47 ,the enfranchised recommended to the ,churches shall be protected by the ,bishops4 7,concilium ,toletanum tertium1 anno #ehi47 ,de libertis autem id ,dei prcipiunt sacerdotes1 ut si qui ab episcopis facti sunt secundum modum quo canones antiqui dant licentiam1 sint liberi2 et tantum a patrocinio ecclesi tam ipsi quam ab eis progeniti non recedant4 ,ab aliis quoque libertati traditi1 et ecclesiis commendati1 patrocinio episcopali tegantur1 a principe hoc episcopus postulet4 7,canon #f47 ,the ,church undertakes to defend the liberty and the property acquired by industry of the enfranchised who have been recommended to her4 7,concilium ,toletanum quartum1 anno #fcc47 ,liberti qui a quibuscumque manumissi sunt1 atque ecclesi patrocinio commendati existunt1 sicut regul antiquorum patrum constituerunt1 sacerdotali defensione a cujuslibet insolentia protegantur2 sive in statu libertatis eorum1 seu in peculio quod habere noscuntur4 7,cap4 #gb47 ,the ,church will defend the enfranchised3 a regulation which does not distinguish whether they have been recommended to her or not4 7,concilium ,agathense1 anno #ejf47 ,libertos legitime a dominis suis factos ecclesia1 si necessitas exegerit1 tueatur2 quod si quis ante audientiam1 aut pervadere1 aut expoliare prsumpserit1 ab ecclesia repellatur4 7,canon #bi47 ,,iii4 ,the ,church shall regard the ransom of captives as her first care2 she shall give their interests the preference over her own1 however bad may be the state of her affairs4 ,sicut omnino grave est1 frustra ecclesiastica ministeria venundare1 sic iterum culpa est1 imminente hujusmodi necessitate1 res maxime desolat ,ecclesi captivis suis prponere1 et in eorum redemptione cessare4 7,caus4 xii4 q4 #b1 canon #af47 ,remarkable words of ,st4 ,ambrose touching the ransom of captives4 ,to perform this pious duty1 the holy ,bishop breaks up and sells the sacred vessels4 7,s4 ,ambrosius de ,off4 lib4 ii4 cap4 #ae47 7 #gj47 ,summa etiam liberalitas captos redimere1 eripere ex hostium manibus1 subtrahere neci homines1 et maxime feminas turpidini1 reddere parentibus liberos1 parentes liberis1 cives patri1 restituere4 ,nota sunt hc nimis ,illyri vastitate et ,thraci3 quanti ubique venales erant captivi orbe4444 ,ibid4 7 #ga47 ,prcipua est igitur liberalitas1 redimere captivos et maxime ab hoste barbaro1 qui nihil deferat humanitatis ad misericordiam1 nisi quod avaritia reservaverit ad redemptionem4 ,ib4 l4 ii4 c4 #b 7 #ac47 ,ut nos aliquando in invidiam incidimus1 quod confregerimus vasa mystica1 ut captivos redimeremus1 quod ,arianis displicere potuerat1 nec tam factum displiceret1 quam ut esset quod in nobis reprehenderetur4 ,these noble and charitable sentiments were not those of ,st4 ,ambrose only2 his words are but the expression of the feelings of the whole ,church4 ,without referring to numberless proofs which ,i might adduce here1 and before ,i pass to the canons which ,i mean to insert1 ,i will copy some passages from a touching letter of ,st4 ,cyprian1 which contains the motives which animated the ,church in her pious enterprise1 and gives a lively description of her zeal and charity in these admirable efforts4 ,cyprianus ,januario1 ,maximo1 ,proculo1 ,victori1 ,modiano1 ,nemesiano1 ,nampulo1 et ,honorato1 fratribus salutem4 ,cum maximo animi nostri gemitu et non sine lacrymis legimus litteras vestras1 fratres carissimi1 quas ad nos pro dilectionis vestr sollicitudine de fratrum nostrorum et sororum captivitate fecistis4 ,quis enim non doleat in ejusmodi casibus1 aut quis non dolorem fratris sui suum proprium computet cum loquatur apostolus ,paulus et dicat3 ,si patitur unum membrum1 compatiuntur et ctera membra3 si ltatur membrum unum1 colltantur et ctera membra4 7#a ad ,cor4 xii4 #bf47 ,et alio loco3 ,quis infirmatur1 inquit1 et non ego infirmor8 7#b ad ,cor4 xi4 #bi47 ,quare nunc et nobis captivitas fratrum nostra captivitas computanda est1 et periclitantium dolor pro nostro dolore numerandus est1 cum sit scilicet adunationis nostr corpus unum1 et non tantum dilectio sed et religio instigare nos debeat et confortare ad fratrum membra redimenda4 ,nam cum denuo apostolus ,paulus dicat3 ,nescitis quia templum ,dei estis1 et ,spiritus ,dei habitat in vobis8 7#a ad ,cor4 iii4 #af71 etiamsi charitas nos minus adigeret ad opem fratribus ferendam1 considerandum tamen hoc in loco fuit1 ,dei templum esse qu capta sunt1 nec pati nos longa cessatione et neglecto dolore debere1 ut diu ,dei templa captiva sint2 sed quibus possumus viribus elaborare et velociter gerere ut ,christum judicem et ,dominum et ,deum nostrum promereamur obsequiis nostris4 ,nam cum dicat ,paulus apostolus1 ,quotquot in ,christo baptizati estis1 ,christum induistis 7ad ,gal4 iii4 #bg17 in captivis fratribus nostrus contemplandus est ,christus et redimendus de periculo captivitatis1 qui nos de diaboli faucibus exuit1 nunc ipse qui manet et habitat in nobis de barbarorum manibus exuatur1 et redimatur nummaria quantitate qui nos cruce redemit et sanguine4 99 99 99 99 99 ,quantus vero communis omnibus nobis mror atque cruciatus est de periculo virginum qu illic tenentur8 pro quibus non tantum libertatis1 sed et pudoris jactura plangenda est1 nec tam vincula barbarorum quam lenonum et lupanarium stupra defienda sunt1 ne membra ,christo dicata et in ternum continenti honorum pudica virtute devota1 insultantium libidine et contagione fdentur8 ,qu omnia istic secundum litteras vestras fraternitas nostra cogitans et dolenter examinans1 prompte omnes et libenter ac largiter subsidia nummaria fratribus contulerunt4 99 99 99 99 99 ,misimus autem sestertia centum millia nummorum1 qu istic in ecclesia cui de ,domini indulgentia prsumus1 cleri et plebis apud nos consistentis collatione1 collecta sunt1 qu vos illic pro vestra diligentia dispensabitis4 99 99 99 99 99 ,si tamen ad explorandam nostri anima charitatem1 et examinandi nostri pectoris fidem tale aliquid acciderit1 nolite cunctari nuntiare hc nobis litteris vestris1 pro certo habentes ecclesiam nostram et fraternitatem istic universam1 ne hc ultra fiant precibus orare1 si facta fuerint1 libenter et largiter subsidia prstare4 7,epist4 #fj47 ,thus the zeal for the redemption of captives1 a zeal which was exerted with so much ardor in later ages1 had appeared in the earliest times of the ,church2 this zeal was founded on grand and sublime motives1 which render this work in some measure divine1 and secure to those who devote themselves to it an unfading crown4 ,important information on this subject will be found also in the works of ,st4 ,gregory4 7,v4 lib4 iii4 ep4 #af2 lib4 iv4 ep4 #ag2 lib4 vi4 ep4 #ce2 lib4 vii4 ep4 #bf1 #bh1 and #ch2 lib4 ix4 ep4 #ag47 ,the property of the ,church employed for the redemption of captives4 7,concilium ,matisconense secundum1 anno #ehe47 ,unde statuimus ac decernimus1 ut mos antiquus a fidelibus reparetur2 et decimas ecclesiasticis famulantibus ceremoniis populus omnis inferat1 quas sacerdotes aut in pauperum usum aut in captivorum redemptionem prrogantes1 suis orationibus pacem populo ac salutem impetrent3 si quis autem contumax nostris statutis saluberrimis fuerit1 a membris ecclesi omni tempore separetur4 7,canon #e47 ,it is allowed to break up the sacred vessels1 in order to devote the price of them to the redemption of captives4 7,concilium ,rhemense1 anno #fbe vel #fcj47 ,si quis episcopus1 excepto si evenerit ardua necessitas pro redemptione captivorum ministeria sancta frangere pro qualicumque conditione presumpserit1 ab officio cessabit ecclesi4 7,canon #bb47 ,the following canon informs us that the ,bishops gave letters of recommendation to the captives2 they are desired to state therein the date and price of the ransom2 they are requested also to mention there the wants of those who are thus restored to liberty4 7,concilium ,lugdunense tertium1 anno #ehc47 ,id etiam de epistolis placuit captivorum1 ut ita sint sancti pontifices cauti1 ut in servitio pontificibus consistentibus qui eorum manu vel subscriptione agnoscat epistol aut qulibet insinuationum litter dari debeant1 quatenus de subscriptionibus nulla ratione possit ,deo propitio dubitari3 et epistola commendationis pro necessitate cujuslibet promulgata dies datarum et pretia constituta1 vel necessitates captivorum quos cum epistolis dirigunt1 ibidem inserantur4 7,canon #b47 ,excess into which some ecclesiastics allowed themselves to fall1 by an indiscreet zeal in favor of captives4 7,synodus ,s4 ,patricii1 ,auxilii et ,isernini ,episcoporum in ,hibernia celebrata1 circa annum ,christi #dej vel #def47 ,si quis clericorum voluerit juvare captivo cum suo pretio illi subveniat1 nam si per furtum illum inviolaverit1 blasphemantur multi clerici per unum latronem1 qui sic fecerit excommunionis sit4 7,canon #cb47 ,the church employed her property in the ransom of captives2 and when the latter had afterwards acquired the means of repaying the sums advanced for them1 she refused all reimbursement and graciously gave up the price of the ransom4 7,ex epistolis ,s4 ,gregorii47 ,sacrorum canonum statuta et legalis permittit auctoritates1 lici res ecclesiasticas in redemptionem captivorum impendi4 ,et ideo1 quia edocti a vobis sumus1 ante annos fere #ah1 virum reverendissimum quemdam ,fabium1 ,episcopum ,ecclesi ,firman1 libras #aa argenti de eadem ecclesia pro redemptione vestra1 ac patris vestri ,passivi1 fratris et co-episcopi nostri1 tunc vero clerici1 necnon matris vestr1 hostibus impendisse1 atque ex hoc quamdam formidinem vos habere1 ne hoc quod datum est1 a vobis quolibet tempore repetatur1 hujus prcepti auctoritate suspicionem vestram prvidimus auferendam2 constituentes1 nullam vos exinde1 hredesque vestros quolibet tempore repetitionis molestiam sustinere1 nec a quoquam vobis aliquam objici qustionem4 7,l4 #g1 ep4 #ad1 et hab4 ,cuas4 #ab1 q4 #b1 c4 #ae47 ,the property of the ,church served to ransom captives4 7,concilium ,vernense secundum1 anno #hdd47 ,ecclesi facultates quas reges et reliqui christiani ,deo voverunt1 ad alimentum servorum ,dei et pauperum1 ad exceptionem hospitum1 redemptionis captivorum1 atque templorum ,dei instaurationem1 nunc in usu scularium detinentur4 ,hinc multi servi ,dei penuriam cibi et potus ac vestimentorum patiuntur1 pauperes consuetam eleemosynam non accipiunt1 negliguntur hospites1 fraudantur captivi1 et fama omnium merito laceratur4 7,canon #ab47 ,let us observe in this canon the use which the ,church made of her property2 after having supported the clergy1 and maintained divine worship1 she devoted it to succor the poor1 travellers or pilgrims1 and to redeem captives4 ,i make this observation here1 because the opportunity offers2 not because this canon is the only proof of the excellent use which the ,church made of her property4 ,indeed1 a great number of others might be cited1 beginning with the canons called ,apostolical4 ,it is necessary also to remark the expression which is sometimes made use of to stigmatize the wickedness of the spoilers of the ,church1 or of those who administer her property badly2 they are called pauperum necatores1 'murderers of the poor2' to make it well understood that one of the principal objects of this property is the support of the necessitous4 ,,iv4 ,those who attempt to take away the liberty of persons are excommunicated4 7,concilium ,lugdunense secundum1 anno #eff47 ,et qui peccatis facientibus multi in perniciem anim su ita conati sunt1 aut conantur assurgere1 ut animas longa temporis quiete sine ulla status sui competitione viventes1 nunc improba proditione atque traditione1 aut captivaverint aut captivare conentur1 si juxta prceptum domini regis emendare distulerint1 quousque hos quos obduxerunt1 in loco in quo longum tempus quiete vixerint1 restaurare debeant1 ecclesi communione priventur4 7,canon #c47 ,we see in this canon that private individuals1 by too frequent attempts1 employed violence to reduce free persons to slavery4 ,at this time1 on account of the irruptions of the barbarians1 the state of ,europe was such1 that public authority1 weak in the extreme1 did not1 properly speaking1 exist4 ,this is the reason why it is so noble to see the ,church struggling every where to support public order1 to defend liberty1 and excommunicating those who attacked that liberty1 in contempt of the commands of the king4 ,the same abuse repressed4 7,concilium ,rhemense1 anno #fbe vel #fcj47 ,si quis ingenuum aut liberum ad servitium inclinare voluerit1 aut fortasse jam fecit1 et commonitus ab episcopo se de inquietudine ejus revocare neglexerit1 aut emendare noluerit1 tamquam calumni reum placuit sequestrari4 7,canon #ag47 ,it is declared that he who leads away a ,christian to sell him1 is guilty of homicide4 7,concilium ,confluentinum1 anno #ibb47 ,item interrogatum est1 quid de eo faciendum sit qui christianum hominem seduxerit1 et sic vendiderit3 responsumque est ab omnibus1 homicidii reatum1 ipsum hominem sibi contrahere4 7,canon #g47 ,the traffic in men1 practised at that time in ,england1 is proscribed2 it is forbidden to sell men like ignoble animals4 7,concilium ,londinense1 anno #aajb47 ,ne quis illud nefarium negotium quo hactenus in ,anglia solebant homines sicut bruta animalia venundari1 deinceps ullatenus facere prsumat4 ,we see1 from the canon which ,i have just cited1 to what point the ,church had attained in all that affects true civilization4 ,we are in the nineteenth century1 and it is considered that a great step has been gained in modern civilization by the consent of the great ,european nations to sign treaties to suppress the slave-trade2 now the canon which we have just cited tells us1 that at the beginning of the twelfth century1 and in that very town of ,london1 where the famous ,convention was lately held1 the traffic in men was forbidden1 and stigmatized as it deserves4 ,nefarium negotium--detestable trade--it is called by the ,council3 infamous traffic1 it is called by modern civilization1 the unconscious heir of the thoughts and even the words of those men who are treated by it as barbarians1 of those ,bishops1 whom calumny has more or less represented as a band of conspirators against the liberty and happiness of the human race4 ,it is ordered that persons who have been sold or pledged1 shall immediately recover their liberty by restoring the price received2 it is ordained that more shall not be required of them than they shall have received for their liberty4 7,synodus incerti loci1 circa annum #faf47 ,de ingenuis qui se pro pecunia aut alia revendiderint1 vel oppignoraverint1 placuit ut quandoquidem pretium1 quantum pro ipsis datum est1 invenire potuerunt1 absque dilatione ad statum su conditionis reddito pretio reformentur1 nec amplius quam pro eis datum est requiratur4 ,et interim1 si vir ex ipsis1 uxorem ingenuam habuerit1 aut mulier ingenuum habuerit maritum1 filii qui ex ipsis nati fuerint1 in ingenuitate permaneant4 7,canon #ad47 ,the text of this ,council1 held1 according to some1 at ,boneuil1 well deserves to have some remarks made on it4 ,the beneficial regulation which allowed a man who had been sold to regain his liberty by paying the sum received1 checked an evil which was deeply rooted in the customs of ,gaul at that time1 for we find it at a very early period4 ,we know1 indeed1 from ,csar1 whose testimony we have cited in the text1 that many men of that country sold their liberty to relieve themselves from difficulties4 ,let us also remark the regulation contained in the same canon with respect to the children of the person who was sold2 whether it be the father or mother1 the canon prescribes1 in both cases1 that the children shall be free2 and it here departs from the well known rule of civil law3 partus sequitur ventrem4 ,v4 ,it is forbidden to give up to the ,jews the slaves who have taken refuge in the churches2 it matters little whether they have chosen that asylum because their masters obliged them to things contrary to the ,christian faith1 or because they have been maltreated by them after having been once withdrawn from the sacred asylum under the promise of pardon4 7,concilium ,aurelianense tertium1 anno #ech47 ,de mancipiis ,christianis1 qu in ,judorum servitio detinentur1 si eis quod ,christiana religio vetat1 a dominis imponitur1 aut si eos quos de ecclesia excusatos tollent1 pro culpa qu remissa est1 affligere aut cdere fortasse prsumpserint1 et ad ecclesiam iterato confugerint1 nullatenus a sacerdote reddantur1 nisi pretium offeratur ac detur1 quod mancipia ipsa valere pronuntiaverit justa taxatio4 7,canon #ac47 ,the precept given in the preceding canon is renewed2 a precept contained in the canon which we have just cited4 7,concilium ,aurelianense quartum1 anno #eda47 ,cum prioribus canonibus jam fuerit definitum ut de mancipiis ,christianis1 qu apud ,judos sunt1 si ad ecclesiam confugerint1 et redimi se postulaverint1 etiam ad quoscumque ,christianos refugerint1 et servire ,judis noluerint1 taxato et oblato a fidelibus justo pretio1 ab eorum dominio liberentur1 ideo statuimus1 ut tam justa constitutio ab omnibus catholicis conservetur4 7,canon #cj47 ,the ,jew who perverts a ,christian slave is punished with the loss of all his slaves4 7,ibid47 ,hoc etiam decernimus observandum1 ut quicumque ,judus proselytum1 qui advena dicitur1 ,judum facere prsumpserit1 aut ,christianum factum ad ,judaicam superstitionem adducere2 vel si ,judus ,christianam ancillam suam sibi crediderit sociandam2 vel si de parentibus ,christianis natum1 ,judum sub promissione fecerit libertatis1 mancipiorum amissione mulctetur4 7,canon #ca47 ,jews are forbidden to have ,christian slaves henceforth2 as to those who are in their power1 all ,christians are allowed to ransom them by paying their ,jewish masters twelve solidi4 7,concilium ,matisconense primum1 anno #eha47 ,et liceat quid de ,christianis qui aut de captivitatis incursu1 aut fraudibus ,judorum servitio implicantur1 debeat observari1 non solum canonicis statutis1 sed et legum beneficio pridem fuerit constitutum2 tamen quia nunc item quo rumdam querela exorta est1 quosdam ,judos1 per civitates aut municipia consistentes1 in tantam insolentiam et proterviam prorupisse1 ut nec reclamantes ,christianos liceat vel pretio de eorum servitute absolvi3 idcirco prsenti concilio1 ,deo auctore1 sancimus1 ut nullus ,christianus ,judos deinceps debeat deservire2 sed datis pro quolibet bono mancipio #ab solidis1 ipsum mancipium quicumque ,christianus1 seu ad ingenuitatem1 seu ad servitium1 licentiam habeat redimendi2 quia nefas est1 ut quos ,christus ,dominus sanguinis sui effusione redemit1 persecutorum vinculis maneant irretiti4 ,quod si acquiescere his qu statuimus quicumque ,judus noluerit1 quamdiu ad pecuniam constitutam venire distulerit1 liceat mancipio ipsi cum ,christianis ubicumque voluerit habitare4 ,illud etiam specialiter sancientes1 quod si quis ,judus ,christianum mancipium ad errorem ,judaicum convictus fuerit suasisse1 ut ipse mancipio careat1 et legandi damnatione plectatur4 7,canon #af47 99 99 99 99 99 ,the preceding canon is almost equivalent to a decree for the entire emancipation of ,christian slaves2 for if1 on the one hand1 ,jews were forbidden to acquire new ,christian slaves1 and1 on the other1 those who were in their possession could be redeemed by the first ,christian who came1 it is clear that the charity of the faithful thus finding a door open to it1 the number of ,christian slaves who groaned in the power of the ,jews must have diminished in an extraordinary manner4 ,it is not said that these canonical regulations of the ,church from the first moment obtained all the result which was intended2 but1 as she was the only power that remained standing at that time1 and the only one that exercised influence on the nations1 it cannot be doubted that her regulations were infinitely advantageous to those in whose favor they were established4 ,jews are forbidden to acquire ,christian slaves4 ,if a ,jew perverts to ,judaism1 or circumcises a ,christian slave1 the latter becomes free without having any thing to pay to his master4 7,concilium ,toletanum tertium1 anno #ehi47 ,suggerente concilio1 id gloriossimus dominus noster canonibus inserendum prcipit1 ut ,judis non liceat ,christianas habere uxores1 neque mancipia comparare in usus proprios4444 ,si qui vero ,christiani ab eis ,judaico ritu sunt maculati1 vel etiam circumcisi1 non reddito pretio ad libertatem et religionem redeant ,christianam4 7,canon #ad47 ,this canon is remarkable1 both because it protects the conscience of the slave1 and imposes on masters a punishment favorable to liberty4 ,this manner of checking the arbitrary power of those who violated the consciences of their slaves1 is found1 during the following century1 in a curious example contained in the collection of the laws of ,ina1 queen of the ,west ,saxons4 ,it is this3 ,if a master makes his slave work on ,sunday1 the slave becomes free4 7,leges ,yn regin ,saxonum ,occiduorum1 anno #fib47 ,si servus operetur die dominica per prceptum domini sui1 sit liber4 7,leg4 iii47 ,another curious example3 ,if a master gives meat to a slave on a fasting-day1 the slave becomes free4 7,concilium ,berghamsted anno #eo ,withredi regis ,cantii1 id est ,christi #fig3 sub ,bertualdo ,cantuariensi archiepiscopo celebratum4 ,hc sunt judicia ,withredi regis ,cantuariorum47 ,si quis servo suo carnem in jejunio dediderit comedendam1 servus liber exeat4 7,canon #ae47 ,it is definitively forbidden for ,jews to have ,christian slaves2 all contravention of this order shall deprive the ,jews of all their slaves1 who shall obtain their liberty from the prince4 7,concilium ,toletanum quartum1 anno #fcc47 ,ex decreto gloriosissimi principis hoc sanctum elegit concilium1 ut ,judis non liceat ,christianos servos habere1 nec ,christiana mancipia emere1 nec cujusquam consequi largitate3 nefas est enim ut membra ,christi serviant ,antichristi ministris4 ,quod si deinceps servos ,christianos1 vel ancillas ,judi habere prsumpserint1 sublati ab eorum dominatu libertatem a principe consequantur4 7,canon #ff47 ,it is forbidden to sell ,christian slaves to ,jews or ,gentiles2 if such sales have been made1 they shall be annulled4 7,concilium ,rhemense1 anno #fbe47 ,ut ,christiani ,judis vel ,gentilibus non vendantur2 et si quis ,christianorum necessitate cogente mancipia sua ,christiana elegerit venundanda1 non aliis nisi tantum ,christianis expendat4 ,nam si paganis aut ,judis vendiderit1 communione privetur1 et emptio careat firmitate4 7,canon #aa47 ,no precaution was too great in those unhappy times4 ,it might appear at first that such regulations were an effect of the intolerance of the ,church with respect to the ,jews and ,pagans2 and yet1 in reality1 they were a barrier against the barbarism which invaded all2 they were a guarantee of the most sacred rights of man2 so much the more necessary1 as all the others1 it may be said1 had disappeared4 ,read the document which we are about to transcribe2 you will there see that barbarism was carried so far1 that slaves were sold to the ,pagans to be sacrificed4 7,gregorius ,papa ,,iii4 ep4 ad ,bonifacium ,archiepiscopum1 anno #gca47 ,hoc quoque inter alia crimina agi in partibus illis dixisti1 quod quidam ex fidelibus ad immolandum paganis sua venundent mancipia4 ,quod ut magnopere corrigere debeas1 frater1 commonemus1 nec sinas fieri ultra2 scelus est enim et impietas4 ,eis ergo qui hc perpetraverunt1 similem homicid indices pnitentiam4 ,these excesses must have occupied the active attention of the ,church1 as we see the ,council of ,liptines1 held in #gdc1 again insist on this point1 and forbid ,christian slaves to be given up to the ,gentiles4 ,et ut mancipia ,christiana paganis non tradantur4 7,canon #g47 ,it is forbidden to sell a ,christian slave out of the territory comprised within the kingdom of ,clovis4 7,concilium ,cabilonense1 anno #fej47 ,pietatis est maxim et religionis intuitus1 ut captivitatis vinculum omnino a ,christianis redimatur4 ,unde sancta ,synodus noscitur censuisse1 ut nullus mancipium extra fines vel terminos1 qui ad regnum domini ,clodovei regis pertinent1 debeat venundare1 ne quod absit1 per tale commercium1 aut captivitatis vinculo1 vel quod pejus est1 ,judaica servitute mancipia ,christiana teneantur implicita4 7,canon #i47 ,this canon1 which forbids the selling of ,christian slaves out of the kingdom of ,clovis1 for fear that they should fall into the power of the ,pagans and ,jews1 and the other of the ,council of ,rheims1 cited above1 which contains a similar regulation1 are worthy of remark1 under two aspects2 they show1 #ast1 the high respect which we ought to have for the soul of man1 even of him who is a slave1 since it is forbidden to sell him where his conscience might be in danger3 a respect which it was very important to maintain1 both in order to eradicate the erroneous maxims of antiquity on this point1 and because it was the first step towards emancipation4 #b;d4 ,by limiting the power of sale1 there was introduced into that kind of property a law which distinguished it from others1 and placed it in a different and more elevated category4 ,this was a great step made towards declaring open war against this property itself1 and abolishing it by legitimate means4 ,clerics who sold their slaves to ,jews are severely reproved3 they are threatened with alarming punishments4 7,concilium decimum ,toletanum1 anno #fef47 ,septim collationis immane satis et infandum operationis studium nunc sanctum nostrum adiit concilium2 quod plerique ex sacerdotibus et levitis1 qui pro sacris ministeriis1 et pietatis studio1 gubernationisque augmento sanct ecclesi deputati sunt officio1 malunt imitari turbam malorum1 potius quam sanctorum patrum insistere mandatis3 ut ipsi etiam qui redimere debuerunt1 venditiones facere intendant1 quos ,christi sanguine prsciunt esse redemptos2 ita duntaxat1 ut eorum dominio qui sunt empti in ritu ,judaismo convertantur oppressi1 et fit execrabile commercium1 ubi nitente ,deo justum est sanctum adesse conventum2 quia majorum canones vetuerunt ut nullus ,judorum conjugia vel servitia habere prsumat de ,christianorum ctu4 ,here the ,council eloquently reprimands the guilty2 it continues3 ,si quis enim post hanc definitionem talia agere tentaverit1 noverit se extra ecclesiam fieri1 et prsenti1 et futuro judicio cum ,juda simili pna percelli1 dum modo ,dominum denuo proditionis pretio malunt ad iracundiam provocare4 7,canon #g47 ,,vi4 ,pope ,st4 ,gregory the ,first gives freedom to two slaves of the ,church of ,rome4 ,remarkable passage1 in which this holy pope explains the motives which induced the ,christians to enfranchise their slaves4 ,cum ,redemptor noster totius conditor creatur ad hoc propitiatus humanam voluerit carnem assumere1 ut divinitatis su gratia1 diruto quo tenebamur captivi vinculo servitutis1 pristin nos restitueret libertati2 salubriter agiter1 si homines quos ab initio natura creavit liberos et protulit1 et jus gentium jugo substituit servitutis1 in ea natura in qua nati fuerant1 manumittentis beneficio1 libertati reddantur4 ,atque ideo pietatis intuitu1 et hujus rei consideratione permoti1 vos ,montanam atque ,thomam famulos sanct ,roman ,ecclesi1 cui ,deo adjutore deservimus1 liberos ex hac die civesque ,romanos efficimus1 omneque vestrum vobis relaxamus servitutis peculium4 7,s4 ,greg4 l4 v4 ep4 #ab47 ,bishops are directed to respect the liberty of those who have been enfranchised by their predecessors4 ,mention is made of the power given to ,bishops to free their slaves who deserve well1 and the sum is fixed which they may give them to aid them in living4 7,concilium ,agathense1 anno #ejf47 ,sane si quos de servis ecclesi benemeritos sibi episcopus libertate donaverit1 collatam libertatem a successoribus placuit custodiri1 cum hoc quod eis manumissor in libertate contulerit1 quod tamen jubemus viginti solidorum numerum1 et modum in terrula1 vineola1 vel hospitiolo tenere4 ,quod amplius datum fuerit1 post manumissoris mortem ecclesia revocabit4 7,canon #g47 ,what has been mortgaged or alienated from the property of the ,church by a ,bishop who has left nothing of his own1 must be restored2 but enfranchised slaves are excepted from this rule3 they shall preserve their liberty4 7,concilium ,aurelianense quartum1 anno #eda47 ,ut episcopus qui de facultate propria ecclesi nihil relinquit1 de ecclesi facultate si quid aliter quam canones eloquunter obligaverit1 vendiderit1 aut distraxerit1 ad ecclesiam revocetur4 ,sane si de servis ecclesi libertos fecerit numero competenti1 in ingenuitate permaneant1 ita ut ab officio ecclesi non recedant4 7,canon #i47 ,an ,english ,council ordains that1 at the death of each ,bishop1 all his ,english slaves shall be freed4 ,the solemnization of the obsequies is regulated2 to terminate the funeral ceremonies1 each ,bishop and abbot shall enfranchise three slaves1 by giving them each three solidi4 7,synodus ,cellichytensis1 anno #haf47 ,decimo jubetur1 et hoc firmiter statuimus asservandum1 tam in nostris diebus1 quamque etiam futuris temporibus1 omnibus successoribus nostris qui post nos illis sedibus ordinentur quibus ordinati sumus3 ut quandocumque aliquis ex numero episcoporum migraverit de sculo1 hoc pro anima illius prcipimus1 ex substantia uniuscumque rei decimam partem dividere1 ac distribuere pauperibus in eleemosynam1 sive in pecoribus1 et armentis1 seu de ovibus et porcis1 vel etiam in cellariis1 nec non omnem hominem ,anglicum liberare1 qui in diebus suis sit servituti subjectus1 ut per illud sui proprii laboris fructum retributionis percipere mereatur1 et indulgentiam peccatorum4 ,nec ullatenus ab aliqua persona huic capitulo contradicatur1 sed magis1 prout condecet1 a successoribus augeatur1 et ejus memoria semper in posterum per universas ecclesias nostr ditioni subjectas cum ,dei laudibus habeatur et honoretur4 ,prorsus orationes et eleemosynas qu inter nos specialiter condictam habemus1 id est1 ut statim per singulas parochias in singulis quibusque ecclesiis1 pulsato signo1 omnis famulorum ,dei ctus ad basilicam conveniant1 ibique pariter ,,xxx psalmos pro defuncti anim decantent4 ,et postea unusquisque antistes et abbas sexcentos psalmos1 et centum viginti missas celebrare faciat1 et tres homines liberet et eorum cuilibet tres solidos distribuat4 7,canon #aj47 ,a curious document1 which shows the generous resolution made by the ,council of ,armagh in ,ireland1 to give liberty to all the ,english slaves4 7,concilium ,ardamachiense in ,hibernia celebratum1 anno #aaga3 ex ,giraldo ,cambrensi1 cap4 xxviii4 ,hiberni expugnat47 ,his completis convocato apud ,ardamachiam totius ,hiberni clero1 et super advenarum in insulam adventu tractato diutius et deliberato1 tandem communis omnium in hoc sententia resedit3 propter peccata scilicet populi sui1 eoque prcipue quod ,anglos olim1 tam a mercatoribus1 quam prdonibus atque piratis1 emere passim1 et in servitutem redigere consueverant1 divin censura vindict hoc eis incommodum accidisse1 ut et ipsi quoque ab eadem gente in servitutem vice reciproca jam redigantur4 ,anglorum namque populus adhuc integro eorum regno1 communi gentis vitio1 liberos suos venales exponere1 et priusquam inopiam ullam aut inediam sustinerent1 filios proprios et cognatos in ,hiberniam vendere consueverant4 ,unde et probabiliter credi potest1 sicut venditores olim1 ita et emptores1 tam enormi delicto juga servitutis jam meruisse4 ,decretum est itaque in prdicto concilio1 et cum universitatis consensu publice statutum1 ut ,angli ubique per insulam1 servitutis vinculo mancipati1 in pristinam revocentur libertatem4 ,it is thus that religious ideas influence and soften the ferocious manners of nations4 ,when a public calamity occurs1 they immediately find its cause in the divine anger1 justly excited by the traffic which the ,irish carried on by buying ,english slaves of merchants1 robbers1 and pirates4 ,it is not less curious to learn1 that at that time the ,english were barbarous enough to sell their children and relations1 like the ,africans of our days4 ,this frightful custom must have been pretty general1 as we read in the passage quoted1 that it was the common vice of those nations3 communi gentis vitio4 ,this makes us better understand the necessity of a regulation inserted above1 that of the ,council of ,london1 held in #aajb1 which proscribes this infamous traffic in men4 ,it is forbidden to change the slaves of the ,church for other slaves1 unless the exchange procured their liberty4 7,ex concilio apud ,sylvanectum1 anno #hfd47 ,mancipia ecclesiastica1 nisi ad libertatem non convenit commutari2 videlicet ut mancipia1 qu pro ecclesiastico homine dabuntur1 in ecclesi servitute permaneant1 et ecclesiasticus homo1 qui commutatur1 fruatur perpetua libertate4 ,quod enim semel ,deo consecratum est1 ad humanos usus transferri non decet4 7,v4 ,decret4 ,greg4 ,,ix41 l4 iii4 tit4 #ai1 cap4 #c47 ,a ,canon containing the same regulation as the preceding2 and whence1 moreover1 it appears1 that the faithful1 for the salvation of their souls1 were accustomed to offer their slaves to ,god and the ,saints4 7,ex eodem1 anno #hfd47 ,injustum videtur et impium1 ut mancipia1 qu fideles ,deo et sanctis ejus pro remedio anim su consecrarunt1 cujuscumque muneris mancipio1 vel commutationis commercio iterum in servitutem secularium redigantur1 cum canonica auctoritas servos tantummodo permittat distrahi fugitives4 ,et ideo ecclesiarum rectores summopere caveant1 ne eleemosyna unius1 alterius peccatum fiat4 ,et est absurdum1 ut ab ecclesiastica dignitate servus discedens1 human sit obnoxius servituti4 7,ibid4 cap4 #d47 ,freedom shall be granted to slaves who wish to embrace the monastic state1 yet without neglecting useful precautions to ascertain the reality of their vocation4 7,concilium ,romanum sub ,s4 ,gregorio ,i41 anno #eig47 ,multos de ecclesiastica seu sculari familia1 novimus ad omnipotentis ,dei servitium festinare1 ut ab humana servitute liberi in divino servitio valeant familiarius in monasteriis conversari1 quos si passim dimittimus1 omnibus fugiendi ecclesiastici juris dominium occasionem prbemus3 si vero festinantes ad omnipotentis ,dei servitium1 incaute retinemus1 illi invenimur negare qudam qui dedit omnia4 ,unde necesse est1 ut quisquis ex juris ecclesiastici vel scularis militi servitute ad ,dei servitium converti desiderat1 probetur prius in laico habitu constitutus3 et si mores ejus atque conversatio bona desiderio ejus testimonium ferunt1 absque retractatione servire in monasterio omnipotenti ,domino permittatur1 ut ab humano servitio liber recedat1 qui in divino obsequio districtiorem appetit servitutem4 7,s4 ,greg4 epist4 #dd4 lib4 iv74 ,the abuse of ordaining slaves without the consent of their masters had spread2 this abuse is checked4 7,ex epistolis ,gelasii ,pap47 ,ex antiquis regulis et novella synodali explanatione comprehensum est1 personas obnoxias servituti1 cingulo clestis militi non prcingi4 ,sed nescio utrum ignorantia an voluntate rapiamini1 ita ut ex hac causa nullus pene ,episcoporum videatur extorris4 ,ita enim nos frequens et plurimorum querela nos circumstrepit1 ut ex hac parte nihil penitus putetur constitutum4 7,distin4 #ed4 c4 #i47 ,frequens equidem1 et assidua nos querela1 circumstrepit de his pontificibus1 qui nec antiquas regulas nec decreta nostra noviter directa cogitantes1 obnoxias possessionibus obligatasque personas1 venientes ad clericalis officii cingulum non recusant4 7,ibid4 c4 #aj47 ,actores siquidem fili nostr illustris et magnific femin1 ,maxim1 petitorii nobis insinuatione conquesti sunt1 ,sylvestrum atque ,candidum1 originarios suos1 contra constitutiones1 qu supradict sunt1 et contradictione preunte a ,lucerino ,pontifice diaconos ordinatos4 7,ibid c4 #aa47 ,generalis etiam querel vitanda prsumptio est1 qua propemodum causantur universi1 passim servos et originarios1 dominorum jura1 possessionumque fugientes1 sub religios conversationis obtentu1 vel ad monasteria sese conferre1 vel ad ecclesiasticum famulatum1 conniventibus quippe prsulibus1 indifferenter admitti4 ,qu modis omnibus est amovenda pernicies1 ne per ,christiani nominis institutum aut aliena pervadi1 aut publica videatur disciplina subverti4 7,ibid4 c4 #ab47 ,the parish priests are allowed to choose some clerics from the slaves of the ,church4 7,concilium ,emeritense1 anno #fff47 ,quidquid unanimiter digne disponitur in sancta ,dei ecclesia1 necessarium est ut a parochitanis presbyteris custoditum maneat4 ,sunt enim nonnulli1 qui ecclesiarum suarum res ad plenitudinem habent1 et sollicitudo illis nulla est habendi clericos1 cum quibus omnipotenti ,deo laudum debita persolvant officia4 ,proinde instituit hc sancta synodus1 ut omnes parochitani presbyteri1 juxta ut in rebus sibi a ,deo creditis sentiunt habere virtutem1 de ecclesi su familia clericos sibi faciant2 quos per bonam voluntatem ita nutriant1 ut et officium sanctum digne paragant1 et ad servitium suum aptos eos habeant4 ,hi etiam victum et vestitum dispensatione presbyteri merebuntur1 et domino et presbytero suo1 atque utilitati ecclesi fideles esse debent4 ,quod si inutiles apparuerint ut culpa patuerit1 correptione disciplin feriantur2 si quis presbyterorum hanc sententiam minime custodierit1 et non adimpleverit1 ab episcopo suo corrigatur3 ut plenissime custodiat1 quod digne jubetur4 7,canon #ah47 ,it is prescribed to the ,bishops to confer liberty on the slaves of the ,church before they admit them into the clerical body4 7,concilium ,toletanum nonum1 anno #fee47 ,qui ex familiis ecclesi servituri devocantur in clerum ab episcopis suis1 necesse est1 ut libertatis percipiant donum3 et si honest vit claruerint meritis1 tunc demum majoribus fungantur officiis4 7,canon #aa47 ,it is allowed to ordain the slaves of the ,church1 liberty having been previously conferred on them4 7,concilium quartem ,toletanum1 anno #fcc47 ,de familiis ecclesi constituere presbyteros ut diaconos per parochias liceat2 quos tamen vit rectitudo et probitas morum commendat3 ea tamen ratione1 ut antea manumissi libertatem status sui percipiant1 et denuo ad ecclesiasticos honores succedant2 irreligiosum est enim obligatos existere servituti1 qui sacri ordinis suscipiunt dignitatem4 ,,vii4 ,we have shown in the text by what means1 with what wisdom and perseverance ,christianity abolished slavery in the ancient world2 ,christian and ,catholic ,europe was free at the time when ,protestantism appeared4 ,let us now see what ,catholicity has done in modern times1 with respect to slaves in other parts of the world4 ,we can present to our readers in one document1 which is the evidence of the ideas and feelings of the ,sovereign ,pontiff ,gregory ,,xvi41 an interesting history of the solicitude of the ,roman ,see in favor of the slaves of the whole universe4 ,i mean the apostolical letters published at ,rome1 ,november #c1 #ahci1 against the slave-trade2 and ,i recommend the perusal of them4 ,it will be there seen1 in the most authentic and decisive manner1 that the ,catholic ,church1 on this important subject of slavery1 has always showed1 and shows still1 the most lively spirit of charity1 without in the least offending against justice1 or for a moment departing from the path of prudence4 ,gregorius ,p4 ,p4 ,,xvi4 ad futuram rei memoriam4 ,raised to the supreme degree of the apostolical dignity1 and filling1 although without any merit on our part1 the place of ,jesus ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 who1 by the excess of ,his charity1 has deigned to become man1 and die for the redemption of the world2 we consider that it belongs to our pastoral solicitude to exert all our efforts to prevent ,christians from engaging in the trade in blacks or any other men1 whoever they may be4 ,as soon as the light of the ,gospel began to spread1 the unfortunate men who fell into the hard fate of slavery during the numerous wars of that period1 felt their condition improved2 for the apostles1 inspired by the ,spirit of ,god1 on the one hand1 taught slaves to obey their earthly masters1 as ,jesus ,christ ,himself1 and to be resigned from the bottom of their heart to the will of ,god2 but1 on the other1 they commanded masters to behave well to their slaves1 to grant them what was just and equitable1 and not to treat them with anger1 knowing that the ,lord of both is in heaven1 and that with ,him there is no distinction of persons4 ,the law of the ,gospel having very soon universally and fundamentally ordained sincere charity towards all1 and the ,lord ,jesus having declared that ,he would regard as done or refused to ,himself all the acts of beneficence and mercy done or refused to the poor and little ones--it naturally followed that ,christians not only regarded their slaves as brethren1 above all when they were become ,christians1 but that they were more inclined to give liberty to those who rendered themselves worthy of it4 ,this usually took place particularly on the solemn feasts of ,easter1 as ,st4 ,gregory of ,nyssa relates4 ,there were even found some who1 inflamed with more ardent charity1 embraced slavery for the redemption of their brethren2 and an apostolic man1 our predecessor1 ,pope ,gregory ,i41 of sacred memory1 attests that he had known a great many who performed this work of mercy4 ,wherefore the darkness of ,pagan superstition being entirely dissipated in the progress of time1 and the manners of the most barbarous nations being softened1--thanks to the benefit of faith working by charity1--things advanced so far1 that for many centuries there have been no slaves among the greater part of ,christian nations4 ,yet 7we say it with profound sorrow7 men have been since found1 even among ,christians1 who1 shamefully blinded by the desire of sordid gain1 have not hesitated to reduce into slavery1 in distant countries1 ,indians1 ,negroes1 and other unfortunate races2 or to assist in this scandalous crime1 by instituting and organizing a traffic in these unfortunate beings1 who had been loaded with chains by others4 ,a great number of the ,roman ,pontiffs1 our predecessors of glorious memory1 have not forgotten to stigmatize1 throughout the extent of their jurisdiction1 the conduct of these men as injurious to their salvation1 and disgraceful to the ,christian name2 for they clearly saw that it was one of the causes which tended most powerfully to make infidel nations continue in their hatred to the true religion4 ,this was the object of the apostolical letters of ,paul ,,iii41 of the #bith of ,may1 #aecg1 addressed to the ,cardinal ,archbishop of ,toledo1 under the ring of the fisherman1 and other letters1 much more copious1 of ,urban ,,viii41 of the #bb;d ,april1 #afci1 addressed to the collector of the rights of the ,apostolic ,chamber in ,portugal1--letters1 in which the most severe censures are cast upon those who venture to reduce the inhabitants of the ,east or ,west ,indies into slavery1 buy1 sell1 give1 or exchange them1 separate them from their wives and children1 strip them of their property1 take or send them into strange places1 or deprive them of their liberty in any way2 to retain them in slavery2 or aid1 counsel1 succor1 or favor those who do these things under any color or pretence whatever2 or preach or teach that this is lawful1 and1 in fine1 co-operate therewith in any way whatever4 ,benedict ,,xiv4 has since confirmed and renewed these pontifical ordinances before mentioned by new apostolical letters to the ,bishops of ,brazil and some other countries1 dated the #bjth ,december1 #agda1 by means of which he calls forth the solicitude of the ,bishops for the same purpose4 ,a long time before1 another of our more ancient predecessors1 ,pius ,,ii41 whose pontificate saw the empire of the ,portuguese extended in ,guinea and in the country of the blacks1 addressed letters1 dated the #gth of ,october1 #adhb1 to the ,bishop of ,ruvo1 who was ready to depart for those countries3 in these letters he did not confine himself to giving to this prelate the means requisite for exercising the sacred ministry in those countries with the greatest fruit1 but he took occasion very severely to blame the conduct of those who reduced the neophytes into slavery4 ,in fine1 in our days1 ,pius ,,vii41 animated by the same spirit of charity and religion as his predecessors1 zealously interposed his good offices with men of authority for the entire abolition of the slave-trade among ,christians4 ,these ordinances1 and this solicitude of our predecessors1 have availed not a little1 with the aid of ,god1 in defending the ,indians1 and other nations who have just been mentioned1 against the barbarity of conquest1 and the cupidity of ,christian merchants2 but the ,holy ,see is far from being able to boast of the complete success of its efforts and zeal1 for1 if the slave-trade has been partially abolished1 it is still carried on by a great many ,christians4 ,wherefore1 desiring to remove such a disgrace from all ,christian countries1 after having maturely considered the matter with many of our venerable brethren1 the ,cardinals of the ,holy ,roman ,church1 assembled in ,council1 following the example of our predecessors1 by virtue of the apostolic office1 we warn and admonish in the ,lord all ,christians1 of whatever condition they may be1 and enjoin upon them that1 for the future1 no one shall venture unjustly to oppress the ,indians1 ,negroes1 or other men1 whoever they may be2 to strip them of their property or reduce them into servitude3 or give aid or support to those who commit such excesses1 or carry on that infamous traffic1 by which the blacks1 as if they were not men1 but mere impure animals1 reduced like them into servitude1 without any distinction1 contrary to the laws of justice and humanity1 are bought1 sold1 and devoted to endure the hardest labors2 and on account of which dissensions are excited and almost continual wars are fomented among nations by the allurements of gain offered to those who first carry away the ,negroes4 ,wherefore1 by virtue of the apostolical authority1 we condemn all these things aforesaid1 as absolutely unworthy of the ,christian name2 and1 by the same authority1 we absolutely prohibit and interdict all ecclesiastics and laymen from venturing to maintain that this traffic in blacks is permitted1 under any pretext or color whatsoever2 or to preach or teach in public or in private1 in any way whatever1 anything1 contrary to these apostolic letters4 ,and in order that these letters may come to the knowledge of all1 and that no one may pretend ignorance1 we ordain and decree that they be published and posted up1 according to custom1 by one of our officers1 on the doors of the basilica of the ,prince of the ,apostles1 of the ,apostolic ,chancery1 of the ,palace of ,justice1 of ,monte ,citorio1 and at the ,campo di ,fiori4 ,given at ,rome1 at ,st4 ,mary ,major's1 under the seal of the fisherman1 the #c;d of ,november1 #ahci1 the ninth year of our ,pontificate4 ,,louis1 ,,cardinal ,,lambruschini4 ,i again particularly invite attention to the document which ,i have just inserted--to these letters which magnificently crown the united efforts of the ,church for the abolition of slavery4 ,as the abolition of the slave-trade--the object of a treaty recently made between the great powers--is at this moment one of the affairs which occupy the chief attention of ,europe1 it is proper to pause a few moments1 to reflect on the contents of the apostolic letters of the ,sovereign ,pontiff ,gregory ,,xvi4 ,let us observe1 in the first place1 that in the year #adhb1 ,pope ,pius ,,ii4 addressed apostolical letters to the ,bishop of ,ruvo1 about to depart for the newly discovered countries--letters1 in which he did not exclusively confine himself to giving the prelate the powers necessary to exercise his holy ministry with the greatest fruit in those countries1 but in which he takes occasion to censure very severely the conduct of ,christians who reduced the neophytes into slavery4 ,exactly at the end of the fifteenth century1 at the time when it may be said that the ,church gathering the last fruit of her long labors1 at length saw ,europe emerge from the chaos in which the irruption of the barbarians had plunged her2 at the time when the social and political institutions were developed with daily increasing ardor1 and began to form a regular and coherent body2 at this moment the ,church resumes her secular contest with another barbarism which reappeared in distant countries2 she opposes the abuse of the superiority of strength and intelligence1 which the conquerors possessed over the conquered nations4 ,this fact alone proves that1 for the true liberty and well-being of nations1 for the just pre-eminence of right over might1 and for the triumph of justice over force1 the intelligence and refinement of nations are not enough--religion also is required4 ,in ancient times1 we see nations cultivated to the highest point commit unheard of atrocities2 and in modern times1 ,europeans1 so proud of their knowledge and advancement1 introduce slavery among the unfortunate nations who have fallen under their dominion4 ,now1 who was the first to raise a voice against such injustice--against such horrible barbarity8 ,it was not policy1 which perhaps rejoiced to see its conquests consolidated by slavery2 it was not commerce which found in this infamous traffic an easy means of making shameful but abundant profits2 it was not philosophy1 which1 fully explaining the doctrines of ,plato and ,aristotle1 would perhaps have seen without concern the resuscitation of the degrading theory of races born for slavery2 but it was the ,catholic religion1 expressing herself by the mouth of the ,vicar of ,jesus ,christ4 ,it is certainly a consolatory spectacle for ,catholics to see a ,roman ,pontiff1 four centuries ago1 condemn what ,europe1 with all her civilization and refinement1 condemns only at the present day4 ,still1 ,europe only does so with difficulty2 and all those who take part in this tardy condemnation are not exempt from the suspicion of being actuated by motives of interest4 ,no doubt the ,roman ,pontiff did not effect all the good he intended2 but doctrines do not remain sterile when they emanate from a high quarter1 whence1 diffusing themselves to great distances1 they descend on persons who receive them with veneration1 if it were only on account of him who teaches them4 ,the conquering nations were then ,christians1 and sincere ones2 it is therefore indubitable1 that the admonitions of the ,pope1 transmitted by the mouths of ,bishops and other priests1 must have had very salutary effects4 ,if1 in cases like this1 where we see a measure taken against an evil1 the evil nevertheless resists and continues1 we imagine1 by a grievous mistake1 that the measure has been vain1 and that its author has produced no effect4 ,it is one thing to extirpate1 and another to diminish an evil2 and it cannot be doubted that1 if the ,bulls of the ,popes had not all the effect intended1 they must nevertheless have served to diminish the evil1 by improving the lot of nations fallen under the yoke4 ,the evil prevented and avoided is not seen2 the preservative has hindered its existence3 but the existing evil is palpable--it affects us1 it excites our regret1 and we often forget the gratitude due to the hand which has preserved us from greater evils4 ,how often is it thus with respect to religion6 ,she cures many things1 but she prevents still more4 ,if she takes possession of the heart of man1 it is in order to destroy there even the very roots of a thousand evils4 ,let us imagine the ,europeans of the fifteenth century invading the ,east and ,west ,indies1 without any check1 guided only by the inspirations of cupidity1 and by the caprices of arbitrary power1 full of the pride of conquerors1 and of the contempt with which the ,indians must have inspired them1 on account of the inferiority of their knowledge1 and of their backwardness in civilization and refinement3 what must have happened8 ,if1 in spite of the incessant cries of religion1 in spite of the influence which she had on laws and manners1 the conquered nations have had so much to suffer1 would not the evil have been carried to an intolerable extent1 without those powerful causes which incessantly combated1 prevented or diminished it8 ,the conquered would have been reduced into slavery en masse2 they would have been condemned en masse to perpetual degradation2 they would have been deprived even of the hope of one day entering on the career of civilization4 ,if the conduct of ,europeans at that time with respect to men of other races--if the conduct of some nations of our own days is to be deplored1 it cannot be said at least that the ,catholic religion has not opposed such excesses with all her strength2 it cannot be said that the ,head of the ,church has ever allowed these evils to pass without raising his voice to recall to mind the rights of men1 to stigmatize injustice1 to excite abhorrence of cruelty1 and energetically to plead the cause of humanity1 without distinction of races1 climates1 or colors4 ,whence does ,europe derive this lofty idea and this generous feeling1 which urge her to declare herself so strongly against the traffic in men1 and to demand the complete abolition of slavery in the colonies8 ,when posterity shall call to mind these glorious facts2 when it shall adopt them as marking a new era in the annals of civilization2 when1 studying and analyzing the causes which have conducted ,european legislation and manners to so high a pitch1 and1 passing over temporary and unimportant motives1 insignificant circumstances1 and secondary agents1 it shall seek for the vital principle which impelled ,european civilization towards so glorious an end1 it will find that this principle was ,christianity2 and if1 desiring to fathom the question more and more1 it should inquire whether this was ,christianity1 under a vague and general form--,christianity without authority--,christianity without ,catholicity--the answer of history will be this3 ,catholicity1 exclusively prevailing in ,europe1 abolished slavery among the ,european races2 she introduced the principle of the abolition of slavery into ,european civilization1 by showing practically1 and in opposition to the opinion of antiquity1 that slavery was not necessary for society2 and she made it understood1 that the sacred work of enfranchisement was the foundation of all great and life-giving civilization4 ,she has therefore inoculated ,european civilization with the principle of the abolition of slavery2 it is owing to her that1 wherever this civilization has come into contact with slavery1 it has been profoundly disturbed--an evident proof that there were at the bottom two opposite elements1 two contending principles1 which were compelled to struggle incessantly1 until the more powerful1 noble1 and fruitful prevailing1 and reducing the other under the yoke1 in the end annihilated it4 ,i will say more3 by searching whether facts really confirm this influence of ,catholicity1 not only in all that concerns the civilization of ,europe1 but also in the countries which ,europeans have conquered two centuries ago1 in the ,east and ,west1 we shall meet with ,catholic ,bishops and priests working without intermission in improving the lot of colonial slaves2 we shall call to mind what is due to the ,catholic missions2 we shall read and understand the apostolical letters of ,pius ,,ii41 issued in #adhb1 and mentioned above2 those of ,paul ,,iii41 in #aecg2 those of ,urban ,,viii41 in #afci2 those of ,benedict ,,xiv41 in #agda2 and those of ,gregory ,,xvi41 in #ahci4 ,in these letters there is taught and defined all that has been or can be said on this point in favor of humanity4 ,we shall there find blamed1 condemned1 and punished1 all that ,european civilization has at length resolved to condemn and punish2 and when calling to mind also that it was ,pius ,,vii41 who1 at the beginning of this century1 zealously interposed his good offices with men in power for the complete abolition of slavery among ,christians1 we shall not be able to avoid acknowledging and confessing that ,catholicity has had the principal share in this great work4 ,it is she indeed who has laid down the principle on which the work rests1 who has established the precedents which guide it1 who has constantly proclaimed the principles which have suggested it and has constantly condemned those who have opposed it2 it is she1 in fine1 who at all times has declared open war against cruelty and cupidity1--the support and perpetual motives for injustice and inhumanity4 ,let us hear the testimony of a celebrated ,protestant author1 ,robertson1 the historian of ,america3 ,from the time that ecclesiastics were sent as instructors into ,america1 they perceived that the rigor with which their countrymen treated the natives rendered their ministry altogether fruitless4 ,the missionaries1 in conformity with the mild spirit of that religion which they were employed to publish1 soon remonstrated against the maxims of the planters with respect to the ,americans1 and condemned the repartimientos1 or distributions1 by which they were given up as slaves to their conquerors1 as no less contrary to natural justice and the precepts of ,christianity1 than to sound policy4 ,the ,dominicans1 to whom the instruction of the ,americans was originally committed1 were the most vehement in attacking the repartimientos4 ,in the year #aeaa1 ,motesino1 one of their most eminent preachers1 inveighed against this practice in the great church at ,st4 ,domingo1 with all the impetuosity of his natural eloquence4 ,don ,diego ,columbus1 the principal officers of the colony1 and all the laymen who had been his hearers1 complained of the monk to his superiors2 but they1 instead of condemning1 applauded his doctrine1 as equally pious and seasonable4 ,the ,franciscans1 influenced by the spirit of opposition and rivalship which subsists between the two orders1 discovered some inclination to take part with the laity1 and to espouse the defence of the repartimientos4 ,but as they could not with decency give their approbation to a system of oppression so repugnant to the spirit of religion1 they endeavored to palliate what they could not justify1 and alleged in excuse for the conduct of their countrymen1 that it was impossible to carry on any improvement in the colony1 unless the ,spaniards possessed such dominion over the natives1 that they could compel them to labor4 ,the ,dominicans1 regardless of such political and interested considerations1 would not relax in any degree the rigor of their sentiments1 and even refused to absolve1 or admit to the sacrament1 such of their countrymen as continued to hold the natives in servitude4 ,both parties applied to the king for his decision in a matter of such importance4 ,ferdinand empowered a committee of his ,privy ,council1 assisted by some of the most eminent civilians and divines in ,spain1 to hear the deputies sent from ,hispaniola in support of their respective opinions4 ,after a long discussion1 the speculative point in controversy was determined in favor of the ,dominicans2 the ,indians were declared to be a free people1 entitled to all the natural rights of man2 but notwithstanding this decision1 the repartimientos were continued upon their ancient footing4 ,as this determination admitted the principle upon which the ,dominicans founded their opinion1 they renewed their efforts to obtain relief for the ,indians with additional boldness and zeal4 ,at length1 in order to quiet the colony1 which was alarmed by their remonstrances and censures1 ,ferdinand issued a decree of his ,privy ,council 7#aeac71 declaring that after mature consideration of the apostolic ,bull1 and other titles by which the ,crown of ,castile claimed a right to its possessions1 in the new world1 the servitude of the ,indians was warranted both by the laws of ,god and man2 that unless they were subjected to the dominion of the ,spaniards1 and compelled to reside under their inspection1 it would be impossible to reclaim them from idolatry1 or to instruct them in the ,christian faith2 that no further scruple ought to be entertained concerning the lawfulness of the repartimientos1 as the ,king and ,council were willing to take the charge of that upon their own consciences2 and that therefore the ,dominicans1 and monks of other religious orders1 should abstain for the future from those invectives which1 from an excess of charitable but ill-informed zeal1 they had uttered against the practice4 ,that his intention of adhering to this decree might be fully understood1 ,ferdinand conferred new grants of ,indians upon several of his courtiers4 ,but in order that he might not seem altogether inattentive to the rights of humanity1 he published an edict in which he endeavored to provide for the mild treatment of the ,indians under the yoke to which he subjected them2 he regulated the nature of the work which they should be required to perform2 he prescribed the mode in which they should be clothed and fed1 and gave directions with respect to their instruction in the principles of ,christianity4 ,but the ,dominicans1 who1 from their experience of what had passed1 judged concerning the future1 soon perceived the inefficacy of those provisions1 and foretold that1 as long as it was the interest of individuals to treat the ,indians with rigor1 no public regulations would render their servitude mild or tolerable4 ,they considered it as vain to waste their own time and strength in attempting to communicate the sublime truths to men whose spirits were broken1 and their faculties impaired by oppression4 ,some of them1 in despair1 requested the permission of their superiors to remove to the continent1 and pursue the object of their mission among such of the natives as were not hitherto corrupted by the example of the ,spaniards1 or alienated by their cruelty from the ,christian faith4 ,such as remained in ,hispaniola continued to remonstrate1 with decent firmness1 against the servitude of the ,indians4 ,the violent operations of ,albuquerque1 the new distributor of the ,indians1 revived the zeal of the ,dominicans against the repartimientos1 and called forth an advocate for that oppressed people who possessed all the courage1 the talents1 and the activity requisite in supporting such a desperate cause4 ,this was ,bartholomew de las ,casas1 a native of ,seville1 and one of the clergymen sent out with ,columbus in his second voyage to ,hispaniola1 in order to settle in that ,island4 ,he early adopted the opinion prevalent among ecclesiastics with respect to the unlawfulness of reducing the natives to servitude2 and that he might demonstrate the sincerity of his conviction1 he relinquished all the ,indians who had fallen to his share in the division of the inhabitants among their conquerors1 declaring that he should ever bewail his own misfortune and guilt1 in having exercised for a moment this impious dominion over his fellow-creatures4 ,from that time he became the avowed patron of the ,indians2 and by his bold interpositions in their behalf1 as well as by the respect due to his abilities and character1 he had often the merit of setting some bounds to the excesses of his countrymen4 7,history of ,america1 book #c47 ,it would be too long to relate here the energetic efforts of ,de las ,casas in favor of the colonies of the new world2 all know them--all must know that1 filled with zeal for the liberty of the ,indians1 he conceived and undertook an attempt at civilization analogous to that which was realized later1 to the immortal honor of the ,catholic clergy1 in ,paraguay4 ,if the efforts of ,de las ,casas had not all the success that might naturally have been expected1 we find the cause of this in the thousand passions with which history makes us acquainted1 and perhaps also in the impetuosity of this man1 whose sublime zeal was not always accompanied by the consummate prudence which the ,church displays4 ,however this may be1 ,catholicity has completely accomplished her mission of peace and love2 without injustice or catastrophe1 she has broken the chains under which a large portion of the human race groaned2 and if it had been given her to prevail for some time in ,asia and ,africa1 she would have achieved their destruction in the four quarters of the globe1 by banishing the degradations and the abominations introduced and established in those countries by ,mahometanism and idolatry4 ,it is melancholy1 no doubt1 that ,christianity has not yet exercised over these latter countries all the influence which would have been necessary to ameliorate the social and political condition of those nations1 by changing their ideas and manners4 ,but if we seek for the causes of this lamentable delay1 we certainly shall not find them in the conduct of ,catholicity4 ,this is not the place to point out these causes2 nevertheless1 while reserving the analysis and complete examination of this matter for another part of the work1 ,i will make the remark en passant1 that ,protestantism may justly criminate itself for the obstacles which1 during three centuries1 it has opposed to the universality and efficacy of the ,christian influence on infidel nations4 ,these few words will suffice here2 we shall return to this important subject later4 ,,note #af1 p4 #aca4 ,we can scarcely believe how far the ideas of the ancients went astray with regard to the respect which is due to man4 ,can it be believed that they went so far1 as to regard the lives of all who could not be useful to society as of no value8 and yet nothing is more certain4 ,we might lament that this or that city had adopted a barbarous law2 that a ferocious custom was introduced among a people by the effect of particular circumstances2 yet as long as philosophy protested against such attempts1 human reason would have been unstained1 and could not have been accused without injustice of taking part in infamous attempts at abortion or infanticide4 ,but when we find crime defended and taught by the most important philosophers of antiquity2 when we see it triumph in the minds of the most illustrious men1 who1 with fearful calmness and serenity1 prescribe the atrocities which we have named1 we are confounded1 and our blood runs cold2 we would fain shut our eyes1 not to see so much infamy thrown upon philosophy and human reason4 ,let us hear ,plato in his ,republic1 in that book in which he undertook to collect all the theories in his opinion the most distinguished and the best adapted to lead human society towards its beau ideal4 ,this is his scandalous language3 ,oportet profecto secundum ea qu supra concessimus1 optimos viros mulieribus optimis ut plurimum congredi3 deterrimos autem contra1 deterrimis4 ,et illorem quidem prolem nutrire1 horum minime1 si armentum excellentissimum sit futurum4 ,et hc omnia dum agantur1 ab omnibus prterquam a principibus ignorari1 si modo armentum custodum debeat seditione carere4 ,prope admodum2 ,very good1 replies another speaker4 7,plat4 ,rep4 l4 v47 ,behold1 then1 the human race reduced to the condition of mere brutes2 in truth1 the philosopher had reason to use the word flock 7armentum76 ,there is this difference1 however1 that magistrates imbued with such feelings must have been more harsh towards their subjects than a shepherd towards his flock4 ,if the shepherd finds among the lambs which have just been born a weak and lame one1 he does not kill it or allow it to die of hunger2 he carries it to the sheep who ought to nourish it1 he caresses it to stop its cries4 ,but perhaps the expressions which we have just quoted escaped the philosopher in a moment of inadvertence2 perhaps the idea which they reveal was only one of those sinister inspirations which glide into the mind of a man1 and pass away without leaving any more impression than is made by a reptile moving through the grass4 ,we wish it were so1 for the fame of ,plato2 but unhappily he returns to it so often1 and insists on the point with so systematic a coldness1 that no means of justifying him are left4 ,with respect1 he says lower down1 to the children of citizens of inferior rank1 and even those of other citizens1 if they are born deformed1 the magistrates shall hide them1 as is proper1 in some secure place1 which it shall be forbidden to reveal4 ,yes1 replies one of the interlocutors2 if we desire to preserve the race of warriors in its purity4 ,plato also lays down various rules with respect to the relations of the two sexes2 he speaks of the case in which the man and woman shall have reached an advanced age3 ,quando igitur jam mulieres et viri tatem generationi aptam egressi fuerint1 licere viris dicemus1 cuicumque voluerint1 prterquam fili atque matri et filiarum natis matrisve majoribus3 licere et mulieribus cuilibet1 prterquam filio atque patri1 ac superioribus et inferioribus eorumdem4 ,cum vero hc omnia mandaverimus1 interdicemus ftum talem 7si contigeret7 edi et in lucem produci4 ,si quid autem matrem parere coegerit1 ita exponere prcipiemus1 quasi ei nulla nutritio sit4 ,plato seems to have been very well pleased with his doctrine2 for1 in the very book in which he writes what we have just seen1 he lays down the famous maxim1 that the evils of states will never be remedied1 that societies will never be well governed1 until philosophers shall become kings1 or kings become philosophers4 ,god preserve us from seeing on the throne a philosophy such as his6 ,moreover1 his wish for the reign of philosophy has been realized in modern times4 ,what do ,i say8 ,it has had more than empire2 it has been deified1 and divine honors have been paid to it in public temples4 ,i do not believe1 however1 that the happy days of the worship of reason are now much regretted4 ,the horrible doctrine which we have just seen in ,plato was transmitted with fidelity to future schools4 ,aristotle1 who on so many points took the liberty of departing from the doctrines of his master1 did not think of correcting those which regard abortion and infanticide4 ,in his ,politics he teaches the same crimes with the same calmness as ,plato3 ,in order1 he says1 to avoid nourishing weak or lame children1 the law should direct them to be exposed or made away with4 ,propter multitudinem autem liberorum1 ne plures sint quam expediat1 si gentium instituta et leges vetent procreata exponi1 definitum esse oportet procreandorum liberorum numerum4 ,quod si quibus inter se copulatis et congressis1 plures liberi1 quam definitum sit1 nascantur1 priusquam sensus et vita inseratur1 abortus est ftui inferendus4 7,polit4 l4 vii4 c4 #af47 ,it will be seen how much reason ,i had to say that man1 as man1 was esteemed as nothing among the ancients2 that society entirely absorbed him2 that it claimed unjust rights over him1 and regarded him as an instrument to be used when of service1 and which it had a right to destroy4 ,we observe in the writings of the ancient philosophers1 that they make of society a kind of whole1 consisting of individuals1 as the mass of iron consists of the atoms that compose it2 they make of it a sort of unity1 to which all must be sacrificed2 they have no consideration for the sphere of individual liberty2 they do not appear to dream that the object of society is the good1 the happiness of individuals and families4 ,according to them1 this unity is the principal good1 with which nothing else can be compared2 the greatest evil that can happen is1 that this unity should be broken--an evil which must be avoided by all imaginable means4 ,is not the worst evil of a state1 says ,plato1 that which divides it1 and makes many out of one8 and is not the greatest excellence of a state1 that which binds all its parts together1 and makes it one8 ,relying on this principle1 and pursuing the development of his theory1 he takes individuals and families1 and kneads them1 as it were1 in order to form them into ,,one compact whole4 ,thus1 besides education and life in common1 he wishes also to have women and children in common2 he considers it injurious that there should be personal enjoyments or sufferings2 he desires that all should be common and social2 he allows individuals to live1 think1 feel1 and act only as parts of a great whole4 ,if you read his ,republic with attention1 and particularly the fifth book1 you will see that the prevailing idea of this philosopher is what we have just explained4 ,let us hear ,aristotle on the same point3 ,as the object of society1 he says1 is one1 it is clear that the education of all its members ought necessarily to be one and identical4 ,education ought to be public1 and not private2 as things now are1 each one takes care of his children as he thinks proper1 and teaches them as he pleases4 ,each citizen is a particle of society1 and the care to be given to a particle ought naturally to extend to what the whole requires4 7,polit4 l4 viii4 c4 #a47 ,in order to explain to us what he means by this common education1 he concludes by quoting with honor the education which was given at ,sparta1 which every one knows consisted in stifling all feelings except a ferocious patriotism1 the traits of which still make us shudder4 ,with our ideas and customs1 we do not know how to confine ourselves to considering society in this way4 ,individuals among us are attached to the social body1 forming a part of it1 but without losing their own sphere--that of the family2 and they preserve around them a vast career1 where they are allowed to exert themselves1 without coming into collision with the colossus of society4 ,nevertheless1 patriotism exists2 but it is no longer a blind instinctive passion1 urging man on to the sacrifice1 like a victim1 with bandaged eyes1 but it is no reasonable1 noble1 and exalted feeling1 which forms heroes like those of ,lepanto and ,baylen2 which converts peaceful citizens1 like those of ,gyronna and ,saragossa1 into lions2 which1 as by an electric spark1 makes a whole people rise on a sudden without arms1 and brave death from the artillery of a numerous and disciplined army3 such was ,madrid1 following the sublime ,mourons of ,daoiz and of ,velarda4 ,i have already hinted1 in the text1 that society among the ancients claimed the right of interfering in all that regards individuals4 ,i will add1 that the thing went to a ridiculous extent4 ,who would imagine that the law ought to interfere in the food of a woman who was enceinte1 or in the exercise which she should take every day8 ,this is what ,aristotle gravely says3 ,it is necessary that women who are enceinte should take particular care of their bodies2 that they should avoid indulgence in luxury1 and using food which is too light and weak4 ,the legislator easily attains his end by prescribing and ordering them a daily walk1 in order to go to honor and venerate the gods1 to whom it has been confided by fate to watch over the formation of beings4 ,atque hoc facile assequitur scriptor legum1 si eis iter aliquod quotidianum ad cultum venerationemque deorum eorum1 quibus sorte obtigit1 ut prsint gignendis animantibus1 injunxerit ac mandaverit4 7,polit4 l4 vii4 c4 #af47 ,the action of laws extended to every thing2 it seems that1 in certain cases1 even the tears of children could not escape this severity4 ,those1 says ,aristotle1 who1 by means of laws1 forbid children to cry and weep1 are wrong2 cries and tears serve as exercise for children1 and assist them in growing2 they are an effort of nature1 which relieves and invigorates those who are in pain4 7,polit4 l4 vii4 c4 #ag47 ,these doctrines of the ancients--this manner of considering the relations of individuals with society--very well explain how castes and slavery could be regarded as natural among them4 ,who can be astonished at seeing whole races deprived of liberty1 or regarded as incapable of partaking of the rights of other superior classes1 when we see generations of innocent beings condemned to death1 and these conscientious philosophers not having the slightest scruple with respect to the legitimacy of so inhuman an act8 ,it was not that these philosophers had not happiness in view as the object of society2 but they had monstrous ideas with respect to the means of obtaining that happiness4 ,,note #ag1 p4 #adf4 ,the reader will easily dispense with my entering into details on the abject and shameful condition of women among the ancients1 and in which they still are among the moderns where ,christianity does not prevail2 moreover1 my pen would be checked every moment by strict laws of modesty1 if ,i were to attempt to represent the characteristic features of this wretched picture4 ,the inversion of ideas was such1 that we hear men the most renowned for their gravity and moderation rave in the most incredible manner on this point4 ,we will lay aside hundreds of examples which it would be easy to adduce2 but who is ignorant of the scandalous advice of the sage ,solon1 with respect to the lending of women for the purpose of improving the race8 ,who has not blushed to read what the divine ,plato1 in his ,republic1 says of the propriety and manner of making women share in the public games8 ,let us throw a veil over recollections so dishonourable to human wisdom4 ,when the chief legislators and sages so far forgot the first elements of morality1 and the most ordinary inspirations of nature1 what must have been the case with the vulgar8 ,how fearfully true those words of the sacred text which represent to us the nations deprived of the light of ,christianity as sitting in darkness and in the shadow of death6 ,there is nothing more fatal to woman1 nothing more apt to degrade her1 than that which is injurious to modesty2 and yet we see that the unlimited power granted to man over woman contributed to this degradation1 and reduced her1 among certain nations1 to be nothing but a slave4 ,losing sight of the manners of other nations1 let us consider those of the ,romans for a moment4 ,among them the formula1 ubi tu ,cayus ego ,caya1 seemed to indicate a subjection so slight1 that it might almost be called an equality2 but in order to appreciate this equality1 it is enough to recollect that1 at ,rome1 a husband could put his wife to death by his own authority1 and that not only in the case of adultery1 but for offences infinitely less serious4 ,in the time of ,romulus1 ,egnacius ,menecius was acquitted of a similar crime1 although his wife had done nothing more than drink wine from a cask4 ,these traits describe a nation1 whatever importance you may besides think proper to attach to the solicitude of the ,romans to prevent their matrons from becoming addicted to wine4 ,when ,cato directed an embrace1 as a proof of affection1 among relations1 for the purpose1 as ,pliny relates1 of ascertaining whether the women smelt of wine1 an temetum olerent1 it is true he showed his strictness2 but it was an unworthy outrage offered to the honor of the women themselves whose virtue it pretended to preserve4 ,there are some remedies worse than the disease4 ,,note #ah1 p4 #aeg4 ,the antichristian philosophy must have had considerable influence on the desire to find among the barbarians the origin of the elevation of the female character in ,europe1 and of some other principles of our civilization4 ,indeed as soon as you discover the source of these admirable qualities in the forests of ,germany1 ,christianity is stripped of a portion of its honors2 and what was its own and peculiar glory is divided among many4 ,i will not deny that the ,germans of ,tacitus are sufficiently poetical2 but it is difficult to believe that the real ,germans were so to any extent4 ,some passages inserted in the text add great force to our conjecture2 but what appears to me eminently calculated to dissipate all these illusions is1 the history of the invasion by the barbarians1 above all that which has been written by eye-witnesses4 ,the picture1 far from continuing poetical1 then becomes disgusting in the extreme4 ,this interminable succession of nations passes before the eyes of the reader1 like an alarming vision in an evil dream2 and certainly the first idea which occurs to us at the sight of this picture is1 not to seek for any of the qualities of modern civilization in these invading hordes2 but the great difficulty is1 to know how this chaos has been reduced to order1 and how it has been possible to produce from such barbarism the noblest and most brilliant civilization that has ever been seen on earth4 ,tacitus appears to be an enthusiast2 but ,sidonius1 who wrote at no great distance from the barbarians1 who saw them1 and suffered from meeting them1 does not partake of this enthusiasm4 ,i find myself1 he said1 among long-haired nations1 compelled to hear the ,german language1 and to applaud1 at whatever cost1 the song of the drunken ,burgundian1 with hair plastered with rancid grease4 ,happy your eyes who do not see them2 happy your ears who do not hear them8 ,if space permitted1 it would be easy for me to accumulate a thousand passages which would evidently show what the barbarians were1 and what could be expected from them in all respects4 ,it is as clear as the light of day1 that it was the design of ,providence to employ these nations to destroy the ,roman empire1 and change the face of the world4 ,the invaders seem to have had a feeling of their terrible mission4 ,they march1 they advance1 they know not whither they go2 but they know well that they go to destroy4 ,attila called himself the scourge of ,god4 ,the same barbarian himself defined his formidable duty in these words3 ,the star falls1 the sea is moved2 ,i am the hammer of the earth4 ,where my horse passes1 the grass never grows4 ,alaric1 marching towards the capital of the world1 said3 ,i cannot stop2 there is some one urges me1 who excites me to sack ,rome4 ,genseric prepares a naval expedition2 his troops are on board1 he himself embarks3 no one knows the point towards which he will direct his sails4 ,the pilot approaches the barbarian1 and asks him2 ,my lord1 against what nations will you wage war8 ,against those who have provoked the anger of ,god1 replies ,genseric4 ,if ,christianity1 in the midst of this catastrophe1 had not existed in ,europe1 civilization would have been lost and annihilated1 perhaps forever4 ,but a religion of light and love was sure to triumph over ignorance and violence4 ,even during the times of the calamities of the invasion1 that religion prevented many disasters1 owing to the ascendency which it began to exercise over the barbarians2 the most critical moment being past1 the conquerors having become in some degree settled1 she immediately employed a system so vast1 so efficacious1 so decisive1 that the conquerors found themselves conquered1 not by arms1 but by charity4 ,it was not in the power of the ,church to prevent the invasion2 ,god had decreed it1 and ,his decree must be accomplished4 ,thus the pious monk who went to meet ,alaric approaching ,rome1 could not stop him on his march1 because the barbarian answered him1 that he could not stop1--that there was some one who urged him on1 and that he advanced against his own will4 ,but the ,church awaited the barbarians after the conquest1 knowing that ,providence would not abandon ,his own work1 that the hope of the future lot of nations was left in the hands of the spouse of ,jesus ,christ2 on this account does ,alaric advance on ,rome1 sack1 and destroy it2 but on a sudden1 finding himself in presence of religion1 he stops1 becomes mollified1 and appoints the ,churches of ,st4 ,peter and ,st4 ,paul as places of refuge4 ,a remarkable fact1 and an admirable symbol of the ,christian religion preserving the universe from total ruin4 ,,note #ai1 p4 #afe4 ,the great benefit conferred on modern society by the formation of a pure and correct public conscience1 would acquire extraordinary value in our eyes1 if we compared our moral ideas with those of all other nations1 ancient and modern2 the result of such an examination would be1 to show in how lamentable a manner good principles become corrupted1 when they are confided to the reason of man4 ,i will content myself1 however1 with a few words on the ancients1 in order to show how correct ,i was in saying that our manners1 however corrupt they may be1 would have appeared a model of morality and dignity to the heathens4 ,the temples consecrated to ,venus in ,babylon and ,corinth are connected with abominations such as to be even incomprehensible4 ,deified passion required sacrifices worthy of it2 a divinity without modesty required the sacrifice of modesty2 and the sacred name of ,temple was applied to asylums of the most unbridled licentiousness4 ,there was not a veil even for the greatest crimes4 ,it is known how the daughters of ,chypre gained a dowry for their marriage2 all have heard of the mysteries of ,adonis1 ,priapus1 and other impure divinities4 ,there are vices which1 as it were1 want a name among the moderns2 or if they have one1 it is accompanied by the recollection of a terrible chastisement inflicted on some criminal cities4 ,in reading the histories of antiquity descriptive of the manners of their times1 the book falls from our hands4 ,on this subject we must be content with these few hints1 calculated to awaken in the minds of our readers the recollection of what has a thousand times excited their indignation in reading the history and studying the literature of pagan antiquity4 ,the author is compelled to be satisfied with a recollection3 he abstains from a description4 ,,note #bj1 p4 #aga4 ,it is now so common to exalt beyond measure the power of ideas1 that some persons will perhaps consider exaggerated what ,i have said with respect to their want of power1 not only to influence society1 but even to preserve themselves1 while1 remaining in the mere sphere of ideas1 they do not become realized in institutions1 which are their organ1 and at the same time their rampart and defence4 ,i am very far1 as ,i have clearly stated in the text1 from denying or calling in question what is called the power of ideas3 ,i only mean to show that1 alone and by themselves1 ideas have little power2 and that science1 properly so called1 as far as the organization of society is concerned1 is a much less important thing than is generally supposed4 ,this doctrine has an intimate connection with the system followed by the ,catholic ,church1 which1 while constantly endeavoring to develop the human mind by means of the propagation of the sciences1 has nevertheless assigned to them a secondary part in the regulation of society4 ,while religion has never been opposed to true science1 never1 on the other hand1 has she ceased to show a certain degree of mistrust with respect to all that was the exclusive production of human thought2 and observe that this is one of the chief differences between religion and the philosophy of the last age2 or1 we should rather say1 it was the cause of their violent antipathy4 ,religion did not condemn science2 on the contrary1 she loved1 protected1 and encouraged it2 but at the same time she marked out its limits1 warned it that it was blind on some points1 announced to it that it would be powerless in some of its labors1 and that in others its action would be destructive and fatal4 ,philosophy1 on the contrary1 loudly proclaimed the sovereignty of science1 declared it to be all-powerful1 and deified it2 it attributed to it strength and courage to change the face of the world1 and wisdom and foresight enough to work this change for the good of humanity4 ,this pride of knowledge1 this deification of thought1 is1 if you observe closely1 the foundation of ,protestant doctrine4 ,all authority being taken away1 reason is the only competent judge1 the intellect receives directly and immediately from ,god all the light which is necessary4 ,this is the fundamental doctrine of ,protestantism1 that is to say1 the pride of the mind4 ,if we closely observe1 even the triumph of revolutions has in no degree nullified the wise anticipations of religion2 and knowledge1 properly so called1 instead of gaining any credit from this triumph1 has entirely lost what it had3 there remains nothing of the revolutionary knowledge2 what remains is the effects of the revolution1 the interests created by it1 the institutions which have arisen from those interests1 and which1 since that time1 have sought in the department of science itself our principles to support them1--principles altogether different from those which had been proclaimed in the beginning4 ,i have said that every idea has need of being realized in an institution2 this is so true1 that revolutions themselves1 warned by the instinct which leads them to preserve1 with more or less integrity1 the principles whence they have arisen1 tend from the first to create those institutions in which the revolutionary doctrines may be perpetuated1 or to constitute successors to represent them when they shall have disappeared from the schools4 ,this may lead to many reflections on the origin and present condition of several forms of governments in different countries of ,europe4 ,when speaking of the rapidity with which scientific theories succeed each other1 when pointing out the immense development which the press has given to the field of discussion1 ,i have shown that this was not an infallible sign of scientific progress1 still less a guarantee for the fertility of human thought in realizing great things in the material and social order4 ,i have said that grand conceptions proceed rather from intuition than from discourses2 and on this subject ,i have recalled to mind historical events and personages which place this matter beyond a doubt4 ,in support of this assertion1 ideology might have furnished us with abundant proofs1 if it were necessary to have recourse to science itself to prove its own sterility4 ,but mere good sense1 taught by the lessons of experience daily1 is enough to convince us that the men who are the most able in theory are1 often enough1 not only mediocre1 but even weak in the exercise of authority4 ,with regard to the hints which ,i have thrown out with respect to intuition and discourses1 ,i leave them to the judgment of any one who has applied to the study of the human mind4 ,i am confident that the opinion of those who have reflected will not differ from my own4 ,,note #ba1 p4 #age4 ,i have attributed to ,christianity the gentleness of manners which ,europe now enjoys4 ,yet1 in spite of the decline of religious belief in the last century1 this gentleness of manners1 instead of being destroyed1 has only been raised to a higher degree4 ,this contrast1 the effect of which1 at first sight1 is to destroy what ,i have established1 requires some explanation4 ,first of all1 we must recollect the distinction pointed out in the text between effeminacy and gentleness of manners4 ,the first is a fault1 the second a valuable quality2 the first emanates from enervation of the mind and weakening of the body2 the second is owing to the preponderance of reason1 the empire of the mind over the body1 the triumph of justice over force1 of right over might4 ,there is a large portion of real gentleness in manners at the present day1 but luxury has also a considerable part therein4 ,this luxury of manners has certainly not arisen from religion1 but from infidelity2 the latter1 never extending its view beyond the present life1 causes the lofty destinies1 and even the very existence of the soul1 to be forgotten1 puts egotism upon the throne1 constantly excites and keeps alive the love of pleasure1 and makes man the vile slave of his passions4 ,on the contrary1 at the first sight1 we perceive that our manners owe all their gentleness to ,christianity2 all the ideas1 all the feelings1 on which this gentleness is founded1 bear the mark of ,christianity4 ,the dignity of man1 his rights1 the obligation of treating him with the respect which is due to him1 and of appealing to his mind by reason rather than to his body by violence1 the necessity imposed on every one of keeping within the line of his duty1 of respecting the property and the persons of others1--all this body of principles1 to which real gentleness of manners is owing1 is due1 in ,europe1 to the influence of ,christianity1 which1 after a struggle of many centuries against the barbarism and ferocity of invading nations1 succeeded in destroying the system of violence which these same nations had made general4 ,as philosophy has taken care to change the ancient names consecrated by religion1 and authorized by the usage of a succession of ages1 it happens that some ideas1 although the produce of ,christianity1 are scarcely acknowledged as such1 only because they are disguised under a worldly dress4 ,who does not know that mutual love among men and fraternal charity are ideas entirely due to ,christianity8 ,who does not know that pagan antiquity did not acknowledge them1 that it even despised them8 ,and nevertheless1 this affection1 which was formerly called charity1 because charity was the virtue from which it took its legitimate origin1 has constantly taken care to assume other names1 as if it were ashamed to be seen in public with any appearance of religion4 ,the mania for attacking the ,christian religion being passed1 it is openly confessed that the principle of universal charity is owing to her2 but language remains infected with ,voltairian philosophy even since the discredit into which that philosophy has fallen4 ,whence it follows1 that we very often do not appreciate as we ought the influence of ,christianity on the society which surrounds us1 and that we attribute to other ideas and other causes the phenomena which are evidently owing to religion4 ,society at present1 in spite of all its indifference1 is more indebted to religion than is commonly supposed2 it resembles those men1 who1 born of an illustrious family1 in which good principles and a careful education are transmitted as an inheritance from generation to generation1 preserve in their manners and behavior1 even in the midst of their disorders1 their crimes1 and ,i will even venture to say1 their degradation1 some traits which denote their noble origin4 ,,note #bb1 p4 #ahc4 ,a few regulations of ,councils1 quoted in the text1 are sufficient to give an idea of the system pursued by the ,church for the purpose of reforming and softening manners4 ,it may be remarked that1 on previous occasions during this work1 ,i have a strong inclination to call to mind monuments of this kind2 ,i will state here that ,i have two reasons for doing this3 #a4 ,when having to compare ,protestantism with ,catholicity1 ,i believe that the best means of representing the real spirit of the latter is1 to show it at work2 this is done when we bring to light the measures which were adopted1 according to different circumstances1 by ,popes and ,councils4 #b4 ,considering the direction which historical studies take in ,europe1 and the taste1 which is daily becoming more general1 not for histories1 but for historical documents1 it is proper always to bear in mind that the proceedings of ,councils are of the highest importance1 not only in historical and ecclesiastical matters1 but also in political and social ones2 so that to pay no attention to the data which are found in the records of ,councils1 is monstrously to mutilate1 or rather wholly to destroy1 the history of ,europe4 ,on this account it is very useful1 and even necessary in many things1 to consult these records1 although it may be painful to our indolence1 on account of their enormous extent and the ennui of finding many things devoid of interest for our times4 ,the sciences1 above all those which have society for their object1 lead to satisfactory results only by means of painful labors4 ,what is useful is frequently mixed and confounded with what is not4 ,the most valuable things are sometimes found by the side of repulsive objects2 but in nature1 do we find gold without having removed rude masses of earth8 ,those who have attempted to find the germ of the precious qualities of ,european civilization among the barbarians of the north1 should undoubtedly have attributed the gentleness of our manners to the same barbarians2 they would have had in support of this paradox a fact certainly more specious than that which they have relied on to give the honor of elevating ,european women to the ,germans4 ,i allude to the well-known custom of avoiding the infliction of corporal punishments1 and of chastising the gravest offences by fines only4 ,nothing is more likely to make us believe that these nations were happily inclined to gentleness of manners1 since1 in the midst of their barbarism1 they used the right of punishment with a moderation which is not found even among the most civilized and refined nations4 ,if we regard the thing in this point of view1 it seems as if the influence of ,christianity on the barbarians had the effect of rendering their manners more harsh instead of more gentle2 indeed1 after ,christianity was introduced1 the infliction of corporal punishments became general1 and even that of death was not excluded4 ,but when we attentively consider this peculiarity of the criminal code of the barbarians1 we shall see that1 far from showing the advancement of their civilization and the gentleness of their manners1 it is1 on the contrary1 the most evident proof that they were behindhand2 it is the strongest index of the harshness and barbarism which reigned among them4 ,in the first place1 inasmuch as crimes among them were punished by means of fines1 or1 as it was called1 by composition1 it is clear that the law paid much more attention to repairing an injury than to punishing a crime2 a circumstance which clearly shows us how little they thought about the morality of the action1 as they attended not so much to the action itself1 as to the wrong which it inflicted4 ,therefore this was not an element of civilization but of barbarism2 this tended to nothing less than the banishment of morality from the world4 ,the ,church combated this principle1 as fatal in public as in private affairs2 she introduced into criminal legislation a new set of ideas1 which completely changed its spirit4 ,on this point ,m4 ,guizot has done full justice to the ,catholic ,church4 ,i am delighted to acknowledge and to insert this homage here by transcribing his own words4 ,after having pointed out the difference which existed between the laws of the ,visigoths1 derived in great part from the ,councils of ,toledo1 and the other barbarian laws1 ,m4 ,guizot signalizes the immense superiority of the ideas of the ,church in matters of legislation1 of justice1 and in all that concerns the search after truth and the lot of men2 he adds3 ,in criminal matters1 the relation of crimes to punishments is fixed 7in the laws of the ,visigoths7 according to sufficiently just1 philosophical1 and moral notions4 ,we there perceive the efforts of an enlightened legislator1 who contends against the violence and rashness of barbarian manners4 ,the chapter ,de cde et morte hominum1 compared with the corresponding laws of other nations1 is a very remarkable example of this4 ,elsewhere1 it is almost exclusively the injury which seems to constitute the crime1 and the punishment is sought in that material reparation which is the result of composition4 ,here1 the crime is referred to its real and moral element1 the intention4 ,the different shades of criminality1 absolutely voluntary homicide1 homicide by inadvertence1 provoked homicide1 homicide with or without premeditation1 are distinguished and defined almost as well as in our own codes1 and the punishments vary in a proportion equally just4 ,the justice of the legislator has gone still further4 ,he has attempted1 if not to abolish1 at least to diminish the diversity of legal value established among men by the other barbarian laws4 ,the only distinction which it preserves is that of freeman and slave4 ,with respect to freeman1 the punishment varies neither with the origin nor the rank of the deceased1 but only according to the different degrees of the culpability of the murderer4 ,with regard to slaves1 not venturing completely to withdraw from the masters the right of life and death1 it has been attempted at least to restrain it by subjecting it to a public and regular procedure4 ,the text of the law deserves to be cited4 ',if no one guilty of1 or an accomplice in1 a crime ought to remain unpunished1 with how much more reason ought he to be condemned who has wickedly and rashly committed a homicide6 ,thus1 as masters1 in their pride1 often put their slaves to death without any fault of the latter1 it is proper altogether to extirpate this license1 and to ordain that the present law shall be forever observed by all4 ,no master or mistress shall put to death1 without public trial1 any of their slaves1 male or female1 or any person dependent on them4 ,if a slave or any other servant shall commit a crime which may subject him to capital punishment1 his master or his accuser shall immediately inform the judge or the count or duke of the place where the deed has been committed4 ,after the affair has been inquired into1 if the crime be proved1 let the criminal undergo1 either by the judge or his own master1 the sentence of death which he has deserved2 so that1 nevertheless1 if the judge be unwilling to put the accused to death1 he shall draw up in writing a capital sentence1 and then it shall be in the power of the master to put him to death or not4 ,indeed1 if the slave1 with a fatal audacity1 resisting his master1 has struck1 or attempted to strike1 him with a weapon1 with a stone1 or with any other kind of blow1 and if the master1 in defending himself1 has killed the slave in his passion1 the master shall be in no way subject to the punishment of homicide4 ,but it shall be necessary to prove that the event took place thus1 and that by the testimony or oath of the slaves1 male or female1 who shall have been present1 and by the oath of the author of the deed himself4 ,whoever from mere malice1 either by his own hand or that of another1 shall have killed his slave without public trial1 shall be marked with infamy1 declared incapable of appearing as a witness1 shall be obliged to pass the rest of his life in exile and penance1 and his goods shall go to the nearest relations to whom they are given by the law4'--,for4 ,jud4 liv4 vi4 tit4 xv4 l4 #ab4 7,hist4 ,gnr4 de la ,civilisation en ,europe1 leon #f47 ,i have copied this passage from ,m4 ,guizot with pleasure1 because ,i find there a confirmation of what ,i have just said on the subject of the influence of the ,church in softening manners1 and of what ,i have before stated with respect to the great amelioration which the ,church made in the condition of slaves1 by limiting the excessive power of their masters4 ,this truth is proved in its place by so many documents1 that it seems useless to revert to it here2 it is enough now for my purpose1 to point out that ,m4 ,guizot fully allows that the ,church gave morality to the legislation of the barbarians1 by making them consider the wickedness of the crime1 whereas they had previously attended only to the injury of which it was the cause2 she has thus transferred the action from the physical to the moral order1 giving to punishments their real character1 and not allowing them to remain reduced to the level of a mere material reparation4 ,hence we see that the criminal system of the barbarians1 which1 at the first view1 seemed to indicate progress in civilization1 was1 in reality1 owing to the little ascendency which moral principles exercised over these nations1 and to the fact1 that the views of the legislator were very slightly raised above the purely material order4 ,there is another observation to be made on this point1 viz4 that the mildness with which crimes were punished is the best proof of the frequency with which they were committed4 ,when in a country assassinations1 mutilations1 and other similar attempts are very rare1 they are regarded with horror2 those who are guilty of them are chastised with severity4 ,but when crimes are very frequently committed1 they insensibly lose their enormity2 not only those who commit them1 but all the world become accustomed to their hideous aspect1 and the legislator is then naturally induced to treat them with indulgence4 ,this is shown us by the experience of every day2 and the reader will have no difficulty in finding in society at the present time more than one crime to which the remark which ,i have just made is applicable4 ,among the barbarians1 it was common to appeal to force1 not only with respect to property1 but also to persons2 wherefore it was natural that crimes of this kind should not be regarded by them with the same aversion1 it may be said with the same horror1 as among a people where the triumph of the ideas of reason1 justice1 right1 and law1 render it impossible to conceive even the existence of a society where each individual should believe himself self-entitled to do justice to himself4 ,thus the laws against these crimes naturally became milder1 the legislator contenting himself with repairing the injury1 without paying much attention to the culpability of the delinquent4 ,and this is intimately connected with what ,i have said above with respect to public conscience2 for the legislator is always more or less the organ of this public conscience4 ,where an action1 in any society whatever1 is regarded as a heinous offence1 the legislator cannot decree a mild punishment for it2 on the other hand1 it is not possible for him to chastise with great severity what the society absolves or excuses4 ,it will sometimes happen that this proportion will be altered1 that this harmony will be destroyed2 but things soon quitting the path into which violence forced them1 will not be long in returning to their ordinary course4 ,manners being chaste and pure1 offences against them will be covered with abhorrence and infamy2 but if morals be corrupted1 the same acts will be regarded with indifference2 at the most they will be denominated slight weaknesses4 ,among a people where religious ideas exercise great influence1 the violation of all that is consecrated to ,god is regarded as a horrible outrage1 worthy of the greatest chastisements2 among another people1 where infidelity has made its ravages1 the same violation is not even placed on the list of ordinary offences2 instead of drawing on the guilty the justice of the law1 scarcely does it draw on them the slight correction of the police4 ,the reader will understand the appropriateness of this digression on the criminal legislation of the barbarians1 when he reflects that1 in order to examine the influence of ,catholicity on the civilization of ,europe1 it is indispensable to take into consideration the other elements which have concurred in forming that civilization4 ,without this1 it would be impossible properly to appreciate the respective action of each of these elements1 either for good or evil2 impossible to bring to light the share which the ,church can exclusively claim in the great work of our civilization2 impossible to resolve the high question which has been raised by the partisans of ,protestantism on the subject of the assumed advantages which the religious revolution of the sixteenth century has conferred on modern society4 ,it is because the barbarian nations are one of these elements1 that it is so often necessary to attend to them4 ,,note #bc1 p4 #ahi4 ,in the middle ages1 almost all the monasteries and colleges of canons had a hospital annexed to them1 not only to receive pilgrims1 but also to aid in the support and consolation of the poor and the sick4 ,if you desire to see the noblest symbol of religion sheltering all kinds of misfortune1 consider the houses devoted to prayer and the most sublime virtues converted into asylums for the miserable4 ,this was exactly what took place at that time1 when the public authority not only wanted the strength and knowledge necessary to establish a good administration for the relief of the unfortunate1 but did not even succeed in covering with her gis the most sacred interests of society2 this shows us that when all was powerless1 religion was still strong and fruitful2 that when all perished1 religion not only preserved herself1 but even founded immortal establishments4 ,and pay attention to what we have so many times pointed out1 viz4 that the religion which worked these prodigies was not a vague and abstract religion--the ,christianity of the ,protestants2 but religion with all her dogmas1 her discipline1 her hierarchy1 her supreme ,pontiff1 in a word1 the ,catholic ,church4 ,they were far from thinking in ancient times that the support of the unfortunate could be confided to the civil administration alone1 or to individual charity2 it was then thought1 as ,i have already said1 that it was a very proper thing that the hospitals should be subjected to the ,bishops2 that is to say1 that there should be a kind of assimilation made between the system of public beneficence and the hierarchy of the ,church4 ,hence it was that1 by virtue of an ancient regulation1 the hospitals were under the control of the ,bishops as well in temporals as in spirituals1 whether the persons appointed to the care of the establishments were clerical or lay1 whether the hospital had been erected by order of the ,bishop or not4 ,this is not the place to relate the vicissitudes which this discipline underwent1 nor the different causes which produced the successive changes2 it is enough to observe1 that the fundamental principle1 that is1 the interference of the ecclesiastical authority in establishments of beneficence1 always remained unimpaired1 and that the ,church never allowed herself to be entirely deprived of so noble a privilege4 ,never did she think that it was allowable for her to regard with indifference the abuses which were introduced on this point to the prejudice of the unfortunate2 wherefore she has reserved at least the right to remedy the evils which might result from the wickedness or the indolence of the administrators4 ,the ,council of ,vienne ordains1 that if the administrators of a hospital1 lay or clerical1 become relaxed in the exercise of their charge1 proceedings shall be taken against them by the ,bishops1 who shall reform and restore the hospital of their own authority1 if it has no privilege of exemption1 and by delegation1 if it has one4 ,the ,council of ,trent also granted to ,bishops the power of visiting the hospitals1 even with the power of delegates of the ,apostolic ,see in the cases fixed by law2 it ordains1 moreover1 that the administrators1 lay or clerical1 shall be obliged every year to render their accounts to the ordinary of the place1 unless the contrary has been provided in the foundation2 and that if1 by virtue of a particular privilege1 custom1 or statute1 the accounts must be presented to any other than the ordinary1 at least he shall be added to those who are appointed to receive them4 ,without paying attention to the different modifications which the laws and customs of various countries may have introduced in this matter1 we will say that one thing remains manifest1 viz4 the vigilance of the ,church in all that regards beneficence2 it is her constant tendency1 by virtue of her spirit and maxims1 to take part in affairs of this kind1 sometimes to direct them exclusively1 sometimes to remedy the evils which may have crept in4 ,the civil power acknowledged the motives of this holy and charitable ambition2 we see that the ,emperor ,justinian does not hesitate to give public authority over the hospitals to the ,bishops1 thereby conforming to the discipline of the ,church and the general good4 ,on this point there is a remarkable fact1 which it is necessary to mention here1 in order to signalize its beneficent influence2 ,i mean1 the regulation by which the property of hospitals was looked upon as ,church property1--a regulation which was very far from being a matter of indifference1 although at first sight it might appear so4 ,their property1 thereby invested with the same privileges as that of the ,church1 was protected by an inviolability so much the more necessary as the times were the more difficult1 and the more abounding in outrages and usurpations4 ,the ,church which1 notwithstanding all the public troubles1 preserved great authority and a powerful ascendency over governments and nations1 had thus a simple and powerful claim to extend her protection over the property of hospitals1 and to withdraw them as much as possible from the cupidity and the rapacity of the powerful4 ,and it must not be supposed that this doctrine was introduced with any indirect design1 nor that this kind of community1 this assimilation between the ,church and the poor1 was an unheard-of novelty2 on the contrary1 this assimilation was so well suited to the common order of things1 it was so entirely founded on the relations between the ,church and the poor1 that if the property of the hospitals had the privilege of being considered as the property of the ,church1 that of the ,church1 on the other hand1 was called the property of the poor4 ,it is in these terms that the holy ,fathers express themselves on this point3 these doctrines had so much affected the ordinary language1 that when1 at a later period1 the canonical question with respect to the ownership of the goods of the ,church had to be solved1 there were found by the side of those who directly attributed this property to ,god1 to the ,pope1 to the clergy1 some who pointed out the poor as being the real proprietors4 ,it is true that this opinion was not the most conformable to the principles of law2 but the mere fact of its appearing on the field of controversy is a matter for grave consideration4 ,,note #bd1 p4 #aif4 ,a few reflections1 in the form of a note1 on a certain maxim of toleration professed by a philosopher of the last century1 ,rousseau1 would not be out of place here2 but the analogy of the following chapter with that which we have just finished induces us to reserve them for note #be4 ,the considerations to which the opinion of ,rousseau will lead1 apply to the question of toleration in religious matters1 as well as to the right of coercion exercised by the civil and political power2 ,i therefore beg my reader to reserve for the following note the attention which he might be willing to afford me now4 ,,note #be1 p4 #bjc4 ,for the purpose of clearing up ideas on toleration as far as lay in my power1 ,i have presented this matter in a point of view but little known2 in order to throw still more light upon it1 ,i will say a few words on religious and civil intolerance1--things which are entirely different1 although ,rousseau absolutely affirms the contrary4 ,religious or theological intolerance consists in the conviction1 that the only true religion is the ,catholic1--a conviction common to all ,catholics4 ,civil intolerance consists in not allowing in society any other religions than the ,catholic4 ,these two definitions are sufficient to make every man of common sense understand that the two kinds of intolerance are not inseparable2 indeed1 we may very easily conceive that men firmly convinced of the truth of ,catholicity may tolerate those who profess another religion1 or none at all4 ,religious intolerance is an act of the mind1 an act inseparable from faith2 indeed1 whoever has a firm belief that his own religion is true1 must necessarily be convinced that it is the only true one2 for the truth is one4 ,civil intolerance is an act whereby the will rejects those who do not profess the same religion2 this act has different results1 according as the intolerance is in the individuals or in the government4 ,on the other hand1 religious tolerance consists in believing that all religions are true2 which1 when rightly understood1 means that none are true1 since it is impossible for contradictory things to be true at the same time4 ,civil tolerance is1 to allow men who entertain a different religion to live in peace4 ,this tolerance1 as well as the co-relative intolerance1 produces different effects1 according as it exists in individuals or in the government4 ,this distinction1 which1 from its clearness and simplicity1 is within the reach of the most ordinary minds1 has nevertheless been mistaken by ,rousseau1 who affirms that it is a vain fiction1 a chimera1 which cannot be realized1 and that the two kinds of intolerance cannot be separated from each other4 ,rousseau might have been content with observing1 that religious intolerance1 that is to say1 as ,i have explained above1 the firm conviction that a religion is true1 if it is general in a country1 must produce1 in the ordinary intercourse of life as well as in legislation1 a certain tendency not to tolerate any one who thinks differently1 principally when those who dissent are very limited in number2 his observation would then have been well founded1 and would have agreed with the opinion which ,i have expressed on this point1 when ,i attempted to represent the natural course of ideas and events in this matter4 ,but ,rousseau does not consider things under this aspect3 desiring to attack ,catholicity1 he affirms that the two kinds of intolerance are inseparable2 for1 says he1 it is impossible to live in peace with those whom one believes to be damned2 to love them would be to hate ,god1 who punishes them4 ,it is impossible to carry misrepresentation further3 who told ,rousseau that the ,catholics believe in the damnation of any man1 whoever he may be1 as long as he lives2 and that they think that to love a man who is in error would be to hate ,god8 ,on the contrary1 could he be ignorant that it is a duty1 an indispensable precept1 a dogma1 for ,catholics to love all men8 ,could he be ignorant that even children1 in the first rudiments of ,christian doctrine1 learn that we are obliged to love our neighbor as ourselves1 and that by this word neighbor is meant whoever has gained heaven1 or may gain it2 so that no man1 so long as he lives1 is excluded from this number8 ,but ,rousseau will say1 you are at least convinced that those who die in that fatal state are condemned4 ,rousseau does not observe that we think exactly the same with respect to sinners1 although their sin be not that of heresy2 now1 it has not come into the head of any body that good ,catholics cannot tolerate sinners1 and that they consider themselves under the obligation of hating them4 ,what religion shows more eagerness to convert the wicked8 ,the ,catholic ,church is so far from teaching that we ought to hate them1 that she causes to be repeated a thousand times1 in pulpits1 in books1 and in conversations1 those words whereby ,god shows that it is ,his will that sinners shall not perish1 that ,he wills that they shall be converted and live1 that there is more joy in heaven when one of them has done penance1 than upon the ninety-nine just who need not penance4 ,and let it not be imagined that the man who thus expresses himself against the intolerance of ,catholics was the partizan of complete toleration2 on the contrary1 in society1 such as he imagined it1 he did not desire toleration for those who did not belong to the religion which the civil power thought proper to establish4 ,it is true that he is not at all anxious that the citizens should belong to the true religion4 ,laying aside1 he says1 political considerations1 let us return to the right1 and let us lay down principles on this important point4 ,the right which the social pact gives to the sovereign over his subject does not exceed1 as ,i have said1 the bounds of public utility4 ,subjects1 therefore1 are accountable to their sovereign for their opinions1 inasmuch as those opinions are of importance to the community4 ,now1 it is of great importance to the state1 that every citizen should have a religion which shall make him love his duties2 but the dogmas of that religion interest the state and its members only inasmuch as those dogmas affect morality and the duties which those who profess it are bound to perform towards others4 ,as for the rest1 each one may have what opinions he pleases1 without being subject to the cognizance of the sovereign1 for he has no power in the other world2 it is not his affair what may be the lot of his subjects in the life to come1 provided they be good citizens in this4 ,there is1 therefore1 a profession of faith purely civil1 the articles whereof it belongs to the sovereign to fix1 not exactly as dogmas of religion1 but as social sentiments1 without which it is impossible to be a good citizen or a faithful subject4 ,without being able to compel any one to believe them1 it can banish from the state him who does not believe them2 it can banish him1 not as wicked1 but as anti-social1 as incapable of sincerely loving the laws and justice1 and of sacrificing his life to his duty4 ,if any one1 after having publicly acknowledged these dogmas1 conducts himself as if he did not believe them1 let him be punished with death2 he has committed the greatest of crimes1 he has lied against the laws4 7,du ,contrat ,social1 l4 iv4 c4 #h47 ,such1 then1 is the final result of the toleration of ,rousseau1 viz4 to give to the sovereign the power of fixing articles of faith1 to grant to him the right of punishing with banishment1 or even death1 those who will not conform to the decisions of this new ,pope1 or who shall violate after having embraced them4 ,however strange the doctrine of ,rousseau may appear1 it is not excluded from the general system of those who do not acknowledge the supremacy of authority in religious matters4 ,when this supremacy is to be attributed to the ,catholic ,church1 or its head1 it is rejected2 and1 by the most striking contradiction1 it is granted to the civil power4 ,it is very singular that ,rousseau1 when banishing or putting to death the man who quits the religion fashioned by the sovereign1 does not wish him to be punished as impious1 but as anti-social4 ,rousseau1 following an impulse very natural in him1 did not wish that impiety should be at all taken into account when punishments were to be inflicted2 but of what consequence is the name given to his crime to the man who is banished or put to death8 ,in the same chapter1 he allows an expression to escape him1 which reveals at once the object which he had in view in all this show of philosophy3 ,whoever dares to affirm that out of the ,church there is no salvation1 ought to be driven from the state4 ,which means1 in other words1 that toleration ought to be given to all except ,catholics4 ,it has been said1 that the ,contrat ,social was the code of the ,french revolution2 and1 indeed1 the latter did not forget what the tolerant legislator has prescribed with respect to ,catholics4 ,few persons now venture to declare themselves the disciples of the philosopher of ,geneva1 although some of his timid partisans still lavish on him unmeasured eulogies4 ,let us have sufficient confidence in the good sense of the human race1 to hope that all posterity1 with a unanimous voice1 will confirm the stamp of ignominy with which all men of sense have already marked that turbulent sophist1 the impudent author of the ,confessions4 ,when comparing ,protestantism with ,catholicity1 ,i was obliged to treat of intolerance1 as it is one of the reproaches which are most frequently made against the ,catholic religion2 but my respect for truth compels me to state1 that all ,protestants have not preached universal toleration2 and that many of them have acknowledged the right of checking and punishing certain errors4 ,grotius1 ,puffendorf1 and some more of the wisest men that ,protestantism can boast of1 are agreed on this point2 therein they have followed the example of all antiquity1 which1 in theory as well as in practice1 has constantly conformed to these principles4 ,a cry has been raised against the intolerance of ,catholics1 as if they had been the first to teach it to the world2 as if intolerance was a cursed monster1 which was engendered only where the ,catholic ,church prevailed4 ,in default of any other reason1 good faith at least required that it should not be forgotten that the principle of universal toleration was never acknowledged in any part of the world2 the books of philosophers1 and the codes of legislators1 contain the principle of intolerance with more or less rigor4 ,whether it were desired to condemn this principle as false1 or to limit it1 or to leave it without application1 it is clear that an accusation ought not to have been made against the ,catholic ,church in particular1 on account of a doctrine and conduct1 wherein she only conformed to the example of the whole human race4 ,refined as well as barbarous nations would be culpable therein1 if there were any crime2 and the stigma1 far from deserving to fall upon governments directed by ,catholicity1 or on ,catholic writers1 ought to be inflicted on all the governments of antiquity1 including those of ,greece and ,rome2 on all the ancient sages1 including ,plato1 ,cicero1 and ,seneca2 on modern governments and sages1 including ,protestants4 ,if men had had this present to their minds1 the doctrine would not have appeared so erroneous1 nor the facts so black2 they would have seen that intolerance1 as old as the world1 was not the invention of ,catholics1 and that the whole world1 ought to bear the responsibility of it4 ,assuredly the toleration which1 in our days1 has become so general1 from causes previously pointed out1 will not be affected by the doctrines1 more or less severe1 more or less indulgent1 which shall be proclaimed in this matter2 but for the very reason1 that intolerance1 such as it was practised in other times1 has at last become a mere historical fact1 whereof no one can fear the reappearance1 it is proper to enter into an attentive examination of questions of this kind1 in order to remove the reproach which her enemies have attempted to cast upon the ,catholic ,church4 ,the recollection of the encyclical letter of the ,pope against the doctrines of ,m4 de ,lamennais1 and the profound wisdom contained therein appropriately presents itself here4 ,that writer maintained that universal toleration1 the absolute liberty of worship1 is the normal and legitimate state of society1--a state which cannot be changed without injury to the rights of the man and the citizen4 ,m4 de ,lamennais1 combating the encyclical letter1 attempted to show that it established new doctrines1 and attacked the liberty of nations4 ,no2 the ,pope1 in his encyclical letter1 does not maintain any other doctrines than those which have been professed up to this time by the ,church--we may say by all governments--with respect to toleration4 ,no government can sustain itself if it is refused the right of repressing doctrines dangerous to social order1 whether those doctrines are covered with the mantle of philosophy1 or disguised under the veil of religion4 ,the liberty of man is not thereby assailed2 for the only liberty which is worthy of the name1 is liberty in conformity with reason4 ,the ,pope did not say that governments cannot1 in certain cases1 tolerate different religions2 but he did not allow it to be established as a principle1 that absolute toleration is an obligation on all governments4 ,this proposition is contrary to sound religious doctrines1 to reason1 to the practice of all governments1 in all times and countries1 and the good sense of mankind4 ,the talent and eloquence of the unfortunate author have not availed against this1 and the ,pope has obtained the most solemn assent of all sensible men of all creeds2 while the man of genius1 covering his brow with the shades of obstinacy1 has not feared to seize upon the ignoble arms of sophistry4 ,unhappy genius6 who scarcely preserves a shadow of himself1 who has folded up the splendid wings on which he sailed through the azure sky1 and now1 like a bird of evil omen1 broods over the impure waters of a solitary lake4 ,,note #bf1 p4 #bai4 ,when speaking of the ,spanish ,inquisition1 ,i do not undertake to defend all its acts either in point of justice1 or of the public advantage4 ,without denying the peculiar circumstances in which this institution was placed1 ,i think that it would have done much better1 after the example of the ,inquisition of ,rome1 to avoid as much as possible the effusion of blood4 ,it might have perfectly watched over the preservation of the faith1 prevented the evils wherewith religion was threatened by the ,moors and the ,jews1 and preserved ,spain from ,protestantism1 without employing that excessive rigor1 which drew upon it the severe and deserved reprimands and admonitions of the ,sovereign ,pontiffs1 provoked the complaints of the people1 made so many accused and condemned persons appeal to ,rome1 and furnished the adversaries of ,catholicity with a pretext for charging that religion with being sanguinary which has a horror of the effusion of blood4 ,i repeat1 that the ,catholic religion is not responsible for any of the excesses which have been committed in her name2 and when men speak of the ,inquisition1 they ought not to fix their eyes principally on that of ,spain1 but on that of ,rome4 ,there1 where the ,sovereign ,pontiff resides1 and where they best understand how the principle of intolerance should be understood1 and what use ought to be made of it1 the ,inquisition has been mild and indulgent in the extreme4 ,rome is the part of the world where humanity has suffered the least for the sake of religion2 and that1 without the exception of any countries1 either of those where the ,inquisition has existed1 or of those where it has been unknown2 of those where ,catholicity has been predominant1 or where ,protestantism has triumphed4 ,this fact1 which cannot be denied1 should suffice to convince every sincere man what is the spirit of ,catholicity in this matter4 ,i make these remarks in order to show my impartiality1 to prove that ,i am not ignorant of evils1 and that ,i do not hesitate to admit them wherever ,i find them4 ,notwithstanding this1 ,i am desirous that the facts and the observations contained in the text1 as well with respect to the ,inquisition itself1 and to the different epochs of its duration1 as to the policy of the kings who founded and established it1 shall not be forgotten4 ,the same desire makes me transcribe here a few documents likely to throw a stronger light upon this important subject4 ,in the first place1 ,i will quote the preamble of the ,pragmatic ,sanction of the ,catholic princes ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 for the expulsion of the ,jews2 we there find stated in a few words1 the outrages which the ,jews inflicted on religion1 and the dangers with which they threatened the state4 ,book viii4 chap4 #b1 second law of the new ,recopilacion4 ,don ,ferdinand and ,donna ,isabella1 at ,granada1 #cjth ,march1 #adib4 ,pragmatic ,sanction4 ,having been informed that there existed in these kingdoms bad ,christians1 who judaized and apostatized from our holy ,catholic faith1 whereof the communication between the ,jews and ,christians was in great part the cause1 we ordained1 in the ,cortes held by us in ,toledo1 in #adhj1 that the ,jews in all the cities1 towns1 and other places of our kingdoms and lordships1 should be confined in the ,juiferies and places appointed for them to live and dwell in1 hoping that this separation would serve as a remedy2 we also provided and gave orders that an ,inquisition should be appointed in our said kingdoms2 which ,inquisition1 as you know1 is and has been practised for more than twelve years1 and has discovered a great number of delinquents1 as is notorious4 ,as we have been informed by the ,inquisitors1 and many other religious persons1 lay and ecclesiastical1 it is certain that great injury to the ,christians had been and is the result of the participation1 intercourse1 and communication which they have had1 and still have1 with the ,jews2 it has been proved that the latter1 by all the means in their power1 constantly labor to subvert the faith of ,christians1 to withdraw them from our holy ,catholic faith1 to lead them away from it1 to attract them1 and to pervert them to their own noxious creed and opinions2 instructing them in the ceremonies and observances of their own law2 holding meetings to teach them what they ought to believe and observe according to that law2 taking care to circumcise them and their children1 giving them books in order to recite their prayers1 teaching them the fasts which they ought to observe1 assembling to read with them1 teaching them the histories of their laws2 notifying to them the ,paschal times before they arrive1 admonishing them as to what they ought to do and observe during those times2 giving them1 bringing for them1 from their own homes1 the bread of azimes1 meats killed according to their ceremonies2 instructing them as to the things from which they ought to abstain1 in order to obey the law1 as well in eating as in other things2 persuading them1 as far as they can1 to adopt and keep the ,law of ,moses1 and making them understand that no other law than that is true4 ,all these things are certain from numerous testimonies1 from the acknowledgments of the ,jews themselves1 and of those who have been perverted and deceived by them1 which has inflicted great injury1 detriment1 and dishonor on our holy ,catholic faith4 ,although we were already informed of these things from many quarters1 and although we were aware that the real remedy for all these evils and inconveniences was to place an insurmountable barrier to the communication of the ,jews with the ,christians1 and to banish the ,jews from our kingdoms1 we wished to be satisfied with enjoining them to quit all the cities1 towns1 and places of ,andalusia1 where it seemed that they had done the most mischief1 believing that that would be enough to hinder those of the other cities1 towns1 and places of our kingdoms and lordships from doing and committing what has been mentioned4 ,but being informed that this measure1 as well as the acts of justice exercised on some of the ,jews who were found guilty of these offences and crimes against our holy ,catholic faith1 do not suffice to remedy the evil thoroughly2 for the purpose of obviating and abolishing so great an opprobrium1 such an offence against the faith and the ,christian religion1 since it appears that the same ,jews1 with a fatal ardor1 redouble their perverse attempts wherever they live and associate2 wishing to suppress the occasion of offending more against our holy ,catholic faith1 as well on account of those persons whom it has pleased ,god up to this time to preserve1 as of those who1 after having fallen1 have repented and returned to our holy mother the ,church2 wishing to prevent the offences which1 on account of the weakness of our human nature1 and the suggestions of the devil1 which continually make war on us1 might easily occur1 if the principal cause of the evil were not removed by the expulsion of the ,jews from our kingdoms2 considering1 besides1 that when a great and detestable crime has been committed by some members of a college or university1 it is reasonable that that college or that university should be dissolved and destroyed1 that some may be punished on account of the others1 and the lesser number on account of the greater2 that those who pervert the good and virtuous mode of life of cities and towns1 by a contagion which may injure others1 may be banished from those towns2 and that if it be allowed to act thus for other slight causes prejudicial to the state1 there is still more reason to allow it for the greatest1 the most dangerous1 the most contagious of crimes1 that which is in question3 for all these reasons we1 having consulted our ,council1 and taken the advice of some prelates1 c4 ,we are not now examining whether or not there is any exaggeration in these imputations against the ,jews1 although1 according to all appearances1 there must have been a great deal of foundation for them1 in consequence of the situation in which the two rival nations were placed4 ,observe1 besides1 that if the preamble of the ,pragmatic ,sanction is silent with respect to a hundred accusations brought against the ,jews by the generality of the people1 the report of these crimes had not the less weight with the public2 consequently1 the situation of the ,jews was aggravated in an extraordinary degree1 and the princes were so much the more inclined to treat them with severity4 ,with respect to the mistrust with which the ,moors and their descendants must have been regarded1 besides the facts pointed out above1 others might be related which show the disposition of men's minds to see in the presence of these men a permanent conspiracy against the ,christians4 ,almost a century had elapsed since the conquest of ,granada1 and it was still feared that this kingdom might be the centre of plots contrived by the ,moors against the ,christians1 the source of perfidious projects1 and the place whence came the means of maltreating in all ways the defenceless persons upon our coasts4 ,thus spoke ,philip ,,ii4 in #aefg3 ,book viii4 chap4 #b1 of the new ,recopilacion4 ,law xx41 which decrees severe punishments against the inhabitants of the kingdom of ,granada who shall have hidden1 received1 or favored the ,turks1 ,moors1 or ,jews1 or given them intelligence1 or corresponded with them4 ,d4 ,philip ,,ii41 ,madrid1 #aj ,december1 #aefg4 ,having been informed that1 notwithstanding what has been ordained by us1 as well by sea as by land1 particularly for the kingdom of ,granada1 for the purpose of insuring the defence and security of our kingdoms1 the ,turks1 ,moors1 and corsairs have already committed1 and still commit1 in the ports of this kingdom1 on the coasts1 in maritime places1 and those bordering on the sea1 robberies1 misdeeds1 injuries1 and seizures of ,christians2 evils which are notorious1 and which1 it is said1 have been1 and are1 committed with ease and security1 by favor of the intercourse and understanding which the ravishers have had1 and still have1 with some of the inhabitants of the country1 who give them intelligence1 guide them1 receive them1 hide them1 and lend them favor and assistance2 some of them even going away with the ,moors and ,turks1 leading away and carrying with them their wives1 their children1 their goods1 ,christian captives1 and the things which they were able to ravish from the ,christians2 while other inhabitants of the same kingdom1 who have participated in these projects1 or have been acquainted with them1 remain in the country1 without having been or being punished2 for it appears that measures are not executed with due severity1 nor as completely1 or with as much care as they ought to be3 as1 moreover1 it seems very difficult to get accurate information1 as it appears that even the justices and the judges1 to whom it belongs to make inquiries and to punish1 have displayed remissness and negligence in their employment2--this having been agitated and discussed in our ,council1 with the view of providing1 as is proper in a thing of such great importance1 for the service of ,god our ,master1 for our own and the public good2 the thing having been consulted upon by us1 it has been agreed that we ought to publish this present letter1 c4 ,years passed away2 the hatred between the two nations still endured2 in spite of the numerous checks which the ,mahometan race had received1 the ,christians were not satisfied4 ,it was very probable that a nation who had suffered1 and might still suffer1 such great humiliations1 would attempt to avenge them4 ,it is also by no means difficult to believe in the reality of the conspiracies which were charged against the ,moors4 ,however this may be1 the report of these conspiracies was general1 and the government was seriously alarmed by them4 ,those who desire a proof of this1 may read what ,philip ,,iii4 said1 in #afji1 in the law which expelled the ,moriscoes4 ,book viii4 chap4 #b1 of the new ,recopilacion4 ,law ,,xxv4 ,by virtue of which the ,moriscoes were banished from the kingdom3 causes of this expulsion--means which were adopted for the execution of the measure4 ,d4 ,philip ,,iii41 ,madrid1 #i ,december1 #afji4 ,for a long time it has been endeavored to save the ,moriscoes in these kingdoms3 the holy office of the ,inquisition has inflicted divers punishments2 numerous edicts of mercy have been granted2 neither means nor diligence have been spared to instruct them in our holy faith1 without being able to obtain the desired result1 for none of them have been converted4 ,on the contrary1 their obstinacy has increased2 the peril which threatens our kingdoms1 if we keep the ,moriscoes1 has been represented to us by persons very well informed and full of the fear of ,god1 who1 thinking it proper that a prompt remedy should be applied to this evil1 have represented to us that the delay might be charged upon our royal conscience1 considering the grave offences which our ,lord receives from that people4 ,we have been assured that we might1 without scruple1 punish them in their lives and properties1 since they were convicted by their continued offences of being heretics1 apostates1 and traitors of lse-majest divine and human4 ,although it would have been allowable to proceed against them with the rigor which their offences deserve1 nevertheless1 desiring to bring them back by means of mildness and mercy1 ,i ordained1 in the city and kingdom of ,valencia1 an assembly of the patriarchs1 and other prelates and wise men1 in order to ascertain what could be resolved upon and settled2 but having learned that1 at the very time they were engaged in remedying the evil1 the ,moriscoes of the said kingdom of ,valencia1 and of our other domains1 continued to urge forward their pernicious projects2 knowing1 moreover1 from correct and certain intelligence1 that they had sent to treat at ,constantinople with the ,turks1 and at ,morocco with the king1 ,muley ,fidon1 in order that there might be sent into the kingdom of ,spain the greatest number of forces possible to aid and assist them2 being sure that there would be found in our kingdom more than #aej1jjj men1 as good ,moors as those from the coasts of ,barbary1 all ready to assist them with their lives and fortunes1 whereby they were persuaded of the facility of the enterprise2 knowing that the same treaties have been attempted with heretics and other princes our enemies3 considering all that we have just said1 and to fulfill the obligation which we are under of preserving and maintaining the holy ,roman ,catholic faith in our kingdoms1 as well as the security1 peace1 and repose of the said kingdoms1 with the counsel and advice of learned men1 and others1 very zealous for the service of ,god and for our own1 we ordain that all the ,moriscoes1 inhabitants of these kingdoms1 men1 women1 and children1 of all conditions1 c4 ,i have said that the ,popes labored1 from the commencement1 to soften the rigors of the ,spanish ,inquisition1 sometimes by admonishing the kings and inquisitors1 sometimes by giving the accused and condemned a right of appeal4 ,the kings feared that the religious innovations would produce a public disturbance2 ,i add1 that their policy embarrassed the ,popes1 and prevented them from carrying as far as they would have wished their measures of mildness and indulgence4 ,among the other documents which support this assertion1 ,i will cite one which proves the irritation of the ,spanish kings at the assistance which the accused found at ,rome4 ,book viii4 chap4 #c1 law #b1 of the new ,recopilacion1 enjoining persons condemned by the ,inquisition1 and absent from these kingdoms1 not to return there under pain of death and losing their goods4 ,d4 ,ferdinand and ,d4 ,isabella1 at ,saragossa1 #b;d ,august1 #adih4 ,pragmatic ,sanction4 ,some persons condemned as heretics by the ,inquisition have absented themselves from our kingdoms1 and have gone to other countries1 where1 by means of false reports and undue formalities1 they have surreptitiously obtained exemptions1 absolutions1 mandates1 securities1 and other privileges1 in order to be exempt from the condemnations and punishments which they had incurred1 and to remain in their errors1 which1 nevertheless1 does not prevent their attempting to return to these kingdoms1 wherefore1 wishing to extirpate so great an evil1 we command these condemned persons not to be so bold as to return4 ,let them not return into our kingdoms and lordships1 by any way1 in any manner1 for any cause or reason whatsoever1 under pain of death and the loss of their goods2 which punishment we will and ordain to be incurred by the act itself4 ,one-third of the property shall be for the persons who shall have denounced1 another for the courts1 and the third for our exchequer4 ,whenever the said justices1 in their own places and jurisdiction1 shall know that any of the said persons are in any part of their jurisdiction1 we order all and each of them1 without exception1 to go to the place where such persons are1 without being otherwise called upon1 to apprehend them forcibly and immediately1 and without delay to execute1 and cause to be executed1 on them and their properties the punishments which we have appointed2 and this notwithstanding all exemption1 reconciliation1 securities1 and other privileges which they may have1 these privileges1 in the present case1 and with respect to the said penalties1 not availing them4 ,we order them to do and accomplish this under pain of the loss and confiscation of all their property4 ,the same penalty shall be incurred by all other persons who shall have hidden or received the said condemned persons1 and who knowing that they were so1 shall not have given information to our courts4 ,we order all great men and councillors1 and other persons of our kingdoms1 to give favor and assistance to our courts1 whenever it shall be demanded and required from them1 to accomplish and execute what has been said above1 under the penalties which the courts themselves shall appoint on this subject4 ,we see from this document1 that1 after the year #adih1 things had reached such a point1 that the kings attempted to maintain against every one all the rigor of the ,inquisition1 and that they were offended that the ,popes interfered to soften it4 ,it will be understood thereby whence proceeded the harshness with which the guilty were treated2 and this shows us one of the causes which made the ,inquisition sometimes use its power with excessive severity4 ,although it was not a mere instrument of the policy of kings1 as some have said1 the ,inquisition felt more or less the influence of that policy2 and we know that policy1 when about to defeat an adversary1 does not commonly display an excess of compassion4 ,if the ,spanish ,inquisition had been at that time under the exclusive authority and direction of the ,popes1 it would have been infinitely milder and more moderate in its method of acting4 ,at that time the object ardently desired by the kings of ,spain was1 to obtain that the judgments of the ,inquisition should be definitive in ,spain1 without appeal to ,rome2 ,queen ,isabella had expressly demanded this of the ,pope4 ,the ,sovereign ,pontiffs would not accede to these solicitations1 no doubt fearing the abuse which might be made of so fearful an arm when the restraint of the moderating power should become wanting4 ,it will be understood from the facts which ,i have just quoted1 how much reason ,i had to say that1 if you excuse the conduct of ,ferdinand and ,isabella with respect to the ,inquisition1 you must not condemn that of ,philip ,,ii41 since the ,catholic sovereigns showed themselves still more harsh and severe than the latter monarch4 ,i have already pointed out the reason why the conduct of ,philip ,,ii4 has been so rigorously condemned2 but it is also necessary to show why there has been a sort of obstinacy in excusing that of ,ferdinand and ,isabella4 ,when it is wished to falsify an historical fact by calumniating a person or an institution1 it is necessary to begin with an affectation of impartiality and good faith2 great success is obtained in this by manifesting indulgence for the same thing which it is desired to condemn1 but taking care that this indulgence has strongly the appearance of being a concession gratuitously made to our adversaries1 or of a sacrifice of our opinions1 of our feelings1 on the altars of reason and justice1 which are our guide and our idol4 ,we thus predispose our hearers or readers to regard the condemnation which we are about to pronounce as a judgment dictated by the strictest justice2 a judgment in which neither passion1 nor partiality1 nor perverse views1 have any part4 ,how can we doubt the good faith1 the love of truth1 the impartiality of the man who begins by excusing what1 according to all appearances1 and considering his opinions1 ought to be the object of his anathemas8 ,such is the situation of the men of whom we speak4 ,they intended to attack the ,inquisition2 now it happened that the protectress1 and1 in some sort1 the foundress of that tribunal was ,queen ,isabella1--that distinguished name which ,spaniards have always pronounced with respect1 that immortal queen1 one of the noblest ornaments of our history4 ,what was to be done in this difficulty8 ,the means were simple4 ,although the ,jews and heretics had been treated with the greatest severity in the time of the ,catholic sovereigns1 and although they had carried severity further than all those who have succeeded them1 it was necessary to close the eye to these facts1 to excuse the conduct of these sovereigns1 and to point out the important matters which urged them to employ the rigors of justice4 ,they thus avoided the difficulty1--for it was one to cast a stigma on the memory of a great queen cherished and respected by all ,spaniards1--and they thus prepared the way for merciless accusations against ,philip ,,ii4 ,that monarch had the unanimous cry of all ,protestants against him1 for the simple reason that he had been their most powerful adversary2 it would therefore cost nothing to make all the weight of execration fall upon him4 ,the enigma is thus explained4 ,such is the cause of a partiality so unjust1--such is the hypocrisy of that opinion which1 while excusing the ,catholic sovereigns1 condemns ,philip ,,ii4 without appeal4 ,i have not attempted to justify the policy of this monarch in all respects2 but ,i have presented a few considerations which may serve to mitigate the violent attacks made upon him by his adversaries3 it only remains for me to transcribe here the documents to which ,i alluded when ,i said that the ,inquisition was not a mere instrument of the policy of ,philip ,,ii41 and that this prince did not intend to establish a system of obscurantisme in ,spain4 ,don ,antonio ,perez1 in his ,relations1 gives a letter of the confessor of the king1 ,fray ,diego de ,chaves1 in which letter the latter affirms that the secular prince has power over the lives of his subjects and vassals1 and adds in a note3 ,i shall not undertake to relate all that ,i have heard said on the subject of the condemnation of some of these propositions2 this is not within my province4 ,those who are concerned in this will at once understand the import of my words4 ,i shall content myself with saying that1 at the time when ,i was at ,madrid1 the ,inquisition condemned the following proposition3 a preacher--it matters not that ,i should mention his name--maintained in a sermon1 at ,st4 ,jerome's1 in ,madrid1 in presence of the ,catholic king1 that kings have an absolute power over the persons of their subjects1 as well as over their properties4 ,besides some other separate matters1 the preacher was condemned to retract this publicly1 in the same place1 with all the ceremonies of a juridical act1 which he did in the same pulpit1 saying that he had advanced such a proposition on such a day1 and that he retracted it as erroneous4 ',for1 messieurs1' said he1 reading literally from a paper1 'kings have no other power over their subjects than what is given them by the divine and human law2 they have none proceeding from their own free and absolute will4' ,i even know who condemned the proposition1 and appointed the words which the accused1 to the great gratification of the former1 was obliged to pronounce2 indeed1 he rejoiced to see torn up so poisonous a weed1 which he felt was increasing1 as the event proved4 ,master ,fray ,hernando del ,castillo 7,i will mention his name7 was the one who prescribed what the accused was to say2 he was consultee of the holy office1 and preacher to the king2 he was a man of singular learning and eloquence1 very well known and esteemed by his own nation1 and especially by the ,italians4 ,dr4 ,velasco1 an important personage of that time1 said of him1 that the guitar in the hands of ,fabricio ,dentici was not so sweet as the tongue of ,master ,fray ,hernandez del ,castillo to the ears of those who heard him4 ,and at page #dg in the text3 ,i know1 says ,don ,antonio ,perez1 that they were denominated very scandalous by persons very important by their rank1 their learning1 and their ,christian purity of heart2 there was one among them who had held supreme rank in the spiritual order in ,spain1 and had previously filled an office in the tribunal of the ,inquisition4 ,perez afterwards says1 that this person was the nuncio of his ,holiness4 7,relaciones de ,anton4 ,perez4 ,paris1 #afbd47 ,the letter of ,philip ,,ii4 to ,doctor ,d4 ,benito ,arias ,montano contains the following1 in addition to the remarkable passage which we have quoted4 ,concerning what you1 ,dr4 c41 my chaplain1 will have to do at ,antwerp1 whither we send you4 ,dated at ,madrid1 #beth ,march1 #aefh4 ,besides that you will render this good office and service to the said ,plantinus1 know that1 from this time1 in proportion as the six thousand crowns are recovered from his hands1 ,i apply them to buy books for the monastery of ,st4 ,laurent-le-,royal1 of the order of ,st4 ,jerome1 which ,i am building near the ,escurial1 as you know4 ,thus you are admonished that such is my intention2 you will comply with this1 and will be diligent in collecting all the choice books1 printed and ,,ms41 that your excellent discernment shall think proper1 in order to bring them and place them in the library of the said monastery4 ,indeed1 it is one of the chief possessions which ,i would wish to leave to the religious who are intended to dwell there1 for it is the most useful and necessary4 ,wherefore ,i have also commanded my ambassador in ,france1 ,d4 ,francis de ,alaba1 to collect the best books which he shall be able in that kingdom3 you will communicate with him on that subject4 ,i will direct him to communicate in writing also with you1 to send you a list of the books which are to be had1 as well as their price1 before buying them2 you will advise him as to which he had better take or leave1 and what he may give for such4 ,he will send to you at ,antwerp those which he has thus bought2 you will acknowledge them1 and forward them here1 all at once1 at the proper time4 ,during the reign of ,philip ,,ii41--of that prince who is represented to us as one of the principal authors of obscurantisme1--choice works1 both printed and ,,ms41 were sought in foreign countries1 in order to enrich the ,spanish libraries2 in our age1 which we call that of enlightenment1 the libraries of ,spain have been plundered1 and their treasures have gone to add to those of foreigners4 ,who is ignorant of the collections which have been made of our books and ,,ms41 in ,england8 ,consult the catalogues of the ,british ,museum and other private libraries4 ,the author of these lines states only what he has seen with his own eyes--what he has heard lamented by persons worthy of respect4 ,while we show so much negligence in preserving our treasures1 let us not be so unjust and so puerile as to lose our time in vain declamation against those who have bequeathed them to us4 ,,appendix4 ,a few words on ,puigblanch1 ,villeneuve1 and ,llorente4 ,here1 in the ,spanish edition1 the notes relating to the ,inquisition terminate2 but ,i think it may not be useless in the ,french edition to add a few words1 to explain the matter to my foreign readers3 little versed as they are in the knowledge of our affairs1 they might often happen to drink at corrupted sources1 which they imagine to be pure and salutary4 ,le ,compte de ,maistre1 with respect to the ,spanish ,inquisition1 cites ,l',inquisition dvoile de ,natanal ,jomtob3 ,i will say a few words1 lest the authority of the author who quotes should give too much importance to him who is quoted4 ,this ,natanal ,jomtob is no other than ,dr4 ,d4 ,antonio ,puigblanch1 a ,spaniard1 who died not long ago in ,london4 ,this author1 in the prologue to his works published in ,london1 himself explains the reason which made him adopt a strange name4 ,these ,hebrew words1 he says1 are two proper significative names1 which1 together1 form the inscription1 ,dedit ,deus diem bonum4 ,i wished thus to express the happiness of being able to speak and write freely against the tribunal of the ,inquisition1 and the happiness of seeing it abolished4 7,prolog4 p4 cxv47 ,in order that the reader may judge of the value that belongs to this work1 ,i will observe1 that the first qualification in an historian1 especially on a matter so delicate1 is complete impartiality united to a great fund of moderation3 these two qualifications were wanting in ,m4 ,puigblanch1 who was lamentably infected with the contrary faults4 ,it is impossible to be more violent than he is against all that he meets with2 his ill-humor and anger blind him2 he attacks institutions and men with perfect fury2 he respects nothing3 add to this a pitiable vanity4 ,it would be easy for me to produce here various proofs of the impiety of ,puigblanch2 but ,i should fear to soil my paper by transcribing the impious satires of this man4 ,this is enough to give an idea of the point of view in which he could regard things relating to religious affairs and to the clergy4 ,he misses no opportunity of ridiculing the ministers of religion1 of indulging in invectives against them1 and of giving vent to the incomprehensible rage which he has against them4 ,the unbecoming manner in which he treats his adversaries1 real or imaginary1 even when they have more or less sympathy with his opinions1 is a good apology for the things which he combats on the other hand4 ,i cannot repeat his words here1 so coarse are they2 besides1 they attack persons who are still living2 suffice it to say1 that not content with insulting them in the most disgusting way1 ,puigblanch descends so low as to reproach them with their physical defects1 after the manner of a market-woman4 ,what was to be hoped from such a mind in a matter so important and delicate8 ,were such dispositions suitable for an historian of the ,inquisition1 who published his work precisely in the year #ahaa1 that is to say1 at a time of reaction and effervescence8 ,with respect to talent and knowledge1 ,i will not refuse to ,m4 ,puigblanch either reading or erudition1 or a certain aptitude for criticism1 yet it must not be forgotten that his mind was far from being so cultivated as it ought to have been1 in order to keep pace with our age4 ,a work like his required that he should have followed the march of the times1 that he should not have been altogether devoid of the philosophy of history1 that he should not have relied exclusively upon certain books1 while accumulating crude erudition1 and incessantly perusing etymologies and grammatical questions3 this is what was wanting in ,m4 ,puigblanch4 ,to sum up all in one sentence1 ,i have found the following description1 which ,i heard in ,london1 from the mouth of a distinguished man who had intercourse with ,puigblanch for a long time1 to be perfectly correct3 ,puigblanch1 he told me1 knew what a learned man of the seventeenth century in ,spain might have known4 ,the ,christian reader may imagine what was the result of the amalgamation of this kind of instruction with all the bile of ,voltairian passion4 ,d4 ,joaquin ,lorenzo ,villanueva is another of those ,spaniards who have distinguished themselves by declaiming against the ,inquisition2 in his ,literary ,life 7,vida ,literaria7 he had asserted that the public information on this question1 and the abolition of that famous tribunal1 were in great part owing to him4 ,puigblanch strongly recriminates against ,villanueva1 who attempted to usurp his glory by availing himself of his work without acknowledging it1 and other similar things1 which do as little honor to the one as to the other4 ,villanueva has been already judged in ,spain by all sensible men2 foreigners who desire to understand this question will be under the unpleasant obligation of reading the two large volumes in #hvo1 in which he has written his literary life4 ,the bile of ,villanueva against all the clergy who are not of his coterie1 and1 above all1 his hatred against ,rome1 show themselves at every page of his book1 and from time to time produce explosions which are much too violent to accord with the extreme mildness which he is pleased to affect4 ,moreover1 let the reader prepare and arm himself with patience1 if he undertake to get through these two large volumes1 which contain1 written by the man himself1 who so well deserved it1 the most complete panegyric of his profound knowledge1 his vast erudition1 his great humility1 and his virtues of all kinds4 ,it certainly would have been very well1 if the author1 with a slight recollection of modesty1 had not candidly told us1 that they went so far as to call him the father of the poor1 that his poetic fire was not cooled by age1 that his activity in labor did not allow him to remain idle1 even in the midst of the greatest persecutions2 in fine1 if he had not undertaken to make us believe that all his life was a continual sacrifice on the altars of knowledge and virtue4 ,to those who desire to derive their information from ,villanueva1 we have a right to say3 ,do not forget that you must beware of believing all--that the tree is known by its fruits--that the wolf often assumes sheep's clothing4 ,among those who have made the most noise with respect to the ,inquisition1 is ,llorente1 the author of a history of that famous institution4 ,the impartiality which may be expected from this writer shows itself every moment in his book1 which has evidently been written for the purpose of blackening1 as much as possible1 the ,catholic clergy and the ,holy ,see4 ,happily the author has made himself too well known by his other works1 for any ,catholic to allow himself to be deceived by his insidious writings4 ,no one1 especially in ,spain1 is ignorant of the project of the religious constitution with which ,llorente attempted to disturb consciences1 and introduce schism and heresy into our country4 ,does he who attempts to destroy the universal discipline established from the earliest ages1 who expresses doubts on the most sacred mysteries of our holy religion1 who contests the infallible authority of the ,church1 and does not hold the first four cumenical ,councils to be legitimate1 deserve the least credit when writing the history of the ,inquisition1--that history which affords so many opportunities of declaiming against the clergy and against ,rome8 ,here is a proof of his impartiality4 ,in his history of the ,inquisition1 he could not avoid relating the conduct of the ,apostolic ,see in the early times of the ,inquisition in ,spain1 and the efforts made by the ,holy ,see for the purpose of softening the rigors of that tribunal1 the appeals which were made1 and the merciful judgments which were almost always obtained at ,rome2 all these facts clearly showed that ,rome1 far from being1 as he pretended1 a monster of cruelty1 was rather a model of mildness and prudence4 ,how do you think he gets out of this difficulty8 ,by saying1 that what the ,court of ,rome wanted was1 to extort money from us4 ,an explanation as unworthy as it is impudent--an odious means of depriving the most beneficent and generous actions of their lustre1 and which shows a fixed design to find evil every where1 even to the extent of assigning evil motives for benefits which are the most worthy of gratitude4 ,with respect to ,llorente1 ,i am unwilling to pass over in silence a remarkable fact which he has had the kindness to communicate to the public in the same work4 ,king ,joseph1 the intruder1 intrusted ,llorente1 by express orders1 with the archives of the ,supreme ,council and the ,tribunal of the ,inquisition of the capital4 ,this excellent man was so perfect an archivist1 that he burnt all the reports of proceedings1 with the approbation of his master 7as he himself tells us71 with the exception of those which could appertain to history1 by the celebrity or the renown of the persons who figured in them1 such as those of ,caranza1 of ,macanaz1 and a few others2 although he preserved entire1 he adds1 the registers of the decisions of the ,council1 the royal ordinances1 and the bulls and briefs from ,rome4 7,edition ,franaise1 #ahah1 t4 #d1 p4 #ade47 ,after having heard this remarkable confession1 we will ask every impartial man1 whether there is not room for greatly mistrusting an historian who claims to be sole and unique1 because he has had the opportunity of consulting the original documents whereon he founds his history1 and who1 nevertheless1 burns and destroys these same documents8 ,was there no place to be found in ,madrid to place them1 where they could be examined by those who1 after ,llorente1 might wish to write the history of the ,inquisition from the original documents8 ,llorente has preserved1 he tells us1 those which belonged to history2 but the history of the ,inquisition had equally need of others1 even the most obscure--even the most apparently insignificant2 for it not seldom happens that a fact1 a circumstance1 a word1 shows us an institution1 and paints for us an age4 ,and observe1 that this destruction took place at a critical moment of public disturbance1 when the whole nation1 devoted to an immortal struggle in defence of her independence1 could not fix her attention on such matters4 ,the most remarkable men1 scattered on all sides1 then led their fellow-citizens in arms1 or were engaged in the most important interests of the country2 consequently they could not watch over the conduct of an archivist1 who1 after having left his brethren1 whose blood was flowing upon the battle-field1 accepted employment under a foreign intruder1 and burned the documents of an institution whereof he undertook to write the history4 ,,note #bg1 p4 #bha4 ,the plan of my work required that questions relating to the religious communities should be examined at some length but it did not allow me to give to this matter all the development of which it is susceptible4 ,indeed1 it would be possible1 in my opinion1 in writing the history of religious communities1 to give side by side that of the nations among whom these communities arose1 so as to show in detail a truth we have now proved1 viz4 that the establishment of religious institutions1 besides the superior and divine object which they have had in view1 has been at all times the fulfilment of a social and religious necessity4 ,although my strength does not enable me to aspire to such an enterprise1 by which the courage may well be daunted1 even by contemplating the immense extent of such a work1 ,i wish to suggest the idea of it here2 perhaps a man may be found with sufficient capacity1 learning1 and leisure1 to undertake it1 and enrich our age with this new monument of history and philosophy4 ,by conceiving the plan in this point of view1 and making it subordinate to this unity of object1 whereof the foundation1 which shows itself in well-known facts1 is discovered in obscure and conjectured in hidden ones1 there would be no difficulty in giving all desirable variety to this work4 ,the subject itself leads to variety2 for it invites the writer to descend to extremely interesting particulars1 which will be like the episodes of a grand and unique poem4 ,the disposition of men's minds1 now become favorable to religious institutions1 thanks to the deceptions which are the consequence of vain theories1 and to the lessons of experience1 which destroy the calumnies invented by philosophy1 render the road every day more easy4 ,the path is already sufficiently beaten2 it is only required to enlarge and extend it1 in order to conduct a greater number of men towards the region of truth4 ,having pointed out this1 it only remains for me to state here1 in conclusion1 divers facts which could not be given in the text1 and which ,i have preferred to collect in a note4 ,as these facts belonged to the same subject1 it appeared to me proper to collect them apart1 while leaving the reader to pay full attention to the observations which form the body of my work4 ,there were known among the pagans1 under the name of ascetics1 persons who devoted themselves to abstinence and the practice of the austere virtues2 so that1 even before ,christianity1 there already existed the idea of those virtues which have been since exercised in ,christianity4 ,the lives of the philosophers are full of examples which prove the truth of my assertion4 ,yet it will be understood that1 deprived of the light of faith and the aid of grace1 the pagan philosophers afforded but a very faint shadow of what was afterwards realized in the lives of the ,christian ascetics4 ,we have stated that the monastic life is founded on the ,gospel1 inasmuch as the ,gospel contains asceticism4 ,from the foundation of the ,church we see the monastic life established under one form or another4 ,origen tells us of certain men1 who1 in order to reduce their bodies into subjection1 abstained from eating meat and from all that had life4 7,origen1 ,contr4 ,celsum1 lib4 v47 ,tertullian makes mention of some ,christians who abstained from marriage1 not because they condemned it1 but in order to gain the kingdom of heaven4 7,tertul4 ,de ,cult4 ,femin4 lib4 ii47 ,it is remarkable1 that the weaker sex participated in a singular manner in that strength of mind which ,christianity communicated for the exercise of the heroic virtues4 ,in the early ages of the ,church there were already reckoned1 in great numbers1 virgins and widows consecrated to the ,lord1 bound by a vow of perpetual chastity2 and we see that special care was taken in the ancient ,councils of the ,church of that chosen portion of her flock4 ,it is one of the objects of the solicitude of the ,fathers to regulate discipline on this point in a proper manner4 ,the virgins made their public profession in the church2 they received the veil from the hands of the bishop1 and1 for greater solemnity1 they were distinguished by a kind of consecration4 ,this ceremony required a certain age in the person who was consecrated to ,god2 we also observe that discipline has been very different on this point4 ,in the ,east they received persons seventeen years old1 and even sixteen1 as we learn from ,st4 ,basil 7,epist4 can4 #ah72 in ,africa at twenty-five1 as we see from the fourth canon of the third ,council of ,carthage2 in ,france at forty1 as appears from the nineteenth canon of the ,council of ,agde4 ,even when the virgins and widows dwelt in the houses of their fathers1 they did not cease to be reckoned among ecclesiastical persons2 they received the support of the ,church by this title1 in cases of necessity4 ,if they violated their vow of chastity1 they were excommunicated1 and could not return to the communion of the faithful1 except by submitting to public penance4 7,for these details1 see the thirty-third canon of the third ,council of ,carthage1 the nineteenth canon of the ,council of ,ancyra1 and the sixteenth canon of that of ,chalcedon47 ,in the first three centuries1 the state of the ,church1 subject to an almost continual persecution1 must naturally have hindered persons who loved the ascetic life1 men or women1 from assembling in the towns to observe it in common4 ,some think that the propagation of the ascetic life in the desert is in great part due to the persecution of ,decius1 which was very cruel in ,egypt1 and made a great number of ,christians retire into the deserts of the ,thebais1 or other solitudes in the neighbourhood4 ,thus commenced the establishment of that method of life which1 in the end1 was to gain so prodigious an extension4 ,st4 ,paul1 if we are to believe ,st4 ,jerome1 was the founder of the solitary life4 ,it appears that some abuses were introduced into the monastic life from the earliest ages1 as we see certain monks detested at ,rome in the time of ,jerome4 ,quousque genus detestabile monacorum urbe non pellitur1 says the saint by the mouth of the ,romans in a letter to ,paula2 but the reputation of the monks1 which had perhaps been compromised by the ,sarabates and the ,gyrovagues1 a kind of vagabonds whose last care was the practice of the virtues of their state1 and who indulged in gluttony and other pleasures with shameful licentiousness1 was soon restored4 ,st4 ,athanasius1 ,st4 ,jerome himself1 ,st4 ,martin1 and other celebrated men1 among whom ,st4 ,bennet distinguished himself in a particular manner1 renewed the splendor of the monastic life by the most eloquent apology1 that which consisted in giving1 as they did1 the most sublime example of the most austere virtues4 ,it is remarkable that1 in spite of the multiplication of monks in the east and west1 they were not divided into different orders1 so that1 during the first six centuries1 all1 as ,mabillon observes1 were considered as forming one institute4 ,there was something noble in this unity1 which1 as it were1 formed all the monasteries into one family2 but it must be acknowledged that the diversity of orders afterwards introduced was essentially calculated to attain the various and numerous objects which successively attracted the attention of religious institutions4 ,the discipline1 by virtue whereof no new order could be instituted without the previous approbation of the sovereign ,pontiff1 it may be said1 was very necessary1 considering the ardor which afterwards urged many persons to establish new institutions2 so that1 without this prudent check1 disorder would have been introduced in consequence of the exaggerated transports which urged some imaginations to exceed all bounds4 ,some people take delight in relating the excesses into which some individuals of the mendicant orders fell2 and they borrow the narratives of ,matthew ,paris1 without forgetting the lamentations of ,st4 ,bonaventura himself4 ,i wish not to excuse evil1 wherever it is found2 but ,i will observe1 that the circumstances of the times when the mendicant orders were established1 and the kind of life they were obliged to embrace1 in order to fulfill the purpose for which they were intended1 as ,i have pointed out in the text1 rendered almost inevitable those evils which pious men sincerely deplored1 and which the enemies of the ,church lament with no less affectation than exaggeration4 ,,note #bh1 p4 #cje4 ,i have already shown1 by numerous testimonies of scholastic theologians1 how the divine origin of the civil power is to be understood2 and it is evident that it contains nothing but what is perfectly conformable to sound reason1 and adapted1 at the same time1 to the high aims of society4 ,it would have been easy for me to accumulate testimonies2 but ,i think ,i have adduced a sufficient number to throw light on the subject1 and to satisfy every reader who1 free from unjust prejudices1 is sincerely desirous of listening to truth4 ,in order1 however1 to view this subject under every aspect1 ,i will add a few explanations on that celebrated passage of ,st4 ,paul to the ,romans1 chap4 xiii41 in which the ,apostle speaks of the origin of powers1 and of the submission and obedience due to them4 ,let it not be thought1 however1 that ,i purpose attaining this end by any reasoning more or less specious4 ,whenever a passage of ,scripture is to be expounded in its true sense1 we should not rely principally upon what our wavering reason suggests to us1 but rather upon the interpretation of the ,catholic ,church2 for this reason we should consult those writers whose high authority1 founded on their wisdom and their virtue1 leads us to hope that they have not deviated from the maxim1 ,quod semper1 quod ubique1 quod ab omnibus traditum est4 ,we have already seen a remarkable passage of ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom1 explaining this point with as much clearness as solidity2 we have also learned1 from the testimony of the ,fathers1 what motives induced the ,apostles to inculcate so pressingly the obligation of obedience to the lawful authorities4 ,it only remains for us to insert here the commentaries of some illustrious writers on the text of the ,apostle4 ,in them we shall find1 as it were1 a code of doctrine2 and when we come to appreciate the reasons on which the precepts inculcated in the sacred text are founded1 we shall more easily discover their true meaning4 ,observe1 in the first place1 with what wisdom1 prudence1 and piety this important subject is expounded by a writer who was not of the golden era1 but1 on the contrary1 who lived in what is generally termed the barbarous age--,st4 ,anselm4 ,in his commentaries on the #acth chapter of the ,epistle to the ,romans1 this doctor thus expresses himself3 ,omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit4 ,non est enim potestas nisi a ,deo4 ,qu autem sunt1 a ,deo ordinat sunt4 ,itaque qui resistit potestati1 ,dei ordinationi resistit4 ,qui autem resistunt1 ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt4 ,sicut superius reprehendit illos1 qui gloriabantur de meritis1 ita nunc ingreditur illos redarguere1 qui postquam erant ad fidem conversi nolebant subjici alicui potestati4 ,videbatur enim quod infideles1 ,dei fidelibus non deberent dominari1 etsi fideles deberent esse pares4 ,quam superbiam removet1 dicens3 ,omnis anima1 id est1 omnis homo1 sit humiliter subdita potestatibus vel secularibus1 vel ecclesiasticis1 sublimioribus se3 hoc est1 omnis homo sit subjectus superpositis sibi potestatibus4 ,a parte enim majore significat totum hominem1 sicut rursum a parte inferiore totus homo significatur ubi ,propheta dicit3 ,quia videbit omnis caro salutare ,dei4 ,et recte admonet1 ne quis ex eo quod in libertatem vocatus est1 factusque ,christianus1 extollatur in superbiam1 et non arbitretur in hujus vit itinere servandum esse ordinem suum1 et potestatibus1 quibus pro tempore rerum temporalium gubernatio tradita est1 non se putet esse subdendum4 ,cum enim constemus ex anima et corpore1 et quamdiu in hac vita temporali sumus1 etiam rebus temporalibus ad subsidium ejusdem vit utamur1 oportet nos ex ea parte1 qu ad hanc vitam pertinet1 subditos esse potestatibus1 id est1 res humanas cum aliquo honore administrantibus3 ex illa vero parte1 qua ,deo credimus1 et in regnum ejus vocamur1 non debemus subditi esse cuiquam homini1 id ipsum in nobis evertere cupienti1 quod ,deus ad vitam ternam donare dignatus est4 ,si quis ergo putat quoniam ,christianus est1 non sibi esse vectigal reddendum1 sive tributum1 aut non esse honorem exhibendum debitum eis qu hc curant potestatibus1 in magno errore versatur4 ,item si quis sic se putat esse subdendum1 ut etiam in suam fidem habere potestatem arbitretur eum1 qui temporalibus administrandis aliqua sublimitate prcellit1 in majorem errorem labitur4 ,sed modus iste servandus est1 quem ,dominus ipse prcipit1 ut reddamus ,csari qu sunt ,cesaris1 et ,deo qu sunt ,dei4 ,quamvis enim ad illud regnum vocati simus1 ubi nulla erit potestas hujusmodi1 in hoc tamen itinere conditionem nostram pro ipso rerum humanarum ordine debemus tolerare1 nihil simulate facientes1 et in hoc non tam hominibus1 quam ,deo1 qui hoc jubet1 obtemperantes4 ,itaque omnis anima sit subdita sublimioribus potestatibus1 id est1 omnis homo sit subditus primum divin potestati1 deinde mundan4 ,nam si mundana potestas jusserit quod non debes facere1 contemne potestatem1 timendo sublimiorem potestatem4 ,ipsos humanarum rerum gradus adverte4 ,si aliquid jusserit procurator1 nonne faciendum est8 ,tamen si contra proconsulem jubeat1 non utique contemnis potestatem1 sed eligis majore servire4 ,non hinc debet minor irasci1 si major prlata est4 ,rursus si aliquid proconsul jubeat1 et aliud imperator1 numquid dubitatur1 illo contempto huic esse serviendum4 ,ergo si aliud imperator1 et aliud ,deus jubeat1 quid faciemus8 ,numquid non ,deus imperatori est prferendus8 ,ita ergo sublimioribus potestatibus anima subjiciatur1 id est1 homo4 ,sive idcirco ponitur anima pro homine1 qui secundum hanc discernit1 cui subdi debeat1 et cui non4 ,vel homo1 qui promotione virtutem sublimatus est1 anima vocatur a digniore parte4 ,vel1 non solum corpus sit subditum1 sed anima1 id est1 voluntas3 hoc est1 non solum corpore1 sed et voluntate serviatis4 ,ideo debetis subjici1 quia non est potestas nisi a ,deo4 ,numquam enim posset fieri nisi operatione solius ,dei1 ut tot homines uni servirent1 quem considerant unius secum esse fragilitatis et natur4 ,sed quia ,deus subditis inspirat timorem et obediendi voluntatem1 contigit ita4 ,nec valet quisquam aliquid posse1 nisi divinitus ei datum fuerit4 ,potestas omnis est a ,deo4 ,sed ea qu sunt1 a ,deo ordinat sunt4 ,ergo potestas est ordinata1 id est1 rationabiliter a ,deo disposita4 ,itaque qui resistit potestati1 nolens tributa dare1 honorem deferre1 et his similia1 ,dei ordinationi resistit1 qui hoc ordinavit1 ut talibus subjiciamur4 ,hoc enim contra illos dicitur1 qui se putabant ita debere uti libertate ,christiana1 ut nulli vel honorem deferrent1 vel tributa redderent4 ,unde magnum poterat adversus ,christianam religionem scandalum nasci a principibus seculi4 ,de bona potestate patet1 quod eam perfecit ,deus rationabiliter4 ,de mala quoque videri potest1 dum et boni per eam purgantur1 et mali damnantur1 et ipsa deterius prcipitatur4 ,qui potestati resistit1 cum ,deus eam ordinaverit1 ,dei ordinationi resistit4 ,sed hoc tam grave peccatum est1 quod qui resistunt1 ipsi pro contumacia et perversitate sibi damnationem tern mortis acquirunt4 ,et ideo non debet quis resistere1 sed subjici4 ,this remarkable passage contains all--the origin of power1 its object1 its duties1 and its limits4 ,we must observe1 that ,st4 ,anselm expressly confirms what ,i have hinted in the text on the subject of the wrong meaning sometimes given in the first centuries to ,christian liberty2 many imagining that this liberty carried with it the abolition of the civil powers1 and particularly of those which were infidel4 ,he also shows the scandal which this doctrine might cause2 thus explaining how the ,apostles1 without attempting to attribute to the civil power any extraordinary and supernatural origin1 like that of the ecclesiastical power1 had nevertheless powerful reasons for inculcating that this power emanates from ,god1 and that whoever resists it1 resists the ordinance of ,god4 ,passing on to centuries nearer our own time1 we find the same doctrines in the most eminent commentators4 ,cornelius a ,lapide interprets the passage of ,st4 ,paul in the same way as ,st4 ,anselm1 and explains1 by the same reasons1 the solicitude with which the ,apostles recommended obedience to the civil powers4 ,these are his words3 ,omnis anima 7omnis homo7 potestatibus sublimioribus1 id est principibus et magistratibus1 qui potestate regendi et imperandi sunt prditi2 ponitur enim abstractum pro concreto2 potestatibus1 hoc est potestate prditis1 subdita sit1 scilicet iis in rebus1 in quibus potestas illa sublimior et superior est1 habetque jus et jurisdictionem1 puta in temporalibus1 subdita sit regi et potestati civili1 quod propie hic intendit ,apostolus3 per potestatem enim1 civilem intelligit2 in spiritualibus vero subdita sit ,prlatis1 ,episcopis et ,pontifici4 ,nota4--,pro potestatibus sublimioribus1 potestatibus supereminentibus vel prcellentibus1 ut1 ,noster vertit1 #a ,pet4 ii41 sive regi quasi prcellenti1 ,syrus vertit1 potestatibus dignitate prditis3 id est magistratibus secularibus1 qui potestate regendi prditi sunt1 sive duces1 sive gubernatores1 sive consules1 prtores1 c4 ,seculares enim magistratus hic intelligere ,apostolum patet1 quia his solvuntur tributa et vectigalia qu hisce potestatibus solvi jubet ipse v4 #g1 ita ,sanctus ,basilius de ,constit4 ,monast4 c4 #bc4 ,nota4--,ex ,clemente ,alexand4 lib4 iv4 ,stromatum1 et ,s4 ,aug4 in ,psal4 cxviii4 cont4 #ca1 ,initio ,ecclesi1 puta tempore ,christi et ,pauli1 rumor erat1 per ,evangelium politias humanas1 regna et respublicas seculares everti2 uti jam fit ab hreticis prtendentibus libertatem ,evangelii3 unde contrarium docent1 et studiose inculcant ,christus1 cum solvit didrachma1 et cum jussit ,csari reddi ea qu ,csaris sunt2 et ,apostoli3 idque ne in odium traheretur ,christiana religio1 et ne ,christiani abuterentur libertate fidei ad omnem malitiam4 ,ortus est his rumor ex secta ,jud et ,galilorum de qua ,actor4 #e1 in fine1 qui pro libertate sua tuenda omne dominium ,csaris et vectigal1 etiam morte proposita abnuebant1 de quo ,josephus1 libr4 xviii4 ,antiqu4 #a4 ,qu secta diu inter ,judos viguit2 adeoque ,christus et ,apostoli in ejus suspicionem vocati sunt1 quia origine erant ,galili1 et rerum novarum prcones4 ,hos ,galilos secuti sunt ,judi omnes1 et de facto ,romanis rebellarunt3 quod dicerent populum ,dei liberum non debere subjici et servire infidelibus ,romanis2 ideoque a ,tito excisi sunt4 ,hinc etiam eadem calumnia in ,christianos1 qui origine erant et habebantur ,judi1 derivata est3 unde ,apostoli1 ut eam amoliantur1 spe docent principibus dandum esse honorem et tributum4 ,quare octo argumentis probat his ,apostolus principibus et magistratibus deberi obedientiam4444 ,his rationibus probat ,apostolus ,evangelium1 et ,christianismum1 regna et magistratus non evertere1 sed firmare et stabilire3 quia nil regna et principes ita confirmat1 ac subditorum bona1 ,christiana et sancta vita4 ,adeo1 ut etiam nunc principes ,japones et ,indi ,gentiles ament ,christianos1 et suis copiam faciant baptismi et ,christianismi suscipiendi1 quia subditos ,christianos1 magis quam ,ethnicos1 faciles et obsequentes1 regnaque sua per eos magis firmari1 pacari et florere experiuntur4 ,with regard to the mode in which civil power proceeds from ,god1 the celebrated commentator agrees with the other theologians4 ,like them1 he distinguishes between direct and indirect communication1 and takes care to define the particular meaning of the term1 divine origin of power1 when applied to ecclesiastical authority4 ,in his explanation of these words1 all power is from ,god1 he thus expresses himself3 ,non est enim potestas1 nisi a ,deo2 quasi diceret principatus et magistratus non a diabolo1 nec a solo homine1 sed a ,deo ejusque divina ordinatione et dispositione conditi et instituti sunt3 eis ergo obediendum est4 ,nota primo4--,potestas scularis est a ,deo mediate2 quia natura et recta ratio1 qu a ,deo est1 dicat1 et hominibus persuasit prficere reipublic magistratus1 a quibus regantur4 ,potestas vero ecclesiastica immediate est a ,deo instituta2 quia ,christus ipse ,petrum et ,apostolos ,ecclesi prfecit4 ,the celebrated ,dom ,calmet explains the same passage with no less learning2 he quotes numerous passages from the holy ,fathers1 showing what ideas the first ,christians held on the subject of civil power1 and how calumniously they have been accused of being the disturbers of public order4 ,omnis anima potestatibus1 c4 ,pergit hic ,apostolus docere ,fideles vit ac morum officia4 ,qu superiori capite vidimus1 eo desinunt1 ut bonus ordo et pax in ,ecclesia interque ,fideles servetur4 ,hc potissimum spectant ad obedientiam1 quam unusquisque superioribus potestatibus debet4 ,christianorum libertatem atque a ,mosaicis legibus immunitatem commendaverat ,apostolus2 at ne quis monitis abutatur1 docet hic1 qu debeat esse subditorum subjectio erga ,reges et ,magistratus4 ,hoc ipsum gravissime monuerant primos ,ecclesi discipulos ,petrus et ,jacobus2 repetitque ,paulus ad ,titum scribens1 sive ut ,christianos1 insectantium injuriis undique obnoxios1 in patientia contineret1 sive ut vulgi opinionem deleret1 qua discipuli ,jesu ,christi1 omnes ferme ,galili1 sententiam ,jud ,gaulonit sequi1 et principum authoritati repugnare censebantur4 ,omnis anima1 quilibet1 quavis conditione aut dignitate1 potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit2 ,regibus1 ,principibus1 ,magistratibus1 iis denique quibus legitima est authoritas1 sive absoluta1 sive alteri obnoxia4 ,neminem excipit ,apostolus1 non ,presbyteros1 non ,prsules1 non ,monachos1 ait ,theodoretus2 illsa tamen ,ecclesiasticorum immunitate4 ,tunc solum modo parere non debes1 cum aliquid ,divin ,legi contrarium imperatur3 tunc enim prferenda est debita ,deo obedientia2 quin tamen vel arma capere adversus ,principes1 vel in seditionem abire liceat4 ,repugnandum est in iis tantum1 qu justitiam1 ac ,dei legem violant2 in cteris parendum4 ,si imperaverint aut idolorum cultum aut justiti violationem cum necis vel bonorum jactur interminatione1 vitam et fortunas discrimini objicito1 ac repugnato2 in reliquis autem obtempera4 ,non est enim potestas nisi a ,deo4 ,absolutissima in libertate conditus est homo1 nulli creat rei1 at uni ,deo subditus4 ,nisi mundum invasisset una cum ,adami transgressione peccatum1 mutuam qualitatem libertatemque homines servassent4 ,at libertate abusos damnavit ,deus1 ut parerent iis1 quos ipse principes illis daret1 ob pnam arroganti1 qua pares ,conditori effici voluerunt4 ,at1 inquies1 quis nesciat1 quorumdam veterum ,imperiorum initia et incrementa ex injuria atque ambitione profecta4 ,nemrod1 exempli causa1 ,ninus1 ,nabuchodonosor1 aliique quamplures1 an ,principes erant a ,deo constituti8 ,nonne similius vero est1 violenta ,imperia primum exorta esse ab imperandi libidine8 liberorum vero ,imperiorum originem fuisse hominum metum1 qui sese impares propulsand externorum injuri sentientes1 aliquem sibi ,principem creavere1 datamque sibi a ,deo naturalem ulciscendi injurias potestatem1 volentes libentesque alteri tradiderunt8 ,quam vere igitur docet ,apostolus1 quamlibet potestatem a ,deo esse1 eumque esse posit inter homines authoritatis institutorem8 ,he points out four ways in which power may be said to emanate from ,god1 and it is remarkable that none of them are extraordinary or supernatural2 all of them serve to confirm more and more what reason and the very nature of things teach us4 ,omnino ,deus potestatis autor et causa est4 ,i4 ,quod1 hominibus tacite inspiraverit consilium subjiciendi se uni1 a quo defenderentur4 ,,ii4 ,quod imperia inter homines utilissima sint servand concordi1 disciplin1 ac religioni4 ,porro quicquid boni est1 a ,deo ceu fonte proficisciter4 ,,iii4 ,cum potestas tuendi ab aggressore vitam vel opes1 hominibus a ,deo tradita1 atque ab ipsis in ,principem conversa1 a ,deo primum proveniat1 ,principes ea potestate ab hominibus donati1 hanc ab ipso ,deo accepisse jure dicuntur2 quamobrem ,petrus humanam creaturam nuncupat1 quam ,paulus potestatem a ,deo institutam3 humana igitur et divina est1 varia ratione spectata1 uti diximus4 ,,iv4 ,denique suprema authoritas a ,deo est1 utpote quam ,deus1 a sapientibus institutam1 probavit4 ,nulla unquam gens scularibus potestatibus magis paruit1 quam prim tatis ,christiani1 qui a ,christo ,jesu et ab ,apostolis edocti1 nunquam ausi sunt ,principibus a ,providentia sibi datis repugnare4 ,discipulos fugere tantum jubet ,christus4 ,ait ,petrus1 ,christum nobis exemplum reliquisse1 cum sese ,judicum iniquitate pessime agi passus est4 ,monet hic ,paulus1 resistere te ,dei voluntati1 atque tern damnationis reum effici1 si potestati repugnas4 ',quamvis nimius et copiosus noster populus1 non tamen adversus violentiam se ulciscitur3 patitur1' ait sanctus ,cyprianus4 ',satis virium est ad pugnam2 at omnia perpeti ex ,christo didicimus4 ,cui bello non idonei1 non prompti fuissemus1 etiam copiis impares1 qui tam libenter trucidamur8 si non apud istam disciplinam magis occidi liceret1 quam occidere1' inquit ,tertullianus4 ',cum nefanda patimur1 ne verbo quidem reluctamur1 sed ,deo remittimus ultionem1' scribebat ,lactantius4 ,sanctus ,ambrosius3 'coactus1 repugnare non novi4 ,dolere potero1 potero flere1 potero gemere3 abversus arma1 milites1 ,gothos quoque2 lacrym me arma sunt4 ,talia enim sunt munimenta ,sacerdotis4 ,aliter ne debeo nec possum resistere4' ,i have said in the text1 that there was to be remarked a singular coincidence of opinions on the origin of society between the philosophers of antiquity1 deprived of the light of faith1 and those of our days who have abandoned this light2 both wanting the only guide1 which is the ,mosaic history1 have found in their researches after the origin of things1 nothing more than chaos1 in the physical as well as in the moral order4 ,in support of my assertion1 ,i will insert passages from two celebrated men1 in which the reader will find1 with very little difference1 the same language as in ,hobbes1 ,rousseau1 and other writers of the same school4 ,there was a time1 says ,cicero1 when men wandered in the fields like the brutes1 feeding on prey like wild beasts1 deciding nothing by reason1 but every thing by force4 ,no religion was then professed1 no morality observed2 there were no laws of marriage2 the father could not distinguish his own children1 and the possession of property by virtue of principles of equity was unknown4 ,hence the blind1 unrestrained passions ruled tyrannically in the midst of error and ignorance1 and used the powers of the body for their gratification as their most injurious satellites4 ,nam fuit quoddam tempus cum in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur1 et sibi victu ferino vitam propagabant2 nec ratione animi quidquam1 sed pleraque viribus corporis administrabant4 ,nondum divin religionis1 non humani officii ratio colebatur2 nemo nuptias viderat legitimas1 non certos quisquam inspexerat liberos2 non jus quabile quid utilitatis haberet1 acceperat4 ,ita propter errorem atque inscitiam1 cca ac temeraria dominatrix animi cupiditas ad se explendam viribus corporis abutebatur1 perniciosissimis satellitibus4 7,de ,inv4 #a47 ,the same doctrine is to be found in ,horace3 ,cum prorepserunt primis animalia terris1 ,mutum et turpe pecus1 glandem atque cubilia propter ,unguibus et pugnis1 dein fustibus1 atque ita porro ,pugnabant armis1 qu post fabricaverat usus3 ,donec verba1 quibus voces sensusque notarent1 ,nominaque invenere3 dehinc absistere bello1 ,oppida cperunt munire et ponere leges1 ,neu quis fur esset1 neu latro1 neu quis adulter4 ,nam fuit ante ,helenam mulier teterrima belli ,causa3 sed ignotis perierunt mortibus illi1 ,quos ,venerem incertam rapientes1 more ferarum1 ,viribus editior cdebat1 ut in grege taurus4 ,jura inventa metu injusti fateare necesse est1 ,tempora si fastosque velis evolvere mundi1 ,nec natura potest justo secernere iniquum1 ,dividit ut bona diversis1 fugienda petendis4 ,satir4 lib4 i4 sat4 #c4 ,when men first began to crawl upon the earth1 they were only like a herd of brute and speechless animals1 contending with their nails or their fists for a few acorns or for a den4 ,they afterwards contended with sticks and such arms as experience taught them to invent4 ,at length they discovered the use of words to express their thoughts2 gradually they became weary of fighting1 and built cities1 and made laws to prevent theft1 robbery1 and adultery2 for1 before ,helen1 women had been the cause of terrible wars4 ,he who was the strongest1 abusing his power1 after the manner of brutes1 attacked the weak1 like a bull among a subject herd2 they thus contended for the favors of inconstant ,venus2 but their end was inglorious4 ,if you consult the origin of things1 you will acknowledge that laws have been made in apprehension of injustice4 ,nature enables us to discern good from evil1 what is to be sought after from what is to be avoided1 but she is incapable of distinguishing justice from injustice4 ,,note #bi1 p4 #caa4 ,concerning this question1 as to the direct or indirect origin of civil power1 it is remarkable1 that1 in the time of ,louis of ,bavaria1 the imperial princes solemnly sanctioned the opinion that power emanates directly from ,god4 ,in an imperial ,constitution1 published against the ,roman ,pontiff1 they established the following proposition3 ,in order to avoid so great an evil1 we declare that imperial dignity and power proceed directly from ,god4--,ad tantum malum evitandum1 declaramus1 quod imperialis dignitas et potestas est immediate a ,deo solo4 ,that we may form an idea of the spirit and tendency of this doctrine1 let us see what kind of man this ,louis of ,bavaria was4 ,excommunicated by ,john ,,xxii41 and at a later period by ,clement ,,vi41 he went so far as to depose this latter ,pontiff1 in order to exalt to the ,pontifical ,chair the antipope ,peter1 for which reason the ,pope1 after repeated admonitions1 divested him of his imperial dignity1 substituting ,charles ,,iv4 in his stead4 ,ziegler the ,lutheran1 a zealous supporter of direct communication1 in order to explain his doctrine1 compares the election of a prince to that of a minister of the ,church4 ,the latter1 says he1 does not receive his spiritual authority from the people1 but immediately from ,god4 ,from this explanation it is evident with how much reason ,i have said1 that such a doctrine tended to place the temporal and spiritual powers on a level1 by making it appear that the latter could not claim1 by reason of its origin1 any superiority over the former4 ,i do not mean1 however1 to assert1 that this declaration1 made in the time of ,louis of ,bavaria1 had directly this aim1 since it may rather be regarded as a sort of weapon employed against the pontifical authority1 the ascendency of which was dreaded4 ,but it is well known that doctrines1 besides the influence resulting immediately from them1 possess a peculiar force1 which continues to develop itself as opportunities occur4 ,some time after1 we see the kings of ,england defenders of the religious supremacy which they had just usurped1 supporting the proposition advanced in the imperial ,constitution4 ,i know not with what foundation it can be said that ,ziegler's opinion was general before the time of ,puffendorf2 in consulting ecclesiastical and secular writers1 we do not find the least support for such an assertion4 ,let us be just even to our adversaries4 ,ziegler's opinion1 defended by ,boecler and others1 was attacked by certain ,lutherans1 amongst others by ,boehmer1 who observes1 that this opinion is not favorable1 as its partisans pretend1 to the security of states and princes4 ,to repeat what ,i have already explained in the text1 ,i do not consider that the opinion of direct communication1 rightly understood1 is so inadmissible and dangerous as some have imagined2 but as it lay open to an evil interpretation1 ,catholic theologians have done well to combat its tendency to encroach upon the divine origin of ecclesiastical power4 ,,note #cj1 p4 #cag4 ,i might quote a thousand remarkable passages showing the reader how unjust it is in the enemies of the clergy to accuse them of being favorable to despotism4 ,but1 to be brief1 and to spare him the fatigue of perusing so many texts and quotations1 ,i shall merely present to him a specimen of the current opinions on this point in ,spain at the beginning of the #agth century1 a few years after the death of ,philip ,,ii41 the monarch who is represented to us as the personification of religious fanaticism and political tyranny4 ,among the numerous books published at that time on these delicate points1 there is a very singular one1 which does not appear to be very well known2 its title is as follows3 ,a ,treatise on the ,state and ,christian ,politics1 for the use of ,kings and ,princes1 and those holding government appointments1 by ,brother ,john de ,ste4-,marie1 a religious in the province of ,st4 ,joseph1 of the order of our glorious ,father ,st4 ,francis4 ,this book1 printed at ,madrid in #afae1 furnished with all the privileges1 approbations1 and other formalities in use1 must have been well received at that epoch1 since it was reprinted at ,barcelona in #afaf1 by ,sebastian de ,cormellas4 ,who shall say whether this work did not inspire ,bossuet with the idea of that intituled ,politics derived from the very words of ,scripture8 ,the title is certainly analogous1 and the idea is in fact the same1 although differently carried out4 ,i think1 says ,brother ,john de ,ste4-,marie1 ,i shall escape all difficulty1 by laying before kings in this work1 not my own reasonings1 nor those afforded by eminent philosophers and the records of profane history1 but the words of ,god and ,his saints1 and the divine and canonical histories1 whose teaching commands respect1 and whose authority cannot be prejudicial to any one1 however powerful a sovereign he may be2 in fact1 to these a ,christian cannot but submit1 since every thing in them is dictated by the ,holy ,ghost1 the author of these divine maxims4 ,if ,i cite examples of ,gentile kings1 if ,i appeal to antiquity1 and adduce passages from philosophers unconnected with the people of ,god1 ,i shall do so incidentally only1 and as we resume possession of what of right belongs to us1 and has been unjustly usurped by others4 7,chap4 #b47 ,the work is dedicated to the king4 ,addressing him1 and praying him to read it1 and not to allow himself to be imposed upon by those who would dissuade him from its perusal1 the good religious says1 with a pleasing candor1 ,let no one tell you that these things are metaphysical1 impracticable1 and all but impossible4 ,the following inscription is placed at the head of the #ast chapter3 ,ad vos 7,o ,reges7 sunt hi sermones mei1 ut discatis sapientiam et non excidatis3 qui enim custodierint justa juste1 justificabuntur3 et qui didiscerint ista1 invenient quid respondeant4 7,sap4 #f1 v4 #aj47 ,in the first chapter1 the title of which is1 ,a treatise in which the import and definition of this word commonwealth are briefly discussed1 we read these remarkable words3 ,so that monarchy must degenerate if it be absolute and without restraint 7for power and authority thus become unreasonable72 in all things falling under the cognizance of law1 it should be bound by the law2 and in special and incidental matters it should be subject to advice1 from the connection which it ought to have with the aristocracy1 which is its assistant1 and forms a council of learned and powerful men4 ,without this wise modification1 monarchy will create great errors of government1 will give but little satisfaction1 but1 on the contrary1 will cause great discontent among the governed4 ,the wisest and most enlightened men of every age have invariably considered this form of government the best2 and without such a modification no city or kingdom has ever been considered well governed4 ,good kings and the wisest statesmen have always been in favor of this system2 bad kings1 on the contrary1 elated by their power1 have pursued the opposite course4 ,hence1 if a monarch1 whoever he be1 decides by himself1 without taking advice1 or against the advice of his councillors1 he passes the legitimate bounds of monarchy1 and even when his decisions are fortunate1 he is a tyrant4 ,history is full of these examples and of their disastrous consequences2 it will be enough to adduce one only1 that of ,tarquin the ,proud1 as related in the #ast book of ,livy1 a king whose pride was unbounded1 and who1 to render himself absolute1 and to put every thing under his feet1 strove to weaken the authority of the ,roman ,senate by diminishing the number of ,senators1 thus arrogating to himself an absolute right of decision in all the affairs of the empire4 ,in chapter #b1 in which the author treats of the meaning of the word king1 we read as follows3 ,we meet here very opportunely with the third meaning of the word king1 which is the same as that of father2 as we find in ,genesis1 when the ,sichemites gave to their king the name of ,abimelech1 which means ',father and ,lord4' ,kings were formerly styled the fathers of their states4 ,whence ,king ,theodoric1 defining royal majesty 7as ,cassiodorus relates71 makes use of these words3 ',princeps et ,pastor publicus et communis4--,the king is the public and common father of the state4' ,from the extreme resemblance between the office of a king and that of a father1 ,plato was induced to call the king the father of a family2 and the philosopher ,xenophon says3 ,bonus ,princeps nihil differt a bono ,patre4 ,the difference solely consists in one having few and the other a great number of persons under his dominion4 ,and it is certainly very reasonable to give kings this title of father2 for they ought to be the fathers of their subjects and of their kingdoms1 watching over their welfare and preservation with the love and solicitude of a ,father4 ,royalty1 says ,homer1 is nothing else than a paternal government1 like that of a father over his children3 ',ipsum namque regnum imperium est suapte natura paternum4' ,the best manner of governing well is1 for the king to be possessed with the love of a father1 and to regard his subjects at his own children4 ,the love of a father for his children1 his solicitude that they should want for nothing1 his devotedness to each of them1 all this bears the greatest resemblance to the love of a king for his subjects4 ,he is called father1 and this name lays him under the obligation of acting in accordance with the meaning it conveys4 ,this name1 so well adapted to kings1 and which1 when well considered1 is the greatest of all titles and epithets of majesty and power1 since it embraces all1 the genus and the species1 the father being alone the lord1 the master1 or the chief2 this name1 ,i say1 is above all human names for expressing authority and solicitude4 ,antiquity1 with a view to confer upon an emperor an extraordinary degree of honor1 called him the ,father of the ,state1 which was greater than ,csar1 ,augustus1 or any other glorious name2 it decreed him this title1 either to flatter him1 or to lay him under the weighty obligations required by the name of father4 ,in fine1 to give kings this name is to remind them of their duty1 viz4 to direct1 govern1 and maintain their states and kingdoms in justice2 like good pastors1 to feed their rational sheep2 like physicians1 to care for them and heal them2 to take care of their subjects1 as a father does of his children1 with prudence1 love1 and solicitude2 for the king is for them1 rather than for himself4 ',kings are under greater obligations to their kingdoms and states than to themselves2' in fact1 if we consider the institution of kings and monarchs1 we shall find that the king was appointed for the good of the kingdom1 and not the kingdom for the good of the king4 ,in his #c;d chapter1 of which the following is the title1 ,whether the name of king necessarily implies an office1 he thus expresses himself3--,besides what we have advanced1 it may be proved that the name of a king is the name of an office1 by the common maxim1 'the benefice is the reward of the office4' ,since1 therefore1 kings receive such great benefices1 not only from the considerable tributes they receive from the ,state1 but also from the advantage they derive from benefices and ecclesiastical rents1 they certainly do hold an office1 and that the greatest of all1 for which reason the entire kingdom so bountifully assists them4 ,this is what ,st4 ,paul says in his ,epistle to the ,romans3 ,ideo et tributa prstatis1 c4 ,kingdoms do not contribute for nothing2 all those states1 taxes1 and great revenues1 that name1 that high authority and eminent dignity1 are not given gratuitously4 ,they would have their title of king for nothing if they had no subjects to rule and govern1 and if they were freed from this obligation3 ,in multitudine populi dignitas regis4 ,this great dignity1 wealth1 rank1 majesty1 and honor1 are possessed by them with the perpetual obligation of ruling and governing their states1 so as to preserve them in peace and justice4 ,let kings bear in mind1 therefore1 that they are only invested with this title to serve their kingdoms2 and the latter1 that kings ought to be paid4 ,they hold an office requiring them to labor3 ,qui prest in sollicitudine1 says ,st4 ,paul4 ,such is the title and the name of king1 and of him who rules3 one who is the first not only as regards honors and enjoyments1 but also as regards cares and solicitude4 ,let them not imagine that they are kings merely in name and representation1 and appointed only to make themselves honored2 merely to exhibit their royal person and sovereign dignity in a pompous manner1 like some of the kings of the ,persians and ,medes1 who were mere shadows of kings1 forgetful of their office1 as though they had never received it4 ,nothing is more destitute of life and substance than the shadowy image which stirs its arm or its head only when some one acts upon it4 ,god forbade the ,israelites to have statues or painted images1 representing a hand where there was none1 and a face that did not exist1 exhibiting to the eye an imaginary body1 and feigning by apparently living actions to see and to speak2 for ,god loves not feigned images1 painted men1 or sculptured kings1 like those spoken of by ,david3 ,os habent et non loquentur1 oculos habent et non videbunt4 ,what does it avail to have a tongue that speaks not1 eyes that see not1 ears that hear not1 or hands which do not work8 ,is it any thing more than an idol of stone1 bearing only the external representation of a king8 ,to bear the supreme name and all authority1 and not to be capable of any thing1 sounds badly4 ,the names which ,god has given to things are like the title of a book1 which1 in a few words1 contains every thing that is included in the book4 ,this name of king was given to kings by ,god himself1 and contains every thing to which they are obliged by virtue of their office4 ,if their actions are not in accordance with the name1 it is as if the mouth should affirm what the head denies1 like a buffoon1 whom no one believes in earnest4 ,every one would regard as a mockery and a delusion a signboard bearing the inscription1 ',pure gold sold here1' if1 in reality1 nothing but tinsel was sold4 ,the name of king should not be an empty thing1 a mere superfluity in the royal person--it should be what it implies and gives itself out for4 ,your name indicates that you rule and govern2 rule and govern1 therefore1 in reality4 ,do not be mere pasteboard kings1 to use a common expression1 that is1 kings in name only4 ,in ,france1 there was a time when kings had nothing but the name1 and the government was entirely in the hands of their generals1 whilst they1 like animals1 were occupied only with gluttony and luxurious living4 ,that it might be known they were living1 for they never went out1 they used to appear in public once a year1 on the #ast of ,may1 in the squares of ,paris1 seated on a throne1 as kings in a dramatic representation1 and there they were saluted1 gifts were presented to them1 and they1 on their part1 granted certain favors to whomsoever they thought proper4 ,in order to show to what a degree of degradation they had fallen1 ,eginard tells us1 in the beginning of his ,life of ,charlemagne1 that they were devoid of courage and incapable of great actions2 they merely held the empty name of king2 for1 in reality they were not kings1 neither had they any participation in the government or riches of the kingdom2 every thing was entrusted to the mayors of the palace1 styled majors-domo of the royal household2 and the latter usurped every thing to such a degree1 that they left the wretched king nothing but his title4 ,seated on his throne1 with his long hair and beard1 the monarch played his part1 pretending to give audiences to ambassadors arriving from all parts1 and to furnish them with answers to convey to their masters2 whilst in reality they merely answered according to the instructions they had received1 either by word or writing1 although they appeared to answer on their own responsibility4 ,so that royal power for such a king was reduced to the mere name1 to this throne and this ridiculous majesty2 the real kings and masters were those favorites by whom the monarch was oppressed4 ,god said of one of the kings of ,samaria1 that he was merely to be compared to a little vapor1 which1 seen from afar1 appeared something1 but when touched was no longer any thing4 ,simia in tecto rex fatuus in solio suo4 7,st4 ,bernard1 de ,consider ad ,eug4 cap4 #g47 ,a monkey on a housetop1 which1 presenting the appearance of a man1 is taken for such by those who know not what it is2 such is a useless king upon a throne4 ,monkeys also serve to amuse children1 and the king is a laughing-stock to him who looks upon him apart from any royal act1 invested with authority1 and making no use of it4 ,a king dressed in purple1 seated on a throne with great majesty1 suited to his grandeur1 grave1 severe1 and terrible in appearance1 but in reality an absolute nonentity4 ,like a painting de la main du ,greco1 which1 placed in an elevated position1 and seen from a distance1 looks very beautiful1 and produces a great effect1 but when nearly approached is but a rough sketch4 ,all pomp and majesty1 properly considered1 are a mere sketch and shadow of a king4 ,simulacra gentium1 says ,david1 speaking of kings who have nothing but the name2 and according to the ,hebrew text3 ,imago fictilis et contrita4 ,a figure of pounded earth1 crumbling on all sides2 an empty phantom1 great in appearance1 but a mere piece of deception4 ,the name which ,elifaz unjustly applied to ,job is perfectly applicable here1 when he designated this good and just king1 a man void of foundation and substance1 bearing only external appearances2 he styled him ,myrmicoleon1 that is1 the name of the animal which1 in ,latin1 is called ,formica-leo1 because it is a monstrous conformation1 one half of its body1 in fact1 representing a fearful lion1 an animal always used as an emblem of a king1 and the other half an ant1 that is1 a most feeble and insignificant thing4 ,such are the authority1 the name1 throne1 and majesty of a fierce lion and of a powerful monarch2 but as regards the essence1 you will find only that of an ant4 ,there have been kings whose very name filled the world with terror2 but these kings were void of substance in themselves1 in their kingdoms they were as mere ants2 their names and offices were very great1 but without effect4 ,let the king1 therefore1 bear in mind that he has an office to fulfill1 and not only an office1 but that he is obliged to speak and labor on all offices1 of which he is the general superintendent4 ,st4 ,augustine and ,st4 ,thomas1 explaining that passage of ,st4 ,paul which treats of episcopal dignity1 say1 that the word bishop1 in ,greek1 is composed of two roots signifying the same thing as superintendent4 ,the name of bishop1 king1 and every other superior1 are names signifying superintendence over1 and co-operation with1 every office4 ,this is what is expressed by the sceptre used by kings in public acts1 a ceremony used by the ,egyptians1 who borrowed it from the ,israelites4 ,the latter1 in order to point out the duty of a good king1 painted an open eye placed in an elevated position on the point of a rod in the form of a sceptre1 representing1 on the one hand1 the great power of the king1 the solicitude and vigilance which he ought to exercise2 on the other1 that he ought not to be satisfied with holding the supreme power1 with occupying the most exalted and most eminent position1 and1 in possession of these1 passing his life in sleep and repose2 on the contrary1 he should be the first in commanding and counselling1 he should appear in every office1 incessantly watching and inspecting1 like a man doing the business in which he is engaged4 ,jeremiah also understands it in this sense1 for when ,god asked him what he saw1 he answered3 ,virgam vigilantem ego video4 ,thou hast seen well2 and verily ,i tell thee1 that ,i who am supreme1 will watch over my flock2 ,i who am a shepherd1 will watch over my sheep2 ,i who am a king and a monarch1 will watch without ceasing over all my inferiors4 ,regem festinantem1 says the ,chaldean1 a king who is in haste2 for1 although he has eyes and sees1 if he remains in repose1 in his pleasures and amusements1 if he does not go about from place to place1 if he does not act so as to become acquainted with all the good and evil that is going on in his kingdom1 he is as though he did not exist4 ,let him consider that he is the head1 and even the head of the lion1 which even in its sleep keeps its eyes open2 that he is the rod with eyes1 that he is the torch2 let him open his eyes1 therefore1 and sleep no longer1 trusting to those who are blinded1 and see no better than moles2 who1 if they have eyes1 only employ them to see their own interest1 and to distinguish at a greater distance what may conduce to their own profit and aggrandizement4 ,such persons have eyes for themselves1 and it would be better if they had them not1 for their eyes are those of birds of prey--of vultures4 ,in his fourth chapter1 the title of which is1 ,on the office of kings1 the author thus explains the origin of royal power and its obligations3--,from this it follows1 says he1 that the institution of the state of royalty1 or king1 represented by the head1 was not merely for the use and profit of the king himself1 but for that of his whole kingdom4 ,hence he ought to see1 hear1 feel1 and understand1 not only by himself and for himself1 but by all and for all4 ,he ought not merely to fix his regards upon his own greatness1 but on the good of his subjects1 since it is for them1 and not for himself1 that he was born a king4 ,adverte1 said ,seneca to the ,emperor ,nero1 rempublicam non esse tuam1 sed te reipublic4--,when men first issued from solitude1 and united to live in common1 they knew that every one would naturally labor for himself or his own family1 and that no one would take an interest in all2 they agreed to select a man of great merit1 that all might have recourse to him2 a man who1 distinguished above all the rest by his virtue1 his prudence1 and courage1 should be the chief over all1 should govern all1 watch over all1 and should exert himself for the advantage of all--for the common weal--like a father for his children1 or a shepherd for his sheep4 ,now1 considering that this man1 abandoning his own affairs to look after those of others1 could not maintain himself and his family 7every one was then maintained by the labor of his hands71 it was agreed that all should contribute to his support1 in order that he might not be distracted by any other occupations than those of the common weal and the public government4 ,such was the end for which kings were instituted--such was their beginning4 ,the good king ought to be more solicitous for the public than for his own private interest4 ,he possesses his grandeur at the expense of great solicitude2 the anxiety1 the disquietude of mind and body1 which is fatigue for him1 is repose1 support1 and protection for others4 ,thus smiling flowers and fruits1 whilst they adorn the tree1 exist not so much for the tree1 nor on account of the tree1 as for the sake of others4 ,do not imagine that all happiness is in the beauty and grace of the flower1 and in those who are the flowers of the world3 powerful kings and princes may be termed the flowers of the world1 but flowers who consume their lives1 who are full of solicitude1 and whose fruit will rather contribute to the enjoyment of others than to their own4 ',for1' says the ,jew ,philo1 'the king is to the kingdom what the wise is to the ignorant man1 what the shepherd is to his sheep1 the father to his children1 light to darkness1 and what ,god is upon earth to all his creatures4' ,the investiture he gave to ,moses1 when he appointed him the chief and king over his people1 was to tell him that he ought to be as ,god1 the common father of all2 for the office and dignity of a king require all this4 ,omnium domos illius vigila defendit1 omnium otium illius industria1 omnium vacationem illius occupatio4 7,seneca1 ,lib4 de ,consol47 ,this is what the prophet ,samuel says to ,saul1 recently elected king1 when he expounds to him the obligations of his office3 ',consider1 ,saul1 that ,god has this day constituted thee king over all this kingdom2 thou art bound by the office to govern the whole of it4 ,thou hast not been made a king to enjoy repose1 to become proud1 and to glory in the dignity of a king2 but to govern thy kingdom1 to maintain it in peace and justice1 to defend and protect it against its enemies4' ,rex eligitur1 non1 ut sui ipsius curam habeat1 says ,socrates1 et sese molliter curet1 sed ut per ipsum ii1 qui elegerunt1 bene beateque vivant4 ,they were not created and introduced into the world for their own convenience and pleasure or to be fed upon every dainty morsel of food 7if such were the case1 no one would willingly submit to them72 but they were appointed for the advantage and common good of all their subjects1 to govern them1 protect them1 enrich them1 preserve and serve them4 ,all this is perfectly admissible2 for although the sceptre and crown appear to be the emblems of domination1 the office of a king is1 strictly speaking1 that of a slave4 ,servus communis1 sive servus honoratus1 are words which have sometimes been applied to a king1 quia a tota republica stipendia accipit ut serviat omnibus4 ,and the ,supreme ,pontiff glories in this title1 ,servus servorum ,dei4 ,in ancient times this name of slave was one of infamy2 but since ,christ bore it it has become a name full of honor4 ,now1 since it is neither repugnant nor derogatory to the essence nor nature of the ,son of ,god1 neither can it be derogatory to the nature and grandeur of the king4 ,antigonus1 king of ,macedon1 was perfectly aware of this1 and said candidly to his son1 when he rebuked him for the severity with which he governed his subjects3 ,an ignoras1 fili mi1 regnum nostrum nobilem esse servitutem8 ,before his time ,agamemnon expressed himself in the same manner3 ',we live apparently in the midst of grandeur and exaltation2 but in reality we are the servants and slaves of our subjects4' ,such is the office of good kings--an honorable servitude4 ,from the moment of their being created kings1 their actions no longer depend upon their own will1 but on the laws and rules which have been given them1 and on the conditions upon which they have undertaken their office4 ,and although they may fail to comply with these conditions 7which are the effects of a human convention71 they may not fail to comply with that dictated by natural and divine law1 the mistress of kings as well as of subjects4 ,now1 these rules are almost all included in the words of ,jeremiah1 which ,god1 according to ,st4 ,jerome1 addresses to kings on giving them the command3--,facite judicium et justitiam1 liberate vi oppressum de manu calumniatoris1 et advenam1 et pupillum1 et viduam nolite contristare1 neque opprimatis inique1 et sanguinem innocentum non effundatis4 ,such is the summary of the obligations of a king2 such the laws of his institution1 which lay him under the obligation of maintaining in peace and justice the orphan1 the widow1 the poor1 the rich and the powerful man1 and him who can do nothing for himself4 ,upon him rest the wrongs of his ministers towards some1 the injustice suffered by others1 the sorrows of the afflicted1 the tears of those who weep1 not to mention many other burdens--a flood of cares and obligations--imposed upon every prince or chief of a state4 ,for if he is the head to command and govern1 and to bear the burdens of others1 he should also be the feet upon which the whole weight of the state is sustained4 ,kings and monarchs1 says the holy man ,job1 as we have seen1 bear and carry the world upon their shoulders1 on account of their office4 ,hence the figure we meet with in the ,book of ,wisdom3 ,in veste poderis1 quam habebat summus sacerdos1 totus erat orbis terrarum4 ,from the moment a man is created king1 let him consider himself loaded with a burden so heavy that a strong carriage would not support it4 ,moses felt this strongly2 for ,god having made him ,his viceroy1 ,his captain-general1 ,his lieutenant in the government1 instead of returning thanks for so distinguished a favor1 he complains that so heavy a burden should be placed upon him4 ,cur afflixisti servum tuum8 ,cur imposuisti pondus universi populi hujus super me8 ,again1 continuing his complaint1 he says1 ,numquid ego concepi omnem hanc multitudinem8 ,aut genui eam1 ut dicas mihi3 ,porta eos8--',lord1 have ,i conceived all this multitude1 or begotten them1 and thou shouldst say to me1 ,carry them on thy shoulders8' ,now1 it is remarkable that ,god said nothing of that to ,moses2 he merely tells him to rule and govern them1 to fulfill towards them the office of captain and chief4 ,nevertheless1 what says ,moses8 ,that ,god commanded him to bear them on his shoulders--,porta eos4 ,it appears1 then1 that he has no reason to complain1 since he is merely told to be the captain1 to direct1 rule1 and govern4 ,it is a common expression1 ',a word to the wise is sufficient4' ,he who knows and understands what it is to govern and to be the chief1 knows also that government and obligation are the same thing4 ,the very words regere and portare are synonymous1 and have the same meaning3 there is no government nor employment without obligation and labor4 ,in the distribution of the offices which ,jacob made among his children1 he appointed ,reuben to be the first in his inheritance and the highest in command--prior in donis1 major in imperio4 ,and ,st4 ,jerome translates major ad portandum1 for command and obligation are the same thing2 and the obligation and the labor are so much more considerable as the command is more exalted4 ,st4 ,gregory1 in his ,morales1 says1 that the power1 domination1 and rule of kings over the whole world should not be looked upon as an honor but as a labor4 ,potestas accepta non honor1 sed onus stimatur4 ,and this truth was ever received by the blindest among the ,gentiles4 ,one of them1 taking the same view of the subject1 says1 speaking of another ,pagan1 that his god ,apollo had made him all glorious and happy by the gift of a certain office3 ,ltus erat1 mixtoque oneri gaudebat honore4 ,so that power and command composed of a little honor and weighty obligations4 ,the ,latin word for honor only differs from that for burden by one letter--onos and onus4 ,besides1 there always were and always will be persons willing to undertake the responsibility for the sake of the honor1 although every one avoids as much as possible any thing that lays him under an obligation1 and seeks after what is glorious2 a dangerous choice1 for the latter is not always the most secure4 ,if such language is taxed with flattery1 it would be difficult to comprehend what is meant by telling the truth4 ,and observe1 that the above truths are not told without reflection2 the good religious takes such pains to inculcate them1 that were it not for the childlike candor of his language1 which discloses the purest of intentions1 we might accuse him of irreverence4 ,this passage is long1 but exceedingly interesting1 for it faithfully reflects the spirit of the age4 ,innumerable other texts might be adduced to prove how unjustly the ,catholic clergy are accused of being favorable to despotism4 ,i cannot conclude without inserting here two excellent passages from the learned ,father ,fr4 ,ferdinand de ,zeballos1 a religious of the order of ,st4 ,jerome in the ,monastery of ,st4 ,isidore del ,campo1 and known by a work intituled1 ,false ,philosophy1 or ,atheism1 ,deism1 ,materialism1 and other new sects convicted of ,state ,crimes against their ,sovereigns and ,rulers1 against the ,magistrates and ,lawful ,authorities4 ,madrid1 #aggf4 ,observe with what tact the learned writer appreciates the influence of religion upon society4 7,book ii4 dissertation #ab1 art4 #b47 ,a mild and moderate government is most agreeable to the spirit of the gospel4 ,i4 ,one excellent and estimable point in our holy religion is1 that she offers to human policy1 in her important truths1 assistance in preserving good order among men with less trouble4 ',the ,christian religion1' says ,montesquieu1 with much truth1 'is far removed from pure despotism4 ,mildness being so strongly recommended in the gospel1 it is opposed to the despotic fury with which princes might administer justice and practise cruelties4' ,this opposition on the part of ,christianity to the cruelty of the monarch should not be active1 but passive and full of mildness1 which ,christianity can never lose sight of without losing its character4 ,this is the difference between ,catholic ,christians and the ,calvinists and other ,protestants4 ,basnages and ,jurieu1 in the name of all their reformation1 wrote that it is allowable for the people to wage war against their princes whenever they are oppressed by them1 or their conduct appears tyrannical4 ,the ,catholic ,church has never changed the doctrines she received from ,jesus ,christ and ,his ,apostles4 ,she loves moderation1 she rejoices in good3 but she does not resist evil1 she overcomes it by patience4 ,governments established under the direction of false religions cannot be satisfied with a moderate policy4 ,with them the despotism or tyranny of princes1 the ferocity of penalties1 the rigor of an inflexible and cruel legislation1 are so many necessary evils4 ,but why has it been given to the ,catholic religion only to purge human governments from such inhumanity8 ,first1 on account of the forcible impression produced by her dogmas2 secondly1 through the effect of the grace of ,jesus ,christ1 which renders men docile in doing good1 and energetic in combating evil4 ,wherever false religion predominates1 and where1 in consequence1 these two means of aid are wanting1 the government is under the necessity of supplying them as far as possible by efforts of a severe1 harsh1 and terror-inspiring policy1 in default of that virtue which ought to exist in religion to restrain citizens4 ,hence the ,catholic religion1 by the influence of her dogmas over human affairs1 relieves governments from the necessity of being harsh4 ,in ,japan1 where the prevailing religion has no dogmas1 and gives no idea of heaven or hell1 laws are made to supply this defect--laws rendered useful by the cruelty with which they are conceived and the punctuality with which they are executed4 ,in every society in which deists1 fatalists1 and philosophers have promulgated this error1 that our actions are unavoidable1 it is impossible to prevent laws from becoming more terrible and sanguinary than any we have known among barbarian nations2 for in such a society1 men1 after the manner of brutes1 being urged by palpable motives to do what they are commanded and omit what they are forbidden1 these motives1 with chastisements1 must be daily more formidable1 in order to avoid losing from habit the power of making themselves felt4 ,the ,christian religion1 which admirably teaches and explains the dogmas of rational liberty1 has no need of an iron rod to govern mankind4 ,the fear of the pains of hell1 whether eternal1 to punish crimes unrepented of1 or temporal1 to wash away the stains of sins confessed1 relieves judges from the necessity of augmenting punishments4 ,on the other hand1 the hope of gaining heaven1 as a reward for laudable actions1 words1 and thoughts1 induces men to be just1 not only in public but also in the secrecy of the heart4 ,what laws or penalties would avail governments not possessed of this dogma of hell and of glory1 to make their citizens men of real merit8 ,materialists1 denying the dogma of a future state1 and deists1 holding out to the wicked the flattering security of paradise1 place governments under the painful necessity of arming themselves with all the instruments of terror1 and of always inflicting the most cruel punishments1 to restrain the people from destroying one another4 ,protestants have already come to this point by rejecting the dogma of the eternity of hell1 or1 at least1 by preserving merely the fear of a temporary pain4 ,the first reformers1 as d',alembert observes to the clergy of ,geneva1 denied the doctrine of purgatory1 and retained that of hell2 but the ,calvinists1 and modern reformers1 by their limitation of the duration of hell1 leave only what may be properly termed purgatory4 ,is not the dogma of the last judgment1 when each one's secret offences1 however small1 shall be exposed to the whole world1 of singular efficacy in restraining the thoughts and desires1 and all the perversity of the heart and of the passions8 ,it is evident that this dogma so far relieves political governments from the painful and continual vigilance which it would have to exercise over a town in which the idea of this judgment has perished1 together with the thoughts which it inspires4 ,,ii4 ,there are certain aberrations observable among philosophers1 which lead us to think that these men were possessed of some true discernment in their lucid moments1 or whilst they were in the ,catholic religion4 ,hence they have said1 'that religion was invented for a political purpose1 to spare sovereigns the necessity of being just1 of making good laws1 and of governing well4' ,this folly1 which stands self-condemned when we come to speak of religion previously formed1 supposes1 nevertheless1 the truth we are speaking of4 ,it is evident to every one1 even to the philosophers whose extravagant assertion we have just adduced1 that the ,christian religion1 by her dogmas1 is serviceable to human governments1 and aids in making good citizens1 even in this world4 ,yet they avail themselves of this very point to put forth their insane malice3 but1 in reality1 and in spite of themselves1 they mean to say1 that the dogmas of religion are of such service to governments1 and so efficacious in facilitating a great part of their work1 that they appear to be formed on purpose1 and according to the designs of a magistrate or a political government4 ,we cannot say1 on this account1 that religion alone is sufficient to govern men1 without any judicial aid1 without the intervention of the laws and of penalties4 ,in speaking of this efficacy of the dogmas inculcated by religion1 we are not rash and presumptuous2 we do not reject as superfluous the office of law and police4 ,we are told by the ,apostle1 that for the just there would have been no need of laws2 but there are so many wicked1 who1 through their forgetfulness of their destiny and the terrible judgments of ,god1 live under the exclusive rule of their passions1 that it has been found necessary to make laws and institute punishments1 in order to restrain them4 ,hence1 the ,catholic religion does not reject the wise vigilance of police1 nor abrogate its office2 she seconds it1 on the contrary1 and receives assistance from it1 to the very great advantage of good governments2 the people1 through its influence1 are ruled better1 and with less austerity and severity4 ,,iii4 ,the second reason which renders the most mild and moderate governments sufficient in ,catholic ,states is1 the assistance which the grace of the gospel affords for doing good and avoiding evil1--an assistance imparted by the use of the sacraments1 or other means employed by the ,spirit from above4 ,without this1 every law is harsh2 this unction softens every yoke1 renders every burden light4 ,in his third article1 ,father ,zeballos repels the accusation of despotism with which the enemies of monarchy reproach it4 ,on this occasion he points out the just limits of royal authority1 and overthrows an argument which some persons have pretended to found on the ,scriptures1 for the exaggeration of the prerogatives of the throne4 ,he expresses himself as follows3 ,when the objection1 that the sovereign had the power of seizing the property of every citizen1 was made against monarchy1 it was rather an argument against the nature of despotism than against the form of monarchical government4 ',what does it avail1' says ,theseus in ,euripides1 'to amass riches for our heirs1 to bring up our daughters with care1 if we are to be deprived of the greater portion of these riches by a tyrant1 if our daughters are to serve the most unruly passions8' ,you perceive1 then clearly1 that in pretending to argue against the office of a monarch1 it is a tyrant only that is spoken of4 ,true1 the frequent abuse of power resorted to by kings has caused these names and forms to be confounded4 ,others have already observed that the ancients were scarcely acquainted with the nature of true monarchy2 this was very natural1 since they never witnessed any thing but the abuse of it4 ,this gives me the opportunity of making a remark upon the circumstance of the ,hebrews asking to be governed by kings4 ',make us a king to judge us1 as all nations have1' said they to the prophet4 ,samuel saw with grief this levity1 which was about to cause a total revolution in the government appointed by ,god4 ,nevertheless1 ,god commands the prophet to take no notice of this affront1 which was principally offered to the ,lord2 for they were abandoning ,him1 being unwilling that ,he should rule over them any longer4 ',as they have forsaken ,me1 and served strange gods1 so do they also unto thee1' and ask for kings like unto those of the nations4 ,observe what an intimate connection always exists between a change of government and a change in religion1 especially when the change is from a true to a false one4 ,but what is particularly deserving of notice is1 the acquiescence granted to the people's demand4 ,they wish to be ruled by kings1 exactly as all other nations were4 ,the ,lord chastises their spirit of revolt by leaving them to their desires4 ,he commands ,samuel to comply with their request1 but to point out to them1 at the same time1 the rights of the king who was to rule over them like unto the nations1 and said3 ',this will be the right of the king that shall reign over you3 he will take your sons1 and will put them in his chariots1 and will make them his horsemen1 and his running footmen1 to run before his chariots2 and he will appoint them to be his tribunes1 and his centurions1 and to plough his fields1 and to reap his corn1 and to make him arms and chariots4 ,your daughters also will he take to make him ointments1 and to be his cooks and bakers2 and he will take your fields1 and your vineyards1 and your best olive-yards1 and give them to his servants4 ,moreover1 he will take the tenth of your corn1 and of the revenues of your vineyards1 to give to his eunuchs and servants4 ,your servants also1 and hand-maids1 and your goodliest young men1 and your asses1 he will take away1 and put them to his work4 ,your flocks also he will tithe1 and you shall be his servants2 and you shall cry out in that day from the face of the king whom you have chosen to yourselves2 and the ,lord will not hear you in that day1 because you desired unto yourselves a king4 ,and the people would not hear the voice of ,samuel1 and they said1 ,nay1 but there shall be a king over us1 and we also will be like all nations4' 7#ast ,kings1 chap4 viii41 from verse #aa to middle of verse #bj inclusively47 ,some persons1 being determined to extend the power of kings beyond its limits1 draw from these words the formula of royal right4 ,a blind pretension1 and reflecting little honor on legitimate monarchs such as the ,catholic sovereigns4 ,unless a person wishes knowingly to deceive himself on this portion of the ,scripture1 or is blind1 he may see by the context1 and by comparing this passage with others1 that it is not legitimate right that is here meant1 but de facto right4 ,i mean to say1 that the ,holy ,spirit does not explain what just monarchs ought to do2 but what had been done1 and was still done1 by the kings of ,pagan nations1 mere tyrants1 and commonly so called4 ,observe1 that the people demanded nothing but to be placed on an equality with the ,pagan nations in a political point of view4 ,they had not the prudence to demand a king such as he ought to be1 but such as was common in those days2 and this was what ,god granted them4 ,if ,god1 as the prophet observes1 has sometimes given the people kings in ,his wrath1 what people were more deserving of this than those who had abandoned ,god himself1 and refused to be ruled by ,him8 ,indeed1 ,god did chastise ,his people severely by granting them their foolish demand4 ,he did give them a king1 but a king who was to exercise what1 according to the perverse custom of the times1 formed the royal right described in the sacred text just quoted4 ,what man in our days1 conversant with what has been written upon the different natures of governments1 upon their abuse1 and without even understanding what is said in the ,scriptures1 could imagine that the text of ,samuel contains the legitimate form of royalty or of monarchy8 ,does this power impart the right of seizing the property of the subjects1 their lands1 their riches1 their sons and daughters1 and even their natural liberty8 ,is this the model of a monarchy1 or of the most tyrannical despotism8 ,to dispel every illusion on this point1 we need only compare with what we have just read the #bast chap4 of the third ,book of ,kings1 in which the history of ,naboth1 an inhabitant of ,jezrael1 is narrated4 ,achab1 the king of ,israel1 wished to enlarge the palace1 or pleasure-house which he possessed in that town4 ,a vineyard of ,naboth's1 near the palace1 came within the plan of the gardens that were to be added4 ,the king did not seize it at once1 of his own authority1 but asked the proprietor to let him have it on the honest condition of paying him the price at which he should value it1 or giving him a better in another place4 ,naboth would not consent to this1 because it was the inheritance of his ancestors4 ,the king1 not being accustomed to meet with a refusal1 threw himself upon his couch oppressed with grief2 the queen1 ,jezabel1 came1 and told him to calm his agitation3 ',thy authority is great indeed1' said she to him2 ,grandis authoritatis es3 she promises to put him in possession of the vineyard4 ,this abominable woman wrote to the judges of ,jezrael to commence an action against ,naboth for a calumny1 to be proved against him by two suborned witnesses2 and she demanded that he should be condemned to death4 ,the queen was obeyed2 ,naboth was stoned to death4 ,all this was necessary that the vineyard might enter into the royal treasury1 and that1 watered by the blood of the proprietor1 it might produce flowers for the palace of these princes4 ,but1 in reality1 it produced none1 neither for the king nor for the queen2 it furnished them with nothing but briars and mortal poisons4 ,elias presents himself before ,achab when he was going to take possession of ,naboth's vineyard2 he announces to him that he1 and all his house1 even to the dog that approacheth the wall1 shall be erased from the face of the earth4 ,you look upon royal right as explained to the people by ,samuel as legitimate2 tell me1 then why ,achab and ,jezabel are so severely punished for taking the vineyard and the life of ,naboth1 since the king had a right to take from his subjects their most valuable vineyards and olive trees1 according to the declaration of the prophet4 ,if ,achab possesses this right after he is established the king of the people of ,god1 whence comes it that he1 so violent a prince1 should entreat ,naboth with so much civility8 ,and why is it necessary to accuse ,naboth of some calumny8 ,his resistance to the king's right1 by refusing to accept the just value of what was suitable to the enlargement of the palace and gardens1 would have been a sufficient motive for instituting an action against him4 ,we find1 however1 that ,naboth committed no injustice against the king by refusing to sell his patrimony1 not even in the estimation of the queen1 who boasted of her husband's great authority4 ,this great authority1 which ,jezabel admitted in the king1 was neither more nor less than the royal right spoken of by ,samuel to the people2 it was1 as ,i have said1 a de facto right to take and seize upon every thing by mere force1 as ,montesquieu says of the tyrant4 ,do not therefore1 mention this passage1 nor any other of the ,scriptures1 to justify the idea of a government so ill-conceived4 ,the doctrine of the ,catholic religion is attached to legitimate monarchy1 with its suitable characteristics1 and in accordance with the qualities which modern publicists recognise1 viz4 as a paternal and sovereign power1 but conformable to the fundamental laws of the state4 ,within limits so suitable1 nothing can be more regular than this power1 the most extensive of all temporal powers1 and that which is most favored and supported by the ,catholic ,church4 ,such is the horrible despotism taught by these men so basely calumniated6 ,happy the people who are ruled by a prince whose government is regulated by these doctrines6 ,,note #ca1 p4 #ccj4 ,the importance of the matter treated of in this part of my work obliges me to insert here1 at some length1 passages proving the truth of what ,i have advanced4 ,i did not think it advisable to give a translation of the ,latin passages1 that ,i might avoid augmenting excessively the number of pages2 besides1 among the persons who may wish to make themselves thoroughly acquainted with the subject1 and who will consequently take an interest in consulting the original texts1 there are few ignorant of the ,latin language4 ,observe how ,st4 ,thomas expresses himself on royal power1 and with what solid and generous doctrine he points out its duties in the third book1 chap4 #aa1 of his treatise ,de ,regimine ,principum4 ,,divus ,,thomas4 ,de ,regimine ,principum1 liber iii4 caput ,,xi4 ,hic ,sanctus ,doctor declarat de dominio regali1 in quo consistit1 et in quo differt a politico1 et quo modo distinguitur diversimodo secundum diversas rationes4 ,nunc autem ad regale dominium est procedendum1 ubi est distinguendum de ipso secundum diversas regiones1 et prout a diversis varie invenitur traditum4 ,et primo quidem1 in ,sacra ,scriptura aliter leges regalis dominii traduntur in ,deuteronomio per ,moysen1 aliter in #a ,regum per ,samuelem prophetam1 uterque tamen in persona ,dei differenter ordinat regem ad utilitatem subditorum1 quod est proprium regum1 ut ,philosophus tradit in #h ethic4 ,cum1 inquit1 constitutus fuerit rex1 non multiplicabit sibi equos1 nec reducet populum in gyptum1 equitatus numero sublevatus1 non habebit uxores plurimas1 qu alliciant animam ejus1 neque argenti1 aut auri immensa pondera3 quod quidem qualiter habet intelligi1 supra traditur in hoc lib4 describetque sibi ,deuteronomium legis hujus1 et habebit secum1 legetque illud omnibus diebus vit su1 ut discat timere dominum ,deum suum1 et custodire verba ejus et cremonias1 et ut videlicet possit populum dirigere secundum legem divinam1 unde et rex ,salomon in principio sui regiminis hanc sapientiam a ,deo petivit1 ad directionem sui regiminis pro utilitate subditorum1 sicut scribitur in #c lib4 ,regum4 ,subdit vero dictus ,moyses in eodem lib4 ,nec elevetur cor ejus in superfluum super fratres suos1 neque declinet in partem dexteram1 vel sinistram1 ut longo tempore regat ipse et filius ejus super ,israel4 ,sed in primo ,regum1 traduntur leges regni1 magis ad utilitatem ,regis1 ut supra patuit in lib4 #b hujus operis1 ubi ponuntur verba omnino pertinentia ad conditionem servilem1 et tamen ,samuel leges quas tradit cum sint penitus despotic dicit esse regales4 ,philosophus autem in #h ethic4 magis concordat cum primis legibus4 ,tria enim ponit de rege in eo4 #d1 videlicet1 quod ille legitimus est rex qui principaliter bonum subditorum intendit4 ,item1 ille rex est1 qui curam subditorum habet1 ut bene operentur quemadmodum pastor ovium4 ,ex quibus omnibus manifestum est1 quod juxta istum1 modum despoticum multum differat a regali1 ut idem ,philosophus videtur dicere in #a politic4 ,item1 quod regnum non est propter regem1 sed rex propter regnum1 quia ad hoc ,deus providit de eis1 ut regnum regant et gubernent1 et unumquemque in suo jure conservent3 et hic est finis regiminis1 quod si ad aliud faciunt in seipsos commodum retorquendo1 non sunt reges sed tyranni4 ,contra quos dicit ,dominus in ,ezech4 ,v pastoribus ,israel1 qui pascunt semetipsos4 ,nonne greges pascuntur a pastoribus8 ,lac comedebatis1 et lanis operiebamini1 et quod crassum erat occidebatis3 gregem autem meum non pascebatis3 quod infirmum fuit1 non consolidastis1 et quod grotum non sanastis1 quod confractum non alligastis1 quod abjectum non reduxistis1 et quod perierat non qusistis2 sed cum austeritate imperabatis eis et cum potentia4 ,in quibus verbis nobis sufficienter forma regiminis traditur redarguendo contrarium4 ,amplius autem regnum ex hominibus constituitur1 sicut domus ex parietibus1 et corpus humanum ex membris1 ut ,philos4 dicit in #c politic4 ,finis ergo regis est1 ut regimen prosperetur1 quod homines conserventur per regem4 ,et hinc habet commune bonum cujuslibet principatus participationem divin bonitatis3 unde bonum commune dicitur a ,philosopho in #a ethic4 esse quod omnia appetunt1 et esse bonum divinum1 ut sicut ,deus qui est rex regum1 et dominus dominantium1 cujus virtute principes imperant1 ut probatum est supra1 nos regit et gubernat non propter seipsum1 sed propter nostram salutem3 ita et reges faciant et alii dominatores in orbe4 ,,note #cb1 p4 #ccf4 ,i have noticed the opinion of ,d4 ,felix ,amat1 ,archbishop of ,palmyra1 with respect to the obedience due to de facto governments4 ,i have remarked1 that this writer's principles1 besides being false1 are opposed to the rights of the people4 ,the ,archbishop of ,palmyra appears to have been at a loss to discover a maxim to which it is possible to conform under all circumstances that may occur1 and which do occur but too often4 ,he dreaded the obscurity and confusion of ideas when the legitimacy of a given case was to be defined2 he wished to remedy an evil1 but he appears to have aggravated it to an extraordinary degree4 ,observe how he sets forth his opinion in his work entitled ,idea of the ,church ,militant1 chap4 iii4 art4 #b3 ,the more ,i reflect1 says he1 on the difficulties ,i have just pointed out1 the more ,i am convinced that it is impossible to resolve them1 even those which are ancient1 with any degree of certainty2 and it is equally impossible to derive any light from them to aid us in resolving those which are formed at the present day by the struggle between the prevailing spirit of insubordination in opposition to the judgment and will of the governor1 and the contrary effort made to limit more and more the liberty of those who obey4 ,starting from the divers points and notions that ,i have laid down relative to the supreme power in all really civil societies1 it appears to me1 that1 instead of losing time in mere speculative discussions1 it will be more useful to propose a practical1 just1 and opportune maxim for the preservation of public tranquillity1 especially in ,christian kingdoms and states1 and for affording the means of re-establishing it when it has been troubled or destroyed4 ,the ,maxim4--,no one can doubt the legitimacy of the obligation of every member of any civil society whatever to obey the government which is de facto and unquestionably established4 ,i say 'unquestionably established1' because there is here no question of a mere invasion or temporary occupation in time of war4 ,from this maxim follow two consequences3 #ast1 to take part in insurrections1 or assemblages of people1 addressing themselves to the constituted authorities with a view to compel them to grant what they consider unjust1 is always an act contrary to right reason2 always unlawful1 condemned by the natural law and by the ,gospel4 #b;dly1 individual members of society1 who combine together and take up arms1 in small or large numbers1 for the purpose of attacking the established government by physical force1 are always guilty of rebellion1 a crime strongly opposed to the spirit of our divine religion4 ,i will not here repeat what ,i have already said on the unsoundness1 the inconveniences1 and the dangers of such a doctrine1 but merely add1 that with respect to governments only established de facto1 to grant them the right of commanding and exacting obedience involves a contradiction4 ,to say that a de facto government is bound1 whilst it does exist1 to protect justice1 to avoid crimes1 to prevent the dissolution of society1 is merely to maintain truths universally admitted1 and denied by no one2 but to add1 that it is unlawful1 and contrary to our holy religion1 to combine together and raise forces for the overthrow of a de facto government1 is a doctrine which ,catholic theologians have never professed1 which true philosophy has never admitted1 and which no nation has ever observed4 ,,note #cc1 p4 #cdc4 ,i insert here certain remarkable passages from ,st4 ,thomas and ,suarez1 in which these authors explain the opinions to which ,i have alluded in the text1 respecting the differences which may arise between governors and the governed4 ,i refer to what ,i have already pointed out in another place2 we are not about to examine so much whether such or such doctrines are true1 as to discover what were the doctrines at the time we are speaking of1 and what opinion the most distinguished doctors formed on the delicate questions of which we are treating4 ,d4 ,,thomas4 7#b4 #b4 ,q4 #db4 art4 #bo ad tertium4--,utrum seditio sit semper peccatum mortale87 #c4 ,arg4 ,laudantur qui multitudinem a potestate tyrannica liberant1 sed hoc non de facili potest fieri sine aliqua dissensione multitudinis1 dum una pars multitudinis nititur retinere tyrannum1 alia vero nititur eum abjicere1 ergo seditio potest fieri sine peccato4 ,ad tertium dicendum2 quod regimen tyrannicum non est justum quia non ordinatur ad bonum commune1 sed ad bonum privatum regentis ut patet per ,philosophum2 et ideo perturbatio hujus regiminis non habet rationem seditionis1 nisi forte quando sic inordinate perturbatur tyranni regimen1 quod multitudo subjecta majus detrimentum patitur ex perturbatione consequenti quam ex tyranni regimine2 magis autem tyrannus seditiosus est1 qui in populo sibi subjecto discordias et seditiones nutrit1 ut tutius dominari possit2 hoc enim tyrannicum est1 cum sit ordinatum ad bonum proprium prsidentis cum multitudinis nocumento4 ,cardinalis ,cayetanus in hunc textum4 ,quis sit autem modus ordinatus perturbandi tyrannum et qualem tyrannum1 puta secundum regimen tantum1 vel secundum regimen et titulum1 non est prsentis intentionis3 sat est nunc1 quod utrumque tyrannum licet ordinate perturbare absque seditione quandoque2 illum ut bono reipublic vacet1 istum ut expellatur4 ,,lib4 ,i4 ,de ,regimine ,principum4 7,cap4 x47 ,quod rex et princeps studere debet ad bonum regimen propter bonum sui ipsius1 et utile quod inde sequitur1 cujus contrarium sequitur regimen tyrannicum4 ,tyrannorum vero dominium diuturnum esse non potest1 cum sit multitudini odiosum4 ,non potest enim diu conservari1 quod votis multorum repugnat4 ,vix enim a quoquam prsens vita transigitur quin aliquas adversitates patiatur4 ,adversitatis autem tempore occasio deesse non potest contra tyrannum insurgendi2 et ubi adsit occasio1 non deerit ex multis vel unus qui occasione non utatur4 ,insurgentem autem populus votive prosequitur3 nec de facili carebit effectu1 quod cum favore multitudinis attentatur4 ,vix ergo potest contingere1 quod tyranni dominium protendatur in longum4 ,hoc etiam manifeste patet1 si quis consideret unde tyranni dominium conservatur4 ,non n4 conservatur amore1 cum parva1 vel nulla sit amicitia subject multitudinis ad tyrannum ut ex prhabitis patet3 de subditorum autem fide tyrannis confidendum non est4 ,non n4 invenitur tanta virtus in multis1 ut fidelitatis virtute reprimantur1 ne indebit servitutis jugum1 si possint1 excutiant4 ,fortassis autem nec fidelitati contrarium reputabitur secundum opinionem multorum1 si tyrannic nequiti qualitercumque obvietur4 ,restat ergo ut solo timore tyranni regimen sustentetur2 unde et timeri se a subditis tota intentione procurant4 ,timor autem est debile fundamentum4 ,nam qui timore subduntur1 si occurrat occasio qua possint impunitatem sperare1 contra prsidentes insurgunt eo ardentius1 quo magis contra voluntatem ex solo timore cohibebantur4 ,sicut si aqua per violentiam includatur1 cum aditum invenerit1 impetuosius fluit4 ,sed nec ipse timor caret periculo1 cum ex nimio timore plerique in desperationem inciderint4 ,salutis autem desperatio audacter ad qulibet attentanda prcipitat4 ,non potest igitur tyranni dominium esse diuturnum4 ,hoc etiam non minus exemplis1 quam rationibus apparet4 ,,lib4 ,i4 ,,cap4 ,,vi4 ,conclusio2 quod regimen unius simpliciter sit optimum2 ostendit qualiter multitudo se debet habere circa ipsum1 quia auferenda est ei occasio ne tyrannizet1 ei quod etiam in hoc est tolerandus propter majus malum vitandum4 ,quia ergo unius regimen pr eligendum est1 quod est optimum1 et contingit ipsum in tyrannidem converti1 quod est pessimum1 ut ex dictis patet1 laborandum est diligenti studio1 ut sic multitudini provideatur de rege1 ut non incidat in tyrannum4 ,primum autem est necessarium1 ut talis conditionis homo ab illis ad quos hoc spectat officium1 promoveatur in regem1 quod non sit probabile in tyrannidem declinare4 ,unde ,samuel ,dei providentiam erga institutionem regis commendans1 ait1 #a ,regum xiii43 ,qusivit sibi ,dominus1 virum secundum cor suum3 deinde sic disponenda est regni gubernatio1 ut regi jam instituto tyrannidis subtrahatur occasio4 ,simul etiam sic ejus temperetur potestas1 ut in tyrannidem de facili declinare non possit4 ,qu quidem ut fiant1 insequentibus considerandum erit4 ,demum vero curandum est1 si rex in tyrannidem diverteret1 qualiter posset occuri4 ,et quidem si non fuerit excessus tyrannidis1 utilius est remissam tyrannidem tolerare ad tempus1 quam tyrannum agendo multis implicari periculis1 qu sunt graviora ipsa tyrannide4 ,potest1 n4 contingere ut qui contra tyrannum agunt prvalere non possint1 et sic provocatus tyrannus magis desviat4 ,quod si prvalere quis possit adversus tyrannum1 ex hoc ipso proveniunt multoties gravissim dissensiones in populo1 sive dum in tyrannum insurgitur1 sive post dejectionem tyranni erga ordinationem regiminis multitudo separatur in partes4 ,contingit etiam ut interdum dum alicujus auxilio multitudo expellit tyrannum1 ille potestate accepta tyrannidem arripiat1 et timens pati ab alio quod ipse in alium fecit1 graviori servitute subditos opprimat4 ,sic enim in tyrannide solet contingere1 ut posterior gravior fiat quam prcedens1 dum prcedentia gravamina non deserit1 et ipse ex sui cordis malitia nova excogitat3 unde ,syracusis quondam ,dyonisii mortem omnibus desiderantibus1 anus qudem ut incolumnis et sibi superstes esset1 continue orabat3 quod ut tyrannus cognovit1 cur hoc faceret interrogavit4 ,tum illa1 puella1 inquit1 existens cum gravem tyrannum haberemus1 mortem ejus cupiebam1 quo interfecto1 aliquantulum durior successit2 ejus quoque dominationem finiri magnum existimabam1 tertium te importuniorem habere cpimus rectorem2 itaque si tu fueris absumptus1 deterior in locum tuum succedet4 ,et si sit intolerabilis excessus tyrannidis1 quibusdam visum fuit1 ut ad fortium virorum virtutem pertineat tyrannum interimere1 seque pro liberatione multitudinis exponere periculis mortis3 cujus rei exemplum etiam in veteri ,testamento habetur4 ,nam ,ajoth quidam ,eglon regem ,moab1 qui gravi servitute populum ,dei premebat1 sica infixa in ejus femore interemit1 et factus est populi judex4 ,sed hoc ,apostolic doctrin non congruit4 ,docet n4 nos ,petrus1 non bonis tantum et modestis1 verum etiam discolis ,dominis reverenter subditos esse4 #b ,petr4 ii4 ,hc est enim gratia1 si propter conscientiam ,dei sustineat quis tristitias patiens injuste3 unde cum multi ,romani ,imperatores fidem ,christi persequerentur tyrannice1 magnaque multitudo tam nobilium1 quam populi esset ad fidem conversa1 non resistendo1 sed mortem patienter et armati sustinentes pro ,christo laudantur1 ut in sacra ,theborum legione manifeste apparet2 magisque ,ajoth judicandus est hostem interemisse1 quam populi rectorem1 licet tyrannum2 unde et in veteri ,testamento leguntur occisi fuisse hi qui occiderunt ,joas regem ,juda1 quamvis a cultu ,dei recedentem1 eorumque filiis reservatis secundum legis prceptum4 ,esset autem hoc multitudini periculosum et ejus rectoribus1 si privata prsumptione aliqui attentarent prsidentium necem etiam tyrannorum4 ,plerumque enim hujusmodi periculis magis exponunt se mali quam boni4 ,malis autem solet esse grave dominium non minus regum quam tyrannorum1 quia secundum sententiam ,salomonis3 ,dissipat impios rex sapiens4 ,magis igitur ex hujus prsumptione immineret periculum multitudini de amissione regis1 quam remedium de subtractione tyranni4 ,videtur autem magis contra tyrannorum svitiam non privata prsumptione aliquorum1 sed auctoritate publica procedendum4 ,primo quidem1 si ad jus multitudinis alicujus pertineat sibi providere de rege1 non injuste ab eadem rex institutus potest destitui1 vel refrnari ejus potestas1 si potestate regia tyrannice abutatur4 ,nec putanda est talis multitudo infideliter agere tyrannum destituens1 etiamsi eidem in perpetuo se ante subjecerat3 quia hoc ipse meruit in multitudinis regimine se non fideliter gerens1 ut exigit regis officium1 quod ei pactum a subditis non reservetur4 ,sic ,romani ,tarquinium superbum quem in regem susceperant1 propter ejus et filiorum tyrannidem a regno ejecerunt substituta minori1 scilicet consularia potestate4 ,sic etiam ,domitianus1 qui modestissimis ,imperatoribus ,vespasiano patri1 et ,tito fratri ejus successerat1 dum tyrannidem exercet1 a senatu ,romano interemptus est1 omnibus qu perverse ,romanis fecerat per ,senatusconsultum juste et salubriter in irritum revocatis4 ,quo factum est1 ut beatus ,joannes ,evangelista dilectus ,dei discipulus1 qui per ipsum ,domitianum in ,pathmos insulam fuerat exilio relegatus1 ad ,ephesum per ,senatusconsultum remitteretur4 ,si vero ad jus alicujus superioris pertineat multitudini providere de rege1 spectandum est ab eo remedium contra tyranni nequitiam4 ,sic ,archelai1 qui in ,juda pro ,herode patre suo regnare jam cperat1 paternam malitiam imitantis1 ,judis contra eum querimoniam ad ,cesarem ,augustum deferentibus1 primo quidem potestas diminuitur1 ablato sibi regio nomine1 et medietate regni sui inter duos fratres suos divisa3 deinde cum nec sic a tyrannide compesceretur a ,tiberio ,cesare relegatus est in exilium apud ,lugdunum ,galli civitatem4 ,quod si omnino contra tyrannum auxilium humanum haberi non potest1 recurrendum est ad regem omnium ,deum1 quid est adjutor in opportunitatibus in tribulatione4 ,ejus enim potenti subest1 ut cor tyranni crudele convertat in mansuetudinem1 secundum ,salomonis sententiam4 ,proverb4 xii4 ,cor regis in manu ,dei quocumque voluerit inclinavit illud4 ,ipse enim regis ,assueri crudelitatem1 qui ,judis mortem parabat1 in mansuetudinem vertit4 ,ipse est qui ita ,nabuchodonosor1 crudelem regem convertit1 quod factus est divin potenti prdicator4 ,nunc igitur1 inquit1 ego ,nabuchodonosor laudo1 et magnifico1 et glorifico regem cli1 quia opera ejus vera et vi ejus judicia1 et gradientes in superbia potest humiliare4 ,dan4 iv4 ,tyrannos vero quos reputat conversione indignos1 potest auferre de medio vel ad infimum statum reducere1 secundum illud ,sapientes ,eccles4 x4 ,sedem ducum superborum destruxit ,deus1 et sedere fecit mites pro eis4 ,ipse enim qui videns afflictionem populi sui in gypto1 et audiens eorum clamorem ,pharaonem tyrannum dejecit cum exercitu suo in mare2 ipse est qui memoratum ,nabuchodonosor prius superbientem non solum ejectum de regni solio1 sed etiam de hominum consortio1 in similitudinem besti commutavit4 ,nec enim abreviata manus ejus est1 ut populum suum a tyrannis liberare non possit4 ,promittit enim populo suo per ,isaiam1 requiem se daturum a labore et confusione1 ac servitute dura1 qua ante servierat1 et per ,ezech4 xxxiv4 dicit3 ,liberabo meum gregem de ore eorum pastorum1 qui pascunt seipsos4 ,sed ut1 hoc beneficium populus a ,deo consequi mereatur1 debet a peccatis cessare1 quia in ultionem peccati divina permissione impii accipiunt principatum1 dicente ,domino per ,osee xiii43 ,dabo tibi regem in furore meo1 et in ,job4 xxxiv4 dicitur1 quod regnare facit hominem hypocritam propter peccata populi4 ,tollenda est igitur culpa1 ut cesset a tyrannorum plaga4 ,,suarez4 7,disp4 #ac4 ,de ,bello4 sect4 #h4--,utrum seditio sit intrinsece mala87 ,seditio dicitur bellum commune intra eamdem ,rempublicam1 quod geri potest1 vel inter duas partes ejus1 vel inter ,principem et ,rempublicam4 ,dico primo3 ,seditio inter duas partes ,reipublic semper est mala ex parte aggressoris3 ex parte vero defendentis se justa est4 ,hoc secundum per se est notum4 ,primum ostenditur3 quia nulla cernitur ibi legitima auctoritas ad indicendum bellum2 hc enim residet in supremo ,principe1 ut vidimus sect4 #b4 ,dices1 interdum poterit ,princeps eam auctoritatem concedere1 si magna necessitas publica urgeat4 ,at tunc jam non censetur aggredi pars ,reipublic1 sed ,princeps ipse2 sicque nulla erit seditio de qua loquimur4 ,sed1 quid si illa ,reipublic pars sit vere offensa ab alia neque possit per ,principem jus suum obtinere8 ,respondeo1 non posse plus efficere1 quam possit persona privata1 ut ex superioribus constare facile potest4 ,dico secundo3 ,bellum ,reipublic contra ,principem1 etiamsi aggressivum1 non est intrinsece malum2 habere tamen debet conditiones justi alias belli1 ut honestetur4 ,conclusio solum habet locum1 quando ,princeps est tyrannus2 quod duobus modis contingit1 ut ,cajet4 not4 #b4 #b4 q4 #fd articulo primo ad tertium3 primo si tyrannus sit quoad dominium1 et potestatem3 secundo solum quoad regimen4 ,quando priori modo accidit tyrannus1 tota ,respublica1 et quodlibet ejus membrum jus habet contra illum2 unde quilibet potest se ac ,rempublicam a tyrannide vindicare4 ,ratio est2 quia tyrannus ille aggressor est1 et inique bellum movet contra ,rempublicam1 et singula membra2 unde omnibus competit jus defensionis4 ,ita ,cajetanus eo loco1 sumique potest ex ,d4 ,thom4 in secundo1 distinctione #dd1 qustione secunda1 articulo secundo4 ,de posteriori tyranno idem docuit ,joann4 ,hus1 imo de omni iniquo superiore2 quod damnatum est in ,concilio ,constant4 ,sessione #h et #ae4 ,unde certa veritas est1 contra hujusmodi tyrannum nullam privatam personam1 aut potestatem imperfectam posse juste movere bellum aggressivum1 atque illud esset propie seditio4 ,probatur1 quoniam ille1 ut supponitur1 verus est ,dominus3 inferiores autem jus non habent indicendi bellum1 sed defendendi se tantum2 quod non habet locum in hoc tyranno3 namque ille non semper singulis facit injuriam1 atque si invaderent1 id solum possent efficere1 quod ad suam defensionem sufficeret4 ,at vero tota ,respublica posset bello insurgere contra ejusmodi tyrannum1 neque tunc excitaretur propia seditio 7hoc siquidem nomen in malam partem sumi consuevit74 ,ratio est3 quia tunc tota ,respublica superior est ,rege3 nam1 cum ipsa dederit illi potestatem1 ea conditione dedisse censetur1 ut politice1 non tyrannice regeret1 alias ab ipsa posset deponi4 ,est tamen observandum1 ut ille vere1 et manifeste tyrannice agat2 concurrantque ali conditiones ad honestatem belli positas4 ,lege ,divum ,thomum #a de regimine ,principum1 cap4 #f4 ,dico tertio3 ,bellum ,reipublic contra ,regem neutro modo tyrannum1 est propiissime seditio1 et intrinsece malum4 ,est certa1 et inde constat3 quia deest tunc et causa justa1 et potestas4 ,ex quo etiam e contrario constat1 bellum ,principis contra ,rempublicam sibi subditam1 ex parte potestatis posse esse justum1 si adsint ali conditiones2 si vero desint1 injustum omnino esse4,e ,e ,an extract from ,bellarmine de ,romano ,pont4 is here omitted4 99 99 99 99 99 ,listen to the language of ,p4 ,marquez in ,spain1 in the so-called despotic times3 it is well known that his work intituled ,el ,gobernador ,cristiano was not one of those obscure books which are never widely circulated2 it met with such success that it went through several editions1 as well in ,spain as in foreign countries4 ,i will give the title at length1 and ,i will add1 at the same time1 a note of the editions published at different epochs1 in different countries1 in different languages1--a note which is to be found in the edition of ,madrid in #aggc4 ,the ,christian ,magistrate 7,el ,gobernador ,cristiano71 according to the ,life of ,moses1 the ,ruler of the ,people of ,god1 by the ,r4 ,p4 ,m4 ,j4 ,r4 ,john ,marquez1 ,o4 ,s4 ,a41 preacher to his ,majesty ,king ,philip ,,iii41 ,examiner of the ,holy ,office of the ,inquisition1 and ,evening ,professor of ,theology at the ,university of ,salamanca4 ,new and sixth edition1 with permission4 ,madrid1 #aggc4 ,the ,christian ,magistrate1 composed at the request and in honor of ,his ,excellency the ,duke of ,feria1 first published at ,salamanca1 in the year #afab2 a second edition in the same town in #afai2 a third edition at ,alcala in #afcd1 and a fourth at ,madrid in #afdj2 the fifth edition was published out of ,spain1 at ,brussels1 in #affd4 ,this is the masterpiece among works of this nature which have been written among us4 ,father ,martin of ,st4 ,bernard1 of the ,order of ,cteaux1 translated this work into ,italian1 and had it printed at ,naples1 in #afdf4 ,it was also translated into ,french by ,m4 de ,virion1 counsellor to the ,duke of ,lorraine1 and it was printed at ,nancy in #afba4 ,,book ,i4 ,,chap4 #h4 ,we have now to answer the contrary objections4 ,we maintain that neither the divine nor the natural law has given to states the power of arresting the progress of tyranny by means so violent as that of shedding the blood of princes1 they being the vicars of ,god1 divinely invested with the right of life and death over other men4 ,but so far as resisting their cruelty is concerned1 it is incontestable that it may and ought to be done4 ,they are not to be obeyed in any thing opposed to the law of ,god2 we must1 therefore1 escape from their wicked commands1 and prevent their blows1 as ,jonathan did with regard to ,saul1 his father1 when he saw him take his spear to smite ,david1 and when1 rising from the table1 he went in search of the latter1 and warned him of his danger4 ,it is also sometimes allowable to resist princes by force of arms1 in order to prevent them from executing notoriously rash and cruel determinations2 for1 according to the words of ,st4 ,thomas1 this is not to excite sedition1 but to stop and prevent it4 ,tertullian affirms the same thing when he says3 ',illis nomen factionis accommodandum est1 qui in odium bonorum et proborum conspirant1 cum boni1 cum pii congregantur1 non est factio dicenda1 sed curia4' ,this is the reason why the blessed ,st4 ,hermenegildus1 a glorious ,spanish martyr1 took up arms and entered the field against ,king ,leovigildus1 an ,arian1 to resist the great persecution directed by this prince against the ,catholics4 ,this fact is related by the contemporary historians4 ,true1 ,st4 ,gregory of ,tours condemns this act of our king-martyr1 not for having resisted his sovereign1 but because the former was both his king and his father3 and he maintains that although he was a heretic1 his son ought not to have resisted him4 ,this reply1 however1 is not well founded1 as ,baronius observes4 ,moreover1 the authority of this ,gregory was combated by another ,gregory1 greater than he1 ,st4 ,gregory the ,great1 who1 in the preface to his book of ,morales1 approves of the embassy of ,leander1 sent to ,constantinople by ,st4 ,hermenegildus1 to solicit the aid of ,tiberius against ,leovigildus1 his father4 ,it is indubitable that however strong may be the obligation of filial piety1 that of religion is still stronger4 ,the latter obliges us to sacrifice every thing if it be necessary2 and it is on account of cases of this nature1 that it is written of the tribe of ,levi3 ',qui dixerunt patri suo et matri su1 nescio vos1 et fratribus suis ignoro vos1 nescierunt filios suos4' ,such was the conduct of the ,levites when they took up arms1 by the command of ,moses1 to punish their relations for the sin of idolatry4 ,if the prince should go so far as personally to make an attempt upon the life of the subject who has no other means of defending himself than killing him1--as when ,nero1 parading the streets of ,rome1 followed by a troop of armed men1 attacked the quiet and unsuspecting citizens2 ,i say1 that in such a case it would be allowable to kill him2 for if it is true1 as ,fr4 ,dominic de ,soto observes1 that the subject in this extremity is to suffer himself to be killed1 and so prefer the monarch's life to his own1 it is solely in the case when the death of the monarch would give rise to great troubles and civil wars in the state2 in any other case it would be monstrously inhuman to force men to a thing so insupportable4 ,but when the subject's property is merely to be defended against the cupidity of the monarch1 it should not be allowable to lay hands on him2 for it is a privilege granted to princes by divine and human laws1 that their blood shall not be spilt for any outrage which1 committed by any other violator of private property1 would be a sufficient motive for taking away his life4 ,the reason of this is1 that the life of the king is the soul and bond of the state2 that it is of more importance than the property of individuals2 that it is better to tolerate grievances of this nature1 than to destroy the head of the state4 ,,note #cd1 p4 #cdh4 ,in order to give an idea of the means employed at this epoch to limit the power of the monarch1 by forming associations1 whether among the people themselves1 or between the people1 the grandees1 and the clergy1 ,i insert here the letter1 or ,charter of ,fraternity 7,hermandad71 which the kingdoms of ,leon and ,galicia made with ,castile4 ,i have extracted this piece literally from the collection intituled ,bullarium ordinis militi sancti ,jacobi ,gloriosissimi ,hispaniarum patroni1 p4 #bbc4 ,it will prove to us the existence already1 at a remote epoch of our history1 of a lively instinct for liberty1 although ideas were still limited to a secondary order4 #a4 ,in the name of ,god and of the blessed ,virgin4 ,amen4 ,be it known to all those who shall read this letter1 that on account of the innumerable acts of injustice1 injuries1 deeds of violence1 murders1 imprisonments1 insolent refusals of audience1 opprobriums1 and other outrages without measure1 committed against us by the king ,d4 ,alphonso1 to the contempt of ,god1 of justice1 of right1 and to the great detriment of all these kingdoms2 we1 the infantes1 the prelates1 the rich men1 the councils1 the orders1 the knights of the kingdoms of ,leon and ,galicia1 seeing ourselves overwhelmed with injustice and ill-treatment1 as we have stated above1 and finding it insupportable2 our lord the infante ,don ,sancho has thought good and appointed that we should be of one mind and of one heart1 he with us and we with him1 to maintain our laws1 our privileges1 and our charters1 in our usages1 our manners1 our liberties1 and franchises1 which we enjoyed under king ,don ,alphonso1 his great-grandfather1 the conqueror at the battle of ,merida1 and under king ,don ,ferdinand1 his grandfather2 under the emperor and all the other kings of ,spain1 their predecessors2 and under the king ,don ,alphonso1 his father1--all princes who have best merited our gratitude2 and our said lord the infante ,don ,sancho has bound us to this effect by oath and promise1 as it is certain by letters between him and us4 ,considering that it is agreeable to the service of ,god1 of the blessed ,virgin1 of the court of ,heaven1 to the defence and honor of the holy ,church1 of the infante ,don ,sancho1 and of the kings who shall succeed him1 in fine1 to the advantage of the whole country1 we ordain and establish fraternity 7hermandad71 now and for ever1 we the whole of the kingdoms above named1 with the councils of the kingdom of ,castile1 with the infantes1 the rich men1 the hidalgos1 the prelates1 the orders1 the knights1 and all others who are in this kingdom1 and who are willing to be with us1 as it has just been said4 #b4 ,be it known to them1 that we will insure to our lord the infante ,don ,sancho1 and to all other kings who shall succeed him1 all their rights1 all their suzerainty1 wholly and entirely1 as we have promised1 and as they are contained in the privilege which he has given us to this effect4 ,justice shall continue to be decreed by the suzerainty4 ,the ,martiniega,f shall be paid in the place and in the manner in which it was customary to pay it1 according to right1 to ,don ,alphonso1 the conqueror at the battle of ,merida4 ,the money,g shall be paid at the end of seven years in the usual place and manner1 the kings not enjoining the coining of money4 ,the repast 7yantar7,h shall be taken in the place in which it was usual for the kings to take it1 according to the fuero1 once a year1 while visiting the very place1 as it was given to the king ,don ,alphonso1 his great-grandfather1 and to the king ,don ,ferdinand1 his grandfather4 ,the fonsadera1,i when the king is with the army1 in the customary place1 according to the fuero and right in the days of the above-named kings1 guaranteeing to each the privileges1 charters1 liberties1 and franchises appertaining to us4 ,f ,tribute that was paid on ,st4 ,martin's day4 ,g ,another tribute4 ,h ,a tribute for the king's repast during his journeys4 ,i ,tribute for maintaining the ditches of the castles in ,castile1 and the armies4 #c4 ,be it known to them moreover1 that we will maintain all our rights1 usages1 customs1 privileges1 charters1 all our liberties and franchises1 always and in such a manner1 that should the king1 the infante ,don ,sancho1 or the kings who shall succeed them1 or any of the lords1 alcades1 merinos1 or any other persons1 attempt to infringe upon them1 in whole or in part1 in any way or at any time1 we will unite into one entire whole1 and inform the king1 the infante ,don ,sancho1 or those who shall succeed them1 of the nature of our complaint1 and ask them if they are willing to reform2 and if not1 we will unite into one entire body to defend and protect ourselves1 as it is ordained in the charter granted us by the infante ,don ,sancho4 #d4 ,moreover1 be it known to them that no member of this hermandad shall be chastised1 and nothing shall be taken from him contrary to right and the custom of the place1 in the councils of the said hermandad2 and it shall not be allowable to take from him more than is demanded by the fuero1 in the place in which he shall be4 #e4 ,we protest1 that if an alcade1 a merino1 or any other person1 on the authority of a letter of the king1 of the infante ,don ,sancho1 by his command1 or that of the kings who shall succeed him1 shall kill a man of our hermandad without hearing him and judging him according to law1 that we1 the hermandad1 will take away his life for such an act4 ,and if we cannot arrest him1 he shall be declared an enemy to the hermandad2 every member of the hermandad who shall have concealed him shall fall under the penalty of perjury and felony1 and shall be treated in his turn as an enemy to this hermandad4 #f4 ,we declare1 moreover1 that the port-duties shall be paid by us only in conformity to the rights and usages of the times of ,don ,alphonso1 or the king ,don ,ferdinand1 and the councils of the hermandad will not permit any person to receive them beyond this measure4 #g4 ,moreover1 no infante or rich man shall be a merino or grand bailiff in the kingdoms of ,leon and ,galicia4 ,neither can these functions be exercised by an infanon1 or a knight having notoriously a great number of knights or other men of the country in vassalage2 neither can they be exercised by a stranger to the country4 ,and we so will it1 because such was the custom in the days of the king ,don ,alphonso and of the king ,don ,ferdinand4 #h4 ,all those who may wish to appeal from the judgment of the king1 or of ,don ,sancho1 or of other kings who shall succeed him1 may do so2 they shall have recourse to the book of the ,fuero ,juzgo1 in the kingdom of ,leon1 as was usual in the days of the kings who preceded this4 ,that if the right of appeal be refused to any who may wish to invoke it1 we1 on our part1 will act according to the injunctions contained in the charters granted us by ,don ,sancho4 #i4 ,that we may guarantee and execute all the acts of this hermandad1 we make a seal of two plates1 bearing the following impressions3 upon one of the plates1 the figure of a lion2 and upon the other1 the figure of ,st4 ,james on horseback1 with a sword in his right hand2 in his left1 a standard with a cross at the top1 and shells4 ,the inscription shall be thus expressed3 ',the ,seal of the ,hermandad of the ,kingdoms of ,leon and ,galicia4' ,this seal shall be affixed to the documents which shall be required by this hermandad4 #aj4 ,we the whole hermandad of ,castile1 make a promise and render homage to all the hermandad of the kingdoms of ,leon and ,galicia1 that we will assist each other well and loyally to keep and maintain every one of the above-named things4 ,that if we fail to do so1 we are traitors for this alone1 like him who slays his lord or surrenders a castle2 and may we never in that case have either hands1 or tongues1 or arms to protect ourselves4 #aa4 ,but lest there should be any doubt about the pact we are now making1 in order that this pact may be for ever inviolate1 we seal this letter with the two seals of the hermandad of ,castile1 ,leon1 and ,galicia1 and place it in the hands of ,d4 ,pedro ,nunez1 and the ,order of the ,knights of ,st4 ,john1 who are united with us in this hermandad4 ,given at ,valladolid1 the #hth day of ,july1 in the year one thousand three hundred and twenty4 ,spain had passed through many centuries without knowing of any other religion than the ,catholic4 ,she still preserved in all its force and vigor1 the idea that the king should be the first to observe the laws2 that he could not rule the people according to his caprice2 that he ought to govern by principles of justice and views of public expediency4 ,saavedra1 in his ,devises1 thus expressed himself3-- #ast4 ,laws are vain when the prince who promulgates them does not confirm and uphold them by his own life and example4 ,a law will appear lenient to the people when observed by its author4 ,in commune jubes si quid1 censesve tenendum1 ,primus jussa sibi1 tunc observantior qui ,fit populus1 nec ferre vetat1 cum videri ipsum ,auctorem parere sibi4 ,the laws promulgated by ,servius ,tullius were not only intended for the people1 but also for kings4 ,the disputes between the monarch and his subjects were to be settled in conformity with these laws1 as ,tacitus relates of ,tiberius3 ',although we are not subject to the laws1' said the emperors ,severus and ,antonius1 'let us conform our lives to these laws4' ,the monarch is bound by the law not merely from the fact of its being a law1 but from the very reason upon which it is founded1 when it is natural and common to all1 and not particular and exclusively destined to the right government of subjects2 for in this case the observance of the law merely concerns the subject1 although the monarch1 if it should so happen1 is bound to obey it1 in order to render it tolerable to others4 ,such appears to have been the meaning of the mysterious command given by ,god to ,ezechiel1 to eat the volume1 that others seeing him the first to taste the laws and declare them good1 might be induced to imitate him4 ,the kings of ,spain are so far subject to the laws1 that the ,treasury1 in causes relating to the royal patrimony1 is absolutely subject to the same laws as the least of his subjects2 and in doubtful cases1 the ,treasury is condemned4 ,philip ,,ii4 thus ordained it2 and on an occasion in which his grandson ,philip ,,iv41 the glorious father of ,v4 ,a41 was personally brought to judgment in an important trial of the ,chamber1 before the royal council1 the judges had the noble determination to condemn him1 and his majesty had the rectitude to hear the sentence without expressing any indignation4 ,happy empire1 in which the cause of the monarch is always the least favored6 ,,note #ce1 p4 #cef4 ,sufficient attention has not perhaps been paid to the merit of the industrial organization introduced into ,europe from the earliest ages1 and which became more and more diffused after the twelfth century4 ,i allude to the trades-unions1 and other associations1 which1 established under the influence of the ,catholic religion1 commonly placed themselves under the patronage of some ,saint1 and had pious foundations for the celebration of their feasts1 and for assisting each other in their necessities4 ,our celebrated ,capmany1 in his ,historical memoirs on the ,marine1 ,commerce1 and the ,arts of the ancient ,city of ,barcelona1 has published a collection of documents1 very valuable for the history of the working classes and of the development of their influence on politics4 ,few works have appeared in foreign countries1 in the latter part of the last century1 of such great merit as that of our fellow-countryman1 published in #aggi4 ,one very interesting chapter of this work is devoted to the institution of trades-corporations4 ,i give here a copy of the chapter1 which ,i particularly recommend to the perusal of those persons who imagine that nothing had been thought of in ,europe for the benefit of the laboring classes1 of those who are so foolish as to look upon that as a means of slavery and exclusivism1 which was in reality a means of encouragement and of mutual support4 ,it also appears to me that1 by reading the philosophical remarks of ,capmany1 every sensible man will be convinced that ,europe1 from the earliest ages1 has possessed systems adapted to the encouragement of industry1 to the preservation of it from the fatal agitations of those times1 to secure esteem for it1 and to the legitimate and salutary development of the popular element4 ,it will be no less useful to present this sketch to certain foreign writers1 continually occupied with social and political economy1 and who1 nevertheless1 in compiling the history of that science1 have not even been acquainted with a work so important for every thing connected with the middle ages of ,europe1 from the eleventh to the eighteenth century4 ,of the institution of the ,trades-,corporations and other ,associations of ,artisans at ,barcelona4 ,no memoir has hitherto been discovered which might serve to enlighten and guide us in fixing the exact epoch of the institution of the trades-associations at ,barcelona4,j ,but according to all the conjectures furnished by ancient monuments1 it is very probable that the political erection or formation of the bodies of laborers took place in the time of ,don ,jaime ,i41 under whose glorious reign the arts were developed under a favorable influence2 whilst commerce and navigation took a higher flight1 owing to the expeditions of the ,aragonese arms beyond the seas4 ,increased facilities in the means of transport have given an impetus to industry2 and an increasing population1 the natural result of labor1 by its reaction upon labor1 augmented the demand for it4 ,at ,barcelona1 as every where else1 trades-corporations naturally arose when the wants and the tastes of society had1 of necessity1 grown so multifarious1 that artisans were forced1 with a view to secure protection to their industry1 to form themselves into communities4 ,luxury1 and the tastes of society1 like every other object of commerce1 are subject to continual change2 hence1 new branches of trade are continually springing up and displacing others2 so that at one period each separate art runs into various branches1 whilst at another1 several arts are combined into one4 ,at ,barcelona1 corporate industry has passed through all these vicissitudes in the course of five centuries4 ,the hardware trade has comprised at different periods eleven or twelve branches1 and consequently afforded subsistence to as many classes of families1 whilst at the present time these same branches are reduced to eight1 in consequence of certain changes in fashions and customs4 ,j ,it is extremely difficult to ascertain the origin of the trades-corporations1 even in those towns which have been the longest and the best disciplined4--,sandi1 in his ,civil ,history of ,venice 7t4 ii4 part #a1 lib4 iv4 p4 #gfg71 after having reckoned sixty-one trades-corporations existing in that capital at the beginning of his century1 declares that it is impossible to assign to each of these corporations the date of its origin1 or that of its first statutes4 ,this historian nevertheless consulted all the archives of the republic2 he contents himself with observing1 that none of the corporations are anterior to the fourteenth century4 7,the notes which accompany this chapter are those of ,capmany himself47 ,in accordance with the social system which generally prevailed at that time in most ,european countries1 it was found necessary to bestow liberty and privileges upon an industrious and mercantile people1 who thus became a great source of strength and support to kings2 and this could not be effected without classifying the citizens4 ,but these lines of demarcation could not be maintained distinct and inviolate without a political division of the various corporations in which both men and their occupations were classified4 ,this division was the more necessary in a city like ,barcelona1 which1 ever since the middle of the thirteenth century1 had assumed a sort of democratic independence in its mode of government4 ,thus1 in ,italy1 the first country in the ,west that re-established the name and the influence of the people1 after these had been effaced in the iron ages by ,gothic rule1 the industrial classes had already been formed into corporations1 which gave stability to the arts and trades1 and conferred great honors upon them in those free cities1 where1 amidst the flux and reflux of invasions1 the artisan became a senator1 and the senator an artisan4 ,wars and factions1 endemic evils in that delightful country at the time of which we are speaking1 could not1 in spite of all their ravages1 effect the destruction of the associated trades1 whose political existence1 when once their members were admitted to a share in the government1 formed the very basis of the constitution of both nations1 inasmuch as both were industrial and mercantile4 ,at ,barcelona the trades were well regulated1 prosperous1 and flourishing1 under that municipal system1 and that consular jurisprudence1 of which commerce1 and its invariable concomitant1 industry1 have always stood in need4 ,it was thus that this capital became one of the most celebrated centres of the manufacturing industry of the middle ages--a reputation which it has maintained and increased up to the present time4 ,in like manner1 it was under the name and rule of corporations and brotherhoods that trades were established in ,flanders1 in ,france1 and in ,england1 countries in which the arts have been carried to their highest degree of perfection and renown4 ,the trades-corporations of ,barcelona1 even when viewed merely as a necessary institution for the due regulation of the primitive form of municipal government1 should be regarded as most important1 whether for the preservation of the arts1 or as forming the basis of the influence of the artisans themselves4 ,it is at once evident1 from the experience of five centuries1 that trades-unions have effected unspeakable good in ,barcelona1 were it only by preserving1 as an imperishable deposit1 the love1 the tradition1 and the memory of the arts4 ,they have formed so many rallying points1 so many banners1 as it were1 under which more than once the shattered forces of industry have found refuge2 and have thus been enabled to recover their energy and activity1 and to perpetuate their existence to our own days1 in spite of pestilence1 wars1 factions1 and a multitude of other calamities1 which exhaust men's energies1 overthrow their habitations1 and change their manners4 ,if ,barcelona1 so often visited by these physical and political plagues1 had possessed no community1 no bond1 no common interest among its artisans1 it would certainly have witnessed the destruction of their skill1 their economy1 and their activity1 as is the case with beavers1 when their communities have been broken up and dispersed by the hunters4,k ,k ,we here recognise many ideas taken from a work which saw the light in #aggd1 from the press of ,sancha1 under the title of ,discours conomique-politique pour la defense du travail mcanique des ouvriers1 par ,d4 ,ramon ,miguel ,palacio4 ,the author of these memoirs1 fearing to be accused of a gross plagiarism1 observes that1 being obliged here to treat of this same matter1 he was forced to adopt many of the ideas contained in this work1 which at that time he thought it proper to publish without affixing his real name4 ,by a happy effect of the security enjoyed by families in their different trades1 and thanks to the aid1 or mont-de-pit1 established in the very bosom of the corporation for its necessitous members1 who1 without this assistance1 might have been plunged into misery1 these economical establishments at ,barcelona have directly contributed to maintain the prosperity of the arts1 by shutting out misery from the workshop1 and preserving the operatives from indigence4 ,without this corporate police1 by which each trade is surrounded1 the property and the fortune of the artisan would have been exposed to the greatest risks2 moreover1 the credit and stability of the trades themselves would have been perilled2 for then the quack1 the unskilled operative1 and the obscure adventurer1 might have imposed upon the public with impunity1 and a pernicious latitude might have taken the place of liberty4 ,on the other hand1 the trades-corporations being powerful associations1 each one by itself being governed by a unanimity of intelligence and a community of interests1 could purchase their stocks of raw materials seasonably and advantageously4 ,they supplied the wants of the masters2 they made advances1 or stood security1 for those of their members who lacked either time or funds for making great preliminary disbursements of capital at their own cost4 ,besides1 these corporations1 comprehending and representing the industry of the nation1 and consequently feeling an interest in its maintenance1 addressed from time to time memorials to the ,municipal ,council1 or to the ,cortes1 relative to the injuries they were sustaining1 or the approach of which they1 as it often happened1 foresaw from the introduction of counterfeit goods1 or of foreign productions1 which is a cause of ruin to our industry4 ,in fine1 without the institution of trades-corporations1 instruction would have been void of order and fixed rules2 for where there are no masters duly authorized and permanently established1 neither will there be any disciples2 and all regulations1 in default of an executive power to see them observed1 will be disregarded and trodden under foot4 ,trades-corporations are so necessary to the preservation of the arts1 that the various trades known at the present day in this capital have derived their appellations and their origin from the economical divisions1 and from the arts established by these corporations4 ,when the blacksmith in his shop made ploughshares1 nails1 keys1 knives1 swords1 c41 the names of the trades of the blacksmith1 the nailer1 the cutler1 the armorer1 c4 were unknown2 and as there was no special and particular instruction in each of these branches of labor1 the separation of which afterwards formed so many new arts maintained by their respective communities1 these trades were unknown4 ,the second political advantage resulting from the institution of trades-corporations at ,barcelona was1 the esteem and consideration in which at all times these establishments caused both the artisans and the arts to be held4 ,this wise institution won respect for the operative classes1 by constituting them a visible and permanent order in the state4 ,hence it is that the conduct and the mode of life of the ,barcelonians have ever been such as are to be found only amongst an honorable people4 ,never having been confounded with any exempted and privileged body 7for the trades-corporations draw a circle around their members1 and let them know what they are1 and what they are worth71 these people learned that there was honor and virtue within their own sphere1 and labored to preserve these qualities2 so certain is it that social distinctions in a nation have more influence than is sometimes believed in upholding the spirit of each social class4 ,another view of this question shows us that trades-corporations form communities1 governed by an economic code1 which assigns to each corporation certain employments and certain honors1 to which every individual member may aspire4 ,even men's prejudices1 when wisely directed1 sometimes produce admirable effects4 ,thus the government1 the administration of these bodies1 in which the artisan always enjoyed the prerogative of managing the resources and the interests of his trade and of his fellow-members1 with the title of ,counsellor1 or ,elder 7,prohombre71 won for the mechanical arts of ,barcelona public and general esteem2 whilst the pre-eminence in a festival or an assembly serves with these men to soften the rigors of manual labor1 and the disadvantages of their inferior condition4 ,at the same time that the trades of ,barcelona1 formed into well-organized bodies1 fixed and preserved the arts in that capital1 they had the further credit1 by acting as political bodies of the most numerous class of the people1 of gaining a high esteem for their members4 ,the obscure artisan1 without matriculation1 or a common bond1 continues isolated and wandering2 he dies1 and with him perishes his art2 or at the first reverse of fortune1 he emigrates and abandons his craft4 ,what consideration can wretched wandering followers of any trade obtain in a country8 ,just such as knife-grinders and tinkers possess in the provinces of ,spain4 ,at ,barcelona1 all the trades have constantly enjoyed the same general esteem1 because all have been established and governed upon a system which has rendered them fixed1 respectable1 and prosperous4 ,the esteem in which the trades of ,barcelona were held from the time when the municipal government had formed them into national corporations1 the agents of public economy1 gave rise to the laudable and useful custom of perpetuating trades in the same families4 ,in fact the people having learned that1 without quitting the class to which they belonged1 they could preserve the respect and consideration due to useful and honorable citizens1 no longer desired to quit it1 and were no longer ashamed of their condition4 ,when trades are held in honor1 which is the consequence of the stability and civil properties of corporations1 they naturally become hereditary4 ,now1 the advantages both to the artisan and the arts1 resulting from this transmission of trades1 are so real and so well known1 that it is needless to specify them here1 or to dwell upon their salutary effects4 ,this demarcation and classification of trades caused many of the arts to become sure possessions for those who adopted them4 ,hence fathers aimed at transmitting their trade to their sons2 and thus was formed an indestructible mass of national industry1 which made labor honorable1 by implanting steady and homogeneous manners1 if we may so speak1 in the bosom of the class of artisans4 ,another circumstance contributed still more to render the exercise of the mechanical arts honorable at ,barcelona1 not only more than in most other parts of ,spain1 but more than in any other state1 ancient or modern4 ,this was the admission of the trades-corporations upon the register of municipal offices in this city1 which enjoyed so many royal grants and extraordinary privileges of independence4 ,thus the nobility--that ,gothic nobility--with their great domains1 sought to be incorporated with the operatives in the ,ayuntamiento1 there to fill the offices and supreme stations in the political government1 which1 during more than five hundred years1 continued in ,barcelona under a form and in a spirit truly democratic4,l ,all mechanical offices1 without any odious distinction or exclusion1 were held worthy to be declared qualified for the consistorial council of magistrates2 all had a voice and a vote among the conscript fathers who represented this city1 the most highly privileged perhaps that ever existed2 one of the most renowned for its laws1 its power1 and its influence2 one of the most respected in the middle ages amongst all the states and monarchies of ,europe1 ,asia1 and ,africa4,m ,l ,consult the ,appendix of ,notes1 ,nos4 #bh and #cj4 ,you will there see what respect and power the town of ,barcelona enjoyed at another period1 by means of the municipal magistrates1 who represented it under the ordinary name of councillors4 ,m ,in the diplomatic collection of these memoirs1 we find a multitude of letters and other documents proving the direct and mutual relations which existed between the city of ,barcelona and the emperors of the ,east1 of ,germany1 the sultans of ,egypt1 the kings of ,tunis1 of ,morocco1 and various monarchs and states1 or other great powers of ,europe4 ,this political system1 and this municipal form of government1 resembled that which prevailed in the middle ages amongst all the principal towns of ,italy1 whence ,catalonia borrowed many of its customs and usages4 ,genoa1 ,pisa1 ,milan1 ,pavia1 ,florence1 ,sienna1 and other towns1 had a municipal government composed of the leading men in commerce1 and the arts1 under the name of consuls1 counsellors1 c4 ,priores ,artium--such was the name of a popular form of elective government1 distributed among the different classes of citizens1 without excluding the artisans1 who1 in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries1 were in their most flourishing condition1 forming the most respectable part of the population1 and consequently the richest1 the most powerful1 and the most independent4 ,this democratic liberty1 besides giving stability and permanency to industry in the towns of ,italy1 conferred a singular degree of honor on the mechanical professions4 ,the grand council of these towns was summoned by the tolling of the bell1 when the artisans arranged themselves under the banners or gonfalons of their respective trades4 ,such was also the political constitution of ,barcelona from the middle of the thirteenth to the commencement of the present century4 ,with these facts before us1 need we feel surprise that1 in our own days1 arts and artisans in ,barcelona still retain undiminished esteem and consideration2 that a love for mechanical professions has become hereditary2 that the dignity and self-respect of the artisan class have become traditional1 even to the last generations1 in which the customs of their ancestors have been transmitted by the succession of example1 even after the extinction of the political reasons in which these customs had their origin8 ,several trades-corporations still preserve in the halls of their juntas the portraits of those of their members who formerly obtained the first employments in the state4 ,must not this laudable practice have engraven on the memory of the members of the corporation all the ideas of honor and dignity consistent with the condition of an artisan8 ,assuredly the popular form of the ancient government of ,barcelona could not fail to imprint itself generally and forcibly on the manners of the people2 indeed1 where all the citizens were equal in the participation of honors1 it is easy to see that no one would willingly remain inferior to another in virtue or in merit1 although inferior1 in other respects1 by his condition and fortune4 ,this noble emulation1 which must naturally have been awakened to activity in the concourse of all orders in the state1 gave birth to the dignity1 the lofty and inviolate probity of the artisans of ,barcelona2 and this character they have maintained to our own times1 to the admiration of ,spain and of foreign nations4 ,such has been the negligence of our national authors1 that this narrative will have the appearance of a discovery3 up to the present time ,barcelona and the ,principality had not attracted the scrutinizing notice of the political historian1 so that a dark shadow still concealed the real principles 7always unknown to the crowd7 from which in all times1 have sprung the virtues and the vices of nations4 ,to these causes may be attributed1 in great part1 the esteem which the artisans have acquired4 ,nothing could be more salutary than this obligation they were always under of comporting themselves with dignity and distinction in public employments1 whether in the corporation or the municipal government4 ,moreover the constant example of the master of the house1 who1 up to the present time1 has always lived in common with his apprentices in a praiseworthy manner1 has confirmed the children in ideas of order and dignity2 for the manners and habits of a people1 which are as powerful as law1 must be inculcated from the tenderest age4 ,thus1 in ,barcelona1 the operative has never been confounded by the slovenliness of his dress with the mendicant1 whose idle and dissipated habits1 says an illustrious writer1 are easily contracted when the dress of the man of respectability is in no way distinguished from that of the rabble4 ,nor are the laboring population ever seen wearing those cumbersome garments which1 serving as a cover for rags and a cloak for idleness1 cramp the movements and activity of the body1 and invite to a life of indolent ease4 ,the people have not contracted a habit of frequenting taverns1 where example leads to drunkenness and moral disorders4 ,their amusements1 so necessary for working people to render their daily toils supportable1 have always been innocent recreations1 which either afforded them repose from their fatigues or varied them4 ,the games formerly permitted were either the ring 7la bague71 nine pins1 bowls1 ball1 shooting at a mark1 fencing1 and public dancing1 authorized and watched over by the authorities2 an amusement which from time immemorial has been general amongst the ,catalans1 in certain seasons and on certain festivals of the year4 ,the respect for the artisan of ,barcelona has never been diminished on account of the material on which his art was exercised1 whether it was silver1 steel1 iron1 copper1 wood1 or wool4 ,we have seen that all the trades were equally eligible to the municipal offices of the state2 none were excluded--not even butchers4 ,ancient ,barcelona did not commit the political error of establishing preferences that might have produced some odious distinctions of trades4 ,the inhabitants considered that all the citizens were in themselves worthy of esteem1 since all contributed to the growth and maintenance of the property of a capital whose opulence and power were founded upon the industry of the artisan and the merchant4 ,in fact1 ,barcelona has ever been free from that idea1 so generally entertained1 that every mechanical profession is low and vulgar--a mischievous and very common prejudice1 which1 in the provinces of ,spain1 has made an irreparable breach in the progress of the arts4 ,at ,barcelona1 admission into certain trades-corporations has never been refused to the members of other trades3 in this city all the trades are held in the same estimation4 ,in a word1 neither ,barcelona nor any other town in ,catalonia has ever entertained those vulgar prejudices that are enough to prevent honorable men from devoting themselves to the arts1 or to cause the son to forsake the art practised by the father4,n ,n ,see the remarks of his ,excellency ,m4 ,campomanes on these abuses and false principles of policy1 in his ,discourse on the ,popular ,education of ,artisans1 from page #aai to #afj4 ,,note #cf1 p4 #cfa4 ,i have spoken of the numerous ,councils held by the ,church at different epochs2 why1 it will be asked1 does she not hold them more frequently now8 ,i will answer this question by quoting a judicious passage from ,count de ,maistre1 in his work ,on the ,pope1 book i4 chap4 #b3-- ,in the first ages of ,christianity1 says he1 it was more easy to assemble ,councils1 because the ,church was not so numerous as now1 and because the emperors possessed powers that enabled a sufficient number of ,bishops to assemble1 so that their decisions needed only the assent of other ,bishops4 ,yet these ,councils were not assembled without much difficulty and embarrassment4 ,but in modern times1 since the civilized world has been divided into so many sovereignties1 and immeasurably increased by our intrepid navigators1 an cumenical ,council has become a chimera4,o ,simply to convoke all the ,bishops1 and to bring legally together such a convocation1 five or six years would not suffice4 ,o ,we ordinarily call a chimera1 or an impossibility1 that which offers great difficulties4 ,on this occasion we cannot help observing to sincere persons1 that1 from these great difficulties1 they may judge of the lawfulness and sincerity of the desires manifested by the soi-disant reformers and appellants to ,councils4 ,they do not wish for ,councils2 but1 under the shadow of this word1 they wish to escape the authority of their legitimate superiors4 7,note by the authors of the ,bibliothque de ,religion1 published in ,spain47 ,,note #cg1 p4 #cfi4 ,that my readers may be convinced of the truth and accuracy of what ,i here affirm1 ,i invite them to read the history of the heresies that have afflicted the ,church since the first ages1 but particularly from the tenth century down to our own days4 ,,note #ch1 p4 #cgc4 ,it was not1 ,i have said1 without prejudice to the liberty of the people that the influence of the clergy was withdrawn from the working of the political machine4 ,in order to ascertain how far this is true1 it may be well to remark1 that a great number of theologians were favorable to tolerably liberal doctrines in political matters1 and that it was the clergy who exercised the greatest freedom in speaking to kings1 even after the people had almost entirely lost the right of intervention in political affairs4 ,observe what opinions ,st4 ,thomas held on forms of government4 7,quest4 cv4 #a;a #b47 ,de ratione judicialium prceptorum art4 #a4 ,respondeo dicendum1 quod circa bonam ordinationem principum in aliqua civitate1 vel gente1 duo sunt attendenda1 quorum unum est1 ut omnes aliquam partem habeant in principatu2 per hoc enim conservatur pax populi et omnes talem ordinationem amant et custodiunt ut dicitur 7,,ii4 ,polit41 cap4 i472 aliud est quod attenditur secundum speciem regiminis vel ordinationis principatum1 cujus cum sint divers species1 ut philosophus tradit in ,,iii4 ,polit4 cap4 v41 prcipue tamen unum regimen est1 in quo unus principatur secundum virtutem3 et aristocratia1 id est potestas optimorum1 in qua aliqui pauci principantur secundum virtutem4 ,unde optima ordinatio principum est in aliqua civitate vel regno1 in quo unus prficitur secundum virtutem qui omnibus prsit et sub ipso sunt aliqui principantes secundum virtutem1 et tamen talis principatus ad omnes pertinet1 tum quia ex omnibus eligi possunt1 tum quia etiam ab omnibus eliguntur4 ,talis vero est omnis politia bene commixta ex regno in quantam unus prest1 et aristocratia in quantum multi principantur secundum virtutem1 et ex democratia1 id est potestate populi in quantum ex popularibus possunt eligi principes1 et ad populum pertinet electio principum1 et hoc fuit institutum secundum legem divinam4 ,divus ,thomas4 7#a;a #b ,q4 #ij1 art4 #do47 ,et sic ex quatuor prdictis potest colligi definitio legis qu nihil est aliud quam qudam rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune ab eo qui curam communitatis habet promulgata4 ,q4 #ie1 art4 #d4 ,tertio est de ratione legis human ut instituatur a gubernante communitatem civitatis3 sicut supra dictum est4 7,quest4 #ij1 art4 #c47 ,et secundum hoc distinguuntur leges human secundum diversa regimina civitatum1 quorum unum1 secundum philosophum in ,,iii4 ,polit41 cap4 xi41 est regnum1 quando scilicet civitas gubernatur ab uno1 et secundum hoc accipiuntur constitutiones principum2 aliud vero regimen est aristocratia1 id est principatus optimorum vel optimatum1 et secundum hoc sumuntur responsa prudentum et etiam senatusconsulta4 ,aliud regimen est oligarchia1 id est principatus paucorum divitum et potentum2 et secundum hoc sumitur jus prtorium1 quod etiam honorarium dicitur4 ,aliud autem regimen est populi1 quod nominatur democratia2 et secundum hoc sumuntur plebiscita4 ,aliud autem est tyrannicum1 quod est omnino corruptum unde ex hoc non sumitur aliqua lex4 ,est etiam et aliquod regimen ex istis commixtum1 quod est optimum1 et secundum hoc sumitur lex quam majores natu simul cum plebibus sanxerunt1 ut ,isidorus dicit lib4 #e1 ,etym4 ,o4 cap4 x4 ,if certain declaimers are to be believed1 it would seem that the principle1 that it is the law which governs1 and not the will of man1 is quite a recent discovery4 ,but observe with what solidity and perspicuity the angelic doctor expounds this doctrine4 7#a;a #b ,q4 #ic1 art4 #a47 ,utrum fuerit utile aliquas leges poni ab hominibus4 ,ad #bm dicendum1 quod sicut ,philosophus dicit4 #a4 ,rhetor4 ,melius est omnia ordinari lege1 quam dimittere judicum arbitrio1 et hoc propter tria4 ,primo quidem1 quia facilius est invenire paucos sapientes1 qui sufficiant ad rectas leges ponendas1 quam multos2 qui requirerentur ad recte judicandum de singulis4 ,secundo1 quia illi qui leges ponunt1 ex multo tempore considerant quid lege ferendum sit3 sed judicia de singularibus factis fiunt ex casibus subito exortis4 ,facilius autem ex multis consideratis potest homo videre quid rectum sit1 quam solum ex aliquo uno facto4 ,tertio1 quia legislatores judicant in universali1 et de futuris3 sed homines judiciis prsidentes judicant de prsentibus2 ad qu afficientur amore vel odio1 aut aliqua cupiditate2 et sic eorum depravatur judicium4 ,quia ergo justitia animata judicis non invenitur in multis1 et quia flexibilis est3 ideo necessarium fuit in quibuscumque est possibile1 legem determinare quid judicandum sit1 et paucissima arbitrio hominum committere4 ,in ,spain1 the ,procuradores of the ,cortes dared not raise their voices against the excesses of power2 and their timidity drew down the keen reproaches of ,p4 ,mariana4 ,in the examination to which he was subjected in the celebrated suit commenced against him on the subject of the seven treatises1 he confesses having applied to the ,procuradores the epithets of vile1 superficial1 and utterly venal1 only striving to obtain the favor of the prince1 and their own particular interests1 without solicitude for the public good4 ,he added1 that such was the public cry1 the general complaint1 at least at ,toledo1 where he was residing4 ,i will leave unnoticed his work intituled ,de ,rege et ,regis institutione1 of which ,i have spoken elsewhere4 ,confining myself to his ,history of ,spain1 ,i will observe with what liberty he expresses himself on the most delicate points1 without meeting with any opposition1 either from the civil or from the ecclesiastical authority4 ,in his #ast book1 chap4 #d1 speaking of the ,aragonese1 in his usual grave and severe tone1 he says3 ,the ,aragonese possess and enjoy laws and fueros very different from those of the other people of ,spain2 they possess every thing most adapted for preserving liberty against the excessive power of kings1 for preventing this power from degenerating and changing1 by its natural tendency1 into tyranny2 for they are not ignorant of this truth1 that the right of liberty is generally lost by degrees4 ,it was precisely at this epoch that the clergy expressed themselves with the greatest freedom on the most delicate of all subjects1 that of contributions4 ,the venerable ,palafox1 in his memorial or petition to the king for ecclesiastical immunity1 said3 ,according to ,st4 ,augustine1 to the great ,tostat1 and other weighty authors1 the ,son of ,god appointed that the children of ,god--that is the ministers of the ,church1 his priests--should not pay tribute to the pagan princes4 ,in fact1 he addressed to ,st4 ,peter the following question1 already resolved by the eternal wisdom of the ,father3 ,reges gentium a quibus accipiunt tributum1 a filiis1 an ab alienis8 ,st4 ,peter answered1 ,ab alienis2 and our ,lord concluded with these words3 ,ergo liberi sunt filii4 ,i may be allowed1 sire1 to make this delicate observation1 that the ,divine ,majesty does not say1 ,reges gentium a quibus capiunt tributum1 but a quibus accipiunt4 ,by this word accipiunt1 we understand the mildness and mansuetude with which the payment of a tribute should always be exacted1 in order to diminish the bitterness and repugnance accompanying a tribute4 #df4 ,it is doubtless useful for the preservation of the state1 that1 in the first place1 subjects should give1 in order that princes may then receive4 ,it is proper that kings should receive1 and employ the tribute paid them1 for on this depends the safety of crowns2 but it is well that subjects should first give it voluntarily4 ,it is doubtless from this passage of ,scripture1 from this expression of the ,eternal ,word1 that the ,catholic ,crown1 always so pious1 has received the holy doctrine1 by virtue of which neither your majesty nor your illustrious predecessors have ever permitted a tribute to be levied without its having first received the consent of the kingdoms themselves1 and been offered by them2 and your majesty is incomparably more exalted by limiting and moderating your power1 than by exercising it to its utmost extent4 #dg4 ,sire1 if laymen1 who have no exemption in matters of tribute1 enjoy that which the kindness of your majesty and of the most ,catholic kings grant them2 if they do not pay till they choose to make a voluntary offering2 if nothing is received from them except on this condition1 will religion1 your majesty's renowned piety1 and the devoted zeal of the ,council1 allow the clergy--the sons1 the ministers of ,god1 the privileged1 those who are exempt by divine and human law in all the nations of the world1 and among the very pagans--to enjoy less favor than strangers1 who are not1 like them1 either ministers of the ,church or priests of ,god8 ,is the word capiunt1 sire1 to be applied exclusively to the ministers of ,god1 and the word accipiunt to men of the world8 ,in his work intituled ,historia ,real ,sagrada1 the same writer raises his voice against tyranny with extreme severity3 #ab4 ,such1 says he1 is the law which the king whom you wish for will maintain in your regard4 ,the word law is here employed ironically1 as if ,god should say3 ',you imagine1 without doubt1 that this king of yours would govern according to law2 on this supposition you asked for him1 since you complained that my tribunal did not govern you4 ,now1 the law which this king will exercise towards you will be1 to disregard all law2 and his law will eventually be tyranny respected4' ,the politician who1 relying upon this passage1 should attribute as a right to the monarch a power which is merely pointed out by ,god to the people as a chastisement1 would be an uncivilized being1 unworthy of being treated as a rational creature4 ,the ,lord1 in this instance1 does not define what is the best2 he does not say what he is giving them2 these words are no appreciation of power2 he merely declares what would be the case1 and what he condemns4 ,who shall dare to found the origin of tyranny on justice itself8 ,god says1 that he whom they desire for a king will be a tyrant--not a tyrant approved of by him1 but a tyrant that he reprobates and chastises4 ,and subsequent events clearly shewed it1 since there were in ,israel wicked kings1 by whom the prophecy was fulfilled1 and ,saints who obtained on the throne the mercy of ,god4 ,the wicked kings literally accomplished the divine threat1 by doing what they were forbidden2 the good ones established their dignity upon propriety and justice within prescribed limits4 ,father ,marquez1 in his ,christian ,prince or ,magistrate 7,gobernador ,cristiano71 also enlarges on the same question2 he expounds his opinion both theoretically and practically4 7,chapter xvi4 #ec47 ,thus far we have heard the words of ,philo1 writing on this event4 ,as these words afforded me an opportunity of reasoning on the obligations of ,christian kings1 ,i have taken care to quote them at length4 ,i will not expect these kings to act like ,moses2 for they have not the miraculous aid which the ,hebrew legislator received for the relief of the people1 nor the rod which ,god gave him to make water flow from the rock at need4 ,but ,i will recommend them to reflect maturely on the additional services they shall attempt to exact from their subjects1 and the burdens they shall impose on them4 ,let them reflect that they are bound to justify the motive of their request in all truth1 and without any false coloring2 always and constantly aware that they are in the presence of ,god1 that the eyes of ,god are fixed on their hands1 that ,he will require from them a strict account of their actions4 ,for1 as the holy doctor of ,nazianzen says1 the ,son of ,god came designedly into the world at the taking of a census and a resettlement of the imposts1 in order to confound kings who would have appointed them through caprice2 so that kings may now know that the ,son of ,god takes account of every item1 and weighs in the balance of his strict justice things which we should account of little moment4 ,the above reflection will serve to dispel the false ideas of certain flatterers1 who1 to obtain the favor of princes1 persuade them that they are perfectly independent and the masters of the lives and property of their subjects1 free to dispose of them as they may think proper4 ,in support of this pretended maxim1 they allege1 as we have seen1 the history of ,samuel1 who answered the people on the part of ,god1 when they were demanding a king1 ',you shall have one1 but on terrible conditions4' ,this king was to take from them their fields1 their vineyards1 their olive-yards1 to give them to his servants2 he was to take their daughters for slaves1 'to make him ointments1 and to be his cooks and bakers4' ,and they have not observed that1 as ,john ,bodin says1 this is the interpretation of ,philip ,melancthon1 which alone is sufficient to render it suspicious4 ,moreover1 as ,st4 ,gregory1 and after him other doctors1 have observed1 this passage of ,scripture does not establish the just right of kings1 but rather announces beforehand the tyranny of a great number of princes2 in fine1 these words do not explain what good princes might do1 but merely what bad ones would usually do4 ,hence1 when ,achab seized upon the vineyard of ,naboth1 ,god was angry with him1 and we know how ,he treated him4 ,when ,david1 the elect of ,god1 demanded a spot whereon to set up the altar of ,jebusee1 he only asked it on condition of paying the value of the land4 ,for this reason princes should examine with scrupulous attention whether contributions are just2 for if they are not1 doctors decide that they cannot1 without manifest injustice1 thus more or less infringe on the rights of their subjects4 ,this doctrine is so ,catholic and certain1 that men holding sound doctrine affirm that1 in this case1 princes cannot impose fresh tributes1 even though necessary1 without the consent of the nation4 ,for1 say they1 the prince not being 7which he certainly is not7 the master of his subjects' property1 cannot make use of it without the consent of those from whom he is to receive it4 ,this custom has been long in practice in the kingdom of ,castile1 where the laws of royalty prohibit the levying of any new impost without the intervention of the ,cortes3 after having received the sanction of the ,cortes1 the impost is submitted to the vote of the towns2 and the prince does not consider his demand granted till it has received the sanction of the majority of the towns4 ,edward ,i4 of ,england made a similar law1 according to many authors of weight2 and ,philip of ,commines says1 that it was the same in ,france till the time of ,charles ,,vii41 who1 urged by an extreme necessity1 suppressed these formalities1 and levied a tax without waiting for the consent of the ,states1 and this inflicted on the kingdom so deep a wound1 that it will long continue unhealed4 ,if we may credit certain affirmations1 this author reports1 that it was then asserted that the king had escaped from the guardianship exercised by the kingdom2 but that his own opinion is1 that kings cannot1 without the consent of their people1 exact a single farthing2 princes acting otherwise1 says he1 fall under the ,pope's excommunication2 no doubt that of the bull ,in ,cna ,domini4 ,for my own part1 ,i ought to confess that ,i do not find this in ,philip de ,commines4444 ,with respect to this second point1 it is evident1 that the prince cannot1 on his own authority1 impose new tributes without the consent of the nation1 whenever this nation shall have acquired by any of the reasons mentioned a contrary right1 which ,i consider to be the case in ,castile4 ,no one1 in fact1 will deny that kingdoms at their commencement have a right to choose their kings on this condition1 or render them such services as to obtain in return that no new imposts shall be laid on them without their consent4 ,now1 in either case1 there will be a compact made1 from which kings cannot depart2 and it is of no consequence1 as some imagine it to be1 whether they have obtained their kingdoms through the election of their subjects1 or by mere force of arms4 ,although it is probable1 indeed1 that a ,state yielding itself of its own accord1 will obtain greater privileges and better conditions than those acquired by a just war1 it would not1 however1 be impossible for a ,state1 in choosing a king1 to confer upon him all its power in an absolute manner1 and without this restriction1 with a view to lay him under greater obligations1 and to testify to him a greater degree of devotedness2 and1 on the other hand1 a king1 who had subjected a kingdom by force of arms1 might nevertheless voluntarily grant it this privilege1 with a view to obtain its gratitude1 and more affectionate obedience on its part4 ,the positive rule1 therefore1 for this particular right1 will be the contract made1 whether virtually or expressly1 between the ,state and the prince2 a contract which should be inviolable1 especially if it is sealed by an oath4 ,the ,prince1 or ,christian ,magistrate4 7,liv4 ii4 ch4 xxxix4 #b47 ,princes1 it is said1 may compel their subjects to sell at half-price1 or to give gratuitously1 a part of their property4 ,this opinion is generally founded on the law which ordains that1 when a ship in a tempest has been saved by throwing overboard a part of the cargo1 the proprietors of the remaining part are obliged to make a proportionate contribution to indemnify the sufferers for the loss they have sustained4 ,bartholus and other authors have inferred from this1 that in a time of necessity and famine the monarch may require his subjects to give gratuitously1 and a fortiori to sell at a lower price1 a portion of their property to those in need4 ,the monarch1 say they1 might1 without any doubt1 render property common1 as it was before the establishment of social rights2 he may consequently take it from one of his subjects and give it to another4 ,it is certainly said in the laws of the kings of ,israel1 that he who should be chosen by ,god might seize upon the vineyards and property of his subjects1 to confer them on his own servants2 but the doctors do not support their arguments on this text4 ,in fact1 as we have said in chapter #afth1 book i41 the question does not concern the rights of a good prince1 but the tyrannical acts of a bad one4 ,now1 a careful study of the ,scriptures will shew1 that this passage must be favourable to one or other of the two opinions2 for1 if it were intended to establish that kings would possess in conscience the authority set forth in this passage1 they would certainly have the right of seizing the property of one of their subjects to give it to another4 ,if this passage is merely meant as a declaration of the injustices1 of the extortions1 and the tyrannies of wicked monarchs1 it is no less certain that in ,scripture the deed is considered unjust2 for this deed is alleged as an example of what tyrants would do2 now if it had been permitted to a good king1 it would not have been quoted as an example of tyranny1 as the ,scriptures suppose it4 ,thus1 this text alone1 even were there no other in support of this doctrine1 would satisfy me1 that kings cannot lawfully compel their subjects to relinquish their property for less than its value1 not even under pretext of the public good4 ,in fact1 were this pretext valid1 it would not have been difficult for the kings of ,israel to find an excuse for their tyranny2 they might have alleged1 that it was important to the public good to reward servants whose fidelity was so advantageous to the interests of the kingdom4 ,further1 ,king ,achab might have urged1 that the amusements of the prince formed a part of the public good1 since the people are so much interested in the health of the prince2 and under this pretext might have deprived ,naboth of his vineyard in order to enlarge his gardens4 ,we find1 however1 that this pretext did not justify him in compelling ,naboth even to sell his vineyard2 the king1 although grieved1 was not offended by this man's refusal1 neither was it his intention to seize the vineyard1 had not the impious ,jezabel furnished him with the means of doing so4 ,reason is evidently in favour of this opinion4 ,kings are the ministers of justice1 and have been appointed to administer and uphold justice among the people4 ,as ,st4 ,thomas teaches1 the contract in buying and selling is only just in proportion as the price is equivalent to the thing purchased4 ,public1 it is true1 should be preferred to individual interest2 in case1 therefore1 that a ,state is in danger of dissolution1 the monarch might demand property at a less price1 or even for nothing1 just as he might compel the citizen to expose his life1 which is of still greater value1 in defending the common cause in a just war4 ,this case1 however1 as ,p4 ,molina observes1 is impossible1 since the monarch would always be able to indemnify the individual for the loss he sustained1 by levying for this purpose a general tax1 a just tribute1 and one that the ,state would be bound to pay4 ,to prove this still more clearly1 let us imagine the most urgent case possible2 let us suppose that the king is besieged in his capital by a tyrant2 the tyrant is about to enter sword and torch in hand2 he offers to raise the siege on condition of receiving a statue of gold of great value1 formerly the property of his ancestors1 which a subject of the besieged king1 the commander-in-chief of his armies1 had taken in the plunder of a town1 and made the inalienable property of the eldest son of his family4 ,to render the case still more pressing1 let us suppose that the tyrant has a dearly-cherished relation in the service of the besieged king1 and that he will be satisfied if a rich lord of the kingdom1 possessing a great number of estates1 be despoiled1 and his property conferred on his relation4 ,it cannot be doubted that1 in order to purchase the lives of all1 this arrangement might be entered into2 and that the king would be justified in acceding to the demand1 in taking the statue1 or even the whole of this property1 to confer it on the tyrant's relation4 ,but no one will assert that the lord should suffer the whole loss4 ,the ,state would be under the obligation of indemnifying him for the loss1 by taking upon itself the indemnification1 the lord merely contributing his quota2 for this reason1 that it would be opposed to natural justice for the burdens of the whole body to fall upon a single member1 which would be the case according to the law proposed by the opponents4 ,if1 in a case of shipwreck1 all the cargo were thrown overboard to save the ship and the lives and fortunes of all1 the obligation being common to all1 it would not be just that it should fall exclusively upon the owners2 because the cargo could best be thrown overboard and most endangered the ship's safety3 the loss should be borne by all1 even by those who had with them things only of little weight1 as jewels or diamonds1 for instance2 since neither these latter proprietors nor the vessel herself could be saved without lightening her by throwing overboard the heavier portion of the cargo4 ,the law decrees also that the owner of the vessel shall pay his quota4 ,not that he is obliged to indemnify the owners of the merchandise lost1 because he sees them in need2 it may be supposed1 indeed1 that these parties are rich1 and1 although their present loss is extreme1 they will nevertheless be under the obligation of returning what would then have been lent to them2 for1 as the doctors decide1 there is no obligation of giving to the rich man when he suffers a heavy loss1 when a loan will answer the same end4 ,but it is said that the obligation of the master of a ship is founded on the fact1 that all the passengers and the proprietors being interested in saving their lives and their property1 the risk and the loss of what was thrown overboard ought to fall on all1 and not exclusively on the owners of what was lost4 ,as a proof that this is the correct interpretation1 it will be sufficient to notice the summary of the title1 and the very words of the law1 which are3 ,eo quod id tributum servat mercedes deberent4 ,but1 except in this case1 or in others equally pressing1 if the ruin of the ,state would not result from the mere fact of an individual refusing to yield up his house to the prince1 the latter could not compel the proprietor to give it up for a less price than its just value1 and still less for nothing2 for so long as the persons and the property of the ,state are safe1 it is of no importance to the body corporate whether such or such persons are rich or poor2 no one1 in fact1 in the general community possesses a fixed degree from which he can neither descend nor rise4 ,this instability observable among the members of the same ,state1 some losing what others gain1 and vice vers1 is inseparable from the state of society1 such is the instability of temporal affairs2 and the public good1 generally speaking1 neither loses nor gains by it4 ,,note #ci1 p4 #chb4 ,some persons imagine1 that in speaking of the loss of liberty in ,spain1 the question may be readily reduced to one point of view1 as if the kingdom had always possessed the unity which it only acquired in the eighteenth century1 and only then in an incomplete manner4 ,a perusal of history1 and especially of the codes of the different provinces of which the monarchy was composed1 will convince us that the central power has been created and fortified among us very slowly2 and that at the time when this difficult task was nearly accomplished in ,castile1 much still remained to be done in ,aragon and ,catalonia4 ,our constitutions1 our customs1 our manners1 in the seventeenth century1 evidently prove that the monarchy of ,philip ,,ii41 such as we conceive it1 strong and irresistible1 was not yet established in the crown of ,aragon4 ,i will abstain from adducing here documents and quoting facts with which every one is acquainted2 the dimensions of this volume require me to be brief4 ,,note #dj1 p4 #chh4 ,the immortal work of ,count de ,maistre1 in which he so ably refutes the calumnies of the enemies of the ,apostolic ,see1 is well known4 ,among so many and such profound observations1 there is one deserving of particular attention3 that on the moderation of the ,popes in every thing relating to the extension of their dominions1 when he points out the difference between the ,roman and the other ,european ,courts4 ,it is1 says he1 a very remarkable circumstance1 but either disregarded or not sufficiently attended to1 that the ,popes have never taken advantage of the great power in their possession for the aggrandisement of their ,states4 ,what could have been more natural1 for instance1 or more tempting to human nature1 than to reserve a portion of the provinces conquered from the ,saracens1 and which they gave up to the first occupant1 to repel the ,turkish ascendency1 always on the increase8 ,but this1 however1 they never did1 not even with regard to the adjacent countries1 as in the instance of the ,two ,sicilies1 to which they had incontestable rights1 at least according to the ideas then prevailing1 and over which they were nevertheless contented with an empty sovereignty1 which soon ended in the haquene1 a slight tribute1 and merely nominal1 which the bad taste of the age still disputes with them4 ,the ,popes may have made too much1 at the time1 of this universal sovereignty1 which an opinion equally universal allowed them4 ,they may have exacted homage2 may indeed1 if you will1 have too arbitrarily imposed taxes4 ,i do not wish to enter into these points here1 but it still remains certain that they have never sought to increase their dominions at the expense of justice1 whilst all other governments fell under this anathema2 and1 at the present time even1 with all our philosophy1 our civilization1 and our fine books1 there is not perhaps one of the ,european powers in a condition to justify all its possessions before ,god and reason4 7,du ,pape1 book ii4 chap4 #f47 ,,note #da1 p4 #cej4 ,i will here insert some passages in which ,st4 ,anselm explains the motives that induced him to write1 and the method which he intended to follow in his writings4 ,prfatio beati ,anselmi ,episcopi ,cantuariensis in ,monologuium4 ,quidam fratres spe me studioseque precati sunt1 ut qudam de illis1 qu de meditanda divinitatis essentia1 et quibusdam aliis hujus meditationi cohrentibus1 usitato sermone colloquendo protuleram1 sub quodam eis meditationis exemplo describerem4 ,cujus scilicet scribend meditationis magis secundum suam voluntatem quam secundum rei facilitatem aut meam possibilitatem hanc mihi formam prstituerunt3 quatenus auctoritate scriptur penitus nihil in ea persuaderetur4 ,sed quidquid per singulas investigationes finis assereret1 id ita esse plano stylo et vulgaribus argumentis simplicique disputatione1 et rationis necessitas breviter cogeret1 et veritatis claritas patenter ostenderet4 ,voluerunt etiam ut nec simplicibus peneque fatuis objectionibus mihi occurrentibus obviare contemnerem1 quod quidem diu tentare recusavi1 atque me cum re ipsa comparans1 multis me rationibus excusare tentavi4 ,quanto enim id quod petebant1 usu sibi optabant facilius3 tanto mihi illud actu injungebant difficilius4 ,tandem tamen victus1 tum precum modesta importunitate1 tum studii eorum non contemnenda honestate1 invitus quidem propter rei difficultatem1 et ingenii mei imbecillitatem1 quod precabantur incpi1 sed libenter propter eorum caritatem1 quantum potui secundum ipsorum definitionem effeci4 ,ad quod cum ea spe sim adductus1 ut quidquid facerem illis solis a quibus exigebatur1 esset notum1 et paulo post idipsum ut vilem rem fastidientibus1 contemptu esset obruendum1 scio enim me in eo non tam precantibus satisfacere potuisse1 quam precibus me prosequentibus finem posuisse4 ,nescio tamen quomodo sic prter spem evenit1 ut non solum prdicti fratres sed et plures alii scripturam ipsam1 quisque eam sibi transcribendo in longum memori commendare satagerent1 quam ego spe tractans nihil potui invenire me in ea dixisse1 quod non catholicorum patrum1 et maxime beati ,augustini scriptis cohreat4 ,idem4 ,quod hoc licet inexplicabile sit1 tamen credendum sit4 7,cap4 lxii47 ,videtur mihi hujus tam sublimis rei secretum transcendere omnem intellectus aciem humani3 et idcirco conatum explicandi qualiter hoc sit1 continendum puto4 ,sufficere namque debere existimo rem incomprehensibilem indaganti si ad hoc rationando pervenerit1 ut eam certissime esse cognoscat1 etiamsi penetrare nequeat intellectu quomodo ita sit1 nec idcirco minus his adhibendam fidei certitudinem1 qu probationibus necessariis nulla alia repugnante ratione asseruntur1 si su naturalis altitudinis incomprehensibilitate explicari non patiantur4 ,quid autem tam incomprehensibile1 quam id quod supra omnia est8 ,quapropter si ea qu de sua essentia hactenus disputata sunt necessariis rationibus sunt asserta1 quamvis sic intellectu penetrari non possint ut qu verbis valeant explicari3 nullatenus tamen certitudinis eorum nutat soliditas4 ,nam si superior consideratio rationabiliter comprehendit incomprehensibile esse1 quomodo eadem summa sapientia sciat ea qu fecit de quibus tam multa non scire necesse est2 quis explicet quomodo sciat aut dicat se ipsam1 de qua aut nihil1 aut vix aliquid homini sciri possibile est8 ,incipit promium in ,prosologuion librum ,anselmi1 ,abbatis ,beccensis1 et ,archiepiscopi ,cantuariensis4 ,postquam opusculum quoddam velut exemplum meditandi de ratione fidei1 cogentibus me precibus quorumdam fratrum in persona alicujus tacite secum ratiocinando qu nesciat investigantis edidi1 considerans illud esse multorum concathenatione contextum argumentorum1 cpi mecum qurere3 si forte posset invenire unum argumentum1 quod nullo alio ad se probandum1 quam se solo indigeret1 et solum ad astruendum quia ,deus vere est2 et quia est summum bonum nullo alio indigens1 et quo omnia indigent ut sint et bene sint1 et qucumque credimus de divina substantia sufficeret4 ,ad quod cum spe studioseque cogitationes converterem1 atque aliquando mihi videretur jam capi posse quod qurebam1 aliquando mentis aciem omnino fugeret3 tandem desperans volui cessare1 velut ab inquisitione rei quam inveniri esset impossibile4 ,sed cum illam cogitationem1 ne mentem meam frustra occupando ab aliis in quibus proficere possem impediret1 penitus a me vellem excludere1 tunc magis ac magis nolenti et defendenti1 se cpit cum importunitate quadam ingerere4 ,quadam igitur die cum vehementer ejus importunitati resistendo fatigarer1 in ipso cogitationum conflictu sic se obtulit quod desperabam1 ut studiose cogitationem amplecterer1 quam sollicitus repellebam4 stimans igitur quod me gaudebam invenisse1 si scriptum esset alicui1 legenti placiturum4 ,de hoc ipso et quibusdam aliis sub persona conantis erigere mentem suam ad contemplandum ,deum1 et qurentis intelligere quod credit1 subditum scripsi opusculum4 ,et quoniam nec istud nec illud cujus supra memini1 dignum libri nomine1 aut cui auctoris prponeretur nomen judicabam3 nec tamen sine aliquo titulo1 quo aliquem in cujus manus venirent1 quodammodo ad se legendum invitarent1 dimittenda putabam1 unicuique dedi titulum3 ut prius exemplum meditandi de ratione fidei1 et sequens fides qurens intellectum diceretur4 ,sed cum jam a pluribus et his titulis utrumque transumptum esset1 coegerunt me plures et maxime reverendus ,archiepiscopus ,lugdunensis ,hugo nomine1 fungens in ,gallia legatione apostolica1 prcepit auctoritate1 ut nomen meum illis prscriberem4 ,quod ut aptius fieret illud quidem ,monologuium1 id est ,soliloquium1 istud vero ,prosologuion1 id est ,alloquium nominavi4 99 99 99 99 99 ,i have said that ,st4 ,anselm excelled ,descartes in his manner of proving the existence of ,god3 let the reader1 indeed1 peruse the following passages4 ,i do not1 however1 intend to pronounce an opinion on the merits of this demonstration2 my business is1 to notice the progress of the human mind1 and not to resolve philosophical questions4 ,,prosologuium ,d4 ,,anselmi4 ,quod ,deus non possit cogitari non esse4 ,quod utique sic vere est1 ut nec cogitari possit non esse4 ,nam potest cogitari esse aliquid1 quod non possit cogitari non esse1 quod majus est quam quod non esse cogitari potest4 ,quare si id1 quo majus nequit cogitari1 potest cogitari non esse3 id ipsum1 quo majus cogitari nequit1 non est id quo majus cogitari nequit2 quod convenire non potest4 ,sic ergo vere est aliquid1 quo majus cogitari non potest1 ut nec cogitari possit non esse4 ,et hoc es tu1 ,domine ,deus noster4 ,sic ergo vere es1 ,domine ,deus meus1 ut nec cogitari possis non esse4 ,et merito4 ,si enim aliqua mens posset cogitare aliquid melius te1 ascenderet creatura super ,creatorem2 et judicaret de ,creatore1 quod valde est absurdum4 ,et quidem quidquid est aliud prter solum te1 potest cogitari non esse4 ,solus igitur verissime omnium1 et ideo maxime omnium habes esse1 quia quidquid aliud est non sic vere est1 et idcirco minus habet esse4 ,cur itaque1 dixit insipiens in corde suo non est ,deus8 ,cum causa in promptu sit rationali menti1 te maxime omnium esse8 ,cur1 nisi stultus et insipiens8 ,quomodo insipiens dixit in corde suo quod cogitari non potest4 7,cap4 iv47 ,verum quomodo dixit insipiens in corde suo quod cogitare non potuit1 aut quomodo cogitare non potuit quod dixit in corde1 cum idem sit dicere in corde1 et cogitare4 ,quod si vere1 imo quia vere1 et cogitavit3 quia dixit in corde et non dixit in corde1 quia cogitare non potuit2 non uno tantum modo dicitur aliquid in corde vel cogitatur4 ,aliter enim cogitatur res1 cum vox eam significans cogitatur3 aliter cum idipsum1 quod res est1 intelligitur4 ,illo itaque modo1 potest cogitari ,deus non esse3 isto vero1 minime4 ,nullus quippe intelligens id quod ,deus est1 potest cogitare quia ,deus non est2 licet hc verba dicat in corde1 aut sine ulla1 aut cum aliqua extranea significatione4 ,deus enim1 est id quo majus cogitari non potest4 ,quod qui bene intelligit1 utique intelligit id ipsum sic esse1 ut nec cogitatione queat non esse4 ,qui ergo intelligit sic esse ,deum1 nequit eum non esse cogitare4 ,gratias tibi1 bone ,domine1 gratias tibi1 quia quod prius credidi te donante1 jam sic intelligo te illuminante2 ut si te esse nolim credere1 non possim non intelligere4 ,ejusdem beati ,anselmi liber pro insipiente incipit4 ,dubitanti1 utrum sit2 vel neganti quod sit aliqua talis natura1 qua nihil majus cogitari possit2 tamen esse illam1 huic dicitur primo probari2 quod ipse negans vel ambigens de illa1 jam habeat eam in intellectu1 cum audiens illam dici1 id quod dicitur intelligit3 deinde1 quia quod intelligit necesse est1 ut non in solo intellectu1 sed etiam in re sit4 ,et hoc ita probatur2 quia majus est esse in intellectu et in re1 quam in solo intellectu4 ,et si illud in solo est intellectu1 majus illo erit quidquid etiam fuerit in re1 at si majus omnibus1 minus erit aliquo1 et non erit majus omnibus quod utique repugnat4 ,et ideo necesse est ut1 majus omnibus1 quod est jam probatum esse in intellectu1 et in re sit2 quoniam aliter majus omnibus esse non poterit4 ,responderi potest1 quod hoc jam esse dicitur in intellectu meo1 non ob aliud1 nisi quia id quod dicitur intelligo4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the passages ,i have just quoted will have shewn to my readers that thought was not oppressed in the ,catholic ,church4 ,the most eminent doctors were accustomed to reason on the most important subjects with a just and reasonable independence2 and although with profound respect for the teaching of the ,catholic ,church1 they nevertheless surveyed1 as well as ,abelard and better1 the field of true philosophy4 ,we cannot expect from human intelligence at this epoch more than is to be found in ,st4 ,anselm4 ,how is it1 therefore1 that such eulogiums have been passed upon ,roscelin and ,abelard1 without ever mentioning this holy doctor8 ,why present a picture of the intellectual movement so incomplete1 and not insert in it so noble and beautiful a figure8 ,if you would know how incorrect it is that ,abelard1 as ,m4 ,guizot affirms1 abstained from attacking the doctrines of the ,church--how incorrect ,m4 ,guizot is in his statement of the causes which excited the zeal of the pastors of the ,church against ,abelard1 read the letter of the ,bishops of ,gaul to ,pope ,innocent1 in which you will find a complete recital of the origin and cause of this important affair4 ,here is the letter3 ,,epistola ,,ccclxx4 ,reverendissimo ,patri et ,domino1 ,,innocentio1 ,dei gratia summo ,pontifici1 ,henricus ,senonensium ,archiepiscopus1 ,carnotensis ,episcopus1 ,sanct ,sedis ,apostolic famulus1 ,aurelianensis1 ,antissiodorensis1 ,trecensis1 ,meldensis ,episcopi1 devotas orationes et debitam obedientiam4 ,nulli dubium est quod ea qu ,apostolica firmantur auctoritate1 rata semper existunt2 nec alicujus possunt deinceps mutilari cavillatione1 vel invidia depravari4 ,ea propter ad vestram ,apostolicam ,sedem1 ,beatissime ,pater1 referre dignum censuimus qudam qu nuper in nostra contigit tractari prsentia4 ,qu quoniam et nobis1 et multis religiosis ac sapientibus viris rationabiliter acta visa sunt1 vestr serenitatis expectant comprobari judicio1 simul et auctoritate perpetuo roborari4 ,itaque cum per totam fere ,galliam in civitatibus1 vicis1 et castellis1 a ,scholaribus non solum intra ,scholas1 sed etiam triviatim3 nec a litteratis1 aut provectis tantum1 sed a pueris et simplicibus1 aut certe stultis1 de ,sancta ,trinitate1 qu ,deus est1 disputaretur3 insuper alia multa ab eisdem1 absona prorsus et absurda1 et plane fidei catholic1 sanctorumque ,patrum auctoritatibus obviantia proferrentur2 cumque ab his qui sane sentiebant1 et eas ineptias rejiciendas esse censebant1 spius admoniti corriperentur1 vehementius convalescebant1 et auctoritate magistri sui ,petri ,abailardi1 et cujusdam ipsius libri1 cui ,theologi indiderat nomen2 nec non et aliorum ejusdem opusculorum freti ad astruendas profanas adinventiones illas1 non sine multarum animarum dispendio1 sese magis ac magis armabant4 ,qu enim et nos1 et alios plures non parum moverant ac lserant2 inde tamen qustionem facere verebantur4 ,verum ,dominus ,abbas ,clar-vallis1 his a diversis et spius auditis1 immo certe in prtaxato magistri ,petri ,theologi libro1 nec non et aliis ejusdem libris1 in quorum forte lectionem inciderat1 diligenter inspectis2 secreto prius2 ac deinde secum duobus aut tribus adhibitis testibus1 juxta ,evangelicum prceptum1 hominem convenit3 ,et ut auditores suos a talibus compesceret1 librosque suos corrigeret1 amicabiliter satis ac familiariter illum admonuit4 ,plures etiam ,scholarium adhortatus est1 ut et libros venenis plenos repudiarent et rejicerent3 et a doctrina1 qu fidem ldebat ,catholicam1 caverent et abstinerent4 ,quod magister ,petrus minus patienter et nimium gre ferens1 crebro nos pulsare cpit1 nec ante voluit desistere1 quoad ,dominum ,clara-vellensem ,abbatem super hoc scribentes1 assignato die1 scilicet octavo ,pentecostes1 ,senonis ante nostram submonuimus venire prsentiam3 quo se vocabat et offerebat paratum magister ,petrus ad probandas et defendendas de quibus illum ,dominus ,abbas ,clara-vallensis1 quomodo prtaxatum est1 reprehenderat sententias4 ,cterum ,dominus ,abbas1 nec ad assignatum diem se venturum1 nec contra ,petrum sese disceptaturum nobis remandavit4 ,sed quia magister ,petrus interim suos nihilominus cpit undequaque convocare discipulos2 et obsecrare1 ut ad futuram inter se1 ,dominumque ,abbatem ,clara-vallensem disputationem1 una cum illo suam sententiam simul et scientiam defensuri venirent2 ,et hoc ,dominum ,clara-vallensem minime lateret2 veritus ipse1 ne propter occasionem absenti su tot profan1 non sententi sed insani1 tam apud minus intelligentes1 quam earumdem defensores majore dign viderentur auctoritate1 prdicto quem sibi designaveramus die1 licet eum minime suscepisset1 tactus zelo pii fervoris1 imo certe ,sancti ,spiritus igne succensus1 sese nobis ultro ,senonis prsentavit4 ,illa vero die1 scilicet octava ,pentecostes1 convenerant ad nos ,senonis ,fratres et ,suffraganei nostri ,episcopi1 ob honorem et reverentiam sanctarum1 quas in ,ecclesia nostra populo revelaturos nos indixeramus1 ,reliquiarum4 ,itaque prsente glorioso ,rege ,francorum ,ludovico cum ,wilhelmo religioso ,nivernis ,comite1 ,domino quoque ,rhemensi ,archiepiscopo1 cum quibusdam suis suffraganeis ,episcopis nobis etiam1 et suffraganeis nostris1 exceptis ,parisiis et ,nivernis1 ,episcopis prsentibus1 cum multis religiosis ,abbatibus et sapientibus1 valdeque litteratis clericis adfuit ,dominus ,abbas ,clara-vallensis2 adfuit magister ,petrus cum fautoribus suis4 ,quid multa8 ,dominus ,abbas cum librum ,theologi magistri ,petri proferret in medium1 et qu annotaverat absurda1 imo hretica plane capitula de libro eodem proponeret1 ut ea magister ,petrus vel a se scripta negaret1 vel si sua fateretur1 aut probaret1 aut corrigeret3 visus est diffidere magister ,petrus ,abailardus1 et subterfugere1 respondere noluit1 sed quamvis libera sibi daretur audientia1 tutumque locum1 et quos haberet judices1 ad vestram tamen1 sanctissime ,pater1 appellans prsentiam1 cum suis a conventu discessit4 ,nos autem licet appellatio ista1 minus ,canonica videretur1 ,sedi tamen ,apostolic deferentes1 in personam hominis nullam voluimus proferre sententiam3 ,cterum sententias pravi dogmatis ipsius1 quia multo infecerant1 et sui contagione adusque cordium intima penetraverant1 spe in audientia publica lectas et relectas1 et tam verissimis rationibus1 quam ,beati ,augustini1 aliorumque ,sanctorum ,patrum inductis a ,domino ,clara-vallensi auctoritatibus1 non solum falsas1 sed et hreticas esse evidentissime comprobatas1 pridie ante factam ad vos appellationem damnavimus4 ,et quia multos in errorem perniciosissimum et plane damnabilem pertrahunt1 eas auctoritate vestra1 dilectissime ,domine1 perpetua damnatione notari2 et omnes qui pervicaciter et contentiose illas defenderint1 a vobis1 quissime ,pater1 juxta pna mulctari unanimiter et multa precum instantia postulamus4 ,spe dicto vero ,petro1 si ,reverentia vestra silentium imponeret1 et tam legendi1 quam scribendi prorsus interrumperet facultatem1 et libros ejus perverso sine dubio dogmate respersos condemnaret1 avulsis spinis et tribulis ab ,ecclesia ,dei1 prevaleret adhuc lta ,christi seges succrescere1 florere1 fructificare4 ,qudam autem de condemnatis a nobis capitulis vobis1 ,reverende ,pater1 conscripta transmisimus1 ut per hc audita reliqui corpus operis facilius stimetis4 ,observe how ,st ,bernard explains the system and errors of the celebrated ,abelard4 ,in chapter #a of the treatise which he wrote1 ,de erroribus ,petri ,abailardi1 he says3 ,habemus in ,francia novum de veteri magistro ,theologum1 qui ab ineunte tate sua in arte dialectica lusit2 et nunc in scripturis sanctis insanit4 ,olim damnata et sopita dogmata1 tam sua videlicet quam aliena suscitare conatur1 insuper et nova addit4 ,qui dum omnium qu sunt clo sursum1 et qu in terra deorsum1 nihil prter solum ,nescio nescire dignatur2 ponit in clum os suum1 et scrutatur alta ,dei1 rediensque ad nos refert verba ineffabilia1 qu non licet homini loqui4 ,et dum paratus est de omnibus reddere rationem1 etiam qu sunt supra rationem1 et contra rationem prsumit1 et contra fidem4 ,quid enim magis contra rationem1 quam ratione rationem conari transcendere8 ,et quid magis contra fidem2 quam credere nolle1 quidquid non possit ratione attingere8 ,in chapter #d1 he sums up1 in a few words1 the aberrations of the dialectician3 ,sed advertite ctera4 ,omitto quod dicit spiritum timoris ,domini non fuisse in ,domino3 timorem ,domini castum in future seculo non futurum3 post consecrationem panis et calicis priora accidentia qu remanent pendere in aere3 dmonum in nobis suggestiones contactu fieri lapidum et herbarum1 prout illorum sagax malitia novit2 harum rerum vires diversas1 diversis incitandis et incendendis vitiis1 convenire3 ,spiritum ,sanctum esse animam mundi3 mundum juxta ,platonem tanto excellentius animal esse1 quanto meliorem animam habet ,spiritum ,sanctum4 ,ubi dum multum sudat quomodo ,platonem faciat ,christianum1 se probat ethnicum4 ,hc inquam omnia1 aliasque istiusmodi nnias ejus non paucas prtereo1 venio ad graviora4 ,non quod vel ad ipsa cuncta respondeam1 magnis enim opus voluminibus esset4 ,illa loquor qu tacere non possum4 ,cum de ,trinitate loquitur1 says he in his letter #aib1 sapit ,arium1 cum de ,gratia sapit ,pelagium1 cum de persona ,christi sapit ,nestorium4 ,pope ,innocent1 condemning the doctrines of ,abelard1 says3 ,in ,petri ,abailardi perniciosa doctrina1 et prdictorum hreses1 et alia perversa dogmata catholic fidei obviantia pullulare cperunt4 ,,appendix4 ,,note 7a71 p4 #bhi4 ,quod necesse est homines simul viventes ab aliquo diligenter regi4 ,et siquidem homini conveniret singulariter vivere1 sicut multis animalium1 nullo alio dirigente indigeret ad finem1 sed ipse sibi unusquisque esset rex sub ,deo summo rege1 in quantum per lumen rationis divinitus datum sibi1 in suis actibus seipsum dirigeret4 ,naturale autem est homini ut sit animal sociale1 et politicum1 in multitudine vivens1 magis etiam quam omnia alia animalia2 quod quidem naturalis necessitas declarat4 ,aliis enim animalibus natura prparavit cibum1 tegumenta pilorum1 defensionem1 ut dentes1 cornua1 ungues1 vel saltem velocitatem ad fugam4 ,homo autem institutus est nullo horum sibi a natura prparato1 sed loco omnium data est ei ratio1 per quam sibi hc omnia officio manuum posset prparare1 ad qu omnia prparanda unus homo non sufficit4 ,nam unus homo per se sufficienter vitam transigere non posset4 ,est igitur homini naturale1 quod in societate multorum vivat4 ,amplius1 aliis animalibus insita est naturalis industria ad omnia ea qu sunt eis utilia vel nociva1 sicut ovis naturaliter extimet lupum inimicum4 ,qudam etiam animalia ex naturali industria cognoscunt aliquas herbas medicinales1 et alia eorum vit necessaria4 ,homo autem horum1 qu sunt su vit necessaria1 naturalem cognitionem habet solum in communi1 quasi eo per rationem valente ex universalibus principiis ad cognitionem singulorum1 qu necessaria sunt human vit1 pervenire4 ,non est autem possibile1 quod unus homo ad omnia hujusmodi per suam rationem pertingat4 ,est igitur necessarium homini1 quod in multitudine vivat1 et unus ab alio adjuvetur1 et diversi diversis inveniendis per rationem occuparentur1 puta1 unus in medicina1 alius in hoc1 alius in alio4 ,hoc etiam evidentissime declaratur per hoc1 quod est proprium hominis locutione uti1 per quam unus homo aliis suum conceptum totaliter potest exprimere4 ,alia quidem animalia exprimunt mutuo passiones suas1 in communi1 ut canis in latratu iram1 et alia animalia passiones suas diversis modis4 ,magis igitur homo est communicativus alteri1 quam quodcumque aliud animal1 quod gregale videtur1 ut grus1 formica1 et apis4 ,hoc ergo considerans ,salomon in ,ecclesiaste ait3 ,melius est esse duos1 quam unum4 ,habent enim emolumentum mutu societatis4 ,si ergo naturale est homini quod in societate multorum vivat1 necesse est in hominibus esse1 per quod multitudo regatur4 ,multis enim existentibus hominibus et uno quoque id quod est sibi congruum providente1 multitudo in diversa dispergeretur1 nisi etiam esset aliquis de eo quod ad bonum multitudinis pertinet1 curam habens1 sicut et corpus hominis1 et cujuslibet animalis deflueret1 nisi esset aliqua vis regitiva communis in corpore1 qu ad bonum commune omnium membrorum intenderet4 ,quod considerans ,salomon dicit3 ,ubi non est gubernator1 dissipabitur populus4 ,hoc autem rationabiliter accidit3 non enim idem est quod proprium1 et quod commune4 ,secundum propria quidem differunt1 secundum autem commune uniuntur3 diversorum autem divers sunt caus4 ,oportet igitur prter id quod movet ad proprium bonum uniuscujusque1 esse aliquid1 quod movet ad bonum commune multorum4 ,propter quod et in omnibus qu in unum ordinantur1 aliquid invenitur alterius regitivum4 ,in universitate enim corporum1 per primum corpus1 scilicet celeste1 alia corpora ordine quodam divin providenti reguntur1 omniaque corpora1 per creaturam rationalem4 ,in uno etiam homine anima regit corpus1 atque inter anim partes irascibilis et concupiscibilis ratione reguntur4 ,itemque inter membra corporis unum est principale1 quod omnia movet1 ut cor1 aut caput4 ,oportet igitur esse in omni multitudine aliquod regitivum4 7,d4 ,th41 ,opusc4 de ,regimine ,principum1 l4 i4 cap4 #a47 ,,note 7b71 p4 #bij4 ,ubi considerandum est1 quod dominium1 vel prlatio introducta sunt ex jure humano3 distinctio autem fidelium et infidelium est ex jure divino4 ,jus autem divinum quod est ex gratia1 non tollit jus humanum quod est ex naturali ratione2 ideo distinctio fidelium et infidelium secundum se considerata1 non tollit dominium1 et prlationem infidelium supra fideles4 7#b4 #b4 quest4 #aj1 art4 #aj47 ,,note 7c71 p4 #bij4 ,respondeo dicendum quod sicut supra dictum est 7quest4 #aj1 art4 #aj71 infidelitas secundum se ipsam non repugnat dominio1 eo quod dominium introductum est de jure gentium1 quod est jus humanum4 ,distinctio autem fidelium et infidelium est secundum jus divinum1 per quod non tollitur jus humanum4 7#b4 #b4 quest4 #ab1 art4 #b47 ,,note 7d71 p4 #bij4 ,respondeo dicendum quod sicut actiones rerum naturalium procedunt ex potentiis naturalibus3 ita etiam operationes human procedunt ex humana voluntate4 ,oportuit autem in rebus naturalibus1 ut superiora moverent inferiora ad suas actiones per excellentiam naturalis virtutis collat divinitus4 ,unde et oportet in rebus humanis1 quod superiores moveant inferiores per suam voluntatem ex vi auctoritatis divinitus ordinat4 ,movere autem per rationem et voluntatem est prcipere2 et ideo sicut ex ipso ordine naturali divinitus instituto inferiora in rebus naturalibus necesse habent subjici motioni superiorum1 ita etiam in rebus humanis ex ordine juris naturalis et divini1 tenentur inferiores suis superioribus obedire4 7#b4 #b4 quest4 #aje1 art4 #a47 ,,note 7e71 p4 #bia4 ,obedire autem superiori debitum est secundum divinum ordinem rebus inditum ut ostensum est4 7#b4 #b4 quest4 #ajd1 art4 #b47 ,,note 7f71 p4 #bia4 ,respondeo dicendum quod fides ,christi est justiti principium1 et causa1 secundum illud ,rom4 iii4 ,justitia ,dei per fidem ,jesu ,christi2 et ideo per fidem ,christi non tollitur ordo justiti sed magis firmatur4 ,ordo autem justiti requirit1 ut inferiores suis superioribus obediant3 aliter enim non posset humanarum rerum status conservari4 ,et ideo per fidem ,christi non excusantur fideles1 quin principibus secularibus obedire teneantur4 7#b4 #b4 quest4 #aje1 art4 #f47 ,,note 7g71 p4 #bia4 ,certum est politicam potestatem a ,deo esse a quo non nisi res bon et licit procedunt1 et quod probat ,aug4 in toto fere #d et #e libr4 de ,civit4 ,dei4 ,nam sapientia ,dei clamat1 ,proverb4 viii43 ,per me reges regnant2 et infra3 ,per me principes imperant4 ,et ,daniel ii43 ,deus cli regnum et imperium dedit tibi1 c42 et ,daniel iv43 ,cum bestiis ferisque erit habitatio tua1 et fenum1 ut bos comedes1 et rore cli infunderis3 septem quoque tempora mutabuntur super te1 donec scias quod dominetur ,excelsus super regnum hominum1 et cuicumque voluerit1 det illud4 7,bell4 de ,laicis1 l4 iii4 c4 #f47 ,,note 7h71 p4 #bia4 ,sed hic observanda sunt aliqua4 ,primo politicam potestatem in universum consideratam1 non descendendo in particulari ad monarchiam1 aristocratiam1 vel democratiam immediate esse a solo ,deo2 nam consequitur necessario naturam hominis1 proinde esse ab illo1 qui fecit naturam hominis2 prterea hc potestas est de jure natur1 non enim pendet ex consensu hominum1 nam velint1 nolint1 debent regi ab aliquo1 nisi velint perire humanum genus1 quod est contra natur inclinationem4 ,at jus natur est jus divinum1 jure igitur divino introducta est gubernatio1 et hoc videtur proprie velle ,apostolus1 cum dicit ,rom4 xiii3 ,qui potestati resistit1 ,dei ordinationi resistit4 7,ib47 ,,note 7i71 p4 #bib4 ,secundo nota1 hanc potestatem immediate esse tanquam in subjecto1 in tota multitudine1 nam hc potestas est de jure divino4 ,at jus divinum nulli homini particulari dedit hanc potestatem1 ergo dedit multitudini2 prterea sublato jure positivo1 non est major ratio cur ex multis qualibus unus potius1 quam alius dominetur3 igitur potestas totius est multitudinis4 ,denique humana societas debet esse perfecta respublica1 ergo debet habere potestatem se ipsam conservandi1 et proinde puniendi perturbatores pacis1 c4 7,ib47 ,,note 7k71 p4 #bic4 ,tertio nota1 hanc potestatem transferri a multitudine in unum vel plures eodem jure natur3 nam ,respub4 non potest per seipsam exercere hanc potestatem1 ergo tenetur eam transferre in aliquem unum vel aliquos paucos2 et hoc modo potestas principum in genere considerata1 est etiam de jure natur1 et divino2 nec posset genus humanum1 etiamsi totum simul conveniret1 contrarium statuere1 nimirum1 ut nulli essent principes vel rectores4 7,ib47 ,,note 7l71 p4 #bic4 ,quarto nota1 in particulari singulas species regiminis esse de jure gentium1 non de jure natur2 nam pendet a consensu multitudinis1 constituere super se regem vel consules1 vel alios magistratus1 ut patet3 et si causa legitima adsit1 potest multitudo mutare regnum in aristocratiam1 aut democratiam1 et e contrario ut ,rom factum legimus4 ,quinto nota1 ex dictis sequi1 hanc potestatem in particulari esse quidem a ,deo1 sed mediante consilio1 et electione humana1 ut alia omnia1 qu ad jus gentium pertinent1 jus enim gentium est quasi conclusio deducta ex jure natur per humanum discursum4 ,ex quo colliguntur du differenti inter potestatem politicam1 et ecclesiasticam3 una ex parte subjecti1 nam politica est in multitudine1 ecclesiastica in uno homine tanquam in subjecto immediate2 altera ex parte efficientis1 quod politica universe considerata est de jure divino1 in particulari considerata est de jure gentium2 ecclesiastica omnibus modis est de jure divino1 et immediate a ,deo4 7,ib47 ,,note 7m71 p4 #bid4 ,in hac re communis sententia videtur esse1 hanc potestatem dari immediate a ,deo ut auctore natur1 ita ut homines quasi disponant materiam et efficiant subjectum capax hujus potestatis2 ,deus autem quasi tribuat formam dando hanc potestatem4 ,cita a ,cajet4 ,covar4 ,victor4 y ,soto4 7,de ,leg4 l4 iii4 c4 #c47 ,,note 7n71 p4 #bid4 ,secundo sequitur ex edictis1 potestatem civilem1 quoties in uno homine1 vel principe reperitur1 legitimo1 ac ordinario jure1 a populo1 et communitate manasse1 vel proxime vel remote1 nec posse aliter haberi1 ut justa sit4 7,ibid4 cap4 #d47 ,,note 7o71 p4 #bid4 ,defensio ,fidei ,catholic et ,apostolic adversus ,anglican sect errores1 cum responsione ad apologiam pro juramento fidelitatis et prfationem monitoriam serenissimi ,jacobi ,angli ,regis1 ,authore ,p4 ,d4 ,francisco ,suario ,gratanensi1 e ,societate ,jesu1 ,sacr ,theologi in celebri ,conimbricensi ,academia ,primario ,professore1 ad serenissimos totius ,christiani orbis ,catholicos ,reges ac ,principes4 ,lib4 #c4 ,de ,primatu ,summi ,pontificis1 cap4 #b4 ,utrum ,principatus politicus sit immediate a ,deo1 seu ex divina institutione4 44444 ,in qua rex serenissimus non solum novo1 et singulari modo opinatur1 sed etiam acriter invehitur in ,cardinalem ,bellarminum1 eo quod asseruerit1 non regibus authoritatem a ,deo immediate1 perinde ac pontificibus esse concessam4 ,asserit ergo ipse1 regem non a populo1 sed immediate a ,deo suam potestatem habere2 suam vero sententiam quibusdam argumentis1 et exemplis suadere conatur1 quorum efficaciam in sequenti capite expendemus4 ,sed quamquam controversia hc ad fidei dogmata directe non pertineat 7nihil enim ex divina ,scriptura1 aut ,patrum traditione in illa definitum ostendi potest71 nihilominus diligenter tractanda1 et explicanda est4 ,tum quia potest esse occasio errandi in aliis dogmatibus2 tum etiam quia prdicta regis sententia1 prout ab ipso asseritur et intenditur1 nova et singularis est1 et ad exaggerandam temporalem potestatem1 et spiritualem extenuandam videtur inventa4 ,tum denique quia sententiam illustrissimi ,bellarmini antiquam1 receptam1 veram1 ac necessariam esse censemus4 ,,note 7p71 p4 #bie4 ,r4 ,p4 ,hermanni ,busembaum ,societatis ,jesu ,theologia ,moralis1 nunc pluribus partibus aucta a ,r4 ,p4 ,d4 ,alphonso de ,ligorio ,rectore majore congregationis ,,ss4 ,redemptoris2 adjuncta in calce operis1 prter indicem rerum1 et verborum locupletissimum1 perutili instructione ad praxim confessariorium ,latine reddita4 ,lib4 #a1 ,tract4 #b4 ,de legibus1 cap4 #a4 ,de natura1 et obligatione legis4 ,dub4 #b4 #ajd4 ,certum est dari in hominibus potestatem ferendi leges2 sed potestas hc quoad leges civiles a natura nemini competit1 nisi communitati hominum1 et ab hac transfertur in unum1 vel in plures1 a quibus communitas regatur4 ,,note 7q71 p4 #bie4 ,theologia ,christiana ,dogmatico-,moralis ,auctore ,p4 ,f4 ,daniele ,concina ordinis ,prdicatorum4 ,editio novissima1 tomus sextus1 de ,jure nat4 et gent41 c4 ,rom1 #agfh4 ,lib4 #a4 ,de ,jure natur4 et gent41 c4 ,dissertatio #d1 ,de leg4 hum4 ,c4 #b4 ,summ potestatis originem a ,deo communiter arcessunt scriptores omnes4 ,idque declaravit ,salomon1 ,prov4 viii4 ,per me reges regnant1 et legum conditores justa decernunt4 ,et profecto quemadmodum inferiores principes a summa majestate1 ita summa majestas terrena a supremo ,rege1 ,dominoque dominantium pendeat necesse est4 ,illud in disputationem vocant tum theologi1 tum jurisconsulti1 sit ne a ,deo proxime1 an tantum remote hc potestas summa8 ,immediate a ,deo haberi contendunt plures1 quod ab hominibus neque conjunctim1 neque sigillatim acceptis haberi possit4 ,omnes enim patres familias quales sunt1 solaque conomica in propias familias potestate fruuntur4 ,ergo civilem politicamque potestatem1 qua ipsi carent1 conferre aliis nequeunt4 ,tum si potestas summa a communitate1 tanquam a superiore1 uni1 aut pluribus collata esset1 revocari ad nutum ejusdem communitatis posset2 cum superior pro arbitrio retractare communicatam potestatem valeat2 quod in magnum societatis detrimentum recideret4 ,contra disputant alii1 et quidem probabilius ac verius1 advertentes omnem quidem potestatem a ,deo esse2 sed addunt1 non transferri in particulares homines immediate1 sed mediante societatis civilis consensu4 ,quod hc potestas sit immediate1 non in aliquo singulari1 sed in tota hominum collectione1 docet conceptis verbis ,s4 ,thomas #a4 #b4 qu4 #ij4 art4 #c ad #b4 et qu4 #ig4 art4 #c ad #c quem sequuntur ,dominicus ,soto1 lib4 #a4 qu4 #a4 art4 #c4 ,ledesma #b4 ,part4 qu4 #ah4 art4 #c4 ,covarruvias in pract4 cap4 #a4 ,ratio evidens est3 quia omnes homines nascuntur liberi1 respectu civilis imperii2 ergo nemo in alterum civili potestate potitur4 ,neque ergo in singulis1 neque in aliquo determinato potestas hc reperitur4 ,consequitur ergo in tota hominum collectione eamdem extare4 ,qu potestas non confertur a ,deo per aliquam actionem peculiarem a creatione distinctam2 sed est veluti proprietas ipsam rectam rationem consequens1 quatenus recta ratio prscribit ut homines in unum moraliter congregati1 expresso aut tacito concensu modum dirigend1 conservand1 propugnandque societatis prscribant4 ,,note 7r71 p4 #bif4 ,hinc infertur1 potestatem residentem in principe1 rege1 vel in pluribus1 aut optimatibus1 aut plebeiis1 ab ipsa communitate aut proxime1 aut remote proficisci4 ,nam potestas hc a ,deo immediate non est4 ,id enim nobis constare peculiari revelatione deberet2 quemadmodum scimus1 ,saulem et ,davidem electos a ,deo fuisse4 ,ab ipsa ergo communitate dimanet oportet4 ,falsam itaque reputamus opinionem illam qu asserit1 potestatem hanc immediate et proxime a ,deo conferri regi1 principi1 et cuique suprem potestati1 excluso ,reipublic tacito1 aut expresso consensu4 ,quamquam lis hc verborum potius quam rei est4 ,nam potestas hc a ,deo auctore natur est1 quatenus disposuit1 et ordinavit ut ipsa ,respublica pro societatis conservatione1 et defensione1 uni1 aut pluribus supremam regiminis potestatem conferret4 ,immo facta designatione imperantis1 aut imperantium1 potestas hc a ,deo manare dicitur1 quatenus jure naturali1 et divino tenetur1 societas ipsa parere imperanti4 ,quoniam reipsa ,deus ordinavit ut per unum1 aut per plures hominum societas regatur4 ,et hac via omnia conciliantur placita3 et oracula ,scripturarum vero in sensu exponuntur4 ,qui resistit potestati1 ,dei ordinationi resistit4 ,et iterum3 ,non est potestas nisi a ,deo3 ad ,rom4 viii4 ,et ,petrus ,epist4 #a1 cap4 ii4 ,subjecti igitur estote omni human creatur propter ,deum3 sive ,regi1 c4 ,item ,joan4 xix4 ,non haberes potestatem adversum me ullam1 nisi tibi datum esset desuper4 ,qu1 alia testimonia evincunt1 omnia a ,deo1 supremo rerum omnium moderatore1 disponi1 et ordinari4 ,at non propterea humana consilia1 et operationes excluduntur2 ut sapienter interpretantur ,s4 ,augustinus tract4 #f1 in ,joan4 et lib4 #bb4 cont4 ,faustum1 cap4 #dg1 et ,s4 ,joannes ,chrysostomus ,hom4 #bc1 in ,epist4 ad ,rom4 ,,note 7s71 p4 #bif4 ,quinam possint ferre leges8 ,dico #a4 ,potestas legislativa competit communitati vel illi1 qui curam communitatis gerit4 7,ibid4 art4 #c4 #j47 ,prob4 #a4 ,ex ,isidoro ,l4 #e4 ,etymol4 ,c4 #aj et refertur ,c4 ,lex1 ,dist4 #d4 ubi dicit3 ,lex est constitutio populi1 secundum quam majores natu simul cum plebibus aliquid sanxerunt4 7,ibid4 in art4 #a4 #j47 ,prob4 #a4 ,ratione4 7,ibid4 #j47 ,illius est condere legem1 cujus est prospicere bono communi2 quia1 ut dictum est1 leges feruntur propter bonum commune3 atqui est communis1 vel illius1 cui curam communitatis habet1 prospicere bono communi3 sicut enim bonum particulare est finis proportionatus agenti particulari1 ita bonum commune est finis proportionatus communitati1 vel ejus vices gerenti2 ergo4 ,confirmatur3 7,ibid4 ad #b47 lex habet vim imperandi et coercendi2 atqui nemo privatus habet vim imperandi multitudini et eam coercendi1 sed sola ipsa multitudo1 vel ejus ,rector3 ,ergo4 7,tract4 de ,legi4 ,art4 #d47 ,,note 7t71 p4 #bif4 ,dices3 ,superioris est imperare et coercere2 atqui communitas non est sibi superior3 ,ergo ,r4 ,d4 ,min4 ,communitas1 sub eodem respectu considerata1 non est sibi superior1 ,c4 ,sub diverso respectu1 ,n4 ,potest itaque communitas considerari collective1 per modum unius corporis moralis1 et sic considerata est superior sibi considerat distributive in singulis membris4 ,item potest considerari vel ut gerit vices ,dei1 a quo omnis potestas legislativa descendit1 juxta illud ,proverb4 ,per me reges regnant1 et legum conditores justa decernunt2 vel ut est gubernabilis in ordine ad bonum commune3 primo modo considerata est superior et legislativa2 secundo modo considerata est inferior et legis susceptiva4 ,,note 7u71 p4 #big4 ,quod ut clarius percipiatur1 observandum est hominem inter animalia nasci maxime destitutum pluribus tum corporis cum anim necessariis1 pro quibus indiget aliorum consortio et adjutorio1 consequenter eum ipsapte natura nasci animal sociale3 societas autem quam natura1 naturalisve ratio dictat ipsi necessariam1 diu subsistere non potest1 nisi aliqua publica potestate gubernetur2 juxta illud ,proverb4 ,ubi non est gubernator1 populus corruet4 ,ex quo sequitur1 quod ,deus1 qui dedit talem naturam1 simul ei dederit potestatem gubernativam et legislativam1 qui enim dat formam1 dat etiam ea1 qu hc forma necessario exigit4 ,verum1 quia hc potestas gubernativa et legislativa non potest exerceri a tota multitudine2 difficile namque foret1 omnes et singulos simul convenire toties quoties providendum est de necessariis bono communi1 et de legibus ferendis2 ideo solet multitudo transferre suum jus seu potestatem gubernativam1 vel in aliquos de populo ex omni conditione1 et dicitur ,democratia2 vel in paucos optimates1 et dicitur ,aristocratia2 vel in unum tantum1 sive pro se solo1 sive pro successoribus jure hreditario1 et dicitur ,monarchia4 ,ex quo sequitur1 omnem potestatem esse a ,deo1 ut dicit ,apost4 ,rom4 xiii4 immediate quidem et jure natur in communitate1 mediate autem tantum et jure humano in ,regibus et aliis ,rectoribus3 nisi ,deus ipse immediate aliquibus hanc potestatem conferat1 ut contulit ,moysi in populum ,israel1 et ,christus ,,ss4 ,pontifici in totam ,ecclesiam4 ,hanc potestatem legislativam in ,christianos1 maxime justos1 non agnoscunt1 ,lutherani et ,calvinist1 secuti in hoc ,valdenses1 ,wicleffum1 et ,joan4 ,hus damnatos in ,conc4 ,constant4 sess4 #f4 can4 #ae4 ,et quamvis ,joannes ,hus eam agnosceret in principibus bonis1 eam tamen denegabat malis1 pariter ideo damnatus in eodem ,concil4 sess4 #h4 ,,note 7x71 p4 #big4 ,compendium ,salmatic4 authore ,r4 ,p4 ,f4 ,r4 ,antonio a ,s4 ,joseph olim ,lectore1 priore ac examinatore ,synodali in suo collegio ,burgensi1 nunc procuratore generali in ,romana ,curia pro ,carmelitarum ,discalceatorum ,hispanica ,congregatione4 ,rom1 #aggi4 ,superiorum permissu4 ,tractatus #c1 ,de ,legibus1 cap4 #b4 ,de potestate ferendi leges4 ,punctum #a4 ,de potestate legislativa civili4 ,inq4 #a4 ,an detur in hominibus potestas condendi leges civiles8 ,r4 ,affirm4 constat ex illo ,prov4 viii4 ,per me reges regnant1 et legum conditores justa decernunt4 ,idem patet ex ,apost4 ad ,rom4 xiii4 et tanquam de fide est definitum in ,conc4 ,const4 sess4 #h1 et ultima4 ,prob4 ration4 quia ad conservationem boni communis requiritur publica potestas1 qua communitas gubernetur3 nam ubi non est gubernator1 corruet populus1 sed nequid gubernator communitatem nisi mediis legibus gubernare3 ergo certum est dari in hominibus potestatem condendi leges1 quibus populus possit gubernari4 ,ita ,d4 ,th4 lib4 i4 de regim4 princip4 c4 #a et #b4 ,inq4 #b4 ,an potestas legislativa civilis conveniat principi immediate a ,deo8 ,r4 omnes asserunt dictam potestatem habere principes a ,deo4 ,verius tamen dicitur1 non immediate sed mediante populi consensu illam eos a ,deo recipere4 ,nam omnes homines sunt in natura quales1 nec unus est superior1 nec alius inferior ex natura1 nulli enim dedit natura supra alterum potestatem1 sed hc a ,deo data est hominum communitati1 qu judicans rectius fore gubernandum per unam vel per plures personas determinatas1 suam transtulit potestatem in unam1 vel plures1 a quibus regeretur1 ut ait ,d4 ,th4 #a4 #b4 q4 #ij4 a4 #c4 ad4 #b4 ,ex hoc naturali principio oritur discrimen regiminis civilis4 ,nam si ,respublica transtulit omnem suam potestatem in unum solum1 appellatur ,regimen ,monarchicum2 si illam contulit ,optimatibus populi1 nuncupatur ,regimen ,aristocraticum2 si vero populus1 aut ,respublica sibi retineat talem potestatem1 dicitur ,regimen ,democraticum4 ,habent igitur ,principes regendi potestatem a ,deo1 quia supposita electione a ,republica facta1 ,deus illam potestatem1 qu in communitate erat1 ,principi confert4 ,unde ipse nomine ,dei regit1 et gubernat1 et qui illi resistit1 ,dei ordinationi resistit1 ut dicit ,apost4 loco supra laudato4 ,,index4 ,abbon1 a monk--his poem on the siege of ,paris1 #bda4 ,abelard1 account of1 #dja2 error of ,m4 ,guizot with regard to him1 #djb2 document proving this1 #dhf4 ,abuses1 checked by the ,church1 #dbb4 ,adhemar1 his chronicle1 #bda4 ,adon1 ,archbishop of ,vienne--his work on universal history1 #bda4 ,adrian 7,pope7 protects the marriages of slaves1 #aac2 his doctrine on the right of slaves to marry1 #aac4 ,agde1 ,councils of1 #ajc2 ibid4 decree against those who refused to be reconciled1 #agf4 ,aix-la-,chapelle1 ,council of1 enjoins bishops to found hospitals to contain all the poor that their revenues can support1 #ahh4 ,albigenses described1 #beb4 ,alphonsus 7of ,ligouri71 on power of making laws1 #bie4 ,amat 7,don ,felix71 his false political theory1 #ccc2 ibid4 on resistance to government1 #dga4 ,ambrose 7,st471 conduct of towards the ,emperor ,theodosius1 #agh2 sells the sacred vessels to redeem slaves1 #dcb4 ,anabaptists1 excesses committed by1 in ,germany in the #afth century1 #aig4 ,angers1 ,council of1 its decree against acts of violence1 #agf4 ,anselm 7,st471 writings of1 #djc2 ibid4 on ,st4 ,paul to the ,romans1 #dei2 extracts from1 showing his way of viewing religious matters1 #dhe2 intellectual movement in the ,church within the limits of faith1 #dhf2 he anticipates ,descartes' demonstration of the existence of a ,god1 #dhe4 ,arabians1 their civilization described1 #bcg2 probability that they were indebted to the eastern monasteries for much of their knowledge1 #bcg2 the connexion between their science and that of antiquity may yet be found1 #bcg4 ,arbogen1 ,council of1 forbids church burial to be given to pirates1 ravishers1 c41 #ahb4 ,aristocracy in the #afth century1 consisted of the nobles and clergy1 #cdh2 differences between them1 #cdi2 intermediate class between the throne and the people1 #cdi4 ,aristotle1 immoral doctrine of1 #ddc2 his views on public education1 #ddc2 his absurd interference of the ,state in domestic matters1 #ddc2 his doctrines reformed by ,christianity1 #cea4 ,arles1 ,council of1 its decree against feuds1 #agg4 ,armagh1 ,council of1 #aji2 ibid4 frees all the ,english slaves1 #dcg4 ,association1 a favorite principle of ,catholicity1 #ahi4 ,atheism1 tendency towards1 in the #agth century1 #fa4 ,augustin 7,st471 his description of paganism1 #hi2 his noble sentiments on slavery1 #aaa2 remarkable passages from1 on political forms1 #cij2 on the name ,catholic being given to the true ,church only1 #dbb4 ,author1 declaration of1 #dai4 ,authority in religion1 tendency towards1 in the #agth century1 #fa4 ,avignon1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of the truce of ,god1 #aha4 ,aymon 7of ,aquitaine71 writes the history of the ,french1 #bda4 ,barbarians1 those who invaded the ,roman ,empire described1 #abb2 their real condition1 #ddd2 their laws and manners1 #ddg4 ,barcelona1 councillors of1 their bold language to the king of ,spain1 #cdj2 its trades-associations described by ,capmany1 #dgg4 ,bayle1 dictionary of1 described1 #fc2 its effects1 #fc4 ,bellarmine1 doctrine of1 on the divine law1 #bia2 on the civil power1 #bib2 on the distinction between political and ecclesiastical power1 #bic2 vindication of1 #bid4 ,benedict 7,st471 described1 #bch2 his monastic institute1 #bch4 ,beneficence1 public1 unknown to the ancients1 #ahd2 was the work of ,christianity1 #ahd2 it required permanent institutions1 #ahd2 they were conceived and founded by the ,church1 #ahe2 institutions of1 founded by ,catholicity1 #ahe2 they require the support of ,christian charity1 #ahi4 ,bernard 7,st471 observations on1 #dji4 ,beza1 evidence of1 against ,protestantism1 #dbc4 ,bible1 why forbidden in the vulgar tongue in ,spain1 #bae4 ,bible ,societies1 effects of1 #fd4 ,billuart1 ,f41 on the right of making laws1 #bif2 on the origin of society and the civil power1 #bif4 ,bishops1 slaves of1 set free at their death by decree of ,council1 #ajh4 ,bonald1 on the ,esprit des ,lois1 #ahf2 his doctrines1 #bhc4 ,boneuil1 ,council of1 described1 #ajf4 ,bossuet1 his negotiations with ,leibnitz to re-unite the ,churches1 #fa2 school of1 #bhc2 his ,universal ,history the first great work on the philosophy of history1 #dah4 ,brentzen1 testimony of1 to the incredulity prevailing among the early reformers1 #dbi4 ,brescia1 ,arnauld of1 troubles excited by1 #bea4 ,bruis 7,pierre de71 his iconoclastic fanaticism1 #bea4 ,buchanan1 his remark on the degradation of women wherever ,christianity does not prevail1 #acf4 ,bull-fights1 those of ,spain discussed1 #agd4 ,busenbaum1 on the power of making laws1 #bie4 ,bull 7,cna ,domini7 containing an excommunication against those who levy excessive taxes1 #cfj4 ,csar 7,j471 on the manners of the ,germans and ,britons1 #aec4 ,calmet1 on ,st4 ,paul to the ,romans1 #dfa4 ,calvin1 intolerance of1 #dba2 his vulgar abuse1 #dba2 evidence of1 in favor of the ,pope1 #dbc4 ,calvinism1 as connected with democracy1 #cee4 ,capmany on the trades-corporations of ,barcelona1 #dgg4 ,carranza1 trial of1 #bab2 its duration1 #bab2 carried to ,rome1 #bab2 his dying declaration1 #bab2 conduct of ,philip ,,ii4 towards him1 #bac2 causes of his trial1 #bac2 nature of his writings1 #bad2 his reason why the ,scriptures in the vulgar tongue were forbidden in ,spain1 #bae4 ,cassian1 his account of the origin of religious institutions1 #bbc4 ,cathari1 the1 described1 #bea4 ,catholicity1 its doctrines always the same1 #fe2 its past services to society1 and what may be expected from it for the future1 #gc2 its progress in several countries of ,europe1 #gd2 not opposed to the true spirit of liberty1 #hj2 its effects on ,european civilization1 #hj2 was strong in the west and weak in the east1 #ha2 importance of the unity produced by it for the safety of ,europe amid perils1 #ha2 degraded condition of society when it appeared1 #ij2 not opposed to the feeling of individuality1 but promotes it1 #aca2 the elevation of woman due to it alo ne1 #ace1 #aee2 places women on an equality with men1 #ace2 mistake of its opponents1 #adi2 its institutions falsely assailed by ,protestants and philosophers1 #adg2 its exertion in favor of beneficence impeded by ,protestantism1 which compelled it to stand on its defence1 #ahh2 unfairly treated with regard to tolerance1 #aij2 its doctrine with respect to errors of the mind1 #bjj2 was the work of ,god1 #bef2 its fertility in resources1 #beg2 its charity1 #beg2 its true doctrines with regard to the civil power1 #cbc2 its relations with the people1 #cec2 its relations with liberty1 #ceg2 its effects on the development of the intellect1 #cib2 effects of its principle of submission to authority1 #cic2 effects of the same on the sciences1 #cic2 ancient and modern philosophy compared with it1 #cie2 its morality1 #cig2 its revealed dogmas1 #cig2 is not opposed to true philosophy1 #cig2 compared with ,protestantism with respect to learning1 universities1 c41 #dab2 its unity and concert1 #dbc2 its services against slavery4--7,see ,slavery47 ,celchite1 ,council of1 #aji4 ,celibacy1 influence of that of the clergy in preventing an hereditary succession1 according to ,guizot1 #cea2 what would have happened without it1 #ceb4 ,censors1 among the ancients1 they took the place of religious authority1 #afa4 ,chalons1 ,council of1 #ajh4 ,chalons-sur-,saone1 ,council of1 excommunicates those who fight within the precincts of churches1 #agf4 ,chanoinesses1 enjoined by the ,council of ,aix to keep an hospital for poor women1 #ahh4 ,charity1 its effects on toleration1 #aib4 ,charles ,v41 why released from his oath by the ,pope1 #baj4 ,chateaubriand1 writings of1 described1 #ga2 describes ,zachary as selling himself as a slave to buy the liberty of a husband for his wife and children1 #ajd2 extract from1 on the effects of ,catholicity and ,protestantism1 #dae4 ,chivalry1 its relations with women1 #aej2 did not elevate them1 but found them elevated by ,christianity1 #aea4 ,christ1 all his miracles beneficent1 #ahd2 his whole life spent in doing good1 #ahd4 ,christians1 the early1 their constancy in martyrdom1 #bbd2 they seek asylums for retirement and prayer in the deserts1 #bbd4 ,christianity1 effects of1 on society1 #fg2 effects produced by its appearance1 #hh2 opposes slavery1 #ajb2 could not endure the savage heroism of the ,romans1 #ajd2 development of the moral life by means of1 #acd2 was unknown to the ancients1 #acd2 the effects which would have followed from the loss of its influence on ,europe1 #acd2 ideas of some modern philosophers with regard to it1 #aef2 how it is embodied in ,catholicity1 #aef2 its progress in the early ages described1 #bcj2 its effects on the invading barbarians1 #bce4 ,church1 the ,catholic1 services of1 to society1 in combating the fatalist doctrines of the ,reformation1 #fh2 her opposition to slavery1 #ajb2 she protects the freedom of newly emancipated slaves1 #ajc2 consecrates manumission by having it performed in the churches1 #ajc2 protects slaves recommended to her by will1 #ajc2 allows her sacred vessels to be sold to redeem slaves1 #ajd2 gives letters of recommendation to emancipated slaves1 #aje2 causes tending to promote slavery with which she had to contend1 #aje2 she makes a law enabling those who had been compelled to sell themselves as slaves to recover their liberty by paying back the price1 #ajf2 she allows her ministers to give their liberty to slaves belonging to her1 while she forbids other property to be alienated1 #ajh2 summary of her measures for the abolition of slavery1 #aad--7see ,councils72 its abolition due to her alone1 #aad2 reforms marriage1 #acf2 preserves its sanctity1 #acg2 great evils thereby prevented1 #acg2 her unity in doctrines and fixity in conduct not inconsistent with progress1 #ade2 her struggles with the corrupted ,romans and savage barbarians1 #agf2 decrees of her ,councils against animosities1 #agf2 her persevering efforts1 #agg2 treats kings and great men as severely as the lowly1 #agg2 her boldness in checking the crimes of kings1 #agh2 her interference in civil affairs of old justified by the circumstances of the times1 #ahb2 her ,councils protect the weak--viz4 clergy1 monks1 women1 merchants and pilgrims--against the strong1 #ahb2 her exertions in favor of the vanquished in war1 #ahc2 she preserves unity of faith1 and founds institutions for doing good1 #ahe2 what she would have done for the cure of pauperism if the ,reformation had not plunged ,europe into revolutions and reactions1 #ahh2 encourages the aristocracy of talent1 #cfa2 service which she did to the human mind by opposing the spirit of subtlety of the innovators1 #djg2 her interference in the management of hospitals1 #ddi4 ,churches1 the ,protestant1 only the instruments of the civil power1 #ahf4 ,cicero1 on the necessity of religion to the ,state1 #caf4 ,civilization1 that of ,europe during the #afth century not owing to ,protestantism1 #hb2 characteristics of that of modern ,europe described1 #aae2 compared with ancient and modern non-,christian civilization1 #aaf2 its superiority owing to ,catholicity1 #aag2 may be reduced to three elements--the individual1 the family1 and society1 #aag2 its universal progress impeded1 and unity broken1 by ,protestantism1 #bfj4 ,clement1 ,st4 7,pope71 passage from1 on ,christians selling themselves as slaves to redeem their brethren1 #ajd4 ,clergy1 the effects on society of their power and influence1 #age2 fatal effects of the diminution of their political influence in the #afth century1 #cgj2 advantages which might have resulted from it to popular institutions1 #cgc2 their relations with all the powers and classes of society1 #cgc4 ,clermont1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of the truce of ,god1 #aha4 ,coblentz1 ,council of1 #ajf4 ,concina 7,p471 on the origin of power1 #bie2 how it exists in governments1 #bif4 ,conduct1 firmness of1 its powerful effects in the world1 #ade4 ,conscience1 the public1 described1 #aeg2 that of ,europe contrasted with that of ancient times1 #aei2 how influenced by the ,church1 #afj2 both illustrated by the story of ,scipio1 #afe2 the former was formed by ,catholicity alone1 #aff4 ,conscience1 the individual1 described1 #aeh4 ,constance1 ,council of1 its doctrine on the murder of kings1 #ccf4 ,cornelius a ,lapide1 on ,st4 ,paul to the ,romans1 #dfj4 ,cortes1 severe measures of that of ,toledo against the ,jews1 #bje2 decline of1 in ,spain1 #cca4 ,cottereaux1 excesses of1 #beb4 ,councils of the ,church1 their influence on political laws and customs1 #cfj2 canons of1 which improve the condition of slaves1 #dcj2 check all attempts against the liberty of the enfranchised slaves of the ,church1 or who had been recommended to her by will1 #dca2 undertake that the ,church will defend the liberty and property of the freed who have been recommended to her1 #dca2 make the redemption of captives the first care of the ,church1 and give their interests precedence over her own1 #dcb2 excommunicate those who attempt to reduce men into slavery1 #dcc2 declare those who make ,christians slaves to be guilty of homicide1 #dcd2 ordain that those who have sold themselves as slaves shall recover their liberty by repaying the price1 #dcd2 protect the slaves belonging to ,jews1 #dcd2 provide means for their becoming free1 #dcd2 forbid ,jews to acquire new ,christian slaves1 #dce2 ordain that if a master gives meat to a slave on a fasting day1 the latter becomes free1 #dce2 forbid ,jews to hold ,christian slaves at all1 #dce2 forbid ,christian slaves to be sold to ,jews or pagans1 #dce2 or to be sold out of the kingdom of ,clovis1 #dcf2 severely condemn clerics who sell their slaves to ,jews1 #dcf2 command bishops to respect the liberty of those freed by their predecessors1 #dcf2 they mention the power given to bishops to free deserving slaves1 and fix the sum which they may give them to live on1 #dcf2 exempt them from the general rule1 that alienations made by bishops who leave nothing of their own must be restored1 #dcf2 ordain that when a bishop dies1 all his slaves shall be set at liberty1 and that at the funeral each bishop or abbot may set three slaves free1 giving them three solidi each1 #dcf2 free all the ,english slaves in ,ireland1 #dcg2 forbid slaves of the ,church to be exchanged for others1 #dcg2 grant liberty to slaves who wish to embrace the monastic life1 with proper precautions to prevent abuses1 #dcg2 check the abuse of ordaining slaves without the consent of their masters1 #dcg2 allow parish priests to select some clerics from the slaves of the ,church1 #dch2 allow slaves to be ordained1 having been first freed1 #dch4 ,crusades vindicated1 #bdb4 ,cyprian 7,st471 on the redemption of captives1 #dcb4 ,de ,maistre on the word catholic1 #dbb2 on general ,councils1 #dhj2 compares the conduct of the ,popes with that of other rulers1 #dhd4 ,democrats1 difference between ancient and modern1 #acj4 ,democracy1 its alliance with kings against the aristocracy1 #cjc2 notion formed of1 in the #afth century1 #cej2 two kinds of1 #cfd2 their progress in the history of ,europe1 #cfe2 their characters1 #cff2 their causes and effects1 #cff2 historical facts with regard to1 in ,france1 ,england1 ,sweden1 ,denmark1 and ,germany1 #cfg4 ,descartes1 his demonstration of the existence of ,god anticipated by ,st4 ,anselm1 #dhf4 ,divorce1 consequences of the facility of1 in ,germany1 according to ,m4 de ,stal1 #aci4 ,divines1 spirit of the writings of the old ,catholic1 compared with that of modern writers1 #bhh4 ,doctrines1 their effects on society1 #caa2 those prevalent in the #afth century with regard to democracy1 #cej2 those prevalent in political matters in ,europe before the appearance of ,protestantism compared with those of the school of the #ahth century and those of modern publicists1 #cgd4 ,dominicans1 their exertions in favor of the native ,americans1 as stated by ,robertson1 #dda4 ,east1 the1 injury caused there by breaking unity in religion1 #bce4 ,elvira1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of slaves1 #ajj4 ,england1 policy of1 towards ,spain1 #gf4 ,eon1 his fanatical delusion1 #bea4 ,epaone1 ,council of1 #ajj4 ,erigena1 account of1 #djj4 ,errors1 those of the mind not always innocent1 #bjj4 ,error described1 #gj4 ,europe1 characteristics of her civilization1 #aaf2 condition of1 in the #acth century1 #bde et seq42 singular contrasts therein1 #bdf2 struggle between barbarism and ,christianity there1 #bdg2 instances of great and good principles sometimes abused in practice1 #bdg2 barbarism therein improved by religion1 and religion disfigured by barbarism1 #bdh2 effects of the crusades1 #bdi2 increasing power of the commonalty1 #bdi2 decline of the feudal system1 #bdi2 power of great ideas1 #bej2 critical epochs1 #bej2 great agitation prevailing1 and horrible doctrines spread1 among the people at that time1 #bej--7see ,tanchme1 ,eon1 ,cathari1 ,vaudois1 ,albigenses72 what she would have done for civilization if she had not been impeded by ,protestantism1 #bfa2 her condition when it appeared1 #bfa2 great increase of power and development of mind1 #bfb2 divisions occasioned by it1 #bfb2 the nations thereof require religious institutions for organizing beneficence and education on a large scale1 #bgg2 state of1 at the end of the #aeth century1 #cdd2 social movement at that time1 #cdd2 its causes1 #cdd2 its effects and object1 #cde2 development of the industrial classes there1 #ced2 this took place under the influence of ,catholicity alone1 #che2 picture of1 from the #aath century to the #adth1 #chb2 religion and the human mind there1 #djd2 intellectual condition of the nations of modern1 distinguished from that of those of antiquity1 #dje2 causes which have accelerated it among the former1 #djf4 ,eximeno1 letter of1 on the sciences1 #dbe4 ,facts1 consummated1 how they are to be treated1 #ccc4 ,faith1 unity of1 not adverse to political liberty1 #chh4 ,forms1 political1 their value1 #ceg4 ,francis ,i4 7of ,france71 his opinion on the necessity of expelling the ,moors from ,spain1 #baj4 ,francis1 ,st4 7de ,sales71 his list of titles given to the ,popes1 #dbc4 ,franks1 their custom of going armed to church forbidden by ,councils1 #agf4 ,free-will1 its denial discarded by ,protestants themselves1 #fh2 its effects1 #fh2 its noble results1 #acd2 supported by ,catholicity against the ,reformation1 #ace4 ,gambling1 passion of1 described1 #adb4 ,games1 public1 those of the ,romans prohibited by the ,christian ,church1 #age4 ,gerbet 7l',abb71 his excellent refutation of ,lammenais' doctrines1 #cch4 ,germans1 manners of the ancient1 described by ,tacitus1 #aeb2 why embellished by him1 #aec2 are but little known to us1 #aed2 their struggles with the ,romans1 #aed4 ,gibbon1 testimony of1 to the merits of ,bossuet's ,history of the ,variations1 #dba4 ,gilles 7,st471 ,council of1 its decree in favor of the truce of ,god1 #agi4 ,gironne1 ,council of1 in favor of the truce of ,god1 #ahj4 ,glaber 7,monk71 of ,cluny1 his history of ,france1 #bda4 ,gotti 7,cardinal71 doctrines of1 on the origin of power1 #bie4 ,gouget 7l',abb71 on ,catholic ,hebrew studies1 #dac4 ,government1 three principles of--monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 #cdd4 ,governments1 revolutionary ones are cruel in self-defence1 not being based on right1 #abh2 right of resistance to de facto ones1 #ccj2 falsehood of the theory which imposes the obligation of obeying them merely as such #cca2 difficulties on this point explained1 #ccb4 ,grace1 effects of the ,catholic doctrine of1 #bcd4 ,gratian1 merit of his literary labors1 #bda4 ,gregory 7,pope71 passage from1 #ajh2 frees two slaves of the ,roman ,church1 #dcf2 his reason why ,christians liberated their slaves1 #dcf4 ,gregory ,,iii4 7,pope71 on selling slaves to the pagans for sacrifice1 #dce4 ,gregory ,,ix4 7,pope71 his decretals on slavery1 #aji2 against the hereditary succession of the clergy1 #ceb4 ,gregory ,,xvi4 7,pope71 his apostolic letters against the slave trade1 #dch4 ,grotius1 his servile doctrine on the civil power1 #cbc2 his evidence in favor of ,catholicity1 #dbd4 ,gruet1 his incredulity and execution1 #dbi4 ,guibert1 historical labors of1 #bda4 ,guizot1 on the effects of the ,church upon slavery1 #aac2 his doctrine of the personal independence of individuals among the barbarians stated and discussed1 #aai2 true theory thereon1 #aba2 incoherence of his own doctrines1 #abd2 cause of his error1 #abe2 his acknowledgment with regard to the reformation and liberty1 #cdc2 extract from1 shewing that the clergy were not a caste1 #cea2 an opinion of1 refuted1 #cii2 extract from1 shewing the immense superiority of the ,church to the barbarians in legislation1 #ddg2 documents shewing his error with respect to ,abelard1 #dhf4 ,hacket1 fanaticism of1 #dbg4 ,harlem1 ,mathias1 mad fanaticism of1 #dbf4 ,heresy1 held a sin by the ,catholic ,church1 #bjj4 ,heretics1 characteristics of those of the early ages1 #dbe4 ,herman1 preaches the murder of all priests and magistrates1 #dbf4 ,hermandad1 charter of1 between the kingdoms of ,leon and ,castile1 for the preservation of their liberties1 #dge4 ,history1 difficulties in its study1 #bdh2 necessity of taking into account times and circumstances of events therein1 #bdh4 ,hobbes1 his false theory of society1 #cjd2 his servile doctrine1 #cbc4 ,honor1 principle of1 in monarchies1 according to ,montesquieu1 #afa4 ,horace1 on the origin of society1 #dfb4 ,hospitals1 destroyed by ,henry ,,viii4 in ,england1 #ahe2 ,catholic bishops the protectors and inspectors of1 #ahg2 laws made respecting them by the ,church1 #ahg2 attached to monasteries and colleges in the middle ages1 #ddi2 superintended by the bishops1 #ddi2 their property protected by being considered as belonging to the ,church1 #ddi4 ,hugh of ,st4 ,victor1 historical labors of1 #bda4 ,humility1 its effects with regard to toleration1 #aic4 ,ideas1 irreligious ones cannot be confined to theory1 but enter on the field of practice1 #gj2 destroy themselves1 #ga2 power of1 #afi2 they are divided into those that flatter the passions1 and those that check them1 #agj2 they require an institution to preserve and enforce them1 #agj2 how they became corrupted among mankind before ,christianity1 #agj2 how effected by the press1 #aga2 their natural progress1 #aga2 their rapid succession in modern times1 #aga4 ,impiety allies itself with liberty or despotism to suit its purpose1 #chh4 ,incredulity in ,europe the fruit of ,protestantism1 #fj2 spirit of1 has lost much of its strength1 #gj4 ,independence1 personal1 feeling of1 existed among the ,greeks and ,romans1 #abd4 ,indifference1 religious1 in ,europe1 the fruit of ,protestantism1 #fj4 ,individual1 the1 how absorbed by the state among the ancients1 #abg2 fatal effects of the complete annihilation of the feelings of respect for1 in society1 #abi2 witnessed among nations not ,christians1 #abi4 ,individuals1 how the freedom of1 was fettered among the ancient republics1 #acj2 every thing ruled by the state1 #acj4 ,inquisition1 the1 misrepresentations with regard to that of ,spain1 #bjc2 its duration may be divided into three periods1 #bje2 appeals from it to ,rome1 #bjg2 indulgence of the latter1 #bjc2 interference of the ,popes to soften the rigours of1 #bjc2 mildness of that of ,rome1 #bjc2 no case of capital sentence pronounced by it1 #bjc2 rigours of that of ,spain in the time of ,philip ,,ii4 caused by the ,protestants themselves1 #bad2 compels a preacher to retract who1 in the presence of ,philip ,,ii41 had maintained that kings have absolute power over their subjects1 #bah2 became milder with the spirit of the age1 #bah2 remarks thereon1 #deb2 appellants to ,rome from1 forbidden to return to ,spain under pain of death by pragmatic sanction of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 #ded2 how affected by the policy of the ,spanish kings1 #dee2 the latter earnestly endeavoured to have the judgment in ,spain made final1 without appeal1 which the ,popes refused1 #dee2 affected impartiality of writers with regard to it1 #dee4 ,see ,perez1 ,puigblanch1 ,villanueva1 ,llorente1 and ,jomtob4 ,institutions1 religious1 opposed by ,protestantism and philosophers1 #bai2 their importance and connexion with religion herself1 #bba2 have survived the attempts made to destroy them1 #bba2 their nature described1 #bbb2 their object1 #bbb2 are perfectly conformable to the spirit of the ,christian religion1 #bbc2 their commencement1 according to ,cassian1 #bbc2 have always existed in the ,church from the time of ,constantine1 #bbc2 conduct of the ,popes towards them1 #bbd2 their accordance with the ,gospel precepts1 #bbe2 their effects on the human mind1 #bbf2 their services and necessity1 #bbg2 their necessity for the salvation of society1 #bge2 not inconsistent with the improvements of modern times1 #bhj2 historical view of them1 #deh2 coup d'il at their origin and development1 #deh-i4 ,institutions1 free1 injured by ,protestantism1 #cfc4 ,institutions1 their study1 #bdh2 necessity of understanding the times when they existed1 #bdh4 ,intellect1 the1 its development1 how affected by ,catholicity1 #cib2 influence thereof upon1 historically examined1 #cic2 its relations with religion1 #djd2 its development among the nations of ,europe different from that of those of antiquity1 #dje2 causes that have hastened its development in ,europe1 #dje2 origin of the spirit of subtlety1 #djf2 service rendered to it by the ,church in opposing the subtleties of the innovators1 #djc2 its progress from the eleventh century to our times1 #dab2 different phases1 #dab4 ,intolerance1 that of some irreligious men1 #aid2 of the ,romans1 #aif2 of the pagan emperors1 #aif2 has continued from the establishment of ,christianity by the state1 in various forms1 down to the present time1 #aif2 recent instances of it1 #aif2 case of ,france examined1 #aig2 doctrine which condemns all intolerance with regard to doctrines and actions discussed and refuted1 #aih2 consequences which would flow from it1 #aih2 would produce impunity for crimes1 #aih2 civil and religious1 distinguished1 #dej2 mistaken by ,rousseau1 #dej2 its existence in ancient and modern times held by some ,protestants1 #dea4 ,irreligion1 spirit of1 has lost much of its strength1 #gj4 ,isabella1 part taken by1 in the establishment of the ,inquisition in ,spain1 #bje4 ,jansenists1 the1 described1 #fb4 ,jerome1 7,st471 on the name ,catholic not being given to heretics1 #dbb4 ,jesuits1 importance of1 in the history of civilization1 #bfh2 their eminent services1 #bfi2 error and contradiction of ,m4 ,guizot in their regard1 #bgj2 false charges against1 #bga4 ,jews1 the slaves of1 protected by decrees of ,councils1 #ajg2 struggle between truth and error among1 #agj2 how the truth was preserved1 #agj2 their avarice1 #bjf2 popular hatred against1 #bjf2 atrocities charged against them by the people1 #bjg2 pragmatic sanction of ,ferdinand and ,isabella with regard to1 #ded2 law of ,philip ,,ii4 against1 #dee4 ,john de ,ste4 ,marie1 extracts from1 on ,christian politics1 #dfc4 ,jomtob1 ,nathaniel1 his work called ,the ,inquisition ,unveiled1 #def2 his prejudice and vulgar abuse1 #def4 ,judaizers pursued by the ,inquisition1 #bji4 ,justin1 on martyrdom1 #acb2 his ,apology1 #bhf4 ,justinian gives bishops the control of hospitals1 #dej4 ,kings1 inviolability of1 #ccg2 greatest increase of the power of1 in ,europe1 dates from the appearance of ,protestantism1 #cfc4 ,knowledge1 state of1 when ,christianity appeared1 #he2 sterility of1 in creating social institutions1 #he4 ,laborers1 protected by the ,council of ,rheims1 #ahb4 ,lacordaire 7l',abb7 on the ,spanish ,inquisition1 #baj4 ,lamennais 7l',abb71 his attempt to ally ,catholicity with extreme democracy1 #aca2 his doctrines on government compared with those of ,st4 ,thomas1 #cch4 ,las ,casas1 exertions of1 in favor of the native ,americans related by ,robertson1 #ddb4 ,lateran1 general ,council of1 confirms the truce of ,god1 #aha2 eleventh general ,council of1 forbids the maltreatment of monks1 clergy1 pilgrims1 merchants1 peasants1 and the shipwrecked1 #ahb4 ,law1 the divine1 false interpretation of1 #bhd2 ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom on1 #bhe2 according to ,bellarmine1 #bia4--,see ,st4 ,thomas1 ,suarez1 ,gotti1 ,busenbaum1 ,liguori1 ,billuart1 and the ,compendium ,salmaticense4 ,law4--,see ,st4 ,thomas4 ,league1 the ,hanseatic1 described1 #ced4 ,legislation1 that of ,rome described1 #hf2 was probably influenced by ,christianity1 #hf4 ,leibnitz1 his negotiations with ,bossuet to re-unite the ,churches1 #fa2 his theological system contains the chief dogmas of ,catholicity1 #dbd4 ,lepers1 ordered to be maintained at the expense of the ,church1 #ahg4 ,lerida1 ,council of1 excludes those at variance from the body and blood of ,christ1 #agf2 decrees seven years' penance against infanticide1 #ahd4 ,leyden1 ,john of1 his excesses at ,munster1 #dbf4 ,liberty1 a word ill understood1 #gi2 examples of1 #gi2 how limited1 #gi2 ,catholicity favorable to its true spirit1 #hj2 true nature of1 #bbh2 according to ,catholic doctors1 #caa2 political freedom owes nothing to ,protestantism1 #ceb2 ,catholicity favorable to it1 #ceb2 why it has fallen into bad repute with some1 #cfb2 considered in relation to religious intolerance1 #chb2 cannot subsist without morality1 #chi2 remarkable passage from ,augustin on the subject1 #cij4 ,lillebonne1 ,council of1 enforces the truce of ,god1 #ahj4 ,llandaff1 ,council of1 #agg4 ,llorente1 his ,history of the ,inquisition1 #deg2 his attempt to introduce schism and heresy into ,spain1 #deg2 his misrepresentation1 #deg2 burns a portion of the documents belonging to the ,inquisition of ,madrid1 #deg4 ,london1 ,council of1 #ajf4 ,louis of ,bavaria1 the doctrine that the imperial power comes immediately from ,god maintained by the princes of the empire in his time1 #dfb4 ,love1 passion of1 its effects1 #adc2 how treated by ,catholicity and ,protestantism1 #add2 advantages of the course pursued by the former1 #ade4 ,luther1 his opinion on polygamy1 #ach2 effects which his doctrines would have had1 had they been proclaimed sooner1 #ach2 his intolerance towards the ,jews1 #bji2 specimens of his violence1 grossness1 and intolerance1 #dba2 his evidence against ,catholicity1 #dbc2 his interview with the ,devil1 #dbe2 infidel passages from his writings1 #dbh4 ,lyons1 ,council of1 #aje2 ,council of1 see ,lepers2 poor men of1 described1 #bea4 ,mcon1 ,councils of1 #ajd4 ,manichees1 unusual severities exercised towards1 #bjd2 description of1 #beb4 ,manners1 gentleness of1 one of the characteristics of ,european civilization1 #agb2 wherein it consists1 #agb2 exists in advanced societies1 #agb2 not found in young nations1 #agb2 did not exist among the ,greeks and ,romans1 #agc2 causes of this1 #agc2 their excessive corruption among the ancients1 #dde4 ,mariana1 his popular doctrines1 #cab2 on the liberties of ,spain1 #dha4 ,marquez1 ,p41 on the disputes between rulers and their subjects1 #dhb2 on the levying of taxes1 and the right of rulers over the property of their subjects1 #dhc4 ,marriage1 doctrines of ,catholicity and ,protestantism with regard to1 compared1 #acf2 importance of guarding the sanctity of1 #aci2 not admitted as a sacrament by ,protestantism1 #aci2 different conduct of ,catholicity and ,protestantism with regard to1 #adj4 ,martyrs1 heroism of the ,christian1 #acb4 ,matha1 ,john of1 one of the founders of the ,order of the most holy ,trinity for the ,redemption of ,captives1 #bei4 ,mathematics1 obscurity of their first principles1 #dbe4 ,melancthon1 his complaints against the other ,reformers1 #dba2 superstitions of1 #dbf4 ,merchants protected by ,councils1 #ahb4 ,merida1 ,council of1 #ajj4 ,missions1 their unity broken by ,protestantism1 #bfj2 injury thereby done to them1 #bfc2 what they might have effected had it not appeared1 #bfc2 what united efforts effected in earlier times1 #bfd2 need of1 on a large scale1 for the conversion of the heathen1 #bfe2 zeal displayed by the ,church in the promotion of1 in latter times1 #bff2 powerful means for promoting at the command of ,rome before unity was broken1 #bff4 ,monarchy1 why hereditary is preferable1 #adc2 idea formed of1 in the sixteenth century1 #cdf2 application thereof1 #cdg2 in what it differed from despotism1 #cdg2 what it was in the sixteenth century1 #cdg2 its relations with the ,church1 #cdh2 when necessary in ,europe1 #cef2 different character of1 in ,europe and ,asia1 #ceg2 passage from ,de ,maistre on1 #ceh2 institutions for limiting it1 #ceh2 it acquired strength in the sixteenth century1 #cfa2 prevailed over free institutions1 #cfb2 causes of this1 #cgj4 ,monasteries1 those in the east established in imitation of the solitaries1 #bce2 causes of their decline1 #bce2 services they might have rendered to literature1 #bcf2 what they did for knowledge1 #bcf2 those of the west established1 #bch2 their effects1 #bch2 property rendered sacred1 #bci2 their property1 #bci2 their claims thereto1 #bci2 their improvements1 #bdj2 encouragement given to the country life1 #bdj2 their services to ,germany1 ,france1 ,spain1 and ,england1 #bdj2 great men they produced1 #bdj2 their services to science and letters1 #bdj2 their civilizing effects1 #bdb2 new forms assumed by them in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries1 #bdb2 their objects1 #bdc2 benefits they conferred on mankind1 #bdc4 ,monks1 protected by ,councils1 #ahj4 ,monogamy not owing to climate1 #ach4 ,montaigne on the ,reformation1 #fa2 his infidel sentiments changed at his death1 #dbi4 ,montanus1 ,arias1 employed by ,philip ,,ii4 to collect books and ,,mss41 #bah4 ,montesquieu on the principle of honor in monarchies1 #afb2 that of virtue in republics1 #afa2 he is bound by his theory1 #afe2 on the destruction of monasteries and hospitals in ,england by ,henry ,,viii41 #ahe2 his doctrine with regard to the latter1 #ahf4 ,montpellier1 ,council of1 its decrees to secure peace1 #aha4 ,moors1 the1 dread of their power in ,spain1 #bje2 papal bull in favor of1 #bji2 law of ,philip ,,iii41 expelling them1 #ded4 ,napoleon and the ,spanish nation1 #cca4 ,narbonne1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of the truce of ,god1 #agi4 ,nationality1 importance of1 #gf4 ,nicholas1 a fanatic who taught that it was good to continue in sin that grace might the more abound1 #dbg4 ,nuns1 protected by the ,council of ,rouen1 #aha4 ,obedience1 motives of1 founded on the will of ,god1 #ig4 ,olive trees1 why protected by the ,council of ,narbonne1 #ahj4 ,opinions1 the rapid succession of1 in modern times1 #aga4 ,opinion1 public1 influence of1 on morals1 #afc4 ,orange1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of slaves1 #ajc4 ,orders1 the religious-military described1 #bdb2 the mendicant ditto1 #beb2 the necessity for the latter1 #bec2 their popular nature1 #bed2 their influence1 #bed2 were the work of ,god1 #bed2 their relations with the ,pontiffs1 #bef2 those for the redemption of captives1 #beg2 visions inspiring them1 #bei2 their founders1 #bei4 ,orleans1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of slaves1 #ajj1 #ajc1 #ajg2 forbids any one to be armed at church1 #agf2 protects hospitals1 #ahg2 the poor and prisoners1 #ahg4 ,oxford1 ,council of1 its decree against robbers1 #ahb4 ,pacts1 #bih4 ,paganism described by ,st4 ,augustin1 #hi4 ,palafox1 on the duties of kings1 princes1 and magistrates1 #cba2 on taxes and tyranny1 #dhc4 ,palentia1 ,council of1 protects the defenceless1 #ahb4 ,papin1 evidence of1 in favor of ,catholicity1 #dbd4 ,paris1 trades-union of1 #ced4 ,passions1 the1 differently treated by ,catholicity and by ,protestantism1 #adj2 why so active in times of public disturbance1 #adc4 ,patrick1 7,st471 ,council of1 #aje4 ,paul1 7,st471 his ,epistle to the ,romans1 #dei4 ,peasants4--,see ,lateran4 ,penance1 efficacy of the sacrament of1 #afg4 ,perez1 on the condemnation of a preacher for absolutist doctrines by the ,inquisition of ,spain1 #dee4 ,peter1 7,st471 of ,arbues1 his murder by the ,jews not a proof of the unpopularity of the ,inquisition1 #bjg2 tumult occasioned thereby1 #bjg4 ,peter1 7,st471 ,nolasco1 founds the ,order of ,mercy for the ,redemption of ,captives1 #bei4 ,philanthropy1 inadequate for works of beneficence without ,christian ,charity1 #ahi4 ,philosophers1 the irreligions of the last century preferred pagan to ,christian institutions1 #afa4 ,philosophy1 schools of1 can destroy but not create1 #aga4 ,philip ,,ii4 of ,spain did not institute the ,inquisition1 but continued it1 #baj2 why so much attacked by ,protestants1 #baj2 probability that the attempts made to introduce ,protestantism into ,spain in his time would succeed1 owing to the circumstances of the times1 #baa2 his conduct to ,carranza1 #bac2 his services to ,catholicity1 #bae2 general feeling in his reign with regard to cruel punishments very different from the present1 #bag2 his patronage of literature1 #bah2 his letter to ,arias ,montanus1 #def4 --,see ,inquisition4 ,pilgrims protected by ,councils1 #aha4 ,pitt1 anecdote of1 #gf4 ,pius ,,ii4 7,pope71 his apostolic letters against slavery1 #dci4 ,pius ,,vii4 7,pope71 interposes to abolish the slave trade1 #dda4 ,plato1 immoral doctrines of1 #dbb4 ,polygamy1 not the effect of climate1 #ach4 ,poor1 the1 regulations of ,councils in favor of1 #ahg4 ,popes1 the1 services they rendered to society by preserving the sanctity of marriage1 #acg2 support the truce of ,god1 #aha2 their attempts to mitigate the rigour of the ,spanish ,inquisition1 #bjh2 appoint judges of appeal1 #bjh2 their intolerance compared with the tolerance of ,protestantism1 #bjh2 their temporal powers1 #cdj2 doctrines of theologians with regard to them in case they should fall into heresy1 #cdb2 nature1 origin1 and effects of their temporal power1 #chf2 list of titles given to1 in ancient times1 #dbc4 ,power1 origin of1 #bhd2 the paternal1 considered with regard to the civil1 #bhf2 the latter1 according to ,bellarmine1 resides immediately in the people1 #bib2 divine origin of1 #bih2 violence of1 when illegitimate1 #cjc2 mediate and immediate transmission of1 #cje2 this distinction important in some respects and unimportant in others1 #cjf2 why ,catholic divines have so zealously supported the mediate1 #cjh2 faculties of the civil1 #cag2 calumnies of the opponents of the ,church on this point1 #cag2 resistance to the civil1 #cbd2 comparison between ,catholicity and ,protestantism on this point1 #cbg2 vain timidity of some minds on this point1 #cbd2 obedience to the civil1 taught by ,catholicity when legitimate1 #cbe2 civil distinguished from spiritual1 #cbf2 conduct of ,catholicity and ,protestantism with respect to the separation of the two1 #cbf2 the independence of the spiritual1 a guarantee for the liberty of the people1 #cbf2 doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas on obedience to the civil1 #cbh2 doctrines of ,st4 ,thomas1 ,bellarmine1 ,suarez1 c4 on resistance to the civil1 in extreme cases1 #cch4 ,preaching1 that of ,protestantism without authority1 #afg4 --,see ,protestantism4 ,prebendaries1 bound to give a tenth of their fruits to an hospital1 #ahh4 ,press1 the effects of1 on opinions1 #aga4 ,prisoners1 exertions of the ,church in favor of1 #ahg4 ,protestantism1 present condition of1 #fd2 attempts to preserve itself by violating its fundamental principle1 #fd2 causes of its continuance1 #fd2 has almost entirely disappeared as a fixed creed1 but remains as a body of sects1 #fe2 its positive doctrines repugnant to the instinct of civilization1 #fh2 its essential principle one of destruction1 #fi2 can boast only of its ruins1 #fi2 was the work of human passions1 and not of ,god1 #fi2 effects which even its partial introduction into ,spain would produce1 #gd1 #gf1 #gh2 advantages of the practice of preaching preserved by1 #ij1 #aff2 its preaching is without authority1 #afg2 its doctrine with respect to errors of the mind1 #aii2 effects which its introduction into ,spain would have produced1 #baf2 would have broken the unity of the ,spanish monarchy1 #baf2 is opposed to vows and celibacy1 #bai2 its appearance1 #bfb2 its effects in breaking the unity of ,european civilization1 #bfb2 divided the missionaries among themselves1 #bfc2 disastrous effects of1 #bfg2 exalts the temporal power at the expense of the spiritual1 #cjh2 its relations with liberty1 #cdc2 real state of the case on this point1 #cdd2 its origin aristocratic1 #cee2 not favorable to the poor1 #cee2 has contributed to destroy free institutions1 #cfc2 fearful state of ,europe after it appeared1 #cfi2 political doctrines prevailing in ,europe before its appearance compared with those of modern publicists and the school of the eighteenth century1 #cgd2 has prevented the homogeneity of ,european civilization1 #cge2 historical proofs1 #cgf2 compared with ,catholicity with regard to learning1 criticism1 the learned languages1 the foundation of universities1 the progress of literature and the arts1 mysticism1 high philosophy1 metaphysics1 morals1 religious philosophy1 and the philosophy of history1 #dab2 evidences against1 from ,luther1 ,melancthon1 ,calvin1 ,beza1 ,grotius1 ,papin1 ,puffendorf1 and ,leibnitz1 #dbc2 its superstition and fanaticism1 #dbe2 bad faith of its founders1 #dbh2 passages proving this1 #dbh2 progress of infidelity soon after its appearance proved from ,luther1 ,brentzen1 ,gruet1 and ,montaigne1 #dbh4 ,puffendorf1 his false theory of society1 #cjd2 evidence of1 against ,protestantism1 #dbc4 ,puigblanch4--,see ,jomtob4 ,punishments1 right of inflicting capital1 derived from ,god1 #cjj2 cannot come from pacts1 #cjj2 mildness of1 among barbarian nations not a proof of civilization but of indifference to crime1 #ddg2 immense superiority of the legislation of the ,church with respect to1 according to ,m4 ,guizot1 #ddg4 ,regulus1 virtue bordering on ferocity1 #ajd4 ,religion1 always existed in some shape among the greater part of mankind1 #ff2 power of1 in ,spain1 #gf2 condition of1 when ,christianity appeared1 #hd2 atrocities committed in the name of1 by ,catholics and ,protestants1 #bjd2 importance of1 to the civil power1 #caa2 corruption of1 among the ancients1 #dde4 ,revolutions1 those of modern times1 #chi2 difference between that of the ,united ,states of ,america and that of ,france1 #chi4 ,rheims1 ,councils of1 #ajd2 commands that the clergy1 monks1 women1 travellers1 laborers1 and vine-dressers shall be respected during war1 #ahb2 protects the poor1 #ahg4 ,robertson4--,see ,dominicans and ,las ,casas4 ,romans1 the1 their savage heroism not tolerated by the mild spirit of ,christianity1 #ajd2 futile attempts made to imitate them1 #abh2 their manners effeminate without being gentle1 #agc4 ,rome1 legislation of1 #hf2 how affected by ,christianity1 #hf2 vice of her political organization1 #hg2 ,council of1 its decrees in favor of slaves1 #aji2 the court of1 endeavors to mitigate the severity of the ,spanish ,inquisition1 #bjh2 mildness of the ,inquisition at ,rome compared with that in other places1 #bjh2 no instance of a capital sentence having been pronounced thereby1 #bjh2 the decline and fall of the empire of1 #bbi4 ,roscelin described1 #djj2 compared with ,st4 ,anselm1 #djg4 ,rouen1 ,council of1 its decree in favor of the truce of ,god1 #aha4 ,rousseau1 doctrines of1 #bhb2 his appeal to the passions1 #bhh2 his ,contrat ,social1 #bii2 his misrepresentation of ,catholicity1 #dej2 doctrines of his ,contrat ,social1 #dea2 his intolerance1 #dea4 ,saavedra1 his popular doctrines1 #cac4 ,salamanca1 ,compendium of1 on the transmission of power by the people's consent1 #bie4 ,sciences1 the natural and social compared1 #he4 ,scipio1 story of1 #afe4 ,self-defence1 right of1 alleged as a plea for the intolerance of governments1 #bjb4 ,seneca1 on the worship of the gods1 #caf4 ,sigebert1 historical labors of1 #bda4 ,slaves1 their large numbers among the ancients1 #ia2 their numbers at ,athens1 ,sparta1 ,rome1 and in the eastern countries1 #ia2 opinions of ,plato and ,aristotle regarding them1 #ia2 their treatment1 #ia2 dangers from their numbers1 #ia2 their rebellions1 #ib2 their immediate emancipation impracticable1 #ic2 the ,church did all that could be done in their favor1 #id2 difficulties she had to contend with in their emancipation1 #id2 conduct1 designs1 and tendencies of the ,church favorable to them1 #id2 their natural inferiority to freemen proclaimed by the heathen philosophers1 #ie2 their natural equality with them inculcated by the ,scriptures and the ,church1 #ig2 motives for their obedience1 #ig2 their ill-treatment1 #ih2 spirit of hatred and revolts thereby caused1 #ih2 ,st4 ,paul's instructions to them1 #ih2 power of life and death possessed over them by their masters1 and cruelties exercised1 #ii2 scene from ,tacitus1 #ii2 ,st4 ,paul intercedes for one of them1 #ajj2 ill-treatment of them forbidden by ,councils of the ,church1 #ajj2 she substitutes public trial for private vengeance in their regard1 #aja2 the clergy forbidden to mutilate them1 #aja2 she condemns to penance those who put them to death of their own authority1 #aja2 she protects those newly emancipated1 #ajc2 those of the ,church not allowed to be sold or exchanged1 #aji2 those who embrace the monastic state are freed by decree of the ,council of ,rome1 #aji2 abuse thereof1 #aji2 were raised to the priesthood1 but not until they had been freed1 #aaj2 prevalence of the abuse of ordaining slaves without the consent of their masters1 #aaj2 the ,church protects their marriages1 and forbids them to be dissolved by their masters1 #aac4--,see ,councils4 ,slavery1 the offspring of sin1 #aab4 ,society1 will always be either religious or superstitious1 #fg2 modern1 described1 #gb2 its progress1 #hb2 condition of1 when ,christianity appeared1 #hd2 present state of1 #bgd2 administration alone not adequate to its wants #bgf2 principle of charity required1 #bgf2 physical means of restraining the masses of1 #bgh2 moral means required1 #bhj2 origin of1 according to ,st4 ,thomas1 #bhi2 not the work of man1 #bia2 not to be saved by strict political doctrines1 without religion and morality1 #cad2 why modern conservative schools are powerless in preserving it1 #cae2 struggle therein between the three elements1 monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 #cfi4 ,solitaries1 the early1 described1 #bca2 numbers of1 #bca2 influence of1 in spiritualising ideas and improving morals1 #bcb2 overcome the difficulties of the luxurious and enervating climate1 #bcd2 great men who received their inspirations from them1 #bcd4 ,spain1 effects which the partial introduction of ,protestantism would have produced there1 #gd1 #gf1 #gg2 power of religious ideas there1 #gf2 peculiar manner in which revolutionary ideas have come into operation there1 #gg2 has not yet obtained the government which she requires1 #gh2 effects of the loss of her national unity1 #gh2 her intolerance in religious matters not so great as it has been represented1 #bah2 bold language used there with regard to politics1 #cab2 industrial progress therein1 #ced2 ,catholicity and politics there1 #cgg2 real state of the question1 #cgg2 causes of the ruin of her free institutions1 #cgh2 ancient and modern freedom1 #cgh2 ,communeros of ,castile1 #cgi2 policy of her rulers1 #chj2 ,ferdinand1 ,ximenes1 ,charles ,v41 and ,philip ,,ii41 #cha4 ,stephen1 7,abbot71 his account of the excesses committed by the ,manichees in ,france1 #beb4 ,suarez1 on the origin of power1 #bid2 his reply to ,king ,james ,i4 of ,england1 #bid2 on the disputes between subjects and their rulers1 #dgc4 ,subtlety1 spirit of1 in the middle ages1 its causes1 #djf4 ,tacitus1 scene from1 of cruelty to slaves1 #ii2 on the ancient ,germans with regard to women1 #aeb2 his description of their manners1 why embellished1 #aeb4 ,tact1 value of1 #aga4 ,tanchme1 excesses of1 #bej4 ,telugis1 ,council of1 ordains the truce of ,god1 #ahj4 ,tertullian1 apology of1 #bhf4 ,theodosius1 the emperor1 excluded from the ,church by ,st4 ,ambrose1 for the slaughter at ,thessalonica1 #agh4 ,theories1 rapid succession of1 in modern times1 #aga4 ,theresa1 ,st41 extracts from the visions of1 #dbg4 ,thierry1 ,m41 his history of the ,conquest of ,england by the ,normans1 #abj4 ,thomas1 ,st41 of ,aquin1 extract from1 on the origin of society1 #bhi2 on the ,divine law1 #bij2 his definition of law1 #cai2 his doctrines with regard to laws and royal power1 #cai2 on obedience to laws1 #cbh2 utility of his dictatorship in the schools in the middle ages to the human mind1 #daa2 passages from1 on the duties of rulers and subjects1 #dgj2 his doctrines on the forms of government1 #dhj4 ,times1 superiority of the primitive1 has been exaggerated1 #dbb4 ,toledo1 ,councils of1 #ajc1 #ajg1 #ajh1 #aaa4 ,toleration1 how misunderstood and misrepresented1 #aij2 prejudices against ,catholicity with regard to1 #aij2 principle of1 considered1 #aia2 in religious men is the produce of two principles1 charity and humility1 #aia2 illustrations1 shewing how they are affected by intercourse with the world on this point1 #aib2 that of some irreligious men1 #aid2 considered in society and governments1 #aid2 its existence in society not owing to the philosophers1 #aie2 its causes1 #aie2 principle of universal1 discussed1 #aif4 ,tours1 ,council of1 ordains that the poor shall be supported in their own town or parish1 #ahg4 ,trades-corporations1 origin and salutary effects of1 #dgg4 ,trades-union4--,see ,paris4 ,trajan1 the emperor1 #fjjj gladiators slain at his games1 #agd4 ,transubstantiation1 discussion with regard to1 in consequence of the philosophy of ,descartes1 #cig4 ,trent1 ,council of1 gives bishops the power of visiting hospitals1 #ddi4 ,troja1 ,councils of1 promote the truce of ,god1 #ahj4 ,truce of ,god described1 #agi2 established by ,church ,councils1 #agi2 supported by ,popes1 #ahj4 ,truth1 described1 #fi4 ,tubuza1 ,council of1 establishes the truce of ,god1 #agi4 ,unbelievers1 doctrines of1 with regard to errors of the mind1 #bjj4 ,universities1 those founded by ,catholicity1 #dad4 ,vaison1 ,council of1 decree of1 in favor of foundlings and against infanticide1 #ahd4 ,valois1 ,felix of1 one of the founders of the ,order of the ,most ,holy ,trinity for the ,redemption of ,captives1 #bei4 ,vaudois1 described1 #beb4 ,verneul1 ,council of1 #aje4 ,villanueva1 prejudice and egotism of1 #deg4 ,vine-dressers1 protected by the ,council of ,rheims1 #ahb4 ,virginity1 respected by the ancients1 c41 but not by ,protestantism1 #adf2 how important that it should be respected1 #adf2 not injurious to the state1 #adg2 its effects on the female character1 #adi4 ,visions1 7see ,orders72 effects of1 #bei2 those of ,catholics1 #dbg4 ,vives1 ,louis1 on human knowledge1 #dbd4 ,voltaire described1 #fc2 extract from1 on the importance of the morals of courts to society1 #acg4 ,vows1 vindication of religious1 #bbh2 those of chastity in the early ages of the ,church1 #deh4 ,widows1 their vows of chastity in the early ages of the ,church1 #deh4 ,witmar1 a ,german monk1 his chronicles much esteemed #bda2 used by ,leibnitz1 #bda4 ,women1 degraded condition of1 among the ancients1 #acf1 #dda2 their elevation due entirely to ,catholicity1 #acf1 #aef2 how affected by chivalry1 #aej2 their elevation falsely ascribed to the ancient ,germans1 #aea2 protected by ,councils1 #ahb4 ,worms1 ,council of1 excommunicates those who refuse to be reconciled1 #agg4 ,zeballos1 ,p41 on ,christian politics and ,naboth's vineyard1 #dfg4 ,ziegler1 a ,lutheran1 an ardent defender of the immediate communication of temporal power1 #dfc4 ,zonarus1 on charitable establishments1 #ahg4 ,zuinglius1 his phantom1 #dbf4 ,,the ,,end4 99 99 99 99 99 ,transcriber's ,notes ,obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected4 ,hyphenation and accents have been standardised4 ,apart from the items mentioned below all other spellings and punctuation are as in the original4 ,develop and develope1 idealog7y_/ist7 and ideolog7y_/ist7 are used interchangeably in the book4 ,they have been standardised to the standard modern spelling of develop and ideology4 ,variations in the use_/spelling of derivatives of the ,latin propius 7pages #dgc;a1 #dgd;a and #dij;a71 while possibly incorrect1 have been left as published as they seem unlikely to be typographical errors4 ,zuinglius_/,zwinglius4 ,the former spelling is used in the body of the book and the latter in the notes4 ,this has not been changed4 ,a note on notes3 upper case references ,a refer to conventional footnotes1 lower case references a refer to the endnotes in the appendix1 numeric references #a refer to the main endnotes4 ,the reference to note #a in the original reads 7,see note at the end of the vol47 the #a has been added to improve clarity and uniformity4 ,the quotation on page #cac3 ',what absolute monarch in ,europe would approve of one of his high functionaries expressing the origin of power after the manner of our immortal ,saavedra8 ,it is from the centre of justice1 says he1 that the circumference of the crown has been drawn4 ,the latter would not be necessary1 if we could dispense with the former4' is missing a closing quote4 as it may be absent from 'drawn4' or 'former4' it has not been corrected4 ,entries for ,,notes1 ,,appendix and ,,index have been added to the table of contents4