,transcriber's ,note3 ,minor errors in punctuation and formatting have been silently corrected4 ,please see the transcriber's note at the end of this text for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation4 ,please consult the end notes1 as well1 for the approach used in the rendering of ,arabic1 ,greek1 ,coptic1 ,hebrew and ,syriac text4 ,this version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects4 ,italics are delimited with the #8' character as italic4 ,bold font is delimited by the #8' character4 ,superscripted and subscripted characters are shown as #8#b' and #8#b' respectively4 ,the rendering of certain characters in classical languages may not display correctly in your reader4 ,alignment in tables may also be compromised4 ,,studies ,,on ,,slavery1 ,in ,easy ,lessons4 ,,compiled ,,into ,,eight ,,studies1 ,,and ,,subdivided ,,into ,,short ,,lessons ,,for ,,the ,,convenience ,,of ,,readers4 ,,by ,,john ,,fletcher1 ,,of ,,louisiana4 -------------- ,,fifth ,,thousand4 ,,natchez3 ,,published ,,by ,,jackson ,,warner4 ,,charleston3 ,mc,c,a,r,t,e,r ,,allen4--,,new ,,orleans3 ,,john ,,ball4 ,,philadelphia3 ,,thomas1 ,,cowperthwait ,,co4 #aheb4 ----------------------- ,,entered according to ,act of ,congress1 in the year #ahea1 by ,,jackson ,,warner1 sin the ,clerk's ,office of the ,district ,court of the ,southern ,district of ,mississippi4 ,,printed ,,by ,,smith ,,peters1 ,franklin ,buildings1 ,sixth ,street below ,arch1 ,philadelphia4 -------------- ,,publisher',s ,,preface4 ,this is a legitimate topic of general interest1 and it assumes a preponderating importance to the people of the ,southern ,american ,states1 when the fact is taken into consideration that a general league against the institution of ,african slavery has been entered into and consummated between most of the civilized nations of the earth1 and public opinion in many of the sister ,states of our own ,national ,union has taken the same direction4 ,the result is1 to have arraigned the slaveholding ,states before the mighty bar of public opinion1 on the charge of holding1 as property1 more than ten hundred millions of dollars' worth of what does not belong to them1 which is and never can be the property of man2 and this charge embraces1 within its scope1 the crimes of theft1 robbery1 rapine1 and cruelty4 ,the time has come when the ,south must enter her plea of defence1 not because the accusers are foreign nations1 of which it may justly be said1 before their charges are entertained1 8,physician1 heal thyself10 but because our accusers are among our own brethren1 bound to us by freedom's holiest associations and religion's most sacred ties4 ,the author of the 8,studies on ,slavery0 has the double advantage of a full comprehension of the subject both in its ,northern and ,southern aspect4 ,born and educated in the former1 and qualified by a long residence in the latter section of our ,union1 he is amply qualified to weigh the prejudices1 the teachings1 and the arguments of the one1 against the facts1 the justifications1 the religious and political sanctions of the other4 ,mr4 ,fletcher has not only marshalled into his line of impregnable defence the mandates and sanctions of the ,sacred ,writings concerning the slave institutions1 but he has drawn powerful auxiliaries from the sources of ancient history4 ,his exegesis of biblical passages1 in the original languages in which they were communicated by inspiration to the world1 shows his sound scholarship1 as well as his reverence of the literal sense and specific meaning of ,god's holy and unimpeachable standard and rule of life and action4 ,the author has also analyzed the fountain of ,moral ,philosophy1 and detected the bitter waters of error so industriously infused by the eloquent and magical pens of such writers as ,dr4 ,samuel ,johnson1 ,dr4 ,paley1 ,dr4 ,channing1 ,dr4 ,wayland1 ,mr4 ,barnes1 and others4 ,he has confined himself to the moral and ethical bearings of the question1 scarcely touching upon its political aspects1--a course calculated to render the book far more useful to the dispassionate seekers after truth1 who may belong to different political sects4 ,neither time nor labour has been spared in the authorship of the work2 and it is believed that1 while it is written with candour and calmness1 it will be received by the people of the ,north as well as of the ,south as a sincere and enlightened endeavour to seek for truth1 and thus allay the tumultuous and disorganizing fanaticism of those who have not had opportunity to study the subject1 and are incapable of acting upon it with understanding and true decision4 ,,proemial ,philosophy knows no obligation that binds one man to another without an equivalent4 ,if one man could be subjected to another1 who is not bound to render any thing in return1 it would be subversive to good morals and political justice4 ,such a relation cannot exist1 only so far as to reach the immediate death of the subjected4 ,but it has been the error of some good men to suppose that slavery presented such a case4 ,it has been their misfortune also to receive the following succedaneums as axioms in the search for truth3-- 8,all men are born equal40 8,the rights of men are inalienable40 8,no man has power to alienate a natural right40 8,no man can become property40 8,no man can own property in another40 8,the conscience is a distinct mental faculty40 8,the conscience infallibly distinguishes between right and wrong40 8,no man is under any obligation to obey any law when his conscience dictates it to be wrong40 8,the conscience empowers any man to nullify any law2 because the conscience is a part and parcel of the ,divine mind40 8,slavery is wholly founded on force40 8,slavery originates in the power of the strong over the weak40 8,slavery disqualifies a man to fulfil the great object of his being40 8,the doctrines of the ,bible forbid slavery40 8,there is no word1 either in the ,old or the ,new ,testament1 which expresses the idea of slave or slavery40 8,slavery places its subjects beyond moral and legal obligation3 therefore1 it can never be a legal or moral relation40 8,slavery is inconsistent with the moral nature of man40 8,to hold in slavery is inconsistent with the present state of morals and religion40 8,slavery is contrary to the will of ,god40 8,no man can hold a slave1 and be a ,christian40 ,averments of this order are quite numerous4 ,fanatics receive them2 and some others do not distinguish them from truths4 ,at any age1 and in any country1 where such errors are generally adopted1 and become the rules of political action1 morals and religion are always in commotion1 and in danger of shipwreck3 for1 although1 where man has only approached so far towards civilization that even the enlightened can merely perceive them as rudimental1 yet the great principles that influence human life1 morality and religion1 are1 everywhere1 and always have been the same4 ----------------------- ,,table ,,of ,,contents4 ,,study ,i4 ,,lesson ,i4--,wayland's definition of moral law1 page #g to #h2 sin the antecedent of slavery1 #i2 the abuse of slavery a sin1 #aj4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,wayland on the elements of consciousness1 #aj to #aa2 the degeneracy of races1 and slavery as the scriptural means of reclamation1 #ab2 object of punishment1 #ac4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,wayland on conscience as a distinct faculty1 #ad1 #ae2 ,channing1 ,barnes1 and abolitionists generally on the same1 #af1 #ag1 #ah4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,wayland on conscience as an independent faculty derived from ,shaftesbury1 ,hutchinson1 and ,reid1 #ah2 combated by ,archbishop ,seeker1 #ai2 argument that conscience is neither a distinct faculty nor infallible1 #bj to #bc4 ,,lesson ,v4--,wayland's doctrine1 that slavery sacrifices the slave's eternal happiness to the master's temporal1 refuted1 #bc to #be2 the master's interest and the slave's moral improvement identical1 #bf1 #bg4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,wayland's argument1 that slavery is at variance with the laws of ,god1 examined1 #bg2 its connection with productive labour and national wealth considered1 #bh to #cb2 ,sismondi's theory of labour and capital1 #cb2 ,wayland on slavery as impoverishing soil refuted1 #cc1 #cd4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,wayland's doctrine1 that the moral principles of the ,bible are opposed to slavery1 refuted1 #cd1 #ce2 ,secker's authority1 #cf2 ,wayland on slavery as a prohibition of gospel privileges and matrimony controverted1 #cg to #dj2 ,luther and ,melancthon quoted1 #ci2 ,african practice in regard to matrimony1 #dj2 interest of masters to promote permanent marriages among their slaves1 #dj to #db4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,wayland1 ,paley1 ,channing1 and ,barnes on the opinion that the sacred writers abstained from condemning slavery on motives of policy1 #dc to #dg4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,wayland's doubts1 caused by ,prof4 ,taylor1 #dg to #ej2 ,wayland's assertion1 that the inculcation of the duties of slaves is no sanction of slavery1 combated1 #ea1 #eb4 ,,lesson ,x4--,wayland's assertion1 that ,scripture is opposed to slavery1 contrasted with the declarations of the ,bible1 #ec2 slavery a desirable and ardently sought condition under certain circumstances--historical proofs1 #ed to #eg4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,dr4 ,paley on slavery and the laws of nature1 #eg to #fa4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,paley on cruelty as an argument against slavery1 #fb2 ,lander's testimony respecting native cruelty in ,africa1 #fc2 ,paley's slander on ,jesus ,christ and ,paul and ,peter repelled1 #fe to #fg4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,slavery in ancient ,britain1 #fg2 ,dr4 ,samuel ,johnson's argument against negro slavery analyzed1 and overthrown by arguments drawn from the laws of nations and the laws of ,god1 #fh to #hb4 ,,study ,,ii4 ,,lesson ,i4--,relation of guardian and ward a ,divine institution1 #hc to #he4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,slavery a ,divine institution1 and the reason why1 #he to #hh4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,slavery the school of adversity to reclaim wicked nations and individuals--,scripture proofs1 #hi to #ia4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,albert ,barnes on the slavery of the ,israelites in ,egypt refuted1 #ib to #if2 his attempt by human reason to determine the will of ,god1 #ig to #ii4 ,,lesson ,v4--,barnes's examination of the ,scripture argument on slavery1 and the scriptural account of slavery in the days of ,abraham1 contrasted1 #ii to #aji4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,the smiles of ,god on the institution of slavery proved from the argument of ,barnes against it1 #aaj2 ratio of slaves to whites1 and the relative increase in the ,united ,states1 #aaa1 #aab4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,the interest of the master and the direct laws of ,god against the abuses of slavery coincident1 #aac1 #aad2 ,barnes's cure for slavery1 #aae4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,barnes's denial that ,christ ever came in contact with slavery compared with scriptural assertions1 #aaf to #aai4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,the admission of ,barnes in regard to slaves escaping to the ,hebrew country1 #aai2 his assertion1 that the ,hebrews were not a nation of slaveholders1 overthrown by ,scripture testimony1 #abj1 #aba4 ,,lesson ,x4--,distribution by the ,hebrews of captives taken in battle1 #abb1 #abc2 ,greek custom in regard to captives made in war1 #abd2 proof-texts from the ,bible1 #abe4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,the claim of ,barnes to identity with the ,african race1 #abf2 his views on ,paul's injunction to sympathize with those in bonds controverted1 #abg1 #abh4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,legend of ,antioch1 ,margarita1 and the ,roman ,prfect ,olybius1 #abh to #acc2 song of the slaves1 #aca1 #acb2 letter of ,olybius to the ,emperor ,probus1 manufactured from the language of ,mr4 ,barnes1 #acc to #ace4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,barnes's admissions of the existence of ,hebrew and ,roman slavery1 #acf1 #acg4 ,,lesson ,,xiv4--,the denial of ,barnes that slavery cannot be defended by ,bible arguments1 #ach2 its influence on agriculture1 commerce1 arts1 and the ,african slave himself considered1 idem2 ,sedgjo1 the ,african slave in ,louisiana1 #aci1 #adj2 the ,periplus of ,hanno1 #adj1 #ada2 the testimony of the ,landers on the depravity of native ,africans1 #adb to #add2 the ,landers made slaves1 #ade2 various historical authorities on ,african and ,moorish slavery1 #ade to #aee4 ,,lesson ,,xv4--,authorities to prove ,african degradation continued1 #aee to #aeh2 slavery subservient to the religious conversion of ,african slaves1 #aei1 #afj4 ,,lesson ,,xvi4--,paul's exhortations to slaves considered1 #afa1 #afb2 ,god's sentence of four hundred years of slavery upon the ,hebrews1 #afc4 ,,lesson ,,xvii4--,the assertion of ,barnes1 that a slave bought with money had compensation commanded to be paid him by ,scripture1 controverted1 #afc1 #afd2 ,barnes's declaration of the cunning of the ,apostles in not condemning slavery1 #afe1 #aff4 ,,lesson ,,xviii4--,argument that the injunctions of the ,bible upon ,god's ancient people are in force and equally binding upon ,christians now1 7,christians are the heirs of ,abraham17 #afj to #afi4 ,,lesson ,,xix4--,authorities quoted by ,barnes1 #afi2 numerous quotations from ,barnes on slavery1 #agj to #agd4 ,,lesson ,,xx4--,wayland's assertion1 that1 if the ,new ,testament authorized slavery1 it would be the greatest of curses1 adopted by ,barnes1 #agd to #agf4 ,,study ,,iii4 ,,lesson ,i4--,works of ,rev4 ,dr4 ,channing--his opinion that the worst errors may arise from religious tendencies1 #agg1 #agh4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,channing's seven arguments1 that a man cannot be held as property1 examined1 #agh1 #agi2 his doctrine of conscience and indestructible rights1 #ahj to #ahb4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,examination of ,channing's seven arguments continued1 #ahc to #ahh4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,that slavery1 disease1 and death are necessary effects of sin proved by the chapter of curses1 7,deut4 xxviii417 #ahh to #aic2 ,channing's standard of feeling or sense of duty controverted1 #aid1 #aie4 ,,lesson ,v4--,channing's theory of man's rights and his consciousness examined1 #aie1 #aif2 argument that slavery is the best condition for the ,african race1 #aig to #bjj2 criticism on ,channing's use of the words nature1 conscience1 law of nature1 c41 #bjj to #bjd4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,channing's position1 that the debasement of ,african slavery arises from the enslavement of the race in ,america1 controverted1 #bjd to #bjf2 its influence on the master race1 #bjf1 #bjg4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,channing's views of slavery1 as conducive to licentiousness and unrestrained cohabitation between masters and female slaves1 examined1 #bjg to #baa2 his views of the quality and brotherhood of the races1 #bab to #bad4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,channing on the relative productiveness of free and slave labour1 #bae2 his opinion that the admission of slave territory was just cause for the dissolution of the ,union1 #bag1 #bah2 his deference to the opinion of ,europe1 #bah2 labour and capital1 the political influence of slavery1 #bai to #bba4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,channing's views of the scriptural argument in favour of slavery overthrown1 by a parallel between slavery and polygamy1 #bbb to #bcj4 ,,lesson ,x4--,channing adopting and endorsing ,paley's slander on the integrity of ,paul1 #bcj to #bcb4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,channing's plan of emancipation and inflammatory counsels to the free ,states1 #bcb to #bce4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,the zeal of abolitionism not according to knowledge1 #bce1 #bcf2 ,channing's opinion that the negro is one of the best races of the human family1 #bcg2 ,channing on ,west ,india emancipation and ,southern character1 #bcg to #bci4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,sympathy for those suffering punishment from ,god1 for sin1 considered1 #bci to #bda2 the deterioration of sin the inevitable cause of slavery1 #bda to #bdc4 ,,lesson ,,xiv4--,god's government of the universe1 and his declaration of the right of man's property in man1 #bdc to #bdf2 ,god's blessing on the slave-owners1 #bdg1 #bdh4 ,,lesson ,,xv4--,ham's intermarriage with the race of ,cain the cause of his doom and that of his seed to perpetual servitude1 #bdh to #bej2 ,god never entails a curse without sufficient cause1 #bej1 #bea2 the mark on ,cain1 #beb to #bee4 ,,study ,,iv4 ,,lesson ,i4--,extracts from ,bower1 #bef2 the ,treuga ,dei1 #beg1 #beh2 ,bishop ,england quoted on the action and records of the ,church1 #bei1 #bfj4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,establishment of ,christianity by law1 by ,constantine1 and the rise of ,mohammedanism1 #bfa1 #bfb2 the schism of the ,greek ,church1 #bfc1 #bfd4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,nature swarming with life1 and life merging in distress and death1 #bfd1 #bfe2 sin the cause of slavery1 and the latter as a protection1 #bff1 #bfg2 slavery in ,china1 #bfi4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,liberty of less value than life1 #bgj2 the ,divine grant to hold slaves1 #bga4 ,,lesson ,v4--,early church acts and documents approving and providing for slavery1 #bgb2 the canons and the constitutions of the apostles1 #bgb to #bgd2 constitution of ,antoninus ,pius respecting cruelty to slaves1 #bge2 canons of the ,council of ,nice and the first appearance of abolitionism in the world1 #bgf1 #bgg2 ,st4 ,basil's canonical writings1 #bgh4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,the invasion of ,attila and the ,pontiff ,leo's successful intercession1 #bgi1 #bhj2 ,nero's ,african slaves1 and the white slaves of the ,roman ,empire1 #bha4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,church rescripts for the freedom of slaves1 and ,st4 ,augustin's mode of manumission in ,africa1 #bhb1 #bhc2 ,pope ,leo's letters1 forbidding slaves to enter the priesthood1 and protecting the rights of masters1 #bhd1 #bhe2 barbarian cruelty to slaves ameliorated by ,christianity1 #bhf1 #bhg2 canons of the ,council of ,agdle on slavery1 #bhh2 modes of becoming slaves1 #bhi1 #bij4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,muratori on the manumission of slaves in ,rome1 #bia2 colonial and conditional slaves1 #bib2 arming of slaves in defence of ,rome and the glutting of the slave-markets of the world1 #bic2 canons of the ,fourth ,council of ,orleans1 #bid1 #bie2 ditto ,fifth ,council of ,orleans1 #bif to #bii4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,bishop ,england's account of slavery in ,england and ,ireland in remote ages1 #bii1 #cjj2 ,pope ,pelagius and the canons of the ,third ,councils of ,paris and ,braga1 #cja1 #cjb2 articles of the ,third ,council of ,toledo1 #cjb1 #cjc4 ,,lesson ,x4--,the venerable ,bede's account of the slave-trade of ,england1 ,a4,d4 #egg1 #cjd to #cjf2 ,pope ,gregory's purchase of ,british youth1 #cjf1 #cjg2 ,gregory's pastoral admonitions and epistles1 #cjh to #caa4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,constantine's edict that none but ,christians could hold slaves1 #bab1 #bac2 ,gregory's letter to the ,prfect of ,sicily1 #cac to #cae2 canons of the ,fourth ,councils of ,orleans and ,macon1 #cae1 #caf2 ,gregory to the ,bishop of ,luna1 and the laws of the empire on slavery1 #cag1 #cah4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,gregory to the ,bishop of ,naples1 #cai1 #cbj2 the same to the ,bishop of ,catania1 #cba4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,justinian's law to protect debtors against slavery1 #cbc2 ,gregory's letters about a ,syrian deeply in debt1 #cbb2 his letter of emancipation to ,montana and ,thomas1 #cbd1 #cbe2 ,justinian's law of marriage between slaves and persons on different estates1 #cbg1 #cbh2 ,gregory's letter on the same subject1 #cbi2 his letter to the ,bishop of ,syracuse on the same1 #ccj1 #cca4 ,,lesson ,,xiv4--,gregory's deed of gift conveying the slave boy ,acorimus to ,theodore the counsellor1 #cca1 #ccb2 his letter about a slave to the ,proctor ,bonitus1 #ccc3 his document to reclaim runaway slaves1 #ccc1 #ccd2 his various letters concerning slaves and the purchase of ,barbary slaves1 #ccd to #ccf4 ,,lesson ,,xv4--,canons of the ,councils of ,toledo and ,saragossa1 #ccf to #cci2 laws of ,ina1 king of the ,west ,saxons1 and the judgments of ,withred1 #cdj to #cdc4 ,,lesson ,,xvi4--,the canons of ,theodore1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 ,king ,pepin1 ,council of ,bavaria1 ,pope ,adrian and ,charlemagne1 #cdc to #cdi2 canon of the ,council of ,frankfort1 #cdi1 #cej4 ,,lesson ,,xvii4--,laws of ,charlemagne on slavery1 #cej to #cec2 canons of the ,council of ,aix-la-,chapelle1 #cec2 capitulary of the ,emperor ,lotharius1 #cec to #cee4 ,,lesson ,,xviii4--,unconnected facts bearing on ancient slavery2 prostitutes made slaves2 ,sclavonian bondage2 persecution of the ,knights ,templars1 #cee to #cfj4 ,,lesson ,,xix4--,derivation of the word war2 ,divine authority for wars1 #cfa to #cfe2 the church claiming the right to declare offensive war under two circumstances1 #cfe2 bull of ,pope ,gregory ,,xi4 against the ,florentines1 #cff1 #cfg2 ,papal bulls against the ,venitians and ,henry ,,viii4 of ,england1 #cfg to #cfi2 the ,american colonies at ,new ,haven decreeing the ,indian tribes to slavery1 #cfi1 #cgj4 ,,lesson ,,xx4--,ancient piracy and pirates1 #cgj1 #cga2 rise of the ,vandals1 ,goths1 ,huns1 and ,tartars1 #cgb2 the ,northmen1 #cgc to #cgi4 ,,lesson ,,xxi4--,condition of slavery in ,europe1 #cgi to #cha4 ,,lesson ,,xxii4--,origin of the ,sclavonians1 #cha2 the descent of the ,arabs and ,moors1 #chc1 #chd4 ,,lesson ,,xxiii4--,africans generally slaves in their native country1 #chd2 ,african slavery to the ,shemitic races foretold by prophecy1 #che1 #chf2 sketch of the life1 doctrines1 and conquests of ,mohammed and his successors1 #chf to #cij4 ,,lesson ,,xxiv4--,slavery introduced into the world as a mercy in favour of life1 #cij2 duty and interest combine to incite the master to promote religion and good morals in the slave1 #cia2 slavery commanded by reason and the laws of nature1 #cib4 ,,study ,v4 ,,lesson ,i4--,faith and observance of facts in the moral world the true modes of learning ,god's will1 #cic4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,the works of creation proofs of the ,creator1 #cid to #cih4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,the question of the admission of evil into the economy of ,god's government on earth1 and a denial that all men are born equals1 #cih1 #cii2 the five races of the human family1 and the moral necessity of command in some and subordination in others1 #cii to #djb4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,intellect correspondent to organization1 #djc2 inquiry into the nature of instinct by various philosophers1 #djc to #dje2 inexorable inequality of human condition in this world and the next1 #djf to #djh4 ,,lesson ,v4--,the moral duty of loving our species defined1 #dji4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,men not equal physically1 religiously1 mentally1 morally1 or politically1 #daj4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,justice and the rules of ,christianity identical and inseparable1 #daa1 #dab4 ,,lesson ,,viii4-,the golden rule considered in relation to slavery1 #dac to #daf4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,the unchangeableness of ,god1 and human misery caused by a general rebellion against his laws1 #dag to #dbj4 ,,lesson ,x4--,christianity incompatible with savage life1 #dbj1 #dba4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,gradation in intellect and condition no impediment to ,christianity1 #dba4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,christianity and slavery not antagonistic1 #dbb4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,christian humility inculcated1 #dbc4 ,,lesson ,,xiv4--,the radiance of ,christian hope equalizes all variety of condition1 #dbc1 #dbd2 sketch of the slave's prospect of immortal happiness1 #dbf to #dbh4 ,,lesson ,,xv4--,the feebleness of finite conceptions of infinity1 #dbh1 #dbi2 hope for the submissive1 #dcj1 #dca2 the requirement of ,god that the strong should protect the weak1 #dcb4 ,,study ,,vi4 ,,lesson ,i4--,nature of sin2 the primal transgression1 #dcc1 #dcd4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,the occupation and doom of ,cain1 #dce1 #dcf4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,the mark upon ,cain1 ,mohammedan traditions1 #dcg1 #dch2 proof-texts from ,scripture1 #dci1 #ddj4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,the punishment of ,cain did not lead him to reformation1 #ddj2 ,asiatic hyperbole in description1 #dda1 #ddb4 ,,lesson ,v4--,the cause of ,cain's degradation renewed upon ,canaan1 and his masters named1 #ddb1 #ddc4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,proofs that the descendants of ,ham inherited the curse of ,cain1 and were black1 as also were the ,canaanites whom ,god's chosen people either exterminated or enslaved1 #ddc to #ddg4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,the negro lineage of ,ham established1 #ddg to #dea4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,signification of the name 8,naamah0 in ,hebrew and ,arabic1 #dea to #dee4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,variations in different languages of the names of ,cain and ,naamah1 also of other remarkable words1 #def to #deh4 ,,lesson ,x4--,the names and derivatives of the words ,cain and ,naamah found only among the descendants of ,ham1 #dei to #dfd4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,proofs scriptural and historical that the descendants of ,ham were black1 #dfd to #dgj4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,biblical proofs that the ,canaanites were black1 #dga to #dgc4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,scriptural testimony respecting the colour of the races of the human family1 #dgc to #dgg4 ,,lesson ,,xiv4--,jewish wars against the ,ethiopian race2 the ,philistines black1 #dgh1 #dgi2 the origin of these wars the animosity between the ,shemitic and ,hamitic races1 #dhj2 difference in the structure of the bones and the hair between the antagonist races1 #dha2 intermarriage with the ,hamitic by the ,shemitic race a cause of ,god's anger1 #dhb2 the dispersion of the ,canaanites by the ,jewish conquest of ,palestine1 #dhb4 ,,lesson ,,xv4--,derivation and train of thought connected with the word ,ham in the ,shemitic languages1 #dhc to #dhg2 the ,hebrew personal pronoun1 #dhh to #dia2 origin of the word ,ethiopian1 #dic to #die4 ,,lesson ,,xvi4--,hebrew1 ,syriac1 ,greek1 and ,coptic derivations of the word ,ham1 #die to #ejb4 ,,lesson ,,xvii4--,exegesis of the thirty-third chapter of ,ecclesiasticus1 #ejb to #ejc2 the providence of ,god manifested in placing deteriorated races under the control of races less debased1 #ejd1 #eje4 ,,study ,,vii4 ,,lesson ,i4--,critical examination into the meaning of the ,greek word 1 doulos1 slave1 as used both by the sacred and classical writers1 #ejf4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,abolition denunciation of the ,bible1 #ejg1 #ejh2 tendency to mystery in the human mind2 the ,god of ,abraham and ,moses1 who gave command how to treat slaves1 to be trustingly worshipped1 #ejh1 #eji4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,the meaning of as used by the ,greek poets1 #eaj2 ,valckenaerus on the phonetic relation of ,greek words to their derivative1 #eaa to #ead2 the argument that could not have meant an unconditional slave1 refuted1 #eae1 #eaf4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,extracts from ,grecian historians1 philosophers1 and poets1 showing the classical sense in which they used the word and its derivatives1 #eaf to #ecf4 ,,lesson ,v4--,the use of the word by ,thucydides1 ,herodotus1 and ,xenophon1 #ecf to #edf4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,extracts from ,xenophon continued1 #edf to #edi4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,extracts from ,xenophon's ,cyropdia1 #edi to #eed4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,extracts from ,herodotus of ,halicarnassus1 #eed to #eeh4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,the ,scriptural use of the word 1 #eei to #efa4 ,,lesson ,x4--,scriptural extracts continued1 #efb to #efd4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,the ,greek word signifying slave-stealers in #a ,tim4 i4 #e to #aa1 #efd to #eff2 quotation from ,xenophon in proof1 #eff2 the appeal of ,mr4 ,barnes to the ,dutch1 #efg2 ,greek words from freeman and slave1 #efh4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,paul on slave stealing1 #efi to #egb4 ,,lesson ,,xiii4--,reasons for ,paul's instructions to ,timothy and to ,christian slaves respecting slave-stealing and the duties of the servile condition1 #egb to #ege4 ,,lesson ,,xiv4--,the use of the word by ,jesus ,christ1 #egf1 #egg4 ,,lesson ,,xv4--,use of the word by ,paul1 ,peter1 ,matthew1 ,mark1 ,luke1 and ,john1 #egh to #eha4 ,,lesson ,,xvi4--,origin of the ,english word servant and its derivatives1 #eha2 its use by the sacred writers and ,grecian scholars1 #ehb to #ehe4 ,,study ,,viii4 ,,lesson ,i4--,hebrew orthography of the word by which we mean slave1 #ehf to #ehh2 the corresponding word in the ,arabic1 ,chaldaic1 and ,syriac languages1 #ehh to #eij4 ,,lesson ,,ii4--,tendency of the ,shemitic languages to the rhetorical figure prosopopia1 #eij to #eid4 ,,lesson ,,iii4--,examples of the ,hebrew word meaning slave1 both as a noun and a verb1 #eie to #fja4 ,,lesson ,,iv4--,refutation of the assertion that the root of the ,hebrew word meaning slave is also used in a sense signifying worship1 #fjb to #fjg4 ,,lesson ,v4--,further quotations from the sacred writers1 showing the meaning attached to the ,hebrew word signifying slave in the ,old ,testament1 #fjg to #fji4 ,,lesson ,,vi4--,quotations from the sacred authors of the use of the ,hebrew verb signifying to slave1 or to be slaves to1 #faj1 #faa2 identity of welfare and interest between the slave and his master1 #fab1 #fac4 ,,lesson ,,vii4--,the two distinct eras in the ,hebrew language2 its approximation to the ,chaldaic and ,persian in the second era1 #fac to #fae4 ,,lesson ,,viii4--,meaning attached to the ,hebrew word signifying slave by ,ezra1 ,nehemiah1 ,jeremiah1 and other prophets1 #faf to #fah4 ,,lesson ,,ix4--,the use of the ,hebrew word meaning slave in the book of ,genesis1 and extract from the ,rev4 ,j4,b4 ,stratton's letter to the author on the same1 #fah to #fbj2 the word ,eden in the ,arabic1 #fbj1 #fba2 the ,hebrew word meaning tilleth1 #fbb4 ,,lesson ,x4--,the laws of ,moses in ,deuteronomy respecting slavery1 #fbc4 ,,lesson ,,xi4--,the ,hebrew use of the word meaning slaves in ,samuel1 and many other books of the ,bible1 #fbd to #fbg4 ,,lesson ,,xii4--,declension of the ,hebrew noun meaning slave1 and the conjugation and paradigms of the ,hebrew verb signifying to slave1 #fbh to #fcg4 ------------------------------------ ,,studies ,,on ,,slavery4 ------------------------------------ ,study ,i4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 8,the ,elements of ,moral ,science3 ,by ,,francis ,,wayland1 ,d4,d41 ,president of ,brown ,university1 and ,professor of ,moral ,philosophy4 ,fortieth ,thousand4 ,boston1 #ahdi40 ,pp4 #cif4 ,,this author informs us that he has been many years preparing the work1 with a view to furnish his pupils with a text-book free from the errors of ,paley4 ,like ,paley1 whom he evidently wishes to supersede1 he has devoted a portion of his strength to the abolition of slavery4 ,we propose to look into the book with an eye to that subject alone4 ,president ,wayland says3 ,p4 #bd4 8,moral ,law is a form of expression denoting an order of sequence established between the moral quality of actions and their results40 ,pp4 #be1 #bf4 8,an order of sequence established1 supposes1 of necessity1 an ,establisher4 ,hence ,moral ,philosophy1 as well as every other science1 proceeds upon the supposition of the existence of a ,universal ,cause1 the ,creator of all things1 who has made every thing as it is1 and who has subjected all things to the relations which they sustain4 ,and hence1 as all relations1 whether moral or physical1 are the result of his enactment1 an order of sequence once discovered in morals1 is just as inviolable as an order of sequence in physics4 8,such being the fact1 it is evident that the moral laws of ,god can never be varied by the institutions of man1 any more than the physical laws4 ,the results which ,god has connected with actions will inevitably occur1 all the created power in the universe to the contrary notwithstanding4 8,yet men have always flattered themselves with the hope that they could violate the moral law and escape the consequences which ,god has established4 ,the reason is obvious4 ,in physics1 the consequent follows the antecedent1 often immediately1 and most commonly after a stated and well-known interval4 ,in morals1 the result is frequently long delayed2 the time of its occurrence is always uncertain3--,hence1 #8because the sentence against an evil work is not speedily executed1 therefore the hearts of the sons of men are fully set in them to do evil4' ,but time1 whether long or short1 has neither power nor tendency to change the order of an established sequence4 ,the time required for vegetation1 in different orders of plants1 may vary2 but1 yet1 wheat will always produce wheat1 and an acorn will always produce an oak4 ,that such is the case in morals1 a heathen poet has taught us4 #8,raro1 antecedentum scelestum deseruit pede pna claudo4' ,,hor4 lib4 iii4 car4 #b4 8,a higher authority has admonished us1 #8,be not deceived2 ,god is not mocked2 whatsoever a man soweth1 that shall he reap4' ,it is also to be remembered1 that1 in morals as well as in physics1 the harvest is always more abundant than the seed from which it springs40 ,to this doctrine we yield the highest approval4 ,the first obvious deduction from the lesson here advanced is1 that the laws of ,god1 as once revealed to man1 never lose their high moral qualities nor their divine character1 at any subsequent age of the world4 ,the law1 which ,god delivered to ,moses from ,mount ,sinai1 authorizing his chosen people to buy slaves1 and hold them as an inheritance for their children after them1 is1 therefore1 the law of ,god now4 ,the action of the law may be suspended at a particular time or place1 from a change of contingencies1--yet the law stands unaffected4 ,we hope no one doubts the accuracy of the doctrine thus fairly stated in these 8,elements40 ,but we shall see how fatal it is to some portions of the author's positions concerning slavery4 ,and we propose to show how this doctrine1 as connected with slavery1 has been1 and is elucidated in scripture4 ,the twenty-eighth chapter of ,deuteronomy shows that the fruits of wickedness are all manner of curses1 finally terminating in slavery or death4 ,here1 slavery1 as a threatened punishment1 distinctly looks back to a course of wickedness for its antecedent4 ,the same idea is spread through the whole ,scriptures3 8,whosoever committeth sin1 is the servant of sin40 ,john viii4 #cd4 8,i am carnal1 sold under sin40 ,rom4 vii4 #ad4 8,behold1 for your iniquities have ye sold yourselves40 ,isa4 #a4 #a4 ,see1 also1 ,jer4 xiii4 #bb4 ,the biblical scholar will recollect a multitude of instances where this doctrine is clearly advanced1 recognising sin as the antecedent of slavery4 ,abraham was obedient to the voice of ,god4 ,his conduct was the antecedent and the consequent was1 ,god heaped upon him many blessings and among them1 riches in various things1--8male and female slaves10 some of whom were 8born in his house10 and some 8bought with his money20 and ,god made a covenant with him1 granting him1 and his seed after him1 the land of ,canaan for an everlasting possession4 ,but this gift1 as is the continuance of all other blessings1 was accompanied with a condition1 which is well explained in ,genesis1 xviii4 #ai3 8,for ,i know him1 that he will command his children and his household after him1 and they shall keep the way of the ,lord to do justice and judgment2 that the ,lord may bring upon ,abraham that which he hath spoken of him40 ,scholars will concede the fact that 8his household0 is a term by which his slaves are particularly included1 over whom his government was extended2 and1 without its proper maintenance1 the covenant so far on his part would be broken4 ,from the wording of the covenant it is evident that ,abraham had slaves before the covenant was made1 since it embraced regulations concerning slaves1 but1 in no instance1 hints that the existence of slavery was adverse to the law of ,god1 or that the holding of slaves1 as slaves1 was contrary to his will4 ,the deduction is1 that slavery exists in the world by ,divine appointment2 and that the act of owning slaves is in conformity with the moral law4 ,the doctrine1 that sin is the antecedent of slavery1 is further elucidated and made still more manifest by the recognition of the institution by the biblical writers1 where they place sin and slavery in opposition to holiness and freedom3--thus1 figuratively1 making righteousness the antecedent of freedom4 8,stand fast1 therefore1 in the liberty wherewith ,christ has made us free1 and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage40 ,gal4 v4 #a4 8,and ye shall know the truth1 and the truth shall make you free40 ,john iii4 #cb4 ,the abuse of slavery1 like the abuse of any thing else1 is doubtless a great sin4 ,of the blessings ,god bestows on man1 there is perhaps no one he does not abuse2 and while we examine the laws of ,god1 as presenting to the mind the vast field of cause and effect1--of antecedent and consequent1--we may be led to a reflection on the necessity of a conformity thereto1 lest a long continuance of such abuses shall become the antecedent to future calamities and woes1 either to ourselves or posterity2 woes and calamities prefigured by those nations and tribes already under the infliction of slavery1 as a just punishment of sin4 ,thus far1 we thank the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,wayland for this fair expos of his views of the moral law of ,god2 and if he will apply them now to the institution of slavery1--if he will unfetter his intellect from the manacles imposed on it by a defective education on that subject1 and cut himself loose from the prejudices that his associations have gathered around him1 we may yet have occasion to rejoice over him as one once an estray from the fold of truth1 but now returned1 8sitting in his right mind and clothed40 ,and will not ,mr4 ,fuller and ,professor ,taylor rejoice with us6 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,in those 8,elements of ,moral ,science10 we find the following1 p4 #bi3 8,from what has been said1 it may be seen that there exists1 in the actions of men1 an element which does not exist in the actions of brutes 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,we can operate upon brutes only by fear of punishment1 and hope of reward4 ,we can operate upon man1 not only in this manner1 but also by an appeal to his consciousness of right and wrong2 and by such means as may improve his moral nature4 ,hence1 all modes of punishment1 which treat men as we treat brutes1 are as unphilosophical as they are thoughtless1 cruel1 and vindictive4 ,such are those systems of criminal jurisprudence which have in view nothing more than the infliction of pain upon the offender40 ,it was unnecessary to inform us that man possesses higher mental endowments than the brute4 ,but the main object of the author in the foregoing paragraph is his deduction2 that1 because we can operate on man by an appeal to his consciousness of right and wrong1 therefore any other mode of governing him is wrong4 ,this consequent we fail to perceive4 ,we also fail in the perception that his postulate is universally true3 which we think should have been proved before he can claim assent to the deduction4 ,if this our view be correct1 we beg the reverend author to reflect how far he may have made himself obnoxious to the charge of sophistry6 ,if ,president ,wayland intends1 by the clause1--8and by such means as may improve his moral nature10--to include corporeal punishment1 then his mind was unprepared to grapple with the subject2 for1 in that case1 the whole paragraph is obscure1 without object1 and senseless4 ,we most readily agree that to govern man by appeals to his consciousness of right and wrong is highly proper where the mind is so well cultivated that no other government is required4 ,but1 however unhappy may be the reflection1 too large a proportion of the human family will not fall within that class4 ,how often do we see among men1 otherwise having some claim to be classed with the intelligent1 those of acknowledged bad habits2 habits which directly force the sufferer downward to poverty1 disgrace1 disease1 imbecility1 and death1--on whom argument addressed to their 8consciousness of right and wrong10 8is water spilled on the ground40 ,children1 whose ancestors have1 for ages1 ranked among the highly cultivated of the earth1--each generation surpassing its predecessor in knowledge1 in science1 and religion1--have been found to degenerate1 oftener than otherwise1 when trained solely by arguments addressed to their reason1 and unaccompanied by physical compulsion4 ,what then are we to expect from man in a savage state1 whose ancestors have been degenerating from generation to generation1 through untold ages1--him1 who has scarcely a feeling in common with civilized man1 except such as is common to the mere animal1--him1 whom deteriorating causes have reduced to the lowest grade above the brute8 ,domberger spent twelve years in passing through the central parts of ,africa1 from north to south4 ,he found the negroes1 in a large district of country1 in a state of total brutality4 ,their habits were those only of the wild brutes4 ,they had no fixed residences4 ,they lay down wherever they might be when disposed to sleep4 ,they were not more gregarious than the wild goats4 ,so far as he could discover1 they had not a language even1 by which to hold intercourse with each other4 ,they possessed no power by which they were enabled to exhibit moral degradation1 any more than the wild beasts4 ,hanno1 the ,carthaginian navigator1 in his ,periplus1 eight hundred years before the birth of ,christ1 gives a similar account of a race he calls ,gtuli4 ,it is possible that man1 in these extreme cases1 where there is very little to unlearn1 might sooner be regenerated1 elevated to civilization1 physical and mental power1 than in other cases where there may be far more proof of mental capacity1 but where the worst of intellectual and physical habits have stained soul and body with1 perhaps1 a more indelible degradation4 ,it would be a curious experiment1 and add much to our knowledge of the races of man1 to ascertain how many generations1 under the most favourable treatment1 it would require to produce an equal to ,moses1 or a ,david1 a ,newton1 or the learned ,dr4 ,wayland himself1 7if such be possible17 from these specimens of man presented before us6 ,and we now inquire1 what course of treatment will you propose1 as the most practical1 to elevate such a race to civilization8 ,it appears to us ,god has decided that slavery is the most effectual4 8,therefore my people are gone into captivity1 because they have no knowledge40 ,isa4 v4 #ac4 8,and they forsook the ,lord1 and served ,baal and ,ashteroth4 ,and the anger of the ,lord was hot against ,israel1 and he delivered them into the hands of the spoilers that spoiled them1 and he sold them into the hands of their enemies round about40 ,judg4 ii4 #ac1 #ad4 ,see also1 iii4 #f-h4 8,if his children forsake my law and walk not in my judgments3 if they break my statutes1 and keep not my commandments3 then will ,i visit their transgressions with the rod and their iniquity with stripes40 ,ps4 lxxxviii4 #cj-cb4 8,he that troubleth his own house shall inherit the wind3 and the fool shall be the servant 7 ebed1 slave7 to the wise of heart40 ,prov4 ii4 #bi4 8,and her daughters shall go into captivity4 ,thus will ,i execute judgments in ,egypt3 and they shall know that ,i am the ,lord40 ,ezek4 xxx4 #ah4 ,see also the preceding part of the chapter4 ,it is highly probable that among savage tribes1 punishment and the infliction of pain are often applied with no higher view than to torture the object of displeasure4 ,but to us it seems remarkably unfortunate1 in a student of moral and civil jurisprudence1 to suggest that legal punishment1 among civilized men1 is ever awarded or ordered with any such feeling4 ,if our education has given us a correct view of the subject1 the man who inflicts pain even on the brute1 solely on the account of such a feeling1 instantly1 so far as it is known1 sinks to the grade of a savage2 and much more explicitly when the object of revenge is his fellow man4 ,on the contrary1 when 8the offender0 has given unquestionable evidence of a depravity too deeply seated for any hope of regeneration1 and the law orders his death1 it selects that mode of execution which inflicts the least suffering1 and which shall have also the greatest probable influence to deter others who may be downward bound in the road of moral deterioration4 ,there never has been a code of laws among civilized nations1 where the object of punishment was to inflict pain on the implicated2 only so far as was thought necessary to influence a change of action for the better4 ,the object of punishment invariably has been the improvement of society4 ,if the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,wayland had been teaching legislation to savages1 or1 perhaps1 their immediate descendants1 his remarks1 to which we allude1 might have been in place4 ,but may we inquire to what cause are we indebted for them8 ,permit us to inquire of the ,doctor1 where now are to be found the 8systems of criminal jurisprudence0 to which he alludes8 ,does he imagine that such system has some likeness to the government of the civilized man over his slave8 ,or1 in their government1 does he propose to abolish corporeal punishment1 because he may think that will destroy the institution itself8 ,for 8a servant 7 abed1 a slave7 though he understand1 he will not answer40 ,prov4 xxix4 #ai4 ,we cannot pass over the paragraph we have quoted1 without expressing the most bitter regret to learn from ,dr4 ,wayland's own words1 that he recognises the fact1 without giving it reproval1 that 8we0 punish 8brutes0 with no other view than to inflict pain4 ,to us1 such an idea is most repugnant and awful6 ,and we hope--we pray ,him who alone hath power to drag up from the deep darkness of degradation1 that the minds of such men may be placed under the controlling influence of a rule that will compel to a higher sense of what is proper1 and to a more clear perception of what is truth6 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,the learned ,doctor says3 ,p4 #di4 8,by conscience1 or moral sense1 is meant that faculty by which we discern the moral quality of actions1 and by which we are capable of certain affections in respect to this quality4 8,by faculty is meant any particular part of our constitution1 by which we become affected by the various qualities and relations of beings around us80 99 99 99 8,now1 that we do actually observe a moral quality in the actions of men1 must1 ,i think1 be admitted4 ,every human being is conscious1 that1 from childhood1 he has observed it40 99 99 99 99 99 ,p4 #ej4 8,the question would then seem reduced to this3 ,do we perceive this quality of actions by a single faculty1 or by a combination of faculties8 ,i think it must be evident from what has been already stated1 that this is1 in its nature1 simple and ultimate1 and distinct from every other notion4 8,now1 if this be the case1 it seems self-evident that we must have a distinct and separate faculty1 to make us acquainted with the existence of this distinct and separate quality40 ,and for proof1 he adds3 8,this is the case in respect to all other distinct qualities3 it is1 surely1 reasonable to suppose1 that it would be the case in this40 ,what6 have we a distinct faculty by which we determine one thing to be red1 and another distinct faculty by which we discover a thing to be black2 another distinct faculty by which we judge a thing to be a cube1 and another distinct faculty by which we determine it to be a triangle8 ,have we one distinct faculty by which we find a melon1 and another by which we find a gourd8 ,what6 one distinct faculty by which we determine a professor of moral philosophy to be a correct teacher1 and another by which we discover him to be a visionary8 ,this faculty of moral sense puts us in mind of ,dr4 ,testy's description of the peculiar and distinct particles upon the tongue1 which render a man a liar1 a lunatic1 or a linguist2 a treacher1 a tattler1 or a teacher1 and so on4 ,his theory is that every mental and moral quality of a man has its distinct particle1 or little pimple1 upon the tongue1 whereby the quality is developed2 or1 by the aid of which the man is enabled to make the quality manifest4 ,long practice in examining the tongues of sick people enabled him1 he says1 to make the discovery4 ,we should like to know what acuminated elevation of the cuticle of the tongue represented 8conscience or moral sense10 as a separate and distinct faculty6 ,why does he not at once borrow support from the extravagancies of phrenology1 and assert1 according to the notions of its teachers1 that1 since the brain is divided into distinct organs for the exercise of each distinct faculty1 therefore there must be a distinct faculty for the conception of each idea8 ,there is surely an evident relation between this theory of the author and the doctrines of ,gall2 nor will the world fail to associate it with the phantasies of ,mesmer4 ,but we ask the author and his pupils to apply to this theory the truism of ,professor ,dodd3 8,it is1 at all times1 a sufficient refutation of what purports to be a statement of facts1 to show that the only kind of evidence by which the facts could possibly be sustained1 does not exist40 ,the theory by which the ,doctor arrives at the conclusion that we possess a separate and distinct faculty for the perception of each separate and distinct quality1 assimilates to that of a certain quack1 who asserted that the human stomach was mapped off1 like ,gall's cranium1 into distinct organs of digestion2 one solely for beef-steak1 one for mutton-chops1 and another for plum-pudding6 ,it is a great point with certain of the higher class of abolition writers to establish the doctrine that man possesses a distinct mental power1 which they call conscience1 or moral sense1 by which he is enabled to discover1 of himself1 and without the aid of study1 teaching1 or even inspiration1 what is right and what is wrong4 ,the practice is1 the child is taught by them that slavery is very wicked2 that no slaveholder can be a good man2 and much of such matter4 ,books are put into the hands of the schoolboy and the youth1 inculcating similar lessons1 fraught with lamentation and sympathy for the imaginary woes of the slave1 and hatred and disgust towards the master2 and when maturer years are his1 he is asked if he does not feel that slavery is very wicked2 and the professors of moral philosophy then inform him that he feels so because he possesses 8a distinct mental faculty0--distinct from the judgment--which teaches those who cultivate it1 infallibly1 all that is right and wrong2 that this conscience1 or moral sense1 is more to be relied on than the ,bible--than the ancient inspirations of ,god6 ,hence1 ,channing says3 8,that same inward principle1 which teaches a man what he is bound to do to others1 teaches equally1 and at the same instant1 what others are bound to do to him40 99 99 99 8,his conscience1 in revealing the moral law1 does not reveal a law for himself only1 but speaks as a universal legislator40 99 99 99 8,there is no deeper principle in human nature than the consciousness of right40 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #cc4 ,and ,barnes1 on ,slavery1 says3 ,p4 #cha4 8,if the ,bible could be shown to defend and countenance slavery as a good institution1 it would make thousands of infidels2 for there are multitudes of minds that will see more clearly that slavery is against all the laws which ,god has written on the human soul1 than they would see1 that a book1 sanctioning such a system1 had evidence of ,divine origin40 ,and this same author makes ,dr4 ,wayland say3 ,p4 #caj4 8,well may we ask1 in the words of ,dr4 ,wayland1 7pp4 #hc1 #hd17 whether there was ever such a moral superstructure raised on such a foundation8 ,the doctrine of purgatory from a verse of ,maccabees2 the doctrine of papacy from the saying of ,christ to ,peter2 the establishment of the ,inquisition from the obligation to extend the knowledge of religious truth1 all seem nothing to it4 ,if the religion of ,christ allows such a license from such precepts as these1 the ,new ,testament would be the greatest curse that ever was inflicted on our race40 ,this book1 as quoted by ,barnes1 we have not seen4 ,such is the doctrine of these theologians1 growing out of the possession1 as they imagine1 of this distinct moral faculty1 infallibly teaching them the truth touching the moral quality of the actions of men4 ,and what is its effect upon their scarcely more wicked pupils8 ,one of them1 in a late speech in ,congress1 says3 8,sir1 ,i must express the most energetic dissent from those who would justify modern slavery from the ,levitical law4 ,my reason and conscience revolt from those interpretations which ,torture the hallowed pages of the ,bible1 ,to sanction crime1 and robbery1 and blood1 ,and1 in oppression's hateful service1 libel #8,both man and ,god6'0 ,the ignorant fanaticism1 so proudly buoyant even in repose upon its ill-digested reason1--here so flippantly uttered1--to us bespeaks a dangerous man1 7as far as he may have capacity17 in whatever station he may be found4 ,the most hateful idolatry has never presented to the world a stronger proof of a distorted imagination giving vent to the rankest falsehood4 ,it is to be deeply regretted that such intellects are ever permitted to have any influence upon the minds of the young4 ,we deem it would be a fearful inquiry1 to examine how far the strange assassinations1 lately so common at the ,north1 have been the direct result of that mental training of which we here see an example4 ,we fear too little is thought of the quick transition from this erroneous theology to the darkened paths of man when enlightened alone by his own depraved heart4 ,the saying is true1 however awful3 ,he who rejects or dispels the plain meaning of the ,bible1 rejects our ,god1 and is an idolater2 and ,god alone can give bound to his wicked conceptions4 ,the foregoing extracts show us a specimen of the arguments and conclusions emanating from the doctrine that the conscience is a distinct mental power1 and that it infallibly teaches what is right before ,god4 ,we deem it quite objectionable--quite erroneous6 ,we present the proposition3 ,the judgment is as singly employed in the decision of what is right and wrong1 as it is in the conclusion that all the parts of a thing constitute the whole of it4 ,true1 the judgment1 when in the exercise of determining what is right and wrong in regard to our own acts1 has been named conscience4 ,but it remains for that class of philosophers1 who argue that man possesses a faculty of clairvoyance1 to establish that man has also a sister faculty1 which they call conscience1 or moral sense2 and that it exists as an independent mental power1 distinct from judgment4 99 99 99 99 99 ,most men live without reflection4 ,they think of nothing but the objects of sense1 of pressing want1 and the means of relief4 ,the wonderful works of nature create no wonder4 ,a mine of sea-shells on the ,andes excites no surprise4 ,of the analogies or dissimilarities between things1 or their essential relations1 the mind takes no notice4 ,even their intellectual powers exist almost without their cognisance4 ,their mental faculties are little improved or cultivated2 and1 as they are forced to the ,gazetteer for the description of some distant locality1 so they would be to their logic1 before they could speak of their own mental functions4 ,the teaching of this doctrine1 untrue as it is1 may1 therefore1 be very harmful2 as ill-informed individuals often form a very erroneous judgment about right and wrong1 and1 under the influence of its teachings1 may come to think and believe that their conclusion concerning right and wrong is the product of their infallible guide1 the conscience1 or moral sense1 and therefore past all doubt and beyond question2 that their minds are under the influence and control of a new and spiritually higher law than the law of the land1 or even the moral law as laid down in the ,bible1 when not in unison with their feelings4 ,and we venture to prophesy1 in case this doctrine shall gain general credence1 that such will be the rocks on which multitudes will founder2 for simple and ill-informed people may thus be led1 and doubtless are1 to do very wicked and mischievous acts1 under the influence of this belief--a belief of their possessing this power1 which no one ever did possess1 unless inspired4 8,there is a way that seemeth right unto a man1 but the end thereof are the ways of death40 ,prov4 xvi4 #be4 99 99 99 99 99 ,thus we see there is a class of theologians1 who1 in hot pursuit of abolitionism1 seem ready to sacrifice their ,bible and its religion to the establishment of such principles as they deem wholly contradictory to1 and incompatible with1 the existence of slavery2 and it is hence that they attempt to teach that man possesses an intuitive sense of its wrong4 ,but shall we not be forced1 with regret1 to acknowledge1 that there are quacks in divinity as well as in physic8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,we do not charge ,dr4 ,wayland with being the author of this new doctrine that man possesses an independent and distinct power1 faculty1 or sense1 by the exercise of which he perceives right and wrong1 or1 in other words1 the moral quality of the actions of men1 and upon which perception he may rest with safety1 as to its accuracy and truthfulness2 for the same doctrine has been suggested by greater men than ,dr4 ,wayland1 long ago4 ,lord ,shaftesbury1 ,dr4 ,hutchinson1 and ,dr4 ,reid have laid the foundation2 the latter of whom says1 7p4 #bdb17 8,the testimony of our moral faculty1 like that of the external senses1 is the testimony of nature1 and we have the same reason to rely upon it48 ,again3 8,as we rely upon the clear and distinct testimony of our eyes1 concerning the figures and colours of bodies about us1 we have the same reason1 with security1 to rely upon the clear and unbiassed testimony of our conscience with regard to what we ought or ought not to do40 99 99 99 99 99 ,such sentiments may seem to some to be deducible from an indistinct and indefinite reference to our judgment after the understanding has been improved by moral culture1 when such judgment1 by a mere looseness of language1 is sometimes described as if the writers confounded it with the state of mind and moral perfectibility produced by the reception of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,thus1 ,archbishop ,secker1 in his ,fourth ,lecture on the ,catechism1 says3 8,how shall all persons know what they are taught to believe is really true8 8,answer4 ,the greater part of it1 when it is once duly proposed to them1 they may perceive to be so by the light of their own reason and conscience40 ,now it is evident that the bishop's answer is predicated upon the supposition that the understanding has been cultivated in conformity to the principles of moral truth4 ,but1 from such hasty1 perhaps thoughtless1 snatches of speculation1 occasionally found in some few of the older metaphysical writers1 our author and his co-associates in this belief have drawn their materials1 remodelled the parts1 and reared1 even as to heaven1 a lofty structure upon a doubtful1 tottering base1 bringing untold social and political evils upon society1 and spiritual death1 in its fall1 to all who shelter under it4 ,but for the good of the world1 in opposition to such a doctrine1 truth has erected her column of solid masonry1 against which the fanaticism and sophistry of these builders can only1 like successive drops of water1 carry down the walls some useless portions of the cement4 ,we repeat1 how tottering must be the argument founded upon analogy where there is no relation6 ,we all agree that the senses make truthful representations3 all see1 smell1 and taste alike2 vinegar will be sour to the savage1 as well as the savant4 ,but is their judgment the same about the moral qualities of actions8 ,what says this moral sense1 this conscience1 in the savage1 who is taught to steal from his friend and torture his enemy8 ,does the reverend doctor think his moral sense will dictate the same conclusion8 ,what right has he1 then1 to say1 it is the voice of nature--of ,god8 ,does he fail to perceive that the moral quality of actions is distinguished by man in conformity to his experience1 his training1 his education8 ,we see that men often differ about the moral quality of an action4 ,it might be that no two men would have the same idea about the moral quality of a particular action4 ,would the conscience1 this moral sense1 or faculty1 in such case1 be right in each one8 ,if not1 who is to determine which is right and which is wrong8 ,and further1 of what use to man can be this distinct1 independent1 and unchangeably truthful power1 which1 nevertheless1 brings him no certainty8 ,but has the mind of man ever found out that ,god has overdone1 or unnecessarily done1 any thing8 ,will these theorists reflect1 that1 in case ,god had seen fit to bestow such a sense on man1 inspiration would have been useless1 and the ,bible not wanted8 ,and the condition of man upon the earth would be wholly stationary instead of progressive4 ,and permit us to inquire1 whether this notion of theirs is the reason why some of these theorists speak so rashly1 we might say blasphemously1 of that sacred volume1 upon the condition which they dictate8 ,the truth is1 we have no such infallible guide4 ,the idea of right and wrong1 either theologically or physically considered1 is always fixed through an exertion of the powers of the understanding4 ,we have no instinctive power reaching the case4 ,our judgment1 our feelings are often unstable1 irregular1 and sometimes antagonistic4 ,in abstruse cases1 very often we cannot even satisfy ourselves what is right and will it be said that we do not often fail to see the object1 design1 and law of ,god touching a case8 ,on every decision on a question of right or wrong1 a train of mental action is called into operation1 comparing the ideas already in the mind with the facts of the case under review1 and noting the similarity of these facts to our idea of right1 or whether the facts conform to our idea of wrong4 ,this decision we call judgment3 but when the decision reaches to the question of right or wrong1 touching our own conduct only1 logicians have agreed to call it conscience2 not a distinct action from judgment--much less a distinct faculty2 and by no means carrying with it more proof of accuracy and correctness than is our judgment about any other matter1 where the ideas and facts are equally manifest and accurately presented4 ,there is another consideration which to us gives proof that the conscience or moral sense is not an independent faculty of the mind1 nor to be relied on at all as infallible4 ,many of us have noticed the changes that imperceptibly come over our moral feelings1 and judgment of right and wrong1 conscience or moral sense1 through the influences of association and habit4 ,our affluent neighbour1 who manifests to others many virtues and some follies1 our mind1 by association and habit1 regards as a perfect model of human greatness and perfection4 ,thus a corrupt government soon surveys a corrupt people2 and a somewhat licentious1 but talented and accomplished clergyman1 soon finds his hearers in fashion4 ,nor is it unfrequent1 that which should stigmatize a father is beheld with admiration by the son4 ,thus wealth1 to most1 is desirable1 but its desirability has been created by association2 we recollect the objects it enables us to command1 often the objects of our principal pursuit4 ,the quality the mind associates with these gratifications1 it eventually associates with that which procures them4 ,thus1 we perceive1 the mind is able to form a moral estimate upon considerations wholly artificial1 which could never happen in case the moral sense was independent1 and a distinct faculty teaching us infallible truth4 ,but how are we to account for the fact that some of the finest intellects1 as well as the most learned men1 have fallen into this most dangerous error8 ,it should be a subject of deep thought6 ,we discover1 in some men of the highest order of intellects1 the power of arriving1 as it were instantaneously1 at a conclusion1 giving it the appearance of being intuitive1 rather than the result of what would be1 when analyzed1 a long chain of reasoning4 ,thus1 the instant and happy thought often springing to the mind when in some sudden or unforeseen difficulty4 ,the nice and instant perception1 often displayed by medical men1 of the condition of the patient1 is an example2 and hence the astonishing accuracy of judgment1 sometimes noticed in the military commander1 from a mere glance of the eye4 ,in such cases the mind is often not conscious of any mental action2 and others1 who observe these facts1 are led1 sometimes1 to confound what1 in such cases1 is a deductive judgment1 with intuitiveness4 ,the judgment1 thus formed without any perceptible succession of thought1 is merely the result of acquirement from long experience and habits of active ratiocination4 ,some few instances of this unconscious and rapid thought have been exemplified by mathematicians1 when the calculator could give no account how he arrived at the conclusion4 ,will any one claim that they abstract their answers from the most abstruse propositions intuitively1 or by instinct1 or by any new and distinct faculty of the mind8 ,this habit of mind is as applicable to morals as to any thing else4 ,but in mathematics the data are everywhere the same2 whereas in morals the data are as different among men as are their conditions of life2 because our ideas of right and wrong1 existing in the mind before the judgment is formed on the case to be considered1 were introduced by the aid of the senses1 through the medium of experience and education2 and it is1 therefore1 quite obvious that the idea of right in one man may be quite like the idea of wrong in another4 ,but it remains to show the fallacy of the argument by which ,dr4 ,wayland arrives at his conclusion4 ,let us examine the paragraph quoted1 and sift from verbiage the naked points of the argument3 8,we do actually observe a moral quality in the actions of men40 8,do we perceive this quality of actions by a single faculty1 or a combination of faculties8 ,this notion0 7the perception of the moral quality of an action7 8is1 in its nature1 simple and ultimate1 and distinct from every other notion40 8,we have a distinct faculty to make us acquainted with the existence of all other distinct qualities40 8,therefore1 it is self-evident that this is a separate and distinct faculty40 ,the syllogism is defective because the idea of right or wrong is not simple nor ultimate1 but complex1 and ever subject to change from the influence of any new light presented to the mind4 ,nor is it true that we possess a distinct faculty to make us acquainted with each distinct quality2 for1 if so1 the mind would be merely a very large bundle of faculties2 and we should neither possess nor stand in need of any reasoning powers whatever1 because the naked truth about every thing would always stand revealed before us by these faculties2 which1 we think1 is not the fact4 ,in syllogistic argument1 the first principles must be something that cannot be otherwise--unalterable--an eternal truth2 8because these qualities cannot belong to the conclusion unless they belong to the premises1 which are its causes40 ,the syllogism will then stand thus3 ,it is not true our notion1 or idea1 of the moral quality of an action 8is simple and ultimate1 and distinct from any other idea or notion30 ,it is not true that we have a distinct faculty to make us acquainted with the existence of all other distinct qualities3 ,therefore1 it is not true1 nor self-evident1 that we perceive the moral qualities of an action1 or that we have the idea or notion of it1 by the aid of a single distinct and separate faculty4 ,the 8notion0 advanced by ,dr4 ,wayland1 on this subject1 appears to us so strange1 that it would be difficult to conceive it to have been issued or promulgated by a schoolman1 did we not know how often men1 led by passion1 some by prejudice1 argue from false premises to which they take no heed1 or1 from a want of information1 honestly mistake for truths4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,p4 #bjf4 8,it0 7slavery7 8supposes that the ,creator intended one human being to govern the physical1 intellectual1 and moral actions of as many other human beings as1 by purchase1 he can bring within his physical power1 and that one human being may thus acquire a right to sacrifice the happiness of any number of other human beings1 for the purpose of promoting his own40 ,this proposition is almost a total error4 ,slavery supposes the ,creator intended that the interest of the master in the slave who1 by becoming his slave1 becomes his property1 should secure to the slave that protection and government which the slave is too degenerate to supply to himself2 and that such protection and government are necessary to the happiness and well-being of the slave1 without which he either remains stationary or degenerates in his moral1 mental1 and physical condition4 ,p4 #bjg4 8,it0 7slavery7 8renders the eternal happiness of the one party subservient to the temporal happiness of the other40 ,this is equally untrue4 ,slavery subjects one party to the command of another who is expected to feel it a duty to so 8command his household0 that 8they shall keep the way of the ,lord1 to do justice and judgment40 ,this is the voice of ,god on the subject1 as heretofore quoted4 ,the learned ,dr4 ,wayland is evidently wholly unacquainted with the spirit and intention1 and1 we may add1 origin of the institution of slavery2 yet he has1 doubtless1 been studying some of its abuses4 ,but suppose a man to study nothing of ,christianity but its abuses1 and from these alone undertake to describe what he conceives to be its results1 its character1 and suppositions2 he doubtless would make what ,dr4 ,wayland would very justly call a distorted representation2 and perhaps1 he might safely use a harsher phrase4 ,but would such a representation be productive of any good in the world8 ,it might do much mischief by spreading1 broadcast1 its errors and misrepresentations2 a most delicious food for the morbid appetite of the ignorant and fanatic infidel6 ,yes1 infidelity has its fanatics as well as abolitionism6 8,obey them that have rule over you1 and submit yourselves3 for they watch for your souls as they that must give account1 that they may do it with joy and not with grief3 for that is unprofitable for you40 ,heb4 xiii4 #ag4 99 99 99 99 99 ,p4 #bjg4 8,if argument were necessary to show that such a system as this must be at variance with the ordinance of ,god1 it might easily be drawn from the effects which it produces1 both upon morals and national wealth40 ,the author1 in this instance1 as he has in many others1 designs to produce an effect on the mind of his reader from what he does not say1 as well as from what he does say4 ,we acknowledge this mode to be quite noncommittal1 while1 on the minds of some1 it may be very skilfully used to produce an impression4 ,but we confess ourselves ignorant of any logical rule by which it is entitled to produce any on us4 ,the mode of speech used is intended to produce the impression that the proposition is someway self-evident1 and therefore stands in no need of proof or argument4 ,but how the proposition1 that slavery is 8at variance with the ordinances of ,god0 is self-evident1 and needs no proof nor argument1 we have not the 8moral sense0 or 8faculty0 to discover4 ,but as ,dr4 ,wayland proposes1 nevertheless1 to prove its truth by its effects on morals and wealth1 let us listen to the evidence4 ,idem4 8,its effects must be disastrous upon the morals of both parties4 ,by presenting objects on whom passion may be satiated without resistance and without redress1 it tends to cultivate in the master1 pride1 anger1 cruelty1 selfishness1 and licentiousness4 ,by accustoming the slave to subject his moral principles to the will of another1 it tends to abolish in him all moral distinctions2 and thus fosters in him lying1 deceit1 hypocrisy1 dishonesty1 and a willingness to yield himself up to the appetites of his master40 ,this is his proof that slavery is 8at variance with the ordinances of ,god10 as he has drawn it from its effect on morals2--in which we think him singularly unfortunate4 ,he asks us to receive1 as proof of the truth of the proposition1 a combination of propositions all requiring proof of their truth1 but of the truth of which he offers no proof4 ,this view of the state of the argument1 we imagine1 would be sufficient to condemn it in all well-schooled minds2 but1 nevertheless1 we propose to show that which he offers as proof is not true2 and even if true1 is no proof of the truth of the proposition he endeavours to sustain4 ,in regard to the master1 the effect complained of may or may not exist1 as may be the fact whether the master is or is not capable of administering the charge and government of slaves wisely for himself and them4 ,but these abuses1 when found to exist1 are no proof of the moral impropriety of the institution2 for1 if so1 the abuses of a thing are proof that the thing itself is evil4 ,there are many abuses of government3 is government1 therefore1 at variance with the ordinances of ,god8 ,the same of matrimony2 and is it1 therefore1 to be set aside8 ,some men make an abusive use of their education1 and1 in consequence1 would have been more valuable members of society in a state of comparative ignorance3 are our universities1 therefore1 to be abolished8 ,money has been said to be 8the root of all evil20 it1 to some extent1 is the representative of wealth and power2 the possession of either of which may1 in some individuals1 sometimes apparently enable the possessor 8to cultivate pride1 anger1 cruelty1 selfishness1 and licentiousness40 ,the same may be said of power of any kind4 ,but has not ,dr4 ,wayland learned that there are cases where the effect would be and is entirely the reverse8--where power1 wealth1 or even the possession of slaves1 produces in the possessor a greater degree of humility1 placidity or mildness1 sympathy or charity for others1 and orderly conduct in himself8 ,does the reverend moral philosopher make so low an estimate of the value of civilization--of the influence of ,christianity--as not to admit the capability of enjoying a blessing without abusing it8 ,if ,dr4 ,wayland's argument be founded on truth1 it will be easy to show that any system of things must be at variance with the ordinances of ,god which permit the possession of either power or wealth3 consequently1 in such case1 we must and should all go back to the savage state4 ,we ask this learned standard author to read the history of ,abraham and ,isaac1 and inform us whether slavery produced the effect on them which he supposes to be an entailment of the institution2 for the effect must be proved to be an unchangeable1 a universal and unavoidable consequence1 before it can receive the character of evidence in the case to which he applies it4 ,but ,dr4 ,wayland thinks that slavery 8tends to abolish all moral distinctions in the slave0--8fosters in him lying1 deceit1 hypocrisy1 dishonesty1 and a willingness to yield himself up to minister to the appetites of his master20 and1 therefore1 8is at variance with the ordinances of ,god40 ,if the doctor had seen the native ,african and slave in the wild1 frantic joy of his savage worship1 tendered to his chief idol-god1 the imbodiment of concupiscence2 if he had seen all the power of the ,christian master centered to effect the eradication of this heathen belief1 and the habits it engendered2 had he witnessed the anxiety of the master for the substitution of the precepts of ,christianity2 if he had seen the untiring efforts of the masters1 sometimes for several generations1 before this great object could be accomplished1 and the absolute necessity of its accomplishment before the labour of the slave could ordinarily become to him an article of full and desirable profit1--he would probably never have written the paragraph we have quoted6 ,but since1 in the honest1 we may perhaps say the amiable1 simplicity of his mind1 he has composed this lesson for his pupil1 which1 like the early dew in imperceptible showers on the tender blade1 becomes the daily nutriment of his juvenile mind and the habitual aliment of its maturity1 we deem it necessary to make one further brief remark in proof of its entire inadequacy to the task assigned it in his argument1 as a particular and special1 and of its total untruthfulness as a general and comprehensive1 maxim in morals4 ,our experience is1 that the crimes here named1 when detected in the slave1 are punished1 and1 if necessary1 with severity1 if for no other reason1 because they render the slave less valuable to his master4 ,the master wishes to find in his slave one on whom he can rely with certainty2 in whom there is no dissonance of interest from his own1 and whose honesty and obedience are past doubt4 ,the qualities which are the exact opposite of the crimes imputed are1 therefore1 sedulously cultivated in the slave1--and truly1 very often1 with small success4 ,but we are surprised at the doctrine which proclaims a system of government that ever punishes and looks with displeasure on 8lying1 deceit1 hypocrisy1 and dishonesty10 to be the very thing to foster and nourish those vices6 ,when such is proved to be the fact1 we shall regard it as a new discovery in morals4 ,as to the last clause of what he has adduced as proof of his proposition1 we say that any one who is in the employ1 or even the company1 of another1 either as a friend1 wife1 child1 or hireling1 as well as slave1 may manifest a growing willingness to minister to the appetites of such person2 and such inclination1 or willingness1 will operate to the benefit or injury of those so influenced1 in proportion as such appetite is good or bad1 or tends to good or evil3 but this influence1 whether tending to benefit or injury1 is not an exclusive incident of slavery1 and1 therefore1 cannot with any propriety1 be quoted either for or against it3 for1 everywhere1 8evil communications corrupt good manners40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,dr4 ,wayland informs us that slavery is at variance with the ordinances of ,god1 because it diminishes the amount of national wealth4 ,if the diminishing of national wealth be proof of the variance from the ordinances of ,god1 then it will follow that whatever will increase such wealth must be in conformity to such ordinances1--a position which we think no one will attempt to maintain4 ,but let us notice the evidence he adduces to prove that slavery diminishes national wealth4 ,his first proof is1 that slavery does not 8impose on all the necessity of labour20 but that it 8restricts the number of labourers--that is1 of producers--by rendering labour disgraceful40 ,now this is surely a proposition which requires to be proved itself before it can be received as a proof of an antecedent proposition2 and ,president ,wayland seems to have perceived that1 under the general term1 8labourers10 it would be incapable of proof2 and1 therefore1 he informs us that by labourers he means producers4 ,the logicians will agree that there is a disjointedness in this proposition 7very common in this author7 to which exception might be taken2 but we suppose ,dr4 ,wayland means that slavery decreases the number of those whose labour is employed in the production of the articles or products of agriculture2 for we do not presume he means that the labours of the law1 physic1 divinity1 the mechanic arts1 commerce1 politics or war1 are rendered disgraceful by slavery1 but agriculture alone2 and that1 therefore1 it is at variance with the ordinances of ,god1 because it thus diminishes the amount of national wealth4 ,if this is not his meaning1 we confess ourselves unable to find any meaning in it4 ,we know of no surer method to test its truth or falsehood than for the ,slave ,states to compare their number of agricultural producers with those of the ,free ,states1 having relation to the entire population4 ,the result will be found wholly adverse to the reverend moralist's position4 ,in fact1 so great is the disproportion between the numbers of agricultural labourers in the ,slave ,states1 compared to those in the ,free1 that the articles of their produce often fall down to prices ruinous to the agriculturist1 which very seldom1 or never1 happens in the ,free ,states4 ,let ,dr4 ,wayland study the statistics touching this point1 and he will find himself in error4 ,but the proposition of ,president ,wayland includes this minor proposition3 ,that the increase of agricultural products1 to the greatest possible extent1 increases national wealth4 ,we are very far from discovering the truth of this2 because the increase of a production1 beyond utility and demand1 can add nothing to the value of the production1 since value depends upon utility and demand4 ,if this position be true1 which we think very few at this day will dispute1 it is quite obvious that ,president ,wayland1 and even ,adam ,smith1 7from whom we suppose the former has received this notion17 are quite mistaken when they predicate the amount of labour to be the sole measure1 or1 in fact1 the amount of wealth2 since that position must render the amount of labour and the amount of wealth terms of convertible significance1 which1 in fact1 is seldom the case4 ,such1 then1 being the state of the argument1 ,dr4 ,wayland's proposition is1 in effect3 ,that the production of the articles of agriculture1 to an extent beyond any demand or value1 is in conformity to the ordinances of ,god2 and1 therefore1 their production1 to any less extent1 is at variance with those ordinances1 because the first increases and the latter decreases national wealth4 ,we shall leave these contradictions for the consideration of the professor of moral philosophy and his pupils4 ,the second witness ,dr4 ,wayland introduces to prove the truth of his proposition1 that slavery lessens the amount of national wealth1 is that slavery takes from the labourer the natural stimulus to labour1--the desire of individual benefit1--and substitutes the fear of punishment3 ,and for the third and last1 that slavery removes from both parties the disposition and motive to frugality2 by which means national wealth is diminished4 ,if national wealth be the desideratum1 in order not to be at variance with the ordinances of ,god1 it matters not whether the contributors to it did so contribute through the selfish view of personal aggrandizement and a desire of elevation above their fellows1 or whether they did so to relieve themselves from some stigma or personal infliction that a refusal might be expected to fasten upon them4 ,the motive in both cases is the same--a desire to benefit themselves4 ,thus ,dr4 ,wayland1 therefore1 makes a distinction where1 in reality1 there is no difference4 ,but again1 if the amount of labour be the criterion of the amount of national wealth1 as he seems to suppose1 it can make no difference1 in a national point of view1 whether ,a and ,b squander the result of their labours into the possession of ,c and ,d1 or retain it themselves because the change of possession in no way destroys the thing possessed4 ,it might be gathered1 from this part of ,dr4 ,wayland's argument1 that the greatest misers would be the most efficient builders of national wealth1 and1 therefore1 most in accordance with the ordinances of ,god4 ,we are somewhat at loss to perceive the precise idea the author affixes to the term 8national wealth40 ,whether this be his or our fault1 we leave for others to decide4 ,has it ever occurred to the reverend author to estimate the wealth of a nation by the moral1 physical1 and individual welfare of the population8 ,but we cannot attempt1 or undertake1 to expose1 nor explain1 all the false reasoning1 distorted views1 and prejudiced conclusions found heaped up1 in heterogeneous confusion1 by the abolition writers4 ,the dissection of mental putridity is as unwelcome a task as that of the animal carcass in a state of decomposition4 ,if we cast our eyes over the surface of human life1 we notice that wealth and power usually travel hand in hand but that wealth is distributed unequally1 varied from the lofty possessions of royal power down to the most scanty pittance of poverty and want2--yet leaving a vast majority in possession of nothing save life1 and their right to the use of the elements of nature4 ,it is with these lower classes we have the most to do4 ,the wants of these1 most generally1 are physical3 indeed1 we sometimes find them only on a level with the brute4 ,thus1 the ,african mountaineer is prone and content to feed on the decaying remains of what he may find1 and wanders1 like the hyena1 upon the trail of what he hopes to find his prey2 while the savage islanders of the distant seas are satisfied with what the ocean heaves on shore4 ,we notice that these wants are increased by climate2 hence1 the native of the extreme north1 content with his flitch of blubber1 yet robs the bear of his hide for a blanket4 ,these wants we also find enlarged by the least contact with civilization4 ,hence we see the ,african1 on the western coast of his continent1 garnished out with the gewgaws of ,europe1 and the ,indian of our own clime with the trinkets of trade4 ,and thus we may notice that1 as civilization and capital increase in any country1 new objects of desire1 new individual wants increase in proportion4 ,hence1 the farm-house now exhibits its carpet1 whereas ,queen ,elizabeth was content with straw6 ,all these wants require some action1 on the part of those who desire their gratification1 to continue their supply1 or it must cease2 because1 as a general rule1 the product of individual labour must bound the supply of individual wants1 in all cases where the individual possesses no capital which yields an additional revenue4 ,but a large portion of those in savage life produce nothing2 so1 also1 a portion from civilized society seem ever disposed to break through the rules of civilization1 to retrograde as to morals1 and subsist by trick or some dishonesty4 ,they produce nothing1 and are1 therefore1 a total drawback on the welfare of others4 ,we find1 also1 another portion1 the product of whose labour is inadequate to the supply of their individual wants1 and who are without capital to supply the deficiency4 ,such must die1 or resort to charity2 or retrograde1 and live by their wits4 ,good men1 in all ages1 have striven to obviate these evils4 ,the ,levitical law did so by permitting the unfortunate man to sell himself1 as a slave1 for six years1 or for life1 as he might choose1 under the state of the case2 or1 in case he did not so choose to sell himself1 but became indebted beyond his means1 the law forced his sale1 and also that of his whole family4 ,although1 to some1 this law may look harsh1 yet its spirit1 intention1 and effect were in favour of the general good1 of morals1 and of life4 ,yet it was slavery2 and we take liberty here to say1 although some may not be prepared to receive it1 that such ever was1 is now1 and ever will be the spirit1 intention1 and effect of slavery1 when not disfigured by its abuse4 ,we have in vain looked through these 8,elements0 for some proposal of the author to meet such cases as those of savages1 and of those degenerating and deteriorating poor1 in all countries1 known to be so from the fact that they ever strive to live by their wits4 ,and here we may remark that it is evident the system of alms-giving must terminate when the capitalists shall find the amount of alms beyond their surplus revenue2 and no one will deny that the whole system has a direct tendency towards a general bankruptcy4 ,we therefore ask ,dr4 ,wayland to make a proposal that shall be a permanent and effectual remedy in the cases under consideration4 ,now1 very few will say1 but that if society can find out some humane plan by which beggars and thieves can be forced1 if force be necessary1 to yield a product of labour equal to the supply of their necessary wants1 the ordinances of ,god will not sanction the act4 ,from imperfection1 perhaps1 in the organization of society1 we not only see individuals branching off1 and taking a downward road1 but also1 in all old countries1 from the very stimulus of nature1 a constant tendency to such an increase of population as lessens the value of labour by overstocking the demand1 whereby its product becomes less than is required for the supply of individual wants4 ,the consequences resulting from these facts1 so ruinous to individual morals and happiness1 often become national evils and the causes of national deterioration4 ,but1 under the ,levitical law1 and in all countries with similar provisions1 the effect has been1 and ever will be1 a division of such population into a separate caste1--not national deterioration4 ,with a view to remedy the evils to which we have invited the attention of the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,wayland1 ,sismondi1 book vii4 chap4 #i1 has proposed1 that inasmuch1 as he says1 the low wages of the labouring poor redound wholly to the pecuniary benefit of the capitalists who employ them1 those capitalists shall be charged by law with their support1 when wages become too low to supply the necessary wants of the labourer2 at the same time bestowing power on the capitalists to prevent all marriages when the labourer can give no evidence of a prospect of increased means of subsistence1 satisfactory to the capitalist1 that he will not be burdened with the support of the offspring4 ,we are1 by no means1 the advocates of ,sismondi's proposed arrangement4 ,but if the labourers1 since in some sense they may be considered freemen1 give their consent to it1 we do not perceive that it would be 8at variance with the ordinances of ,god40 ,the author of these 8,elements0 and ,sismondi1 we believe1 differed little1 if any1 on the subject of the abolition of slavery touching the negro race4 ,will he say1 the proposal of that philosopher to benefit the condition of the labouring poor1 if carried into effect as suggested1 would be 8at variance with the ordinances of ,god80 ,yet1 all the world perceive that it is a mere modification of slavery1 containing conditions more obnoxious to human nature than appertains to any condition of slavery now known beyond the ,african shores4 ,man has ever been found to advance in moral improvement civilization1 and a stable and healthy increase of population1 only in proportion as they have been taught to supply their necessary wants by the products of individual labour4 ,this is what first distinguishes civilized from savage life4 ,the savage relies wholly upon the elements1 the casualties that bring him advantage1 and the spontaneous productions of nature4 ,the idea of supplying his wants through the products of labour never enters the mind4 ,and will it be denied that1 even in civilized countries1 they who solely rely upon begging1 trick1 and dishonesty1 for their support1 are always found to be deteriorating1 both in morals and in their physical ability1 rapidly receding from all the characteristics of civilization1 in the direction towards savage life4 ,indeed1 a tendency to move in the same direction is often perceptible among those who only partially supply the wants of civilized support by the product of individual labour1 and rely upon their wits for the remainder1 thus1 to some extent1 becoming the plunderers of society4 ,we would have been happy to have found the causes why these things are so1 as well as to have found the remedy1 in 8,the ,elements of ,moral ,science40 ,but let us contemplate1 for a moment1 a certain class of freemen1 the lazaroni of ,italy1 who exist1 merely1 upon one small dish of macaroni1 daily issued to them from the ,hospital of ,st4 ,lazarus4 ,we are all familiar with the condition of these people4 ,let us compare theirs with what would be the condition of the beggars and thieves of some other countries1 were they placed under the control of some salutary power1 whereby their necessary wants would be supplied by the product of their individual labour4 ,we need not ask which condition is most 8at variance with the ordinances of ,god60 ,dr4 ,wayland has retained1 for his last witness1 the old trite charge that slavery impoverishes the soil2 that1 therefore1 it constantly 8migrates from the old to new regions10 8where alone the accumulated manure of centuries0 can 8sustain a system at variance with the laws of nature40 8,hence10 he says1 8slavery in this country is acknowledged to have impoverished many of our most valuable districts40 ,we are not aware how far ,dr4 ,wayland has founded this statement upon facts drawn from his own observation4 ,has he done so at all2 or has he1 carelessly and without reflection1 adopted it from the assertions of others notoriously destitute of ability to form an opinion with accuracy1 or else too deeply prejudiced to give their opinion any value8 ,does he wish us to infer that the plough and the hoe1 in the hands of a slave1 communicate some peculiar poison to the soil2 and by reason of which 8the ground shall not henceforth yield her strength80 ,will he please explain how the effect of which he complains is produced8 ,if he finds it merely in the mode of cultivation1 we then inquire whether the same mode would not produce the same effect1 even if the plough and hoe were held by freemen8 ,if so1 then it is evident that 8the impoverishment of many of our most valuable districts0 is not the result of slavery1 but of a bad mode of cultivation4 ,or1 will the doctor contend that if those valuable districts had been cultivated by free hired men1 the evils from negligence in the labourer would be remedied8 8,he that is a hireling fleeth1 because he is a hireling1 and careth not for the sheep40 ,john x4 #ac4 ,dr4 ,wayland will not deny that the 8heathen round about10 of whom the ,jews were permitted to buy slaves1 were a slave-holding people2 but we have no account that their country was impoverished thereby4 ,the ,canaanites1 whom the ,israelites drove out from ,palestine1 were slaveholders2 yet the country was represented as very fertile1 even to 8overflowing with milk and honey40 ,the ,danites found 8,laish very good10 ,judg4 xviii4 #i4 ,and the children of ,judah 8found fat pasture and good0 about ,gedar4 #a ,chron4 iv4 #dj4 8,for they of ,ham had dwelt there of old60 ,for many centuries1 slavery extended over every part of ,europe1 yet history gives us no account of the ruin of the soil4 ,in ,greece and ,rome1 the numbers of slaves were extended to millions beyond any number these ,states possess2 but their historians failed to discover their destructive influence on the fertility of those countries4 ,before the impoverishment of the soil can1 with any force1 be adduced as proof against slavery1 it must be proved to be a necessary consequence2 which1 we apprehend1 will be a difficult labour1 since the sluggishness and the idleness of the ,canaanites1 and of the nations round about1 left their country overflowing with milk and honey1 abounding in fat pastures and good1 notwithstanding their population were1 to a large extent1 slaves1--since1 also1 the servile cultivation of the soil in ,greece and ,rome did not impoverish it2 and since slavery1 which everywhere abounded in ,europe1 never produced that effect4 ,if ,dr4 ,wayland will discover the legitimate cause of this impoverishment of the soil in the ,slave ,states1 and teach the planters a better mode of cultivation1 we doubt not he will receive their thanks1 and deserve well of his country1 as a public benefactor4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,dr4 ,wayland says3 ,p4 #bji4 8,the moral precepts of the ,bible are diametrically opposed to slavery40 ,p4 #baj4 8,the moral principles of the gospel are directly subversive of the principles of slavery40 99 99 99 8,if the gospel be diametrically opposed to the principles of slavery1 it must be opposed to the practice of slavery2 and1 therefore1 were the principles of the gospel fully adopted1 slavery could not exist40 ,dr4 ,wayland having conceived himself to possess a distinct faculty1 which reveals to him1 with unerring truthfulness1 whatever is right and all that is wrong1 may be expected to consider himself fully able to decide1 in his own way1 what instruction ,god intended to convey to us1 on the subject of slavery1 through the books of ,divine revelation2 yet1 we cannot but imagine that ,st4 ,paul would be somewhat astonished1 if presented with the doctor's decision for his approval1 and that he would cry out3 8,who art thou that judgest another man's servant8 ,to his own master1 he standeth1 or falleth3 yea1 he will be holden up2 for ,god is able to make him stand40 ,but although we cannot boast of possessing this unerring moral guide1 which1 of late years1 seems to be so common a possession among that class who ardently desire us to believe that they have monopolized all the knowledge of ,god's will on the subject of slavery1 yet we may venture a remark on the logical accuracy of ,dr4 ,wayland's argument4 ,it seems to be a postulate in his mind that the gospel is diametrically opposed to1 and subversive of1 the principles of slavery4 ,we do not complain of this syllogistic mode2 but we do complain1 as we have done before1 that his postulate is not an axiom1 a self-evident truth1 or made equal thereto by the open and clear declarations of ,christ or his apostles4 ,this defect cannot be remedied by ever so many suppositions1 nor by deductions therefrom4 ,nor will those of a different faith from ,dr4 ,wayland1 on the subject of 8conscience10 or 8moral sense10 be satisfied to receive the declarations of this his 8distinct faculty0 as the fixed decrees of eternal truth4 ,his assertions and arguments may be very convincing to those who think they possess this distinct faculty1 especially if their education and prejudices tend to the same conclusion4 ,but if what ,president ,wayland says about slavery be true1 then to hold slaves is a most heinous sin2 and he who does so1 and never repents1 can never visit ,paul in heaven4 ,he necessarily is placed on a parallel with the thief and robber2 and ,dr4 ,channing has been bold enough to say so4 ,but has ,paul ever hinted to us any such thing as that the holding of slaves is a sin8 ,yet he gives us instruction on the subject and relations of slavery4 ,what excuse had ,st4 ,paul for not telling us what the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,wayland now tells us1 if what he has told us be true8 ,and if it be true1 what are we to think of ,paul's verity1 when he asserts that he has 8not shunned to declare all the counsel of ,god80 ,did ,jesus ,christ ever hint such an idea as ,dr4 ,wayland's8 ,what are we to understand1 when he addresses ,god1 the ,father1 and says1 8,i have given unto them the words thou gavest me1 and they have received them80 ,what are we to deduce from his remark on a slaveholder1 and who notified him of that fact1 when he says to his disciples1 8,verily ,i say unto you1 ,i have not found so great faith1 no1 not in ,israel80 ,what impression was this remark calculated to produce on the minds of the disciples8 ,does ,dr4 ,wayland found his assertion on ,luke xvii4 #g-aj8 or does he agree with ,paley that ,christ privately condemned slavery to the apostles1 and that they kept such condemnation secret to themselves1 to prevent opposition to the introduction of ,christianity1 and left the most wicked sin of slave-holding to be found out by a mere innuendo8 ,or does ,dr4 ,wayland claim1 through the aid of his distinct moral faculty infallibly teaching him the truth1 to have received some new light on the subject of slavery1 which the ,,father deemed not prudent to be intrusted to the ,,son1 and1 therefore1 now more lucid and authoritative than what was revealed to the apostles8 ,the ,archbishop ,secker has made a remark which appears to us conclusive1 and also exactly to fit the case4 ,in his ,fifth ,lecture on the ,catechism1 he says3-- 8,supposing the ,scripture a true revelation1 so far as it goes2 how shall we know1 if it be a full and complete one too1 in all things necessary8 ,i answer3 ,since our ,saviour had the ,spirit without measure1 and the writers of ,scripture had as large a measure of it as their commission to instruct the world required1 it is impossible that1 in so many discourses concerning the terms of salvation as the ,new ,testament contains1 they should all have omitted any one thing necessary to the great end which they had in view4 ,and what was not necessary when the ,scripture was completed1 cannot have become so since4 ,for the faith was1 once for all1 #8delivered to the saints1' ,jude #c2 and #8other foundation can no man lay1' #a ,cor4 iii4 #aa1 than what was laid then4 ,the sacred penmen themselves could teach no other doctrine than ,christ appointed them2 and he hath appointed no one since to make addition to it40 ,but it may be proper to take some further notice how the author of these 8,elements0 attempts to prove the truth of the proposition that 8the moral precepts of the ,bible are diametrically opposed to slavery40 ,he says1 8,god can make known to us his will1 either directly or indirectly40 ,he may1 in express terms1 command or forbid a thing2 this will be directly2--or he may command certain duties1 or impose certain obligations1 with which some certain course of conduct is inconsistent2 in which case the inconsistent course of conduct will be indirectly forbidden4 ,we have not followed ,dr4 ,wayland's exact words1 because we found them somewhat confused1 and rather ambiguous4 ,we prefer to have the case clearly stated1 and we then accept the terms1 and repeat the question1 8,has ,god imposed obligations on man which are inconsistent with the existence of domestic slavery80 ,in proof that he has1 ,dr4 ,wayland presents the ,christian duty 8to preach the gospel to all nations and men1 without respect to circumstances or condition40 ,we agree that such is our duty1 so far as we may have the power2 and it appears to us strange how that duty can interfere with the existence of slavery1 because the practical fact is1 slavery brings hundreds of thousands of negroes into a condition whereby the duty may be performed1 and many thereby do come to some knowledge of the gospel1 who would1 otherwise1 have none4 ,every ,christian slaveholder feels it to be his duty4 ,is it denied that this duty is ever performed8 ,but if it is incompatible with the institution of slavery for the slave to be taught ,christianity1 then ,christianity and slavery can never co-exist in the same person4 ,therefore1 ,dr4 ,wayland must prove that no slave can be a ,christian1 before this argument can have weight4 ,the man who owns a slave has a trust2 he who has a child has one also4 ,in both cases the trustee may do as he did who 8dug in the earth and hid his lord's money40 ,we cheerfully deliver them up to the lash of ,dr4 ,wayland4 ,the author of the 8,elements of ,moral ,science0 next presents the marriage contract1 and seems desirous to have us suppose that its obligations are incompatible with slavery4 ,his words are-- 8,he has taught us that the conjugal relation is established by himself2 that husband and wife are joined together by ,god2 and that man may not put them asunder4 ,the marriage contract is a contract for life1 and is dissoluble only for one cause1 that of conjugal infidelity4 ,any system that interferes with this contract1 and claims to make it any thing else than what ,god has made it1 is in violation of his law40 ,this proposition is bad2 it is too verbose to be either definite or correct4 ,there are many things that will interfere with the provisions of this proposition1 and yet not be in violation of the laws of ,god4 ,suppose one of ,president ,wayland's pupils has married a wife1 and yet commits a crime4 ,he is arrested1 and the president is his judge4 ,when about to pronounce sentence of imprisonment for life1 the pupil reads to his judge the foregoing paragraph1 and argues that he cannot receive such sentence1 because it will interfere with the marriage contract1 and1 therefore1 be in violation of the laws of ,god4 ,we trust some will deem this a sufficient refutation of the proposition4 ,but if we take the proposition as its author has left it1 we have yet to learn that any slaveholder will object to it2 although it may be he will differ with them on the subject of what constitutes ,christian marriage1 among pagan negroes or their pagan descendants4 ,will the reverend moralist determine that a promiscuous intercourse is the conjugal relation established by ,god himself2 that such is the marriage contract which no man may put asunder8 ,will he decide that an attempt to regulate the conduct of men1 bond or free1 who manifest such a state of morals1 is in violation of the laws of ,god8 ,who are his pupils1 when he shall say that an attempt to enforce the laws of ,god1 in practice among men1 is a violation of them8 ,so far as our experience goes1 masters universally manifest a desire to have their negroes marry1 and to live with their wives and children1 in conformity to ,christian rules4 ,and one reason1 if no other1 is very obvious4 ,the master wishes to secure the peace and tranquillity of his household4 ,and we take this occasion to inform ,dr4 ,wayland and his coadjutors1 that a very large proportion of the punishments that are awarded slaves are for violations of what1 perhaps1 he may call the marriage contract1 so anxious is the master to inculcate the obligations of marriage among them4 ,it is true1 some slaves of a higher order of physical and moral improvement1 influenced by the habits and customs of their masters1 habituate themselves to a cohabitation with one companion for life2 and1 in all such cases1 the master invariably gives countenance to their wishes2 indeed1 in some instances1 masters have deemed them worthy of having their wishes sanctioned and solemnized by the ceremonies of the church ritual4 ,and in all such cases1 superior consideration and advantages are always bestowed1 not only in reward of their merit1 but as an encouragement for others4 ,the ,african negro has no idea of marriage as a sacred ordinance of ,god4 ,many of the tribes worship a,fetish1 which is a personification of their gross notions of procreation2 but it inculcates no idea like that of marriage2 and we have known the posterity of that people1 four or five generations removed from the ,african native1 as firmly attached to those strange habits as if they had been constitutional4 ,negroes1 who have only arrived to such a state of mental and moral development1 would find it somewhat difficult to comprehend what the ,christian church implied by the marriage covenant6 ,therefore1 where there was no reason to believe that its duties were understood1 or that their habits and conduct would be influenced by it any longer than until they should take some new notion1 a ceremony of any high order has been thought to do injury4 ,a rule1 often broken1 ceases to be venerated4 ,and we feel quite sure that some ,christians would deem it quite improper to permit those to join in any sacred ceremony which neither their physical nor mental development would permit them to comprehend or obey1 whether freemen or slaves4 ,in the articles drawn up at ,ratisbon by ,melancthon1 we find1 ,article #af1 ,de ,sacram4 ,matrimo43 8,the sacrament of matrimony belongs only to ,christians4 ,it is a holy and constant union of one single man with one single woman1 confirmed by the blessing and consecration of ,jesus ,christ40 ,and ,st4 ,paul says1 ,eph4 v4 #cb1 of matrimony3 8,this is a great mystery3 but ,i speak concerning ,christ and the ,church40 ,we know not whether the author of the 8,elements0 believes1 with ,melancthon1 that matrimony is a ,christian sacrament or not4 ,we believe the majority of modern ,protestants do not so consider it1 although ,luther says1 ,de ,matrimonio3 8,matrimony is called a sacrament1 because it is the type of a very noble and very holy thing4 ,hence the married ought to consider and respect the dignity of this sacrament40 ,question3--,would ,melancthon1 or ,luther1 or the author of these 8,elements10 consent to perform the marriage ceremony1 joining1 in the holy bonds of matrimony1 two negroes1 who neither understood the ,christian duties it imposed1 and of whom it was well known that they would not regard the contract as binding any longer than their fancy or passions might dictate4 ,a ,christian sacrament is not only a sign of ,christian grace1 but the seal of its insurance to us1 and the instrument of the ,holy ,ghost1 whereby faith is conferred1 as a ,divine gift1 upon the soul4 ,we feel it a ,christian duty to 8not give that which is holy to dogs10 nor 8cast pearls before swine40 ,is ,dr4 ,wayland of the same opinion8 ,it may be well to advise our author of some facts in proof of what state of connubial feelings exist among ,african negroes4 ,we quote from ,lander1 vol4 i4 p4 #cab3 8,the manners of the ,africans are hostile to the interests and advancement of women40 ,p4 #cbh4 8,a man is at liberty to return his wife to her parents1 at any time1 without adducing any reason for his dislike40 99 99 99 8,the children1 if any1 the mother is by no means permitted to take along with her2 but they are left behind with the father1 who delivers them over to the care of other women40 ,p4 #aeh4 8,a man thinks as little of taking a wife as of cutting an ear of corn2 affection is altogether out of the question40 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #bjh4 8,africans1 generally speaking1 betray the most perfect indifference on losing their liberty1 or in being deprived of their relations2 while love of country is1 seemingly1 as great a stranger to their breasts as social tenderness and domestic affection40 ,we quote from the ,christian ,observer1 vol4 xix4 p4 #hij3 8,mr4 ,johnson was appointed to the care of ,regent's ,town1 ,june1 #ahaf4 99 99 99 ,natives of twenty-two different nations were there collected together3 99 99 99 none of them had learned to live in a state of marriage40 ,proofs of this trait in the ,african character may be accumulated2 and a very determined disposition to live in a state of promiscuous intercourse is often noticeable1 in their descendants1 for many generations1 notwithstanding the master endeavours to restrain it by corporeal punishment4 ,but yet1 under this state of facts1 our laws forbid the separation of children from mothers1 under ages stipulated by law4 ,it is the interest of the master to have his slaves orderly--to possess them of some interest which will have a tendency to that result4 ,their quiet settlement in families has been thought to be among the most probable and influential inducements to insure the desired effect1 and to produce a moral influence on them4 ,besides this interest of the master1 his education on the subject of marriage must be allowed to have a strong influence on his mind to favour and foster in his slaves a connection which his own judgment teaches him must be important to their happiness and his own tranquillity1 to say nothing of his duty as a ,christian4 ,indeed1 we never heard of a master who did not feel a strong desire1 a pride1 to see his slaves in good condition1 contented and happy2 and we venture to assert1 that no man1 who entertained a proper regard for his own character1 would consent to sell a family of slaves1 separately1 to different individuals1 when the slaves themselves manifested good conduct1 and a habit1 or desire1 to live together in conformity to the rules of civilized life4 ,even a casual cohabitation is often caught at by the master1 and sanctioned1 as permanent1 if he can do so in accordance with the conduct and feelings of the negroes themselves4 ,that the owners of slaves have sometimes abused the power they possessed1 and outraged the feelings of humanity in this behalf1 is doubtless a fact4 ,nor do we wish to excuse such conduct1 by saying that proud and wealthy parents sometimes outrage the feelings of common sense and of their own children in a somewhat similar way4 ,these are abuses that can be1 and should be corrected2 and we are happy to inform ,dr4 ,wayland that we have lived to see many abuses corrected1 and hope that many more corrections may follow in their train4 ,but we assure him that the wholesale denunciations of men who1 in fact1 know but little about the subjects of their distress1 may produce great injury to the objects of their sympathies1 but no possible benefit4 ,and let us now1 with the best feeling1 inform ,dr4 ,wayland1 and his co-agitators1 of one result of his and their actions in this matter4 ,we assert what we know4 ,thirty years ago1 we occasionally had schools for negro children2 nor was it uncommon for masters to send their favourite young slaves to these schools2 nor did such acts excite attention or alarm2 and1 at the same time1 any missionary had free access to that class of our population4 ,but when we found1 with astonishment1 that our country was flooded with abolition prints1 deeply laden with the most abusive falsehoods1 with the obvious design to excite rebellion among the slaves1 and to spread assassination and bloodshed through the land2--when we found these transient missionaries1 mentally too insignificant to foresee the result of their conduct1 or wholly careless of the consequences1 preaching the same doctrines2--these little schools and the mouths of these missionaries were closed4 ,and great was the cry4 ,dr4 ,wayland knows whereabout lies the wickedness of these our acts6 ,let him and his coadjutors well understand that these results1 whether for the benefit or injury of the slave1 have been brought about by the work of their hands4 ,if these transient missionaries were the only persons who had power to teach the gospel to the slave1 who has deprived the slaves of the gospel8 ,if these suggestions are true1 will not ,dr4 ,wayland look back upon his labours with dissatisfaction8 ,does he behold their effects with joy8 ,has he thrown one ray of light into the mental darkness of benighted ,africa8 ,has he removed one pain from the moral disease of her benighted children8 ,if so perfectly adverse have been his toils1 will he expect us to countenance his school1 sanction his morality1 or venerate his theology8 ,a very small portion of poison makes the feast fatal6 ,does he complain because some freemen lower themselves down to this promiscuous intercourse with the negro8 ,we are dumb2 we deliver them up to his lash6 ,or does he complain because we do not marry them ourselves8 ,we surely have yet to learn1 because we decline such marriages1 and a deteriorated posterity1 that1 therefore1 we interfere with the institution of marriage1 or make it something which ,god did not4 ,we had thought that the laws of ,god all looked towards a state of physical1 intellectual1 and moral improvement and that such an amalgamation as would necessarily leave a more deteriorated race in our stead1 would be sin1 and would be punished1 if in no other way1 yet still by the very fact of such degradation4 ,or does ,dr4 ,wayland deny that the negro is an inferior race of man to the white8 ,if the slave and master were of the same race1 as they once were in all parts of ,europe1 intermarriage between them would blot out the institution1 as it has done there4 ,in such case1 his argument might have some force4 ,under the ,spanish law1 a master might marry his female slave1 or he might suffer any freeman to marry her2 but the marriage1 in either case1 was emancipation to her4 ,the wife was no longer a slave2 and so by the ,levitical law4 ,see ,deut4 xxi4 #ad4 ,the laws of the ,slave ,states of our ,union forbid amalgamation with the negro race2 consequently such a marriage would be a nullity1 and the offspring take the condition of the mother4 ,the object of this law is to prevent the deterioration of the white race4 ,thus we have seen that all the practical facts relating to the influence of the slavery of the ,africans among us1 touching the subject of marriage1 as to them1 are in opposition to what ,dr4 ,wayland seems to suppose4 ,in short1 the slavery of the negroes in these ,states has a constantly continued tendency to change--to enforce an improvement of the morals of the ,african--to an approximation of the habits of ,christian life4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,it is conceded by ,dr4 ,wayland1 that the ,scriptures do not directly forbid or condemn slavery4 ,in search of a path over this morass of difficulty1 he says that the ,scripture goes upon the 8fair ground of teaching moral principles0 8directly subversive of the principles of slavery20 and quotes the golden rule in proof2 and thus comes to the conclusion that1 8if the gospel be diametrically opposed to the principle of slavery1 it must be opposed to the practice of slavery40 ,in excuse for this mode being pursued by the ,author of our religion1 he says-- ,p4 #bab4 8,in this manner alone could its object1 a universal moral revolution1 have been accomplished4 ,for1 if it had forbidden the evil1 instead of subverting the principle1--if it had proclaimed the unlawfulness of slavery and taught slaves to resist the oppression of their masters1--it would instantly have arrayed the two parties in deadly hostility1 through the civilized world2 its announcement would have been the signal of servile war2 and the very name of the ,christian religion would have been forgotten amidst the agitations of universal bloodshed40 ,we have heretofore attempted to show that this doctrine is extremely gross error2--its very assertion goes to the extinction1 the denial of the divinity of ,jesus ,christ and his religion4 ,and we deeply lament that this was not one of the errors of ,paley which ,dr4 ,wayland has seen fit to expunge from his book4 7,see his ,preface47 ,paley says1 third book1 part ii4 chap4 #c--8,slavery was a part of the civil constitution of most countries1 when ,christianity first appeared2 yet no passage is to be found in the ,christian ,scriptures by which it is condemned or prohibited4 ,this is true1 for ,christianity1 soliciting admission into all nations of the world1 abstained1 as behooved it1 from intermeddling with the civil institutions of any4 ,but does it follow1 from the silence of ,scripture concerning them1 that all the civil institutions which then prevailed were right8 ,or that the bad should not be exchanged for better80 8,besides this1 the discharging the slaves from all obligation to obey their masters1 which is the consequence of pronouncing slavery to be unlawful1 would have had no better effect than to let loose one half of mankind upon the other4 ,slaves would have been tempted to embrace a religion which asserted their right to freedom2 masters would hardly have been persuaded to consent to claims founded on such authority2 the most calamitous of all contests1 a bellum servile1 might probably have ensued1 to the reproach1 if not the extinction1 of the ,christian name40 ,in these thoughtless remarks of ,paley1 abolition writers seem to have found a mine of argument1 from which they have dug until they deemed themselves wealthy4 ,channing1 vol4 ii4 p4 #aja1 says-- 8,slavery1 in the age of the apostle1 had so penetrated society1 was so intimately interwoven with it1 and the materials of servile war were so abundant1 that a religion preaching freedom to the slave would have shaken the social fabric to its foundation1 and would have armed against itself the whole power of the state4 ,paul did not then assail the institution4 ,he satisfied himself with spreading principles1 which1 however slowly1 could not but work its dissolution40 ,this author1 thus having satisfied himself with a display which the greater portion of his readers deem original1 commences1 p4 #ajc1 and quotes from 8,the ,elements of ,moral ,science10 p4 #bab3 8,this very course1 which the gospel takes on this subject1 seems to have been the only one that could have been taken in order to effect the universal abolition of slavery4 ,the gospel was designed1 not for one race or for one time1 but for all races and for all times4 ,it looked1 not at the abolition of this form of evil for that age alone1 but for its universal abolition4 ,hence1 the important object of its author was to gain it a lodgment in every part of the known world30 and concludes with our quotation from the author4 ,dr4 ,barnes 8fights more shy20 he sees 8the trap40 ,the ,biblical ,repertory has unveiled to his view the awful abyss to which this doctrine necessarily leaps4 ,yet the abyss must be passed2 the facts1 the doctrine of ,paley1 and the gulf1 must be got over1 in some way1 or abolition doctrines must be given up4 ,for thirty pages1 like a candle-fly1 he coquets around the light of this doctrine1 until he gathers courage1 and finally falls into it under the plea of 8expediency40 ,he quotes ,wayland's ,letters to ,fuller1 p4 #gc1 which says-- 8,this form of expediency--the inculcating of a fundamental truth1 rather than of the duty which springs immediately out of it1 seems to me innocent4 ,i go further3 in some cases1 it may be really demanded10 c4 8,and a certain ruler asked him1 saying1 ,good ,master1 what shall ,i do to inherit eternal life40 ,luke xviii4 #ah4 ,this man was rich--probably had slaves4 ,was it inexpedient for the ,son of ,god to have plainly told him of its wickedness8 ,was not the occasion quite appropriate1 if such had been the ,saviour's view8 ,when the keeper of the prison said to ,paul and ,silas1 8,sirs1 what shall ,i do to be saved80 was it inexpedient in them to have mentioned this sin8 ,when the subject of slavery was mentioned in ,corinthians1 ,ephesians1 ,colossians1 in ,timothy1 ,titus1 and ,peter1 was it still inexpedient8 ,and in the case of ,philemon1 8the dearly beloved and fellow-labourer10 when ,paul was pleading for the runaway slave1 in what did the inexpediency consist8 ,when the centurion applied to the ,son of ,god1 and boasted that he owned slaves1 can we bring forward this paltry excuse8 ,this doctrine of ,paley has been so commonly quoted1 let us be excused for presenting a remark from the 8,essays10 reprinted from the ,princeton ,review1 second series1 p4 #bhc3 8,it is not by argument that the abolitionists have produced the present unhappy excitement4 ,argument has not been the character of their publications4 ,denunciations of slave-holding as man-stealing1 robbery1 piracy1 and worse than murder2 consequently vituperation of slaveholders as knowingly guilty of the worst of crimes2 passionate appeals to the feelings of the inhabitants of the ,northern ,states2 gross exaggerations of the moral and physical condition of the slaves1 have formed the staple of their addresses to the public40 ,p4 #bhf4 8,unmixed good or evil1 however1 in such a world as ours1 is a rare thing4 ,though the course pursued by the abolitionists has produced a great preponderance of mischief1 it may incidentally occasion no little good4 ,it has rendered it incumbent on every man to endeavour to obtain1 and1 as far as he can1 to communicate1 definite opinions and correct principles on the whole subject4 99 99 99 ,the subject of slavery is no longer one on which men are allowed to be of no mind at all4 99 99 99 ,the public mind is effectually aroused from a state of indifference and it is the duty of all to seek the truth1 and to speak in kindness1 but with decision4 99 99 99 ,we recognise no authoritative rule of truth and duty but the word of ,god4 99 99 99 ,men are too nearly upon a par as to their powers of reasoning1 and ability to discover truth1 to make the conclusions of one mind an authoritative rule for others40 99 99 99 ,the subject for consideration is3 ,if the abolitionists are right in insisting that slave-holding is one of the greatest of all sins1--that it should be immediately and universally abandoned1 as a condition of church communion1 or of admission into heaven1--how comes it that ,christ and his apostles did not pursue this sin in plain and determined opposition8 ,how comes it that the teachings of the abolitionists1 on the subject of slavery1 are so extremely different from those of ,jesus ,christ and his apostles8 ,the mind is forced to the conclusion that1 if the abolitionists are right1 ,jesus ,christ and his apostles are wrong6 ,we agree that1 if slave-holding is a sin1 it should at once be abandoned4 ,the whole subject is resolved to one single question3 ,is slave-holding1 in itself1 a crime before ,god8 ,the abolitionists say that it is2 we assert that it is not2 and we look to the conduct of ,christ and his apostles to justify our position4 ,did they shut their eyes to the enormities of a great offence against ,god and man8 ,did they temporize with a heinous evil1 because it was common and popular8 ,did they abstain from even exhorting masters to emancipate their slaves1 though an imperative duty1 from fear of consequences8 ,was slavery more deeply rooted than idolatry8 or more deeply interwoven with the civil institutions8 more thoroughly penetrated through every thing human--their prejudices1 literature1 hopes1 and happiness8 ,was its denunciation1 if a sin1 attended with consequences more to be dreaded than death by torture1 wild beasts1 the crucifix1 the fagot1 and the flame8 ,did the apostles admit drunkards1 liars1 fornicators1 adulterers1 thieves1 robbers1 murderers1 and idolaters to the ,christian communion1 and call them 8dearly beloved and fellow-labourers80 ,did the ,son of ,god ever intimate of any such unrepentant man1 that he had 8not found so great faith1 no1 not in ,israel80 ,what are we then to think of the intellect of that man who shall affirm that ,jesus ,christ and his apostles classed the slave-holder with the worst of these characters8 ,yea1 what can such a man think of himself8 ,did the apostles counsel thieves and robbers how they should advisedly conduct themselves in the practice of these crimes8 ,were those who had been robbed carefully gathered up and sent back to some known robber1 to be robbed again8 ,and1 on such occasion1 did any of the apostles address such robber in the language of affection1 saying1 8,i thank my ,god1 making mention of thee always in my prayers1 hearing of thy love and faith1 which thou hast towards the ,lord ,jesus and toward all saints80 ,no one in his senses will deny that the ,scriptures condemn injustice1 cruelty1 oppression1 and violence1 whether exhibited in the conduct of the master towards his slave or any other person3--crime being the same1 whether committed in the relation of master and slave1 husband and wife1 or the monarch and his subjects4 ,it may so happen that great crimes are committed by persons in these relations4 ,but what is the argument worth which asserts it is very wicked to be a schoolmaster1 because some schoolmaster whipped his pupil too much1 or another not enough1 or a third1 in an angry1 wicked state of mind1 has put one to death8 ,who has ever asserted that marriage was not a ,divine institution1 because some in that state live very unhappily together1 and others have conspired against the happiness or life of those whom the institution made it their duty to protect8 ,dr4 ,wayland's proposition1 when analyzed and freed from verbiage1 is this3 the teaching of moral principles1 subversive of the abuse of a thing1 is proof that the teacher is opposed to the thing itself6 and1 if true1 we say1 is as applicable to every other institution among men1 as to slavery4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,dr4 ,wayland says1 p4 #bac-- 8,it is important to remember that two grounds of moral obligation are distinctly recognised in the gospel4 ,the first is our duty to man as man1 that is1 on the ground of the relation which men sustain to each other2 the second is our duty to man as a creature of ,god1 that is1 on the ground of the relation which we all sustain to ,god4 ,on this latter ground1 many things become our duty which would not be so on the former4 ,it is on this ground that we are commanded to return good for evil1 to pray for them that despitefully use us1 and1 when we are smitten on one cheek1 to turn also the other4 ,to act thus is our duty1 not because our fellow-man has a right to claim this course of conduct from us1 but because such conduct in us will be well-pleasing to ,god4 ,and when ,god prescribes the course of conduct which will be well-pleasing to him1 he by no means acknowledges the right of abuse in the injurious person1 but expressly declares1 #8,vengeance is mine and ,i will repay it1 saith the ,lord6' ,now1 it is to be observed1 that it is precisely upon this latter ground that the slave is commanded to obey his master4 ,it is never urged1 like the duty of obedience to parents1 because it is right2 but because the cultivation of meekness and forbearance under injury will be well-pleasing unto ,god4 ,thus servants are commanded to be obedient to their own masters1 #8in singleness of heart1 as unto ,christ2 doing the will of ,god from the heart1 with good-will doing service1 as to the ,lord1 and not to man4' ,eph4 v4 #e-g4 8,servants are commanded to count their masters worthy of all honour1 that the name of ,god and his doctrine be not blasphemed4 #a ,tim4 vi4#a4 ,that they may adorn the doctrine of ,god our ,saviour in all things4 ,titus iii4 #i4 8,the manner in which the duty of servants or slaves is inculcated1 therefore1 affords no ground for the assertion that the gospel authorizes one man to hold another in bondage1 any more than the command to honour the king1 when that king was ,nero1 authorized the tyranny of the emperor2 or the command to turn the other cheek when one was smitten1 justifies the infliction of violence by an injurious man40 ,added to the foregoing1 we find the following note3 8,i have retained the above paragraph1 though ,i confess that the remarks of ,professor ,taylor1 of the ,union ,theological ,seminary of ,virginia1 have led me seriously to doubt whether the distinction1 to which it alludes1 is sustained by the ,new ,testament40 ,why then did he retain it8 ,in his preface to the fourth edition1 which is inserted in the present1 after expressing his acknowledgments for the criticisms with which gentlemen have favoured him1 he says-- 8,where ,i have been convinced of error1 ,i have altered the text4 ,where ,i have only doubted1 ,i have suffered it to remain2 as it seemed profitless merely to exchange one doubtful opinion for another40 ,we beg to know what doubtful opinion would have been introduced by the deletion of this1 which he acknowledges to be doubtful8 ,why did he not go to the ,bible1 and inquire of ,jesus ,christ and the apostles for advice in such a case8 8,and immediately ,jesus stretched forth his hand1 and caught him1 and said unto him1 ,o thou of little faith1 wherefore didst thou doubt80 ,matt4 xiv4 #ca4 ,in ,matt4 xxi4 #ba1 we find that the doubting mind is destitute of ,christian power2 and the same in ,mark xi4 #bc4 ,jesus1 speaking to his disciples1 says to them1 ,luke xii4 #bi1 8,neither be ye of a doubtful mind40 ,does any one imagine that ,luke would have left any thing in his book that he thought doubtful8 ,but we find in ,rom4 xiv4 #a1 8,him that is weak in the faith receive ye1 but not to doubtful disputations40 ,this surely needs no comment4 ,the poison of doubt is rejected in #a ,tim4 ii4 #h2 and the apostle in ,rom4 xiv4 #bc1 says1 8,and he that doubteth is damned if he eat1 because he eateth not of faith1 for whatsoever is not of faith is sin40 ,how awful is the condition of him who shall attempt to preach a doctrine1 and that an important one too1 as the doctrine of the ,bible1 of which he doubts6 ,a doctrine in which he can have no faith6 ,who shall say it would not be a palpable attempt to change the meaning and alter the sense of the ,scripture from its true interpretation8 8,ye shall not add unto the word which ,i command you1 neither shall ye diminish aught from it1 that ye may keep the commandments of the ,lord your ,god1 which ,i command you40 ,deut4 iv4 #b4 8,but there be some that trouble you1 and pervert the gospel of ,christ4 ,but though we1 or an angel from heaven1 preach any other gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you1 let him be accursed4 ,as we said before1 so say we now again1 if any man preach any other gospel unto you than that ye have received1 let him be accursed40 ,gal4 #a4 #g-i4 8,i ,jesus have sent mine angel to testify unto you these things in the churches4 99 99 99 ,for ,i testify unto every man that heareth the words of the prophecy of this book1 if any man shall add unto those things1 ,god shall add unto him the plagues that are written in this book2 and if any man shall take away from the words of the book of this prophecy1 ,god shall take away his part out or the book of life40 ,rev4 xxii4 #af-ai4 8,every word of ,god is pure4 99 99 99 ,add not unto his words1 lest he reprove thee1 and thou be found a liar40 ,prov4 xxx4 #e-f4 ,we have not seen the remarks of ,professor ,taylor2 but we can easily imagine that a professor of theology1 free from the delirium of abolitionism1 would not have found it a difficult labour to prove that the main point of the author's argument was contradicted by ,scripture1 and that even he himself attempted to sustain it only by assumption4 ,we regret that ,president ,wayland has not given us ,professor ,taylor's remarks that made him 8doubt40 ,we1 however1 will venture our 8remark0 that the author's assertion1 8the inculcation of the duty of slaves affords no evidence that the ,scriptures countenance slavery1 more than the command to honour the king authorized the tyranny of ,nero10 is a comparison where there is no parallel4 ,dr4 ,wayland must first make it appear that all kings1 or chief magistrates1 are1 necessarily1 wicked tyrants1 like ,nero2 and that the wicked tyranny is a part and parcel of the thing to be honoured1 before his parallel between slavery and monarchy can be drawn2 and since1 then1 the deduction will be useless1 we suppose he will not make the attempt4 ,the parallel that might have been sustained is this3 ,the inculcation of the duty of slaves to obey their masters does not authorize masters to abuse their power over their slaves1 any more than the command to honour the king authorized the tyranny of ,nero2--from which the deductions are1 that masters have a right to command their slaves as things in their peculiar relation1 and not as things having a different relation4 ,the master has no right to command a slave1 as if the slave stood in the relation of a horse2 nor even a horse1 as if the horse stood in the relation of a piece of timber3 so the king has no right to govern his subjects as if they were idiots or brutes1 but as enlightened free-men1 if such be their condition4 ,the object of the government is the happiness no more of the governor than of the governed4 ,this principle1 so profusely illustrated in ,scripture1 it would seem the abolitionists run to shipwreck1 in every approach they make towards it4 ,there are a class of abolition writers who never fail to compare ,st4 ,paul's instruction1 to live in obedience to the civil authority1 7making no exception even when the worst of monarchs are in power17 with his instruction to slaves to obey their masters2 and then say that no argument is to be drawn from the latter in favour of slavery1 any more than there is from the former in favour of the wickedness of the ,emperor ,nero4 ,to some1 this position may look quite imposing2 while others will associate it with the false position of a wicked1 unprincipled lawyer1 who is ambitious only to gain his case1 and cares not by what falsehood1 or by what means4 ,but it is truly mortifying to see such an argument presented1 and attempted to be sustained1 by any one who pretends to be an honest man1 and a disciple of the ,lord ,jesus ,christ4 ,and we cannot but reflect that such an one must be in one of three predicaments2 either in that of the lawyer1 or his understanding must be so obtuse he cannot reason1 or so crazed by fanaticism as to be equally stultified in intellect4 ,yet these men present this argument1 or position1 with an air which displays the utmost confidence of their having obtained a victory1 and of their having established for themselves a lofty intellectual character4 ,jesus ,christ and his apostles everywhere reprimanded and condemned crime1 outrage1 and oppression1 whether to superiors1 equals1 or inferiors4 ,yet these qualities of action must take their character from the facts of the case4 ,the parent will feel it his duty to compel1 by force1 his froward child to do right2 yet the same action directed to his neighbour1 or equal1 may be manifestly wrong1 or even sinful4 ,the crimes of monarchs and the crimes of masters are everywhere condemned1 as well as the crimes of all other men4 ,yet to be a monarch or a master is nowhere condemned1 per se1 as a sinful condition of itself4 ,all history agrees that ,nero was a wicked1 bad prince2 he was wicked and bad because his acts were wicked and bad2 not because he was a prince or an emperor4 ,slaves are ordered to be obedient to their masters4 ,is there any one so crazy as therefore to suppose that the master has a right to overwork1 starve1 murder1 or otherwise misuse his slave8 ,we are all commanded to be obedient to the civil power4 ,does this give the chief ruler the right to practise the wickedness of ,nero8 ,is there any proof that ,philemon murdered1 or was recklessly cruel to his slaves8 ,what justice is there in comparing his character as only on an equality with that of ,nero8 ,was ,nero1 with all his sins1 admitted into the church of ,christ8 ,where is the parallel between him and the 8beloved0 of the apostle8 ,we feel authorized to affirm that ,st4 ,paul would have rejected from the church a slaveholder1 who murdered1 starved1 or otherwise maltreated his slaves1 because these crimes would have been proof of his want of the ,christian character4 ,the same evidence of wicked conduct would have excluded any other man1 even the emperor1 from the church2 yet1 since slaveholders1 who had not been guilty of such enormities1 were admitted to the church1 and distinguished as 8beloved10 this fact becomes proof that slaveholding is no evidence of a sinful character4 ,so monarchs and emperors1 who gave proof of the possession of the ,christian character1 were always admissible to the ,christian church4 ,this fact also becomes demonstration1 that being a monarch or an emperor gave no proofs of a sinful character4 ,will ,dr4 ,wayland undertake to prove that the admission of ,constantine to the ,christian church gave any license to the wicked murders and hateful hypocrisy of the ,emperor ,phocas8 ,or will he venture to extend his argument1 and say that the command of marital and filial obedience proves nothing in their favour2 since we are commanded to yield a like obedience to the king1 although that king be the wicked ,phocas8 ,the fact is1 the mere character of chief-magistrate1 of husband1 of parent or slaveholder1 is quite distinct from the character which their acts may severally heap upon them4 ,it is1 therefore1 quite possible for us to reverence and obey the king1 yet hold in contempt the person who fills the throne4 ,civil government1 the relations of parent and child1 husband and wife1 and slavery itself1 are all ordinances of ,divine wisdom1 instituted for the benefit of man1 under the condition of his fallen state4 ,but because these relations are in accordance with the ordinances of ,god1 it by no means follows that the abuses of them are so4 ,suppose those who wish to abolish the institution of marriage should present the same argument in their behalf which ,dr4 ,wayland has in this case1 it will surely be just as legitimate in the one as the other4 ,but will not ,dr4 ,wayland readily say that there is no parallel between the particular relations compared8 ,we doubt not1 he would consider it too stupid to even require refutation4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,our author says1 as before quoted-- ,p4 #bji4 8,that the precepts of the ,bible are diametrically opposed to slavery40 ,in proof1 he offers one precept3 8,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself1 and ,all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you1 do ye even so unto them40 ,upon which he says1 for argument-- 8#a4 ,the application of these precepts is universal4 ,our neighbour is every one whom we may benefit4 ,the obligation respects all things whatsoever4 ,the precept1 then1 manifestly extends to men as men1 or men in every condition2 and if to all things whatsoever1 certainly to a thing so important as the right of personal liberty4 8#b4 ,again1 by this precept it is made our duty to cherish a tender and delicate respect for the right the meanest individual possesses over the means of happiness bestowed on him by ,god1 as we cherish for our own right over our own means of happiness1 or as we desire any other individual to cherish for it4 ,now1 were this precept obeyed1 it is manifest that slavery could not in fact exist for a single instant4 ,the principle of the precept is absolutely subversive of the principle of slavery4 ,that of the one is the entire equality of right2 that of the other1 the entire absorption of the rights of one in the rights of the other40 ,we propose to make no comment upon these arguments4 ,we cannot do battle against phantoms4 ,but we shall take this golden rule1 which we most devoutly reverence1 and show that it inculcates slavery1 upon a statement of facts4 ,the #bhth chapter of ,deuteronomy contains the revelations of blessings and curses promised the ,jews1 and1 we may add1 all mankind1 for obedience to the laws of ,god1 and for disobedience to the same4 ,at the #fhth verse1 they were told that they should again be sent to ,egypt2 or that they should be exposed for sale2 or that they should expose themselves for sale1 as the passage may be read1 and that no man should buy them2 or that there should not be buyers enough to give them the benefit even of being slaves1 whereby they could be assured of protection and sustenance4 ,this was most signally verified at the time ,jerusalem was sacked by ,titus2 and not only in ,egypt1 but in many other places1 thousands of the ,hebrew captives were exposed for sale as slaves4 ,but thousands of them1 thus exposed1 died of starvation1 because purchasers could not be found for them4 ,the ,romans1 considered them too stubborn1 too degraded1 to be worthy of being slaves to them1 refused to buy them4 ,their numbers1 compared to the numbers of their purchasers1 were so great that the price became merely nominal2 and thousands were suffered to die1 because purchasers could not be had at any price4 ,their death was the consequence4 ,now let us apply the truly golden rule or precept1 relied upon by ,dr4 ,wayland in support of abolitionism4 ,would it teach to buy these slaves1 or not8 ,the same incident happened once again to all the ,jews1 who were freemen in ,spain1 during the reign of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 when #hjj1jjj ,jews were driven from that kingdom in one day2 vast multitudes of whom famished to death because1 although anxious to do so1 they could not find for themselves even a master6 ,let us ask1 what would the precept teach in this case8 ,nor has such a peculiar relation of facts been confined to the ,jews alone4 ,in #acgf1 the ,florentines1 then a travelling1 trading1 or commercial people1 but in many instances quite forgetful of the rules of ,christian honesty1 became exceedingly obnoxious to their neighbours1 especially to the subjects of the church of ,rome4 ,to many of them1 murder and robbery became a mere pastime4 ,from individuals the moral poison was communicated to their government4 ,the church was despoiled of her patrimony1 her subjects of their homes4 ,the church remonstrated until patience was exhausted1 when ,gregory ,,xi4 issued his papal bull1 delivering each individual of that nation1 in all parts of the earth1 who did not instantly make reparation1 up to pillage1 slavery1 or death4 ,let us notice how ,walsingham witnessed this matter in ,england1 where a large portion of the traders were of that people1 all liable1 if freemen1 to be put to death by any one who might choose to inflict the punishment2 and their effects were legally escheated to whomsoever might seize them4 ,slavery was their only remedy4 ,the ,anglo-,saxon ,normans1 the natives of the realm1 had not yet1 as a people1 sufficiently emerged from the poverty and darkness of the times to give them protection4 ,this1 to us so strange a relation between the church and civil government1 in regard to the ,florentines1 produced an action on the part of the king by which he became their personal master4 ,thus they became slaves1 not of the crown1 but of the individual who sat upon the throne4 ,did he act in conformity to this precept or not8 ,john and ,richard ,lander were sent by the 8,london ,african ,association0 to explore some parts of ,africa4 ,on the #bdth of ,march1 #ahcj1 they were only one half day's travel from the seacoast1 at which point they say1 vol4 i4 p4 #eh3 8,meantime the rainy season is fast approaching1 as is sufficiently announced by repeated showers and occasional tornadoes2 and1 what makes us still more desirous to leave this abominable place1 is the fact1 as we have been told1 that a sacrifice of no less than three hundred human beings1 of both sexes and all ages1 is about to take place4 ,we often hear the cries of these poor creatures2 and the heart sickens with horror at the bare contemplation of such a scene as awaits us1 should we remain here much longer40 ,it is to be regretted that since the abolition of the slave-trade in ,africa1 slaves have become of little value in that country4 ,that the ,africans in many places have returned to sacrifice and cannibalism1 is also true1 and a cause of deep sorrow to the philanthropist2 but1 considering the state and condition of these savages1 there is no alternative2--the slave there1 if he cannot be sold1 is at all times liable to be put to death4 ,suppose you buy1 and then turn them loose there2 they will again and instantly be the subjects of slavery2 and even there1 slavery is some protection1 for1 so long as the savage master chooses or is able to keep his slave alive1 he is more sure of the usual means of living4 ,but1 let us present this state of facts to the ,christian1 and ask him to apply the golden rule2 and1 in case the slave-trade with ,africa had not now been abolished1 what would he deem it his duty to do for the practical and lasting benefit of these poor victims1 whom the sympathy of the world has thus consigned to sacrifice and death8 ,the people of the ,slave ,states have determined not to countenance amalgamation with the slave race2 they have determined not to set the slaves free1 because they have previously resolved that they will not1 cannot live under the government of the negro4 ,in full view of these evils1 they have resolved that they will not suffer the presence of that race in their community1 on terms of political or social equality4 ,they have1 therefore1 further resolved1 in furtherance of its prevention1 to oppose it while life shall last4 ,now1 ,dr4 ,wayland says-- ,p4 #bae4 8,the slaves were brought here without their own consent2 they have been continued in their present state of degradation without their own consent1 and they are not responsible for the consequences4 ,if a man have done injustice to his neighbour1 and have also placed impediments in the way of remedying that injustice1 he is as much under obligations to remove the impediments in the way of justice as he is to do justice40 ,the ancestors of our slaves were brought from beyond sea by the people of ,old ,england1 and by the people of ,new ,england1 and particularly by the people of ,rhode ,island1 among the descendants of whom the reverend doctor resides4 ,the ancestors of these slaves were sold to our ancestors for money1 and guaranteed1 by them1 to be slaves for life1 and their descendants after them1 as they said1 both by the laws of ,god and man4 ,whether this was false1 whether they were stolen and cruelly torn from their homes1 the reverend doctor has better means of determining than we4 ,we may sell1 we will not free them4 ,under this statement of facts1 let the reverend doctor apply the golden rule and his own argument to himself4 ,let him then buy1 and set them free in ,rhode ,island2 or send them to ,africa1 if their ancestors 8were unlawfully torn from thence40 8,wo unto you1 scribes and pharisees1 hypocrites6 because ye build the tombs of the prophets1 and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous1 and say1 ,if we had been in the days of our fathers1 we should not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets4 ,wherefore1 ye be witness unto yourselves1 that ye are the children of them that killed the prophets40 ,matt4 xxiii4 #bi1 #cj1 #ca4 8,for they bind heavy burdens1 and grievous to be borne1 and lay them on men's shoulders2 but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers40 ,idem4 #d4 ,within the last year1 our sympathies have been excited by an account now published to the world1 of an ,african chieftain and slaveholder1 who1 during the year previous1 finding himself cut off from a market on the ,western coast1 in consequence of the abolition of the slave-trade with ,europe and ,america1--the trade with ,arabia1 ,egypt1 and the ,barbary ,states not being sufficient to drain off the surplus number1--put to death three thousand6 ,the blood of these massacred negroes now cries from the ground unto ,dr4 ,wayland and his disciples-- 8,apply1 oh1 apply to bleeding ,africa the doctrine of the golden rule1 and relieve us1 poor ,african slaves1 from starvation1 massacre1 and death4 ,come1 oh1 come2 buy us1 that we may be your slaves1 and have some chance to learn that religion under which you prosper4 ,then #8we shall build up the old wastes'--#8raise up the former desolations1' and #8repair the waste cities1 the desolations of many generations4' #8,and strangers shall stand and feed your flocks1 and the sons of the alien shall be your ploughmen1 and your vine-dressers4' #8,then ye shall be named the priests of the ,lord2 men shall call you the ministers of our ,god4'0 ,isa4 lxi4 #d1 #e1 #f4 ,we shall here close our remarks on the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,wayland's book2 and however feeble they may be1 yet we can conscientiously say1 we have no 8doubt0 about the truth of our doctrine4 8,forever1 ,o ,lord1 thy word is settled in heaven4 ,thy faithfulness is unto all generations2 thou hast established the earth1 and it abideth4 ,they continue1 this day1 according to thine ordinances2 for all are thy servants10 7 ebedeka1 slaves47 cxix4 #hi1 #ij1 #ia4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,among those who have advocated views adverse to those of our present study1 we are compelled to notice ,dr4 ,paley1 as one of the most influential1 the most dignified1 and the most learned4 ,he defines slavery to be 8an obligation to labour for the benefit of the master1 without the contract or consent of the servant40 ,he says 8that this obligation may arise1 consistently with the laws of nature1 from three causes3 #ast1 from crimes2 #b;d1 from captivity2 and #c;d1 from debt40 ,he says that1 8in the first case1 the continuance of the slavery1 as of any other punishment1 ought to be proportionate to the crime4 ,in the second and third cases1 it ought to cease as soon as the demand of the injured nation or private creditor is satisfied40 ,he was among the first to oppose the ,african slave-trade4 ,he says1 8,because1 when the slaves were brought to the ,african slave-market1 no questions were asked as to the origin of the vendors' titles3 ,because the natives were incited to war for the sake of supplying the market with slaves3 ,because the slaves were torn away from their parents1 wives1 children1 and friends1 homes1 companions1 country1 fields1 and flocks1 and their accommodation on shipboard not better than that provided for brutes3 ,because the system of laws by which they are governed is merciless and cruel1 and is exercised1 especially by their ,english masters1 with rigour and brutality40 ,but he thinks the ,american ,revolution1 which had just then happened1 will have a tendency to accelerate the fall of this most abominable tyranny1 and indulges in the reflection whether1 in the providence of ,god1 the ,british legislature1 which had so long assisted and supported it1 was fit to have rule over so extensive an empire as the ,north ,american colonies4 ,dr4 ,paley says that slavery was a part of the civil constitution of most countries when ,christianity appeared2 and that no passage is found in the ,christian ,scriptures by which it is condemned or prohibited4 ,but he thinks the reason to be1 because 8,christianity1 soliciting admission into all nations of the world1 abstained1 as behooved it1 from intermeddling with the civil institutions of any2 but10 says he1 8does it follow from the silence of ,scripture concerning them1 that all the civil institutions that then prevailed were right8 or1 that the bad should not be exchanged for better8 ,besides10 he says1 8the discharging the slaves from all obligations to their masters would have had no better effect than to let loose one half of mankind upon the other4 ,besides10 he thinks 8it would have produced a servile war1 which would have ended in the reproach and extinction of the ,christian name40 ,dr4 ,paley thinks that the emancipation of slaves should be carried on very gradually1 by provision of law1 under the protection of government2 and that ,christianity should operate as an alterative1 in which way1 he thinks1 it has extinguished the ,greek and ,roman slavery1 and also the feudal tyranny2 and he trusts1 8as ,christianity advances in the world1 it will banish what remains of this odious institution40 ,in some of his other writings1 ,dr4 ,paley suggests that ,great ,britain1 by way of atoning for the wrongs she has done ,africa1 ought to transport from ,america free negroes1 the descendants of slaves1 and give them location in various parts of ,africa1 to serve as models for the civilization of that country4 ,dr4 ,paley's ,treatise on ,moral and ,political ,philosophy1 from which the foregoing synopsis is taken1 was published to the world in #aghe2 but it had been delivered in lectures1 almost verbatim1 before the ,university of ,cambridge1 several years previous2 and it is now a class-book in almost every high literary institution where the ,english language is spoken4 ,it is1 therefore1 a work of high authority and great influence4 ,but we think his definition of the term slavery is not correct4 ,let us repeat it3 8,an obligation to labour for the benefit of the master1 without the contract or consent of the servant40 ,many1 who purchase slaves to be retained in their own families1 first examine and consult with the slave1 and tell him--8,my business is thus2 ,i feed and clothe thus2 are you willing that ,i should buy you8 ,for ,i will buy no slave who is not willing40 ,to this1 it is usual for the slave to say1 8,yes1 master6 and ,i hope you will buy me4 ,i will be a good slave4 ,you shall have no fault to find with me1 or my work40 ,by all the claims of morality1 here is a contract and consent1 and the statute might make it legal4 ,but who will say that the condition of slavery is altered thereby8 ,but1 says one1 this supposition does not reach the case1 because all the obligations and conditions of slavery previously existed2 and1 therefore1 the 8contract0 and 8consent0 here only amounted to a contract and consent to change masters4 ,suppose then1 from poverty or misfortune1 or some peculiar affection of the mind1 a freeman should solicit to place himself in the condition of slavery to one in whom he had sufficient confidence1 7and we have known such a case17--a freeman anxiously applying to his more fortunate friend to enter into such an engagement for life2 suppose the law had sanctioned such voluntary slavery1 and1 when entered into1 made it obligatory1 binding1 and final for ever4 ,there would be nothing in such law contrary to the general powers of legislation1 however impolitic it might be2 and such a law did once exist among the ,jews4 8,and if a sojourner or a stranger wax rich by thee1 and thy brother that dwelleth by him wax poor1 and sell himself unto the stranger or sojourner by thee1 or to the stock of the stranger's family2 after that he is sold1 he may be redeemed again2 and one of his brethren may redeem him4 ,either his uncle or his uncle's son may redeem him1 or any that is nigh of kin unto his family may redeem him2 or1 if he be able1 he may redeem himself3 99 99 99 and if he be not redeemed in one of these years1--then he shall go out in the year of ,jubilee1 both he and his children with him40 ,lev4 xxv4 #dg-ed4 8,now these are the judgments which ye shall set before them4 ,if ye buy an ,hebrew servant1 six years shall he serve1 and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing4 ,if he came in by himself1 he shall go out by himself2 if he were married1 then his wife shall go out with him4 ,if his master have given him a wife1 and she have borne him sons or daughters1 the wife and her children shall be her master's1 and he shall go out by himself2 and if the servant shall plainly say1 #8,i love my master1 my wife1 and my children2 ,i will not go out free1'--then his master shall bring him unto the judges2 he shall bring him unto the door1 or unto the door-post1 and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl1 and he shall serve him for ever40 ,ex4 xxi4 #a-f4 ,it is clear1 then1 that 8to contract and consent10 or the reverse1 is no part of the qualities of slavery4 ,erase1 then1 that portion of ,dr4 ,paley's definition as surplusage2 it will then read1 8an obligation to labour for the benefit of the master40 ,now1 there can be no obligation to do a thing where there is no possible power to do it2 and more especially1 if there is no contract4 ,but it does not unfrequently occur1 that a slave1 from its infancy1 old age1 idiocy1 delirium1 disease1 or other infirmity1 has no power to labour for the benefit of the master2 and the want of such ability may be obviously as permanent as life1 so as to exclude the idea of any prospective benefit4 ,yet the law compels the master to supply food1 clothes1 medicine1 pay taxes on1 and every way suitably protect such slave1 greatly to the disadvantage of the master4 ,or1 a case might be1 for it is presumable1 that the master1 from some obliqueness of understanding1 might not wish some slave1 even in good health1 to labour at all1 but would prefer1 at great expense1 to maintain such slave in luxury and idleness1 clothed in purple and fine linen1 and faring sumptuously every day3 surely1 such slave1 would be under no obligation to labour for the benefit of the master1 when1 to do so1 would be acting contrary to his will and command4 ,yet none of these circumstances make the slave a freeman1 or alter at all the essentials of slavery4 ,the slave1 then1 may or may not be under obligation to labour for the benefit of the master4 ,therefore1 the 8obligation to labour for the benefit of the master0 is surplusage also1 and may be erased4 ,so the entire definition is erased--not a word left6 ,the fact is1 ,dr4 ,paley took some of the most common incidents accompanying the thing for the thing itself2 and he would have been just as logically correct had he said1 that 8slavery was to be a hearty feeder on fat pork10 because slaves feed heartily on that article4 ,in his definition ,dr4 ,paley has embraced none of the essentials of slavery4 ,we propose to notice the passage--8,this obligation may arise1 consistently with the laws of nature1 from three causes3 #ast1 from crime2 #b;d1 from captivity2 #c;d1 from debt40 ,the first consideration is1 what he means by 8obligation40 ,in its usual acceptation1 the term means something that has grown out of a previous condition1 as the obligations of marriage did not1 nor could they exist until the marriage was had4 ,if he only means that the 8obligations0 of slavery arise1 c41 then he has told us nothing of the arising of slavery itself4 ,but as he has used the word in the singular number1 and given it three progenitors1 we may suppose1 that1 by some figure of rhetoric1 not usual in works of this kind1 he has used the consequent for the cause4 ,in that case1 the sentence should read1 8,slavery may arise1 consistently with the laws of nature1 from three causes10 c42 which is what we suppose the doctor really meant4 ,the next inquiry is1 what did ,dr4 ,paley mean by 8the laws of nature80 ,permit us to suffer him to answer this inquiry himself4 ,in the twenty-fourth chapter of his 8,natural ,theology10 a work of great merit1 he says-- 8,the wisdom of the ,deity1 as testified in the works of creation1 surpasses all idea we have of wisdom drawn from the highest intellectual operations of the highest class of intelligent beings with whom we are acquainted4 99 99 99 ,the degree of knowledge and power requisite for the formation of created nature cannot1 with respect to us1 be distinguished from infinite4 ,the ,divine omnipresence stands in natural theology upon this foundation4 ,in every part and place of the universe1 with which we are acquainted1 we perceive the exertion of a power which we believe mediately or immediately to proceed from the ,deity4 ,for instance1 in what part or point of space1 that has ever been explored1 do we not discover attraction8 ,in what regions do we not discover light8 ,in what accessible portion of our globe do we not meet with gravitation1 magnetism1 electricity8 together with the properties1 also1 and powers of organized substances1 of vegetable or animated1 nature8 ,nay1 further we may ask1 what kingdom is there of nature1 what corner of space1 in which there is any thing that can be examined by us1 where we do not fall upon contrivance and design8 ,the only reflection1 perhaps1 which arises in our minds from this view of the world around us1 is that the laws of nature everywhere prevail2 that they are uniform and universal4 ,but what do we mean by the laws of nature8 or by any law8 ,effects are produced by power1 not by law2 a law cannot execute itself2 a law refers to an agent40 ,by the 8laws of nature10 then1 ,dr4 ,paley clearly means the laws of ,god4 ,now be pleased to look at the close of ,dr4 ,paley's remarks on slavery1 where he trusts that1 8as ,christianity advances in the world1 it will banish what remains of that odious institution40 ,how happens it that an institution which arises consistently with the laws of ,god should be odious to him1 unless the laws of ,god and ,dr4 ,paley are at variance on this subject8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,it will be recollected1 that ,dr4 ,paley has presented a number of facts1 displaying acts of oppression and cruelty1 as arguments against the ,african slave-trade4 ,these facts are arranged and used in place as arguments against the institution of slavery itself2 and the verbose opponents of this institution have always so understood it1 and so used this class of facts4 ,it is this circumstance that calls for our present view of these facts1 rather than any necessity the facts themselves impose of proving their exaggeration or imaginary existence2 and doubtless1 in many cases1 most heartless enormities were committed4 ,but what do they all prove8 ,truly1 that some men engaged in the traffic were exceedingly wicked men4 ,such men would fashion the traffic to suit themselves1 and would1 doubtless1 make their business an exceedingly wicked one4 ,but none of the enormities named1 or that could be named1 constituted a necessary part of the institution of slavery1 or necessarily emanated from it4 ,what enormities have wicked men sometimes committed in the transportation of emigrants from ,germany and ,ireland8 ,wicked men1 intrusted with power1 have1 at least sometimes1 been found to abuse it4 ,is it any argument against the institution of marriage1 because some women have made their husbands support and educate children not their own8 ,or1 because some men murder1 treat with cruelty1 or make their wives totally miserable and wretched8 ,none of these things were any part of the institution of marriage1 but the reverse of it4 ,apply this view also to the institution of ,christianity1 for nothing has been more abused4 ,already1 under its very banners1 as it were1 have been committed more enormities than would probably attend that of slavery through all time4 ,yet the institution of ,christianity has not been even soiled thereby2 but its character and usefulness have become brighter and more visible4 ,in proportion to the importance of a thing is its liability to abuse4 ,a worthless thing is not worth a counterfeit4 ,we have before us the testimony of travellers in regard to the indifference felt by the ,africans on being sold as slaves2 of their palpable want of love and affection for their country1 their relatives1 and even for their wives and children4 ,nor should we forget that a large portion of this race are born slaves to the chieftains1 whose wars with each other are mere excursions of robbery and theft4 ,lander1 vol4 i4 p4 #ajg1 speaking of ,jenna1 says-- 8,it must not be imagined that because the people of this country are almost perpetually engaged in conflicts with their neighbours1 the slaughter of human beings is therefore very great4 ,they pursue war1 as it is called1 partly as an amusement1 or to keep their hands in it2 and partly to benefit themselves by the capture of slaves40 ,one decrepit old woman was the victim of a hundred engagements1 at ,cape ,la ,hoo1 during a three years' war4 ,lander describes those who claim to be free1 as the war men of the path1 who are robbers4 ,he says1 p4 #ade1 8they subsist solely by pillage and rapine40 ,such is the condition of the poor free negro in ,africa4 ,the chieftain often1 it is true1 has goats1 sheep1 fields of corn and rice2 but we mistake when we suppose that the slaves1 the surplus of whom were formerly sent to market1 were the proprietors of such property4 ,at ,katunqua1 p4 #agi1 ,lander describes the food to be 8such as lizards1 rats1 locusts1 and caterpillars1 which the natives roast1 grill1 bake1 and boil40 ,no people feed on such vermin who possess fields and flocks4 ,we can form some notion of their companionship1 from p4 #aaj3 8,it is the custom here1 when the governor dies1 for two of his favourite wives to quit the world on the same day20 but in this case they ran and hid themselves4 ,also1 p4 #ahb3 8,this morning a young man visited us1 with a countenance so rueful1 and spoke in a tone so low and melancholy1 that we were desirous to learn what evil had befallen him4 ,the cause of it was soon explained by his informing us that he would be doomed to die1 with two companions1 as soon as the governor's dissolution should take place40 ,there is little or no discrepancy among travellers in their descriptions of the ,africans4 ,their state of society must have been well known to ,paley2 yet ,paley gives us a picture of their state of society from imagination1 founded upon that state of society with which his pupils were conversant3 8,because the slaves were torn away from their parents1 wives1 children1 and friends1 homes1 companions1 country1 fields1 and flocks40 ,if the picture drawn by ,paley were the lone consideration addressed to our commiseration in the argument against slavery as a ,divine institution of mercy1 we should1 perhaps1 be at some loss to determine what amount was due from us to the ,african slave1 who had thus been torn from the danger of being put to death6--thus torn from his fields of lizards and locusts1 and flocks of caterpillars6 ,but what shall we think of an argument1 founded on relations in ,england1 but applied to ,africa1 where no such relations exist8 ,it is a rule to hesitate as to the truthfulness of all that is stated1 when the witness is discovered to be under the influence of a prejudice so deeply seated as to mislead the mind1 and especially when we discover a portion of the stated facts to be either not true or misapplied4 ,the reasons assigned by ,dr4 ,paley why the ,christian ,scriptures did not prohibit and condemn slavery1 we deem also quite erroneous3--8,for ,christianity1 soliciting admission into all nations of the world1 abstained1 as behooved it1 from intermeddling with the civil institutions of any20 and then asks1 with an air of triumph1 8,but does it follow from the silence of ,scripture concerning them1 that all the civil institutions that prevailed were right8 or that the bad should not be exchanged for better80 ,we wish to call particular attention to this passage1 for1 even after having examined the books of the ,greek philosophers1 we are constrained to say we have never seen a more beautiful sophism4 ,is it a fact1 then1 that ,jesus ,christ and his apostles did compromise and compound with sin1 as ,dr4 ,paley thinks it behooved them1 and with the design to avoid opposition to the introduction of ,christianity8 ,say1 thou humble follower of the lowly ,jesus1 art thou ready to lay down thy life for ,him who could truckle to sin--to a gross1 an abominable sin1 which alone would destroy the purity of his character and the divinity of his doctrine8 ,in all love1 we pray ,him who holds your very breath in his hand1 to cause you to tremble1 before you shall say that ,jesus ,christ was a liar1 and his apostles perjured6 8,i am the true vine2 and my ,father is the husbandman 99 99 99 as the ,father hath loved me1 so have ,i loved you2 continue ye in my love4 ,greater love hath no man than this1 that a man lay down his life for his friends4 ,ye are my friends if ye do whatsoever ,i command you4 ,henceforth ,i call you not servants1 for the servant knoweth not what his ,lord doeth2 but ,i have called you friends2 for ,,all ,,things that ,i have heard of my ,father1 ,i have made known unto you40 ,john xv4 #a1 #i1 #ac1 #ae4 8,and when they were come to him1 he said unto them2 ye know1 from the first day that ,i came into ,asia1 after what manner ,i have been with you1 at all seasons1 serving the ,lord with all humility of mind1 and with many tears and temptations1 which befell me by the lying in wait of the ,jews4 ,and how ,i kept back nothing that was profitable unto you2 but have showed you1 and have taught you publicly and from house to house4 ,wherefore1 ,i take you to record this day1 that ,i am pure from the blood of all men4 ,for ,i have not shunned to declare unto you ,,all ,,the ,,counsel ,,of ,,god40 ,acts xx4 ,had ,st4 ,paul foreseen the attack upon his character1 made by ,dr4 ,paley1 seventeen hundred and eighty-five years after1 and that upon his ,master and their religion1 he need not have altered his language to have repelled the slander4 8,simon ,peter1 a servant and apostle of ,jesus ,christ1 to them that have obtained like precious faith with us1 through the righteousness of ,god and of our ,saviour ,jesus ,christ3 grace and peace be multiplied unto you1 through the knowledge of ,god and of ,jesus ,christ our ,lord1 according as his divine power hath given unto us ,,all ,,things ,,that ,,pertain ,,unto ,,life ,,and ,,godliness1 through the knowledge of him that hath called us to glory and virtue40 #b ,pet4 i4 #a1 #b1 #c4 ,and what says this holy man1--what says this same ,peter1 touching the subject of ,dr4 ,paley's remarks8 8,servants1 be subject to your masters with all fear2 not only to the good and gentle1 but also to the froward1 99 99 99 for hereunto were ye called40 #a ,pet4 ii4 #ah-ba4 ,permit us to inquire whether the language of ,jesus ,christ himself1 of ,st4 ,paul and ,st4 ,peter1 does not1 in a strong degree1 contradict the supposition of ,dr4 ,paley8 ,and let us inquire whether it is probable that a class of men1 devoted to the promulgation of a doctrine which ran so counter to many of the civil institutions1 customs1 habits1 and religions then in the world1 as to have subjected them to death1 would have secretly kept back a part of their creed1 when1 to have made it known1 could not have increased their danger2 and1 especially1 as by the creed itself1 such keeping back would have insured to them the eternal punishment hereafter8 8,now we have received1 not the spirit of the world1 but the spirit which is of ,god3 that we might know the things that are freely given to us of ,god2 which things we also speak1 not in the words which man's wisdom teacheth1 but which the ,holy ,ghost teacheth40 #a ,cor4 ii4 #ab1 #ac4 8,and ,jesus came and spake unto them1 saying all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth4 ,go ye1 therefore1 and teach all nations1 baptizing them in the name of the ,father1 and of the ,son1 and of the ,holy ,ghost1 teaching them to observe ,,all ,,things whatsoever ,i have commanded you2 and lo1 ,i am with you alway1 even unto the end of the world40 ,matt4 xxviii4 #ah-bj4 8,and now1 ,o ,father1 glorify thou me1 with thine own self1 with the glory which ,i had with thee before the world was4 ,i have manifested thy name unto the men which thou gavest me out of the world4 ,now they have known ,,all ,,things whatsoever thou hast given me of thee3 for ,i have given unto them the ,,words which thou gavest me1 and they have received them1 and have known surely that ,i came out from thee40 ,john xvii4 #e-h4 ,it is not possible that we could have had greater evidence that the whole counsel of ,god1 illustrating the ,christian duty1 was delivered to the apostles1 and through them1 to the world4 ,besides1 the very presumption of the incompleteness of the instruction undermines the divinity of the doctrine4 ,there is1 perhaps1 no one who does not feel pain1 sometimes almost unspeakable1 when we see a great man leaning upon the staff of error1 especially when such error is palpable1 gross1 and calamitous in its tendency and effects4 ,but1 cheering as the early ray of hope1 and welcome as the rest-giving witness of a covenant1 will be the proof that human weakness still had power to wade from out the miry labyrinth of error--to stand upon the rock from whence even human eyes might behold some few glimpses of the rising effulgence of truth4 ,we have some evidence that ,dr4 ,paley did1 at a later period of his life1 adopt a more consistent view of the ,christian ,scriptures1 touching the subject of this inquiry4 ,in his 8,hor ,paulin10 a work of exceeding great merit1 on the subject of ,paul's letter to the ,corinthian church1 he enumerates and classifies the subjects of ,paul's instruction1 among which slavery is conspicuously mentioned1 and then says--8,that though they0 7the subjects7 8be exactly agreeable to the circumstances of the persons to whom the letter was written1 nothing1 ,i believe1 but the existence and reality of the circumstances0 7subjects7 8could have suggested them to the writer's thought40 ,in all ,christian love and charity1 we are constrained to believe that he had discovered his error2 and that1 had his life been spared longer1 he1 with diligence and anxiety1 would have expunged from his works charges so reflecting on himself1 and contrary to the character of the ,god of our hope4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,slavery existed in ,britain when history commenced the records of that island4 ,it was there found in a state and condition predicated upon the same causes by which its existence is now continued and perpetuated in ,africa4 ,but as early as the year #fib-c ,a4,d41 the ,witna-,gemot1 convoked by ,ina1 began to manifest a more elevated condition of the ,britons4 ,without abolishing slavery1 they regulated its government1 ameliorated the old practice of death or slavery being the universal award of conquest2 by submission and baptism the captive was acknowledged to merit some consideration2 life1 and1 in some cases1 property were protected against the rapacity of the conqueror2 the child was secured against the mere avarice of the savage parent1 and heavy punishment was announced against him who should sell his countryman1 whether malefactor1 slave1 or not1 to any foreign master4 ,he who has the curiosity to notice the steps by which the ,britons emerged from savage life1 in connection with their condition of slavery1 may do well to examine the works of ,william of ,malmsbury1 ,simeon of ,durham1 ,bede1 ,alcuin1 ,wilkins1 ,huntingdon1 ,hoveden1 ,lingard1 and ,wilton4 ,but he will not find the statutes of the monarchies succeeding ,ina free from these enactments until he shall come down near the fourteenth century4 ,thus1 generations passed away before these statutes came to be regarded with general respect4 ,national regeneration has ever been thus slow4 ,thus1 savage life has ever put to death the captive2 while we find that slavery1 among such tribes1 has ever been introduced as a merciful provision in its stead1 and is surely a proof of one step towards a more elevated state of moral improvement4 ,but in the case of ,britain and the whole of ,europe1 the slave was of the same original stock with the master2 he1 therefore1 presented no physical impediment to amalgamation1 by which has been brought about whatever of equality now exists among their descendants4 ,but in the close of this study1 we propose to take some notice of the arguments of another most distinguished writer in favour of the abolition of slavery1 as it now affects the ,african race4 ,in #aggg1 the celebrated ,dr4 ,samuel ,johnson wrote his argument in favour of the freedom of the negro slave who accompanied his master from ,jamaica to ,scotland1 and who there brought suit in the ,court of ,sessions for his freedom4 ,this argument has been deemed by so many to be unanswerable1 and ever since that time so generally used as a seed argument in the propagation of abolition doctrines1 that we feel it worthy of notice and examination4 ,johnson was a bitter opponent of negro slavery2 yet1 strange1 he ever advocated the justice of reducing the ,american colonies and the ,west ,india ,islands to the most abject condition of political slavery to the ,british crown4 ,this system is fully advocated1 and garnished by his sarcasm and ridicule1 in his famous work1 entitled 8,taxation no ,tyranny40 8,how is it10 says he1 8that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes40 ,not long after he wrote this argument1 on the occasion of a dinner-party at ,dilly's1 he said1 8,i am willing to love all mankind1 except an ,american20 whereupon1 adds his biographer1 8he breathed out threatenings and slaughter1 calling them rascals1 robbers1 pirates1 and exclaiming1 he'd burn and destroy them40 ,some knowledge of a man's peculiar notions relevant to a subject will often aid the mind in a proper estimate of the value of his opinion and judgment concerning correlative matters4 ,his biographer says-- 8,i record ,dr4 ,johnson's argument fairly upon this particular case20 99 99 99 8but ,i beg leave to enter my most solemn protest against his general doctrine with respect to the slave-trade2 for ,i will most resolutely say that his unfavourable notion of it was owing to prejudice1 and imperfect or false information4 ,the wild and dangerous attempt1 which has for some time been persisted in1 to obtain an act of the legislature to abolish so very important and necessary a branch of commercial interest1 must have been crushed at once1 had not the insignificance of the zealots who vainly took the lead in it1 made the vast body of the planters1 merchants1 and others1 whose immense properties are involved in the trade1 reasonably enough suppose that there would be no danger4 ,the encouragement which the attempt has received excites my wonder and indignation2 and though some men of superior abilities have supported it1 whether from a love of temporary popularity when prosperous1 or a love of general mischief when desperate1 my opinion is unshaken4 ,to abolish a status1 which in all ages ,god has sanctioned and man has continued1 would not only be robbery to an innumerable class of fellow-subjects1 but it would be extreme cruelty to ,african savages1 a portion of whom it saves from massacre or intolerable bondage in their own country1 and introduces into a much happier state of life40 ,boswell's ,life of ,johnson1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #acb1 #acc4 ,on the same page1 the biographer adds-- 8,his violent prejudices against our ,west-,indian and ,american settlers1 appeared whenever there was an opportunity40 99 99 99 8,upon an occasion1 when in company with several very grave men at ,oxford1 his toast was3 #8,here's to the next insurrection of the negroes in the ,west ,indies6' ,i1 with all due deference1 thought that he discovered a zeal without knowledge40 ,this was surely bold in ,boswell6 ,since the culmination of the great ,british lexicographer1 it has been unusual to hear a whisper in question of his high moral accuracy1 of his singularly nice mental training1 or the perspicuous and lofty display of these qualities in all his works4 ,even at this day1 such a whisper may be proof of temerity4 ,but truth is of higher import than the fear of individual rebuke1 or of our literary faith that any one hero in the walks of erudition heretofore went down to the tomb without one mental or classical imperfection4 99 99 99 99 99 ,argument in favour of a negro claiming his liberty1 referred to in ,boswell's ,life of ,johnson1 p4 #acb4 8,it must be agreed that in most ages many countries have had part of their inhabitants in a state of slavery2 yet it may be doubted whether slavery can ever be supposed the natural condition of man4 ,it is impossible not to conceive that men in their original state were equal2 and very difficult to imagine how one would be subjected to another but by violent compulsion4 ,an individual may1 indeed1 forfeit his liberty by a crime2 but he cannot by that crime forfeit the liberty of his children4 ,what is true of a criminal seems true likewise of a captive4 ,a man may accept life from a conquering enemy on condition of perpetual servitude2 but it is very doubtful whether he can entail that servitude on his descendants2 for no man can stipulate without commission for another4 ,the condition which he himself accepts1 his son or grandson would have rejected4 ,if we should admit1 what perhaps may with more reason be denied1 that there are certain relations between man and man which may make slavery necessary and just1 yet it can never be proved that he who is now suing for his freedom ever stood in any of those relations4 ,he is certainly subject by no law1 but that of violence1 to his present master1 who pretends no claim to his obedience but that he bought him from a merchant of slaves1 whose right to sell him never was examined4 ,it is said that according to the constitutions of ,jamaica he was legally enslaved2 these constitutions are merely positive1 and apparently injurious to the rights of mankind1 because whoever is exposed to sale is condemned to slavery without appeal1 by whatever fraud or violence he might have originally been brought into the merchant's power4 ,in our own time1 princes have been sold1 by wretches to whose care they were intrusted1 that they might have an ,european education2 but when once they were brought to a market in the plantations1 little would avail either their dignity or their wrongs4 ,the laws of ,jamaica afford a negro no redress4 ,his colour is considered as a sufficient testimony against him4 ,it is to be lamented that moral right should ever give way to political convenience4 ,but if temptations of interest are sometimes too strong for human virtue1 let us at least retain a virtue where there is no temptation to quit it4 ,in the present case there is apparent right on one side1 and no convenience on the other4 ,inhabitants of this island can neither gain riches nor power by taking away the liberty of any part of the human species4 ,the sum of the argument is this3 ,no man is by nature the property of another4 ,the defendant is1 therefore1 by nature1 free4 ,the rights of nature must be some way forfeited before they can be justly taken away4 ,that the defendant has1 by any act1 forfeited the rights of nature1 we require to be proved2 and if no proof of such forfeiture can be given1 we doubt not but the justice of the court will declare him free40 ,the author of this production has artfully surrounded his subject with such a plausibility of concessive proposals1 doubtful suggestions1 indefinite words and propositions1 as will require a sifting of his ideas into a more distinct view4 ,and we fear some will find his argument thus vague and indeterminate2 the mind will pass it by1 as one of those learned masterpieces of logic1 so distant from the eye of our common judgment1 that they will sooner yield their assent than endure the labour of examination4 ,the first suggestion we would offer on the subject of this production is its total inapplicability to the case4 ,the negro was held a slave in ,jamaica4 ,the inquiry was not1 whether he was so held in obedience to the ,british law regulating the institution of slavery in ,jamaica4 ,the only question was1 whether a slave in ,jamaica1 or elsewhere1 who had by any means found his way into ,scotland1 was or was not free by operation of law4 ,not a word is directed to that point4 ,and the court of session must have regarded its introduction before them as an argument in the case1 as idle and as useless as would have been a page from his ,rasselas4 ,the ,british government established negro slavery by law in all her colonies1 but made no provision by which the slave1 when once found on the shores of ,england1 could be taken thence again into slavery4 ,the object1 no doubt1 was wholly to prevent their introduction there1 in favour to her own labouring poor4 ,the ,british monarchy retained the whole subject of slavery under its own control4 ,the colonies had no voice in the matter4 ,they had no political right to say that the slave1 thus imposed on them1 should1 after he had found his way into any part of the ,british ,isles1 be reclaimed1 and their right of property in him restored4 ,their political condition differed widely from the condition of these ,united ,states at the formation of this republic4 ,they1 as colonial dependants1 had no power to dictate protection to their own rights1 or to insist on a compromise of conflicting interests to be established by law4 ,dr4 ,johnson's argument is exclusively directed against the political and moral propriety of the institution of slavery as a state or condition of man anywhere1 instead of the true question at issue4 ,the argument1 taken as a whole1 is1 therefore1 a sophism1 of the order which dialecticians call 8ignoratio elenchi20 a dodging of the question2 a substitution of something for the question which is not2 a practice common among the pert pleaders of the day--sometimes1 doubtless1 without their own perception of the fact4 ,in regard to him who uses this sophism to effect the issue1 the conclusion is inevitable1--he is either dishonest or he is ignorant of his subject4 ,and when we come to examine this celebrated production as an argument against the moral propriety of the existence of the institution of slavery in the world1 we shall find every pillar presented for its foundation a mere sophism1 now quite distinctly1 and again more feebly enunciated1 as if with a more timid tongue1 and left to inquiry1 adorned by festoons of doubt and supposition4 ,we shall requote some portions1 with a view to their more particular consideration4 ,and1 first1 8,yet it may be doubted whether slavery can ever be supposed the natural condition of man40 ,this clause1 when put in the crucible1 reads1 8,yet slavery can never exist in conformity to the law of ,god40 ,whoever doubts this to be the sense1 we ask him to suppose what the sense is6 ,the author did not choose these few words to express the proposition1 because the law of ,god could readily be produced in contradiction3 8,whosoever committeth sin is the servant 71 doulos1 ,,slave7 of sin40 ,besides1 then1 he loses the benefit of the sophism1--the substitution of the condition of man in his fallen state1 through the ambiguity of the word 8natural10 for the condition of the first man1 fresh from the hand of the ,creator4 ,this sophism is one of great art and covertness2 so much so1 that it takes its character rather from its effect on the mind than from its language2 and we therefore desire him who reads1 to notice the whole chain of thought passing in the author's mind1--lest he forget how our present state is the subject of contemplation offered as data1 when1 on the word 8natural10 as if it were a potter's wheel1 our original condition is turned to the front1 a postulate1 from which we are left to compare and conclude4 ,the doctrine of the ,bible is1 that slavery is the consequence of sin4 ,if 8natural0 be taken to mean the quality of a state of perfect holiness and purity1 then slavery cannot be the natural condition of man2 no doubts are required in the case4 ,but if 8natural0 is used to express the quality of our condition under sin1 sinking us under the curse of the law1 then the propriety of its use will not be 8doubtful10 when applied to slavery1 because it is a consequent of the quality of the condition4 8,cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them40 ,the proposition1 as thus explained1 we think of no value in the argument2 but1 as left by the author1 obscure1 its real meaning and intent not obviously perceived nor easily detected1 and he may have thought it logical and sound4 8,it is impossible not to conceive that men1 in their original state1 were equal40 ,here is another sophism1 which the learned call petitio principii1 introduced without the least disguise1--the assumption of a proposition without proof1 which1 upon examination1 is not true4 ,if the author mean1 by 8original state10 the state of man in paradise1 we have no method of examining facts1 except by a comparison of ,adam with ,eve1 who was placed in subjection4 ,and if we may be permitted to examine the state of holy beings more elevated than was man1--8,for thou hast made him a little lower than the angels10--then1 by analogy1 we shall find it possible to conceive that men1 in the original state1 were not equal1 since even the angels1 who do the commands of ,god1 are described as those 8that excel in strength40 ,but if ,dr4 ,johnson mean the state of man after the fall1 then ,cain was told by ,god himself1 that1 if he did well1 he should have rule over ,abel4 8,and very difficult to imagine how one would be subjected to another1 but by violent compulsion40 ,the object of this singular remark is to enforce the proposition1 ,that slavery is incompatible with the law of ,god1 which is not true4 8,and if the servant shall plainly say1 #8,i love my master 99 99 99 ,i will not go out free3' then his master shall bring him 99 99 99 and he shall serve 7be a slave to7 him for ever40 ,but if it shall be said the value of the passage quoted resides in the term 8violent compulsion20 that 8violent compulsion10 sufficient to make a man a slave1 is incompatible with the law of ,god1 then it will have no weight in the argument1 because the 8violent compulsion0 used may be in conformity to the law of ,god4 8,and ,i will cause thee to serve 7be a slave7 to thine enemies in the land which thou knowest not40 8,an individual may indeed forfeit his liberty by crime1 but he cannot forfeit the liberty of his children40 ,this1 as a proposition1 presents a sophism of the order non causa pro causa1 in reverse4 ,we all agree a man may forfeit his liberty by crime2 but how are we to deduce from this fact that the liberty of the child cannot be affected by the same crime8 ,the truth is1 the crime that deprives a parent of liberty1 may1 or may not1 deprive the child4 ,the framework of this sophism is quite subtle2 it implies the sophism1 8a dicto secundum quid1 ad dictum simpliciter10 to have full effect on the mind4 ,because1 in truth1 the crime that deprives the parent of liberty does not invariably involve the liberty of the child1 we are1 therefore1 asked to assent to the proposition that it never does4 ,but1 perhaps1 an analysis of the proposition before us may be more plain to some1 when we remark1 what is true in all such compound sophisms1 that the proposition containing it is divisible into two distinct propositions4 ,in this case1 the first one is true1--the second not4 ,if1 by crime1 a man forfeits his life1 he forfeits his liberty4 ,if he is put to death previous to a condition of paternity1 its prospect is cut off with him4 ,those beings who1 otherwise1 might have been his descendants1 will never exist4 ,hence rude nations1 from such analogy1 in case of very high crimes1 destroyed1 with the parent1 all his existing descendants4 ,ancient history is full of such examples4 ,the principle is the same as the more modern attaint1 and is founded1 if in no higher law1 in the common sense of mankind2 for1 when the statute establishing attaints is repealed1 the public mind and the descendant both feel that the attaint essentially exists1 even without law to enforce it4 ,who does not perceive that the descendants of certain traitors are effectually attainted at the present day1 even among the most enlightened nations4 ,he who denies that the crime of the parent can affect the liberty of the child1 must also deny that the character of the parent can affect him2 a fact that almost universally exists1 and which every one knows4 8,let his children be continually vagabonds and beg2 99 99 99 let his posterity be cut off2 99 99 99 let the iniquities of his fathers be remembered with the ,lord40 ,this doctrine was recognised and practised by the church1 even in ,england1 in the more early ages4 ,let one instance suffice4 ,about the year #efj1 ,mauricus1 a ,christian king of ,wales1 committed perjury and murdered ,cynetus1--whereupon1 ,odouceus1 ,bishop of ,llandaff1 in full synod1 pronounced excommunication1 and cursed1 for ever1 him and all his offspring4 ,see ,milton's 1 cap4 #bh4 ,this principle actively exists in the physical world4 ,the parent contracts some loathsome disease--the offspring are physically deteriorated thereby4 ,he whose moral and physical degradation are such that slavery to him is a blessing1 with few exceptions1 will find his descendants fit only for that condition4 ,the children of parents whose conduct in life fostered some mental peculiarity1 are quite likely1 with greater or less intensity1 to exhibit traces of the same4 8,the parents have eaten sour grapes1 and the children's teeth are set on edge40 ,the law is not repealed by the mantle of love1 which1 in mercy1 the ,saviour has spread over the world1 any more than forgiveness blots out the fact of a crime4 ,the hope of happiness hereafter alleviates present suffering1 but1 in no sense1 annihilates a cause which has previously existed4 8,a man may accept life from a conquering enemy on condition of perpetual servitude2 but it is very doubtful whether he can entail that servitude on his descendants2 for no man can stipulate1 without commission1 for another40 ,all that is presented as argument here1 is founded upon the proposition1 that no man can stipulate for his descendants1 whether unborn or not4 ,if what we have before said be true1 little need be said on the subject of this paragraph4 ,for we have already seen that the conduct of the ancestor1 to an indefinite extent1 both physically influences and morally binds the condition of the offspring4 ,it is comparatively but a few ages since1 over the entire world1 the parent had full power1 by law1 to put his children to death for crime1 or to sell them into slavery for causes of which he was the judge4 ,and it may be remarked1 that such is the present law among1 perhaps1 all the tribes who furnish from their own race slaves for the rest of the world4 ,it is not necessary here to show why a people1 who find such laws necessary to their welfare1 also find slavery a blessing to them4 ,civilization has ameliorated these1 to us1 harsh features of parental authority2 yet1 to-day1 the world can scarcely produce a case where the condition of the child has not been greatly affected by the stipulations1 the conduct1 the influences of the parent1 wholly beyond its control4 ,the relation of parent has ever been found a sufficient commission to bind these results to the condition of the offspring4 8,but our fathers dealt proudly1 and hardened their necks1 and hearkened not to thy commandments1 and refused to obey2 99 99 99 and in their rebellion appointed a captain to return to their bondage40 8,the condition which he 7the captive7 accepts1 his son or grandson would have rejected40 ,this1 at most1 is supposititious1 and1 as an argument1 we think1 extremely weak2 because it implies1 either that the acceptance of the parent was not the result of necessity1 and the wisest choice between evils1 or that the rejection1 by the son1 was the fruit of extravagant pretension4 8,he that is extravagant will quickly become poor1 and poverty will enforce dependence and invite corruption40 99 99 99 8,i have avoided that empyrical morality that cures one vice by the means of another40 ,johnson's ,rambler4 8,if we should admit1 what perhaps with more reason may be denied1 that there are certain relations between man and man1 which may make slavery necessary and just1 yet it can never be proved1 that he1 who is suing for his freedom1 ever stood in any of these relations40 ,we cannot pretend to know what were the particular facts in relation to the slavery of the individual then in ,scotland4 ,it is not1 however1 pretended that the facts in relation to this slave were not the facts in relation to all others4 ,no suggestion of any illegality as to his slavery in ,jamaica is made1 other than the broad ground of the illegality of slavery itself4 ,this is quite evident from what follows3 8,he is certainly subject1 by no law but that of violence1 to his present master1 who pretends no claim to his obedience1 but that he bought him from a merchant of slaves1 whose right to sell him was never examined40 ,in the passage under consideration1 we are confined wholly to negro slavery2 and had ,dr4 ,johnson been serious in admitting that slavery1 under 8certain relations10 was 8necessary and just10 he would have yielded his case2 because1 then1 the slave in hand would have been placed in the category of proving that he did not exist under these relations4 ,johnson well knew that slavery existed in ,jamaica by the sanction of the ,british ,parliament1 and he manifests his contempt for it1 by the assertion that the slave was held only by the law of force4 ,he was1 therefore1 not reaching for the freedom of that particular slave1 but for the subversion of slavery as a condition of man4 ,the author has heretofore signified a willingness to admit the lawfulness of slavery1 when induced by 8crime or captivity20 but now denies the validity of such admission1 because the relations of 8crime and captivity0 can never be proved4 ,the apparent object of his admission was merely to rally us1 by his liberality1 to the admission that these relations could never be proved2 and we admit they never can be in the way he provides2 and he therefore announces the demonstration of the proposition1 that slavery can never be just1 because 8these relations10 which alone make it so1 can never be established4 ,but what are the reasons8 ,they are the very causes which render the ,africans obnoxious to the condition of slavery--the degraded1 deteriorated1 and savage state of that people4 ,the negro slave1 in his transit from the interior of ,africa1 is often sold many times1 by one master and chieftain to another1 before he reaches the western coast1 whence he was transferred by the slave factors to the ,english colonies4 ,no memory of these facts1 or of the slave's origin1 is preserved or attempted4 ,under these circumstances1 though each individual of these slaves induced the condition by 8crime or captivity10 such fact could never be established in the ,english colony4 ,to attempt proof there of any fact touching the case1 would be as idle and futile as to attempt such proof in regard to the biography of a baboon4 ,besides1 the truth is1 a very large portion of these slaves were born slaves in ,africa1 inheriting their condition from a slave ancestry of unknown ages1 and recognised to be slaves by the laws and customs of the various tribes there1 and sent to market as a surplus commodity1 in accordance to the laws and usages among them1 enforced from time immemorial4 ,so far as we have knowledge of the various families of man1 we believe it to have ever been the practice for one nation to receive the national acts of another as facts fixed1 and not subject to further investigation or alteration by a foreign people1 especially when none but the people making the decision were affected by it4 ,johnson surely must have agreed to such a practice1 because an opposite course1 so far as carried into action1 would have involved every nation in universal war and endless bloodshed4 ,besides1 the right to usurp such control would involve the right to enslave1 and can only exist when the degeneracy of a nation has become too great a nuisance to be longer tolerated with safety by the people annoyed3 self-protection will then warrant the right4 ,if ,england makes it lawful for her subjects to buy slaves in ,africa and hold them in ,jamaica1 then her subjects may lawfully hold there such as are decided by the laws of ,africa to be slaves4 ,but the author of the argument1 with all this before him1 having dictated what alone shall make a man a slave1 would propose to set up a new tribunal contrary to all international law--contrary to the peace of the world--and1 finally1 as to the object to which it is to be applied1 forever abortive3 wherefore his argument in effect is1 because 8these relations10 which he admits would justly make a man a slave1 cannot be proved1 therefore what he admits to be true is not true2 and puts us in mind of the sophism3 8,if1 when a man speaks truth1 he says he lies1 he lies2 but he lies when he speaks the truth2 therefore1 by speaking the truth1 he lies60 which we think about as relevant to the question4 ,in his conclusion1 ,dr4 ,johnson frankly acknowledges the position we have assigned him3-- 8,the sum of the argument is this3 ,no man is1 by nature1 the property of another4 ,the defendant1 therefore1 is free by nature4 ,the rights of nature must be someway forfeited before they can be justly taken away40 ,there are1 in our language1 but few words of which we make such loose and indefinite use as we do of the word 8nature10 and its variously modified forms4 ,it would elucidate what we wish to bring to mind concerning the use of this word1 to select some verbose author1 of a fanatical habit of thought1 or enough so to favour a negligence as to the clearness of the ideas expressed by the terms at his command1 and compare the varied meanings which his application of the word will most clearly indicate4 ,we do not accuse ,dr4 ,johnson of any want of astute learning1 but we wish to present an excuse for explaining that1 by his use of the phrases1 8men by nature0--8by nature free0--8the rights of nature10 he means1 the rights established by the laws of ,god4 ,he uses those phrases as synonyms of the ,creator1 of his providence influencing the condition of man1 or the adaptations bestowed on him4 ,the laws of nature are the laws of ,god4 ,and we are bold to say1 no discreet writer uses the words differently4 ,as a sample of its legitimate use1 we quote 8,milton to ,hortlib on ,education30-- 8,not to mention the learned correspondence which you hold in foreign parts1 and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have used in this matter1 both here and beyond the seas2 either by the definite will of ,god so ruling1 or the peculiar sway of nature1 which also is ,god's working10 c4 ,we all agree that ,god has made the world1 and all things therein1 and that he established laws for its government1 and also for the government of every thing in it4 ,now we must all agree that it was an act of great condescension1 love1 and mercy1 if ,god did come down from his throne in heaven1 and1 from his own mouth instruct a few of the lost men then in the world1 his chosen people1 what were some of his laws1 such as were necessary for them to know and to be governed by1 that they might1 to the greatest possible extent1 live happily in this world1 and enjoy eternal life hereafter4 ,do you believe he did so8 ,you either believe he did1 or you believe the ,bible is a fable4 ,if you believe he did1 then we refer you to ,ex4 xx4 and xxi41 and to ,lev4 xxv41 for what he did then reveal1 as his law1 on the subject of slavery2 not that other important revelations were not made concerning this subject1 which we shall have occasion to notice in the course of these studies4 ,if we believe the ,bible to be a true book1 then we must believe that ,god did make these revelations to ,moses4 ,among them1 one law permitted the ,israelites to buy1 and inherit1 and to hold slaves4 ,and ,dr4 ,wayland1 the author of 8,the ,elements of ,moral ,science10 agrees that what was the law of ,god must ever remain to be so4 ,it will follow then1 if the laws of ,god authorize slavery1 that a man by nature may be the property of another1 because1 whatever you may think the laws of nature to be1 yet they can have no validity in opposition to the laws of ,god4 ,if it shall be said that ,jesus ,christ repealed the law as delivered to ,moses1 then we answer3 ,he says he came not to destroy1 but to fulfil the law and that he fully completed his mission4 ,he had no commission to repeal the law3 therefore he had no power to do so4 ,this portion of ,dr4 ,johnson's argument is consonant with the notions of the advocates of the 8higher law0 doctrine1 who persist that slavery is a sin1 because they think it is4 ,but if the law permitted slavery1 then to hold1 cannot be a sin1 because ,god 8frameth not mischief by a law40 ,see ,ps4 xciv4 #bj4 8,wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees40 ,isa4 x4 #a4 ,if the law authorizing the ,jews to hold slaves was unrighteous1 then ,god pronounces the wo upon himself1 which is gross contradiction4 ,but the law is 8pure1 holy1 and just20 therefore a law permitting sin must be against itself--which cannot be2 for1 in such case1 the law recoils against itself1 and destroys its own end and character4 ,but again3 8,the end of the commandment is charity out of a pure heart1 and of a good conscience1 and faith unfeigned40 #a ,tim4 i4 #e4 ,now it is not charity to permit that which cannot be done with a pure heart1 because then conscience and faith are both deceived4 ,again3 ,the law 8beareth not the sword in vain1 but to be a terror to evil works1 for he 7the instrument executing the law7 is the minister of ,god1 a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil40 ,if slavery1 or to hold slaves1 be sin1 then also the law granting the license to do so destroys the very object which it was enacted to sustain4 ,but again3 ,if the law allows sin1 then it is in covenant with sin and the law itself1 therefore1 must be sin4 ,in short1 the doctrine is pure infidelity4 ,it is destructive to the object of law1 and blasphemous to ,god4 ,what are we to think of him who holds that ,god descended in the majesty of his power upon ,sinai1 and there1 from the bottomless treasures of his wisdom and purity1 commanding man to wash his garment of every pollution1 opened to him--what8 ,why1 an unclean system of morals1 stained by a most unholy impurity2 but which he is nevertheless to practise to the damning of his soul6 ,atheism1 thou art indeed a maniac6 ,in the course of these studies1 we shall attempt to show that man is not free in the unlimited sense with which the word is here used4 ,absolute freedom is incompatible with a state of accountability4 ,say1 if you choose1 ,adam was free in paradise to eat the apple1 to commit sin1 yet we find his freedom was bounded by an accountability beyond his power to give satisfactory answer3 hence the consequent1 a change of state1 a circumscribing of what you may call his freedom4 ,this1 in common parlance1 we call punishment2 yet our idea of punishment is inadequate to express the full idea2 because ,god cannot be supposed to delight in punishment1 or to be satisfied with punishment1 in accordance with our narrow views4 ,such would be inconsistent with the combination of his attributes--a ,being so constituted of all power1 that each power is predominant1 even love and mercy4 ,thus the law of ,god clothes the effect in mercy and positive good1 inversely to the virulence of the cause1 or in direct proportion to its propriety4 ,thus1 righteousness1 as a cause1 exalteth a nation2 but sin is a reproach to any people4 ,thus the law of ,god places the sinner under the government of shame1 infamy1 contempt1 as schoolmasters to lead him back to virtue2 and it may be observed that the schoolmaster is more forcing in his government in proportion to the virulence of vice1 down to the various grades of subjection and slavery1 and until the poison becomes so great that even death is a blessing4 ,but if the mind cannot perceive that the chastenings of the ,lord are blessings1 let it regard them as lessons4 ,the parent1 from the waywardness of the child1 perceives that it will fall from a precipice1 and binds it with a cord to circumscribe its walk4 ,true1 such are poor figures to outline a higher ,providence6 ,the ,being who created1 surely had power to appoint the government4 ,can the thing created remain in the condition in which it is placed1 except by obedience to the law established for its government8 ,disobedience must change the condition of the thing and bring it under new restraints--a lessening of the boundaries of freedom4 ,the whole providence of ,god to man is upon this plan1 and is abundantly illustrated1 in the holy books1 by precept and example4 ,these restraints follow quick on the footsteps of disobedience1 until the law--the ,spirit shall no longer strive for reformation1 but say1 8,cut it down2 why cumbereth it the ground80 ,is this a too melancholy view8 ,let us1 then1 look at obedience and its consequents1 and turn the eye from this downward path of mental and physical degradation1 pain1 misery1 want1 slavery1 and death1 to the bright prospect of a more elevated state of progressive improvement1 secured to us as a consequent1 a reward of obedience2 the physical powers improving1 the mental elevating1 and all our faculties becoming instruments of greater truthfulness1 until our condition shall be so elevated that the ,creator shall say1 8,come ye and sit at my right hand60 ,the assertion1 that 8no man is by nature the property of another10 flatters our vanity and tumefies our pride1 but is1 nevertheless1 untrue4 ,we are all absolutely the property of ,him who made1 and who sustains his right to dispose of us2 and does so in conformity to his law4 ,thus1 qualifiedly1 we are the property of the great family of man1 and are under obligations of duty to all2 more pressingly to the national community of which we compose a part1 and so on down to the distinct family of which we are a member4 ,it is upon this principle that ,fleta says1 7book i1 chap4 #ag17 8,he that has a companion has a master40 ,see also the same in ,bracton1 book i4 chap4 #af4 ,if1 by the laws of ,god1 other men could have no property in us1 the laws of civil government could have no right to control us4 ,but if the civil government1 by the laws of ,god1 has the right to govern and control us1 so far as is for the benefit of ourselves and the community1 then it will follow1 that when our benefit will be enhanced1 and that of the community1 by our subjection to slavery1 either temporary or perpetual1 the laws of ,god1 in mercy1 will authorize such subjection4 ,or1 if the state of our degradation be such that our continuance upon the earth be an evil past all remedy1 then the laws of ,god will authorize the civil law to decree our exit4 ,the providence of ,god to man is practical4 ,he never deals in the silly abstractions of foolish philosophers4 ,he spends no time in experimenting by eristic syllogisms4 ,he deals alone in his own power1 which nowhere ever ceases to act1 although wholly beyond our comprehension4 ,man may long for a full view of the ,almighty1 yet we are destined here to perceive but the 8hinder parts0 of his presence--the effect of his power1 not ,him6 ,let us worship2 and1 for our guidance1 be content with the pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night6 ,in conclusion3 ,should the author of 8,the ,elements of ,moral ,science0 examine this argument of the great dialectician of the past century1 with his acknowledged logical acumen1 free from the prejudices of his locality1 now so abundantly displayed in that portion of his work to which we object1 we would suggest the propriety of his applying the discoveries he may make to emendations in his succeeding thousands4 ------------------------------------ ,study ,,ii4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 ,as far as men are able to comprehend ,jehovah1 the wisest1 in all ages1 have deduced the fact1 that ,god acts2 yet1 as an essential ,being1 he is beyond being acted upon4 ,that which is manifested by the character of his acts is called his attributes2 that is1 the thing or quality which we attribute to him as a portion or quality of his essence4 ,thus among his attributes1 are said to be power1 wisdom1 truth1 justice1 love1 and mercy4 ,his action is always found to be in conformity and accordance to these attributes4 ,this state of conformity1 this certainty of unison of action1 is called truth4 8,thy word is truth40 ,john xvii4 #g4 ,a system of laws1 permanently established for the production of some object1 we call an institution4 ,law is the history of how things are influenced by one another2 yet the mind should never disconnect such influence from the attributes of ,jehovah2 and hence ,burke very properly says1 8,law is beneficence acting by rule40 8,the law of the ,lord is perfect40 ,ps4 xix4 #g4 ,the deduction follows that the laws of ,god are well adapted1 and intended to benefit all those who are suitably related under them4 ,by relation we mean the connection between things1--what one thing is in regard to the influence of another4 ,and hence it also follows that1 in case the relation is in utter want of a conformity to the attributes of ,jehovah1 the actor in the relation becomes an opponent1 and1 so far1 joins issue with ,god himself4 ,the laws fitting the case operate1 and his position is consumed1 as it were1 by the breath of the ,almighty4 ,but yet an institution may be a righteous one1 may exist in conformity to the laws of ,god1 and particular cases of a relation1 seeming to us to emanate from it1 be quite the reverse4 ,for example1 the institution of marriage may be righteous1 may exist in conformity to the laws of ,god2 yet cases of the relation of husband and wife may be a very wicked relation4 ,individuals in a relation to each other under an institution are supposed to bear such comparison to each other as will permit the laws of ,god1 influencing the relation1 to be beneficial to them2 and when such comparative qualities are not the most suitable1 or are more or less unsuitable for the relation1 the benefits intended by the relation must be proportionably diminished4 ,if wholly unsuitable1 then it is found that the conservative influences of the same laws operate in the direction to cause the relation to cease between them4 ,if a supposed male and female are each distinctly clothed with qualities wholly unsuited to each other in the relation emanating from the institution of marriage1 then1 in that case1 the relation will be sinful between them2 and the repulsion1 the necessary consequence of a total unsuitableness1 will be in constant action in the direction of sweeping it away4 ,will it be new in morals to say that it is consistent with the ordinances of ,jehovah to bring things into that relation to each other by which they will be mutually benefited8 ,as an exemplification of the doctrine1 we cite the institution of guardianship--guardian and ward2 both words derived from the same ,saxon root1 weardian1 which implies one who protects and one who is protected4 ,the institution itself presupposes power in the one and weakness in the other1 a want of equality between the parties4 ,and it may be here remarked1 that1 the greater the inequality1 the greater the prospect of benefit growing out of the relation1 especially to the weaker party4 ,but when the weak1 ignorant1 or wayward youth is the guardian1 and the powerful and wise man is the ward1 then the relation will be sinful1 and the repulsion necessarily emanating from the relation must quickly terminate it4 ,no possible benefit could accrue from such a case--nothing but evil4 ,the conservative influence of ,god's providence must1 therefore1 suddenly bring it to a close4 ,will the assertion be odious to the ear of truth1 that the laws of ,god present the same class of conservative influences in the moral world that is every day discovered in the physical8--that the thing manifestly useless1 from which no benefit can accrue1 but from which a constant injury emanates1 shall be cut away1 nor longer 8cumber the ground80 ,or1 where a less degree of enormity and sin have centered1 it may be placed under influences of guidance1 and controlled into the path of regeneration and comparative usefulness8 ,surely1 if we detach from ,jehovah these high attributes1 we lessen his character4 ,when we enter into the inquiry1 whether an institution1 or the relation emanating from it in a particular case1 be sinful or not1 it seems obvious that the inquiry must reach the object of the institution and its tendencies1 and take into consideration how far they1 and the relations created by it1 coincide with the laws of ,god4 ,the relation of master and slave1 and the institution of slavery itself1 in the inquiry whether such relation or institution is right or wrong1 just or unjust1 righteous or sinful1 must be subjected to a like examination1--applying the same rules applicable to any other relation or institution1--before we can determine whether or not it exists in conformity to the laws of ,god4 ,but human reason is truly but of small compass2 and the mercy of ,god has vouchsafed to man the aids of faith and inspiration4 8,all scripture is given by inspiration of ,god40 #b ,tim4 iii4 #af4 ,these are important aids in the examination of all moral subjects1 without which we may be 8ever learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth40 #b ,tim4 iii4 #g4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,if it be true that slavery is of divine origin1 that its design is to prevent so great an accumulation of sin as would1 of necessity1 force its subjects down to destruction and death1 and to restore those who are ignorantly1 heedlessly1 and habitually rushing on their own moral and physical ruin1 by the renovating influence of divine power1 to such a state of moral rectitude as may be required of the recipients of divine grace2--then we should expect to find1 in the history of this institution1 of its effects1 both moral and physical1 upon its subjects1 some manifestations of such tendencies2 some general evidences that1 through this ordinance1 ,god has ever blessed its subjects and their posterity with an ameliorated condition1 progressive in the direction of his great and final purpose4 ,let us examine that fact4 ,in the government of the world1 ,god has as unchangeably fixed his laws producing moral influences1 as he has those which relate to material objects4 ,when we discover some cause1 which1 under similar circumstances1 always produces a similar result1 we need not hesitate to consider such discovery as the revelation of his will1 his law touching its action and the effects produced2 and by comparing the general tendency of the effect produced with the previously revealed laws and will of ,god in relation to a particular matter1 we are permitted to form some conclusion whether the cause producing the effect exists and acts in conformity with his general providence towards the matter or subject in question4 ,if so1 we may readily conclude that such cause is of his appointment1 and that it exists and acts agreeably to his will4 ,but one of the previously revealed laws of ,god is1 that he ever wills the happiness1 not the misery1 of his creatures4 8,say unto them1 ,as ,i live1 saith the ,lord ,god1 ,i have no pleasure in the death of the wicked2 but that the wicked should turn from his way and live3 turn ye1 turn ye from your evil ways1 for why will you die1 ,o house of ,israel60 ,ezek4 xxxiii4 #aa4 ,and we may form some conclusion of a man1 a class of people1 or a nation1 from their condition produced by the general result of their conduct1 whether their conduct has been in general conformity with the laws of ,god4 ,if the general result of the conduct of the thief1 gambler1 tippler1 and drunkard1--of him who lives by trickery and deception1 is an accumulation of weight of character among men1 a display of useful industry1 independence1 and wealth among his associates2 if himself and family are thereby made visibly more healthy1 happy1 and wise1--if by these practices he and his family become patterns of piety and of all noble virtues1 he may hope2 but if the contrary of all these is the final result1 we may safely condemn4 ,another of the laws of ,god is1 8,thine own wickedness shall correct thee1 and thy backslidings shall reprove thee40 ,jer4 ii4 #ai4 ,when the characters just named become so great a nuisance that the strong arm of the law of the land takes away their liberty1 places a master over them1 in fact reducing them to slavery2 forces and compels them to habits of useful industry1 and1 in a length of time1 makes of them useful and good men1--then this law is exemplified and also the fact is proved1 that slavery1 thus induced1 is attended with and does produce an ameliorated condition as to the morals1 and probably as to the intellectual and physical power1 of its subjects4 ,this law was also exemplified in the family of ,jacob4 ,god1 in the order of his providence1 had determined and made a covenant with ,abraham1 to wit3 8,in the same day the ,lord made a covenant with ,abram1 saying1 ,unto thy seed have ,i given this land1 from the land of ,egypt unto the great river1 the river ,euphrates40 ,gen4 xv4 #ah4 ,this was to be brought about through the family of ,jacob4 8,and ,god ,almighty bless thee1 and make thee fruitful and multiply thee1 that thou mayest be a multitude of people1 and give the blessing of ,abraham to thee1 and to thy seed with thee1 that thou mayest inherit the land wherein thou art a stranger1 which ,god gave unto ,abraham40 ,gen4 xxviii4 #c1 #d4 ,there are left us enough traces of the conduct of the family of ,jacob1 whereby we may know the fact that they1 although living in the midst of the promised land1 had become incorrigibly wicked and licentious4 ,judah1 who seems to have ranked as the head of the family1 notwithstanding the impressive lesson in the case of ,esau1 took to himself a ,canaanitish wife1 and his eldest sons became so desperately wicked that1 in the language of ,scripture1 ,god slew them4 ,even the salt of slavery could not save them4 ,of ,shelah1 we have no further account than that he went into slavery in ,egypt4 ,instead of nurturing up his family with propriety and prudence1 ,judah seems to have idled away his time with his friend the ,adullamite1 hunting up the harlots of the country4 ,reuben committed incest2 he went up to his father's bed4 ,simeon and ,levi1 instigated by feelings of revenge in the case of the ,hivites1 pursued such a course of deception1 moral fraud1 and murder1 leading on the rest of their brethren to such acts of theft and robbery1 that ,jacob was constrained to say1 8,ye have troubled me1 to make me stink among the inhabitants of the land40 ,gen4 xxxiv4 #cj4 ,jacob found his children so lost to good morals1 so sunken in heathenism and idolatry1 that1 hoping that a change of abode might also produce a change of conduct1 he was impelled to command them1 saying1 8,put away the strange gods that are among you1 and be clean1 and change your garments1 and let us arise and go to ,bethel1 and ,i will make there an altar unto ,god40 ,gen4 xxxv4 #b1 #c4 ,and let us take occasion here to notice the long-suffering and loving-kindness of the ,lord2 for1 no sooner had they taken this resolution1 than ,jehovah1 to encourage and make them steadfast in this new attempt in the paths of virtue1 again appeared to ,jacob3 8,and ,god said unto him1 ,i am ,god ,almighty2 a nation1 and a company of nations shall be of thee1 and kings shall come out of thy loins4 ,and the land which ,i gave to ,abraham and to ,isaac1 to thee ,i will give it1 and to thy seed after thee will ,i give the land40 ,gen4 xxxv4 #aa1 #ab4 8,but the sow that was washed has returned to her wallowing in the mire40 #b ,pet4 ii4 #bb4 ,and what is the next prominent state of moral standing in which we find this family8 ,the young and unsuspecting ,joseph brought unto his father their evil report1 and hence their revenge4 8,and when they saw him afar off1 even before he came near unto them1 they conspired against him to slay him4 99 99 99 ,and they sold ,joseph to the ,ishmaelites for twenty pieces of silver40 ,gen4 xxxvii4 #b1 and xviii4 #bh4 ,and against the deed of fratricide there was but one dissenting voice and he1 whose voice it was1 dared not boldly to oppose them4 ,he had not the moral courage to contend4 ,sometimes1 in the conduct of men1 there may be a single act that gives stronger proof of deep1 condemning depravity1 than a whole life otherwise spent in wanton1 wilful wickedness and sensual sin4 ,their betrayal of the confidence of an innocent and confiding brother1 who neither had the will nor the power to injure them1 whose only wish was their welfare1 bespeaks a degradation of guilt1 a deep and abiding hypocrisy of soul before ,god and man1 and a general readiness to the commission of crimes of so dark a dye1 that1 it would seem to moral view1 no oblations of the good1 nor even the prayers of the just1 could wash and wipe away the stain4 ,during the history of all time1 has ,god ever chosen such wretches to become the founders of an empire--his own peculiar1 chosen people8 ,on the contrary1 has not his will1 as expressed by revelation1 and by the acts of his providence1 for ever been the reverse of such a supposition8 ,the laws of ,god are unchangeable3 at all times and among all people1 the premises being the same1 their operation has been and will ever be the same4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 8,let favour be showed to the wicked1 yet will he not learn righteousness2 in the land of uprightness will he deal unjustly1 and will not behold the majesty of the ,lord40 ,isa4 xxvi4 #aj4 8,his own iniquities shall take the wicked himself1 and he shall be holden by the cords of his sins40 ,prov4 v4 #bb4 8,but it shall come to pass1 if thou wilt not hearken unto the voice of the ,lord thy ,god1 to observe to do all his commandments1 and his statutes1 which ,i command thee this day2 that all these curses shall come upon thee1 and overtake thee3 8,cursed shalt thou be in the city1 and cursed shalt thou be in the field2 cursed shalt thou be in thy basket and thy store2 cursed shall be the fruit of thy body and the fruit of thy land2 the increase of thy loins1 and the flocks of thy sheep4 ,cursed shalt thou be when thou comest in2 and cursed shalt thou be when thou goest out4 ,the ,lord shall send upon thee cursing1 vexation and rebuke in all thou settest thy hand unto for to do1 until thou be destroyed1 and until thou perish quickly2 because of the wickedness of thy doings1 whereby thou hast forsaken me4 ,and the ,lord shall bring thee into ,egypt again with ships1 the way whereof ,i spake unto thee4 ,thou shalt see it no more again2 and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bondmen 7 la ebedim1 for slaves7 and bondwomen 7 ve lisheppahoth1 and for female slaves71 and no man shall buy you40 7,that is1 they should be worthless47 ,deut4 xxviii4 #ae-fh4 ,such1 then1 are the unchangeable laws of ,god touching man's disobedience and non-conformity2 and1 in this instance of their application1 have been seen fulfilled1 with wonder and astonishment1 by the whole world4 ,consistent with the laws of ,god and the providence of ,jehovah1 there was no other way to make any thing out of the wicked family of ,jacob2 no other means to fulfil his promise to ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 except to prepare them in the school of adversity2 to reduce them under the severe hand of a master2 to place them in slavery1 until1 by its compulsive operation tending to their mental1 moral1 and physical improvement1 they would become fitted to enjoy the blessing promised their fathers4 8,compel them to come in1 that my house may be filled40 ,luke xiv4 8,and when the sun was going down a deep sleep fell upon ,abraham1 and a horror of great darkness fell upon him2 and ,he 7the ,lord7 said unto ,abram1 ,know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a strange land that is not theirs1 and shall serve 7 va ebadum1 shall be slaves to7 them2 and they shall afflict them four hundred years40 ,gen4 xv4 #ab1 #ac4 ,god foresaw what condition the wicked family of ,jacob would force themselves into2 nor is it a matter of surprise that it filled the mind of ,abram with horror4 ,god never acts contrary to his own laws4 ,the ,israelites1 in slavery four hundred years under hard and cruel masters1 kept closely bound to severe labour1 and all the attendants of slavery1 had no time to run into deeper sins4 ,the humility of their condition and distinction of race would be some preventive to amalgamation1 and a preservative to their purity of blood2 and would lead them also to contemplate and worship the ,god of ,abraham4 ,and let it ever be remembered that the worship of ,god is the very highway to intellectual1 moral1 and physical improvement1 however slow1 under the circumstances1 was their progress4 ,let us take the family of ,jacob1 at the time of the selling of ,joseph1 and1 from what their conduct had been and then was1 form some conjecture of what would have been the providence of ,god1 touching their race1 at the close of the then coming four hundred years1 had not the ,divine ,mind seen fit to send them into slavery4 ,does it require much intellectual labour to set forth their ultimate condition8 ,would not the result have been their total annihilation by the action of the surrounding tribes2 or their equally certain national extinction by their amalgamation with them8 ,if1 by the providence of ,god1 as manifested among men through all time1 one of these conditions must have attached to them1 then will it follow that1 to them1 slavery was their salvation1--under the circumstances of the case1 the only thing that could preserve them from death and extinction on earth4 ,under such view of the facts1 and the salvatory influence of the institution1 slavery will be hailed by the good1 pious1 and godly-minded1 as an emanation from the ,divine ,mind1 portraying a fatherly care1 and a watchful mercy to a fallen world1 on a parallel with the general benevolence of that ,deity who comprehended his own work1 and the welfare of his creatures4 ,the slavery of the ,israelites in ,egypt for the term of four hundred years was a sentence pronounced against them by ,jehovah himself1 who had previously promised them great worldly blessings1 preceded by the promise of his own spiritual forbearance1 of his own holy mercy1 as the ultimate design of his providence towards them4 ,and we now ask him1 who denies that the design of this term of slavery was to ameliorate and suitably prepare that wicked race for the reception and enjoyment of the promises made1 to extricate himself from the difficulties in which such denial will involve the subject4 ,we are aware that there are a class of men so holy in their own sight1 that1 from what they say1 one might judge they felt capable of dictating to ,jehovah rules for his conduct1 and that they spurn in him all that which their view does not comprehend4 ,do such forget1 when they stretch forth their hand1 imagining ,god to be that which suits them1 but which he is not1 that they make an idol1 and are as much idolaters as they would be had they substituted wood and stone8 ,such1 ,god will judge4 ,we have no hope our feeble voice will be heard where the mind is thus established upon the presumption of moral purity--we might say divine foresight4 ,but1 by a more humble class1 we claim to be heard1 that1 as mortal men1 reasoning by the light it hath pleased ,god to give1 we may take counsel together in the review of his providences1 as vouchsafed to man1 and1 by his blessing be enabled to see enough to justify the ways of the ,almighty against the slanders of his and our enemy4 ,the theological student will notice the fact of the holy books abounding with the doctrine that the chastenings of the ,lord operate the moral1 mental1 and physical improvement of the chastised2 and that such chastenings are ever administered for that purpose1 and upon those whose sins call it down upon them4 8,my son1 despise not the chastenings of the ,lord2 neither be weary of correction3 for those whom the ,lord loveth he correcteth2 even as a father the son in whom he delighteth40 ,prov4 iii4 #aa1 #ab4 8,thus saith the ,lord1 where is the bill of thy mother's divorcement1 whom ,i have put away8 ,or which of my creditors is it to whom ,i have sold you8 ,behold1 for your iniquities have ye sold yourselves1 and for your transgressions is your mother put away40 ,isa4 l4 #a4 ,the garden of the sluggard produces weeds and want4 ,we know a man of whom it may be said1 he is inoffensive2 but he is thriftless1 indolent1 and therefore miserable4 ,he has never learned those virtues that would make him respectable or happy4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 8,barnes on ,slavery4 ,an ,inquiry into the ,scriptural ,views of ,slavery40 ,by ,,albert ,,barnes4 ,philadelphia1 #ahdf4 ,in his fourth chapter1 on the slavery of the ,israelites in ,egypt1 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,barnes says-- 8,the will of ,god may often be learned from the events of his providence4 ,from his dealings with an individual1 a class of men or a nation1 we may ascertain whether the course which has been pursued was agreeable to his will4 ,it is not1 indeed1 always safe to argue that1 because calamities come upon an individual1 they are sent as a punishment on account of any peculiarly aggravated sin1 or that these calamities prove that he is a greater sinner than others2--but when a certain course of conduct always tends to certain results--when there are laws in operation in the moral world as fixed as in the natural world--and when there are1 uniformly1 either direct or indirect interpositions of ,providence in regard to any existing institutions1 it is not unsafe to infer from these what is the ,divine will4 ,it is not unsafe1 for illustration1 to argue1 from the uniform effects of intemperance1 in regard to the will of ,god4 ,these effects occur in every age of the world1 in reference to every class of men4 ,there are no exceptions in favour of kings or philosophers2 of the inhabitants of any particular climate or region of country2 of either sex1 or of any age4 ,the poverty and babbling1 and redness of eyes1 and disease1 engendered by intemperance1 may be regarded without danger of error1 as expressive of the will of ,god in reference to that habit4 ,they show that there has been a violation of a great law of our nature1 ordained for our good1 and that such a violation must always incur the frown of the great ,governor of the world4 ,the revelation of the mind of ,god1 in such a case1 is not less clear than were the annunciations of his will on ,sinai4 8,the same is true in regard to cities and nations4 ,we need be in as little danger1 in general1 in arguing from what occurs to them1 as in the case of an individual4 ,there is now no doubt among men why the old world was destroyed by a flood2 why ,sodom and ,gomorrah were consumed2 why ,tyre1 ,nineveh1 ,babylon1 and ,jerusalem were overthrown4 ,if a certain course of conduct1 long pursued and in a great variety of circumstances1 leads uniformly to health1 happiness1 and property1 we are in little danger of inferring that it is in accordance with the will of ,god4 ,if it lead to poverty and tears1 we are in as little danger of error in inferring that it is a violation of some great law which ,god has ordained for the good of man4 ,if an institution among men is always followed by certain results2 if we find them in all climes1 and under all forms of government1 and in every stage of society1 it is not unsafe to draw an inference from these facts on the question whether ,god regards the institution as a good one1 and one which he designs shall be perpetuated for the good of society4 8,it would be easy to make an application of these undeniable principles to the subject of slavery4 ,the inquiry would be1 whether1 in certain results1 always found to accompany slavery1 and now developing themselves in our own country1 there are no clear indications of what is the will of ,god40 ,we subscribe to the doctrine that ,god often reveals his will concerning a thing by the acts of his providence affecting it4 ,but we contend that ,god has extended the field of ,christian vision by a more direct revelation1 and by the gift of faith2 and that the mind which can neither hear the revelation1 nor feel the faith1 is merely the mind of a philosopher1 not of a ,christian3 he may be a believer in a ,god1 but not in the ,saviour of the world4 ,the direction contained in the foregoing quotation1 by which we are to discriminate what are the will and law of ,god1 may be considered1 when presented by the mere teacher of abolition1 among the most artful1 because among the most insidious1 specimens of abolition logic4 ,it is artful1 because1 to the unschooled1 it presents all that may seem necessary in the foundation of a sound system of theology2 and1 further1 because every bias of the human heart is predisposed to receive it as an entire platform of doctrine4 ,it is insidious and dangerous1 because1 although the mind acquiesces in its truth1 yet it is false when proposed as the lone and full foundation of religious belief4 ,on such secret and hidden rocks1 infidelity has ever established her lights1 her beacons to the benighted voyager2 and1 in their surrounding seas1 the shallops of hell have for ever been the most successful wreckers1 in gathering up multitudes of the lost1 to be established as faithful subjects of the kingdom of darkness4 ,the religious fanatical theorists of this order of abolition writers have further only to establish their doctrine about the 8conscience10 8inward light10 or 8moral sense10--that it is a distinct mental power1 infallibly teaching what is right1 intuitively spreading all truth before them1--and they will then succeed to qualify man1 a being fit to govern the universe1 and successfully carry on a war against ,god6 ,the man thus prepared1 if an abolitionist1 reasons3 8,my conscience or moral sense teaches me infallible truth2 therefore1 my conscience is above all law1 or is a #8higher law' than the law of the land4 ,my conscience1 feelings1 and sympathies all teach me that slavery is wrong4 ,thus ,i have been educated4 ,my conscience or moral sense teaches me what are the laws of ,god1 without possible mistake2 and according to their teaching1 slavery is forbidden40 ,in short1 he thinks so2 and1 therefore1 it is so4 ,he 8is wiser in his own conceit than seven men that can render a reason40 ,but we proceed to notice how the doctrine of the author most distinctly agrees with the precepts of infidelity4 8,the deist derives his religion by inference from what he supposes discoverable of the will and attributes of ,god1 from nature1 and the course of the ,divine government40,watson's ,theo4 ,inst4 vol4 ii4 p4 #edb4 ,this learned theologian differs widely from ,mr4 ,barnes4 ,when treating of slavery1 ,watson frankly admits that we are indebted to direct revelation for our knowledge on the subject4 ,in page #eef1 he says-- 8,government in masters1 as well as in fathers1 is an appointment of ,god1 though differing in circumstances2 and it is therefore to be honoured4 #8,let as many servants as are under the yoke1 count their own masters worthy of all honour2' a direction which enjoins both respectful thoughts and humility and propriety of external demeanour towards them4 ,obedience to their commands in all things lawful is next enforced2 which obedience is to be grounded on principle1 on #8singleness of heart as unto ,christ2' thus serving a master with the same sincerity1 the same desire to do the appointed work well1 as is required of us by ,christ4 ,this service is also to be cheerful1 and not wrung out merely by a sense of duty2 #8not with eye-service as men-pleasers2' not having respect simply to the approbation of the master1 but #8as the servant of ,christ1' making profession of his religion1 #8doing the will of ,god1' in this branch of duty1 #8from the heart1' with alacrity and good feeling4 ,the duties of servants1 stated in these brief precepts1 might easily be shown to comprehend every particular which can be justly required of persons in this station2 and the whole is enforced by a sanction which could have no place but in a revelation from ,god1--#8,knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth1 the same shall he receive of the ,lord1 whether he be bond or free4' ,eph4 vi4 #e4 ,in other words1 even the common duties of servants1 when faithfully1 cheerfully1 and piously performed1 are by ,christianity made rewardable actions3 #8,of the ,lord ye shall receive a reward4' 8,the duties of servants and masters are1 however1 strictly reciprocal4 ,hence1 the apostle continues his injunctions as to the right discharge of these relations1 by saying1 immediately after he had prescribed the conduct of servants1 #8,and ye masters1 do the same things unto them2' that is1 act towards them upon the same equitable1 conscientious1 and benevolent principles as you exact from them4 ,he then grounds his rules1 as to masters1 upon the great and influential principle1 #8knowing that your ,master is in heaven2' that you are under authority1 and are accountable to him for your conduct to your servants4 ,thus masters are put under the eye of ,god1 who not only maintains their authority1 when properly exercised1 by making their servants accountable for any contempt of it1 and for every other failure of duty1 but holds the master also himself responsible for its just and mild exercise4 ,a solemn and religious aspect is thus at once given to a relation which by many is considered as one merely of interest40 8,all the distinctions of good and evil refer to some principle above ourselves2 for1 were there no ,supreme ,governor and ,judge to reward and punish1 the very notions of good and evil would vanish away40 ,ellis on ,divine ,things4 ,the qualities good and evil can only exist in the mind as they are measured by a supreme law4 8,if we deny the existence of a ,divine law obligatory on men1 we must deny that the world is under ,divine government1 for a government without rule or law is a solecism40 ,watson's ,theo4 ,inst4 vol4 i4 p4 #h4 ,divine laws must be the subject of revelation4 ,the law of a visible power cannot be known without some indications1 much less the will of an invisible power1 and that1 too1 of an order of existence so far above our own that even its mode is beyond our comprehension4 ,very true1 the providence of ,god towards any particular course of conduct may be taken as the revelation of his will thus far1 but1 by no means1 preclude the necessity of a more direct revelation1 until man shall be able to boast that he comprehends the entire works of ,jehovah4 ,the difference between the ,christian and the mere theist is1 while the latter admits that a revelation of the will of ,god is or has been made by significant actions1 he contends that is a sufficient revelation of the laws of ,god for the guidance of man4 8,they who never heard of any external revelation1 yet if they knew from the nature of things what is fit for them to do1 they know all that ,god can or will require of them40 ,christianity as ,old as ,creation1 p4 #bcc4 8,by employing our reason to collect the will of ,god from the fund of our nature1 physical and moral1 we may acquire not only a particular knowledge of those laws1 which are deducible from them1 but a general knowledge of the manner in which ,god is pleased to exercise his supreme powers in this system40 ,bolingbroke's ,works1 vol4 v4 p4 #ajj4 8,but they who believe the holy ,scriptures contain a revelation of ,god's will1 do not deny that indications of his will have been made by actions2 but they contend that they are in themselves imperfect and insufficient1 and that they were not designed to supersede a direct revelation4 ,they also hold1 that a direct communication of the ,divine will was made to the progenitors of the human race1 which received additions at subsequent periods1 and that the whole was at length embraced in the book called1 by way of eminence1 the ,bible40 ,watson's ,theo4 ,inst4 vol4 i4 p4 #aj4 ,faith 8is the substance of things hoped for1 the evidence of things not seen40 ,heb4 xi4 #a4 ,as an instance of revelation1 we present ,lev4 xxv4 #a1 and #dd1 #de1 #df4 8,and the ,lord spake unto ,moses in ,mount ,sinai1 saying3 ,both thy bondmen and bondmaids1 which thou shalt have1 shall be of the heathen that are round about you2 of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids40 8,moreover1 of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you1 of them shall ye buy1 and of their families that are with you1 which they begat in your land3 and they shall be your possession40 8,and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you1 to inherit them for a possession1 they shall be your bondmen for ever2 but over your brethren1 the children of ,israel1 ye shall not rule over one another with rigour40 ,here is direct revelation1 and faith gives us evidence of the truth of its being of ,divine origin4 ,mr4 ,barnes proposes1 by human reason1 without the aid of revelation and faith1 to determine what is the will of ,god on the subject of slavery2 and it suggests the inquiry1 ,how extensive must be the intellectual power of him who can reason with ,god8 8,for he is not a man1 as ,i am1 that ,i should answer him1 and we should come together in judgment2 neither is any daysman betwixt us1 that might lay his hand upon us both40 ,job ix4 #cb1 #cc4 ,we frankly acknowledge1 that1 in the investigation of this subject1 we shall consider the ,divine authority of those writings1 which are received by ,christians as a revelation of infallible truth1 as so established2 and1 with all simplicity of mind1 examine their contents1 and collect from them the information they profess to contain1 and concerning which information it had become necessary that the world should be experimentally instructed4 ,but the passage quoted from ,mr4 ,barnes gives us a stronger suspicion of his want of orthodoxy and ,christian principle from its connection with what he says1 page #caj3 8,if the religion of ,christ allows such a license0 7to hold slaves7 8from such precepts as these1 the ,new ,testament would be the greatest curse ever inflicted on our race40 ,the fact is1 little can be known of ,god or his law except by faith and revelation4 ,beings whose mental powers are not infinite can never arrive at a knowledge of all things1 nor can we know any thing fully1 only in proportion as we comprehend the laws influencing it4 ,in conformity to the present limited state of our knowledge1 we can only say1 that we arrive at some little1 by three distinct means3 the senses open the door to a superficial perception of things2 the mental powers to their further examination2 while faith gives us a view of the superintending control of ,one ,almighty ,god4 ,in the proportion our senses are defective1 our mental powers deficient1 and our faith inactive or awry1--our knowledge will be scanty4 ,the result of all knowledge is the perception of truth4 ,under the head of the mental powers1 philosophers tell us our knowledge is acquired by three methods3 intuition1 demonstration1 and analogy4 ,by intuition they mean when the mind perceives a certainty in a proposition where the relation is obvious1 as it is obvious that the whole is greater than a part2 and such propositions they call axioms4 ,when the relation of things is not thus obvious1 that is1 when the proposition involves the determination of the relation between two or more things whose relations are not intuitively perceived1 the mind may sometimes come to a certainty1 concerning the relation1 by the interposition of a chain of axioms2 that is1 of propositions where the relations are intuitively perceived4 ,this is called demonstration4 ,in all such cases1 the mind would perceive the relation1 and come to a certainty intuitively1 if adequately cultivated and enlarged2 or1 in other words1 all propositions that now1 to us1 require demonstration1 would1 to such a cultivation1 become mere axioms3 consequently1 now1 where one man sees a mere axiom1 another requires demonstration4 ,but the great mass of our ideas are too imperfect or too complicated to admit of intuitive conclusions2 consequently1 as to them1 we can never arrive at demonstration4 ,here we substitute facts2 and reason1 that1 as heretofore one certain fact has accompanied another certain fact1 so it will be hereafter4 ,this is what the philosophers call analogy4 ,analogy is thus founded on experience1 and is1 therefore1 far less perfect than intuition or demonstration4 ,that gravitation will always continue is analogical2 we do not know it intuitively2 nor can we demonstrate it4 ,analogical propositions are1 therefore1 to us mere probabilities4 ,but our knowledge has cognizance of ideas only4 ,these ideas we substitute for the things they represent1 in which there is a liability to err4 ,thus a compound idea is an assemblage of the properties of a thing1 and may be incomplete and inadequate2 wholly different from any quality in the thing itself4 ,what is our idea of spirit1 colour1 joy8 ,yet we may conceive an intelligence so extended as to admit that even analogical problems should become intuitive3 with ,god every thing is intuitively known4 ,but even intuitive propositions sometimes reach beyond our comprehension4 ,example--a line of infinite length can have no end3 therefore1 the half of an infinite line would be a line also of infinite length4 ,but all lines of infinite length are of equal length2 therefore1 the half of an infinite line is equal to the whole4 ,such fallacies prove that human reason is quite limited and liable to err3 and hence the importance of faith in ,god1 in the steadfastness of his laws1 and the certainty of their operations4 8,and ,jesus answering said unto them1 have faith in ,god40 ,mark xi4 #bb4 8,and when they were come1 and had gathered the church together1 they rehearsed all that ,god had done with them1 and how he had opened the door of faith unto the ,gentiles40 ,acts xiv4 #bg4 8,so1 then1 faith cometh by hearing1 and hearing by the word of ,god40 ,romans x4 #ag4 ,that is1 by revelation4 8,now faith is the substance of things hoped for1 the evidence of things not seen40 ,heb4 xi4 #a4 8,but without faith it is impossible to please ,god2 for he that cometh to ,god must believe that he is1 and that he is the rewarder of them that diligently seek him40 ,heb4 xi4 #f4 8,even so faith1 if it hath not works1 is dead40 ,james ii4 #ag4 8,and he said1 ,i will hide my face from them1 ,i will see what their end shall be2 for they are a very froward generation1 children in whom there is no faith40 ,deut4 xxxii4 #bj4 ,to which add ,romans xii4 #c4 ,these passages seem to imply an unchangeable reliance on faith and revelation for all knowledge of ,god1 his laws1 and our peace hereafter2 and we do feel the most heartfelt regret to see those who claim to be religious teachers1 laying the foundation for the most gross infidelity4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,on page #f1 ,mr4 ,barnes says-- 8,the work0 7his own7 8which is now submitted to the public1 is limited to an examination of the ,scripture argument on the subject of slavery40 ,now1 if it shall appear that his exertion has universally been to gloss over the ,scripture1 or strain it into some meaning favourable to abolition1 and adverse to its rational and obvious interpretation1 the mind will be forced to the conclusion1 that his real object has been to hide the 8,scripture argument10 and to limit his researches by what he may deem to be sound reason and philosophy2 and let it be remembered that such has been the constant practice or every infidel writer1 who has ever attempted to reconcile his own peculiar theories to the teachings of the holy books4 8,and ,abram took ,sarai his wife1 and ,lot his brother's son1 and all their substance that they had gathered1 and the souls that they had gotten in ,haran and they went forth to go into the land of ,canaan2 and into the land of ,canaan they came40 ,gen4 xii4 #e4 8,and he entreated ,abram well for her sake3 and he had sheep1 and he-asses1 and men-servants 7 va abadim1 male slaves71 and maid-servants 7 vu shephahoth1 female slaves71 and she-asses and camels40 xii4 #af4 8,but ,abram said unto ,sarai1 ,behold thy maid 7 shiphhathek1 female slave7 is in thy hand2 do unto her as it pleaseth thee4 ,and when ,sarai dealt hardly by her1 she fled from her face4 ,and the angel of the ,lord found her by a fountain of water in the wilderness1 by the fountain in the way to ,shur4 ,and he said1 ,hagar1 ,sarai's maid 7 shiphhath1 female slave71 whence camest thou and whither wilt thou go8 ,and she said1 ,i flee from the face of my mistress ,sarai2 and the angel of the ,lord said unto her1 ,return to thy mistress and submit thyself unto her hands40 ,gen4 xvi4 #f-i4 8,and ,god said unto ,abraham1 ,thou shalt keep my covenant40 99 99 99 8,this is my covenant40 99 99 99 8,and he that is eight days old shall be circumcised among you1 every man-child in your generations1 he that is born in the house1 or bought with money of any stranger which is not of thy seed4 ,he that is born in thy house1 and he that is bought with thy money must needs be circumcised2 and my covenant shall be in your flesh for an everlasting covenant40 ,gen4 xvii4 #i1 #aj1 #ab1 #ac4 8,and all the men of his house1 born in the house1 and bought with money of the stranger1 were circumcised with him40 ,ver4 #bg4 8,and ,abimelech took sheep and oxen1 and men-servants 7 va abadim1 male slaves71 and women-servants 7 vu shephhahoth1 female slaves71 and gave them unto ,abraham40 ,gen4 xx4 #ad4 8,wherefore she said unto ,abraham1 ,cast out the bond-woman1 and her son4 ,for the son of this bond-woman shall not be heir with my son1 even with ,isaac4 ,and ,god said unto ,abraham1 let it not be grievous in thy sight1 because of the lad1 and because of thy bond-woman40 99 99 99 8,and also of the son of the bond-woman ,i will make a nation1 because he is of thy seed40 ,gen4 xxi4 #aj1 #ab1 #ac4 8,for it is written that ,abraham had two sons1 the one by a bond-maid1 the other by a free-woman4 ,but he who was of the bond-woman was after the flesh1 but he of the free-woman was by promise2 nevertheless1 what saith the scripture8 ,cast out the bond-woman and her son1 for the son of the bond-woman shall not be heir with the son of the free-woman40 ,gal4 iv4 #bb1 #bc1 #cj4 8,and he said1 ,i am ,abraham's servant 7 ebed1 male slave71 and the ,lord hath blessed my master greatly1 and he is become great and he hath given him flocks and herds1 and silver and gold1 and man-servants 7 va abadim1 and male slaves71 and maid-servants 7 vu shephahoth1 and female slaves71 and camels and asses40 ,gen4 xxiv4 #cd1 #ce4 8,and the man waxed great1 and went forward1 and grew until he became very great4 ,for he had possession of flocks1 and possession of herds1 and great store of servants 7 va abudda1 of slaves71 and the ,philistines envied him40 ,gen4 xxvi4 #ac1 #ad4 8,and the man 7,jacob7 increased exceedingly1 and he had much cattle1 and maid-servants 7 vu shephahoth1 and female slaves17 and men-servants 7 va abadim1 and male slaves71 and camels and asses40 ,gen4 xxx4 #dc4 8,and ,i have oxen and asses1 flocks1 and men-servants 7 ve ebed1 and male slaves71 and women-servants 7 ve shiphha1 and female slaves74 ,and ,i have sent to tell my lord that ,i may find grace in thy sight40 ,gen4 xxxii4 #e4 ,let us now notice how ,mr4 ,barnes treats the records here quoted4 ,he says1 page #gj-- 8,some of the servants held by the patriarchs were #8bought with money4' ,much reliance is laid on this by the advocates of slavery1 in justifying the purchase1 and consequently1 as they seem to reason1 the sale of slaves now2 and it is1 therefore1 of importance1 to inquire1 how far the fact stated is a justification of slavery as it exists at present4 ,but one instance occurs1 in the case of the patriarchs1 where it is said that servants were #8bought with money4' ,this is the case of ,abraham1 ,gen4 xvii4 #ab1 #ac4 #8,and he that is eight days old shall be circumcised among you1 every man-child in your generations2 he that is born in the house1 or bought with money of any stranger1 which is not of thy seed2 he that is born in thy house1 and he that is bought with thy money1 must needs be circumcised4' ,compare verses #bc1 #bg4 ,this is the only instance in which there is mention of the fact that any one of the patriarchs had persons in their employment who were bought with money4 ,the only other case which occurs at that period of the world is that of the sale of ,joseph1 first to the ,ishmaelites1 and then to the ,egyptians--a case which1 it is believed1 has too close a resemblance to slavery as it exists in our own country1 ever to be referred to with much satisfaction by the advocates of the system4 ,in the case1 moreover1 of ,abraham1 it should be remembered that it is the record of a mere fact4 ,there is no command to buy servants or to sell them1 or to hold them as property--any more than there was a command to the brethren of ,joseph to enter in to a negotiation for the sale of their brother4 ,nor is there any approbation expressed of the fact that they were bought2 unless the command given to ,abraham to affix to them the seal of the covenant1 and to recognise them as brethren in the faith which he held1 should be construed as such evidence of approval4 8,the inquiry then presents itself1 whether the fact that they were bought determines any thing with certainty in regard to the nature of the servitude1 or to the propriety of slavery as practised now4 ,the ,hebrew1 in the passages referred to in ,genesis1 is #8the born in thy house1 and the purchase of silver1' -- mi knath keseph--not incorrectly rendered1 #8those bought with money4' ,the verb kn1 from which the noun here is derived1 and which is commonly used in the ,scriptures when the purchase of slaves is referred to1 means to set upright or erect1 to found or create4 ,gen4 xiv4 #ai1 #bb4 ,deut4 xxxii4 #f2 to get for oneself1 to gain or acquire4 ,prov4 iv4 #g1 xv4 #cb2 to obtain1 ,gen4 iv4 #a2 and to buy1 or purchase1 ,gen4 xxv4 #aj2 xlvii4 #bb4 ,in this latter sense it is often used1 and with the same latitude of signification as the word buy or purchase is with us4 ,it is most commonly rendered by the words buy and purchase in the ,scriptures4 ,see ,gen4 xxv4 #aj2 xlvii4 #bb2 xlix4 #cj2 #a4 #ac2 ,josh4 xxiv4 #cb2 #b ,sam4 xii4 #c2 ,ps4 lxxviii4 #ed2 ,deut4 xxxii4 #f2 ,lev4 xxvii4 #bd1 and very often elsewhere4 ,it is applied to the purchase of fields1 of cattle1 of men1 and of every thing which was or could be regarded as property4 ,as there is express mention of silver or money in the passage before us respecting the servants of ,abraham1 there is no doubt that the expression means that he paid a price for a part of his servants4 ,a part of them were #8born in his house2' a part had been #8bought with money' from #8strangers1' or were foreigners4 8,but still1 this use of the word in itself determines nothing in regard to the tenure by which they were held1 or the nature of the servitude to which they were subjected4 ,it does not prove that they were regarded as property in the sense in which a slave is now regarded as a chattel2 nor does it demonstrate that the one who was bought ceased to be regarded altogether as a man2 or that it was regarded as right to sell him again4 ,the fact that he was to be circumcised as one of the family of ,abraham1 certainly does not look as if he ceased to be regarded as a man4 8,the word rendered buy or purchase in the ,scriptures1 is applied to so many kinds of purchases1 that no safe argument can be founded on its use in regard to the kind of servitude which existed in the time of ,abraham4 ,a reference to a few cases where this word is used1 will show that nothing is determined by it respecting the tenure by which the thing purchased was held4 7#a47 ,it is used in the common sense of the word purchase as applied to inanimate things1 where the property would be absolute4 ,gen4 xlii4 #b1 #g2 xliii4 #bj2 xlvii4 #ai2 xxx4 #ai4 7#b47 ,it is applied to the purchase of cattle1 where the property may be supposed to be as absolute4 ,see ,gen4 xlvi4 #bb1 #bd2 iv4 #bj2 ,job xxxvi4 #cc2 ,deut4 iii4 #ai2 and often1 7#c47 ,god is represented as having bought his people2 that is1 as having ransomed them with a price1 or purchased them to himself4 ,deut4 xxxii4 #f3 #8,is he not thy ,father that hath bought thee8' --knkh1 thy purchaser4 ,exod4 xv4 #af3 #8,by the greatness of thine arm they shall be still as a stone1 till thy people pass over2 till the people pass over which thou hast purchased1' 1knith4 ,see ,ps4 lxxiv4 #b4 ,compare ,isa4 xliii4 #c3 #8,i gave ,egypt for thy ransom1 ,ethiopia and ,seba for thee4' ,but though the word purchase is used in relation to the redemption of the people of ,god1 the very word which is used respecting the servants of ,abraham1 no one will maintain that they were held as slaves1 or regarded as property4 ,who can tell but what ,abraham purchased his servants in some such way1 by redeeming them from galling captivity8 ,may they not have been prisoners in war1 to whom he did an inestimable service in rescuing them from a condition of grievous and hopeless bondage8 ,may they not have been slaves in the strict and proper sense1 and may not his act of purchasing them have been1 in fact1 a species of emancipation in a way similar to that in which ,god emancipates his people from the galling servitude of sin8 ,the mere act of paying a price for them no more implies that he continued to hold them as slaves1 than it does now when a man purchases his wife or child who have been held as slaves1 or than the fact that ,god has redeemed his people by a price1 implies that he regards them as slaves4 7#d47 ,among the ,hebrews a man might sell himself1 and this transaction on the part of him to whom he sold himself would be represented by the word bought4 ,thus1 in ,lev4 xxv4 #dg1 #dh3 #8,and if a sojourner or a stranger wax rich by thee1 and thy brother that dwelleth by him wax poor1 and sell himself unto the stranger or sojourner by thee1 or to the stock of the stranger's family1 after that he is sold1 he may be redeemed again4' ,this transaction is represented as a purchase4 ,ver4 #ej3 #8,and he shall reckon with him that bought him1 7,heb4 his purchaser1 konaih71 from the year that he was sold unto the year of jubilee1' c4 ,this was a mere purchase of time or service4 ,it gave no right to sell the man again1 or to retain him in any event beyond a certain period1 or to retain him at all1 if his friends chose to interpose and redeem him4 ,it gave no right of property in the man1 any more than the purchase of the unexpired time of an apprentice1 or the #8purchase' of the poor in the ,state of ,connecticut does4 ,in no proper sense of the word could this be called slavery4 7#e47 ,the word buy or purchase was sometimes applied to the manner in which a wife was procured4 ,thus ,boaz is represented as saying that he had bought ,ruth4 #8,moreover1 ,ruth the ,moabitess1 the wife of ,mahlon1 have ,i purchased 7 knithi7 to be my wife4' ,here the word applied to the manner in which ,abraham became possessed of his servants1 is applied to the manner in which a wife was procured4 ,so ,hosea says1 7ch4 iii4 #b17 #8,so ,i bought her to me 7another word1 however1 being used in the ,hebrew1 kr7 for fifteen pieces of silver1 and for an homer of barley1 and an half homer of barley4' ,jacob purchased his wives1 ,leah and ,rachel1 not indeed by the payment of money1 but by labour4 ,gen4 xxix4 #ae-bc4 ,that the practice of purchasing a wife1 or paying a dowry for her1 was common1 is apparent from ,exod4 xxii4 #ag2 #a ,sam4 xviii4 #be4 ,compare ,judg4 i4 #ab1 #ac4 ,yet it will not be maintained that the wife among the ,hebrews1 was in any proper sense a slave1 or that she was regarded as subject to the laws which regulate property1 or that the husband had a right to sell her again4 ,in a large sense1 indeed1 she was regarded1 as the conductors of the ,princeton ,repertory 7#ahcf1 p4 #bic7 allege1 as the wife is now1 as the property of her husband2 that is1 she was his to the exclusion of the claim of any other man2 but she was his as his wife1 not as his slave4 7#f47 ,the word #8bought' occurs in a transaction between ,joseph and the people of ,egypt in such a way as farther to explain its meaning4 ,when1 during the famine1 the money of the ,egyptians had failed1 and ,joseph had purchased all the land1 the people proposed to become his servants4 ,when the contract was closed1 ,joseph said to them1 #8,behold1 ,i have bought you ---- and your land for ,pharaoh4' ,gen4 xlvii4 #bc4 ,the nature of this contract is immediately specified4 ,they were to be regarded as labouring for ,pharaoh4 ,the land belonged to him1 and ,joseph furnished the people seed1 or #8stocked the land1' and they were to cultivate it on shares for ,pharaoh4 ,the fifth part was to be his1 and the other four parts were to be theirs4 ,there was a claim on them for labour1 but it does not appear that the claim extended farther4 ,no farmers who now work land on shares would be willing to have their condition described as one of slavery4 8,the conclusion which we reach from this examination of the words buy and bought as applied to the case of ,abraham is1 that the use of the word determines nothing in regard to the tenure by which his servants were held4 ,they may have been purchased from those who had taken them as captives in war1 and the purchase may have been regarded by themselves as a species of redemption1 or a most desirable rescue from the fate which usually attends such captives--perchance from death4 ,the property which it was understood that he had in them may have been merely property in their time1 and not in their persons2 or the purchase may have amounted in fact to every thing that is desirable in emancipation2 and1 from any thing implied in the word1 their subsequent service in the family of ,abraham may have been entirely voluntary4 ,it is a very material circumstance1 also1 that there is not the slightest evidence that either ,abraham1 ,isaac1 or ,jacob ever sold a slave1 or offered one for sale1 or regarded them as liable to be sold4 ,there is no evidence that their servants even descended as a part of an inheritance from father to son4 ,so far1 indeed1 as the accounts in the ,scriptures go1 it would be impossible to prove that they would not have been at liberty at any time to leave their masters1 if they had chosen to do so4 ,the passage1 therefore1 which says that ,abraham had #8servants bought with money1' cannot be adduced to justify slavery as it exists now--even if this were all that we know about it4 ,but 7#d47 servitude in the days of ,abraham must have existed in a very mild form1 and have had features which slavery by no means has now4 ,almost the only transaction which is mentioned in regard to the servants of ,abraham1 is one which could never occur in the slave-holding parts of our country4 ,a marauding expedition of petty kings came from the north and east1 and laid waste the country around the vale of ,siddim1 near to which ,abraham lived1 and1 among other spoils of battle1 they carried away ,lot and his possessions4 ,abraham1 it is said1 then #8armed his trained servants1 born in his own house1 three hundred and eighteen1 and pursued them unto ,dan1' and rescued the family of ,lot and his goods4 ,gen4 xiv4 ,this narrative is one that must for ever show that servitude1 as it existed in the family of ,abraham1 was a very different thing from what it is in the ,united ,states4 ,the number was large1 and it does not appear that any persons but his servants accompanied ,abraham4 ,they all were armed4 ,they were led off on a distant expedition1 where there could have been no power in ,abraham to preserve his life1 if they had chosen to rise up against him1 and no power to recover them1 if they had chosen to set themselves free4 ,yet he felt himself entirely safe when accompanied with this band of armed men1 and when far away from his family and his home4 ,what must have been the nature of servitude1 where the master was willing to arm such a company1 to put himself entirely at their disposal1 and lead them off to a distant land8 8,compare this with the condition of things in the ,united ,states4 ,here1 it is regarded as essential to the security of the life of the master that slaves shall never be intrusted with arms4 #8,a slave is not allowed to keep or carry a weapon4',a #8,he cannot go from the tenement of his master1 or other person with whom he lives1 without a pass1 or something to show that he is proceeding by authority from his master1 employer1 or overseer4',b #8,for keeping or carrying a gun1 or powder1 or shot1 or club1 or other weapon whatsoever1 offensive or defensive1 a slave incurs1 for each offence1 thirty-nine lashes1 by order of a justice of the peace2',c and in ,north ,carolina and ,tennessee1 twenty lashes1 by the nearest constable1 without a conviction by the justice4,d ,here1 there is every precaution from laws1 and from the dread of the most fearful kind of punishment1 against the escape of slaves4 ,here1 there is a constant apprehension that they may rise against their masters1 and every security is taken against their organization and combination4 ,here1 there is probably not a single master who would1 if he owned three hundred slaves1 dare to put arms in their hands1 and lead them off on an expedition against a foe4 ,if the uniform precautions and care at the ,south against arming the slaves1 or allowing them to become acquainted with their own strength1 be any expression of the nature of the system1 slavery in the ,united ,states is a very different thing from servitude in the time of ,abraham2 and it does not prove that in the species of servitude existing here it is right to refer to the case of ,abraham1 and to say that it is #8a good patriarchal system4' ,let the cases be made parallel before the names of the patriarchs are called in to justify the system4 ,but-- 87#e47 ,what real support would it furnish to the system1 even if it were true that the cases were wholly parallel8 ,how far would it go to demonstrate that ,god regards it as a good system1 and one that is to be perpetuated1 in order that society may reach its highest possible elevation8 ,who would undertake to vindicate all the conduct of the patriarchs1 or to maintain that all which they practised was in accordance with the will of ,god8 ,they practised concubinage and polygamy4 ,is it therefore certain that this was the highest and purest state of society1 and that it was a state which ,god designed should be perpetuated8 ,abraham and ,isaac were guilty of falsehood and deception1 7,gen4 xx4 #b1 seq42 xxvi4 #g27 ,jacob secured the birthright by a collusive fraud between him and his mother1 7,gen4 xxvii47 and obtained no small part of his property by cunning1 7,gen4 xxx4 #cf-dc17 and ,noah was drunk with wine1 7,gen4 ix4 #ba27 and these things are recorded merely as facts1 without any decided expression of disapprobation2 but is it therefore to be inferred that they had the approbation of ,god1 and that they are to be practised still1 in order to secure the highest condition of society8 8,take the single case of polygamy4 ,admitting that the patriarchs held slaves1 the argument in favour of polygamy1 from their conduct1 would be1 in all its main features1 the same as that which ,i suggested1 in the commencement of this chapter1 as employed in favour of slavery4 ,the argument would be this3--,that they were good men1 the #8friends of ,god1' and that what such men practised freely cannot be wrong2 that ,god permitted this2 that he nowhere forbade it2 that he did not record his disapprobation of the practice2 and that whatever ,god permitted in such circumstances1 without expressing his disapprobation1 must be regarded as in itself a good thing1 and as desirable to be perpetuated1 in order that society may reach the highest point of elevation4 ,it is perfectly clear that1 so far as the conduct of the patriarchs goes1 it would be just as easy to construct an argument in favour of polygamy as in favour of slavery--even on the supposition that slavery existed then essentially as it does now4 ,but it is not probable that polygamy would be defended now as a good institution1 and as one that has the approbation of ,god1 even by those who defend the domestic institutions of the ,south4' ,the truth is1 that the patriarchs were good men in their generation1 and1 considering their circumstances1 were men eminent for piety4 ,but they were imperfect men2 they lived in the infancy of the world2 they had comparatively little light on the subjects of morals and religion2 and it is a very feeble argument which maintains that a thing is right1 because any one or all of the patriarchs practised it4 8,but after all1 what real sanction did ,god ever give either to polygamy or to servitude1 as it was practised in the time of the patriarchs8 ,did he command either8 ,did he ever express approbation of either8 ,is there an instance in which either is mentioned with a sentiment of approval8 ,the mere record of actual occurrences1 even if there is no declared disapprobation of them1 proves nothing as to the ,divine estimate of what is recorded4 ,there is a record of the #8sale' of ,joseph into servitude1 first to the ,ishmaelites1 and then to ,potiphar4 ,there is no expression of disapprobation4 ,there is no exclamation of surprise or astonishment1 as if a deed of enormous wickedness were done1 when brothers sold their own brother into hopeless captivity4 ,this was done also by those who were subsequently reckoned among the #8patriarchs1' and some of whom at the time were probably pious men4 ,will it be inferred that ,god approved this transaction2 that he meant to smile on the act1 when brothers sell their own brothers into hopeless bondage8 ,will this record be adduced to justify kidnapping1 or the acts of parents in barbarous lands1 who1 forgetful of all the laws of their nature1 sell their own children8 ,will the record that the ,ishmaelites took the youthful ,joseph into a distant land1 and sold him there as a slave1 be referred to as furnishing evidence that ,god approves the conduct of those who kidnap the unoffending inhabitants of ,africa1 or buy them there1 and carry them across the deep1 to be sold into hopeless bondage6 ,why then should the fact that there is a record that the patriarchs held servants1 or bought them1 without any expressed disapprobation of the deed1 be adduced as evidence that ,god regards slavery as a good institution1 and intends that it shall be perpetuated under the influence of his religion1 as conducing to the highest good of society8 ,the truth is1 that the mere record of a fact1 even without any sentiment of approbation or disapprobation1 is no evidence of the views of him who makes it4 ,are we to infer that ,herodotus approved of all that he saw or heard of in his travels1 and of which he made a record8 ,are we to suppose that ,tacitus and ,livy approved of all the deeds the memory of which they have transmitted for the instruction of future ages8 ,are we to maintain that ,gibbon and ,hume believed that all which they have recorded was adapted to promote the good of mankind8 ,shall the biographer of ,nero1 and ,caligula1 and ,richard ,,iii41 and ,alexander ,,vi41 and ,csar ,borgia be held responsible for approving of all that these men did1 or of commending their example to the imitation of mankind8 ,sad would be the office of an historian were he to be thus judged4 ,why then shall we infer that ,god approved of all that the patriarchs did1 even when there is no formal approbation expressed2 or infer1 because such transactions have been recorded1 that therefore they are right in his sight80 ----- ,footnote ,a3 ,rev4 ,cod4 ,virg4 vol4 i4 p4 #dec1 sections #hc1 #hd4 ,footnote ,b3 ,ibid4 vol4 i4 p4 #dbb1 section #f4 ,see ,paulding on ,slavery1 p4 #adf4 ,footnote ,c3 #b ,litt4 and ,smi4 #aaej2 #b ,missouri ,laws1 #gda1 section #d4 ,footnote ,d3 ,haywood's ,manual1 #eba2 ,stroud on the ,laws relating to ,slavery1 p4 #ajb4 ----- ,does the mind hesitate as to the design of this laboured and lengthy argument8 ,that its object is to do away1 to destroy the scriptural force of the facts stated in these records8 ,does not this argument substantially deny that ,abraham had slaves bought with money8 ,and even if he did have them1 then that it was just as wicked at that time as he thinks it to be now8 ,or1 if he shall thus far fail1 then to bring down the characters of ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob to a level with ,nero1 ,caligula1 ,richard ,,iii41 and ,csar ,borgia8 ,and the holy books themselves to the standard of ,herodotus1 ,tacitus1 and ,livy2 and inure our mind to compare them with the writings of ,hume and ,gibbon8 ,the writer who lessens our veneration for the characters of the ancient worshippers of ,jehovah2 who1 as by a system of special pleading1 attempts to overspread the simple announcements of the holy books with doubt and uncertainty1 however conscientious he may be in these labours of his hand1 while he assumes a most awful responsibility to ,god1 must ever call down upon himself the universal and determined opposition of the intelligent and good among men4 ,the more secret1 the more adroit the application of the poison1 the more intensely wicked is the hand that presents it4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,mr4 ,barnes has devoted twenty-four pages of his book to the slavery of the ,hebrews in ,egypt1 wherein we find no instance that his test is applied with either fairness of deduction or logical accuracy4 ,indeed1 so far as our limited capacity can trace his application to the test1 he has made but two points3 ,i4 ,after repeated judgments upon the ,egyptians1 for hesitating to set the ,hebrews free1 ,god1 in his providence1 effected their deliverance from slavery4 ,therefore1 we are to infer the indignation of ,god against the institution of slavery4 ,what were the facts of the case8 ,on account of their sins rendering them unfit for the blessings promised their fathers1 ,god imposed on them slavery four hundred years1--at the expiration of which time he delivered them from it4 ,when a free negro becomes a public nuisance1 the court will give judgment that he shall be sold to be a slave five years4 ,the term having expired1 if the purchaser holds on1 and refuses to let him go1 the same court will interfere1 set him free1 and impose heavy penalties on the master4 ,does the case show that the court feels indignation against the institution of slavery8 ,we think it proves exactly the opposite6 ,if the four hundred years of slavery operated to fit the ,hebrews for the reception of the blessing2 if the five years of slavery re-fitted the negro for the rational enjoyment of liberty1 we think the providence of ,god places the institution of slavery in a valuable point of light4 ,,ii4 ,in this review of the slavery of the ,israelites in ,egypt1 ,mr4 ,barnes has noticed the fact of their rapid increase1 to the extent of their becoming dangerous to the ,egyptian government2 and he has compared it with the more rapid increase of the slaves over the whites in the ,slave ,states2 and suggests a similar danger to the government of the ,united ,states1--adding1 that such increase 8can be arrested by nothing but emancipation40 ,now all this may be true2 but in what light does it show forth the institution of slavery8 ,does ,mr4 ,barnes really mean to say1 what is the fact1 that the condition of slavery is so well adapted to the negro race1 that1 by it1 their comforts1 peace of mind1 and general happiness are made so certain and well-secured to them1 that they increase rapidly8 ,and that1 as they are a race of people whom we do not desire to bear rule over us1 or become more numerous than they now are1 it would be good policy1 and he desires1 to set them free1 in order that they may be deprived of their present comforts1 peace of mind1 and happiness1 with the view to lessen their increase1 and waste them away8 ,if such really be his view1 we may regard it as an extraordinary instance of his ,christian counsel1 and form some idea of what he would be as a slave-holder4 ,but the same increase of the slaves happened in ,egypt in a different age1 and in reference to a different class of men2 nor could any exertion correct it4 ,we may apply the test1 and safely infer1 ,,that ,,god ,,smiles ,,on ,,the ,,institution ,,of ,,slavery4 ,there is1 in this chapter on the slavery of the ,hebrews1 an allusion made to the ,states of ,ohio and ,kentucky1 7see page #ajb27 the one represented as 8adorned with smiling villages1 and cottages1 and churches1 and the aspect of neatness1 thrift1 and order20 and that the other wears 8the aspect of ignorance1 irreligion1 neglect1 and desolation20 and that the reason of the difference is1 because 8,god smiles upon the free ,state1 and frowns upon the one where slavery exists40 ,we do not deem it necessary to question or even examine the correctness of the view of ,kentucky1 as presented to us by ,mr4 ,barnes3 so far as the argument is concerned1 we will take it as established4 ,if the institution of slavery is of ,divine origin1 or if we are to form a notion of the will of ,god respecting it from his providences affecting the institution1 we must keep our eye upon the subject of slavery1 not upon those otherwise conditioned4 ,we must look to the slave in ,kentucky1 and compare his conditions there with his conditions in a state of freedom2 and ,mr4 ,barnes has furnished us with data1 proving that in ,kentucky the slaves are in a rapid state of propagation and increase4 ,page #ie1 he says--8,the whites were to the slaves-- ,in #agij4 ,in #ahdj4 ,north ,carolina1 #b4hj to #a #a4ig to #a ,south ,carolina1 #a4ca 0 #a #gi 0 #a ,georgia1 #a4gf 0 #a #a4dd 0 #a ,tennessee1 #ac4ce 0 #a #c4di 0 #a ,kentucky1 #e4af 0 #a #c4bc 0 #a 8,from this it is apparent that1 in spite of all the oppressions and cruelties of slavery1 of all the sales that are effected1 of all the removals to ,liberia1 and of all the removals by the escape of the slaves1 there is a regular gain of the slave population over the free in the slave-holding ,states4 ,no oppression prevents it here more than it did in ,egypt1 and there can be no doubt whatever that1 unless slavery shall be arrested in some way1 the increase is so certain that the period is not far distant when1 in all the ,slave ,states1 the free whites will be far in the minority4 ,at the first census1 taken in #agij1 in every ,slave ,state there was a very large majority of whites4 ,at the last census1 in #ahdj1 the slaves out-numbered the whites in ,south ,carolina1 ,mississippi1 and ,louisiana4 ,the tendency of this1 from causes which it would be easy to state1 can be arrested by nothing but emancipation40 ,but ,mr4 ,barnes does not state what those causes are2 and will he acknowledge that they really are what we have before stated8 ,so far as these facts teach any thing1 it is that ,god smiles on the institution of slavery4 ,let it be true1 as ,mr4 ,barnes says it is1 that ,ohio exhibits a state of prosperity1 and ,kentucky a state of 8desolation10--the legitimate deduction is1 that those1 having the direction and government of affairs in ,ohio are wiser and more intelligent than those of the same class in ,kentucky4 ,we shall leave all further view of the matter to ,mr4 ,barnes and the people of ,kentucky4 ,the four hundred years of slavery in ,egypt were not a sentence on the ,hebrews for the especial benefit of the ,egyptians1 but for that of the ,hebrews themselves4 ,the court did not sentence the free negro1 who had become a nuisance1 to five years of slavery1 for the especial benefit of the purchaser1 but for the prospect of amelioration in the negro himself4 ,the races of ,ham were not made subject to slavery for the especial benefit of ,shem and ,japheth2 but because1 in such slavery1 their condition would be more elevated1 and better1 than in a state of freedom4 ,the slave-owner may be very wicked1 and ,god may destroy him for his wickedness1 and yet his merciful designs1 by the institution of slavery1 not be affected thereby4 ,an eastern monarch1 determined to destroy his minister1 sent him a present of a thousand slaves and a hundred elephants4 ,the minister dared not refuse the present2 but not being able profitably to employ them1 was ruined4 ,but the condition of the slave and the elephant was not injured4 ,the poor-house was not made for the especial benefit of its keeper1 but for its subjects4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,the benefit of the slave-owner depends on a different principle1 upon the wisdom1 propriety1 and prudence with which he governs and manages his slaves4 ,if he neglect their morals1 suffering them to become idle1 runaways1 dissolute1 thieves1 robbers1 and committers of crime1 he is made1 to some extent1 responsible2 or if he neglect to supply suitable clothing1 food1 and medicine1 attention in sickness1 and all other necessary protection1 he is liable to great loss2 his profit may be greatly diminished2 or1 if he abuse his slave with untoward cruelty1 he may render him less fit for labour1--may destroy him altogether2 or the law may set in1 and compel the slave to be sold to a less cruel master4 ,the interest of the master has become protection to the slave2 and this principle holds good in all countries1 in all ages1 and among all men4 ,but it is yet said1 that there are men who most outrageously abuse1 and sometimes kill their slaves4 ,very true and because some men do the same to their wives1 is it any argument against marriage8 ,it proves that there are men who are not fit to be slave-owners4 ,and what is the providence of ,god1 as generally manifested1 in these cases8 ,that such husband does not enjoy the full blessing designed by the institution of marriage2 or such marriage is1 in some way1 shortly set aside4 ,that such slave-owner does not enjoy the full benefit a different course would insure to him2 or1 in some way1 he is made to cease being a slave-owner4 ,such instances are most direct and powerful manifestations against the abuses1--not of the institution itself4 ,but ,god has not left his displeasure of the abuses of slavery to be found out by our poor1 dim1 mortal eyes2 by our weak view of his manifestations4 ,he made direct laws on the subject4 8,but the seventh day is the sabbath of the ,lord thy ,god2 in it thou shalt not do any work1 thou1 nor thy son1 nor thy daughter1 thy man-servant 7 abeddeka1 male slave17 nor thy maid-servant 7 va amatheka1 nor thy female slave71 nor thy cattle1 nor thy stranger that is within thy gates40 ,exod4 xx4 #aj4 8,but the seventh day is the sabbath of the ,lord thy ,god2 in it thou shalt not do any work1 thou1 nor thy son1 nor thy daughter1 nor thy man-servant 7 ve abeddeka1 male slave71 nor thy maid-servant 7 va amatheka1 female slave71 nor thine ox1 nor thine ass1 nor any of thy cattle1 nor thy stranger that is within thy gates2 that thy man-servant 7 abeddeka1 male slave7 and thy maid-servant 7 va amatheka1 female slave7 may rest as well as thou40 ,deut4 v4 #ad4 ,but we find laws correcting abuses of quite a different nature2 abuses that grow out of the perverse nature of man towards his fellow-man of equal grade1 touching their mutual rights in property3 8,thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house1 thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife1 nor his man-servant 7 ve abeddo1 male slave71 nor his maid-servant 7 va amatho1 female slave71 nor his ox1 nor his ass1 nor any thing that is thy neighbour's40 ,exod4 xx4 #ag4 8,neither shalt thou desire thy neighbour's wife1 neither shalt thou covet thy neighbour's house1 his field1 or his man-servant 7 ve abeddo1 male slave71 or his maid-servant3 7 va amatho1 female slave71 his ox1 or his ass1 or any thing that is thy neighbour's40 ,deut4 v4 #ba--the #ahth of the ,hebrew text4 ,it does appear to us that these statutes speak volumes--portraying the providences of ,god1 and his design in regard to the institutions of slavery4 ,the word covet1 as here used1 as well as its original1 implies that action of the mind which reaches to the possession of the thing ourselves1 and to the depriving of our neighbour1 without a glimpse at the idea of payment1 reciprocity1 or compromise2 consequently1 it is the exact action of mind1 which1 when cultivated into physical display1 makes a man a thief4 ,the command forbids that the mind shall be thus exercised1 for the command only reaches to the exercise of the mind2 an exercise1 which1 from the very nature of it1 must for ever draw us deeper into crime4 ,it is a command that well comes to us from ,jehovah direct1 because it is a command that man could never enforce3 the individual1 and ,jehovah alone1 can only and surely tell when it is broken4 ,but it may be broken in various ways2 it may be broken by writing books persuading others that it is no crime1 that it is even praiseworthy1 by any other course of conduct1 to weaken the tenure of the proprietor in the property named4 8,but fools do sometimes fearless tread1 ,where angels dare not even look60 ,we hold the doctrine good that1 whenever we find that the providence of ,god frowns upon the abuse of a thing1 such abuse is contrary to his law4 ,so1 also1 the doctrine is indisputably true that all laws1 all providences against the abuse of a thing1 necessarily become laws and providences for the protection of the thing itself2 consequently1 it always follows that they contemplate protection4 ,mr4 ,barnes compares the slavery of the ,hebrews in ,egypt to the condition of slavery in the ,united ,states1 and complains of the harsh treatment of the slaves in the latter country4 ,see p4 #ib3 8,preventing the slaves from being taught to read and write2 prohibiting1 as far as possible1 all knowledge among themselves of their own numbers and strength2 forbidding all assemblages1 even for worship1 where there might be danger of their becoming acquainted with their own strength1 and of forming plans for freedom2 enacting laws of excessive severity against those who run away from their masters2 appointing severe and disgraceful punishments1 either with or without the process of law1 for those who are suspected of a design to inform the slaves that they are men and that they have the rights of human beings2 and solemnly prohibiting the use of arms among the slaves1 designed to prevent their rising upon their masters1 or #8joining themselves to an enemy to fight against their masters1' and #8getting up out of the land4'0 ,we did suppose from this passage that ,mr4 ,barnes might desire us to lie down1 and let the slaves kill or make slaves of us4 ,but he has presented us with his cure for all these wrongs on pages #chc1 #chd4 ,he says-- 8,now here1 ,i am persuaded1 is a wise model for all other denominations of ,christian men1 and the true idea of all successful efforts for the removal of this great evil from the land4 ,let all the evangelical denominations but follow the simple example of the ,quakers in this country1 and slavery would soon come to an end4 ,there is not power of numbers and influence out of the church to sustain it4 ,let every denomination in the land detach itself from all connection with slavery1 without saying a word against others2 let the time come when1 in all the mighty denominations of ,christians1 it can be assured that the evil has ceased with them ,,for ,,ever2 and let the voice1 from each denomination1 be lifted up in kind1 but firm and solemn1 testimony against the system2 with no #8mealy' words2 with no attempt at apology2 with no wish to blink it2 with no effort to throw the sacred shield of religion over so great an evil2 and the work is done4 ,there is no public sentiment in this land1 there could be none created1 that would resist the power of such testimony4 ,there is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery an hour1 if it were not sustained in it4 ,not a blow need be struck4 ,not an unkind word need be uttered4 ,no man's motive need be impugned4 ,no man's proper rights invaded4 ,all that is needful is for each ,christian man1 and every ,christian church1 to stand up in the sacred majesty of such a solemn testimony2 to free themselves from all connection with the evil1 and utter a calm and deliberate voice to the world2 and ,,the ,,work ,,will ,,be ,,done60 ,this looks very much like converting the church into an instrument of political power4 ,we might indulge in severe remarks4 ,we might quote some very cogent and rebuking passages of ,scripture2 but1 since we believe that where the spirit of ,christ is1 he will be there also1 we do not deem it necessary4 ,from the very considerable labour evidently bestowed in the preparation of the test1 apparently to be applied in his reasoning on this subject1 a feeling of disappointment rests upon the mind when we discover how little use ,mr4 ,barnes has made of it4 ,we have given a view of ,mr4 ,barnes's peroration2 his complaints2 the wrongs that excite his sympathy2 and his final conclusion of the whole matter4 ,we have attempted to reason by the same rule he has adopted1 and1 so far as he has chosen to apply it1 leave it to others to judge whether it is not most fatal to the cause he advocates4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,we are told that book-making1 among some1 has become a trade4 ,that some men write books to order1 to suit the market2 that there is no knowing what may be an author's principles1 or whether he has any at all1 by what may be in his book4 ,the principal object of such a writer must be his money--his pay3 if in great haste to get it in possession1 he may be expected sometimes to be careless2 and unless very talented and experienced in the subject on which he writes1 to record contradictions4 ,page #hc1 ,mr4 ,barnes says--8,the ,hebrews were not essentially distinguished from the ,egyptians1 as the ,africans are from their masters in this land1 by colour40 ,but he continues1 pages #hf and #hg--8,they 7the ,hebrews7 were a foreign race1 as the ,african race is with us4 ,they were not ,egyptians1 any more than the nations of ,congo are ,americans4 ,they were not of the children of ,ham4 ,they were of another family2 they differed from the ,egyptians1 by whom they were held in bondage1 as certainly as the ,african does from the ,caucasian or the ,malay divisions of the great family of man40 ,in page #bbh1 on another subject1 he says--8,if1 therefore1 it be true that slavery did not prevail in ,judea2 that there is no evidence that the ,hebrews engaged in the traffic1 and that the prophets felt themselves at liberty to denounce the system as contrary to the spirit of the ,mosaic institutions1 these ,,facts will furnish an important explanation of some things in regard to the subject in the ,new ,testament1 and will prepare us to enter on the inquiry how it was regarded by the ,saviour2 for if slavery did not exist in ,palestine in his time3 if he never came in contact with it1 it will not be fair to infer that he was not opposed to it1 because he did not often refer to it1 and expressly denounce it40 ,this is in strict conformity with the following3 ,page #bdb4 8,there is no conclusive evidence that he ever came in contact with slavery at all4 99 99 99 ,there is no proof which ,i have seen referred to from any contemporary writer1 that it existed in ,judea in his time at all2 and there is no evidence from the ,new ,testament that he ever came in contact with it40 ,also1 page #bdd4 8,there is not the slightest proof that the ,saviour ever came in contact with slavery at all1 either in public or in private life40 ,also1 page #bdi4 8,we have seen above1 that there is no evidence that when the ,saviour appeared1 slavery in any form existed in ,judea1 and consequently there is no proof that he ever encountered it40 ,permit us to compare these statements with ,matt4 viii4 #e-ad3 8,and when ,jesus was entered into ,capernaum1 there came unto him a centurion1 beseeching him1 7verse #f17 and saying1 ,lord1 my servant1 c4 7,verse #i17 ,for ,i am a man of authority1 having soldiers under me2 and ,i say to this man go1 and he goeth2 and to another1 ,come1 and he cometh1 and to my ,,servant 71 slave71 ,do this1 and he doeth it10 c4 ,also1 ,luke vii4 #b-aj4 8,and a certain centurion's servant 71 slave7 was sick10 c4 99 99 99 8beseeching him that he would come and heal his servant 71 slave470 7,verse #aj17 8,and they that were sent1 returning to the house1 found the servant 71 slave7 whole that had been sick40 ,so also1 ,luke xix4 #ab-af4 7,verse #ac17 8,and he called his ten servants 71 slaves710 c4 ,also ,john viii4 #cc-cf3 8,and they answered him1 we be ,abraham's seed1 and were never in bondage 71 in slavery7 to any man2 how sayest thou1 ,ye shall be made free80 7,verse #cd17 8,jesus answered them1 ,verily1 verily1 ,i say unto you1 whoever committeth sin is the servant 71 slave7 of sin40 7,verse #ce17 8,and the servant 71 slave7 abideth not in the house for ever1 but the ,son abideth ever4 ,if the ,son therefore make you free1 you shall be free indeed40 ,permit us also to compare them with the following1 ,mr4 ,barnes's own statements4 ,see page #bej3 8,all that the argument does require1 whatever conclusion we may reach as to the manner in which the apostles treated the subject1 is1 the admission of the fact1 that slavery everywhere abounded2 that it existed in forms of great severity and cruelty2 that it involved all the essential claims that are now made by masters to the services or persons of slaves2 that it was protected by civil laws2 that the master had the right of transferring his slaves by sale1 donation1 or testament2 that in general he had every right which was supposed to be necessary to perpetuate the system2 and that it was impossible that the early preachers of ,christianity should not encounter this system1 and be constrained to adopt principles in regard to the proper treatment of it40 ,and1 again1 page #bea3 8,it is fair that the advocates of the system should have all the advantage which can be derived from the fact1 that the apostles found it in its most odious forms1 and in such circumstances as to make it proper that they should regard1 and treat it as an evil1 if ,christianity regards it as such at all40 ,and1 again1 pages #bei1 #bfj3 8,i am persuaded that nothing can be gained to the cause of anti-slavery by attempting to deny that the apostles found slavery in existence in the regions where they founded churches1 and that those sustaining the relation of master and slave were admitted to the churches1 if they gave real evidence of regeneration1 and were regarded by the apostles as entitled to the common participation of the privileges of ,christianity40 ,but there are other errors in this 8,scriptural ,view of ,slavery10 page #bde3 8,he 7the ,saviour7 never uttered a word in favour of slavery1 99 99 99 not even a hint can be found1 in all he said1 on which a man 99 99 99 who meant to keep one already in his possession1 could rely to sustain his course40 ,we ask that this assertion of ,mr4 ,barnes shall be compared with ,luke xvii4 #g-aa3 8,but which of you having a servant 71 slave7 ploughing1 or feeding cattle1 will say unto him1 by and by1 when he has come from the field1 ,go1 sit down to meat8 ,and will not rather say unto him1 ,make ready wherewith ,i may sup1 and gird thyself and serve me1 till ,i have eaten and drunken1 and afterward thou shalt eat and drink8 ,doth he thank that servant 71 slave7 because he did the things that were commanded him8 ,i trow not40 8,so likewise ye1 when ye shall have done all those things which are commanded you1 say1 ,we are unprofitable servants2 we have done that which was our duty to do40 ,and1 again1 ,mr4 ,barnes says3 8,the nations of ,palestine were devoted to destruction1 not to servitude40 ,see page #aah4 ,compare this with the following1 from page #aef3 8,there were particular reasons operating for subjecting the nations around ,palestine to servitude1 which do not exist now4 ,they were doomed to servitude for sins40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,deut4 xxiii4 #i4 8,when the host goeth forth against thine enemies1 then keep thee from every wicked thing0--directions what to do1 or what not to do1 in time of war1 being continued1 the #aeth and #afth verses read thus3 8,thou shalt not deliver up to his master the servant 7slave7 which is escaped unto thee40 99 99 99 8,he shall dwell with thee1 even among you in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates where it liketh him best2 thou shalt not oppress him40 ,this passage is quoted by ,mr4 ,barnes1 upon which he says1 page #adj-- 8,i am willing to admit that the command probably relates only to the slaves which escaped to the country of the ,hebrews from surrounding nations2 and that in form it did not contemplate the runaway slaves of the ,hebrews in their own land40 ,pray1 then1 for what purpose does he speak as follows8 8,a seventh essential and fundamental feature of the ,hebrew slavery was1 that the runaway slave was not to be restored to his master2 on this point the law was absolute40 ,and to sustain this assertion1 he quotes this same passage from ,deuteronomy1 and1 commenting thereon1 says1 pages #adj1 #ada--8,this solemn and fundamental enactment would involve the following results or effects4 7#a47 ,no laws could ever be enacted in the ,hebrew commonwealth by which a runaway slave could be restored to his master4 ,no revolution of the government1 and no change of policy1 could ever modify this principle of the constitution4 7#b47 ,no magistrate could on any pretence deliver up a runaway slave40 ,then1 again1 page #aij3 8,slaves of the ,united ,states are to be restored to their masters1 if they endeavour to escape4 ,we find among the fundamental principles of the ,mosaic laws a provision that the slave was never to be restored1 if he attempted to do thus4 ,he was to find in the land of ,judea an asylum4 ,the power and authority of the commonwealth were pledged for his protection40 ,and yet1 again1 page #bbf3 8,as one of the results of this inquiry1 it is apparent that the ,hebrews were not a nation of slaveholders40 ,we present these passages to shows ,mr4 ,barnes's mode of argument4 ,but let us examine1 for a moment1 the indications of the holy books on the subject of runaway slaves4 ,when ,david had protected the flocks of ,nabal1 upon the mountains of ,carmel1 on a holiday1 he sent his young men1 to ask a present1 as some compensation for the same4 8,and ,nabal answered ,david's servants1 and said1 ,who is ,david8 and who is the son of ,jesse8 ,there be many servants 7 abadim1 slaves7 nowadays that break away every man from his master4 ,shall ,i then take my bread1 and my water1 and my flesh that ,i have killed for my shearers1 and give it unto men1 whom ,i know not whence they be80 #a ,sam4 xxv4 #aj1 #aa4 ,we think the indications are that for slaves to run away was a common occurrence1 and that it was immoral to give them countenance or protection and ,nabal1 pretending that ,david might be one of that class1 excused himself from bestowing the present on that account4 8,and it came to pass at the end of three years1 that two of the servants 7 abadim1 slaves7 of ,shemei ran away unto ,achish1 son of ,maachah king of ,gath2 and they told ,shemei1 saying1 ,behold thy servants 71 abadeka1 slaves7 be in ,gath4 ,and ,shemei arose and saddled his ass1 and went to ,gath to ,achish to seek his servants 7 abadav1 slaves72 and ,shemei went and brought his servants 7 abadav1 slaves7 from ,gath40 #a ,kings1 ii4 #ci1 #dj4 ,if it can be said that ,jehovah has views and wishes1 then it may he said1 that the views and wishes of ,jehovah on the subject of runaway slaves must1 at all times1 be the same4 8,in him there is no variableness1 nor shadow of turning40 8,and she had a hand-maid 7 shiphehah1 female slave71 an ,egyptian 7 mitserith1 ,egyptian1 a descendant of ,misraim1 the second son of ,ham71 whose name was ,hagar40 ,gen4 xvi4 #a4 ,upon a feud between her and her mistress1 her mistress dealt hardly by her1 and she ran away3 8,and the angel of the ,lord found her by a fountain of water in the wilderness1 by the fountain in the way to ,shur40 7#hth verse17 8,and he said1 ,hagar1 ,sarai's maid1 whence comest thou8 and whither wilt thou go8 ,and she said1 ,i flee from the face of my mistress ,sarai40 7,the angel did not say to her1 8,here is a shilling2 get into ,canada as soon as possible607 8,and the angel of the ,lord said unto her1 ,return to thy mistress and submit thyself under her hands40 ,gen4 xvi4 #g-i4 ,on page #aag1 ,mr4 ,barnes says-- 8,in the laws of ,moses1 there is but one way mentioned by which a foreigner could be made a slave2 that is1 by purchase4 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd4 ,and it is remarkable that the ,hebrews were not permitted to make slaves of the captives taken in war40 ,let us compare this assertion1 made by ,mr4 ,barnes1 with the #cast of ,numbers3 8,and the ,lord spake unto ,moses saying1 ,avenge the children of ,israel of the ,midianites4 99 99 99 7,verse #i17 ,and the children of ,israel took all the women of ,midian captives1 and their little ones4 99 99 99 7,verse #aa17 ,and they took all the spoils and all the prey1 both of men and of beasts4 7,verse #ab17 ,and they brought the captives and the prey unto ,moses and ,eleazar the priest4 99 99 99 7,verse #be17 ,and the ,lord spake unto ,moses1 saying1 ,take the sum of the prey that was taken1 both of man and beast4 99 99 99 7,verse #bg17 ,and divide the prey into two parts1 between them that took the war upon them1 who went out to battle1 and between all the congregation4 99 99 99 7,verse #bh17 ,and levy a tribute unto the ,lord of the men of war which went out to battle1 one soul of five hundred1 both of the persons and of the beeves4 99 99 99 7,verse #cj17 ,and of the children of ,israel's half1 thou shalt take one portion of fifty of the persons1 c4 99 99 99 7,verse #cb17 ,and the booty1 being the rest of the prey1 which the men of war had1 was 99 99 99 sheep4 7,verse #ce17 ,and thirty-two thousand persons in all4 99 99 99 7,verse #cf17 ,and the half which was the portion of them that went out to war1 was1 c4 99 99 99 sheep1 c4 7,verse #dj17 8,and the persons were sixteen thousand1 of which the ,lord's tribute was thirty and two persons4 7,verse #db7 ,and the children of ,israel's half which ,moses divided from the men that warred 99 99 99 was1 c4 99 99 99 sheep1 c4 99 99 99 7,verse #df17 and sixteen thousand persons4 7,verse #dg17 ,even of the children of ,israel's half1 ,moses took one portion of fifty1 both of man and of beast1 and gave them unto the ,levites which kept the charge of the tabernacle of the ,lord1 as the ,lord commanded ,moses40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,in ancient times1 all persons conquered in battle were liable to be put to death by the national laws then existing4 ,if the conqueror suffered the captive to escape death1 imposing on him only the cutting off his thumbs1 hands1 or ears2 or1 without these personal deformations1 subjecting him to slavery1 as was often the case1 especially when the captive was of low grade1--it was ever regarded as an act of mercy in the conqueror4 ,in the #agth verse of the thirty-first chapter of ,numbers1 ,moses commanded that 8every male among the little ones1 and every woman who had known a man10 should be killed1 even after they had been taken to the ,israelitish camp2 and that none should be reserved for slaves1 except female children1 of whom1 it appears1 there were thirty-two thousand4 ,the booty taken in this war1 was distributed by ,moses1 in conformity to the especial direction of ,god himself1 as follows3--7,verse #be17 8,and the ,lord spake unto ,moses1 saying1 7verse #bf17 ,take the sum of the prey that was taken1 both of man and of beast1 thou1 and ,eleazar the priest1 and the chief fathers of the congregation1 7verse #bh17 and levy a tribute unto the ,lord of the men of war which went out to battle3 one soul of five hundred1 both of the ,,persons1 and of the beeves1 and of the asses1 and of the sheep3 7verse #bi17 ,take it of their half1 and give it unto ,eleazar the priest1 for a heave-offering of the ,lord4 7,verse #cj17 ,and of the children of ,israel's half1 thou shalt take one portion of fifty of the ,,persons1 of the beeves1 of the asses1 and of the flocks1 of all manner of beasts1 and give them to the ,levites which keep the charge of the tabernacle of the ,lord4 7,verse #ca17 ,and ,moses and ,eleazar did as the ,lord commanded ,moses40 ,houbigant1 in his commentary upon this chapter1 has given us the following ,table of the distribution of the booty of this war3 ,sheep #fge1jjj ,to the ,soldiers #ccg1ejj ,to the ,lord #fge 0 ,people #ccg1ejj 0 ,levites #f1gej ,beeves #gb1jjj 0 ,soldiers #cf1jjj 0 ,lord #gb 0 ,people #cf1jjj 0 ,levites #gbj ,asses #fa1jjj 0 ,soldiers #cj1ejj 0 ,lord #fa 0 ,people #cj1ejj 0 ,levites #faj ,persons #cb1jjj 0 ,soldiers #af1jjj 0 ,lord #cb 0 ,people #af1jjj 0 ,levites #cbj ,this table has been adopted by ,dr4 ,adam ,clark in his ,commentary1 to which he adds-- 8,in this table the booty is equally divided between the people and the soldiers2 a five-hundredth part being given to the ,lord1 and a fiftieth part to the ,levites40 ,and this learned divine1 in his commentary on the #bhth verse1 says--8,and levy a tribute unto the ,lord1 one soul of five hundred1 c4 99 99 99 ,the persons to be employed in the ,lord's service1 under the ,levites3 the cattle either for sacrifice or for the use of the ,levites4 7,verse #cj47 ,some monsters have supposed that one out of every five hundred of the captives was offered in sacrifice to the ,lord6 ,but this is abominable4 ,when ,god chose to have the life of a man1 he took it in the way of justice1 as in the case of the ,midianites above2 but never in the way of sacrifice40 ,in the #bith verse1 we learn that the ,lord's portion was to be given to ,eleazar the priest1 8for a heave-offering of the ,lord40 ,the word heave-offering is rendered from the word termath1 from the root rm1 which means a lifting up1 exalting1 elevation of rank1 while the form here used means a gift1 a contribution1 associated with the idea of being lifted up1 exalted1 elevated to a higher condition4 ,hence1 when the priest presented a heave-offering1 he moved his censer upwards1 in a perpendicular line1 with the view to intimate the elevating tendency resulting from the relation of the person offering1 the thing offered1 and the one to whom it is offered2 whereas1 in a wave-offering1 he moved his censer in a horizontal line1 intimating a relation of steadfastness and unchangeability4 ,because the cross is represented by perpendicular and horizontal lines1 some early commentators have imagined that the heave and wave-offerings were typical of the cross of ,christ4 ,the word 8heave10 as here used1 is purely ,saxon2 heafan1 to lift1 to raise1 to move upward4 ,we may well say to heave up2 but it is bad ,saxon to say heave down4 ,from this same ,saxon word comes our word heaven1 on account of the notion of its lofty location1 and the elevating influence of the acts of him who shall reach it2 each act which makes us nearer heaven may not inappropriately be considered a heave-offering to the ,lord4 ,the corollary is1 that if ,god had regarded the making these children slaves a sin1--since sin always deteriorates and degrades1 the reverse of elevation or lifting up1--he never could have ordered any of them to be given to him as a heave-offering4 ,we trust to establish the point that the enslavement of such people as we find the ,african hordes now to be1 to those who have a more correct knowledge of ,god and his laws1--of those most wicked ,midianites1 to those to whom ,god had most especially revealed himself1--must1 so long as the laws of ,god operate1 have an elevating influence upon those so enslaved4 ,thus we shall perceive that the ,hebrew word translated into our old ,saxon heave-offering was the most appropriate1 and significant of the facts of the case1 that could be expressed by language4 ,our received version of this chapter1 which is a good translation of the original1 contains no word by which we directly express the idea of slavery3 so is it in the original4 ,but we trust the readers of either will not be found so awry as not to perceive that the idea and facts are as fully and substantially developed as though those terms were used in each4 ,in the most of languages1 an idea1 and facts in relation to it1 may be and are often expressed without the use of the name of the idea1 and sometimes of the facts4 ,the ,greek is well deemed a most particular and definite language4 ,in ,thucydides1 liber vii4 caput #hg1 this sentence occurs3 1 1 4 ,here1 there is no word expressing the idea of slavery4 ,literally1 it is3 8,then1 except the ,athenians1 and some of the ,sicilians or ,italians1 who had engaged in the war1 all others were sold40 ,yet ,dr4 ,smith1 the rector of ,holy ,trinity ,church1 in ,chester1 ,england1 who lived at an age beyond the reach of prejudice or argument on the subject of slavery1 7he was born in #agaa17 has correctly translated the passage thus3 8,but1 after this term1 all but the ,athenians1 and such of the ,sicilians and ,italians as had joined with them in the invasion1 were sold out for slaves40 ,smith's ,thucyd4 p4 #bhe4 ,and permit us further to inquire how the assertion of ,mr4 ,barnes1 page #aag1 that1 8in the laws of ,moses there is but one way mentioned by which a foreigner could be made a slave2 that is1 by purchase1 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd2 and it is remarkable that the ,hebrews were not permitted to make slaves of the captives taken in the war0--will compare with ,deut4 xx4 #aj-af3 8,and when thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it1 then proclaim peace unto it40 99 99 99 8,and it shall be1 if it make answer of peace1 and open unto thee1 then it shall be1 that all the people that is found therein1 shall be tributaries unto thee1 and shall serve thee0 7 va abaduka1 shall be slaves to thee74 8,and if it will make no peace with thee1 but will make war against thee1 then thou shalt besiege it40 8,and when the hand of thy ,god hath delivered it into thy hands1 thou shalt smite every male thereof with the edge of the sword40 8,but the women1 and the little ones1 and the cattle1 and all that is within the city1 even all the spoil thereof1 shalt thou take unto thyself and thou shalt eat the spoil of thine enemies1 which the ,lord thy ,god hath given thee40 8,thus shalt thou do unto all the cities which are very far off from thee1 which are not of the cities of those nations40 ,it is evident that the captives here allowed to be made were to be slaves1 from what follows on the same subject1 in the same book1 xxi4 #aj-ae3 ,when thou goest forth to war against thine enemies1 and the ,lord thy ,god hath delivered them into thy hands1 and thou hast taken them captive1 and seest among the captives a beautiful woman1 and hast a desire unto her1 that thou wouldst have her to thy wife3 then thou shalt bring her home to thy house1 and she shall shave her head and pare her nails3 and she shall put the raiment of her captivity from off her1 and shall remain in thy house1 and bewail her father and her mother a full month3 and after that1 thou shalt go in unto her1 and be her husband1 and she shall be thy wife4 ,and it shall be1 if thou have no delight in her1 then thou shalt let her go whither she will2 but thou shalt not sell her at all for money3 thou shalt not make merchandise of her1 because thou hast humbled her40 ,thus the fact is proved1 that if he had not thus made her his wife1 she would have been his slave and an article of merchandise4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,in the introductory part of ,mr4 ,barnes's book1 he makes some remarks in the nature of an apology for his undertaking to examine the subject of slavery4 ,page #bj1 he says-- 8,belonging to the same race with those who are held in bondage4 ,we have a right1 nay1 we are bound to express the sympathies of brotherhood1 and #8to remember those who are in bonds as bound with them4'0 ,we were not aware of any fact relating to ,mr4 ,barnes's descent2 nor did we before know from what race he was descended4 ,we were truly much surprised at this avowal1 and endeavoured to imagine that he had used the word in some general and indefinite sense1 as some do when they say animal race1 and human race4 ,but on examining his use of the word1 page #bj3 8,how is a foreign race1 with so different a complexion1 and in reference to which1 so deep-seated prejudices and aversions exist1 in every part of the land1 to be disposed of if they become free80--and page #bg3 8,and the struggles which gave liberty to millions of the ,anglo-saxon race did not loosen one rivet from the fetter of an ,african20 page #hc3 8,the ,hebrews were not essentially distinguished from the ,egyptians1 as the ,africans are from their masters in this land1 by colour20 and page #hf3 8,they were a foreign race1 as the ,african race is with us20 and page #if3 8,there are in the ,united ,states now1 according to the census of #ahdj1 #b1dhf1dfe of a foreign race held in bondage20 and page #ig3 8,it would have been as just for the ,egyptians to retain the ,hebrews in bondage as it is for white ,americans to retain the ,african race20--we were forced to conclude that the author understood his language and its meaning4 ,such1 then1 being the fact1 we cannot find it in our heart to blame him for 8expressing the sympathies of brotherhood40 ,but we feel disposed with kindness to relieve his mind from the burthen of such portion of sympathy for those of his race who are in slavery1 as he may conceive to be a duty imposed by the injunction1 8,remember those who are in bond1 as bound with them40 ,we will quote the passage1 ,heb4 xiii4 #c3 8,remember them that are in bonds1 as bound with them40 ,it is translated from the ,greek-- 1 ,mimnsicsthe tn dsmin hs sunddmnoi4 ,the words translated 8bonds10 8bound with10 c4 are derived from the root 1 deo1 and signifies to bind1 to bring together1 to chain1 to fetter1 to hinder1 to restrain1 c41 which meaning falls into all its derivations4 ,when one was accused of some offence1 and was1 on that account1 restrained1 so that he might be surely had at a trial for the same1 such restraint would be expressed1 as the case required1 by some of its derivations4 ,hence we have 1 dsis1 the act of binding2 1 desma1 a bond1 a chain2 1 desmios1 chained1 fettered1 imprisoned1 c42 1 desmos1 a bond1 chain1 knots1 cords1 cables2 1 desm1 to enchain1 to imprison2 1 desmophulax1 a jailer1 c4 ,the word is used1 differently varied1 in ,matt4 xvi4 #ai2 xviii4 #ah2 ,acts viii4 #bc2 xx4 #bc2 xxiii4 #ba2 xxvi4 #bi2 ,rom4 vii4 #b2 #a ,cor4 vii4 #ci2 ,eph4 iv4 #c2 ,philip4 i4 #af2 ,col4 iv4 #ah2 #b ,tim4 ii4 #i2 ,philem4 #aj2 ,heb4 x4 #cd2 xi4 #cf2 and never used1 in any sense whatever1 to express any condition of slavery4 ,st4 ,paul was under the restraint of the law upon a charge of heresy4 ,all the ,christians of his day were very liable to like danger4 ,his only meaning was that all such should be remembered1 as though they themselves were suffering a like misfortune4 ,suppose he had expressed the idea more diffusely and said1 8,remember all ,christians who1 for teaching ,christ crucified1 are persecuted on the charge of teaching a false religion1 as though you yourselves were persecuted with them40 ,such was the fact4 ,surely no one1 by any course of rational deduction1 could construe it into an injunction to remember or do any thing else1 in regard to slavery or its subjects1 unless upon the condition that the slave was1 by some means1 under restraint upon a similar charge4 ,st4 ,paul was never married2 cannot be said to have looked with very ardent eyes upon the institution of marriage2 by many is thought to have been unfavourably disposed towards it4 ,we have among us1 to this day1 some who pretend that they think it a great evil1 are its bitter enemies1 and give evidence that1 if in their power1 they would totally abolish it4 ,suppose such a man should say that1 because he belonged to the same race with those who were bound in the bonds of wedlock1 it was his privilege to express the sympathies of brotherhood1 and expostulate against that evil institution2 nay1 that he was enjoined by ,st4 ,paul to do so1 in this passage1 8,remember those who are in bonds1 as bound with them10--what would be the value of this appeal to ,st4 ,paul8 ,but the very word he uses1 in the passage quoted1 is also used1 almost invariably1 in the gospels1 to express the restraint imposed by matrimony2 yet it is never used to express any condition1 or quality1 or station1 in regard to slavery4 ,the naked1 unadorned proposition presented by ,dr4 ,barnes is1 that1 because ,st4 ,paul enjoined the ,hebrew ,christians to sympathize with1 to remember all those who were labouring under persecution on the account of their faith in ,christ1 they were also bound to remember1 to sympathize with the slaves1 on the account of their being in slavery1 as though they were slaves themselves4 ,we feel that such argument must ever be abortive4 ,from the delicacy of ,dr4 ,barnes's situation1 as 8belonging to the same race with those held in bondage10 we feel it a duty to treat the position with great forbearance4 ,had it come from one of the more favoured race of ,shem1 or the still more lofty race of ,japheth1 we should have felt it an equal duty to have animadverted with some severity4 ,it would have appeared like a design to impose on those ignorant of the original2 and might have put us in mind of the cunning huckster1 with his basket of addled eggs1--although unexpectedly broken in the act of their delivery to the hungry traveller2 yet the incident was remembered by the recorder of propriety4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,antioch is said to have been the birthplace of ,st4 ,margaret1--of which there are many legends1 to one of which we allude4 ,it brings to mind some early views of ,christianity2 besides1 at her time1 a large portion of the population of ,antioch were slaves1 and are alluded to in the legend4 ,she was the daughter of the priest of ,apollo1 and was herself a priestess to the same god4 ,she is said to have lived in the time and under the authority of the ,prfect ,olybius1 who became devoted to her mental and personal accomplishments and very great beauty4 ,he is said to have sought her in marriage1 and1 after great labour and exertion1 to have brought about such a state of affairs as to insure her approval and consent4 ,but1 although thus the affianced bride of ,olybius1 by some means she had held intercommunion with the private teachers of ,christianity1 and was converted to its faith2 a fact known only to her and them4 ,upon such a state of things1 arrives from ,probus1 ,rome's imperial lord1 ,vopiscus1 charged to admonish the prfect how fame bore tidings of the frequent apostasy from the true religion of the gods1 and the increase of the unholy faith of the ,galileans at ,antioch2 and that the laws were made to be executed upon the godless1 whose wicked and incestuous rites offend the thousand deities of ,rome4 ,olybius well knows that the least faltering on his part would probably be followed by his being shown the mandate for ,vopiscus to supersede him in the government2 for which he determines to not give him the least pretence3 hence he orders the immediate arrest of all suspected2 convenes his council in the halls of justice1 and announces thus his views3 8,hear me1 ye priests on earth1 ye gods in heaven6 ,by ,vesta1 and her virgin-guarded fires2 ,by ,mars1 the sire and guardian god of ,rome2 ,by ,antioch's bright ,apollo2 by the throne ,of him whose thunder shakes the vaulted skies2 ,and that dread oath ,i add1 that binds the immortals1 ,the unblessed waters of ,tartarean ,styx2 ,last1 by the avenger of despised vows1 ,the inevitable1 serpent-haired ,eumenides1 ,olybius swears1 thus mounting on the throne ,of justice1 to exhaust heaven's wrath on all ,that have cast off their fathers' gods for rites ,new and unholy4 ,from my heart1 ,i blot ,partial affection and the love of kindred2 ,even if my father's blood flowed in their veins1 ,i would obey the emperor and the gods60 ,,millman4 99 99 99 ,the prisoners are ushered in1 heard1 and ordered to death2 among whom a female veiled1 as if ,phbus-chosen6 8,what6 dare they rend our dedicated maids1 ,even from our altars8 ,haste6 withdraw the veil1 ,in which her guilty face is shrouded close4 ,ha6 their magic mocks my sight6 ,i seem to see ,what cannot be----,margarita6 ,answer1 if thou art she60 ,his mind was agonized at the thoughts of her position3 silently1 to himself1 he says-- 8----------------,this pale and false ,vopiscus ,hath from great ,probus wrung his easy mandate2 ,him ,asia owns her prfect1 if ,olybius ,obey not this fell edict40 99 99 99 ,much art and great argument were privately used to produce her recantation2 to which she calmly answers-- ------------------8,who disown their ,lord ,on earth1 will ,he disown in heaven60 99 99 99 ,sent to the arena2 the torture and execution of the prisoners proceed1 according to the order of their arraignment4 ,the populace become enraged1 and loudly demand the blood of the apostate priestess2 while the prfect1 in his palace1 digests a plan to surely save her life4 ,the high-priest of ,apollo1 her father1 in his robes of office and with his official attendants1 must boldly enter the arena1 and offer pardon1 in the name of his god1 to any one who utters the cabalistic word signifying 8,i ,,recant20 must hastily apply to each in person2 at ,margarita1 one instructed must imitate her voice2 instantly the priest is to throw the mantle of the god upon her2 and the attendants1 by force1 to carry her to the palace of ,olybius1 where1 instead of her execution1 her marriage with ,olybius is to take place4 ,the procession of priests 7of whom none but her father1 and her sister in disguise as a proxy for the act of recantation1 knew the secret7 are urged instantly to action3 8,for10 says ,olybius1 8my very soul is famished in every moment of delay60 ,the procession moves in all pomp and splendour1 with a view to produce an alterative effect on the mind of the maddened populace4 ,its approach to the arena is proclaimed by a sentinel there2 on hearing which1 ,margarita falls at the feet of the headsman1 and successfully implores instant death1 that her father may be spared the misery of witnessing it4 ,she breathes a prayer in forgiveness of ,olybius1 and receives the stroke of death as the procession enters4 ,the father rages1 demands torture to make the ,christians say how they enthralled her3 a ,christian teacher explains1 as with 8a still1 small voice20 the priests of ,apollo listen6 ,rage and excitement had reached the utmost bound4 ,there was a pause1 as the recess between two raging storms4 ,the stillness reached even the palace1 and reason did feel as if 8,there was darkness over all the land4 ,olybius1 then3-- ,what means this deathlike stillness8 ,not a sound ,or murmur1 from yon countless multitudes2 ,a pale1 contagious horror seems to creep ,even to our palace4 ,men gaze mutely round1 ,as in their neighbour's face to read a secret ,they dare not speak themselves3 ,even thus1 along his vast domains of silence1 ,dark ,pluto gazes1 when the sullen spirits ,speak only with fixed look and voiceless motion4 ',tis misery6 ,speak2 ,olybius orders2 speak to me1 ,nor let mine own voice1 like an evil omen1 ,load this hot air unanswered40 ,a messenger announces the death of ,margarita2 ,olybius rushes to kill him2 but1 recovering self-command-- --------------------8,oh1 ,i'm sick ,of this accursed pomp3 ,i will not use ,its privilege of revenge4 ,fatal trappings ,of proud authority6 ,that 99 99 99 99 99 99 99 99 shine and burn into the very entrails6 ,supremacy66 the great prerogative ,of being blasted by superior misery60 ,a second messenger announces that 8,the enchantress ,margarita1 by her death1 ,hath wrought upon the changeful populace4 ,that they cry loudly on the ,christian's ,god3 ,emboldened multitudes1 from every quarter1 ,throng forth1 and in the face of day proclaim ,their lawless faith4 ,they have taken up the body1 ,and hither1 as in proud ovation1 bear it1 ,with clamour and with song4 ,all ,antioch crowds ,applauding round them40 ,we are favoured only with the song of the slaves1 who1 upon that holiday1 intermingled in the throng about the palace of ,olybius1 to which the body of ,margarita has been borne2 by which we may perceive how ,christianity has elevated them above thoughts of their condition3 ,,song ,,of ,,the ,,slaves4 ,sing to the ,lord6 ,oh1 let us shout his praise6 ,more lofty pans let our masters raise4 ,midst clouds of golden light1 a pathway clear1 ,with soaring soul1 these martyred saints have trod ,to ,him1 the only true ,almighty ,god6 ,earth's tumults wild and pagan darkness drear1 ,to bonds of peace and songs of joy give way3 ,behold6 we bring you light--one everlasting day6 ,sing to the ,lord6 ,no more shall frantic ,sibyl's yell1 ,watchful ,augurs1 or those of magic spell1 ,no1 not ,isis1 nor yet ,apollo's throne1 ,no1 nor even ,death1 with ,lethean bands1 ,shall longer bind the soul2 before us stands ,him of the ,cross of ,calvary3--,his groan ,of death burst forth from its eternal womb1 ,while angel spirits shout1 and open wide the tomb6 ,sing to the ,lord6 ,the ,temple's veil is rent6 ,from ,moab's plains1 the ,slave1 an outcast1 sent ,from this cold world shall1 soaring1 fly to heaven1 ,from depths of ,darkness1 ,night1 and ,orcus dread4 ,each spirit woke at the ,eternal's tread ,on the head of ,death6 a promise given ,to all ,earth's houseless1 homeless1 and forlorn1 ,before the ,ages were--or ,his ,eldest ,son was born6 ,sing to the ,lord6 ,lo6 while ,god's rebels rave1 ,he plunges down1 and renovates the slave-- ,vengeance and love at once bestowed on man4 ,see6 crushed is ,baal's1 proud ,moloch's temple falls2 ,shout to the ,lord6 ,no more shall blood-stained walls1 ,nor mountain grove1 nor all the gods of ,ham1 ,dispel a ,saviour's love6 ,correction's rod ,hath won the world1--for ,heaven and ,thee1 ,o ,god6 ,it is one of the providences of ,jehovah1 that the very wretched forget their wrath1 and the broken in spirit their violence4 ,and it may be well for those who examine moral conduct by the evidences of the providences of ,god1 to notice how wrath conduces to wretchedness1 and violence to a breaking down of the spirit4 ,olybius was by no means prepared to adopt the humiliating doctrines of the new faith2 but he perceived it to be well adapted to the condition of those in the extremely low walks of life4 ,by it the slave was taught to become 8the freeman of the ,lord10 and the wretched1 destitute1 and miserable1 to become 8heirs of ,god1 and joint-heirs with ,christ40 ,these doctrines1 and the whole system1 being founded upon the pillars of ,humility1 ,faith1 ,hope1 and ,charity1 were an arrangement to make the most humble as happy as the most exalted2 as to happiness and hopes of heaven1 it made all men equal2 nor is it surprising that the low classes more readily become its converts4 ,olybius may have seen some beautiful features in this system2 but his philosophy forbid his faith4 ,he calmly decided that it was a superstition too low to combat--worthy only of contempt4 ,but he perceived that the blood of a hundred made a thousand ,christians1 and was convinced the only remedy was to improve and elevate the mind1--to imbue it with deep religious feeling and principle1 a reverence and veneration for the gods4 ,he deeply felt the wound inflicted by the presence of ,vopiscus1 and would gladly have proved to the emperor that change of government1 either as to ruler or its general system1 could not affect the condition of this new doctrine4 ,but he had no knowledge of the ,christian's ,god1 nor of his attributes as a distinct ,being2 and hence1 although he may be regarded as a most deadly enemy1 yet1 since the providences of ,jehovah1 through the mild light of the gospel1 begin to develop themselves to the human understanding1 we may deem his report to the emperor1 on the ,christian superstition1 to be ,,one ,,of ,,its ,,most ,,undying ,,panegyrics2 as an extract from which1 we may well imagine1 he wrote thus3-- ,olybius to the ,emperor ,probus4 99 99 99 8,great reforms on moral subjects do not occur1 except under the influence of religious principle4 ,political revolutions and changes of policy and administration do indeed occur from other causes1 and secure the ends which are desired4 ,but1 on subjects pertaining to right and wrong2 on those questions where the rights of an inferior and down-trodden class are concerned1 we can look for little advance1 except from the operation of religious principle4 8,unless the inferior classes have power to assert their rights by arms1 those rights will be conceded only by the operations of conscience and the principles of religion4 ,there is no great wrong in any community which we can hope to rectify by new considerations of policy1 or by a mere revolution4 ,the relations of ,christianity are not reached by political revolutions1 or by changes of policy or administration4 8,political revolutions occur in a higher region1 and the condition of the ,christian is no more affected by a mere change of government1 than that of the vapours of a low1 marshy vale is affected by the tempest and storm in the higher regions of the air4 ,the storm sweeps along the ,apennines1 the lightnings play1 and the thunders utter their voice1 but the malaria of the ,campagna is unaffected1 and the pestilence breathes desolation there still4 ,so it is with ,christianity4 ,political revolutions occur in higher places1 but the malaria of ,christianity remains settled down on the low plains of life1 and not even the surface of the pestilential vapour is agitated by all the storms and tempests of political changes2 it remains the same deadly1 pervading pestilence still4 ,under all the forms of despotism2 in the government of aristocracy1 or an oligarchy2 under the administration of a pure democracy1 or the forms of a republican government2 and in all the changes from one to the other1 ,christianity remains still the same4 ,whether the prince is hurled from the throne1 or rides into power on the tempest of revolution1 the down-trodden ,christian is the same still3--and it makes no difference to him whether the prince wears a crown1 or appears in a plain1 republican garb1--'whether ,csar is on the throne1 or slain in the senate-house4'0 ,in these imputed sentiments of ,olybius1 the indications of the will of ,jehovah1 in establishing and protecting the institutions of ,christianity1 by his providences towards it1 is vividly portrayed to the ,christian eye4 ,jehovah would not suffer 8the gates of hell to prevail against it40 ,of the very materials intended by its enemies for its destruction1 he made them build its throne4 ,the scene1 by which we have introduced this imaginary report of ,olybius to the emperor1 has been merely to remove from the mind any bias tending to a partial conception of the indications of the will of ,god1 as evinced by his providences therein described1 that we may more readily discover the fact1 that1 instead of showing ,christianity to be worthy only of contempt1 ,olybius did pronounce its eulogium4 ,change the words ,christian and ,christianity into slave and slavery2 prince into master1 and it then is what ,mr4 ,barnes did say1 and has said1 7pages #be1 #bf1 #bg17 word for word1 about the institution of slavery2 and1 as if desirous to portray the providences of ,god towards it down to the present time1 continuously says4 ,see pages #bg and #bh-- 8,slavery among the ,romans remained substantially the same under the ,tarquins1 the consuls1 and the ,csars2 when the tribunes gained the ascendency1 and when the patricians crushed them to the earth4 ,it lived in ,europe when the northern hordes poured down on the ,roman ,empire2 and when the caliphs set up the standard of ,islam in the ,peninsula4 ,it lived in all the revolutions of the ,middle ,ages1--alike1 when spiritual despotism swayed its sceptre over the nations1 and when they began to emerge into freedom4 ,in the ,british realms1 it has lived in the time of the ,stuarts1 under the ,protectorate1 and for a long time under the administration of the house of ,hanover4 ,with some temporary interruptions1 it lived in the provinces of ,france through the revolution4 ,it lived through our own glorious ,revolution2 and the struggles which gave liberty to millions of the ,anglo-,saxon race did not loosen one rivet from the fetters of an ,african1 nor was there a slave who was any nearer to the enjoyment of freedom after the surrender of ,yorktown1 than when ,patrick ,henry taught the notes of liberty to echo along the hills and vales of ,virginia4 ,so in all changes of political administration in our own land1 the condition of the slave remains unaffected4 ,alike whether the ,federalists or ,republicans have the rule2 whether the star of the ,whig or the ,democrat is in the ascendant2 the condition of the slave is still the same4 ,the pans of victory1 when the hero of ,new ,orleans was raised to the presidential chair1 or when the hero of ,tippecanoe was inaugurated1 conveyed no 99 99 99 intimation of a change to the slave2 nor had he any more hope1 nor was his condition any more affected1 when the one gave place to his successor1 or the other was borne to the grave4 ,and so it is now4 ,in all the fierce contests for rule in the land2 in the questions about changes in the administration1 there are nearly three millions of our fellow-beings1 who have no interest in these contests and questions1 and whose condition will be affected no more1 whatever the result may be1 than the vapour that lies in the valley is by the changes from sunshine to storm on the summits of the ,alps or the ,andes40 ,this may be all true1 but what is the indication of ,god's will1 as taught by these1 his providences towards it8 8,and now ,i say unto you refrain from these men1 and let them alone2 for if this counsel or this work be of men1 it will come to nought2 but if it be of ,god1 ye cannot overthrow it2 lest haply ye be found even to fight against ,god40 ,acts v4 #ch1 #ci4 -------------- ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,thus1 it has pleased ,god1 at an early age of the world1 to reveal to the mind of man this mode of learning his will by the indications of ,providence4 ,but ,mr4 ,barnes has given us further data1 whereby we may be enabled to examine more deeply into the indications of ,god's will touching the institution of slavery1 by reference to his providences concerning it1 growing out of the universality and ancientness of the institution4 ,thus1 page #aab1 he says--8,that slavery had an existence when ,moses undertook the task of legislating for the ,hebrews1 there can be no doubt4 ,we have seen that servitude of some kind prevailed among the patriarchs2 that the traffic in slaves was carried on between the ,midianites and the ,egyptians1 99 99 99 and that it existed among the ,egyptians4 ,it was undoubtedly practised by all the surrounding nations1 for history does not point us to a time when slavery did not exist4 99 99 99 ,there is even evidence that slavery was practised by the ,hebrews themselves1 when in a state of bondage and that though they were as a nation #8bondmen to ,pharaoh1' yet they had servants in their families who had been #8bought with money4' 99 99 99 ,at the very time that the law was given respecting the observance of the passover1 and before the exode from ,egypt1 this statute appears among others3 #8,this is the ordinance of the passover3 there shall no stranger eat thereof3 but every man-servant1 that is bought for money1 when thou hast circumcised him1 then shall he eat thereof4' ,it is clear1 from this1 that the institution was always in existence1 and that ,moses did not originate it40 ,again1 page #aag3 8,a ,hebrew might be sold to his brethren if he had been detected in the act of theft1 and had no means of making restitution according to the provisions of the law4 ,exod4 xxii4 #c4 #8,he shall make full restitution2 if he have nothing1 then he shall be sold for his theft4'0 8,this is in accordance with the common legal maxim1 ,luat in corpore1 qui non habet in aere4 ,the same law prevailed among the ,egyptians1 and among the ,greeks also till the time of ,solon4 99 99 99 ,by the laws of the twelve tables1 the same thing was enacted at ,rome4 ,a native-born ,hebrew might be a servant in a single case in virtue of his birth4 ,if the master had given to a ,hebrew1 whom he had purchased1 a wife1 and she had borne him children2 the children were to remain in servitude40 ,see ,exod4 xxi4 #d4 ,again1 page #bej3 8,it is unnecessary to enter into proof that slavery abounded in the ,roman ,empire1 or that the conditions of servitude were very severe and oppressive4 ,this is conceded on all hands40 ,and page #bea3 8,slavery existed generally throughout the ,roman ,empire was very great40 99 99 99 ,page #beb3 8,of course1 according to this1 the number of slaves could not have been less than sixty millions in the ,roman ,empire1 at about the time when the apostles went forth to preach the gospel40 ,and again1 page #bec3 8,the slave-trade in ,africa is as old as history reaches back4 ,among the ruling nations of the north coast1 the ,egyptians1 ,cyrenians1 and ,carthaginians1 slavery was not only established1 but they imported whole armies of slaves1 partly for home use1 and partly1 at least by the ,carthaginians1 to be shipped for foreign markets40 8,they were chiefly drawn from the interior1 where kidnapping was just as much carried on then as now4 ,black male and female slaves were even an article of luxury1 not only among the above-named nations1 but in ,greece and ,italy40 ,mr4 ,barnes has quoted and adopted the foregoing1 and many other passages1 from the ,biblical ,repository4 7,see ,bib4 ,rep4 pp4 #dac1 #dad47 ,and again1 page #bei of ,barnes3 99 99 99 8,and it is a rare thing1 perhaps a thing that never has occurred1 that slavery did not prevail in a country which furnished slaves for another country40 ,many of the foregoing statements are facts as well established as any part of history4 ,but these truths1 honestly admitted by ,mr4 ,barnes1 are pregnant with important considerations touching the institution of slavery and the providence of ,god towards it4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiv4 ,mr4 ,barnes says1 page #cha-- 8,if slavery is to be defended1 it is not to be by arguments drawn from the ,bible1 but by arguments drawn from its happy influences on agriculture1 commerce1 and the arts2 99 99 99 on its elevating the black man1 and making him more intelligent and happy than he would be in his own land2 on its whole benevolent bearing on the welfare of the slave1 in this world and the world to come40 ,it must give every good man the deepest grief to discover this growing disposition among religious teachers to thrust aside the teachings of the ,bible1 and to place in its stead the worldly advantages and personal considerations of individual benefit4 ,what shall we think of the religious feeling and orthodoxy of him who places 8agriculture1 commerce1 and the arts0 in higher authority than the books of ,divine revelation4 ,thus1 this teacher says1 8,if the ,bible teaches slavery1 then the ,bible is the greatest curse that could happen to our race20 yet allows1 that if slavery shall have a beneficial and happy influence on 8agriculture1 commerce1 and the arts10 it may be sustained and defended4 ,such is the obvious deduction from the proposition6 ,mistaken man6 ,but1 since we say that slavery is most triumphantly sustained and defended by the ,bible1 let us take a view of it agreeably to ,mr4 ,barnes's direction4 ,so far as we have means1 it may be well to examine the negro in his native ranges4 ,about thirty years ago1 we had a knowledge of an ,african slave1 the property of ,mr4 ,bookter1 of ,st4 ,helena ,parish1 ,la4 ,sedgjo was apparently about sixty years of age--was esteemed to be unusually intelligent for an ,african4 ,we propose to give the substance of his narrative1 without regard to his language or manner4 ,for a length of time we made it an object to draw out his knowledge and notions2 and on the subject of the ,deity1 his idea was that the power which made him was procreation2 and that1 as far as regarded his existence1 he needed not to care for any other god4 ,this deity was to be worshipped by whatever act would represent him as procreator4 ,it need not be remarked that this worship was the extreme of indecency2 but the more the act of worship was wounding to the feelings or sense of delicacy1 the more acceptable it was to the god4 ,the displays of this worship could not well be described4 ,sedgjo's account put us in mind of ,maachah1 the mother of ,asa4 ,in this worship1 it was not uncommon to kill1 roast1 and eat young children1 with the view to propitiate the god1 and make its parents prolific4 ,so also the first-born of a mother was sometimes killed and eaten1 in thankfulness to the god for making them the instruments of its procreation4 ,the king was the owner and master of the whole tribe4 ,he might kill and do what else he pleased with them4 ,the whole tribe was essentially his slaves4 ,but he usually made use of them as a sort of soldiers4 ,those who were put to death at feasts and sacrifices were generally persons captured from other tribes4 ,persons captured were also slaves1 might be killed and eaten on days of sacrifice1 or sold and carried away to unknown countries4 ,if one was killed in battle1 and fell into the hands of those who slew him1 they feasted on him at night4 ,if they captured one alive who had done the tribe great injury1 a day was set apart for all the tribe to revenge themselves and feast on him4 ,the feet and palms of the hands were the most delicious parts4 ,when the king or master died1 some of his favourite wives and other slaves were put to death1 so that he yet should have their company and services4 ,the king and the men of the tribe seldom cultivated the land2 but the women and captured slaves are the cultivators4 ,they never whip a slave1 but strike him with a club2 sometimes break his bones or kill him3 if they kill him1 they eat him4 ,sedgjo belonged to the king's family2 sometimes commanded as head man2 consequently1 had he not been sold1 would have been killed and eaten4 ,the idea of being killed and eaten was not very dreadful to him2 he had rather be eaten by men than to have the flies eat him4 ,he once thought white men bought slaves to eat1 as they did goats4 ,when he first saw the white man1 he was afraid of his red lips2 he thought they were raw flesh and sore4 ,it was more frightful to be eaten by red than by black lips4 ,on shipboard1 many try to starve1 or jump into the sea1 to keep themselves from being eaten by the red-lips4 ,did they but know what was wanted of them1 the most would be glad to come4 ,he cannot tell how long he was on the way to the ships1 nor did he know where he was going2 thinks he was sold many times before he got there2 never saw the white man till he was near the sea2 all the latter part of his journey to the coast the people did not kill or eat their slaves1 but sold them4 ,their clothing is a small cloth about the loins4 ,the king and some others have a large cloth about the shoulders4 ,many are entirely naked all their lives4 ,sedgjo has no wish to go back2 has better clothing here than the kings have there2 if he does more work1 he has more meat4 ,if he is whipped here1 he is struck with a club there4 ,there1 always afraid of being killed2 jumped like a deer1 if1 out of the village1 he saw or met a stranger2 is very glad he came here2 here he is afraid of nobody4 ,such is the substance of what came from the negro's own lips4 ,it was impossible to learn from him his distinct nation or tribe4 ,mr4 ,bookter thought him an ,eboe1 which was probably a mistake4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,periplus1 or voyage of ,hanno1 was made #egj years before the ,christian era4 ,its account was written in ,punic1 and deposited in the temple of ,moloch1 at ,carthage4 ,it was afterwards translated into ,greek2 and thence into ,english1 by ,dr4 ,faulkner1 a sketch of which may be found in the 8,phnix of ,rare ,fragments10 from which we quote1 pp4 #bjh-baj3 8,beyond the ,lixiti dwell the inhospitable ,ethiopians1 who pasture a wild country1 intersected by large mountains1 from which they say the river ,lixus flows4 ,in the neighbourhood of the mountains lived the #8,troglodyt1' 7people who burrowed in the earth17 men of various appearance1 whom the ,lixiti described as swifter in running than horses4 99 99 99 ,thence we proceeded towards the east the course of a day1 99 99 99 from which proceeding a day's sail1 we came to the extremity of the lake1 that was overhung by large mountains1 inhabited by savage men clothed in skins of wild beasts1 who drove us away by throwing stones1 and hindered us from landing4 99 99 99 ,thence we sailed towards the south twelve days1 99 99 99 the whole of which is inhabited by ,ethiopians1 who would not wait our approach1 but fled from us4 ,their language was not intelligible1 even to the ,lixiti who were with us4 99 99 99 ,when we had landed1 we could discover nothing in the daytime except trees2 in the night we saw many fires burning1 and heard the sound of pipes1 cymbals1 drums1 and confused shouts4 ,we were then afraid1 and our diviners ordered us to abandon the island2 99 99 99 at the bottom of which lay an island like the other1 having a lake1 and in this lake another island1 full of savage people1 the greater part of whom were women1 whose bodies were hairy1 and whom our interpreters called ,gorill4 ,though we pursued the men1 we could not seize any of them2 all fled from us1 escaping over the precipices1 and defending themselves with stones4 ,three women were however taken2 but they attacked their conductors with their teeth and hands1 and could not be prevailed on to accompany us4 ,having killed them1 we flayed them1 and brought their skins with us to ,carthage40 ,see also ,king ,humpsal's ,history of ,african ,settlements1 translated from the ,punic books1 by ,sallust and into ,english by ,h4 ,stewart1 page #bba3 8,the ,gtuli and the ,libyans1 as it appears1 were the first nations that peopled ,africa2 a rude and savage race1 subsisting partly on the flesh of wild beasts1 and partly1 like cattle1 on the herbs of the field4 ,among these tribes social intercourse was unknown2 and they were utter strangers to laws1 or to civil government2 wandering during the day from place to place1 as inclination prompted2 at night1 wherever chance conducted them they took up their transient habitation40 ,see page #bbd1 same book3 8,at the back of ,numidia1 the ,gtuli are reported to inhabit1 a savage tribe1 of which a part only made use of huts2 while the rest1 less civilized1 lead a roving life1 without restraint or fixed habitation4 ,beyond the ,gtuli is the country of the ,ethiopians40 ,in ,judg4 iii4 #g1 #h1 we have as follows3 8,and the children of ,israel did evil in the sight of the ,lord1 and forgot the ,lord their ,god4 99 99 99 ,therefore the anger of the ,lord was hot against ,israel1 and he sold them into the hand of ,chusan ,rishathaim1 7 7 which1 means the 8wicked ,ethiopians40 ,let us notice its similarity of sentiment with a record in hieroglyphics1 in the temple of ,karnac1 where ,cush is used as the general term to mean the negro tribes3 thus1 8,kush1 barbarian1 perverse race20 and there inscribed over the figures of negro captives1 two thousand years before our ,christian era4 ,see ,gliddon's ,lectures1 page #db4 ,we quote from ,horne's 8,introduction to the ,study of the ,scriptures10 thus3 8,it is a notorious fact that these latter0 7the ,canaanites7 8were an abominably wicked people40 8,it is needless to enter into any proof of the depraved state of their morals2 they were a wicked people in the time of ,abraham2 and even then were devoted to destruction by ,god4 ,but their iniquity was not yet full4 ,in the time of ,moses1 they were idolaters2 sacrificers of their own crying and smiling infants2 devourers of human flesh2 addicted to unnatural lusts2 immersed in the filthiness of all manner of vice40 ,see ,christian ,observer of #ahai1 p4 #gcb4 ,but let us look at the negro tribes in more modern days4 ,we quote from ,lander1 p4 #eh3 8,what makes us more desirous to leave this abominable place1 is the fact 7as we have been told7 that a sacrifice of no less than three hundred human beings1 of both sexes and all ages1 is shortly to take place4 ,we often hear the cries of many of these poor wretches2 and the heart sickens with horror at the bare contemplation of such a scene as awaits us should we remain here much longer40 ,and page #gd3 8,we have longed to discover a solitary virtue lingering among the natives of this place1 7,badagry17 but as yet our search has been ineffectual40 ,and page #gg3 8,we have met with nothing but selfishness and rapacity1 from the chief to the meanest of his people4 ,the religion of ,badagry is ,mohammedanism1 and the worst species of paganism2 that which sanctions and enjoins the sacrifice of human beings1 and other abominable practices1 and the worship of imaginary demons and fiends40 ,page #aaj3 8,it is the custom here1 when a governor dies1 for two of his favourite wives to quit the world on the same day1 in order that he may have a little pleasant1 social company in a future state40 ,page #aaa3 8,the reason of our not meeting with a better reception at ,loatoo1 when we slept there1 was the want of a chief to that town1 the last having followed the old governor to the eternal shades1 for he was his slave4 ,widows are burned in ,india1 just as they are poisoned or clubbed here2 but in the former country1 ,i believe no male victims are destroyed on such occasions40 8,at ,paoya1 7page #abd17 several chiefs in the road have asked us the reason why the ,portuguese do not purchase as many slaves as formerly2 and make very sad complaints of the stagnation in this branch of traffic40 ,page #aeh3 8,at ,leograda1 a man thinks as little of taking a wife as cutting an ear of corn4 ,affection is altogether out of the question40 ,page #afj3 8,at ,eitcho1 it will scarcely be believed1 that not less than one hundred and sixty governors of towns and villages between this place and the seacoast1 all belonging to ,yariba1 have died from natural causes1 or have been slain in war1 since ,i was last here2 and that of the inhabited places through which we have passed1 not more than a half-dozen chiefs are alive at this moment1 who received and entertained me on my return to ,badagry1 three years ago40 ,page #agf3 8,they seem to have no social tenderness2 very few of those amiable private virtues which would win our affection1 and none of those public qualities that claim respect or command admiration4 ,their love of country is not strong enough in their bosoms to incite them to defend it against the irregular incursions of a despicable foe4 99 99 99 ,regardless of the past as reckless of the future2 the present alone influences their actions4 ,in this respect they approach nearer to the brute creation than perhaps any other people on the face of the globe40 ,page #aha3 8,in so large a place as this1 where two-thirds of the population are slaves40 99 99 99 ,page #aib3 8,the cause of it was soon explained by his informing us that he would be doomed to die with two companions1 7slaves17 as soon as their governor's dissolution should take place40 ,page #bbg3 8,in the forenoon we passed near a spot where our guides informed us a party of ,falatahs1 a short time ago1 murdered twenty of their slaves1 because they had not food sufficient10 c4 ,page #bcb3 8,at ,coobly1 he would rather have given us a boy 7slave7 instead of the horse40 ,page #bcc3 8,monday1 ,june #adth4--,the governor's old wife returned from ,boossa this morning1 whither she had gone in quest of three female slaves who had fled from her about a fortnight since4 ,she has brought her fugitives back with her1 and they are now confined in irons40 ,page #bgb3 8,both these days the men have been entering the city2 and they have brought with them only between forty and fifty slaves40 ,page #bgh3 8,the chief benefits resulting to ,bello from the success of the rebels1 were a half-yearly tribute1 which the magia agreed to pay him in slaves40 ,page #bhb3 8,at ,yaooris4--,and many thousands of his men1 fearing no law1 and having no ostensible employment1 are scattered over the face of the whole country4 ,they commit all sorts of crimes2 they plunder1 they burn1 they destroy1 and even murder1 and are not accountable to any earthly tribunal for their actions40 ,page #cab3 8,at ,boossa4--,the manners of the ,africans too1 are hostile to the interest and advancement of woman1 and she is very rarely placed on an equality with her husband40 ,page #bbh3 8,a man is at liberty to return his wife to her parents at any time1 and without adducing any reason40 ,page #cde3 8,the ,sheikh of ,bornou has recently issued a proclamation1 that no slaves from the interior countries are to be sent for sale farther west than ,wowow1--so that none will be sent in future from thence to the seaside4 ,the greatest and most profitable market for slaves is said to be at ,timbuctoo1 whither their owners at present transport them to sell to the ,arabs1 who take them over the deserts of ,tahara and ,libya to sell in the ,barbary ,states4 ,an ,arab has informed us that many of his countrymen trade as far as ,turkey1 in ,europe1 with their slaves1 where they dispose of them for two hundred and fifty dollars each4 99 99 99 ,perhaps it would be speaking within compass to say that four-fifths of the whole population of this country1 7the ,eboe17 likewise every other hereabouts1 are slaves40 ,vol4 ii4 page #bjh3 8,it may appear strange that ,i should dwell so long on this subject1 for it seems quite natural that every one1 even the most thoughtless barbarian1 would feel at least some slight emotion on being exiled from his native land and enslaved2 but so far is this from being the case1 that ,africans1 generally speaking1 betray the most perfect indifference on losing their liberty and being deprived of their relatives2 while love of country is seemingly as great a stranger to their breasts as social tenderness and domestic affection4 ,we have seen many thousands of slaves2 some of them more intelligent than others2 but the poor little fat woman whom ,i have mentioned1--the associate of beasts and wallowing in filth1--whose countenance would seem to indicate only listnessness1 stupidity1 and perhaps idiotism1 without the smallest symptom of intelligence--she alone has shown any thing like regret on gazing on her native land for the last time40 ,page #bah3 8,it has been told us by many that the ,eboe people are confirmned ,anthropophagi2 and this opinion is more prevalent among the tribes bordering on that kingdom than with the nations of more remote districts40 ,we shall close our extracts from ,lander's work1 by the following1 showing that the ,africans made slaves of the two ,landers themselves4 ,page #bbe3 8,the king then said1 with a serious countenance1 that there was no necessity for further discussion respecting the white men1 7the two brothers ,lander17 his mind was already made up on the subject2 and for the first time1 he briefly explained himself1 to this effect3 ,that circumstances having thrown us in the way of his subjects1 by the laws and usages of the country he was not only entitled to our own persons1 but had equal rights to those of our attendants4 ,that he should take no further advantage of his good fortune than by exchanging us for as much ,english goods as would amount in value to twenty slaves40 ,the following we transcribe from ,stedman's ,narrative1 vol4 ii4 page #bfg3 8,i should not forget to mention that the ,gingo negroes are supposed to be ,anthropophagi1 or cannibals1 like the ,caribbee ,indians1 instigated by habitual and implacable revenge4 ,among the rebels of this tribe1 after the taking of ,boucore1 some pots were found on the fire1 with human flesh1 which one of the officers had the curiosity to taste2 and declared that it was not inferior to some kinds of beef or pork4 ,i have since been informed1 by a ,mr4 ,vaugils1 an ,american1 who1 having travelled a great number of miles inland in ,africa1 at last came to a place where human arms1 legs1 and thighs hung upon wooden shambles1 and were exposed to sale like butcher's meat4 ,and ,captain ,john ,keen1 formerly of the ,dolphin1 but late of the ,vianbana schooner1 in the ,sierra ,leone ,company's service1 positively assured me that1 a few years since1 when he was on the coast of ,africa1 in the brig ,fame1 from ,bristol1 ,mr4 ,samuel ,briggs1 owner1 trading for wool1 ivory1 and gold-dust1 a ,captain ,dunningen1 with the whole crew belonging to the ,nassau schooner1 were cut in pieces1 salted1 and eaten by the negroes of ,great ,drewin40 ,but this is nothing to what is related1 on good authority1 respecting the ,giagas1 a race of cannibals who are said to have overrun a great part of ,africa4 ,these monsters1 it is said1 are descended from the ,agows and ,galia1 who dwell in the southern extremity of ,abyssinia1 near the sources of the ,nile4 ,impelled by necessity or the love of plunder1 they left their original settlements1 and extended their ravages through the heart of ,africa1 till they were stopped by the ,western ,ocean4 ,they seized on the kingdom of ,benguela1 laying to the south of ,angola2 and in this situation they were found by the ,romish missionaries1 and by our countryman1 ,andrew ,battel1 whose adventures may be found in ,purchas's ,pilgrim4 ,both he1 and the ,capuchin ,cavozzi1 who resided long among them and converted several of them to ,christianity1 gave such an account of their manners as is enough to chill the blood with horror4 ,we shall spare our readers the horrid detail1 only observing that human flesh is one of their delicacies1 and that they devour it1 not from a spirit of revenge1 or from any want of other food1 but as the most agreeable dainty4 ,some of their commanders1 when they went on an expedition1 carried numbers of young women along with them1 some of whom were slain almost every day1 to gratify this unnatural appetite40 ,see ,modern ,universal ,history1 vol4 xvi4 p4 #cba2 also ,anzito2 also ,edin4 ,encyc4 vol4 ii4 p4 #ahe4 ,in continuation of this subject1 permit us to take a view of these tribes1 at a time just before the slave-trade commenced among them with ,christian nations4 ,the ,portuguese were first to attempt to colonize portions of ,africa1 with the double view of extending commerce and of spreading the ,christian faith4 ,they commenced a settlement of that kind in the regions of ,congo1 as early as #aegh2 shortly after which1 the ,angolas1 an adjoining nation1 being at war with each other1 one party applied to ,congo and the ,portuguese for aid1 which was lent them4 ,soon a battle took place1 in which #abj1jjj of the ,angolas and ,giagas were slain4 ,see ,lopez's ,hist4 of ,congo4 ,about the same time1 we find in ,dappus de l',afrique1 the following data3 8,the natives of ,angola are tall and strong but1 like the rest of the ,ethiopians1 they are so very lazy and indolent1 that although their soil is admirably adapted to the raising of cattle and the production of grain1 they allow both to be destroyed by the wild beasts with which the country abounds4 ,the advantages which they enjoy from climate and soil are thus neglected4 99 99 99 ,we are told that the people in some of the idolatrous provinces still feed on human flesh1 and prefer it to all other2 so that a dead slave gives a higher price in market than a living one4 ,the cannibals are in all probability descended from the barbarous race of the ,giagas1 by whom the greater part of the eastern and south-eastern provinces were peopled4 ,one most inhuman custom still prevails in this part of the kingdom1 and that is1 the sacrificing of a number of human victims at the burial of their dead1 in testimony of the respect in which their memory is held4 ,the number of these unhappy victims is therefore always in proportion to the rank and wealth of the deceased2 and their bodies are afterwards piled up in a heap upon their tombs4 99 99 99 ,this prince 7,angola ,chilvagni7 became a great warrior1 enlarged the ,angolic dominions1 and died much regretted2 and was succeeded by his son1 ,dambi ,angola4 ,unlike his father1 he is described as a monster of cruelty1 and1 happily for his subjects1 his reign was of short duration4 ,nevertheless1 he was buried with great magnificence2 and1 according to the barbarous custom of the country1 a mound was erected over his grave1 filled with the bones of human victims1 who had been sacrificed to his manes40 8,he was succeeded by ,ngola ,chilvagni1 a warlike and cruel prince1 who carried his victorious arms within a few leagues of ,loando4 99 99 99 ,intoxicated with success1 he fancied himself a ,god1 and claimed divine honours4 99 99 99 ,ngingha was elected his successor1 a prince of so cruel a disposition that all his subjects wished his death2 which1 happily for them1 soon arrived4 ,nevertheless1 he was buried with the usual pomp1 with the usual number of sacrifices4 ,his son and successor1 ,bandi ,angola1 discovered a disposition still more cruel than his father's4 99 99 99 ,to counteract these and other idolatrous rites1 and to soften that barbarity of manners which so generally prevailed1 the ,portuguese1 when they established themselves in the country1 7#aegh17 were at great pains to introduce the invaluable blessings of ,christianity4 99 99 99 so that from the year #aehj to #aeij1 we are informed1 no less a number than #bj1jjj were converted and publicly professed ,christianity40 99 99 8,her remains were no sooner deposited beside her sisters1 in the church which she had built1 than ,mona ,zingha declared his abhorrence to ,christianity1 and revived the horrid ,giagan rites4 ,five women1 of the first rank1 were by his orders buried in the queen's grave1 and upwards of forty persons of distinction were next sacrificed4 99 99 99 ,he wrote the viceroy at ,loando1 that he had abjured the ,christian religion1 which he said he had formerly embraced merely out of respect 99 99 99 to his queen1 and that he now returned to the ancient sect of the ,giagas4 ,that there might remain no doubt of his sincerity in that declaration1 he followed it with the sacrifice of a great number of victims1 in honour of their bloody and idolatrous rites1 with the destruction of all ,christian churches and chapels1 and with the persecution of the ,christians in all parts of his kingdom40 ,and we may here remark that even the nations of the coast could never be persuaded to abolish human sacrifice1 nor to the introduction of ,christianity1 to any extent1 until after the introduction of the slave-trade with christian nations4 ,see also ,osborn's ,collection of ,travels1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ecg2 ,mod4 ,universal ,hist4 vol4 #dc2 and ,edin4 ,encyc4 vol4 ii4 pp4 #ajg1 #aji1 #aaj1 #aac4 ,over two hundred years ago1 and during the reign of ,charles ,i4 of ,england1 ,sir ,thomas ,herbert1 7not ,lord ,edward ,herbert1 who wrote a deistical book1 entitled1 8,truth107 a gentleman of most elevated connection1 and a scholar devoted to science and general literature1 with a mind adorned by poetry and influenced by the strongest impulses of human sympathy2 and one1 of whom ,lord ,fairfax said1 8,he travelled1 not with lucre sotted1 ,but went for knowledge--and he got it60 ,this author1 in his ,tour in ,africa1 writes thus3 8,the inhabitants here along the ,golden coast of ,guinea1 and ,benin1 bounded with ,tombotu1 7,timbuctoo17 ,gualata1 and ,mellis1 and watered by the great river ,niger1 but1 especially in the ,mediterranean 7inland7 parts1 know no ,god1 nor are at all willing to be instructed by nature--8,scire nihil jucundissimum40 ,howbeit the ,divel1 who will not want his ceremonie1 has infused prodigious idolatry into their hearts1 enough to relish his pallet1 and aggrandize their tortures1 where he gets power to fry their souls1 as the raging sun has scorched their cole-black carcasses4 99 99 99 ,those countries are full of black-skinned wretches1 rich in earth1 as abounding with the best minerals and with elephants1 but miserable in ,demonomy4 99 99 99 ,let one character serve for all4 ,for colour they resemble chimney-sweepers2 unlike them in this1 they are of no profession1 except rapine and villany make one2 for here1 ,demonis omnia plena4 99 99 99 ,but in ,loango and the ,anziqui the people are little other than divels incarnate2 not satisfied with nature's treasures1 as gold1 precious stones1 flesh in variety1 and the like2 the destruction of men and women neighbouring them1 whose dead carcasses they devour with a vulture relish and appetite2 whom if they miss1 they serve their friends such scurvy sauce1 butchering them1 and thinking they excuse all in a compliment that they know no better way to express love than in making two bodies in one1 by an inseparable union2 yea1 some1 as some report1 proffering themselves to the shambles1 accordingly are disjointed and set to sale upon the stalls4 99 99 99 ,the natives of ,africa being propagated from ,cham1 both in their visages and natures1 seem to inherit his malediction4 99 99 99 ,they are very brutes4 ,a dog was of that value here that twenty salvages 7slaves7 have been exchanged for one of them2 but of late years the exchange here made for negroes1 to transport into the ,cariba isles and continent of ,america1 is become a considerable trade40 ,it will be remembered how great have been the exertions of the ,british ,government to abolish totally the slave-trade in ,africa4 ,a great number of slave ships were captured1 and the negroes found on board sent to ,sierra ,leone4 ,strong hopes were entertained that 8poor1 suffering ,africa0 was about to be civilized4 ,we quote from the ,hibernian ,auxiliary ,missionary ,report1 ,christian ,observer1 #ahbj1 pages #hhh and #hhi3 8,the slave-trade1 which like the 7fabled7 upas1 blasts all that is wholesome in its vicinity1 has1 in one important instance1 been here overruled for good4 ,it has been made the means of assembling on one spot1 and that on a ,christian soil1 individuals from almost every nation of the western coast of ,africa4 ,it has been made the means of introducing to civilization and religion many hundreds from the interior of that vast continent1 who had never seen the face of a white man1 nor heard the name of ,jesus4 ,and it will be made the means under ,god of sending to the nations beyond the ,niger and the ,zaire1 native missionaries who will preach the ,redeemer in the utmost parts of the country1 and enable their countrymen to hear in their own tongue the wonderful works of ,god4 ,european avarice and native profligacy leave no part of ,africa unexplored for victims2 and these slaves1 rescued by our cruisers1 and landed on the shores of our colony1 are received by our missionaries and placed in their schools40 ,the sympathies of the world were excited on this subject1 and every civilized heart cried amen1 in union with the impulsive feelings of this ,hibernian ,report4 ,but let us remember to inquire a little into the facts1 and examine whether these hopes were well or ill founded4 ,we quote from vol4 xix4 of the ,christian ,observer1 page #hij3 8,mr4 ,johnson was appointed to the care of ,regent's ,town1 in the month of ,june1 #ahaf4 ,on looking narrowly into the actual condition of the people intrusted to his care1 he felt great discouragement4 ,natives of twenty-two different nations were there collected together4 ,a considerable number of them had been but recently liberated from the holds of slave-vessels4 ,they were greatly prejudiced against one another1 and in a state of continual hostility1 with no common medium of intercourse but a little broken ,english4 ,when clothing was given to them1 they would sell it1 or throw it away3 it was difficult to induce them to put it on2 and it was not found practicable to introduce it among them1 until led to it by the example of ,mr4 ,johnson's servant-girl4 ,none of them1 on their first arrival1 seemed to live in a state of marriage2 some of them were soon afterwards married by the late ,mr4 ,butscher2 but all the blessings of the marriage state and of female purity appeared to be quite unknown4 99 99 99 ,superstition1 in various forms1 tyrannized over their minds2 many devil's houses sprang up1 and all placed their security in wearing gregrees4 ,scarcely any desire of improvement was discernable4 99 99 99 ,some1 who wished to cultivate the soil1 were deterred from doing so by the fear of being plundered of the produce4 ,some would live in the woods1 apart from society2 and others subsisted by thieving and plunder3 they would steal poultry and pigs from any who possessed them1 and would eat them raw2 and not a few of them1 particularly of the ,eboe nation1 the most savage of them all1 would prefer any kind of refuse meat to the rations which they received from ,government40 ,doubtless ,mr4 ,johnson and his successors have done all that good men could do1 even under the protection of the ,british ,government2 but have they1 in the least1 affected the slave-trade of ,africa1 otherwise than to divert its direction1 or have they diminished it to any observable extent8 ,true1 its course has been changed1 and its enormities thereby increased tenfold4 ,instead of its subjects being brought under the regenerating influences of ,christianity1 they are sacrificed at the shrine of friends at home1 or sent among pagans or ,mohammedans6 ,let the ,christian philosopher think of these things4 ,while we recollect the proclamation of the ,emperor of ,bourno1 let us look at the slave-trade as now carried on with the ,barbary ,states1 the ,arab tribes1 and ,egypt and ,asia1 as well as ,turkey in ,europe4 ,we quote from 8,burckhart's ,travels in ,nubia10 as reported in the ,christian ,observer1 vol4 xix4 p4 #dei3 8,the author had a most favourable opportunity of collecting intelligence and making observations on this subject1 7slavery17 as connected with the northeastern parts of ,africa by travelling with companies of slaves and slave-merchants through the deserts of ,nubia4 99 99 99 ,the chief mart in the ,nubian mountains1 for the ,egyptian and the ,arabian slave-trade1 is ,shendy4 99 99 99 ,to this emporium1 slaves are brought from various parts of the interior1 and particularly from the idolatrous 99 99 99 tribes in the vicinity of ,darfour1 ,bozgho1 and ,dar ,saley40 ,our traveller calculated the number sold annually in the market of ,shendy at five thousand4 8,far the larger part of these slaves are under the age of fifteen40 ,see page #dfj3 8,few slaves are imported into ,egypt without changing masters several times4 99 99 99 ,a slave1 for example1 purchased at ,fertit1 is transferred at least six times before he arrives at ,cairo4 ,these rapid changes1 as might be expected1 are productive of great hardship to the unfortunate individuals1 especially in the toilsome journey across the deserts4 ,burckhart saw on sale at ,shendy1 many children of four or five years old1 without their parents4 99 99 99 ,burckhart has entered into the details of cruelties of another kind1 practised on the slaves to raise their pecuniary value4 ,the particulars are not suitable for a work of miscellaneous perusal4 99 99 99 ,the great mart1 however1 for the supply of ,european and ,asiatic ,turkey with the kind of slaves required as guardians for the harem1 ,mr4 ,burckhart informs us1 is not at ,shendy1 but at a village near ,siout1 in ,upper ,egypt1 inhabited chiefly by ,christians40 7,abyssinians1 we suppose47 ,the mode of marching slaves is described as follows3 8,on the journey1 they are tied to a long pole1 one end of which is tied to a camel's saddle1 and the other1 which is forked1 is passed on each side of the slave's neck1 and tied behind with a strong cord1 so as to prevent him drawing out his head3 in addition to this1 his right hand is also fastened to the pole1 at a short distance from the head1 thus leaving only his legs and left arm at liberty4 ,in this manner he marches the whole day behind the camel3 at night he is taken from the pole and put in irons4 ,while on the route to ,souakim1 ,i saw several slaves carried along in this way4 ,their owners were afraid of their escaping1 or of becoming themselves the objects of their vengeance2 and in this manner they would continue to be confined until sold to a master1 who1 intending to keep them1 would endeavour to attach them to his person4 ,in general1 the traders seem greatly to dread the effects of sudden resentment in their slaves2 and if a grown-up boy is to be whipped1 his master first puts him in irons40 ,page #ccc3 8,females with children on their backs follow the caravans on foot2 and if a camel breaks down1 the owner generally loads his slaves with the packages2 and if a boy in the evening can only obtain a little butter with his dhourra bread1 and some grease every two or three days to smear his body and hair1 he is contented1 and never complains of fatigue4 ,another cause which induces the merchants to treat the slaves well 787 is their anxiety to dissipate the horror which the negroes all entertain of ,egypt and the white people4 ,it is a common opinion in the black slave countries that the ,ouleder ,rif1 or children of ,rif1 as the ,egyptians are there called1 devour the slaves1 who are transported thither for that purpose3 of course1 the traders do every thing in their power to destroy this belief2 but1 notwithstanding all their endeavours1 it is never eradicated from the mind of the slaves40 ,page #dfb3 8,the manners of the people of ,souakim are the same as those ,i have already described in the interior1 and ,i have reason to believe that they are common to the whole of eastern ,africa1 including ,abyssinia1 where the character of the inhabitants1 as drawn by ,bruce1 seems little different from that of these ,nubians4 ,i regret that ,i am compelled to represent all the nations of ,africa which ,i have yet seen1 in so bad a light40 ,we next quote from the ,family ,magazine1 #ahcf1 page #dci1 as follows3 8,many of the ,dayaks have a rough1 scaly scurf on their skin1 like the ,jacong of the ,malay ,peninsula4 99 99 99 ,the female slaves of this race1 which are found among the ,malays1 have no appearance of it4 99 99 99 ,with regard to their funeral ceremonies1 the corpse 99 99 99 remains in the house till the son1 the father1 or the next of blood1 can procure or purchase a slave1 who is beheaded at the time the corpse is burned1 in order that he may become the slave of the deceased in the next world4 99 99 99 ,nobody can be permitted to marry till he can present a human head of some other tribe to his proposed bride4 99 99 99 ,the head-hunter proceeds in the most cautious manner to the vicinity of the villages of another tribe1 and lies in ambush till he can surprise some heedless1 unsuspecting wretch1 who is instantly decapitated4 99 99 99 ,when the hunter returns1 the whole village is filled with joy1 and old and young1 men and women1 hurry out to meet him1 and conduct him1 with the sound of brazen cymbals1 dancing1 in long lines1 to the house of the female he admires1 whose family likewise come out to greet him with dances1 and provide him with a seat1 and give him meat and drink4 ,he holds the bloody head still in his hand1 and puts part of the food into his mouth1 after which the females of the family receive the head from him1 which they hang up to the ceiling over the door4 ,if a man's wife die1 he is not permitted to make proposals of marriage to another till he has procured another head of a different tribe4 ,the heads they procure in this manner1 they preserve with great care1 and sometimes consult in divination4 ,the religious opinions connected with this practice are by no means correctly understood3 some assert they believe that every person whom a man kills in this world becomes his slave in the next4 99 99 99 ,the practice of stealing heads causes frequent wars among the tribes of the ,idean4 ,many persons never can obtain a head2 in which case they are generally despised by the warriors and the women4 ,to such a height is it carried1 however1 that a person who has obtained eleven heads has been seen1 and at the same time he pointed out his son who1 a young lad1 had procured three40 ,james ,edward ,alexander1 ,h4,l4,s41 during the years #ahcf and #ahcg1 made an excursion from the ,cape of ,good ,hope into the interior of ,south ,africa and the countries of the ,namaquas1 ,boschmans1 and ,hill ,damaras1 under the auspices of ,her ,majesty's ,government and the ,royal ,geographical ,society1 which has been published in two volumes2 from which we extract1 vol4 i4 page #abf3 8,i was anxious to ascertain the extent of knowledge among the tribe 7,damaras7 with which ,i now dwelt2 to learn what they knew of themselves1 and of men and things in general2 but ,i must say that they positively know nothing beyond tracing game and breaking in jack-oxen4 ,they did not know one year from another2 they only knew that at certain times the trees and flowers bloom1 and then rain was expected4 ,as to their own age1 they knew no more what it was than idiots4 ,some even had no names4 ,of numbers1 of course1 they were nearly or quite ignorant2 few could count above five2 and he was a clever fellow who could count his ten fingers4 ,above all they had not the least idea of ,god or of a future state4 ,they were1 literally like the beasts which perish40 ,page #afc1 #afd1 and #afe3 8,at ,chubeeches the people were very poor4 99 99 99 ,standing in need of a shepherd1 ,i observed here two or three fine little ,damara boys1 as black as ebony4 99 99 99 ,i said to the old woman to whom ,saul belonged1 #8,you have two boys1 and they are starving2 you have nothing to give them4' #8,this is true1' she replied4 #8,will you part with ,saul8' said ,i2 #8,i want a shepherd1 and the boy wants to go with me4' #8,you will find him too cunning1' returned the old dame4 #8,i want a clever fellow1' said ,i4 #8,very well1' she replied2 #8give me four cotton handkerchiefs and he is yours4' #8,suppose1' said ,i1 #8you take two handkerchiefs and two strings of glass beads8' #8,yes6 that will do2' and so the bargain was closed2 and thus a good specimen of ,damara flesh and blood was bought for the value of about four shillings4 99 99 99 ,i told him to go and bring his skins2 on which he informed me that he had none1 saving what he stood in--and that was his own sable hide1 with the addition of the usual strap of leather around his waist1 from which hung a piece of jackal's skin in front4 ,constant exposure to the vicissitudes of the weather1 without clothes1 hardens the skin of the body like that of the face2 and still it is difficult to sleep at nights without proper covering4 ,in cold weather1 the poor creatures of ,namaqua ,land1 who may have no karosses1 sit cowering over a fire all night1 and merely doze with their heads on their knees40 ,vol4 ii4 page #bc3 8,can any state of society be considered more low and brutal than that in which promiscuous intercourse is viewed with the most perfect indifference2 where it is not only practised1 but spoken of without any shame or compunction8 ,some rave about the glorious liberty of the savage state1 and about the innocence of the children of nature1 and say that it is chiefly by the white men that they become corrupt4 ,the ,boschmans of ,ababres had never seen white men before2 they were far removed from the influence of the ,europeans40 ,vol4 i4 page #ajb3 8,notwithstanding that some people maintain that there is no nation on earth without religion in some form1 however faintly it may be traced in their minds1 yet1 after much diligent inquiry1 ,i could not discover the slightest feeling of devotion towards a higher and invisible power among the ,hill ,damaras40 ,in ,mohammedan countries1 the most unfavourable portions of the slave's existence1 as such1 is while in the hands of the geeleb1 or slave-merchant1 and until he is sold to one who designs to keep him permanently4 ,in the first instance1 if negroes1 they suffer much in the journey from the place of purchase to that of sale4 ,for instance1 it has been known1 in the journey from ,sennaar and ,darfour to the slave-mart at ,cairo1 or even the intermediate one at ,siout1 the loss in a slave caravan1 of men1 women1 camels1 and horses1 amounted to not less than #djjj4 ,the circumstances of the mart itself scarcely appear in a more favourable aspect than those of the journey1--whether we regard the miserable beings1 as in the market at ,cairo1 crowded together in enclosures like the sheep-pens in ,smithfield market1 amid the abominable stench and uncleanness which result from their confinement2 whether1 as at another great mart at ,muscat1 we perceive the dealer walking to and fro1 with a stick in his hand1 between two lots of ill-clothed boy and girls1 whom he is offering for sale1 proclaiming aloud1 as he passes1 the price fixed on each2 or else leading his string of slaves through the narrow and dirty streets1 and calling out their prices as he exhibits them in this ambulatory auction4 99 99 99 ,the slaves1 variously exhibited1 usually appear quite indifferent to the process1 or only show an anxiety to be sold1 from knowing that as slaves1 finally purchased1 their condition will be much ameliorated4 99 99 99 ,how little slavery is dreaded is also shown by the fact that even ,mohammedan parents or relatives are1 in cases of emergency1 ready enough to offer their children for sale4 ,during the famine which a few years since drove the people of ,mosul to ,bengal1 one could not pass the streets without being annoyed by the solicitations of parents to purchase their boys and girls for the merest trifle2 and even in ,koordistan1 where no constraining motive appeared to exist1 we have been sounded as to our willingness to purchase young members of the family4 ,europeans in the ,east are scarcely considered amenable to any general rules1 but ,christians generally are not allowed to possess any other than negro slaves40 ,london ,penny ,mag4 #ahcd1 pp4 #bdc1 #bdd2 also1 ,sketches of ,persia1 and ,johnson's ,journey from ,india4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xv4 ,quotations from books of authority1 portraying the universal state of degradation of the ,african hordes1 may be made to an unlimited extent4 ,our object has been to present some idea of what the negro is in his own country1 when beyond the influence of ,american slavery4 ,we will now advance some views of him and his race1 as they present themselves in this ,american slavery4 ,and here let us premise that the population of the ,african tribes is estimated at #ej1jjj1jjj1 #dj1jjj1jjj of whom are deemed to be slaves1 that the wars among them are not so much wars to make freemen slaves1 as they are to appropriate the slaves of one owner to the rightful ownership of another1 according to their notions of law and their customs of right4 ,among them1 conquest always subjects to slavery4 ,when slaves take a captive1 he is the property of their master4 ,slavery exists there according to their laws and customs2 and there is no evidence1 nor in fact is it probable1 that even the slave-trade with ,america has ever increased the extent or degree of slavery in ,africa4 ,we quote from a truly able and sympathetic writer1 ,j4 ,morier's 8,second ,journey through ,persia10 as reported in the ,christian ,observer1 vol4 xvi4 page #hjh3 8,during the time we were at the ,brazils1 the slave-trade was in full vigour1 and a visit to the slave-market impressed us more with the iniquity of this traffic than any other thing that could be said or written on the subject4 ,on each side of the street where the market was held1 were large rooms in which the negroes were kept2 and during the day1 they were seen in melancholy groups1 waiting to be delivered from the hands of the trader1 whose dreadful economy might be traced in their persons1 which at that time were little better than skeletons4 ,if such were their state on shore1 with the advantage of air and space1 what must have been their condition on board the ship that brought them hither8 ,it is not unfrequent that slaves escape to the woods1 where they are almost as frequently retaken4 ,when this is the case1 they have an iron collar put about their necks1 with a long hooked arm extending from it1 to impede their progress through the woods1 in case they should abscond a second time4 ,yet amid all this misery1 it was pleasing to observe the many negroes who frequented the churches1 and to see them1 in form and profession1 at least making a part of a ,christian congregation40 ,mr4 ,morier's statement may bear testimony to abuses of slavery2 but it certainly bears testimony to another thing more important to the slave4 8,the fear of the ,lord is the beginning of wisdom40 ,prov4 ix4 #aj4 ,and we here beg leave to remark that we shall1 in all instances1 draw our proofs from the enemies of the institution4 ,we quote from ,berbick's ,notes on ,america1 page #bj1 and reported in vol4 xvi4 of the ,christian ,observer1 published in ,london1 ,may #ajth1 page #aji3 8,i saw two female slaves and their children sold by auction in the street2 an incident of common occurrence here1 though horrifying to myself and many other strangers4 ,i could hardly bear to see them handled and examined like cattle2 and when ,i heard their sobs and saw the big tears rolling down their cheeks at the thought of being separated1 ,i could not refrain from weeping with them40 ,this may have been very cruel in the white man2 but who has ever heard of a negro in ,africa displaying such a strength of tenderness and feeling of sympathy as here manifested8 ,and how are we to account for it in this instance1 if not by the regenerating influence of a few generations in ,american and ,christian slavery8 ,however slow the action1 the condition of the mental faculties was improved and the moral condition ameliorated4 ,but in the same page1 he says-- 8,a traveller told me that he saw1 a few weeks ago1 one hundred and twenty sold by auction in the streets of ,richmond1 and that they filled the air with their lamentations40 ,the case of the women was not solitary1 and doubtless we shall find such proof of an improved state of the affections quite common4 ,but this good man continuously pursues the subject3 8,it has also been confidently alleged1 that the condition of slaves in ,virginia1 under the mild treatment they are said to experience1 is preferable to that of our ,english labourers4 ,i know and lament the degrading state of dependent poverty to which the latter have been gradually reduced by the operation of laws originally designed for their comfort and protection4 ,i know also that many slaves pass their lives in comparative ease1 and seem to be unconscious of their bonds1 and that the most wretched of our paupers might even envy the allotment of the happy negro40 ,we will now quote from ,lieutenant ,francis ,hall1 of the ,british ,light ,dragoons4 ,in his ,travels in ,canada and the ,united ,states1 published in ,london1 #ahah1 pages #ceg to #cfj1 he says-- 8,i took the boat this morning1 and crossed the ferry over to ,portsmouth1 the small town which ,i told you was opposite to this place1 7,norfolk47 ,it was court-day1 and a large crowd of people was gathered about the door of the court-house4 ,i had hardly got upon the steps to look in1 when my ears were assailed by the voice of singing1 and turning round to observe from what quarter it came1 ,i saw a group of about thirty negroes1 of different sizes and ages1 following a rough-looking white man1 who sat carelessly lolling in his sulkey4 ,they had just turned round the corner1 and were coming up the main street1 to pass by the spot where ,i stood1 on their way out of town4 ,as they came nearer1 ,i saw some of them loaded with chains to prevent their escape1 while others had hold of each other's hands1 strongly grasped1 as if to support themselves in their affliction4 ,i particularly noticed a poor mother1 with an infant1 as she walked along1 while two small children had hold of her apron on either side1 almost running1 to keep up with the rest4 ,they came along singing a little wild hymn1 of sweet and mournful melody1 flying1 by ,divine instinct of the heart1 to the consolations of religion1 the last refuge of the unhappy1 to support them in their distress40 ,we have no knowledge of ,lieutenant ,hall's powers of deduction1 nor of what he thought this story proved4 ,but it will surely give us new views of ,africa1 if he will travel there1 and find such a scene there1 among the many slaves he may now see naked1 tied to poles1 and leaving their country for ever4 ,the world has been flooded with stories of this description1 some of which prove the abuses of slavery1 but all of them prove some amelioration1 both mentally and physically1 in the condition of the slave here1 when compared with the condition of the ,african at home1 whether bond or free4 ,mr4 ,barnes has admitted one into his book1 pages #acf1 #acg1 and #ach1 which adds strength to our position3 its length excludes a copy4 ,we quote again from the ,christian ,observer1 vol4 xv4 p4 #eda3 8,missions of the ,united ,brethren at ,surinam40--,mr4 ,campbell writes3 8,on the plantations and at ,sommelsdyk there was a great desire among the negroes to hear the gospel1 which finds entrance into many of their hearts4 99 99 99 ,at ,paramaribo1 the negro congregation consisted1 at the close of #ahac1 of #eej40 8,on the #cjth of ,august1 #ahad1 the same missionary writes that the word of ,god among the negroes in ,paramaribo continues to increase1 and we have great reason to rejoice and take courage when we see marked proofs of the ,divine blessing upon our feeble ministry40 ,see page #edb4 8,antigua40--8,a letter from this island1 dated1 ,grace ,hill1 ,jan4 #adth1 #ahad4 99 99 99 ,the congregation of ,christian negroes at this place consisted1 at the close of #ahac1 of #bjhg persons40 ,again1 page #edc3 8,some poor negroes1 who1 although they sigh under the pressure of slavery and various hardships1 or ailments of body1 seek consolation and refreshment from the meritorious passion of ,jesus1 are enabled1 with tears of joy1 to lay hold on these words of ,scripture3 #8,i reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us4'0 ,again1 p4 #eed3 8,jamaica40--,mr4 ,lang1 the missionary1 writes thus1 on the #eth ,february1 #ahad3 8,it pleases the ,lord still to bless our labours with success1 so as to encourage us to believe that he has thoughts of peace regarding the negroes in ,jamaica also1 and will visit them yet more generally with his salvation10 c4 ,page #edf3 8,danish ,islands4--,the number of ,christian negroes belonging to the different missions in the ,danish ,islands1 was1 at the end of #ahac1 as follows3 ,at ,friedensthal1 ,st4 ,croix #e1ajj 0 ,friedensberg 0 #b1cif 0 ,new ,hernhutt1 ,st4 ,thomas #idi 0 ,nisky 0 #a1cjd 0 ,bethany1 ,st4 ,jan #dgd 0 ,emmaus 0 #ieb ------ ,total #aa1age 8,st4 ,kitts4--,on the #ajth ,august1 #ahad1 the missionaries write that they have lately had several very pleasing instances of negroes departing this life in reliance on the merits of the ,saviour1 with great joy and the sure and steadfast hope of everlasting life40 ,among us it seems to be but little known what have been the providences of ,god towards the slaves of the ,west ,indies4 ,the following sketch is taken from the ,report of the ,moravian ,missionaries1 as found in the ,christian ,observer1 vol4 xvi4 page #fd3 ,missions to the ,slaves in the ,,danish ,,islands4 ,when begun4 ,no4 of ,no4 of ,settlements4 ,missionaries4 ,st4 ,thomas #b ,st4 ,croix #agcb #c #cb ,st4 ,jan4 #b ,,british ,,islands4 ,jamaica #aged #d #aj ,antigua #agef #c #af #ahag #a ,st4 ,kitts #agge #a #d ,barbadoes4 #agch #c #aa ,,south ,,america generally4 #agfe #a #d ---- ---- #bj #gg ,the ,dutch took possession of the ,cape of ,good ,hope in #afej4 ,slaves from various parts of ,africa1 ,mozambique1 and the ,malay ,islands were introduced2 we have no means of knowing to what extent4 ,somerville found the city of ,cape ,town to contain #aade houses1 #eejj white and free people of colour1 and #aj1jjj slaves4 ,in all of the years #agcf-agib1 and #ahah1 the ,moravians established #bg missionaries to the blacks4 ,but they1 nor no other people1 have ever been able to produce any considerable effect there1 or elsewhere1 upon the natives1 except upon such as were in slavery among a ,christian people4 ,the sound of the gospel had no charms for the wild1 roving savage4 ,but1 as reported in the ,christian ,observer1 vol4 xiv4 page #hcj1 ,campbell says--8,in the colony of the ,cape of ,good ,hope1 considerable efforts have been made of late1 particularly by ,sir ,john ,cradock1 aided by the zeal of the colonial chaplain1 the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,jones1 to diffuse the blessings of ,christian instruction1 not only among the slaves1 but among all classes4 99 99 99 ,several of the negroes read the ,new ,testament tolerably well1 and repeat questions from ,walls's ,catechism3 on the ,lord's day they were well-dressed1 and attended church40 ,but1 page #hbi1 same vol43 8,at ,cape ,town1 ,mohammedanism is much on the increase4 ,the free ,mohammedans are strenuous in their efforts to make proselytes among the slaves10 c4 ,we have endeavoured to show that the providences of ,god towards the ,african races in slavery to ,christian nations1 tend to their deliverance from idolatry1 and to their restoration to an acceptable worship of the true ,god4 ,and may we not inquire whether the introduction to this worship was not foretold by the prophets8 8,thus saith the ,lord1 ,the labour of ,egypt1 and merchandise of ,ethiopia and of the ,sabeans1 men of stature1 shall come over unto thee1 and they shall be thine3 they shall come after thee2 in chains they shall come over1 and they shall fall down unto thee1 they shall make supplication unto thee1 saying1 ,surely1 ,god is in thee2 and there is none else1 there is no ,god0 beside4 ,isa4 xlv4 #ad4 8,from beyond the rivers of ,ethiopia1 my suppliants1 even the daughters of my dispersed1 shall bring mine offering40 8,i will also leave in the midst of thee an afflicted and poor people1 and they shall trust in the name of the ,lord40 ,zeph4 iii4 #aj1 #ab4 ,the progress of the ,christian religion among the slaves of the ,united ,states is known to the world1 and needs no mention here4 ,no such accounts have ever come from the ,african tribes at any period of time4 ,these indications of the providence of ,god seem to show that he smiles upon the institution of ,african slavery in all ,christian lands1 and 8that its tendencies are to elevate the black man1 and make him more intelligent and happy than he would be in his own land1 and that it has a benevolent bearing on the welfare of the slave in this world and the world to come40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvi4 ,our limits will not permit an extended accumulation of the testimony showing the degenerate condition of the ,african hordes1 nor of those facts showing the ameliorating effect of ,american slavery upon that race of mankind4 ,a large volume would not contain more than an abstract4 ,this effect is obvious to any one acquainted with the race2 while the deep degradation of the races from which they have descended has caused some philosophers to adopt the opinion that they are not of a common origin with the white races of the earth4 ,but we present the doctrine that sin--that any want of conformity to the laws of ,god touching our health and happiness1 our physical and mental improvement and condition1 has a direct tendency to deteriorate the animal man1 and that a general abandonment and disregard of such laws1 through a long series of generations1 will be sufficient to account for the lowest degradation found to exist4 ,we believe there is truth in the saying1 8,the fathers have eaten sour grapes1 and the children's teeth are set on edge20 that1 when the progenitors for a series of ages manifest some particular quality or tendency of action1 the same may be found1 even in an increased degree1 in their descendants2 and that this principle holds true to some extent through the whole animal world4 ,further1 that such progressive tendency to some particular mental or physical condition may be obviated1 and its action reversed1 by a sufficient controlling influence or force4 ,and if it shall be found that there may be truth in this position1 we might submit the inquiry3 ,if ,god in his wisdom foresaw that the family of ,jacob would become so degraded1 in one generation1 that it would require the counteracting influence of four hundred years of slavery to place them in a condition fit to receive and enjoy the blessings promised their fathers2 how long will it require a similar state of control to produce a like renovation among the descendants of ,ham1 the degraded ,africans8 ,but we think1 so far as the inquiry can interest us1 it has been answered by ,st4 ,paul3 8,let as many servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 as are under the yoke1 count their own masters worthy of all honour1 that the name of ,god and his doctrine be not blasphemed4 ,and they that have believing masters1 let them not despise them because they are brethren2 but rather do them service 71 be slaves to them17 because they are faithful and beloved partakers of the benefit4 ,these things teach and exhort4 ,if any man teach otherwise1 and consent not to wholesome words1 even to the words of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 and to the doctrine which is according to godliness1 he is proud1 knowing nothing1 but doting about questions and strifes of words1 whereof cometh envy1 strife1 railings1 evil surmisings1 perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds1 and destitute of the truth1 supposing that gain is godliness3 from such withdraw thyself4 ,but godliness1 with contentment1 is great gain1 for we brought nothing into this world1 and it is certain that we can carry nothing out2 and having food and raiment1 let us be therewith content4 ,but they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare1 and into many foolish and hurtful lusts1 which drown men in destruction and perdition4 ,for the love of money is the root of all evil2 which while some covet after1 they have erred from the faith1 and pierced themselves through with many sorrows4 ,but thou1 ,o man of ,god6 flee these things2 and follow after righteousness1 godliness1 faith1 love1 patience1 meekness4 ,fight the good fight of faith2 lay hold on eternal life1 whereunto thou art also called1 and hast professed a good profession before many witnesses4 ,i give thee charge1 in the sight of ,god who quickeneth all things1 and before ,jesus ,christ1 who before ,pontius ,pilate witnessed a good confession1 that thou keep this commandment 71 an order1 a command1 a precept1 a charge1 injunction7 without spot 71 free from stain1 spotless1 faultless71 unrebukable 71 of whom no hold can be taken1 not to be attacked1 irreprehensible71 until the appearing of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ40 #a ,tim4 vi4 #a-ad4 ,thus ,st4 ,paul has told us how long this doctrine shall be taught2 that it shall be taught free from any alteration1 change2 free from any stain1 pure and spotless2 and that his manner of teaching it shall be plain1 simple1 open1 and bold2 so that there could be no hold taken of him2 and the doctrines1 instructions1 counsels and commands here given were to be so taught1 until the coming of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ4 ,but ,mr4 ,barnes says1 page #aid-- 8,if we may draw an inference also from this case1 7the ,hebrews in ,egypt17 in regard to the manner in which ,god would have such a people 7slaves in ,america7 restored to freedom1 it would be in favour of immediate emancipation40 ,god himself sentenced the ,hebrews to slavery for four hundred years4 8,and when the sun was going down1 a deep sleep fell upon ,abram2 and lo1 a horror of great darkness fell upon him4 ,and he said unto ,abram1 ,know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs1 and shall serve 7 va badum1 shall be slaves to1 or shall slave themselves to7 them1 and they shall afflict them four hundred years40 ,gen4 xv4 #ab1 #ac4 ,at the expiration of which time he delivered them from it4 ,an instance drawn from their case can be legitimately applied only to one where the term of servitude has been determined4 ,god made no attempt to liberate the ,hebrews until the expiration of the term allotted them for servitude4 ,mr4 ,barnes evidently applies his inference to the abolition of the institution generally1 and thus places himself in opposition to ,st4 ,paul4 ,but our mind has come to the decision that the apostle is the higher authority4 ,and the inquiry is also left upon the mind1 whether1 in the matter of his whole book1 ,mr4 ,barnes has not 8run before he was sent20 whereby he may have subjected himself to the mortification of again seeing1 in his own case1 the counsels of ,achitophel turned into foolishness4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvii4 ,mr4 ,barnes has quoted some few passages of ,scripture to which he applies a meaning we deem erroneous2 but we attach no blame to him on this account2 because our ,english version itself1 of the passages referred to1 has a tendency to lead to an inadequate conception of the idea conveyed by the original4 ,the doctor says1 page #abh--8,that even the servant that was bought was to have compensation for his labour2 and there are some general principles laid down1 which1 if applied1 would lead to that3 thus1 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac1 ',wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness1 and his chambers by wrong2 that uses his neighbour's service without wages1 and giveth him not for his work4'0 ,he quotes this same passage for the same purpose1 pp4 #cec and #cfj1 and seems to regard it as a secure pillar1 and on which he founds his doctrines4 ,the words1 8that useth his neighbour's service without wages1 and giveth him not for his work10 are translated from ,the passage admits of two additional readings1 thus3 ,who shall judge for a neighbour as to his slave undeservedly no wages1 no gifts2 or1 ,who shall have adjudged as to his neighbour that he shall slave himself1 undeservedly or gratuitously1 without wages or reward4 ,the meaning is3 ,who shall corruptly judge that his neighbour shall not receive wages or compensation for the services of his slave2 or1 that the neighbour himself shall so slave himself to another without wages or compensation4 ,the word a slave is often used as a verb1 to express such action as would be that of a slave4 ,on page #fg1 ,mr4 ,barnes says--8,the word1 1 andrapodists1 occurs once1 #a ,tim4 i4 #aj1 with the most marked disapprobation of the thing denoted by it4 #8,the law is made for murderers of fathers1 murderers of mothers1 for manslayers1 for whoremongers1 for man-stealers1 for liars1' c40 ,the truth is1 that the word 1 doulos1 is the peculiar word to denote slavery1 and is so used in the ,new ,testament and everywhere else2 but this word also means slave1 c41 and is never used disconnected from the idea of slavery1 but carries with it the idea of some change1 as to place1 condition1 possession1 or ownership4 ,we shall notice how some men are striving to change the ,greek1 as to the meaning of the word 1 doulos1 because1 unless they do so1 the ,new ,testament is strongly against them4 ,however1 of the word used in #a ,tim4 i4 #aj1 1 andrapodistais1 it is true1 that it is used 8with the most marked disapprobation of the thing denoted by it20 and it is just as true that the thing denoted by it is the stealing and enticing away other men's slaves6 ,slave-stealers is its only and legitimate meaning in the place used4 ,had ,st4 ,paul intended to express the idea1 men-stealers1 he would have used the word 1 anthropokleptais2 which would have expressed the very thing wanted by ,mr4 ,barnes4 ,we shall examine these words in another portion of our study4 ,but ,mr4 ,barnes does not appear to be aware why it was that ,st4 ,paul instructed ,timothy that the law was made for slave-stealers3 for whose benefit we will explain2 and by which explanation he will learn that the abolitionists commenced their labours during the days of the apostles4 ,from some of the relations of ,christianity1 not well understood by the ,gentile churches1 the idea was entertained by some that the operation of ,christianity abolished the bonds of matrimony between a believing and an unbelieving party2 that it abolished the authority of an unbelieving parent over a believing child2 that it abolished slavery in case the slave was converted to the faith1 and especially if the master belonged to the household of ,god4 ,on these subjects and others1 the ,corinthian church addressed ,st4 ,paul for instruction and advice4 ,it is to be regretted that their letter has not come down to us2 but1 we can gather what it contained1 from the answer of ,st4 ,paul3 8,now concerning the things whereof ye wrote unto me40 #a ,cor4 vii4 #a4 ,touching the subject before us1 see his answer in the #bjth to the #beth verse2 and the same subject continued in ,eph4 vi4 #e-aj2 also ,col4 iii4 #bb-be2 he found it necessary to instruct ,titus on this subject3 see ,tit4 ii4 #i-ae1 and1 finally1 as in the passage before us1 and also vi4 #a-ae4 ,st4 ,peter also found it necessary to correct the errors of these abolitionists1 and to give them instruction on this subject4 #a ,pet4 ii4 #ah-be4 ,had ,st4 ,paul regarded slavery as an evil1 he certainly had no excuse for not denouncing it4 ,nor do we know of any of the early fathers of the church that did so4 ,st4 ,ignatius1 in his second epistle to ,polycarp1 says--8,overlook not the men and maid servants4 ,let them be the more subject to the glory of ,god1 that they may obtain from him a better liberty4 ,let them not desire to be set free at public cost1 that they be not slaves to their own lusts40 ,see also1 ,general ,epistle of ,barnabas1 xiv4 #ae3 8,thou shalt not be bitter in thy commands towards any of thy servants that trust in ,god1 lest thou chance not to fear him who is over both2 because he came not to call any with respect to persons1 but whomsoever the ,spirit prepared40 ,such is the construction of the human mind1 and of human language1 that whenever a thing is made a subject of remark1 or merely brought to mind1 it1 of necessity1 must be so1 in one of three positions3 either a thing to be commended2 to be reprehended2 or as a thing of total indifference4 ,a glaring sin and gross evil could not have been a thing of indifference to ,jesus ,christ and his apostles4 ,they1 therefore1 cannot be supposed to have acted honestly in not condemning a sin1 when by them mentioned1 or brought to mind4 ,it is a supposition too gross for refutation6 ,but it is conceded by ,mr4 ,barnes1 page #bfj1 that 8the apostles did not openly denounce slavery as an evil1 or require that those who were held in bondage should be at once emancipated4 99 99 99 ,these things seem to me to lie on the face of the ,new ,testament2 and whatever argument they may furnish to the advocates of slavery in disposing of these facts1 it seems plain that the facts themselves cannot be denied40 ,the facts1 then1 must stand in commendation and approval4 ,they cannot be got rid of by arguing ever so ingeniously1 that ,jesus ,christ and his apostles were cunning2 that they acted with prudence2 that they dexterously taught it to be an evil by implication2 or that they acted with deep-seated and far-reaching expediency2 nor by any other subterfuge by which the enemies of ,god are striving to mould his essence and character into an idol to suit themselves4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xviii4 8,if1 however1 it should be conceded that this passage 7,lev4 xxv4 #de1 #df7 means that the heathen might be subjected to perpetual bondage1 and that the intention was not that they should be released in the year of jubilee1 still it will not follow that this is a justification of perpetual slavery as it exists in the ,united ,states4 ,for1 even on that supposition1 the concession was one made to them1 not to any other people40 ,barnes1 p4 #aef4 ,this is not the first time the abolitionists have presented this proposition1 and seem to deem it insurmountable4 ,therefore1 it may merit a few words of inquiry4 ,is it contended that ,god ever grants or denies1 or1 in other words1 acts1 except in conformity with some universal rule or law of his providence and government8 ,for1 to suppose otherwise1 must involve the consideration of an inferior and capricious being4 ,if ,god1 on any occasion1 permitted slavery1 then it is deducible from the unchangeableness of ,god and his laws1 that he always permits it1 when all the circumstances and conditions shall be found to exist as they were when he did so permit it4 ,the ,jews1 as a nation1 were ,god's people2 his worshippers1 his church4 8,and ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests1 and a holy nation40 ,exod4 xix4 #f4 8,for thou art a holy people unto the ,lord thy ,god3 ,the ,lord thy ,god hath chosen thee to be a special people unto himself1 above all people that are upon the face of the earth40 ,deut4 vii4 #f4 ,but1 in the order of ,god's providence1 other people were to be the recipients of the grace of ,god also3 8,and it shall come to pass in the last days1 that the mountain of the ,lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains1 and shall be exalted above the hills3 all nations shall flow unto it40 ,isa4 ii4 #b4 8,sing and rejoice1 ,o daughter of ,zion2 for lo1 ,i come1 and ,i will dwell in the midst of thee1 saith the ,lord4 ,and many nations shall be joined to the ,lord in that day1 and shall be my people40 ,zech4 ii4 #aj1 #aa4 ,this is in strict conformity with the promise of ,jehovah to ,isaac3 8,and in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed40 ,gen4 xxvi4 #d4 ,the time of this great enlargement of the church of ,god was the advent of the ,saviour4 ,the ,christian church succeeded as heirs of all the promises1 benefits1 and free grace of the ancient church and people of ,god2--in fact1 became heirs of ,abraham2--8,and the father of circumcision to them1 who are not of the circumcision only1 but who walk in the steps of that faith of our father ,abraham1 which he had being yet uncircumcised4 ,for the promise that he should be the heir of the world was not to ,abraham1 or to his seed through the law1 but through the righteousness of faith40 99 99 99 8,therefore it is of faith1 that it might be by grace2 to the end the promise might be sure to all the seed2 not to that only which is of the law1 but to that also which is of the faith of ,abraham1 who is the father of us all1 7as it is written1 ,i have made thee the father of many nations17 before him whom he believed1 even ,god1 who quickeneth the dead1 and calleth those things which be not1 as though they were40 ,romans iv4 #aa1 #ab1 #af1 #ag4 8,therefore remember1 that ye being in times past ,gentiles in the flesh1 who are called uncircumcision by that which is called the circumcision in the flesh made by hands2 8,that at that time ye were without ,christ1 being aliens from the commonwealth of ,israel1 and strangers from the covenant of promise1 having no hope1 and without ,god in the world4 8,but now in ,christ ,jesus1 ye who sometime were afar off1 are made nigh by the blood of ,christ2 for he is our peace1 who hath made both one2 and hath broken down the middle wall of partition between us40 ,eph4 ii4 #aa1 #ab1 #ac1 #ad4 8,know ye1 therefore1 that they which are of faith1 the same are children of ,abraham4 ,and the scripture foreseeing that ,god would justify the heathen by faith1 preached before the gospel to ,abraham1 saying1 ,in thee shall all nations be blessed40 ,gal4 iii4 #g1 #h4 ,and wherefore ,peter very properly describes the ,gentile church of ,christ by similar language applied to the ,jews1 the chosen people of ,god to whom the promises of the law were made3 8,but ye are a chosen generation1 a royal priesthood1 a holy nation1 a peculiar people2 that ye should show forth the praises of him who hath called you out of darkness into his marvellous light2 which in time past were not a people1 but are now a people of ,god2 which had not obtained mercy1 but have now obtained mercy40 #a ,peter ii4 #i1 #aj4 ,the theological student will recollect many more very pertinent proofs of the heirship of the ,christian church to the chosen people of ,god4 8,think not ,i am come to destroy the law1 or the prophets2 ,i come not to destroy the law1 but to fulfil40 ,matt4 v4 #ag4 ,so far then as the ,gentile nations have become ,christianized1 have become the followers of ,christ1 so far they have1 through faith1 become the peculiar people of ,god1 and heirs and children of ,abraham2 and1 as heirs1 succeeded to all things resulting from the providence and grace of ,god to his peculiar people4 ,the broad and universal principle concerning slavery is1 that a want of knowledge of the true ,god1 a want of conformity to his law1 have a constantly deteriorating effect1 whereas1 on the contrary1 a knowledge of ,jehovah and a conduct in conformity to his law1 7since the fallen state of man renders him unable to comply with the law7 the application of ,god's grace1 and free forgiveness through faith and repentance1 shall have the redeeming effect of a full compliance with the law4 ,as the one position is deteriorating1 forcing as it were downward to destruction and death1--the other is as constantly elevating towards all perfection and life eternal4 ,thus the mercy of ,god is manifested to the degraded and heathen nations1 by substantially placing them under a protection and guidance1 which1 however slow may be the progress1 must of necessity have an elevating influence on thousands1 in proportion as they1 with heart-felt willingness1 yield themselves to it4 8,oh1 that men would praise the ,lord for his goodness1 and for his wonderful works to the children of men6 ,for he satisfieth the longing soul1 and filleth the hungry soul with goodness4 ,such as sit in darkness and the shadow of death1 being bound in affliction and iron2 because they rebelled against the words of ,god1 and contemned the counsels of the ,most ,high3 therefore1 he brought down their heart with labour2 they fell down1 there was none to help4 ,then they cried unto the ,lord in their trouble1 and he raised them out of their distresses4 ,he brought them out of darkness and the shadow of death1 and brake their bands in sunder4 ,oh1 that men would praise the ,lord for his goodness1 and for his wonderful works to the children of men40 ,psa4 cvii4 #h-ae4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in conclusion1 we may remark1 that under this view of the law1 the announcements of holy writ1 so far as they regard the subject under consideration1 are as applicable to the ,christian people of the present day as they at any time were to the ,hebrews themselves4 8,thus saith the ,lord1 ,the labour of ,egypt1 and merchandise of ,ethiopia1 and of the ,sabeans1 men of stature1 shall come over unto thee1 and they shall be thine3 they shall come after thee2 in chains they shall come over1 and they shall fall down unto thee1 they shall make supplication unto thee1 saying1 ,surely ,god is in thee2 and there is none else1 there is no ,god0 beside4 ,isa4 xlv4 #ad4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xix4 ,mr4 ,barnes has referred to ,vatalbus1 ,rabbi ,solomon1 ,abenezra ,joh4 ,casp4 ,migius1 ,constitutiones ,servi ,hebri1 ,ugolin1 ,maimonides1 ,michaelis1 ,john's ,archology1 ,selden de ,uxore ,hebraica1 and some other books which are not at hand1 in support of his doctrine1 and the points on which he predicates it4 ,we did not doubt the accuracy of these references and quotations2 but1 page #adi1 we find the following in his book3 8,it would appear from ,josephus1 that on the year of jubilee all slaves were set at liberty20 and he refers to 8,antiquities10 vol4 ii4 chap4 xii4 sec4 #c1 which1 so far as it refers to slavery1 reads thus3 8,accordingly ,i enjoin thee to make no more delays1 but to make haste to ,egypt1 and to travel night and day1 and not to draw out the time1 and to make the slavery of the ,hebrews and their sufferings to last the longer40 ,we do not see how the passage warrants the assertion of ,mr4 ,barnes1 and apprehended some mistake1 such as a young lawyer1 willing to appear very learned1 might make1 by affixing to his brief a long list of authorities1 merely from an examination of his index4 ,but the sentence here quoted from ,mr4 ,barnes1 containing the proposition that ,josephus said1 in his ,antiquities1 vol4 ii4 chap4 xii sec4 #c1 that all slaves were set at liberty in the year of jubilee1 is consecutively followed in his book1 thus3 8,the fiftieth year is called by the ,hebrews the jubilee1 wherein debtors are freed from their debts1 and slaves are set at liberty40 ,and this sentence is marked as quoted from ,josephus1 and as though it was the exact passage to be found in the place just before referred to4 ,the fact is1 this sentence is nearly a part of what may be found in book iii4 chap4 xii4 sec4 #c of ,antiquities1 thus3 8,and that fiftieth year is called by the ,hebrews the jubilee wherein debtors are freed from their debts1 and slaves are set at liberty2 which slaves became such1 though they were of the same stock1 by transgressing some of those laws whose punishment was not capital1 but they were punished by this method of slavery40 ,suppose the mistake to be in the number of the book1 still1 does the passage1 as fully quoted1 give any authority for the assertion of ,mr4 ,barnes8 ,thus the mind is led to inquire what credit is to be given to these references8 ,but we hasten to give a few extracts illustrative of ,mr4 ,barnes's thought and argument4 ,he says1 p4 #abf-- 8,considering the universal prevalence of slavery when the gospel was preached1 it is not probable that any considerable number would be found1 who were masters and servants in the sense of a voluntary servitude on the part of the latter40 ,he says-- ,page #bgc3 8,the permanency of the institution 7slavery7 can derive no support from what they 7the apostles7 said on the subject1 and in no manner depends on it40 ,page #cjj3 8,it is only the antagonistic fanaticism of a fragment of the ,south1 which maintains the doctrine that slavery is1 in itself1 a good thing1 and ought to be perpetuated4 ,it cannot by possibility be perpetuated40 ,page #cja3 8,the ,south1 therefore1 has to choose between emancipation1 by the silent and holy influence of the gospel1 securing the elevation of the slaves to the stature and character of freemen1 or to abide the issue of a long continued conflict against the laws of ,god40 ,page #cjf3 8,and if a ,christian master at the present time 99 99 99 should be troubled in his conscience in regard to his right to hold slaves1 there is no part of the apostolic writings to which he could turn to allay his feelings or calm his scruples40 ,page #caa3 8,now this undeniable fact1 that the right of the master over the person and services of the slave1 is never recognised at all in the ,new ,testament40 ,page #cab3 8,whatever distinction of complexion there may be1 it is the doctrine of the ,bible that all belong to one and the same great family1 and that1 in the most important matters pertaining to their existence1 they are on a level40 ,page #cae3 8,up to the time when its truths 7the gospel's7 were made known1 the great mass of mankind had no scruples about its propriety2 they regarded one portion of the race as inferior to the other1 and as born to be slaves4 ,christianity disclosed the great truth that all men were on a level2 that all were equal40 ,page #cag3 8,if a man should in fact render to his slaves #8that which is just and equal2' would he not restore them to freedom8 ,would any thing short of this be all that is just and equal80 ,page #cbb3 8,no man has a right to assume that when the word 1 doulos1 occurs in the ,new ,testament1 it means a slave40 ,page #cca3 8,no argument in favour of slavery can be derived from the injunctions addressed by the apostles to the slaves themselves40 ,page #cdj3 8,from the arguments thus far presented in regard to the relations of ,christianity to slavery1 it seems fair to draw the conclusion1 that the ,christian religion lends no sanction to slavery40 ,page #cda3 8,the ,saviour and his apostles inculcated such views of man as amount to a prohibition of slavery40 ,page #cde3 8,he 7,jesus ,christ7 was not a ,jew1 except by the accident of his birth1 but he was a man2 in his human form there was as distinct a relation to the ,african 99 99 99 as there was to the ,caucasian40 ,we have understood that one popular clergyman at the ,north 7an abolitionist7 has gone so far as to say that ,jesus ,christ was a negro6 ,to what folly and extravagance will not wickedness subject its slaves6 ,mr4 ,barnes says1 page #cge--8,these considerations seem to me to be conclusive proof that ,christianity was not designed to extend and perpetuate slavery2 but that the spirit of the ,christian religion would remove it from the world1 because it is an evil1 and displeasing to ,god40 ,to all of which1 worthy of answer1 it may be well to apply the sentiment which he attributes to ,dr4 ,fuller1 that the ,new ,testament is not silent on the subject of slavery2 that it recognises the relation2 that it commands slaves to obey their masters1 and gives reasons why they should do so4 ,and it may be steadily affirmed1 if slavery be a sin1 that such commands and counsels are not only a suppressio veri1 but a suggestio falsi2 not only a suppression of the truth1 but a suggestion of what is false6 99 99 99 99 99 ,if it shall be said that ,god merely sanctioned or permitted slavery in the time of the patriarchs1 who will say that he did not enjoin it in the time of ,moses8 ,a repeal of this injunction demanded a countervailing revelation of no equivocal character1 clear and decided1 without the admission of a doubt4 8,and ,god spake unto ,moses in ,mount ,sinai1 saying1 99 99 99 ,but thy bond-men and bond-maids which thou shalt have1 shall be of the heathen that are round about you2 of them shall ye buy bond-men and bond-maids4 ,moreover1 of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you1 of them shall ye buy and of their families1 which they beget in your land2 and they shall be your possession4 ,and ye shall take them as an inheritance1 for your children after you1 to inherit them for a possession3 they shall be your bond-men for ever40 ,lev4 xxv4 #a1 #dd1 #de1 #df4 ,mr4 ,barnes has adduced no proof that this law was ever repealed2 nor do the holy books contain any evidence of such repeal2 yet he has denied the existence of slavery in ,judea1 at the time of the advent of the ,saviour4 ,see pp4 #bbh1 #bdb1 #bdd1 and #bdi1 before quoted1 and1 we trust1 sufficiently refuted4 ,but we now add1 that at the time ,jesus ,christ and his apostles were on the earth1 ,judea was a province of ,rome4 ,now1 since it was clear that slavery was inculcated by the ,hebrew laws1 unless it was forbidden by the ,roman1 we could not come to the conclusion that slavery did not exist in ,judea at their time1 even if ,jesus ,christ and his apostles had never alluded to it4 ,but1--see ,matt4 xxvi4 #ea3 8,behold1 one of them which were with ,jesus stretched out his hand and drew his sword and struck the servant 71 doulon1 slave7 of the high-priest10 then some suitable but different word would have been used1 as in the following3 8,and the servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 and officers 71 hupretai1 attendants1 persons who aid1 assistants7 stood there10 ,john xviii4 #ah2 proving the fact that both slaves and other attendants were present1 and that the slave was named distinctly from such other attendants4 ,there can be no doubt about these facts2 and in proof that slavery was not forbidden by the ,roman laws1 we quote from ,mr4 ,barnes1 page #bea3 8,in ,italy1 it was computed that there were three slaves to one freeman2 and in this part of the empire alone1 their numbers amounted to more than twenty millions40 ,page #beb3 99 99 99 8,the number of slaves could not have been less than sixty millions in the ,roman ,empire1 at about the time the apostles went forth to preach the gospel40 ,page #bed3 99 99 99 8,the following places are mentioned1 either as emporia for slaves or countries from which they were procured3 ,delos1 ,phrygia1 and ,cappadocia1 ,panticapum1 ,diascurias1 and ,phanagoria on the ,euxine or ,black ,sea2 ,alexandria and ,cadiz2 ,corsica1 ,sardinia1 and ,britain2 ,africa and ,thrace40 ,and does it astonish us that in these dark ages of human degradation1 ,britain helped to supply ,rome with slaves8 ,it should be remembered that conquest gave the right in ancient days to enslave all barbarous and deeply degraded nations2 and it might be inquired whether such principle was not alluded to by the prophet3 8,shall the prey be taken from the mighty1 or the lawful captive delivered40 ,isa4 xlix4 #bd4 ,history will inform us that all these nations were of the lowest order4 ,st4 ,jerome1 in his writings against ,jovinian1 informs us what were the morals of ,britain4 ,he says--8,why should ,i refer to other nations1 when ,i myself1 when a youth in ,gaul1 have seen the ,atticotti1 a ,british tribe1 eating human flesh8 ,should they find shepherds tending their herds of swine or cattle1 and flocks of sheep in the woods1 they are wont to cut off the fleshy parts of the men1 and the breasts of the women1 which are esteemed the most delicious food40 ,who then is to say that ,britain is not now indebted for her high state of intellectual improvement to the pike1 bludgeon1 and sword of the ,roman1 ,dane1 ,saxon1 and ,norman8 ,and can we say that the hand of ,god was not in this8 ,the same providences and principles that have ever applied to degraded ,africa apply to all degraded nations1 and even to individual men4 8,whosoever committeth sin is the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 of sin40 ,and it may be said that nations and individuals thus enslave themselves4 8,behold1 for your iniquities ye have sold yourselves40 ,isa4 l4 #a4 ,these principles may be seen every day operating among the most degraded of even the most enlightened nations4 ,the history of the present day informs us of the deep degradation of the ,african tribes2 and that even in their own country the great mass are slaves4 ,consistently with the laws of ,god1 they could not be otherwise2 and even slavery among themselves1 subject to sacrifice and death as we have seen it1 is yet better for them than a state of freedom4 ,we have seen how the free hordes roam like the brutes1 making that place home where night overtook them4 ,suppose such to be cannibals1 of which we have proof1 it might so happen1 that1 in one day1 one half of their number would be destroyed by themselves4 ,therefore1 as distressing as slavery must be among them1 yet it is far preferable to their dejected condition of freedom4 ,we know of no one who pretends to believe that the masses of the ,african tribes have increased in number since the commencement of our era2 whereas1 a few scattering individuals1 brought into slavery1 within the last few generations1 in these ,states1 have increased to near four millions2 nearly one-twelfth of the number of the entire population of ,africa4 ,however wicked may be the ,christian master1 how much more is slavery to be desired by the negro than any condition among these pagan hordes6 ,we1 therefore1 do not deem it presumptuous to say1 that so degraded is the condition of the ,african in his own land1 that it has been elevated in proportion as it has been affected by the slave-trade1 and more especially with ,christian nations4 ,the first tendencies towards civilization1 and whatever dawning of mental development there may be now noticed among the ,african tribes1 are traceable alone to that source4 ,and the ,christian philosopher might well inquire whether1 in the providence of ,god1 its existence1 from the time of ,noah to the present1 has not been the saving principle which has alone preserved the tribes of ,ham from the condition of ,sodom and ,gomorrah1 and other nations long since wasted away4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xx4 ,mr4 ,barnes has quoted and adopted the following passage from ,president ,wayland1 page #caj3 8,if the religion of ,christ allows such a license 7to hold slaves7 from such precepts as these1 the ,new ,testament would be the greatest curse that ever was inflicted on our race40 ,on the account of the avowal of ,dr4 ,barnes as to his race1 heretofore noticed1 we feel a degree of gladness that the above passage is not original with him3 we should expect to find in him a sympathy on this subject1 unpleasant to encounter1 because legitimately acting on his mind4 ,a man may be a philosopher or a ,christian1 yet the ties of nature1 the sympathies of kindred are not abated4 ,we are informed that heretofore1 written arguments in favour of abolitionism by ,dr4 ,wayland and against it by ,dr4 ,fuller1 have been published4 ,we have not seen the work2 but are told that the abolitionists claim victory for ,dr4 ,wayland1 and that the opponents also claim it for ,dr4 ,fuller2 and from the foregoing passage as quoted1 we conclude that ,dr4 ,wayland found himself1 at least1 in straits on the subject4 ,if such be the fact1 it may account why the abolitionists thought ,dr4 ,barnes's present work necessary4 ,but1 however these things may be1 the passage from ,dr4 ,wayland is a volume of deep instruction1 announcing the feelings and theological consistency1 we might say fanaticism1 of1 we hope1 but a few extraordinary men1 now appearing in our land2 men1 we doubt not1 conscientious in their opinion that ,god designs the government of the world to be in strict conformity with human reason1 and who cannot1 therefore1 pray in the spirit of the ,son3 8,father1 if thou be willing1 remove this cup from me3 nevertheless1 not my will1 but thine1 be done40 ,luke xxii4 #db4 8,if any man have not the spirit of ,christ1 he is none of his40 ,rom4 viii4 #i4 ,in the book before us1 the author falls into one error1 common to every writer on his side of the question3 ,that slavery is the cause of the degradation of the ,africans and the slaves generally4 ,we maintain that the converse is the true state of the case4 ,another error is the substitution of what may be abuses of slavery for the institution itself4 ,this author1 like most of the abolition writers of whom we have any knowledge1 evinces an inability to enter into an impartial consideration of the subject1 from his deep and overshadowing prejudices against it4 ,indeed1 the whole work1 from page to page1 carries proof of a previous determination to condemn1 not less obvious than in the instance of the judge who1 in summing up a case1 said--8,it is true1 in this case1 the accused has proved himself innocent2 but1 since a guilty man might prove himself so1 and since ,i myself have always been of the opinion that he was guilty1 it will be the safest to condemn40 ,the style of the work before us is always diffuse and declamatory1 sometimes elevated1 but often cumbrous2 still his language bears the impress of classical learning and a cultivated mind2 but there is in the work a want of conciseness2 it abounds in contradictory positions and a frequent inconclusiveness of deduction1 which make it obnoxious to a charge of carelessness4 ,but may we not account for these defects by the urgent solicitude of his readers8 ,the morbid appetite of the ,northern abolitionists was probably hungry for the work4 ,having no wish to oppose his pecuniary views1 we refrain from further extracts1 lest we should infringe his copyright4 ,nor did we at all contemplate a classical review of the work4 ,the book contains about #djj pages4 ,if it could be condensed1 like a pot of new-brewed and foaming1 into potable beer1 to a fourth of that size1 it might well claim such attention2 and from the specimens of ability displayed1 if it were proved that the doctor has suffered his zeal to run ahead of the truth in regard to his race1 we should judge him fully competent to the task of such improvement4 ------------------------------------ ,study ,,iii4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 8,the ,works of ,william ,ellery ,channing1 ,d4,d410 in six volumes4 ,tenth ,edition4 ,boston1 #ahdi4 ,these volumes include essays1 sermons1 and lectures on various subjects4 ,the style is easy1 flowing1 and persuasive2 the language is generally clear1 often elevated1 sometimes sublime4 ,few can read the book and not feel the evidence1 whatever may be the error of his doctrine1 that the author added to his literary eminence a purity of intention4 ,such a work must always make a deep impression on the reader4 ,it is this fact that prompts the present essay4 ,it may be said of ,channing what ,channing said of ,fenelon3 8,he needs to be read with caution1 as do all who write from their own deeply excited minds4 ,he needs to be received with deductions and explanations4 99 99 99 ,we fear that the very excellencies of ,fenelon may shield his errors4 ,admiration prepares the mind for belief2 and the moral and religious sensibility of the reader may lay him open to impressions which1 while they leave his purity unstained1 may engender causeless solicitude40 ,vol4 i4 p4 #ahe4 ,dr4 ,channing's sympathies for every appearance of human suffering1 for every grade of human imperfection1 gave a peculiar phasis1 perhaps most amiable to his intellect1 religion1 and writings4 ,he sought perfection for himself--he was ardent to behold it universal4 ,heaven must for ever be the home of such a spirit4 ,but the scenes of earth gave agitation and grief4 ,limited1 in his earthly associations1 to the habits of the ,north1 the very purity of his heart led him to attack what he deemed the most wicked sin of the ,south4 ,his politics were formed upon the model of his mind4 ,religion spread before him her golden wing1 and science aided in the elevation of his view4 ,but1 ,o thou ,being1 ,god ,eternal6 why not this earth made heaven8 ,why thy most perfect work imperfection8 ,why thy child1 clothed with holiness or shod with the gospel1 run truant to thy law1 thy providence and government8 ,but1 lo1 we are not of thy council4 ,we were not called when the foundations of eternity were laid4 ,we are1 truly1 all very small beings4 ,our virtues1 even purity1 may lead in error4 ,may not our best intentions lead down to wo8 8,it is a fact worthy of serious thought1 and full of solemn instruction1 that many of the worst errors have grown out of the religious tendencies of the mind4 ,so necessary is it to keep watch over our whole nature1 to subject the highest sentiments to the calm1 conscientious reason4 ,men1 starting from the idea of ,god1 have been so dazzled by it1 as to forget or misinterpret the universe40 ,channing1 vol4 i4 p4 #ad4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,volume ii4 page #ad1 ,dr4 ,channing says-- 8#a4 ,i shall show that man cannot be justly held and used as property4 8#b4 ,i shall show that man has sacred rights1 the gifts of ,god1 and inseparable from human nature1 of which slavery is the infraction4 8#c4 ,i shall offer some explanations to prevent misapplication of these principles4 8#d4 ,i shall unfold the evils of slavery4 8#e4 ,i shall consider the argument which the ,scriptures are thought to furnish in favour of slavery4 8#f4 ,i shall offer some remarks on the means of removing it4 8#g4 ,i shall offer some remarks on abolitionism4 8#h4 ,i shall conclude with a few reflections on the duties belonging to the times40 ,in support of the first proposition1 to wit1 8,i will show that man cannot be justly held and used as property10 the doctor has advanced seven arguments4 ,he says1 page #ah--8;,it is plain1 that1 if one man may be held as property1 then every other man may be so held40 99 99 99 8,now let every reader ask himself this plain question3 ,could ,i1 can ,i1 be rightfully seized1 and made an article of property10 c4 ,page #ai3 8,and if this impression be delusion1 on what single moral conviction can we rely8 99 99 99 ,the consciousness of indestructible rights is a part of our moral being4 ,the consciousness of our humanity involves the persuasion that we cannot be owned as a tree or brute4 ,as men1 we cannot justly be made slaves4 ,then no man can be rightfully enslaved40 ,the first idea we find1 touching property1 is in ,gen4 i4 #bf3 8,and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea1 and over the fowl of the air1 and over the cattle1 and over all the earth1 and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth40 ,verse #bhth3 8,and ,god blessed them1 and ,god said unto them1 ,be fruitful1 and multiply1 and replenish the earth and subdue it2 and have dominion over the fish of the sea1 and over the fowl of the air1 and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth40 ,in ,lev4 xxv4 #dd3 8,both thy bond-men and bond-maids which thou shalt have shall be of the heathen1 that are round about you3 of them shall ye buy bond-men and bond-maids40 ,verse #de3 8,moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you1 of them shall ye buy1 and of their families that are with you which they beget in your land1 and they shall be your possession40 ,verse #df3 8,and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you1 to inherit them for a possession1 they shall be your bondmen for ever40 ,and if we look at the first verse of this chapter1 that the foregoing was announced by ,god himself to ,moses from ,sinai2 and from which it would seem that ,god and ,dr4 ,channing were of quite a different opinion on this subject4 ,we know not what notion ,dr4 ,channing may have entertained of 8man's indestructible rights40 ,but let us ask1 what rights has he that may not be destroyed8 ,the right to breath8 ,suppose1 by his own wantonness1 carelessness1 or wickedness1 he is submerged in water1 what becomes of his right to breathe1 since he can no longer exercise it8 ,can you name any right that1 under the providence of ,god1 may not be destroyed8 ,freemen have rights1 but subject to alteration1 and even extinction2 slaves have rights1 but subject to the same changes4 ,there is no such thing as an 8indestructible right0 appertaining to any existence1 save to the ,great ,jehovah6 ,he must be an immortal ,god who can possess an indestructible right4 ,we use the word 8right0 in ,dr4 ,channing's sense--just claim1 legal title1 ownership1 the legal power of exclusive possession4 ,you ask1 has not man an indestructible right to worship ,god8 ,we answer1 no6 ,man has no such right to worship ,god2 such right would make him a partner4 ,the worship of ,god is a duty which man owes2 the forbearance of which is forbidden by the moral law1 by justice and propriety4 ,nothing can be forbidden or ordered touching an indestructible right2 for such command1 if to be obeyed1 changes the quality of the right2 or rather shows that it was not indestructible4 ,such arguments may seem to give great aid and beauty to a mere rhetorical climax1 but1 before the lens of analyzation1 evaporates into enthusiastic declamation1--which1 in the present case1 seems to be addressed to the sympathies1 prejudices1 and impulses of the human heart4 ,in his writings on slavery1 in fact through all his works1 we find a fundamental error1 most fatal to truth4 ,he makes the conscience the great cynosura of all that is right in morals1 and of all that is true in religion4 ,hence1 in the passage before us1--8,the consciousness of indestructible rights is a part of our moral being10--the consciousness of such rights is his proof that we possess them2 therefore1 8the consciousness of our humanity involves the persuasion 7proof7 that we cannot be owned20 and1 therefore1 8as men 7being men7 we cannot justly be made slaves40 ,so1 page #be3 8,another argument against the right of property in man1 may be drawn from a very obvious principle of moral science1 the conscience40 ,page #cc4 8,his conscience1 in revealing the moral law1 does not reveal a law for himself only1 but speaks as a universal legislator4 ,he has an intuitive conviction that the obligations of this divine code press on others as truly as on himself4 99 99 99 ,there is no deeper principle in human nature than the consciousness of rights40 ,vol4 iii4 page #ah3 8,by this ,i mean that a ,christian minister should beware of offering interpretations of ,scripture which are repugnant to any clear discoveries of reason1 or dictates of conscience40 ,page #ic3 8,we believe that all virtue has its foundation in the moral nature of man2 that is1 conscience1 or his sense of duty40 ,page #afd3 8,one of the great excellencies of ,christianity is that it does not deal in minute regulations2 but1 that1 having given broad views of duty10 c41 99 99 99 8it leaves us to apply these rules1 and express their spirit1 according to the promptings of the divine monitor within us0--the conscience4 ,vol4 vi4 page #cjh3 8,we have no higher law than our conviction of duty40 8,conscience is the supreme power within us4 ,its essence1 its grand characteristic1 is sovereignty4 ,it speaks with divine authority4 ,its office is to command1 to rebuke1 to reward2 and happiness and honour depend on the reverence with which we listen to it40 ,vol4 iii4 pp4 #cce1 #ccf4 ,such passages plainly expose the view of what ,dr4 ,channing calls conscience3 in answer to which we say1 the conscience may be a poor guide to truth4 ,the ,african savage feels a clear conscience when he kills and eats his captive4 ,the ,hindoo mother is governed by her conscience when she plunges her new-born infant beneath the flood1 a sacrifice to her gods4 ,the idolaters of ,palestine were subdued by conscience when they thrust their suckling infants into the flames to appease ,moloch2 yet ,god did not think it was right1 and forbade them to do so4 ,the truth is1 the conscience is merely that part of the judgment which takes notice of what it deems right or wrong2 consequently1 is as prone to be in error as our judgment about any other matter4 ,for the accuracy of this definition1 we refer to all the standard writers on logic1 and those on the human understanding1 treating on the subject4 ,and in fact1 ,dr4 ,channing is forced to recede from his position when he finds that ,abraham1 ,philemon1 and some good men even of the present day1 were slave-owners2 and in vol4 vi4 page #ee1 he says--8,it is a solemn truth1 not yet understood as it should be1 that the worst institutions may be sustained1 the worst deeds performed1 the most merciless cruelties inflicted by the conscientious and the good40 ,and again1 page #eg3 8,the great truth is now insisted on1 that evil is evil1 no matter at whose door it lies2 and that men acting from conscience and religion may do nefarious deeds1 needs to be better understood40 ,would it not have been more frank for ,dr4 ,channing to have said1 that the conscience would be an unerring guide so long as it agreed with his1 but when it did not1 why1 then he would inquire into the matter8 99 99 99 99 99 ,it is to be lamented that1 among the unlearned at the present day1 a confused idea of something tantamount to the conscience being a divine monitor within us has taken a deep root among the minds of men2 having grown out of the fact that such was the doctrine of some of the fanatical teachers of former days4 ,if we shall be permitted to speak of property1 in reference to our and its relation to the ,divine ,being1 then we cannot strictly say that man can own property4 ,jehovah stands in no need4 ,behold the cattle upon a thousand hills are his2 all is the work of his hand2 all1 all is his property alone6 ,at most1 ,god has only intrusted the possession1 the administration of the subjects of his creation1 to man for the time being1--to multiply1 to replenish and subdue4 ,it is only in reference to our relation to one another that we can advance the idea of property4 ,man was commanded to have dominion over the whole earth1 to replenish and subdue1 in proportion to the talent bestowed on him for that purpose4 ,this command presupposes such a state of things as we find1 of advancement1 progression1 and improvement4 ,but in the course of the ,divine administration1 ,god has seen fit to bestow on one man ten talents1 and on another but one2 and who shall stand upon the throne of the ,almighty1 and decide that he of the ten talents shall have no relation with the progression of him of but one talent8 8,take therefore the talent from him1 and give it unto him of ten talents4 ,for unto every one that hath shall be given1 and he shall have abundance3 but from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath40 ,matt4 xxv4 #bh1 #bi2 see also ,luke xvii4 #bd-bf4 ,and what1 in the course of ,divine providence1 is to become of him who buried his talent in the earth1 and from whom it was taken away8 8,blessed is that servant whom his ,lord when he cometh shall find so doing4 ,of a truth ,i say unto you1 that he will make him ruler over all that he hath40 ,luke xii4 #dc1 #dd4 8,jesus answered them1 ,verily ,i say unto you1 whoever committeth sin is the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 of sin40 ,john viii4 #cd4 8,behold for your iniquities have ye sold yourselves40 ,isa4 l4 #a4 8,cursed be ,canaan2 a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren40 ,gen4 ix4 #be4 ebed1 ebedim1 a most abject slave shall he be6 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,the second argument in support of his first proposition is1 8,a man cannot be seized and held as property1 because he has rights20 to enforce which1 he says--8,now1 ,i say1 a being having rights cannot justly be made property2 for this claim over him virtually annuls all his rights40 ,we see no force of argument in this position4 ,it is also true that all domestic animals1 held as property1 have rights4 8,the ox knoweth his owner1 and the ass his master's crib40 ,they all have 8the right of petition20 and ask1 in their way1 for food3 are they the less property8 ,but his third argument in support of his first proposition is1 that man cannot justly be held as property1 on the account of the 8essential equality of man40 ,if to be born1 to eat1 to drink1 and die alike1 constitutes an essential equality among men1 then be it so6 ,what6 the ,african savage1 born even a slave amid his native wilds1 who entertains no vestige of an idea of ,god1 of a future state of existence1 of moral accountability2 who has no wish beyond the gratification of his own animal desire2 whose parentage1 for ages past1 has been of the same order2 and whose descendants are found to require generations of constant training before they display any permanent moral and intellectual advancement2 what1 such a one essentially equal to such a man as ,dr4 ,channing8 ,the truth is1 such a man is more essentially equal with the brute creation4 ,we shall consider the subject of the equality in another part of our study1 to which we refer4 ,we1 therefore1 only remark1 that the doctrine is a chimera4 ,his fourth argument in support of the proposition is1 8,that man cannot justly be held as property1 because property is an exclusive right40 8,now10 he says1 8if there be property in any thing1 it is that of a man in his own person1 mind1 and strength40 8,property10 he repeats1 8is an exclusive right40 ,if a man has an exclusive right to property1 he can alienate it2 he may sell1 give1 and bequeath it to others4 ,if a man is the property of himself1 suppose he shall choose to sell himself to another1 and deliver himself in full possession to the purchaser1 as he had before been in the full possession of himself--whose property will he be then8 ,see a case in point in ,deut4 xv4 #ab-ag2 see also ,exod4 xxi4 #a-g4 ,his fifth argument is that1 8if a human being cannot without infinite injustice be seized as property1 then he cannot1 without equal wrong1 be held and used as such40 ,if a human being shall be found a nuisance to himself and others in a state of freedom1 then there will be no injustice in his being subjugated1 by law1 to such control as his qualities prove him to require in reference to the general good2 even if the subject shall not choose such control as a personal benefit to himself4 ,the sixth argument is1 that a human being cannot be held as property1 because1 if so held1 8the latter is under obligation to give himself up as a chattel to the former40 8,now10 he says1 8do we not instantly feel1 can we help feeling1 that this is false80 ,and that 8the absence of obligation proves the want of the right40 ,we suppose all acknowledge ,god as the author of the moral law4 ,the moral law forcibly inculcates submission to the civil or political law1 even independent of any promise to do so4 ,now1 no one can have a right to act in contradiction to law4 ,the absence of this right1 then1 proves the existence of the obligation4 ,for his seventh argument1 he says--8,i come now to what is1 to my mind1 the great argument against seizing and using a man as property4 ,he cannot be property in the sight of ,god and justice1 because he is a rational1 moral1 immortal being2 because created in ,god's image1 and therefore in the highest sense his child2 because created to unfold godlike faculties1 and to govern himself by a ,divine law1 written on his heart1 and republished in ,god's word40 ,dr4 ,channing adds a page or two in the same impulsive strain1 of the same enthusiastic character4 ,we may admire his style1 his language1 the amiable formation of his mind1 but we see nothing like precision or logical deduction in support of his proposition4 ,we see nothing in it but the declamation of a learned1 yet an over-ardent1 enthusiastic mind4 ,his whole book is but a display of his mental formation4 ,he could love his friends2 yea1 his enemies4 ,he could have rewarded virtue1 but he never could have punished sin4 ,he could have forgiven the greatest outrage1 but he never could have yielded a delinquent to the rigid demands of justice4 ,he was a good man1 but he never could have been an unbending judge4 ,the laws of ,god have been made for the government and benefit of his creatures4 ,god1 nor his law1 is1 like man1 changeable4 ,his law1 as expressed or manifested towards one class of objects1 is also expressed and manifested towards all objects similarly situated4 ,the law1 brought into action by an act of ,cain1 would also have been brought into action by a similar act of ,abel4 ,the law condemnatory of the shedding of blood is still in fearful existence against all who shall have brought themselves within the category of ,cain's acts1 the most of which have probably not been recorded4 ,we anticipate from another portion of our studies1 that 8sin is any want of conformity unto the law of ,god40 ,sin is as necessarily followed by ill consequences to the sinner as cause is by effect4 ,a man commits a private murder2 think ye1 he feels no horrors of mind--no regrets8 ,is the watchfulness he finds necessary to keep over himself for fear of exposure1 through the whole of life1 not the effect of the act8 ,is not his whole conduct1 his friendships and associations with men1 his very mental peculiarities1 his estimate of others1 often all influenced and directed in the path of his personal safety1 the avoidance of suspicion8 ,and is all this no punishment8 ,probably1 to have been put to death would have been a much less suffering2 and who can tell how far this long1 fearful1 and systematic working of his mind is to affect the mental peculiarities of his offspring8 ,shall he1 who1 by wanton thoughtlessness1 regardless of propriety1 the moral law1 and the consequences of its breach1 contracts some foul1 loathsome1 consuming disease1 that burns into the bones1 and becomes a part of his physical constitution1 leave no trace of his sin on his descendants8 ,deteriorated1 feeble1 and diseased1 they shall not live out half their days6 ,a long-continued course of sin1 confined to an individual1 or extended to a family or race of people1 deteriorates1 degenerates1 and destroys4 ,such deterioration1 continued perhaps from untold time1 has brought some of the races of men to what we now find them2 and the same causes1 in similar operation1 would leave the same effect on any other race2 and ,dr4 ,channing's 8child of ,god0 ceases to be so4 8,ye are of your father1 the devil40 ,john viii4 #dd4 8,and ,dr4 ,channing's man1 created to unfold godlike faculties1 and to govern himself by a ,divine law written on his heart10 ceases to act as he supposes3 8,and the lusts of your father ye will do3 he was a murderer from the beginning1 and abode not in the truth2 because there is no truth in him40 ,john viii4 #dd4 ,and what saith the ,spirit of prophecy to these degenerate sons of earth8 8,when thou criest1 let thy companions deliver thee2 but the wind shall carry them away2 vanity shall take them2 but he that putteth his trust in me shall possess the land1 and shall inherit my holy mountain40 ,isa4 lvii4 #ac4 8,and if thou shalt say in thy heart1 wherefore came these things upon me8 ,for the greatness of thine iniquity are thy skirts discovered1 and thy heels made bare4 ,can the ,ethiopian change his skin1 or the leopard his spots8 ,then may ye also do good that are accustomed to do evil4 ,therefore will ,i scatter them as stubble that passeth away by the wind of the wilderness4 ,this is thy lot1 the portion of thy measures from me1 saith the ,lord3 because thou hast forgotten me1 and trusted in falsehood4 ,therefore1 will ,i discover thy skirts upon thy face1 that thy shame may appear40 ,jer4 xiii4 #bb-bf4 8,and ,i will sell your sons and your daughters into the hand of the children of ,judah1 and they shall sell them to the ,sabeans1 to a people far off3 for the ,lord hath spoken it40 ,joel iii4 #h4 ,and what saith the same ,spirit to those of opposite character8 8,the sons also of them that afflicted thee shall come bending unto thee2 and they that despised thee shall bow themselves down at the soles of thy feet40 ,isa4 lx4 #ad4 8,and strangers shall stand and feed your flocks1 and the sons of the alien shall be your ploughmen and your vine-dressers40 ,ibid4 lxi4 #e4 8,they 7my people7 shall not labour in vain1 nor bring forth trouble2 they are the seed of the blessed of the ,lord1 and their offspring with them4 ,and it shall come to pass1 before they shall call1 ,i will answer2 and while they are yet speaking1 ,i will hear40 ,ibid4 lxv4 #bcd4 ,what are the threatenings announced in prospect of their deterioration and wickedness8 8,and thou 7,judah7 even thyself1 shalt discontinue from thy heritage that ,i gave thee2 and ,i will cause thee to serve 7 be a slave to7 thine enemies in a land which thou knowest not40 ,jer4 xvii4 #d4 8,are ye not as the children of the ,ethiopians unto me1 ,o children of ,israel8 saith the ,lord4 99 99 99 ,behold the eyes of the ,lord ,god are upon this sinful kingdom1 and ,i will destroy it from off the face of the earth2 saving that ,i will not utterly destroy the house of ,jacob1 saith the ,lord40 ,amos ix4 #g1 #h4 ,the consequences of sin are degradation1 slavery1 and death3 8,a righteous man hateth lying2 but a wicked man is loathsome and cometh to shame40 8,he that troubleth his own house shall inherit the wind2 and the fool shall be servant 7 ebed1 slave7 to the wise of heart40 8,as righteousness tendeth to life1 so he that pursueth evil1 pursueth it to his own death40 ,prov4 99 99 99 99 99 ,dr4 ,channing has suffered his idea of property to bring him great mental suffering3 he evidently associates1 under the term property1 those qualities and relations only1 which are properly associated in an inanimate object of possession1 or at most in a brute beast4 ,he has1 no doubt1 suffered great misery from the reflection that a human being has ever been reduced to such a condition4 ,but his misery has all been produced by his adherence to his own peculiar definition of the word property4 ,his definition is not its exact meaning1 when applied to a slave4 ,had the doctor attempted an argument to show that the word property could not consistently be applied to a slave1 he might1 perhaps1 have improved our language1 by setting up a more definite boundary to the meaning of this term1 and saved himself much useless labour4 ,mankind apply the term property to slaves3 they have always done so2 and since ,dr4 ,channing has not given us an essay upon the impropriety of this use of the word1 perhaps the accustomed usage will be continued4 ,but we imagine that no one but the doctor and his disciples will contend that it expresses the same complex idea when applied to slaves1 which is expressed by it when applied to inanimate objects1 or to brute beasts4 ,it will be a new idea to the slaveholder to be told that the word property1 as applied to his slaves1 converts them at once into brute beasts1 no longer human beings2 that it deprives them of all legal protection2 and that he1 the master1 in consequence of the use of this word1 stands in the same relation to his slave that he does to his horse2 and we apprehend he will find it quite as difficult to comprehend how this metamorphosis is brought about1 as it is for the doctor and his disciples1 how the slave is property4 ,we may say a man has property in his wife1 his children1 his hireling1 his slave1 his horse1 and a piece of timber1--by which we mean that he has the right to use them1 in conformity to the relations existing between himself and these several objects4 ,because his horse is his property1 who ever dreamed that he had therefore the right to use him as a piece of timber8 ,no man has a right to use any item of property in a different manner than his relations with it indicate2 or1 in other words1 as shall be in conformity with the laws of ,god4 ,our property is little else than the right of possession and control1 under the guidance of the laws by which we are in possession for the time being4 ,the organization of society is the result of the conception of the general good4 ,by it one man1 under a certain chain of circumstances1 inherits a throne2 another1 a farm2 one1 the protection of a bondman1 or whatever may accrue to these conditions from other operating causes2 and another1 nothing4 ,if ,dr4 ,channing and his disciples can find out some new principles by which to organize society1 producing different and better results1 they will then do what has not been done4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,the doctrine that slavery1 disease1 and death are the necessary effects of sin1 we humbly claim to perceive spread on every page of the holy books4 ,this doctrine is forcibly illustrated in the warning voice of ,jehovah to the ,israelites4 ,they were emphatically called his children--peculiar people--his chosen ones4 ,he made covenants with them to bless them2 yet all these were founded upon their adherence to the ,divine law4 ,these promises repealed no ordinance of ,divine necessity in their behalf4 ,he expressed1 revealed the law1 so far as it was important for them at the time1 and then says1 ,deut4 xxviii4 #ad-fh3-- 8#ae4 ,but it shall come to pass1 if thou wilt not hearken unto the voice of the ,lord thy ,god1 to observe to do all his commandments and his statutes which ,i command thee this day1 that all these curses shall come upon thee and overtake thee3 8#af4 ,cursed shalt thou be in the city1 and cursed shalt thou be in the field4 8#ag4 ,cursed shall be thy basket and thy store4 8#ah4 ,cursed shall be the fruit of thy body1 and the fruit of thy land1 the increase of thy kine1 and the flocks of thy sheep4 8#ai4 ,cursed shalt thou be when thou comest in1 and cursed shalt thou be when thou goest out4 8#bj4 ,the ,lord shall send upon thee cursing1 vexation1 and rebuke1 in all that thou settest thy hand unto for to do1 until thou be destroyed1 and until thou perish quickly3 because of the wickedness of thy doings whereby thou hast forsaken me4 8#ba4 ,the ,lord shall make the pestilence cleave unto thee1 until he have consumed thee from off the land1 whither thou goest to possess it4 8#bb4 ,the ,lord shall smite thee with a consumption1 and with a fever1 and with an inflammation1 and with an extreme burning1 and with the sword1 and with blasting1 and with mildew3 and they shall pursue thee until thou perish4 8#bc4 ,and thy heaven that is over thy head shall be brass1 and the earth that is under thee shall be iron4 8#bd4 ,the ,lord shall make the rain of thy land powder and dust3 from heaven shall it come down upon thee1 until thou be destroyed4 8#be4 ,the ,lord shall cause thee to be smitten before thine enemies3 thou shalt go out one way against them1 and flee seven ways before them2 and shalt be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth4 8#bf4 ,and thy carcass shall be meat unto all fowls of the air1 and unto beasts of the earth1 and no man shall fray them away4 8#bg4 ,the ,lord will smite thee with the botch of ,egypt1 and with the emerods1 and with the scab1 and with the itch1 whereof thou canst not be healed4 8#bh4 ,the ,lord shall smite thee with madness1 and blindness1 and astonishment of heart3 8#bi4 ,and thou shalt grope at noonday1 as the blind gropeth in darkness1 and thou shalt not prosper in thy ways2 and thou shalt be only oppressed and spoiled evermore1 and no man shall save thee4 8#cj4 ,thou shalt betroth a wife1 and another man shall lie with her3 thou shalt build a house1 and thou shalt not dwell therein3 thou shalt plant a vineyard1 and shalt not gather the grapes thereof4 8#ca4 ,thine ox shall be slain before thine eyes1 and thou shalt not eat thereof3 thy ass shall be violently taken away from before thy face1 and shall not be restored to thee3 thy sheep shall be given unto thine enemies1 and thou shalt have none to rescue them4 8#cb4 ,thy sons and thy daughters shall be given unto another people1 and thy eyes shall look1 and fail with longing for them all the day long3 and there shall be no might in thy hand4 8#cc4 ,the fruit of thy land and all thy labours shall a nation which thou knowest not eat up3 and thou shalt be only oppressed and crushed always3 8#cd4 ,so that thou shalt be mad for the sight of thy eyes which thou shalt see4 8#ce4 ,the ,lord shall smite thee in the knees1 and in the legs1 with a sore botch that cannot be healed1 from the sole of thy foot unto the top of thy head4 8#cf4 ,the ,lord shall bring thee1 and thy king which thou shalt set over thee1 unto a nation which neither thou nor thy fathers have known1 and there shalt thou serve 7 ve abadta1 and shall slave yourselves to7 other gods1 wood and stone3 8#cg4 ,and thou shalt become an astonishment1 a proverb1 and a by-word1 among all nations whither the ,lord shall lead thee4 8#ch4 ,thou shalt carry much seed out unto the field1 and shalt gather but little in3 for the locust shall consume it4 8#ci4 ,thou shalt plant vineyards and dress them1 but shalt neither drink of the wine1 nor gather the grapes3 for the worms shall eat them4 8#dj4 ,thou shalt have olive-trees throughout1 but thou shalt not anoint thyself with the oil3 for thine olive shall cast his fruit4 8#da4 ,thou shalt beget sons and daughters1 but thou shalt not enjoy them1 for they shall go into captivity40 7,into captivity is translated from bashshebi2 the prefix preposition in1 into1 c4 here makes bash4 ,the root is shebi4 ,the translation is correct1 but the idea extends to such a possession of the captive as includes the idea of a right of property4 ,the same word is used when dumb beasts are taken as spoil in war2 thus1 ,amos iv4 #aj1 shebi susekem1 ,i have taken your horses1 i4 e4 ,i have captured your horses1--the right of property in the horses is changed4 ,the idea in the text is1 they shall go into slavery47 8#db4 ,all thy trees and fruit of thy land shall the locust consume4 8#dc4 ,the stranger that is within thee shall get up above thee very high2 and thou shalt come down very low4 8#dd4 ,he shall lend to thee1 and thou shalt not lend to him3 he shall be the head1 and thou shalt be the tail4 8#de4 ,moreover1 all these curses shall come upon thee1 and shall pursue thee1 and overtake thee1 till thou be destroyed3 because thou hearkenedst not unto the voice of the ,lord thy ,god1 to keep his commandments and his statutes which he commanded thee4 8#df4 ,and they shall be upon thee for a sign1 and for a wonder1 and upon thy seed for ever40 7,for a sign oth1 a mark1 sign1 c4 ,it may be noted that this word is used in ,gen4 iv4 #ae3 8,and the ,lord set a mark upon ,cain10 oth1 mark1 sign1 c47 8#dg4 ,because thou servedst not the ,lord thy ,god with joyfulness and with gladness of heart for the abundance of all things4 8#dh4 ,therefore shalt thou serve 7 be a slave to7 thine enemies which the ,lord shall send against thee1 in hunger1 and in thirst1 and in nakedness1 and in want of all things3 and he shall put a yoke of iron upon thy neck1 until he have destroyed thee4 8#di4 ,the ,lord shall bring a nation against thee from far1 from the end of the earth1 as swift as the eagle flieth1 a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand2 8#ej4 ,a nation of fierce countenance1 which shall not regard the person of the old1 nor show favour to the young3 8#ea4 ,and he shall eat the fruit of thy cattle1 and the fruit of thy land1 until thou be destroyed3 which also shall not leave thee either corn1 wine1 or oil1 or the increase of thy kine1 or flocks of thy sheep1 until he have destroyed thee4 8#eb4 ,and he shall besiege thee in all thy gates1 until thy high and fenced walls come down1 wherein thou trustedst1 throughout all thy land3 and he shall besiege thee in all thy gates throughout all thy land which the ,lord thy ,god hath given thee4 8#ec4 ,and thou shalt eat the fruit of thine own body1 the flesh of thy sons and of thy daughters which the ,lord thy ,god hath given thee1 in the siege and in the straitness wherewith thine enemies shall distress thee3 8#ed4 ,so that the man that is tender among you1 and very delicate1 his eye shall be evil toward his brother1 and toward the wife of his bosom1 and toward the remnant of his children which he shall leave4 8#ee4 ,so that he will not give to any of them of the flesh of his children whom he shall eat3 because he hath nothing left him in the siege1 and in the straitness wherewith thine enemies shall distress thee in all thy gates4 8#ef4 ,the tender and delicate woman among you1 which would not adventure to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness1 her eye shall be evil toward the husband of her bosom1 and toward her son1 and toward her daughter1 8#eg4 ,and toward her young one that cometh out from between her feet1 and toward her children which she shall bear3 for she shall eat them for want of all things secretly in the siege and straitness wherewith thine enemy shall distress thee in thy gates4 8#eh4 ,if thou wilt not observe to do all the words of this law that are written in this book1 that thou mayest fear this glorious and fearful name ,,the ,,lord ,,thy ,,god4 8#ei4 ,then the ,lord will make thy plagues wonderful1 and the plagues of thy seed1 even great plagues1 and of long continuance1 and sore sicknesses and of long continuance4 8#fj4 ,moreover1 he will bring upon thee all the diseases of ,egypt1 which thou wast afraid of1 and they shall cleave unto thee4 8#fa4 ,also every sickness1 and every plague which is not written in the book of this law1 them will the ,lord bring upon thee1 until thou be destroyed4 8#fb4 ,and ye shall be left few in number1 whereas ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude2 because thou wouldest not obey the voice of the ,lord thy ,god4 8#fc4 ,and it shall come to pass1 that as the ,lord rejoiced over you to do you good1 and to multiply you2 so the ,lord will rejoice over you to destroy you and to bring you to nought2 and ye shall be plucked from off the land whither thou goest to possess it4 8#fd4 ,and the ,lord shall scatter thee among all people from the one end of the earth even to the other1 and thou shalt serve 71 be slave to7 other gods which neither thou nor thy fathers have known1 even wood and stone4 8#fe4 ,and among these nations shalt thou find no ease1 neither shall the sole of thy foot have rest3 but the ,lord shall give thee there a trembling heart1 and failing of eyes1 and sorrow of mind4 8#ff4 ,and thy life shall hang in doubt before thee2 and thou shalt fear day and night1 and shalt have none assurance of thy life3 8#fg4 ,in the morning thou shalt say1 ,would ,god it were even6 and at even shalt thou say1 ,would ,god it were morning6 for the fear of thy heart wherewith thou shalt fear1 and for the sight of thine eyes which thou shalt see4 8#fh4 ,and the ,lord shall bring thee into ,egypt again with ships1 by the way whereof ,i spake unto thee4 ,thou shalt see it no more again3 and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bond-men and bond-women1 and no man shall buy you4 ,ye shall be sold1 i4 e4 be exposed to sale1 or expose yourselves to sale1 as the word hith maccartem may be rendered2 they were vagrants1 and wished to become slaves that they might be provided with the necessaries of life40 ,clarke's ,commentary4 ,the markets were overstocked with them1 says ,josephus3 99 99 99 8,they were sold with their wives and children at the lowest price1 there being many to be sold1 and few purchasers40 ,hegesippus also says--8,there were many captives offered for sale1 but few buyers1 because the ,romans disdained to take the ,jews for slaves1 and there were not ,jews remaining to redeem their countrymen40 8,when ,jerusalem was taken by ,titus1 of the captives who were sent into ,egypt1 those under seventeen were sold2 but so little care was taken of them1 that #aa1jjj of them perished for want40 ,bishop ,newton4 ,st4 ,jerome says--8,after their last overthrow by ,adrian1 many thousands of them were sold1 and those who could not be sold were transported into ,egypt1 and perished by shipwreck and famine1 or were massacred by the inhabitants40 ,a similar condition happened to the ,jews in ,spain1 when1 under the reign of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 they were driven out of that kingdom1 concerning which1 ,abarbinel1 a ,jewish writer says--8,three hundred thousand1 young and old1 women and children1 7of whom he was one17 not knowing where to go1 left on foot in one day3 some became a prey1 some perished by famine1 some by pestilence1--some committed themselves to the sea1 but were sold for slaves when they came to any coast2 many were drowned and burned in the ships which were set on fire4 ,in short1 all suffered the punishment of ,god the ,avenger40 ,benson1 in his ,commentary1 says--8,how these instances may affect others1 ,i know not1 but for myself ,i must acknowledge1 they not only convince1 but astonish me beyond expression4 ,they are truly1 as ,moses foretold they would be1 a sign and a wonder for ever40 ,scott says--8,numbers of captives were sent by sea into ,egypt1 7as well as into other countries17 and sold for slaves at a vile price1 and for the meanest offices2 and many thousands were left to perish from want2 for the multitude was so great that purchasers could not be found for them all at any price4 99 99 99 ,to such wretchedness is every one exposed1 who lives in disobedience to ,god's commands4 99 99 99 ,none will suffer any misery above his deserts3 but1 indeed1 we are all exposed to this woful curse1 for breaking the law of ,god40 ,henry says--8,i have heard of a wicked man1 who1 on reading these threatenings1 was so enraged that he tore the leaf out of his ,bible40 ,upon a review of all this evidence1 to what conclusion is the mind inclined8 ,are there no circumstances under which man may become a slave--8property1 in the sight of ,god and justice80 ,dr4 ,channing says1 vol4 ii4 page #bh--8,such a being 7man7 was plainly made to obey a law within himself4 ,this is the essence of a moral being4 ,he possesses1 as part of his nature1 and the most essential part1 a cause of duty1 which he is to reverence and follow40 ,this is in accordance with his idea of conscience--8the ,divine monitor within us40 ,but we are forced to differ from ,dr4 ,channing4 ,to obey the law of ,god1 not some creature of man's1 or our own judgment1 is the creed we inculcate2 and we further teach that 8such a being was plainly made0 8to reverence and follow0 the law of ,god1 not his own opinion or the feelings of his own heart4 ,if this doctrine is not true in theology1 can it be so in regard to slavery1 or any thing else8 ,page #bi1 he says--8,every thing else may be owned in the universe2 but a moral1 rational being cannot be property4 ,suns and stars may be owned1 but not the lowest spirit4 ,touch any thing but this4 ,lay not your hand upon ,god's rational offspring4 ,the whole spiritual world cries out1 ,,forbear60 ,we do not quote this as an argument4 ,if his postulate be true concerning the 8law within himself10 he needs no argument2 his opinion is enough3 his feeling1 his 8sense of duty0 governs the matter4 ,but1 while his disciples 8reverence and follow0 their 8sense of duty10 by obeying a law within themselves1 and1 according to their conscience1 8own the sun and stars10 may not those who believe the ,bible to be the word of ,god1 who 8reverence and follow0 it1 as their 8sense of duty10 and obey it as a law within themselves1 according to their conscience1 own slaves8 ,but ,dr4 ,channing continues--8,the highest intelligences recognise their own nature1 their own rights1 in the humblest human being4 ,by that priceless1 immortal spirit which dwells in him1 by that likeness of ,god which he wears1 tread him not in the dust1 confound him not with the brute40 ,and he then gravely adds--8,we have thus seen that a human being cannot rightfully be held and used as property4 ,no legislation1 not that of all countries or worlds1 could make him so4 ,let this be laid down as a first1 fundamental truth40 ,such were his opinions4 ,we view them1 if not the ravings1 at least the impressions1 of fanaticism4 ,when counsellor ,quibble saw his client ,stultus going to the stocks1 he cried out1 8,it is contrary to my sense of justice2 to the laws of ,god and man2 no power can make it right60 ,yet ,stultus is in the stocks6 ,but what shall we say of him who makes the sanction of his own feelings the foundation of his creed1 of his standard of right8 ,what of him1 who1 in his search for truth1 scarcely or never alludes to the ,bible as the voice of ,god1 as the ,divine basis of his reasons1 as the pillar on which argument may find rest8 ,has some new revelation inspired him8 ,has he heard a voice louder and more clear than the thunder1 the trumpet from the mount of ,god8 ,has he beheld truth by a light more lucid than the flaming garments of ,jehovah8 ,or has he only seen a cloud1 not from the top of ,sinai1 but from the dismal pit of human frailty8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,dr4 ,channing's second proposition is3 8,man has sacred rights1 the gifts of ,god1 and inseparable from human nature1 of which slavery is the infraction20 in proof of which he says1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bc--8,man's rights belong to him as a moral being1 as capable of perceiving moral distinctions1 a subject of moral obligation4 ,as soon as he becomes conscious of a duty1 a kindred consciousness springs up1 that he has a right to do what the sense of duty enjoins1 and that no foreign will or power can obstruct his moral action without crime40 ,suppose man has rights as described2 suppose he feels conscious1 as he says2 does that give him a right to do wrong1 because his sense of duty enjoins him to do so8 ,and may he not be prevented from so doing8 ,was it indeed a crime in ,god to turn the counsels of ,ahithophel into foolishness8 ,page #cc4 8,that some inward principle which teaches a man what he is bound to do to others1 teaches equally1 and at the same instant1 what others are bound to do to him60 ,suppose a few ,africans1 on an excursion to capture slaves1 find that this 8inward principle0 teaches them that they are bound to make a slave of ,dr4 ,channing1 if they can2 does he mean that1 therefore1 he is bound to make slaves of them8 ,idem1 p4 #cc4 8,the sense of duty is the fountain of human rights4 ,in other words1 the same inward principle which teaches the former1 bears witness to the latter40 ,if the ,african's sense of duty gives the right to make ,dr4 ,channing a slave1 we do not see why he should complain2 since1 by his own rule1 the ,african's sense of duty proves him to possess the right which his sense of duty covets4 ,page #cd4 8,having shown the foundation of human rights in human nature1 it may be asked1 what they are4 99 99 99 ,they may all be comprised in the right1 which belongs to every rational being1 to exercise his powers for the promotion of his own and others' happiness and virtue4 99 99 99 ,his ability for this work is a sacred trust from ,god1 the greatest of all trusts4 ,he must answer for the waste or abuse of it4 ,he consequently suffers an unspeakable wrong when stripped of it by others1 or forbidden to employ it for the ends for which it is given40 ,we regret to say that we feel an objection to ,channing's argument and mode of reasoning1 for its want of definiteness and precision4 ,if what he says on the subject of slavery were merely intended as eloquent declamations1 addressed to the sympathies and impulses of his party1 we should not have been disposed to have named such an objection4 ,but his works are urged on the world as sound logic1 and of sufficient force to open the eyes of every slaveholder to the wickedness of the act1 and to force him1 through the medium of his 8moral sense10 to set the slaves instantly free4 ,a moral action must not only be the voluntary offspring of the actor1 but must also be performed1 to be judged by laws which shall determine it to be good or bad4 ,these laws1 man being the moral agent1 we say1 are the laws of ,god2 by them man is to measure his conduct4 ,locke says1 8,moral good and evil are the conformity or disagreement of our voluntary actions to some law1 whereby good or evil is drawn upon us from the will or power of the lawmaker40 ,but the doctrine of ,dr4 ,channing seems to be that this law is each man's conscience1 moral sense1 sense of duty1 or the inward principle4 ,if the proposition of ,mr4 ,locke be sound logic1 what becomes of these harangues of ,dr4 ,channing8 ,we say1 that the law1 rule1 or power that decides good or evil1 must be from a source far above ourselves2 for1 if otherwise1 the contradictory and confused notions of men must necessarily banish all idea of good and evil from the earth4 ,in fact1 the denial of the elevated1 the ,divine source of such law1 is also a denial that ,god governs2 for government without law is a contradiction4 ,if the conscience1 as ,dr4 ,channing thinks1 is the guide between right and wrong according to the law of ,god2 then the law of ,god must be quite changeable1 because the minds of men differ4 ,each makes his own deduction2 therefore1 in that case1 the law of ,god must be what each one may severally think it to be2 which is only other language to say there is no law at all4 8,every way of a man is right in his own eyes40 ,prov4 xxi4 #b4 ,but1 8,the statutes of the ,lord are right40 ,ps4 xix4 #h4 ,the laws of ,god touching the subject of slavery are spread through every part of the ,scriptures4 ,human reason may do battle1 but the only result will be the manifestation of its weakness4 ,the institution of slavery must1 of necessity1 continue in some form1 so long as sin shall have a tendency to lead to death2 so long as ,jehovah shall rule1 and exercise the attributes of mercy to fallen1 degraded man4 ,but let us for a moment view the facts accompanying the slavery of the ,african race1 and compare them with the assertion1 p4 #ce1 that every slave 8suffers a grievous wrong20 and1 p4 #di1 that every slave-owner is a 8robber10 however unconscious he may be of the fact4 ,so far as history gives us any knowledge of the ,african tribes1 for the last #djjj years1 their condition has been stationary2 at least they have given no evidence of advancement in morals or civilization beyond what has been the immediate effect of the exchange of their slaves for the commodities of other parts of the world4 ,so far as this trade had influence1 it effected almost a total abolition of cannibalism among them4 ,that the cessation of cannibalism was the result of an exchange of their slaves as property for the merchandise of the ,christian nations1 is proved by the fact that they have returned to their former habits in that respect upon those nations discontinuing the slave-trade with them4 ,which is the greatest wrong to a slave1 to be continued in servitude1 or to be butchered for food1 because his labour is not wanted by his owner8 ,no very accurate statistics can be given of ,african affairs2 but their population has been estimated at #ej1jjj1jjj1 and to have been about the same for many centuries2 of which population1 even including the wildest tribes1 far over four-fifths have ever been slaves among themselves4 ,the earliest and the most recent travellers among them agree as to the facts1 that they are cannibals2 that they are idolaters1 or that they have no trace of religion whatever2 that marriage with them is but promiscuous intercourse2 that there is but little or no affection between husband and wife1 parent and children1 old or young2 that in mental or moral capacity1 they are but a grade above the brute creation2 that the slaves and women alone do any labour1 and they often not enough to keep them from want2 that their highest views are to take slaves1 or to kill a neighbouring tribe2 that they evince no desire for improvement1 or to ameliorate their condition4 ,in short1 that they are1 and ever have been1 from the earliest knowledge of them1 savages of the most debased character4 ,we have1 in a previous study1 quoted authority in proof of these facts1 to which we refer4 ,will any one hesitate to acknowledge1 that1 to them1 slavery1 regulated by law1 among civilized nations is a state of moral1 mental1 and physical elevation8 ,a proof of this is found in the fact that the descendants of such slaves are found to be1 in all things1 their superiors4 ,if their descendants were found to deteriorate from the condition of the parents1 we should hesitate to say that slavery was to them a blessing4 ,which would man consider the most like an act of mercy in ,jehovah1 to continue them in their state of slavery to their ,african master1 brother1 and owner1 or to order them into that condition of slavery in which we find them in these ,states8 ,which state of slavery would a man prefer1 to a savage1 or to a civilized master8 ,the ,hebrews1 ,medes1 ,persians1 ,chaldeans1 ,syrians1 ,greeks1 and ,romans have1 on the borders of ,africa1 to some extent1 amalgamated with them1 from time immemorial4 ,but such amalgamation has never been known to attain to the position1 either physically1 mentally1 or morally1 of their foreign progenitors2 perhaps superior to the interior tribes1 yet often they scarcely exhibit a mental or moral trace of their foreign extraction4 ,the thoughtless1 those of slovenly morals1 or those of none at all1 from among the descendants of ,japheth1 have commingled with them in the new world2 but the amalgamation never exhibits a corresponding elevation in the direction of the white progenitor4 ,the connection may degrade the parent1 but never elevate the offspring4 ,the great mass look upon the connection with abhorrence and loathing2 and pity or contempt always attends the footsteps of the aggressor4 ,these feelings are not confined to any particular country or age of the world4 ,are not these things proof that the descendants of ,ham are a deteriorated race8 ,will the declarations of a few distempered minds1 as to their religion1 feeling1 and taste1 weigh in contradiction8 ,what was the judgment of ,isaac and ,rebecca on this subject8 ,see ,gen4 xxvi4 #ce2 xxvii4 #df2 also xxviii4 #a4 ,since the days of ,noah1 where are their monuments of art1 religion1 science1 and civilization8 ,is it not a fact that the highest moral and intellectual attainment which the descendants of ,ham ever displayed is now1 at this time1 manifested among those in servile pupilage8 ,the very fact of their being property gives them protection4 ,what1 he their 8robber10 who watches over their welfare with more effect and integrity than all their ancestry together since the days of ,noah6 ,by the contrivance of making them property1 has ,god alone given them the protection which #djjj years of sinking degradation demand1 in an upward movement towards their physical1 mental1 and moral improvement1 their rational happiness on earth1 and their hopes of heaven4 ,what1 ,god's agent in this matter a robber of them6 ,let us assure the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing that there are thousands of slaves too acute observers of truth to come to such a conclusion2 who1 although from human frailty they may sometimes seem to suffer an occasional or grievous wrong1 can yet give good reason in proof that slavery is their only safety4 ,let us cast the mind back to a period of five hundred years ago4 ,a ,christian ship1 intent on new discoveries1 lands on the ,african coast4 ,the petty chieftain there1 is and about to sacrifice a number of his slaves1 either to appease the manes of his ancestor1 to propitiate his gods1 or to gratify his appetite by feasting4 ,presents have been made to the natives2 it is thought their friendship is secured2 the ,christians are invited to the fte1 the participants are collected1 the victims brought forward1 and the club uplifted for the blow4 ,the ,christians1 struck with surprise1 or excited by horror1 remonstrate with the chief2 to which he sullenly replies3 8,yonder my goats1 my village1 all around my domain2 these are my slaves60 meaning that1 by the morals and laws that have from time immemorial prevailed there1 his rights are absolute2 that he feels it as harmless to kill a slave as a goat1 or dwell in his village4 ,but the clothing of the ,christian is presented1 the viands of art are offered1 the food of civilization is tasted1 the cupidity of the savage is tempted1 and the fte celebrated through a novel and more valuable offering4 ,what1 these ,christians1 who have bought these slaves1 robbers6 ,let us look back to the days of the house of ,saul1 when1 perhaps1 ,david1 hiding himself from his face amid the villages of ,ammon1 chanced upon the ancestors of ,naamah1 the mother of ,rehoboam1 a later king of ,israel4 ,finding them about to sacrifice a child upon the altar of ,moloch1 8,stay thy hand60 says the son of ,jesse2 8,i have a message to thee from the ,god of ,israel2 deliver me the child for these thirty pieces of silver60 ,and1 according to the law of the ,god of his fathers1 it becomes his 8bond-man for ever40 ,what1 was ,david a robber in all this8 ,suppose the child to have been sold1 resold1 and sold again1 is the character of the owner changed thereby8 ,but it is concerning the rights of the descendants of these slaves that we have now to inquire4 ,see ,luke xvii4 #g-aj3 8#g4 ,but which of you having a servant 71 slave7 ploughing or feeding cattle1 will say unto him by and by1 when he has come from the field1 ,go1 and sit down to meat8 8#h4 ,and will not rather say unto him1 ,make ready wherewith ,i may sup1 and gird thyself1 and serve me1 till ,i have eaten and drunken and afterwards thou shalt eat and drink8 8#i4 ,doth he thank that servant 71 slave7 because he did the things that were commanded him8 ,i trow not4 8#aj4 ,so likewise ye1 when ye have done all those things which are commanded you1 say1 ,we are unprofitable servants3 we have done that which was our duty to do40 ,suppose a proprietor1 in any country or at any age1 receives into his employment an individual1 who thereafter resides and has a family upon his estate3 upon the death of the individual1 will his heirs accrue to any of the rights of the proprietor1 other than those granted1 or those consequent to their own or their ancestor's condition1 or those that may accrue by operation of law8 ,where is the political enactment1 the moral precept1 the ,divine command1 teaching an adverse doctrine8 ,before we close our view of ,dr4 ,channing's second proposition1 we design to notice his use of the word 8nature40 ,he says1 that man has rights1 gifts of ,god1 inseparable from human 8nature40 ,we confess that we are somewhat at a loss to determine the precise idea the doctor affixes to this term4 ,the phrase 8human nature0 is in most frequent use through these volumes4 ,but in vol4 i4 page #gd1 he says--8,great powers1 even in their perversion1 attest a glorious nature40 ,page #gg3 8,the infinite materials of illustration which nature and life afford40 ,page #hb3 8,to regard despotism as a law of nature40 ,page #hd3 8,his superiority to nature1 as well as to human opposition40 ,page #ie3 8,we will inquire into the nature and fitness of the measures40 ,page #ih3 8,the first object in education naturally was to fit him for the field40 ,page #aaj3 8,from the principles of our nature40 ,page #aaa3 8,nature and the human will were to bend to his power40 ,idem3 8,he wanted the sentiment of a common nature with his fellow-beings40 ,page #aab3 8,with powers which might have made him a glorious representative and minister of the beneficent ,divinity1 and with natural sensibilities40 ,page #aai3 8,traces out the general and all-comprehending laws of nature40 ,page #adc3 8,a power which robs men of the free use of their nature10 c4 ,page #adf3 8,its efficiency resembles that of darkness and cold in the natural world40 ,page #ahd3 8,whose writings seem to be natural breathings of the soul40 ,page #ahi3 8,language like this has led men to very injurious modes of regarding themselves1 and their own nature40 ,idem3 8,a man when told perpetually to crucify himself1 is apt to include under this word his whole nature40 ,idem3 8,men err in nothing more than in disparaging and wronging their own nature40 ,idem3 8,if we first regard man's highest nature40 ,page #aij3 8,we believe that the human mind is akin to that intellectual energy1 which gave birth to nature40 ,idem3 8,taking human nature as consisting of a body as well as mind1 as including animal desire10 c4 ,idem3 8,we believe that he in whom the physical nature is unfolded40 ,page #aia3 8,but excess is not essential to self-regard1 and this principle of our nature is the last which could be spared40 ,page #aib3 8,it is the great appointed trial of our moral nature40 ,page #aic3 8,our nature has other elements or constituents1 and vastly higher ones40 ,idem3 8,for truth1 which is its object1 is of a universal1 impartial nature40 ,page #aif3 8,is the most signal proof of a higher nature which can be given40 ,idem3 8,it is a sovereignty worth more than that over outward nature40 ,idem3 8,its great end is to give liberty and energy to our nature40 ,page #aih3 8,our moral1 intellectual1 immortal nature we cannot remember too much40 ,page #bjj3 8,the moral nature of religion40 ,page #bjb3 8,we even think that our love of nature40 ,idem3 8,for the harmonies of nature are only his wisdom made visible40 ,page #bjc3 8,that progress in truth is the path of nature40 ,page #baa3 8,it has the liberality and munificence of nature1 which not only produces the necessary root and grain1 but pours forth fruits and flowers4 ,it has the variety and bold contrasts of nature40 ,idem3 8,the beautiful and the superficial seem to be naturally conjoined40 ,page #bab3 8,and by a law of his nature40 ,page #bac3 8,these gloomy and appalling features of our nature40 ,page #bae3 8,these conflicts between the passions and the moral nature40 99 99 99 99 99 ,we regret that so eminent and accurate a scholar1 and so influential a man1 should have fallen into such an indefinite and confused use of any portion of our language4 ,if we mistake not1 it will require more than usual reflection for the mind to determine what idea is presented by its use in the most of these instances4 ,we know that some use this word so vaguely1 that if required to explain the idea they wished to convey by it1 they would be unable to do so4 ,but there are those from whom we expect a better use of language4 ,many ,english readers pass over such sentences without stopping to think what are the distinct ideas of the writer4 ,there are1 in our language1 a few words used in our conversational dialect1 as if especially intended for the speaker's aid when he only had a confused idea1 or perhaps none at all1 of what he designed to say2 and we extremely regret that words1 to us of so important meaning1 as nature and conscience1 should be found among that class4 ,the teacher of theology and morals should surely be careful not to lead his pupils into error4 ,might not the unskilled inquirer infer that nature was a substantive existence1 taking rank somewhere between man and the ,deity8 ,and what would be his notion1 derived from such use of the term1 of its offices1 of its influence on1 and man's relation with it8 ,what is our notion as to the definite idea these passages convey8 8,man has rights1 gifts of ,god1 inseparable from human nature1 of which slavery is the infraction40 ,by 8human nature10 as here used1 we understand the condition or state of being a man in a general sense4 ,our inference is1 then1 that ,god has given man rights1 that is1 all men the same rights1 which are inseparable from his state of being a man2 consequently1 if by any means these rights are taken from him1 then his state of being a man is changed1 or ceases to exist2 and since slavery breaks these rights1 therefore a slave is not a man4 ,but the fact we find to be that the slave is1 nevertheless1 a man2 and hence it follows that these rights were not inseparable from his state of being a man1 or that he had not the rights4 ,if slavery is sinful because it infringes the rights of man1 then any other thing is also sinful which infringes them4 ,will the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing deny that these rights are infringed by the constitution of the civil government8 ,the law gives parents the right to govern1 command1 and restrain minor children2 to inflict punishment for their disobedience4 ,is parental authority a sin8 ,government1 in every form1 is found to deprive females of a large proportion of the rights which men possess4 ,when married1 their rights are wholly absorbed in the rights of the husband4 ,this must be very sinful6 ,idiots have no rights4 ,in reality1 the very idea of rights vanishes away with the power to exercise them4 ,but in a state of civil government1 it is a mere question of expediency how personal rights shall be adjusted2 which is very manifest1 if we look at the different constitutions of government now in the world4 ,in one1 men who follow certain occupations have certain rights as a consequence4 ,men who are found guilty of certain breaches of the law lose a portion or all their rights4 ,the president of our senate loses the right to vote1 except under condition2 and we agree that a mere majority shall rule4 ,thus forty-nine of the hundred cease to find their rights available4 ,they must submit4 ,man1 as a member of civil society1 is only a small fraction of an unit1 and has no right to exercise a right unconformably to the expression of the sense of the general good4 ,man has no right to live independent of his fellow-man1 like a plant or a tree2 consequently1 his rights must be determined and bounded by the general welfare4 ,dr4 ,channing ceases to be enlightened by moral science when he announces that1 because a man is 8conscious of duty10 therefore1 what he may think his right cannot be affected by others 8without crime40 ,so reverse may be the fact1 that it may be a crime in him to claim the right his conscious duty may suggest4 ,man cannot be said to be in possession of all things that he1 or such theorists1 may deem his rights only in a monocratic state4 ,but how will he retain them8 ,for then1 so far as he shall have intercourse with others1 every thing will come to be decided by the law of might2 so that1 instead of gaining1 he will lose all rights4 ,but suppose him to live without intercourse2 what is a naked1 abstract right1 that yields him nothing above the brute8 ,god never made a man for such a state of life2 because it at once includes rebellion to his government2 and1 therefore1 its every movement will be to retrograde4 ,will the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing be surprised to find that the only medicine ,god has prepared for such a loathsome moral disease as will then be developed1 is slavery to a higher order of men8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,dr4 ,channing's third position is to offer explanations to prevent misapplication of the principles presented in his first two propositions4 ,vol4 ii4 page #ea1 he says--8,sympathy with the slave has often degenerated into injustice towards the master40 ,we fully agree with him2 and we also admit 8that the consciences of men are often darkened by education40 ,this short chapter is evidently written in a spirit of conciliation1 and contains many truths eloquently told2 yet1 he finally grasps his doctrines1 and repeats his elucidations4 ,his fourth position is1 8,to unfold the evils of slavery40 ,he says the first great evil is the debasement of the slave4 ,page #fj3 8,this word1 7slave17 borrowed from his condition1 expresses the ruin wrought by slavery within him4 99 99 99 ,to be an instrument of the physical1 material good of another1 whose will is his highest law1 he is taught to regard as the great purpose of his being4 ,here lies the evil of slavery4 ,its whips1 imprisonment1 and even the horrors of the middle passage from ,africa to ,america1 these are not to be named in comparison with this extinction of the proper consciousness of a human being1 with the degradation of a man into a brute40 ,if it be a fact that the debasement of the negro race has been brought about by their having been made slaves in ,america2 then it will be a very strong argument1 we are willing to acknowledge1 an insurmountable one1 against the institution4 ,that ,dr4 ,channing thinks such to be the fact1 we have no doubt2 for we cannot a moment admit that he would assert what he did not believe was true4 ,but 8the consciences of men are often darkened by education40 ,we hold that the assertion is capable of proof1 that the debasement of the race was the moral1 the necessary effect of a long course of sin2 and that1 instead of slavery producing the debasement1 the fact is1 the debasement produced the slavery2 or1 in other words1 slavery is the moral1 the necessary effect of the debasement4 ,the leading object1 through all our studies1 is the elucidation of the fact1 that sin has a poisonous effect upon the moral1 mental1 and physical man1 that is in constant action in the direction of deterioration1 debasement1 ruin1 death4 ,such we teach to be the doctrine of the holy books1 spread through the whole volume1 elucidated upon every page2 that slavery1 like a saviour1 steps in upon this descending road1 arresting the downward progress1 the rapid fall to final1 to unalterable ruin and death4 8,if his children forsake my law1 and walk not in my judgments2 if they break my statutes1 and keep not my commandments1--then will ,i visit their transgressions with the rod1 and their iniquity with stripes40 ,ps4 lxxxix4 #cj-cb4 8,a righteous man hateth lying3 but a wicked man is loathsome1 and cometh to shame40 ,prov4 xiii4 #e4 8,thou turnest man to destruction2 and sayest1 return1 ye children of men40 ,ps4 xc4 #c4 8,i have therefore delivered unto the mighty one of the heathen2 he shall surely deal with him3 ,i have driven him out for his wickedness40 ,ezek4 xxxi4 #aa4 8,and ,i will sell your sons and your daughters into the hands of the children of ,judah1 and they shall sell them to the ,sabeans1 to a people far off2 for the ,lord hath spoken it40 ,joel iii4 #h4 8,nevertheless they shall be his servants 7 slaves71 that they may know my service 71 and the service 71 slavery7 of the kingdoms of the countries40 #b ,chron4 xii4 #h4 8,the show of their countenance doth witness against them2 and they declare their sin as ,sodom1 they hide it not4 ,wo unto their soul6 for they have rewarded evil unto themselves40 ,isa4 iii4 #i4 8,therefore my people are gone into captivity1 because they have no knowledge2 and their honourable men are famished1 and their multitude dried up with thirst40 8,and the mean man shall be brought down1 and the mighty man shall be humbled1 and the eyes of the lofty shall be humbled3 but the ,lord of hosts shall be exalted in judgment1 and ,god that is holy shall be sanctified in righteousness40 ,isa4 v4 #ac1 #ae1 #af4 ,dr4 ,channing's book before us goes on to specify this debasement as to the intellect2 its influence on the domestic relations2 how it 8produces and gives license to cruelty40 ,the fact that debasement reaches all these points1 we agree to2 nay1 further1 that it reaches to every act and thought4 ,but we refer all these displays of debasement to the result of the degradation1 of which slavery is only the moral1 the natural consequence4 ,if we find a man debased as to one thing1 it is in conformity with the common sense of mankind to expect to find him debased as to another4 ,channing1 pp4 #gh1 #gi4 8,i proceed to another view of the evils of slavery4 ,i refer to its influence on the master4 99 99 99 ,i pass over many views4 99 99 99 ,i will confine myself to two considerations4 ,the first is1 that slavery1 above all other influences1 nourishes the passion for power and its kindred vices4 ,there is no passion which needs a stronger curb4 ,men's worst crimes have sprung from the desire of being masters1 of bending others to their yoke40 ,it is to be lamented that man is so prone to sin2 that he is not more undeviating in the paths of virtue1 of goodness1 of perfection4 ,the charge made by ,dr4 ,channing in the passage quoted1 we are sorry to acknowledge1 is too true4 ,but so far as we have any knowledge of the history of man1 even in the absence of slavery1 the time has never been when the passion for power and its kindred vices did not find sufficient food for their nourishment4 ,the evil passions alluded to are not so particular as to their food but that1 if they do not find a choice thing to nourish themselves on1 they will feed and nourish themselves on another4 ,it1 perhaps1 would not be difficult to show that the love of power and its kindred vices first operated to bring on us 8all our wo20 stimulated ,cain to kill ,abel2 in fact1 has been in most powerful action among those causes that have introduced slavery to the world4 ,slavery gave no birth to these passions4 ,they drove ,nebuchadnezzar from his throne down to the degradation of the brute4 8,is not this great ,babylon that ,i have built for the house of the kingdom1 by the might of my power1 and for the honour of my majesty80 ,dan4 iv4 #ab4 ,he had great power1 great wealth1 and1 it is true1 he had great possessions in slaves4 ,the prophet understood his case1 and spoke plainly4 ,if his owning thousands of slaves merely had nursed in him a forgetfulness of ,god1 the seer would not have hesitated so to inform him4 ,great prosperity in the affairs of the world in his case1 as in some others of a somewhat later day1 so puffed him up that he forgot who he was4 ,the owning of slaves may puff up a silly intellect--doubtless1 often does2 but the same intellect would be more likely to be puffed up by a command of a more elevated grade1 as officers of government1 or1 even in private life1 by the control of superior amounts of wealth2 or even by the conceit of possessing a great superiority of intellect4 ,doubtless1 the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing will agree that abundant instances of such tumidity might be found in any country1 even among those who never owned a slave4 ,it may be a fact1 that1 to some1 the having control over and owning a slave have a greater tendency to produce the effect of puffing up the owner than would his value in money or other property2 because it may be a fact that a given amount in one kind of property may possess such tendency to a greater extent than another4 ,but the truth probably is1 that one man would be the most puffed up by one thing1 and another man by another4 ,we agree that being thus puffed up is a sin2 that it leads to consequences extremely ruinous1 and often fatal4 ,very small men are also liable to the disease1 and they sometimes take it from very slight causes4 ,it is true1 8there is no passion that needs a stronger curb40 ,what we contend is1 that it is not a necessary consequence of owning slaves1 any more than it is of owning any other property1 or of possessing any other command of men2 and that so far as it is an argument against owning slaves1 it is also an argument against owning any other property1 or of having any other control1 or of possessing any other command among men4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,dr4 ,channing continues his view of the evils of slavery1 and says1 p4 #hj1 #ha-- 8,i approach a more delicate subject1 and one on which ,i shall not enlarge4 ,to own the persons of others1 to hold females in slavery1 is necessarily fatal to the purity of a people3 that unprotected females1 stripped by their degraded condition of woman's self-respect1 should be used to minister to other passions in man than the love of gain1 is next to inevitable4 ,accordingly1 in such a community1 the reins are given to youthful licentiousness4 ,youth1 everywhere in peril1 is1 in these circumstances1 urged to vice with a terrible power4 ,and the evil cannot stop at youth4 ,early licentiousness is fruitful of crime in mature life4 ,how far the obligation to conjugal fidelity1 the sacredness of domestic ties1 will be revered amid such habits1 such temptations1 such facilities to vice as are involved in slavery1 needs no exposition4 ,so sure and terrible is retribution even in this life6 ,domestic happiness is not blighted in the slave's hut alone4 ,the master's infidelity sheds a blight over his own domestic affections and joys4 ,home1 without purity and constancy1 is spoiled of its holiest charm and most blessed influences4 ,i need not say1 after the preceding explanations1 that this corruption is far from being universal4 ,still1 a slave-country reeks with licentiousness4 ,it is tainted with a deadlier pestilence than the plague4 8,but the worst is not told4 ,as a consequence of criminal connections1 many a master has children born into slavery4 ,of these1 most1 ,i presume1 receive protection1 perhaps indulgence1 during the life of the fathers2 but at their death1 not a few are left to the chances of a cruel bondage4 ,these cases must have increased since the difficulties of emancipation have been multiplied4 ,still more1 it is to be feared that there are cases in which the master puts his own children under the whip of the overseer1 or sells them to undergo the miseries of a bondage among strangers4 8,i should rejoice to learn that my impressions on this point are false4 ,if they be true1 then our own country1 calling itself enlightened and ,christian1 is defiled with one of the greatest enormities on earth4 ,we send missionaries to heathen lands4 ,among the pollutions of heathenism1 ,i know nothing worse than this4 ,the heathen who feasts on his country's foe1 may hold up his head by the side of the ,christian who sells his child for gain1 sells him to be a slave4 ,god forbid that ,i should charge this crime to a people6 ,but1 however rarely it may occur1 it is a fruit of slavery1 an exercise of power belonging to slavery1 and no laws restrain or punish it4 ,such are the evils which spring naturally from the licentiousness generated by slavery40 ,the owner of slaves who acts in conformity to the foregoing picture1 to our mind displays proofs of very great debasement1 and his offspring1 stained with the blood of ,ham1 we should deem most likely to be quite fit subjects of slavery3 we cannot therefore regret that the laws do not punish nor restrain him from selling them as slaves2 we should rather regret that the laws did not compel him to go with them4 ,that there are instances in the ,slave ,states where the owner of female slaves cohabits with them1 and has offspring by them1 is true4 ,there may be instances where such parent has sold them into slavery1--they1 in law1 being his slaves2 yet we aver we have never known an instance in which it has been done4 ,that such offspring have been sold as slaves1 by the operation of law1 must certainly be acknowledged2 and that such instances have been more frequent since the action of the abolitionists has aroused the ,slave ,states to a sense of their danger1 and thereby caused the laws to be more stringent on the subject of emancipation1 is also true4 ,and are you1 ye agitators of the slave question1 willing to acknowledge this fact8 ,and that your conduct--even you yourselves--are even now the cause1 under ,god1 of the present condition of slavery1 which many such persons now endure8 ,is not he who places the obstruction on the highway1 whereby the traveller is plunged in death1 the guilty one8 ,in what light1 think ye1 must this class of slaves view you and your conduct8 ,but we wish not to upbraid you4 ,if you are ignorant1 words are useless4 ,if you are honest men and know the truth1 we prefer to leave you in the hands of ,god and your own conscience4 ,we hold that cohabitation with the blacks1 on the part of the whites1 is a great sin1 and is proof of a great moral debasement2 nor will we say but that the conservative influences of ,god's providence may have moved the abolitionists to the action of for ever placing a bar to the emancipation of this class of slaves1 such coloured offspring1 in order that the enormity of the sin of such cohabitation may be brought home1 in a more lively sense1 to the minds of their debased parents4 8,i saw the ,lord sitting upon his throne1 and the host of heaven standing on his right hand and on his left4 8,and the ,lord said1 ,who will entice ,ahab1 king of ,israel1 that he may go up and fall at ,ramoth ,gilead8 ,and one spake after this manner1 and another saying after that manner4 8,then there came out a spirit1 and stood before the ,lord1 and said1 ,i will entice him2 and the ,lord said unto him1 ,wherewith8 8,and he said1 ,i will go out and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets4 ,and the ,lord said1 ,thou shalt entice him40 #b ,chron4 xviii4 #ah-ba2 #a ,kings1 xxii4 #ai4 ,we wish to state a fact which may not be generally known to the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing3 we speak of ,louisiana1 where we live4 ,here is a floating population1 emigrants from all parts of the world1 especially from free countries and states1 nearly or quite equal in number to the native-born citizens who have been raised up and grown to maturity amid slaves or as the owners of slaves4 ,if the cohabitation complained of is at all indicated by the mixed-blooded offspring1 then the proof of this cohabitation will be far overbalancing on the side of this floating population4 ,but again1 there are instances where an individual from this class1 who thus cohabits with some master's slave1 and has offspring1 and1 succeeding in some business1 buys her1 probably with the intention of emancipation2 but1 as he becomes a proprietor and fixed citizen1 procrastination steals upon him1 and he finds himself enthralled by a coloured family for life4 ,let the number of these instances be compared with those where the delinquents have been habituated1 from the earliest youth1 to the incidents of slavery1 and the former class is found to be entitled to the same pre-eminence4 ,from this class also there are instances where the white man1 so cohabiting with the slave whom he has purchased for the purpose of emancipation1 sends her and his offspring to some free ,state1 often to ,cincinnati1 the ,moab of the ,south6 8,let mine outcasts dwell with thee1 ,moab40 ,isa4 xvi4 #d4 ,let such instances as this last named be contrasted with like instances emanating from among the native-born1 or those raised among slaves1 and the former class are still far in the majority4 ,in short1 the fact is found to be1 that those who have been born1 raised1 and educated among them1 and as the owners of slaves1 are found more seldom to fall into this cohabitation than those who are by chance among slaves1 but had not been educated from youth among them4 ,far be it from us to recriminate4 ,our object alone1 in presenting these facts1 is to show1 to give proof1 that slavery is not the cause of the debasement which urges the white man on to cohabitation with the negro4 ,we will ask no questions as to the frequency of such intercourse in some of the large ,northern cities1 in which blacks are numerous as well as free1 between them and the debased of the whites4 ,what if we should be told1 in answer1 if the charge were established1 that such whites acted from conscience1 under a sense of the essential equality of the negro with the white man1 and under the religious teaching of the advocates of amalgamation6 ,he who writes on and describes moral influences1 must be expected to view them as he has been in the habit of seeing them manifested4 ,we therefore regret exceedingly to see that ,dr4 ,channing has made the assertion that1 8to own the persons of others1 to hold females in slavery1 is necessarily fatal to the purity of a people2 that unprotected females1 stripped by their degraded condition of woman's self-respect1 should be used to minister to other passions in men than the love of gain1 is next to inevitable40 ,if this assertion is warranted by the moral condition of society as displayed before him1 may we not find in it a solution of the fact1 that those who have been reared up under all the influences of slavery on the master1 are far less frequently found to fall into the odious cohabitation with the negro than are those who have not4 ,however1 we have among us some very wicked and debased men1 who own slaves1 and who have been born and educated in the midst of the influences of the institution of slavery1 and who yet cohabit with their female negroes4 ,but the moral sense of the community1 from day to day and from year to year1 more and more distinctly gives reproof1 more and more emphatically points to such the finger of contempt and scorn1 and continues to increase in energy1 expressing its loathing and abhorrence2 and all this is taking place under the influences of slavery on the master4 ,do all these things give proof that slavery is the progenitor of this debasement1 or the reverse8 ,dr4 ,channing was mistaken2 his mind was in error3 he substituted the consequent for the cause4 ,we deem it useless to spend time or argument with those who will pertinaciously deny and refuse to listen to facts1 unless they shall be in support of their previously conceived views or prejudices4 ,we are aware that the numerical proportion which we have ascribed to what we call 8a floating population0 may seem incredible to those in other countries1 where the facts are quite different4 ,yet we are sure that such estimate is within the truth4 ,here1 as everywhere else1 the government1 the legislative power of the country1 is in the hands of the permanent and more elevated and wealthy classes2 in the hands of slave-owners4 ,would such a class consent to laws throwing difficulties in the way of emancipation1 if the effect of such laws were to be expended on their own offspring8 ,to the more elevated and cultivated class of community in any country 7and here such are all slave-owners7 is to be ascribed the tone of moral feeling4 ,does any man covet for himself the loathing and scorn of community8 ,the family of the slave-owner is taught to regard the negro as a race of man radically inferior1 in moral capacity1 in mental power1 and even in physical ability1 to the white man2 that1 although he is susceptible of improvement in all these things1 and even does improve in the state of slavery to the white man1 yet that it would require untold generations to elevate him and his race to the present standing of the white races4 ,the child1 the mere youth1 and those of more experience1 see proofs of these facts in every comparison4 ,the master feels them to be true1 and is taught1 that1 while he governs with compassion1 forbearance1 and mercy1 and as having regard to their improvement1 any familiarity on terms of equality1 beyond that of command on his side1 and obedience on theirs1 is1 and must be1 disgrace to him4 ,he is taught to consider the negro race1 from some cause1 to have deteriorated to such extent that his safety and happiness demand the control of a superior2 he regards him as a man1 entitled to receive the protection of such control2 and that he1 like every other man1 will be called to account unto ,god1 according to the talents ,god has given him4 ,he is taught1 by every hour's experience1 to know that slavery to the negro is a blessing4 ,he is taught to feel it a duty to teach1 as he would an inferior1 the negro his moral duty1 his obligations to ,god1 the religion of the ,bible1 the gospel of ,christ4 ,but the man born and educated in the ,free ,states is taught that 8he who cannot see a brother1 a child of ,god1 a man possessing all the rights of humanity1 under a skin darker than his own1 wants the vision of a ,christian40 ,channing1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ad4 8,to recognise as brethren those who want all outward distinctions1 is the chief way in which we are to manifest the spirit of him who came to raise the fallen and save the lost40 ,ibidem4 ,vol4 ii4 pp4 #bj1 #ba1 #bb1 he says--8,another argument against property 7in slaves7 is to be found in the essential equality of men40 99 99 99 8,nature indeed pays no heed to birth or condition in bestowing her favours4 ,the noblest spirits sometimes grow up in the obscurest spheres4 ,thus equal are men2--and among these equals1 who can substantiate his claim to make others his property1 his tools1 the mere instruments of his private interest and gratification80 99 99 99 8,is it sure that the slave1 or the slave's child1 may not surpass his master in intellectual energy1 or in moral worth8 ,has nature conferred distinctions1 which tell us plainly who shall be owners and who shall be owned8 ,who of us can unblushingly lift up his head and say that ,god has written #8master' there8 ,or who can show the word #8slave' engraven on his brother's brow8 ,the equality of nature makes slavery a wrong40 ,may we aid the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing by referring them to ,prov4 xvii4 #b1 8,a wise servant 7 ebed1 slave7 shall have rule over a son that causeth shame1 and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren80 ,and will the doctor and his disciples believe the proverb any the more true1 when we inform them that it is a matter of frequent occurrence in slave-holding communities4 ,vol4 v4 p4 #hi1 #ij1 he says--8,but we have not yet touched the great cause of the conflagration of the ,hall of ,freedom4 ,something worse than fanaticism or separation of the ,union was the impulse to this violence4 ,we are told that white people and black sat together on the benches of the hall1 and were even seen walking together in the streets6 ,this was the unheard-of atrocity which the virtues of the people of ,philadelphia could not endure4 ,they might have borne the dissolution of the national tie2 but this junction of black and white was too much for human patience to sustain4 ,and has it indeed come to this8 ,for such a cause are mobs and fires to be let loose on our persons and most costly buildings8 ,what6 ,has not an ,american citizen a right to sit and walk with whom he will8 ,is this common privilege denied us8 ,is society authorized to choose our associates8 ,must our neighbour's tastes as to friendship and companionship control our own8 ,have the feudal times come back to us1 when to break the law of caste was a greater crime than to violate the laws of ,god8 ,what must ,europe have thought1 when the news crossed the ocean of the burning of the ,hall of ,freedom1 because white and coloured people walked together in the streets8 8,europe might well open its eyes in wonder4 ,on that continent1 with all its aristocracy1 the coloured man mixes freely with his fellow-creatures4 ,he sometimes receives the countenance of the rich1 and has even found his way into the palaces of the great4 ,in ,europe1 the doctrine would be thought to be too absurd for refutation1 that a coloured man of pure morals and piety1 of cultivated intellect and refined manners1 was not a fit companion for the best in the land4 ,what must ,europe have said1 when brought to understand that1 in a republic1 founded on the principles of human rights and equality1 people are placed beyond the laws for treating the ,african as a man4 ,this ,philadelphia doctrine deserves no mercy4 ,what an insult is thrown on human nature1 in making it a heinous crime to sit or walk with a human being1 whoever it may be8 ,it just occurs to me1 that ,i have forgotten the circumstance which filled to overflowing the cup of abolitionist wickedness in ,philadelphia4 ,the great offence was this1 that certain young women of anti-slavery faith were seen to walk the streets with coloured young men60 ,such are the lessons taught the youth as well as the aged of the ,free ,states1 even by ,dr4 ,channing himself4 ,we now ask1 under the teachings of which school will the pupils be the best prepared for this cohabitation with the negro8 ,the burning of the ,hall of ,freedom was1 no doubt1 a very great outrage1 well meriting severe condemnation4 ,yet we cannot but notice1 that ,dr4 ,channing has nowhere1 in all his works1 said one word about the burning of the ,convent on ,mount ,benedict1 by his own townsmen1 the good people of ,boston4 ,we care not with what severity he punishes such outrages4 ,but it is the influence of his lesson in palliating the familiarity1 and mitigating the evil consequences of a coalition of the white man with the negro1 that we present to view4 ,it is with grief that we find him infusing into his disciples this nauseating1 disgusting1 moral poison2 preparing their minds to feel little or no shame in a cohabitation with the negro1 so degrading to the white man1 and so disgraceful in all ,slave ,states4 ,yea further1 what are we to think of the judgment1 of the taste1--may we not add1 habits1 of a man who could unblushingly publish to the world his partiality to the negro of ,jamaica1 after his visit there1 as follows3 8,i saw too1 on the plantation where ,i resided1 a gracefulness and dignity of form and motion1 rare in my own native ,new ,england40 ,vol4 vi4 p4 #ea4 ,again1 page #eb4 8,the ,african countenance seldom shows that coarse1 brutal sensuality which is so common in the face of the white man40 ,may we be pardoned for feeling a strong desire1--rather1 a curiosity1--to be made acquainted with the faces of the white men with whom he was the most familiar6 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,in vol4 ii4 page #hb1 ,dr4 ,channing says-- 8,i cannot leave the subject of the evils of slavery1 without saying a word of its political influence40 ,he considers that 8slave labour is less productive than free40 ,this is doubtless true2 and if so1 it proves that the master of the slave does not require of him so much labour as is required of a hired labourer4 ,are the friends of abolition angry1 because1 in their sympathy for the slave1 they have found something to be pleased with8 ,he considers that 8by degrading the labouring population to a state which takes from them motives to toil1 and renders them objects of suspicion or dread10 impairs 8the ability of a community to unfold its resources in peace1 and to defend itself in war40 ,this proposition includes the idea that the ,slave ,states have degraded a portion of their citizens to a state of slavery4 ,this is not true4 ,our ancestors1 contrary to their will1 were forced to receive a degraded race among them1 not as citizens1 but slaves2--and does it follow now1 that we must again be forced to make this degraded race our political equals8 ,even the ,british ,government1 with all its claim to sovereign rule1 never dreamed of imposing on us a demand so destructive to our political rights2 so blighting to social happiness2 so annihilating to our freedom as men2 so extinguishing to our very race4 ,do the friends of abolition deem us so stupid as not to see1 if1 even when the negro is in slavery1 cases of amalgamation happen1 that1 when he shall be elevated to political freedom1 the country would1 by their aid1 be overspread by it8 ,do they think that we do not see that such a state of things is degeneracy1 degradation1 ruin1 worse than death to the white men8 ,and will they chide1 if1 in its prevention1 we drench our fields in our own blood in preference8 ,the ,british ,government urged the race here as an article of property1 of commerce and profit1 as they did their tea4 ,they stipulated1 they guaranteed them to be slaves1 they and their posterity for ever--not citizens6 ,on such terms alone could they have been received4 ,the ,south then1 as now1 to a man would have met death on the battle-field1 sooner than have suffered their presence on other conditions4 ,the ,british governmental councils1 our colonial assemblies1 our primitive inquiring conventions never viewed them in any other light4 ,it was not on their account we sought for freedom4 ,it was not in their behalf we fought for liberty4 ,it was not for them our blood ran like water4 ,it was not to establish for them political rights we broke the ,british yoke1 or founded here this great government4 ,our national synods recognised them only as property2 our constitutional charter1 only as slaves2 our congressional statutes1 only as the subjects of their masters4 ,there is falsity in the very language that frames the proposition which inculcates that these slaves are a portion of population that ever can be justly entitled to equal political rights1 or that they are1 or ever were1 degraded by the community among whom they are now found4 ,so degraded1 both mentally and physically1 is the ,african in his own native wilds1 that1 however humiliating to a freeman slavery may seem1 to him it is an elevated school2 and however dull and stupid may be his scholarship1 yet a few generations distinctly mark some little improvement4 ,we cannot doubt1 some few individuals of this race have been so far elevated in their constitutional propensities that they might be well expected to make provident citizens2 and the fact is1 such generally become free1 without the aid of fanaticism4 ,but what is the value of a general assertion predicated alone upon a few exceptions8 ,some few of our own race give ample proof that they are not fit to take care of themselves3 shall we1 therefore1 subject our whole race to pupilage8 ,that such a population1 such a race of men1 is as conducive to national grandeur1 either as to resources or defence1 as the same number of intellectual1 high-minded yeomanry of our own race might be well expected to be1 perhaps few contend2 and we pray you not to force us to try the experiment4 ,but if such weakness attend the position in which we feel ,god has placed us1 why distress us by its distortion8 ,why torment our wound with your inexperienced1 and therefore unskilful hand8 ,why strive ye to enrage our passions1 by constantly twitting us with what is not our fault8 ,do you indeed wish to destroy1 because you have no power to amend8 ,why1 then1 your inexperience as to facts1 aided by misrepresentation and sophistry in the digestion of language and sentiment1--and we exceedingly regret that we can correctly say1 open falsehood1--as found on pages #hf1 #hg8-- 8,slavery is a strange element to mix up with free institutions4 ,it cannot but endanger them4 ,it is a pattern for every kind of wrong4 ,the slave brings insecurity on the free4 ,whoever holds one human being in bondage1 invites others to plant the foot on his own neck4 ,thanks to ,god1 not one human being can be wronged with impunity4 ,the liberties of a people ought to tremble1 until every man is free4 ,tremble they will4 ,their true foundation is sapped by the legalized degradation of a single innocent man to slavery4 ,that foundation is impartial justice1 is respect for human nature1 is respect for the rights of every human being4 ,i have endeavoured in these remarks to show the hostility between slavery and #8free institutions4' ,if1 however1 ,i err2 if these institutions cannot stand without slavery for their foundation1 then ,i say1 let them fall4 ,then they ought to be buried in perpetual ruins4 ,then the name of republicanism ought to become a by-word and reproach among the nations4 ,then monarchy1 limited as it is in ,england1 is incomparably better and happier than our more popular forms4 ,then1 despotism1 as it exists in ,prussia1 where equal laws are in the main administered with impartiality1 ought to be preferred4 ,a republican government1 bought by the sacrifice of half1 or more than half of a people1 stripping them of their most sacred rights1 by degrading them to a brutal condition1 would cost too much4 ,a freedom so tainted with wrong ought to be our abhorrence40 ,let not the looseness of the doctor's regard for the ,union surprise4 ,with him a dissolution of the ,union had become a fixed idea4 ,on pages #bcg and #bch1 he says-- 8,to me it seems not only the right1 but the duty of the ,free ,states1 in case of the annexation of ,texas1 to say to the ,slave-holding ,states1 #8,we regard this act as the dissolution of the ,union4' 99 99 99 ,a pacific division in the first instance seems to me to threaten less contention than a lingering1 feverish dissolution of the ,union1 such as must be expected under this fatal innovation4 ,for one1 then1 ,i say1 that1 earnestly as ,i deprecate the separation of these ,states1 and though this event would disappoint most cherished hopes for my country1 still ,i could submit to it more readily than to the reception of ,texas into the confederacy40 8,i do not desire to share the responsibility or to live under the laws of a government adopting such a policy40 99 99 99 8,if the ,south is bent on incorporating ,texas with itself1 as a new prop to slavery1 it would do well to insist on a division of the ,states4 ,it would1 in so doing1 consult best its own safety4 ,it should studiously keep itself from communion with the free part of the country4 ,it should suffer no railroad from that section to cross its borders4 ,it should block up intercourse with us by sea and land40 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #bci4 ,we do not quote these passages for the sake of refuting them4 8,in ,europe1 the doctrine would be thought too absurd for refutation40 8,what must ,europe have thought when0 these sentiments 8crossed the ocean40 99 99 99 8,what must ,europe have said1 when brought to understand that1 in a republic founded on the principles of human rights and equality10--and this writer acknowledges the doctrine that 8the constitution was a compromise among independent ,states1 and it is well known that geographical relations and the local interest were among the essential conditions on which the compromise was made20 and concerning which1 he adds1 8,was not the constitution founded on conditions or considerations which are even more authoritative than its particular provisions80 7see vol4 ii4 p4 #bcg17--8,what must ,europe have said10 when informed that these sentiments were expressed against the right of the ,south to hold slaves8 ,slaves1 whom she1 herself1 in our childhood1 had sold us8 ,why1 she must have thought that we were on the eve of a civil war1 and that ,dr4 ,channing was about to take command of an army of abolitionists to compel the ,south to submit to his terms6 8,europe might well open its eyes in wonder0 at such extravagance4 8,such10 says our author1 are 8the chief evils of slavery20 and we are willing to leave it to 8,europe0 to decide whether he has not furnished us with declamation instead of argument4 ,under the head1 8,evils of ,slavery10 he examines those considerations that have been urged in its favour1 or in mitigation1 which we deem unnecessary to notice further than to note a few passages in which there is between us some unity of sentiment4 ,page #hi4 8,freedom undoubtedly has its perils4 ,it offers nothing to the slothful and dissolute4 ,among a people left to seek their own good in their own way1 some of all classes fail from vice1 some from incapacity1 some from misfortune40 ,page #ib4 8,were we to visit a slave-country1 undoubtedly the most miserable human beings would be found among the free2 for among them the passions have a wider sweep1 and the power they possess may be used to their own ruin4 ,liberty is not a necessity of happiness4 ,it is only a means of good4 ,it is a trust that may be abused40 ,page #ic4 8,of all races of men1 the ,african is the mildest and most susceptible of attachment4 ,he loves where the ,european would hate4 ,he watches the life of a master1 whom the ,north ,american ,indian1 in like circumstances1 would stab to the heart40 ,the ,african may exhibit mildness and attachment in slavery when others would exhibit a reverse feeling2 but it is not true that he exhibits these qualities as a fixed moral principle1 resulting from intellectual conclusion4 ,page #ie4 8,no institution1 be it what it may1 can make the life of a human being wholly evil1 or cut off every means of improvement40 ,idem4 8,the ,african is so affectionate1 imitative1 and docile1 that1 in favourable circumstances1 he catches much that is good2 and accordingly the influence of a wise and kind master will be seen in the very countenance and bearing of his slaves40 ,or1 rather1 we find traces of these qualities developed among their descendants4 ,but the truth is far below this description4 ,we had expected to have received light and pleasure from the examination of ,dr4 ,channing's view of slavery in a political attitude4 ,we confess we are disappointed4 ,his political view of it is1 at least1 jejune4 ,to us1 it suggests the superior adaptation of his genius and education to the rhapsody of a prayer-meeting than to the labours of a legislative hall4 ,we doubt much whether he had ever arrived to any very clear and general view of the organization of society4 ,finding1 under this head1 very little in his volumes that a politician can descend to encounter1 we shall close our present ,lesson with a very few remarks4 99 99 99 99 99 ,capital and labour can exist in but two relations2 congenerous or antagonistic4 ,they are never congenerous only when it is true that labour constitutes capital1 which can only happen through slavery4 ,the deduction is then clear1 that capital for ever governs labour2 and the deduction is also as clear1 that1 out of slavery1 capital and labour must be for ever antagonistic4 ,but1 again1 capital governs labour1 because1 while capital now exists1 labour can possess it only by its own consumption4 ,but when the two are congenerous1 labour1 as a tool1 is not urged to its injury1 because the tool itself is capital2 but when antagonistic1 the tool is urged to its utmost power1 because its injury1 its ruin touches not the capital4 ,hence1 we often hear slave-labour is the less productive4 ,the proposition is not affected by facts attending him who is said to be free1 but who only labours for his individual support2 because while he adds nothing to the general stock of capital1 he yet falls within the catalogue of being a slave to himself3 8,the ,lord sent him forth to till the ground10 7 la evod1 to slave the ground27 to do slave-labour for his own support2 to slave himself for his own subsistence4 ,such is the first degree of slavery to which sin has subjected all mankind4 ,therefore1 in such case1 labour is capital4 ,but the very moment a lower degradation forces him to sell his labour1 capital is the only purchaser1 and they at once become antagonistic4 ,on the one hand1 labour is seeking for all2 on the other1 capital is seeking for all4 ,but the capital governs1 and always obtains the mastery1 and reduces labour down to the smallest pittance4 ,thus antagonistic are capital and labour1 that the former is for ever trying to lessen the value of the other by art1 by machinery2 thus converting the tool of labour into capital itself4 ,the political difference between the influence of these two relations1 capital and labour1 is very great4 ,we feel surprised that the sympathies of the abolitionists are not changed1 from the miseries where capital and labour are decidedly congenerous1 to a consideration of that morass of misery into which the worn-out1 broken tools of labour are thrown1 with cruel heartlessness1 where capital and labour are antagonistic4 ,under the one system1 beggars and distress from want are unknown1 because such things cannot exist under such an organization of society4 ,but1 under the other1 pauperism becomes a leading element4 ,the history of that class of community1 in all free countries1 is a monument and record of free labour4 ,we ask the politician to consider these facts1 while he searches the history of man for light in the inquiry of what is the most tranquil1 and1 in all its parts1 the most happy organization of society4 ,under the head of 8,the ,political ,influence of ,slavery10 ,dr4 ,channing has taken occasion to inform us of his feelings as to the stability of this ,union2 that he prefers its dissolution to the perpetuation of slavery2 and that he proposes a 8pacific division40 ,and what is his 8pacific division80 ,why1 he says1 7if we must repeat it17 8the ,south must studiously keep itself from communion with the ,free ,states2 to suffer no railroad from the ,free ,states to cross its border2 and to block up all intercourse by sea and land60 ,why1 it is 8death in the pot60 ,o most unhappy man6 the most unfortunate of all1 to have left such a record of intellectual weakness and folly behind6 ,but we will forbear4 ,we think ,dr4 ,channing's declarations and proposals wholly uncalled for4 ,we regret the existence of such feelings at the ,north4 ,we say feelings1 because we are bold to say1 such sentiments are alone the offspring of the most ignorant1 wicked1 and black-hearted feelings of the human soul4 ,their very existence shows a preparedness to commit treason1 perjury1 and the murders of civil war6 ,the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing1 on the subject of abolitionism1 may be too stupid to perceive it2 for 8,evil men understand not judgment40 ,prov4 xxviii4 #e4 ,we regret this feeling at the ,north the more deeply on the account of the extraordinary generant quality of sin4 ,for it propagates1 not only its peculiar kind1 but every monster1 in every shape1 by the mere echo of its voice6 ,will they remember1 8,he that diggeth a pit shall fall into it2 and whoso breaketh a hedge1 a serpent shall bite him40 ,or1 that1 8,it is an honour to cease from strife2 but every fool will be meddling40 ,prov4 ,but since such feelings do exist1 we feel thankful to ,god that the sin of the initiative in the dissolution of this ,union is not with the ,slave ,states4 ,we know there are many good men in the ,north4 ,much depends on what they may do4 ,we believe the union of these ,states need not--will not be disrupted4 ,but if the laws of ,congress can neither be executed nor continued1 nor oaths to be true to the constitution longer bind these maniacs1 the issue will finally be left in the hand of the ,god of battles6 ,it becomes the ,south to act wisely1 to be calm1 and to hope as long as there can be hope4 ,and to the ,north1 let them say now1 before it be too late1 8,we pray you to forbear4 ,we entreat you to be true to your oaths1 and not force us1 in hostile array1 to bathe our hands in blood40 ,but1 if the term of our great national destiny is to be closed1 and war1 the most cruel of all wars1 is to spread far beyond the reach of human foresight1--the ,south1 like ,abraham in olden time1 will 8arm their trained servants10 and go out to the war1 ,,shouting ,,under ,,the ,,banner ,,of ,,the ,,almighty6 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,as a fifth proposition2 ,dr4 ,channing says--8,i shall consider the argument which the ,scriptures are thought to furnish in favour of slavery40 ,in the course of these studies1 we have often had occasion to refer to the ,scripture in our support4 ,we have shown that even the ,decalogue gave rules in regulation of the treatment of slaves2 that commands from the mouth of ,god himself were delivered to ,abraham concerning his slaves2 that the ,almighty from ,sinai delivered to ,moses laws1 directing him whom they might have as slaves1--slaves forever1 and to be inherited by their children after them2 rules directing the government and treatment of slaves1 who had become such under different circumstances4 ,we have adverted to the spirit of prophecy on the subject of the providence of ,god touching the matter1 to the illustrations of our ,saviour1 and the lessons of the apostles4 ,others have done the same before us4 ,but ,dr4 ,channing says1 page #ii--8;,in this age of the world1 and amid the light which has been thrown on the true interpretation of the ,scriptures1 such reasoning hardly deserves notice40 ,had ,tom ,paine been an abolitionist1 he could scarcely have said more6 ,he continues--8,a few words only will be offered in reply4 ,this reasoning proves too much4 ,if usages sanctioned in the ,old ,testament1 and not forbidden in the ,new1 are right1 then our moral code will undergo a sad deterioration4 ,polygamy was allowed to the ,israelites1 was the practice of the holiest men1 and was common and licensed in the age of the apostles4 99 99 99 ,why may not ,scripture be used to stock our houses with wives as well as slaves40 ,we know not what new light has come to this age of the world1 enabling it to interpret the ,scriptures more accurately than is afforded by the language of the ,scriptures themselves4 ,whatever it may be1 we shall not deprive ,dr4 ,channing nor his disciples of its entire benefit1 by the appropriation of its use to ourselves2 and therefore we shall proceed to examine his position1 by interpreting the ,scriptures in the old-fashioned way--understanding them to mean what they say4 ,the first instance the idea is brought to view which we express by the term wife1 is found in ,gen4 ii4 #bj 8,there was not found a help meet for him40 ,the original is not found1 discovered1 help1 aid1 or assistance1 flowing1 proceeding1 at1 to1 or for him4 ,let it be noticed that the idea is in the singular4 ,the word ishsha1 used to mean one woman1 or wife1 is so distinctly singular1 that it sometimes demands to be translated by the word one1 as we shall hereafter find4 ,same chapter1 verse #bb3 8,made he a woman10 ishsha1 woman1 wife4 ,ver4 #bc3 8,shall be called woman10 ishsha1 woman1 wife4 ,ver4 #bd3 8,therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother1 and cleave unto his wife10 ishto1 his wife1 his woman1 8and they shall be one flesh40 ,ver4 #be3 8,the man and his wife10 ishto1 wife1 woman4 ,these terms are all in the singular number4 ,we propose for consideration1 how far these passages are to be understood as a law and rule of action among men4 ,gen4 vii4 #g3 8,and ,noah went in1 and his sons1 and his wife1 and his sons' wives with him1 into the ark40 ,ver4 #i3 8,there went in two and two unto ,noah into the ark1 the male and female1 as ,god had commanded ,noah40 ,we propose also for consideration1 how far these passages are an indication of the law of ,god1 and his providence1 as bearing on polygamy4 ,exod4 xx4 #ag 7#ahth ver4 of the ,hebrew text73 8,thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife10 1 esheth1 in the construct state1 showing that she was appropriated to the neighbour in the singular number4 ,if the passage had read1 ,thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wives1 or any of them1 the interpretation must have been quite different4 ,so also ,deut4 v4 #ba3 8,neither shalt thou desire thy neighbour's wife10 1 esheth4 ,the twenty-second chapter of ,deuteronomy relates the law concerning a portion of the relations incident to a married state2 but we find the idea always advanced in the singular number4 ,there was no direction concerning his wives4 ,had the decalogue announced1 8,thou shalt have but one wife10 the language of these explanations and directions1 to be in unison therewith1 need not have been changed4 ,the subject is continued through the first five verses of the twenty-fourth chapter1 but we find the idea wife still expressed in the same careful language1 conveying the idea1 as appropriated to one man1 in the person of one female only4 ,the term 8new wife10 here used1 does not imply that she is an addition to others in like condition1 but that her condition of being a wife is new1 as is most clearly shown by the word hadasha1 from which it is translated4 ,the sentiment or condition explained in this passage is illustrated by our ,saviour in ,luke xiv4 #bj3 8,i have married a wife1 and therefore ,i cannot come10--that is1 until the expiration of the year1--having reference to this very passage in ,deuteronomy for authority4 ,but this passage is made very plain by a direct command of ,god3 see ,deut4 xx4 #g3 8,and what man is there that hath betrothed a wife1 and hath not taken her8 ,let him go and return unto his house1 lest he die in the battle1 and another man take her40 ,but the institution of marriage was established1 before the fall of man1 by the appropriation of one woman to one man4 ,now1 that this fact1 this example1 stands as a command1 is clear from the words of ,jesus ,christ1 in ,matt4 xix4 #d1 #e3 8,and he answered and said1 ,have ye not read1 that he which made them at the beginning1 made them male and female1 and said1 ,for this cause shall a man leave father and mother and shall cleave unto his wife2 and they twain shall be one flesh8 ,wherefore1 they are no more twain1 but one flesh40 ,we trust1 8at this age of the world10 there is a sufficiency of light1 among even the most unlearned of us1 whereby we shall be enabled to interpret these scriptures1 not to license polygamy1 but to discountenance and forbid it1 by showing that they teach a contrary doctrine4 ,but1 perhaps1 the explanation is more decided in ,mark x4 #h-aa3 ,and they twain shall be one flesh3 so then they are no more twain1 but one flesh40 8,and he saith unto them1 whoever shall put away his wife1 and marry another1 committeth adultery against her40 ,surely1 if a man commit adultery by marrying the second when he has turned off the previous1 it may be a stronger case of adultery to marry a second wife without turning off the first one6 ,we think ,st4 ,paul interprets the ,scriptures in the old-fashioned way1 ,eph4 v4 #ca3 8,for this cause shall a man leave his father and mother1 and shall be joined unto his wife1 and they two shall be one flesh40 ,see #a ,cor4 vi4 #af-ah3 8,what6 know ye not that he which is joined to a harlot is one body8 ,for two1 saith he1 shall be one flesh4 ,flee fornication40 ,and further1 the deductions that ,st4 ,paul made from these teachings are plainly drawn out in his lessons to ,timothy3 8,if a man desire the office of bishop1 he desireth a good work4 ,a bishop then must be blameless1 the husband of one wife40 8,let the deacons be the husbands of one wife40 #a ,tim4 iii4 #a1 #b1 #ab4 8,these things command and teach4 ,let no man despise thy youth2 but be thou an example of the believers in word1 in conversation1 in charity1 in faith1 in purity40 #a ,tim4 iv4 #aa1 #ab4 ,and we now beg to inquire whether this lesson to ,timothy is not founded upon the law as delivered to ,moses8 8,and the ,lord said unto ,moses1 ,speak unto the priests the sons of ,aaron1 and say unto them30 99 99 99 8,they shall be holy unto their ,god1 and not profane the name of their ,god40 99 99 99 8,they shall not take a wife that is a whore1 or profane2 neither shall they take a woman put away from her husband40 99 99 99 8,and he that is the high priest among his brethren 99 99 99 shall take a wife in her virginity40 8,a widow1 or a divorced woman1 or profane1 or a harlot1 these he shall not take2 but he shall take a virgin of his own people to wife40 8,neither shall he profane his seed among his people3 for ,i the ,lord do sanctify him40 ,lev4 xxi4 #a1 #f1 #g1 #aj1 #ac1 #ad1 #ae4 ,we doubt not it will be conceded that the teachings of the ,bible are1 that polygamy includes the crime of adultery and fornication1 both of which have a tendency towards a general promiscuous intercourse4 ,in addition to the express commands as to the views thus involved1 to our mind there are specifications on the subject equally decisive4 8,if any man take a wife 99 99 99 and give occasion of speech against her1 99 99 99 then shall the father of the damsel and her mother take and bring forth the tokens2 99 99 99 and the damsel's father shall say1 99 99 99 and1 lo1 he hath given occasion of speech against her4 99 99 99 ,and the elders of the city shall take that man and chastise him2 and they shall amerce him in a hundred shekels of silver1 99 99 99 and she shall be his wife2 he may not put her away all his days40 8,but if this thing is true1 and the tokens of her virginity be not found for the damsel2 then they shall bring out the damsel to the door of her father's house1 and the men of the city shall stone her with stones that she die40 99 99 99 8,if a man be found lying with a woman married to a husband1 then they shall both of them die40 99 99 99 8,if a damsel that is a virgin be betrothed unto a husband1 and a man find her in the city and lie with her2 then ye shall bring them both out unto the gate of that city1 and ye shall stone them with stones that they die40 99 99 99 8,but if a man find a betrothed damsel in the field1 and the man force her and lie with her2 then the man only that lay with her shall die40 99 99 99 8,if a man find a damsel that is a virgin1 which is not betrothed1 and lay hold on her1 and lie with her1 and they be found1 then the man that lay with her shall give unto the damsel's father fifty shekels of silver1 and she shall be his wife3 99 99 99 he may not put her away all his days40 ,deut4 xxii4 #ac-be1 #bh1 #bi4 8,a bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the ,lord2 even unto his tenth generation40 ,idem1 xxiii4 #b4 8,these are the statutes which the ,lord commanded ,moses between a man and his wife1 between the father and his daughter1 being yet in her youth in her father's house40 ,num4 xxx4 #af4 8,when thou art come into the land which the ,lord thy ,god giveth thee1 99 99 99 and shalt say1 ,i will set a king over me10 c4 99 99 99 8,but he shall not10 c4 99 99 99 8,neither shall he multiply wives to himself1 that his heart turn not away40 ,deut4 xvii4 #ad-ag4 ,the inferences to be drawn from a review of these statutes1 in opposition to polygamy1 we deem of easy deduction4 ,we leave them for the consideration of those who shall examine the subject4 ,we deem it extraordinary that1 8at this age of the world10 we should find men who seem to think that because ,moses had a statute which1 under certain circumstances1 authorized husbands to divorce their wives1 that thereby he permitted polygamy4 8,when a man hath taken a wife1 and married her1 and it come to pass that she find no favour in his eyes1 because he hath found some uncleanness in her10 7it is the same word elsewhere translated nakedness17 8then let him write her a bill of divorcement1 and give it in her hand1 and send her out of his house4 ,and when she is departed out of his house1 she may go and be another man's wife4 ,and if the latter husband hate her1 and write her a bill of divorcement1 and giveth it in her hand1 and sendeth her out of his house2 or if the latter husband die1 which took her to be his wife2 her former husband which sent her away may not take her again to be his wife1 after that she is defiled2 for this is abomination before the ,lord40 ,deut4 xxiv4 #a-d4 ,is there any thing here that favours polygamy8 ,such was the law4 ,but in the original1 there is a term used which became the subject of discussion among the ,jews1 perhaps shortly after its promulgation4 ,this term1 in our translation 8uncleanness10 some understand to mean such moral or physical defects as rendered her marriage highly improper or a nullity2 others understand it to mean1 or rather to extend to and embrace1 all dislike on the part of the husband whereby he became desirous to be separated from her4 ,this interpretation seemed most conducive to the power of the husband1 and1 therefore1 probably had the most advocates2 and it is said that the ,jewish rulers so suffered it to be understood1 and that even ,moses1 as a man1 suffered it2 noticing that where the wife became greatly hated by the husband1 she was extremely liable to abuse1 unless this law was so explained as to permit a divorce4 ,the ,jews kept up the dispute about this matter down to the days of our ,saviour2 when the ,pharisees1 with the view to place before him a difficult question1 and one that might entangle him1 if answered adverse to the popular idea1 presented it to him1 as related in ,matt4 xix4 ,he promptly decides the question1 whereupon they say-- 8,why did ,moses then command to give a writing of divorcement1 and to put her away8 ,he saith unto them1 ,moses1 because of the hardness of your hearts1 suffered you to put away your wives3 but from the beginning it was not so4 ,and ,i say unto you1 ,whoever shall put away his wife1 except it be for fornication1 and shall marry another1 committeth adultery2 and whoever marrieth her that is put away1 doth commit adultery40 ,matt4 xix4 #g1 #h1 #i4 ,mark describes this interview thus3 8,and the ,pharisees came to him1 and asked him1 saying1 ,is it lawful for a man to put away his wife1 tempting him8 ,and he answered and said unto them1 ,what did ,moses command you8 ,and they said1 ,moses suffered to write a bill of divorcement1 and to put her away4 ,jesus answered and said unto them1 ,for the hardness of your heart he wrote you this precept3 but from the beginning of the creation1 ,god made them male and female40 ,mark x4 #b-f4 ,but do these answers1 either way1 favour polygamy8 ,is it not clear that the law was in opposition to it8 ,it is true1 the ,jews1 corrupted by the neighbouring nations who fell into it1 practised the habit to a great extent2 and so they did idolatry and many other sins4 ,but was idolatry allowed to the ,israelites8 ,what truth can there be in the assertion that they were allowed a thing1 in the practice of which they had to trample their laws under foot8 ,and1 under the statement of the facts1 what truth is there in the assertion that 8polygamy was licensed in the age of the apostles80 ,if such was 8the practice of the holiest men10 it proves nothing except that the holiest men were in the practice of breaking the law4 ,it is true that a looseness of adjudication on the subject of divorce grew up1 perhaps even from the time of ,moses1 among the ,jews1 on account of the dispute about the interpretation of the law4 ,but upon the supposition that the law was correctly interpreted by those who advocated the greatest laxity1 which ,jesus ,christ sufficiently condemned1 yet there is found nothing favouring polygamy in it2 for even the loosest interpretation supposed a divorce necessary4 ,the dispute was not about polygamy2 but about what predicates rendered a divorce legal4 ,in the books of the ,old ,testament we find the accounts of many crimes that were committed in those olden days2 but can any one be so stupid as to suppose the law permitted those crimes1 because the history of them has reached us through these books8 ,if the polygamy of ,jacob1 rehearsed in these books1 teaches the doctrine that these books permitted polygamy1--then1 because these books relate the history of the murder of ,abel1 it must be said that these books permit murder8 ,and because1 in these books1 we have the account of the disobedience of ,adam and ,eve1 that therefore disobedience to the command of ,god is legalized also6 ,before we can say that polygamy is countenanced by the ,old ,testament as well as slavery1 we must find some special law to that effect4 ,and some of the advocates of abolition1 striving to make a parallel between slavery and polygamy1 pretend they have done so in ,lev4 xviii4 #ah3 8,neither shalt thou take a wife to her sister to vex her1 to uncover her nakedness1 besides the other in her lifetime40 ,these advocates interpret this law to permit a man to marry two wives or more1 so that no two of them are sisters2 and because few take the trouble to contradict them1 they seem to think their interpretation to be true1 and urge it as such4 ,it was clear the law permitted no additional wife1 so as to allow two or more wives1 unless1 by the example of ,jacob1 the law was ameliorated4 ,his example was the taking of sisters2 and if the original be correctly translated1 his example is condemned by the law cited4 ,we surely fail to see how forbidding polygamy as to sisters1 permits it as to others4 ,louisiana by law forbids any free white person being joined in marriage to a person of colour4 ,if that ,state1 in addition1 forbids free white persons being married to slaves1 does it repeal the law as to persons of colour8 ,but to the ,hebrew scholar we propose a small error in the translation of this passage4 ,the preceding twelve verses treat on the subject of whom it is forbidden to marry on the account of consanguinity1 the last of which names the grand-daughter of a previous wife1 declaring such act to be wicked1 and closes the list of objections on account of consanguinity1 unless such list be extended by the passage under review2 for the succeeding sentence is a prohibition of all females who may be unclean2 consanguinity is no more mentioned2 yet these prohibitions continue to the #bc;d verse2 and it is to be noticed that each prohibition succeeding the wife's grand-daughter commences with a 7vav with sheva71 whereas not one on the ground of consanguinity is thus introduced2 illustrating the fact that each prohibition1 succeeding the wife's grand-daughter1 is founded upon new and distinct causes4 ,the widow of a deceased husband who had left no issue was permitted to marry his brother2 it was even made a duty4 ,therefore1 by parity of reason1 there could be no objection1 on the account of consanguinity1 for the husband of a deceased wife to marry her sister4 ,it is clear then that the person whom this clause of the law forbids to marry1 is some person other than a deceased wife's sister4 ,we propose for consideration1 as nearly literal as may be1 to express the idea conveyed--,thou shalt not take one wife to another1 to be enemies1 or to be exiles1 the shame of thy bed-chamber through life4 ,the doctrine it inculcates is1 if a man has two wives1 he must either live in the midst of their rivalry and enmity1 or exile one or both2 either of which is disgrace4 ,the reading may be varied2 but let the ,hebrew scholar compare the first three words of the original with ,exod4 xxvi4 #c1 where they twice occur1 and also with the #fth and #agth verses of the same chapter1 in each of which they are also found4 ,let him notice that1 in the passage before us1 in the word translated sister1 the vav1 under holem1 is omitted2 whereas such is not the case in the preceding instances1 where the word is correctly translated to express a term of consanguinity2 and we think he will abandon the idea that ahotha1 in the passage before us1 means sister2 and if not1 the sentence stands a clear1 indisputable1 and general condemnation of polygamy4 99 99 99 99 99 ,can ,dr4 ,channing's disciples point out to us a law allowing polygamy in as direct terms as the following would have done1 substituting the word wives for slaves8 8,thy wives which thou shalt have1 shall be of the heathen that are round about you3 of them shall ye buy wives40 8,moreover1 of the children of the strangers that sojourn among you1 of them shall ye buy wives0--8and of their families that are with you1 which they beget in your land1 and they shall be your wives40 8,and ye shall take them as wives for your children after you1 and they shall have them for wives0--8they shall be your wives for ever40 ,compare ,lev4 xxv4 #dd1 #df4 ,until they can do so1 until they shall do so1 we shall urge their not doing it as one reason why the ,scripture 8cannot be used to stock our houses with wives as well as with slaves40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,dr4 ,channing says1 page #aja1 vol4 ii4-- 8,slavery1 at the age of the apostle1 had so penetrated society1 was so intimately interwoven with it1 and the materials of servile war were so abundant1 that a religion1 preaching freedom to the slave1 would have shaken the social fabric to its foundation1 and would have armed against itself the whole power of the state4 ,paul did not then assail the institution4 ,he satisfied himself with spreading principles which1 however slowly1 could not but work its destruction4 99 99 99 ,and how1 in his circumstances1 he could have done more for the subversion of slavery1 ,i do not see40 ,may we request the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing to read the chapter on 8,slavery10 in ,paley's ,moral and ,political ,philosophy1 and decide whether the above is borrowed in substance therefrom4 ,and we beg further to inquire1 whether it does not place ,paul1 considering 8his circumstances10 in an odious position8 ,what1 ,paul satisfying himself to not do his duty6 ,what1 ,paul shrink from assailing an institution because deeply rooted in power and sin6 ,what1 ,paul1 the apostle of ,god1 fearing1 hesitating1 failing to denounce a great sin1 because it was penetrating through and intimately interwoven with society6 ,why did he not manifest the same consideration in behalf of other great sins8 ,would it not be an easier and more rational way to account for his not assailing slavery1 by supposing him to have known that it was the providence of ,god1 in mercy1 presenting some protection to those too degraded and low to protect themselves8 ,if such supposition describes the true character of the institution of slavery1 then the conduct of ,paul in regard to it would have been just what it was4 ,paul lived all his life in the midst of slavery2 as a man among men1 he had a much better opportunity to know what was truth in the case than ,dr4 ,channing4 ,but as an apostle1 ,paul was taught of ,god4 ,will the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing transfer these considerations from ,st4 ,paul to the ,almighty1 and say that he was afraid to announce his truth1 his law1 then to the world1 lest it should stir up a little war in the ,roman ,empire8 ,in what position does ,dr4 ,channing place ,him1 who came to reveal truth1 holding death and judgment in his hand6 8,now they have known that all things whatsoever thou hast given me are of thee3 ,for ,i have given unto them the words which thou gavest me2 and they have received them40 ,john xvii4 #g1 #h4 8,i take you to record this day1 that ,i am pure from the blood of all men1 for ,i have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of ,god40 ,acts xx4 #bf1 #bg4 8,god forbid3 yea1 let ,god be true1 but every man a liar40 ,rom4 iii4 #d4 ,but we propose to the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing an inquiry3 ,if he could not see how ,st4 ,paul in his circumstances could have done more for the subversion of slavery1 why did he not take ,st4 ,paul for his example1 and suffer the matter to rest where ,st4 ,paul left it8 ,for he says1 vol4 iii4 page #aeb--8;,it becomes the preacher to remember that there is a silent1 indirect influence1 more sure and powerful than direct assaults on false opinions40 ,or was he less careless than ,st4 ,paul about stirring up a servile war1 and of shaking our social fabric to its foundation8 ,or did the doctor's circumstances place him on higher ground than ,st4 ,paul8 ,had 8this age of the world0 presented him with new light on the true interpretation of the ,scriptures8 ,had the afflatus of the ,holy ,spirit commissioned him to supersede ,paul as an apostle8 ,are we to expect1 through him1 a new and improved edition of the gospel8 ,and is this the reason why an argument drawn from the ,old ,edition now 8hardly deserves notice80 ,dr4 ,channing says1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ajd--8,the very name of the ,christian religion would have been forgotten amidst the agitations of universal bloodshed40 ,is then the ,christian religion a fabrication of men8 ,was ,christ himself an impostor8 ,and could ,dr4 ,channing loan himself to such a consideration8 8,upon this rock ,i will build my church3 and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it40 ,matt4 xvi4 #ah4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,the sixth position in the treatise under consideration is1 8,i shall offer some remarks on the means of removing it40 ,his plan is1 page #ajh--8;,in the first place1 the great principle that man cannot rightfully be held as property1 should be admitted by the slaveholder40 ,dr4 ,channing seems to suppose that his previous arguments are sufficient to produce the proposed admission4 ,page #aji4 8,it would be cruelty to strike the fetters from a man1 whose first steps would infallibly lead him to a precipice4 ,the slave should not have an owner1 but he should have a guardian40 ,we take this as an admission that the slave is not a fit subject for freedom4 ,but he says-- ,page #aaj4 8,but there is but one weighty argument against immediate emancipation2 namely1 that the slave would not support himself and his children by honest industry40 ,dr4 ,channing's plan in short is1 that the names1 master and slave1 shall be exchanged for guardian and ward2 but he awards no compensation to the guardian2--that the negro shall be told he is free2 yet he should be compelled to work for his own and his family's support2--that none should be whipped who will toil 8from rational and honourable motives40 ,page #aab4 8,in case of being injured by his master in this or in any respect1 he should be either set free1 or1 if unprepared for liberty1 should be transmitted to another guardian40 ,dr4 ,channing proposes 8bounties10 8rewards10 8new privileges10 8increased indulgences10 8prizes for good conduct10 c41 as substitutes for the lash4 ,he supposes that the slave may be 8elevated and his energies called forth by placing his domestic relations on new ground40 8,this is essential2 we wish him to labour for his family4 ,then he must have a family to labour for4 ,then his wife and children must be truly his own4 ,then his home must be inviolate4 ,then the responsibilities of a husband and father must be laid on him4 ,it is argued that he will be fit for freedom as soon as the support of his family shall become his habit and his happiness40 ,page #aad4 8,to carry this and other means of improvement into effect1 it is essential that the slave should no longer be bought and sold40 ,page #aae4 8,legislatures should meet to free the slave4 ,the church should rest not1 day nor night1 till this stain be wiped away40 ,we do not choose to make any remark on his plan of emancipation2 we shall merely quote one passage from page #ajf3 8,how slavery shall be removed is a question for the slaveholder1 and one which he alone can answer fully4 ,he alone has an intimate knowledge of the character and habits of the slaves40 ,in this we fully concur2 and we now ask our readers1 what does ,dr4 ,channing's confession of this fact suggest to their minds8 ,dr4 ,channing's seventh proposition is1 8,to offer some remarks on abolitionism40 ,the considerations of this chapter are evidently addressed to the abolitionists1 with which we have no wish to interfere4 ,there are1 however1 in it1 some fine sentiments expressed in his usual eloquent style4 ,the eighth and concluding subject is1 8,a few reflections on the duties of the times40 ,these reflections1 we are exceedingly sorry to find highly inflammatory2 they are addressed alone to the ,free ,states4 ,we shall present a few specimens4 ,they need no comment3 there are those to whom pity is more applicable than reproof4 ,page #ach4 8,a few words remain to be spoken in relation to the duties of the ,free ,states4 ,these need to feel the responsibilities and dangers of their present position4 ,the country is approaching a crisis on the greatest question which can be proposed to it2 a question1 not of profit or loss1 of tariffs or banks1 or any temporary interests2 but a question involving the first principles of freedom1 morals1 and religion40 ,page #aci4 8,there are1 however1 other duties of the ,free ,states1 to which they may prove false1 and which they are too willing to forget4 ,they are bound1 not in their public1 but in their individual capacities1 to use every virtuous influence for the abolition of slavery40 ,page #adj4 8,at this moment an immense pressure is driving the ,north from its true ground4 ,god save it from imbecility1 from treachery to freedom and virtue6 ,i have certainly no feelings but those of good-will towards the ,south2 but ,i speak the universal sentiments of this part of the country1 when ,i say that the tone which the ,south has often assumed towards the ,north has been that of a superior1 a tone unconsciously borrowed from the habit of command to which it is unhappily accustomed by the form of its society4 ,i must add1 that this high bearing of the ,south has not always been met by a just consciousness of equality1 a just self-respect at the ,north4 99 99 99 ,here lies the danger4 ,the ,north will undoubtedly be just to the ,south4 ,it must also be just to itself4 ,this is not the time for sycophancy1 for servility1 for compromise of principle1 for forgetfulness of our rights4 ,it is the time to manifest the spirit of ,,men1 a spirit which prizes1 more than life1 the principles of liberty1 of justice1 of humanity1 of pure morals1 of pure religion40 ,page #adb4 8,let us show that we have principles1 compared with which the wealth of the world is as light as air4 99 99 99 ,the ,free ,states1 it is to be feared1 must pass through a struggle4 ,may they sustain it as becomes their freedom6 ,the present excitement at the ,south can hardly be expected to pass away without attempts to wrest from them unworthy concessions4 ,the tone in regard to slavery in that part of the country is changed4 ,it is not only more vehement1 but more false than formerly3 once slavery was acknowledged as an evil2 now1 it is proclaimed to be a good40 ,page #adc4 8,certainly1 no assertion of the wildest abolitionist could give such a shock to the slaveholder1 as this new doctrine is fitted to give to the people of the ,north4 99 99 99 ,there is a great dread in this part of the country that the ,union of the ,states may be dissolved by conflict about slavery4 99 99 99 ,no one prizes the ,union more than myself40 ,page #add4 8,still1 if the ,union can be purchased only by the imposition of chains on the tongue and the press1 by prohibition of discussion on the subject involving the most sacred rights and dearest interests of humanity1 then union would be bought at too dear a price40 ,in his concluding note1 he says1 page #aec--8;,i feel too much about the great subject on which ,i have written1 to be very solicitous about what is said of myself4 ,i feel that ,i am nothing1 that my reputation is nothing1 in comparison with the fearful wrong and evil which ,i have laboured to expose2 and ,i should count myself unworthy the name of a man or a ,christian1 if the calumnies of the bad1 or even the disapprobation of the good1 could fasten my thoughts on myself1 and turn me aside from a cause which1 as ,i believe1 truth1 humanity1 and ,god call me to sustain40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,the abolition writers and speakers are properly divided into two classes3 those who agitate and advocate the subject as a successful means of advancing their own personal and ambitious hopes2 sometimes with 8,one eye turned to ,god1 condemning moral evil2 ,the other downward1 winking at the devil60 ,thus1 one seeks office1 another distinction or fame4 ,small considerations often stimulate the conduct of such men4 ,but we have evidence that another class zealously labour to abolish slavery from the world1 because they think its existence a stain on the human character1 and that the laws of ,god make it the duty of every man to 8cry aloud and spare not10 until it shall cease4 ,our author had no secondary views alluring him on to toil2 no new purpose2 no new summit to gain4 ,what he thought darkness he hated1 because he loved the light2 what he thought wicked1 to his soul was awful and abhorred1 because1 even in life1 he was ever peering into the confines of heaven4 ,ardour was cultivated into zeal1 and zeal into enthusiasm4 ,in its eagerness to accomplish its object in behalf of liberty1 the mind is often prepared to subvert without reflection--to destroy without care4 ,hence1 even the religious may sometimes 8record that they have a zeal of ,god1 but not according to knowledge40 8,for they being ignorant of ,god's righteousness1 and going about to establish their own righteousness1 have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of ,god40 ,rom4 x4 ,they are convinced that they alone are right4 ,but1 8,can a man be profitable unto ,god1 as he that is wise may be profitable unto himself8 ,is it any pleasure to the ,almighty1 that thou art righteous8 or is it gain1 that thou makest thy ways perfect40 ,job xxii4 #b1 #c4 8,knowest thou the ordinances of heaven8 ,canst thou set the dominion thereof in the earth80 ,answer thou1 ,why 8leaveth the ostrich her eggs in the earth1 and warmeth them in the dust8 ,why forgetteth she that the foot may crush them1 or that the wild beast may break them80 8,why is she hardened against her young ones1 as though they were not hers80 8,why is her labour in vain without fear80 8,why feedeth the fish upon its fellow1 which forgetteth and devoureth its young80 8,who looketh on the proud and bringeth him low8 and treadeth down the wicked in their place8 hiding them in the dust1 and binding their faces in secret80 ,who hardeneth the heart of ,pharaoh8 and multiplies signs and wonders before the children of men8 ,who is he who 8hath mercy on whom he will80 ,why was ,esau hated or ,jacob loved before they were born8 ,wilt thou say1 8,why doth he find fault8 for who hath resisted his will40 ,see ,rom4 ix4 #ai4 ,or wilt thou rather say1 8,behold ,i am vile2 what shall ,i answer thee8 ,i will lay my hand upon my mouth4 ,once have ,i spoken2 but ,i will not answer thee3 yea1 twice2 but ,i will proceed no further40 ,job xl4 #d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,there are in these volumes several other essays1 under different titles1 on the same subject2 but in most instances1 although the language is varied1 the same arguments exert their power on the mind of the writer4 ,aided by the common sympathy of the people among whom he lived1 and the conscientious operations of his own mind1 his judgment on the decision of the question of right and wrong became unchangeably fixed2 while the evidence forced upon him by the only class of facts in relation to the subject which his education and associations in society enabled him to comprehend1 became daily more imposing1 more exciting in their review1 more lucid in their exposing an image of deformity1 the most wicked of the offspring of evil4 ,filled with horror1 yet as if allured by an evil charm1 his mind seems to have had no power to banish from its sight its horrid vision4 ,nor is it singular that it should1 to some extent1 become the one idea--his leading chain of thought4 ,to him1 the proofs of his doctrine became a blaze of light1 so piercingly brilliant that nothing of a contrary bearing was worthy of belief or consideration4 ,the following extracts will perhaps sufficiently develop the state to which his mind had arrived on this subject of his study4 ,vol4 vi4 p4 #ch1 he says--8,my maxim is1 ,any thing but slavery60 ,page #ej4 8,the history of ,west ,india emancipation teaches us that we are holding in bondage one of the best races of the human family4 ,the negro is among the mildest and gentlest of men4 ,he is singularly susceptible of improvement from abroad4 ,his children1 it is said1 receive more rapidly than ours the elements of knowledge40 ,page #ea4 8,a short residence among the negroes in the ,west ,indies impressed me with their capacity for improvement2 on all sides1 ,i heard of their religious tendencies1 the noblest of human nature4 ,i saw1 too1 on the plantation where ,i resided1 a gracefulness and dignity of form and motion rare in my own native ,new ,england4 ,and that is the race which has been selected to be trodden down and confounded with the brute40 ,if slavery in the ,west ,indies has thus elevated the ,african tribes above the majority of the people of ,new ,england1 we will not ask the question1 whether the doctor's disciples propose the experiment on their countrymen4 ,but there is1 nevertheless1 abundant proof that slavery to the white races does necessarily1 and from philosophical causes1 have the most direct tendency to elevate the moral1 mental1 and physical ability of the ,african2 in fact1 of any other race of men sunk equally low in degradation and ruin4 ,if the negro slaves of the ,west ,indies exhibit moral1 mental1 and physical merit in advance of most of ,dr4 ,channing's countrymen1 who were never in slavery1 we beg to know how it is accounted for2 what are the causes that have operated to produce it8 ,for we believe no sane man1 who knows any thing of the ,african savage in his native state1 whether bond or free1 will so much as give a hint that they are as elevated in any respect as are his countrymen1 the people of ,new ,england4 ,will the fact then be acknowledged1 that slavery1 however bad1 does yet constitutionally amend and elevate the ,african savage6 99 99 99 99 99 ,at the moment the foregoing paragraphs were placed on paper1 there happened to be present a ,northern gentleman1 who very justly entertained the most elevated regard for the personal character of ,dr4 ,channing1 to whom they were read4 ,his views seemed to be that the extracts from ,channing were garbled1 and the deductions consequent thereon unjustly severe4 ,we war not with ,dr4 ,channing1 nor his character4 ,he no longer liveth4 ,but his works live1 and new editions crowd upon the public attention1 as if his disciples were anxious to saturate the whole world with his errors1 as well as to make known his many virtues4 ,we do not design to garble2 and therefore requote the extract more fully1 from vol4 vi4 pp4 #ej1 #ea3 8,the history of the ,west ,india emancipation teaches us that we are holding in bondage one of the best races of the human family4 ,the negro is among the mildest1 gentlest of men4 ,he is singularly susceptible of improvement from abroad4 ,his children1 it is said1 receive more rapidly than ours the elements of knowledge4 ,how far he can originate improvements1 time only can teach4 ,his nature is affectionate1 easily touched2 and hence he is more open to religious impression than the white man4 ,the ,european race have manifested more courage1 enterprise1 invention2 but in the dispositions which ,christianity particularly honours1 how inferior are they to the ,african6 ,when ,i cast my eyes over our ,southern region1 the land of bowie-knives1 ,lynch-law1 and duels1 of #8chivalry1 honour1' and revenge2 and when ,i consider that ,christianity is declared to be a spirit of charity1 #8which seeketh not its own1 is not easily provoked1 thinketh no evil1 and endureth all things1' and is declared to be #8the wisdom from above1 which is first pure1 then peaceable1 gentle1 easy to be entreated1 full of mercy and good fruits1'--can ,i hesitate in deciding to which of the races in that land ,christianity is most adapted1 in which its noblest disciples are most likely to be reared40 ,pp4 #eb1 #ec4 8,could the withering influence of slavery be withdrawn1 the ,southern character1 though less consistent1 less based on principle1 might be more attractive and lofty than that of the ,north4 ,the ,south is proud of calling itself ,anglo-,saxon4 ,judging from character1 ,i should say that this name belongs much more to the ,north1 the country of steady1 persevering1 unconquerable energy4 ,our ,southern brethren remind me more of the ,normans4 ,they seem to have in their veins the burning blood of that pirate race40 8,who is he that hideth counsel without knowledge8 ,therefore have ,i uttered that ,i understood not2 things too wonderful for me1 which ,i knew not40 ,job xlii4 #c4 99 99 99 99 99 ,will the disciples of ,dr4 ,channing account for the curious facts developed by the census of #ahej1 as follows8-- 8,a writer in the ,new ,york ,observer calls attention to some curious facts derived from the census of the ,united ,states4 ,these facts show that there is a remarkable prevalence of idiocy and insanity among the free blacks over the whites1 and especially over the slaves4 ,in the ,state of ,maine1 every fourteenth coloured person is an idiot or a lunatic4 ,and though there is a gradual improvement in the condition of the coloured race as we proceed ,west and ,south1 yet it is evident that the ,free ,states are the principal abodes of idiocy and lunacy among them4 8,in ,ohio1 there are just ten coloured persons1 who are idiots or lunatics1 where there is one in ,kentucky4 ,and in ,louisiana1 where a large majority of the population is coloured1 and four-fifths of them are slaves1 there is but one of these unfortunates to #dcji who are sane4 ,the proportions in other ,states1 according to the census of #ahej1 are as follow3--,in ,massachusetts1 #a in #dc2 ,connecticut1 #a in #ahe2 ,new ,york1 #a in #beg2 ,pennsylvania1 #a in #bef2 ,maryland1 #a in #ajgd2 ,virginia1 #a in #acji2 ,north ,carolina1 #a in #abae2 ,south ,carolina1 #a in #bddj2 ,ohio1 #a in #aje2 ,kentucky1 #a in #ajec4 ,this is certainly a curious calculation1 and indicates that diseases of the brain are far more rare among the slaves than among the free of the coloured race40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,sympathy probably operates more or less in the mind of each individual of the human family4 ,traces of it are discovered even in some of the brute creation2 but yet we are far from saying that it is merely an animal feeling4 ,but we do say that sympathy often gives a direction to our chains of thought2 and that1 in some minds1 such direction is scarcely to be changed by any subsequent reflection1 or even evidence4 ,some minds seem incapable of appreciating any evidence which does not make more open whatever way sympathy may lead2 consequently a full history of its exercise would prove that it has been frequently expended on mistaken facts1 imaginary conditions1 or fictitious suffering4 ,in such cases1 it may produce much evil1 and real suffering4 ,it therefore may be of some importance to the sympathizer and to community1 that this feeling be under the government of a correct judgment founded on truth4 ,among the rude tribes of men1 and in the early ages of the world1 its action seems to have taken the place of what1 in a higher civilization and cultivation of the mind1 should be the result of moral principle founded on truth4 ,but even now1 if we look abroad upon the families of men1 even to the most intellectual1 shall we not find the greater number rather under the government of the former than the latter8 ,one inference surely is1 that man1 as yet1 has not1 by far1 arrived at the fullest extent of intellectual improvement4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but suppose we say that ,god punishes sin2 or1 by the laws of ,god1 sin brings upon itself punishment2--we propose the question1 how far1 under our relation to our ,creator1 is it consistent in us to sympathize with such punishment8 ,it may be answered1 we are instructed to 8remember0 to sympathize with those who are under persecution for their faith in ,christ2 so also1 impliedly1 with our brethren1 neighbours1 or those who have done us or our ancestors favours1 or those who have given or can give some proof of goodness1 when such have fallen1 or shall fall into bondage2 and1 perhaps1 with any one giving proof of such amendment as may merit a higher condition4 ,but in all these cases1 does not the injunction1 8remember10 look to an action resulting from principle1 emanating from truth1 or the conformity of the person or thing to be 8remembered0 with the law of ,god8 ,in the holy books1 the word nearest to a synonyme of our word sympathy1 will be found in ,deut4 vii4 #af3 8,thou shalt consume all the people which the ,lord thy ,god shall deliver thee2 thine eye shall have no pity thehhos7 upon them10 7no sympathy for47 ,so1 xix4 #ac3 8,thine eye shall not pity 7 thahhos7 him40 ,so xiii4 #h 7the #ith of the ,hebrew text73 8,neither shall thine eye pity him10 7 thahhos47 ,this word1 when used in relation to punishment1 is usually associated with the word implying the 8eye10 as if the feeling expressed thereby partook more of an animal than a moral sensation4 ,in ,gen4 xlv4 #bj1 our translators finding our idea of sympathy inapplicable to inanimate objects1 expressed it by the word 8regard10 meaning care1 or concern4 ,now1 since the command forbids this gush of feeling 7whether merely animal or not7 in the cases cited1 is it not evident that the feeling inculcated as proper must be the produce of moral principle1 cultivated and sustained by a truthful perception of the laws of ,god8 ,the feeling of sympathy1 commiseration1 or mercy1 is inculcated in the latter clause of ,lev4 xlvi4 #bf4 ,the circumstances were these3--,the descendants of ,ham occupied the whole of ,palestine1 and the most of the adjoining districts4 ,those of ,palestine had become so sunken in idolatry1 and the most grievous practices1 counteracting any improvement of their race1 that ,god1 in his providence1 gave them up to be extirpated from the earth1 and forbid the ,israelites to have any 8pity10 any sympathy for them2 but to slay them without hesitation4 ,while those of the adjacent tribes1 who had1 since the days of ,noah1 been denounced as fit subjects of slavery1 on the account of their degradation1 brought upon them by similar causes1 were again specified to ,moses as those whom they were at liberty in peace to purchase1 or in war to reduce to perpetual bondage4 ,but such is the deteriorating effect of sin1 even individuals of the ,israelites themselves were often falling into that condition4 ,but ,god made a distinction between the condition of these heathen1 and the ,israelites that might thus fall into slavery4 ,the slavery of the heathen was perpetual1 while that of these improvident ,jews was limited to six years1 unless such slave preferred to continue in his state of slavery2 his kin at all times having the right to redeem him1 which right of redemption was also extended to the ,jewish slave himself4 ,but no such right was ever extended to the heathen slave1 or him of heathen extraction4 ,under this state of facts1 the ,jewish master is forbidden to use 8rigour0 towards his ,jewish slave3 8,but over your brethren the children of ,israel1 ye shall not rule over one another with rigour40 ,this evidently inculcates a feeling of commiseration for such of their countrymen as may have fallen into slavery2 and in conformity with such precepts1 all nations1 at all times1 who were advanced in civilization1 seem to have ever felt disposed to extend relief when practical4 ,hence ,abraham extended relief to the family of ,lot3 hence the prophet ,obed succeeded to deliver from slavery two hundred thousand of the children of ,judah from the hand of the king of ,israel1 during the days of ,ahaz4 ,but in no instance have such acts of mercy been manifested by a people sunk as low in degradation as the ,african races4 ,for several centuries1 ,britain supplied slaves for other parts of the world2 but1 during the time she did so1 she took no steps for the redemption of any2 and such has invariably been the case at all times of the world4 ,all races of men1 sunk in the lowest depths of degradation1 have never failed to be in slavery to one another1 and to supply other nations with their own countrymen for slaves2 and1 perhaps1 this may be adduced as an evidence of their having descended to that degree of degradation that makes slavery a mercy to them4 ,sympathy for them could do them no good2 because a relief from slavery could not elevate them1--could do them no good1 but an injury4 ,hence such sympathy is forbidden4 ,the degradation of the children of ,jacob became almost extreme2 yet they went not into slavery until it was accompanied by a fact of like nature4 ,who shall say that slavery and the slave-trade in ,britain was not one of the steps1 under ,divine providence1 whereby ,god brought about the elevated condition of the race of man there8 ,who will say that the slavery of the ,israelites in ,egypt was not to them a mercy1 and did not bring to them an ameliorated1 an elevated condition1 necessary to them before the ,divine law could fulfil its promise to ,abraham8 ,but this was a mere temporary slavery2 whereas the slavery pronounced on the races of ,ham was through all time1 perpetual4 ,during the dark ages of the world1 the races of men generally became deteriorated to an extraordinary extent4 ,if our doctrine be true1 slavery was a necessary consequence1 and continued1 until by its amendatory influence on the enslaved1 in accordance with the law of ,god1 they became elevated above the level of its useful operation4 ,but1 during these periods1 the slave in ,africa1 little sought after by other races1 became of small value to the ,african master1 and was the prey1 frequently an article of food1 even to the slaves themselves1 as well as to his own master2 and this state of facts existed until the other races of man had mostly emerged from slavery2 when the ,african slave became an article of commerce1 and cannibalism1 in consequence1 became almost forgotten4 ,was this no blessing8 ,was this not a mercy--an improved condition8 ,but1 as if ,god really intended1 contrary to the apparent wishes of some men1 to fulfil his word1 and establish their condition of never-ending bondage1 he has suffered the slave-trade with ,africa to be abolished among the ,christian nations4 ,the great surplus of slaves in ,africa has rendered them of little value there2 and these anthropophagi have again returned to their ancient habits1 giving proof that their condition of slavery1 so far as mortal eye can see1 is now for ever past hope4 ,the theological philosopher did once hope that the only commerce which could bring them generally in contact with ,christian nations would have a permanent influence on the character of these people4 ,but ,god1 in his providence1 has seen proper to order it otherwise4 ,the slave-trade that has been carried on between them and ,western ,asia1 for more than four thousand years1 now the only external influence on them as a people1 may doubtless extend the standard of ,islam1 and spread some few corruptions of its religious systems4 ,but neither the religion nor the trade carries to the home of these savages a sufficiency of interest to excite new passions or stimulate into existence new habits or chains of thought4 8,the rod and reproof give wisdom40 8,a servant 7 abed1 a slave7 will not be corrected by words2 for though he understand1 he will not answer40 ,prov4 xxix4 #ae1 #ai4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in close1 may we inquire what benefit has resulted to the slave in the ,south1--what benefit to poor1 bleeding ,africa1 from the sympathy of the world on the subject of their slavery8 ,what1 none6 ,if none--has it done them no evil8 ,and will ye continue to do evil8 ,in your weakness1 will ye think to contend against ,god8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiv4 ,the abolitionist will probably consent to the truth of the proposition that ,god governs the universe4 ,it may be that they will also agree that he is abundantly able to do so4 ,but1 whatever may be their decision1 it is one of the revealed laws of ,god1 that-- 8,thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image1 or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above1 or that is in the earth beneath1 or that is in the water under the earth3 thou shalt not bow thyself to them1 nor serve them2 for ,i1 the ,lord thy ,god1 am1 a jealous ,god1 visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me40 ,it is not to be supposed that man can comprehend ,god as it may be said he comprehends things within the compass of his own understanding4 ,if so1 there would have been no need of revelation4 ,revelation has given us all the knowledge of ,god necessary to our welfare and happiness4 ,we have not yet learned that man has become able to go beyond revelation in his knowledge of ,god4 ,but suppose some one should take it into his fancy to say and believe that the ,sabbath was not a ,divine institution1 or that 8,thou shalt not kill10 8,thou shalt not commit adultery10 8,thou shalt not steal10 were mere human contrivances1 and contrary to the will and laws of their ,god2 now1 if the ,god who has revealed these laws to us is the genuine ,god1 would not the god who should teach these forbidden acts to be lawful be a different god8 ,and although he would exist only in the imagination of those who believed in such a being1 yet would it be any the less idolatry to worship him than it would be if a block were set up to represent him8 ,is it any sufficient excuse1 because such worshipper acts from ignorance1 or under the influence of a sincere conscience8 ,is it to be presumed that those who sacrificed their children1 and even themselves1 to a false god1 were not sincere8 ,did not ,paul act with a sincere conscience when he persecuted the ,christians8 99 99 99 99 99 ,but can we suppose that the real ,jehovah would1 in a revelation to man of his will1 his law1 recognise a thing as property among men1 when1 at the same time1 it was contrary to his will and his law that such thing should be property among men8 8,neither shalt thou desire thy neighbour's wife2 neither shalt thou covet thy neighbour's house1 his field1 or his man-servant 7 his male slave71 or his maid-servant 7 his female slave71 his ox1 or his ass1 or any thing that is thy neighbour's40 ,deut4 v4 #ba1 the #ahth of the ,hebrew text4 ,would it not have been just as easy for ,god to have said1 if such was his will1 8,thou shalt not have slaves10 as to have said this1 as follows8 8,and also of the heathen shall ye buy slaves1 and your children shall inherit them after you1 and they shall be your slaves for ever60 ,but ,dr4 ,channing1 speaking of the various exertions now making in behalf of the abolition of slavery1 gives us to understand that the ,christian philanthropy and the enlightened goodness1 7and1 he means1 sympathy alone17 now pouring forth in prayers and persuasions from the press1 the pulpit1 from the lips and hearts of devoted men1 cannot fail4 8,this10 he says1 8must triumph40 8,it is leagued with ,god's omnipotence40 8,it is ,god himself acting in the hearts of his children40 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #ab4 ,does ,dr4 ,channing mean the ,god who revealed the law to ,moses8 ,if so1 has he changed his mind since that time8 ,we know that some say that slavery is contrary to their moral sense1 contrary to their conscience1 that under no circumstances can it be right4 ,but if ,god has ordained the institution of slavery1 not only as a punishment of sin1 but as a restraint of some effect against a lower degradation1 had not such men better cultivate and improve their 8moral sense0 and 8conscience0 into a conformity with the law of ,god on this subject8 ,they cannot think that1 on the account of their much talking1 ,god will change his government to suit their own peculiar views4 ,in our judgment1 their views must bring great darkness to the mind1 and1 we think1 distress2 for is it not a great distress itself1 to be under the government of one we think unjust8 ,we know not but that we owe them1 as fellow travellers through this momentary existence1 the duty of trying to remove from their minds the cause of such darkness and distress4 ,shall we counsel together8 ,will you1 indeed1 stop for a moment in company with a brother8 ,will you hear the ,bible8 ,will you1 through a child1 listen to the voice of ,god8 99 99 99 99 99 ,all agree that slavery has existed in the world from a very remote age4 ,wicked men and wicked nations have passed away1 but slavery still exists among their descendants4 ,good men and enlightened nations have gone the way of all that is and has been1 but slavery still abides on the earth4 ,upon the introduction of ,christianity1 men1 who little understood its spirit1 suddenly rose up to abolish slavery in cases where the slave became converted to its faith2 also to cut loose the believing child from all obligations of obedience to the unbelieving parent1 and also the husband or wife from his or her unbelieving spouse4 ,yet this new doctrine only met the condemnation of ,peter and ,paul4 ,and even at the present day1 we find men ready to give up the religion of ,christ1 and the gospel itself1 rather than their own notions concerning slavery4 8,if the religion of ,christ allows such a licence0 7to hold slaves7 8from such precepts as these1 the ,new ,testament would be the greatest curse that was ever inflicted on our race40 ,barnes on ,slavery1 p4 #caj4 7,he quotes the passage from ,dr4 ,wayland's ,letters1 pp4 #hc1 #hd1 which work we have not seen47 ,such writers may be conscientious1 but their writings have only bound the slave in stronger chains4 ,god makes his very enemies build up his throne4 ,thus the exertions of man are ever feeble when in contradiction to the providence of ,god4 ,the great adversary has ever been at work to dethrone the ,almighty from the minds of men4 ,abolition doctrines are no new thing in the world4 ,we concede them the age of slavery itself1 which we shall doubtless find as old as sin4 ,stay thy haste1 then1 thou who feelest able to teach wisdom to thy ,creator3 come1 listen to the voice of a child2 the lessons of a worm2 for ,god is surely able to vindicate his ways before thee6 99 99 99 99 99 ,when ,adam was driven out of paradise1 he was told-- 8,cursed is the ground for thy sake2 in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life40 8,thorns and thistles shall it bring forth to thee2 and thou shalt eat the herb of the field4 ,in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread1 till thou return unto the ground40 ,the expression1 8,thou shalt eat the herb of the field10 we think has a very peculiar significance2 for ,god made 8every herb of the field before it grew20 and one of the reasons assigned why the 8herb was made before it grew10 we find to be1 that 8there was not a man to till the ground40 ,now1 the word to till is translated from the word la ebod1 and means to slave2 but in ,english we use the term not so directly4 ,we use more words to express the same idea2 we say to do slave-labour on the ground1 instead of to slave the ground1 as the expression stands in ,hebrew4 ,the doctrine is1 that the herb1 on which the fallen sinner is destined to subsist1 was not of spontaneous growth2 it could only be produced by sweat and toil1 even unto sorrow4 ,sin had made man a slave to his own necessities2 he had to slave the ground for his subsistence2 and such was the view of ,david1 who1 after describing how the brute creation is spontaneously provided for1 says-- 8,he causeth the grass to grow for the cattle1 and herb for the service 7 la ebodath1 the slavery7 of man3 that he may bring forth food out of the earth40 ,ps4 civ4 #ad4 ,this state of being compelled to labour with sweat and toil for subsistence1 is the degree of slavery to which sin reduced the whole human family4 ,if we mistake not1 the holy books include the idea that sin affects the character of man as a moral poison1 producing aberrations of mind in the constant direction of greater sins and an increased departure from a desire to be in obedience to the laws of ,god4 ,if we mistake not1 the doctrine also is prominent that idleness is not only a sin itself1 but exceedingly prolific of still greater sins4 ,this mild state of slavery1 thus imposed on ,adam1 was a constant restraint against a lower descent into sin1 and can be regarded in no other light than a merciful provision of ,god in protection of his child1 the creation of his hand4 ,if it then be a fact that a given intensity of sin draws upon itself a corresponding condition of slavery1 as an operating protection against the final effect of transgression1 it will follow that an increased intensity of sin will demand an increased severity of the condition of slavery4 ,thus1 when ,cain murdered ,abel1 ,god said to him-- 8,now art thou cursed from the earth1 which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother's blood from thy hand4 ,when thou tillest 7 tha ebod1 thou slavest7 the ground1 it shall not henceforth yield unto thee her strength3 a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth40 99 99 99 8,and the ,lord set a mark upon ,cain1 lest any finding him should kill him40 8,shall not yield unto thee her strength20 either the earth should be less fruitful1 or from his own waywardness1 it should be less skilfully cultivated by him1 or that a profit from his labour should be enjoyed by another2 or1 perhaps1 from the joint operation of them all4 ,thus an aggravated degree of sin is always attended by an aggravated degree of slavery4 ,the next final step we discover in the history of slavery appears in ,ham1 the son of ,noah2 and he said1 8,cursed be ,canaan2 a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren40 8,servant of servants10 ebed ebadim1 slave of slaves4 ,this mode of expression in ,hebrew is one of the modes by which they expressed the superlative degree4 ,the meaning is1 the most abject slave shall he be to his brethren4 ,heretofore slavery has been of less intensity2 here we find the ordination of the master1 and it is not a little remarkable that he is distinctly blessed6 8,and he said1 ,i am ,abraham's servant4 ,and the ,lord hath blessed my master greatly1 and he is become great3 and he hath given him flocks1 and herds1 and silver and gold1 and men-servants 7 va ebadim1 and male slaves71 and maid-servants 7 va shephahoth1 and female slaves71 and camels and asses40 8,and ,sarah1 my master's wife1 bare a son to my master when she was old3 and unto him hath he given all that he hath40 ,and of ,isaac it is said-- 8,then ,isaac sowed in that land1 and received in the same year a hundred fold3 and the ,lord blessed him1 and the man waxed great1 and went forward and grew until he became very great3 for he had possessions of flocks1 and possessions of herds1 and great store of servants 7 va ebuddah1 and a large family of slaves73 and the ,philistines envied him40 ,we pray that no one in these days will imitate those wicked ,philistines6 ,and of ,jacob it is said-- 8,and the man increased exceedingly1 and had much cattle1 and maid-servants 7 vu shephahoth71 and female slaves and men-servants 7 va ebadim1 and male slaves71 and camels1 and asses40 8,and the ,lord said unto ,jacob1 ,return unto the land of thy fathers1 and to thy kindred2 and ,i will be with thee40 8,he that is despised1 and hath a servant 7 ebed1 a slave71 is better than he that honoureth himself1 and lacketh bread40 ,prov4 xii4 #i4 8,i know that whatsoever ,god doeth1 it shall be for ever2 nothing can be put to it1 nor any thing taken from it3 and ,god doeth it that men should fear before him4 ,that which hath been is now2 and that which is to be1 hath already been2 and ,god requireth that which is past40 ,eccl4 iii4 #ad4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xv4 ,we shall1 in the course of these studies1 with some particularity examine what evidence there may be that ,ham took a wife from the race of ,cain2 and we propose a glance at that subject now4 ,theological students generally agree that1 in ,genesis vi4 #b1 8sons of ,god0 mean those of the race of ,seth2 and that the 8daughters of men0 imply the females of the race of ,cain4 ,the word 8fair10 in our version1 applied to these females1 does not justly teach us that they were white women1 or that they were of a light complexion4 ,it is translated from the ,hebrew tovoth1 being in the feminine plural1 from tov1 and merely expresses the idea of what may seem good and excellent to him who speaks or takes notice3 it expresses no quality of complexion nor of beauty beyond what may exist in the mind of the beholder2 it is usually translated good or excellent4 ,immediately upon the announcement that these two races thus intermarry1 ,god declares that his spirit shall not always strive with man1 and determines to destroy man from the earth4 ,is it not a plain inference that such intermarriages were displeasing to him8 ,and is it not also a plain inference1 these intermarriages were proofs that the 8wickedness of man had become great in the earth80 ,cain had been driven out a degraded1 deteriorated vagabond4 ,is there any proof that his race had improved8 ,the fact is well known that all races of animals are capable of being improved or deteriorated4 ,a commixture of a better with a worse sample deteriorates the offspring of the former4 ,man is no exception to this rule4 ,our position is1 that sin1 as a moral poison1 operating in one continued strain in the degradation and deterioration of the race of ,cain1 had at length forced them down to become exceedingly obnoxious to ,god4 ,intermarriage with them was the sure ruin of the race of ,seth3 it subjected them at once to the curses cleaving to the race of ,cain4 ,even after the flood1 witness the repugnance to intermarry with the race of ,ham often manifested by the descendants of ,shem2 and that the ,israelites were forbidden to do so4 ,now1 for a moment1 let us suppose that ,ham did marry and take into the ark a daughter of the race of ,cain4 ,if the general intermixture of the ,sethites with the ,cainites had so deteriorated the ,sethites1 and reduced them to the moral degradation of the ,cainites1 that ,god did not deem them worthy of longer encumbering the earth before the flood1 would it be an extraordinary manifestation of his displeasure at the supposed marriage of ,ham with one of the cursed race of ,cain1 to subject the issue of such marriage to a degraded and perpetual bondage8 ,but again1 in case this supposed marriage of ,ham with the race of ,cain be true1 then ,ham would be the progenitor of all the race of ,cain who should exist after the flood2 and such fact would be among the most prominent features of his history4 ,it would1 in such case1 be in strict conformity with the usages of these early times for his father to have called him by a name indicative of such fact3 instead of calling him ,ham1 he would announce to him a term implying his relationship with the house of ,cain4 ,if such relation did not exist1 why did he call him ,canaan8 ,some suppose that this question would be answered by saying that the term was applied to the youngest son of ,ham2 but all the sons of ,ham were born after the flood2 yet the planting of the vineyard and the drinking of the wine are the first acts of ,noah which are mentioned after that deluge2 and further1 ,canaan1 the son of ,ham1 was most certainly not the individual whose ill-behaviour was simultaneous with and followed by the curse of slavery4 ,have we any proof1 or any reason to believe1 that ,canaan1 the son of ,ham1 was then even born8 ,but in the catalogue of ,noah's sons1 even before the planting of the vineyard is mentioned1 ,ham is called the father of ,canaan1 even before we are told that he had any sons4 ,why was he then so called the father of ,canaan1 unless upon the fact that by his marriage he necessarily was to become the progenitor of the race of ,cain in his own then unborn descendants8 ,under all the facts that have come down to us1 we are not to suppose that there was any ,cainite blood in ,noah1 or in ,noah's wife4 ,why then did ,ham choose to commemorate the race of ,cain1 by naming his fourth son ,cain1 a term synonymous with ,cainite1 or ,canaanite8 ,and why did the race of ,ham do the same thing through many centuries1 using terms differently varied1 sometimes interchanging the consonant and vowel sounds1 as was common in the language they used8 ,these variations1 it is true1 when descending into a language so remote as ours1 might not be noticed1 yet the linguist surely will trace them all back to their root1 the original of 8,cain40 ,god never sanctions a curse without an adequate cause2 a cause under the approbation of his law1 sufficient to produce the effect the curse announces4 ,the conduct of ,ham to his father proved him to possess a degraded1 a very debased mind2 but that alone could not produce so vital1 so interminable a change in the moral and physical condition of his offspring4 ,and where are we to look for such a cause1 unless in marriage8 ,and with whom could such an intermarriage be had1 except with the cursed race of ,cain8 ,the ill-manners of ,ham no doubt accelerated the time of the announcement of the curse1 but was not the sole cause4 ,the cause must have previously existed2 and the effect would necessarily have been produced1 even if it had never been announced4 ,but again1 the condition of slavery imposed on the descendants of ,ham1 subjected them to be bought and sold2 they became objects of purchase as property1 for this quality is inseparable from the condition of the most abject slavery4 ,now the very name ,cain signifies 8one purchased40 8,i have gotten a man from the ,lord40 ,the word 8gotten10 in the original1 is the word his mother ,eve gave her son for his name1 8,cain40 ,i have purchased1 c41 evidently shadowing forth the fact that his race were to be subjects of purchase4 ,the history of man since the flood is accompanied with a sufficiency of facts by which we are enabled to determine that the descendants of ,ham were black1 and that the black man of ,africa is of that descent4 8,and the ,lord set a mark upon ,cain1 lest any finding him would kill him40 ,the word 8mark0 is translated from oth2 its signification is1 a mark by which to distinguish2 a memorial or warning2 miraculous sign or wonder1 consisting either in word or deed1 whereby the certainty of any thing future is foretold or known2 and hence it partook of the nature of a prophecy4 ,in the present case it was the mark of sin and degradation2 it was the token of his condition of slavery1 of his being a vagabond on the earth4 ,it distinguished his rank of inferiority and wickedness1 proclaiming him to be the man whose greatest punishment was to live and bear his burthens1 below all rivalship4 ,hence its protective influence4 ,now1 by the common consent of all men1 at all times1 what has been the mark of sin and degradation8 ,were we even now1 among ourselves1 about to describe one of exceedingly wicked and degraded character1 should we say that he looked very white8 ,or should we say that his character was black8 ,and so has been the use of the term since language has been able to send down to distant times the ideas and associations of men4 8,their visage is blacker than a coal40 8,our skin was black40 8,i am black3 astonishment hath taken hold on me40 8,for though thou wash thee with nitre1 and take thee much soap1 yet thine iniquity is marked before me1 saith the ,lord ,god40 ,and who shall say that the wicked1 disgusting mode of life1 the practices deteriorating the physical and mental powers imputed to the ,cainites1 do not constitute what some may call a philosophical cause of the physical development of the mark of sin8 ,does not our own observation teach us that a single lifetime1 spent in the practice of some degrading sins1 leaves upon the person the evidence1 the mark1 the proof of such practice8 ,we are under no compulsion of evidence or belief to suppose that the mark set upon ,cain was the product of a moment2 but the gradual result of his wicked practices1 as a physical and moral cause4 ,but allow the fact to have been that1 in the case of ,cain1 the physical change was instantaneous1 ,god had the power to institute in a moment what should thereafter be produced only by progression or inheritance4 ,god created man2 but1 thereafter1 man was born and became mature through the instrumentality only of physical causes4 8,the shew of their countenance doth witness against them2 and they declare their sin as ,sodom1 they hide it not40 ,isa4 iii4 #i4 ,in fact1 8,the faces of them all gather blackness40 ,nahum ii4 #aj4 ,but we know that the descendants of ,ham were black2 nor is it stated that any personal mark was placed upon him1 although the name applied to his first-born son1 8,cush10 signifies that he was black1 giving proof that the colour was inherited2 but from whom8 ,not from his father6 8,can the ,ethiopian 7 ,cushi1 the ,cushite1 the black man7 change his skin80 ,the evidence forced on the mind leads to the conclusion that the descendants of ,ham were black1 not by the progressive operation of the laws of ,god on the course of sin which they doubtless practised1 but that they were so at birth1--consequently an inheritance from parentage4 ,and a further conclusion also is1 that the wife of ,ham must have been black1 of the race of ,cain1 inheriting his mark1 and that that mark was black4 ,a further proof that ,ham took to wife a daughter of the race of ,cain is found in the traces of evidence indicating her person1 who she was4 ,lamech1 of the race of ,cain1 had a daughter1 ,naamah2 her name is given as the last in the genealogy of ,cain4 ,why did the inspired penman think it necessary to send her name down to us8 ,why was the genealogy of ,cain given us1 unless to announce some fact important for us to know8 ,if this whole race were to be cut off by the flood1 we see nothing in the genealogy teaching any lesson to the descendants of ,noah4 ,why was the particular line from ,cain to ,naamah selected1 unless she was the particular object designed to be pointed out8 ,hundreds of other genealogies1 commencing in ,cain and terminating in some one just at the coming of the flood1 existed2 but not written down nor transmitted1 for the obvious reason that such list could be of no benefit to posterity4 ,are we not1 then1 led to believe that there was some design in the preservation of the one terminating in ,naamah8 ,but this genealogy could only be preserved through the family of ,noah2 through whom we also have a genealogy of the line from ,seth1 terminating in ,noah's youngest son4 ,these two stand in a parallel position1 at the foot of each separate list4 ,but it is so extremely unusual for ancient genealogies to give the name of a female1 who had brothers1 that it becomes strong evidence1 when such catalogue terminates in the name of such a female1 that she personally was the individual on whose account the catalogue was formed4 ,is not this consideration1 and the fact that it could only be preserved by the family of ,noah1 evidence that they attached sufficient importance to it to make its preservation by them a desirable object8 ,inasmuch as ,naamah belonged to a race distinct from that of ,seth1 could the family of ,noah have any desire to preserve her lineage from any other cause than that of her having become a member of that family8--in which case the cause of its preservation is obvious1 and a thing to have been expected4 ,on any other state of facts1 would they have carefully handed down the genealogy1 so far as we are informed1 of a mere uninteresting woman of the cursed race of ,cain1 and neglected to have given us the name and genealogy of ,noah's wife1 of the more holy race of ,seth8 ,the presumption then being that she did become the wife of one of ,noah's sons1 the first inquiry is1 to which was she attached8 ,a sufficient answer to this question1 for the present moment1 will be found in the fact that ,ham was doomed to perpetual and bitter slavery1 while his brothers were blessed and ordained to be his masters4 ,now since an amalgamation of the races of ,seth and ,cain was deemed a most grievous sin before the flood1 if ,japheth or ,shem had either of them taken ,naamah to wife1 it would be past understanding to find them both highly blessed and made the masters of ,ham4 ,but a more direct evidence that ,ham did take to wife ,naamah1 of the race of ,cain1 is found in the fact that the descendants of ,ham commemorated her name by giving it to persons of their race1 as descendants might be expected to do1 who wished to keep it in remembrance4 ,the name of her mother also is found in similar use4 ,these names are varied1 often1 from the original form1 as are a great number of proper names found in use among the ancient nations4 ,these words we shall have hereafter occasion particularly to examine4 ,we shall merely add1 that in the marriage of ,ham and ,naamah we may find a reasonable explanation for the otherwise inexplicable speech of ,lamech to his two wives1--since such marriage would have produced1 what we find was produced1 the ruin and degradation of ,ham1--we might say1 his moral death1 his extinguishment1 from the race of ,seth4 ,some commentators deduce the name ,naamah from the root 8nam10 and consequently make it signify beautiful4 ,we give it quite a different origin1 which we shall explain at large elsewhere4 ,it is to be expected that men will differ in opinion as to the historical facts of these early days4 ,some have made ,naamah a pure saint2 some1 the wife of ,noah2 some1 of her brother1 ,tubal-,cain2 some make her the heathen goddess ,venus2 others1 the mother of evil spirits4 ,thus diversified have been the speculations of men4 ,we present our view1 because we believe it better sustained by ,scripture and known facts than any we have examined3 but we deem it no way important in the justification of the ways of ,god to man2 for1 whatever the truth may be1 this we know1 that the curse of slavery was1 if ,scripture be true1 unalterably uttered against the race of ,ham1--in which condition1 as a people1 they ever have been and still are found3 a condition so well adapted to their physical and mental organization1 the result of ages spent in bad1 degenerating habits1 that when held in such relation by the races of ,japheth or ,shem1 the race of ,ham is found gradually to emerge from its native brutality into a state of comparative elevation and usefulness in the world2 a condition without which they1 as a race1 have never been found progressing1 but ever exhibiting the desire of wandering backward1 in search of the life of the vagabond1 in the midst of the wilderness of sin2--unless in this author1 ,dr4 ,channing1 we find an exception2 for he more than intimates that he found the negro women of ,jamaica rather to excel the white ones of ,new ,england4 ,we believe1 according to his own taste and judgment1 what he said was true2 but we also believe his taste was very depraved1 and his judgment of no value on this subject2 yet we feel less astonishment at the degenerate sons of ,seth before the flood1 on the account of their admiration of the black daughters of the race of ,cain2 and we should feel it a subject of curious solicitude1 if ,dr4 ,channing's taste and judgment on this subject were to become the standard among his disciples1 whether they will1 by their practice1 illustrate the habit of these antediluvians6 ------------------------------------ ,study ,,iv4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 ,in the course of the present study1 we propose to notice the doctrine and action of the church as connected with the subject of slavery2 and to examine what were the tenets and conduct of those men who claimed to be governed by the immediate teachings of ,christ and his apostles4 ,in this investigation1 we must apply to the records of the ,catholic ,church1 although we are aware that1 in the minds of some1 strong and bitter prejudice may exist against these records2 that some will say the canker of corruption had destroyed the very kernel of ,christianity in that church4 ,bower1 a ,protestant author1 in the preface to his 8,history of the ,popes10 #g vols4 quarto1 says-- 8,we must own the popes to have been1 generally speaking1 men of extraordinary talents1 the ablest politicians we read of in history2 statesmen fit to govern the world1 and equal to the vast dominion they grasped at2 a dominion over the minds as well as the bodies and estates of mankind2 a dominion1 of all that ever were formed1 the most wide and extensive1 as knowing no other bounds but those of the earth40 ,page #aj1 vol4 i4 #c;d edition1 ,london1 #agej4 ,mr4 ,bower was a very learned man1 had been educated a ,catholic1 was professor of rhetoric1 history1 and philosophy in the universities of ,rome1 ,fermo1 and ,macerata1 and counsellor of the ,inquisition at ,rome4 ,he commenced a work to prove the pope's infallibility and supremacy4 ,but he proved to himself the adverse doctrine4 ,he resigned his professorships and places1 removed to ,london1 abjured the ,catholic religion1 and wrote the work quoted4 ,it is a work of great labour and merit1 and well worth the attention of the curious in these matters4 ,but it is proper here to remark1 that ,mr4 ,sale1 in his preface to his translation of the ,koran1 has made a severe1 yet an unexplained attack1 on the character of this writer2 but whatever may have been the provocation1 we have to view him through his book4 ,it is not always possible for a just degree of merit to be awarded those who lived in former times4 ,we cannot always learn the circumstances influencing them1 nor do we often throw our minds back into their peculiar position1 by which alone can we be able to give a just value to those influences4 ,history has handed us a few of the acts of him who lived a thousand years ago2 by them we judge1 as though he lived to-day1 acts which prejudice may have distorted1 or favour presented to the lens of time4 ,we must look to the condition of things at the time of the act2 to the probable effect under such condition1 and to the real effect as developed by time4 ,pope ,benedict ,,ix4 ascended the throne in ,a4,d4 #ajcc4 ,he is very unfavourably known to history4 ,during his time there was a very powerful faction raging against him at ,rome1 by which1 at one time1 he was driven into exile4 ,he is said to have sold the popedom1 because his debaucheries made him an object of contempt1 and he wished to be free from restraint2 but in #ajda1 four years before he abandoned the papal chair1 he established1 at a council in ,aquitaine1 the ,treuga ,dei1 whence it has been said that1 during three days in the week1 he permitted any man to commit all sorts of crimes1 even murder1 free from church censure1 c4 ,by the ,treuga ,dei1 for any wrong done him1 no person was permitted to revenge himself1 from ,wednesday evening to ,monday morning3 construed1 as above1 by some1 that he might do so during the remaining portion of the week4 ,the facts were1 all ,europe was still groping in the ignorance of the darkest ages2 yet ,christianity had been firmly established as a system of faith4 ,the church had always forbidden a revengeful redress of individual wrongs2 and1 for such acts1 her priests ever threatened excommunication4 ,but these charges had little or no effect during these still semi-idolatrous and barbarous ages4 ,the kings were but heads of tribes1 too weak to restrain their nobles1 as the nobles were their vassals3 under such a state of things1 each one strove to redress his own wrongs4 ,this led to constant murders1 and every kind of crime4 ,each state was constantly agitated by civil commotions and bloodshed4 ,great moral changes are advanced by short steps4 ,the church took this evil in hand1 and hence the ,treuga ,dei1 a word used in the ,latin of that day1 a corruption from the ,gothic triggua1 and now found in the ,spanish and ,italian 8tregua10 and from whence our word truce4 ,the curse of ,god was pronounced against all offenders1 and death followed a discovery of the crime4 ,it was thought to be a ,divine suggestion1 and hence the name4 ,all consented to yield to it as such1 and it was found to have a powerful effect4 ,in #ajie1 it was warmly sustained in the ,council of ,clermont1 under ,urban ,,ii41 and extended to all the holy-days1 and perpetually to clerks1 monks1 pilgrims1 merchants1 husbandmen1 and women1 and to the persons and property of all who would engage in crusades1 and against all devastations by fire4 ,it was re-established in #aajb1 by ,paschal ,,ii42 in #aaci1 by ,innocent ,,ii42 in #aahj1 by ,alexander ,,iii42 nor would it be difficult to show that the ,treuga ,dei1 the ,truce of ,god1 of ,benedict ,,ix41 was one of the most important1 during the primary steps towards the civilization of ,europe2 such was the state of society in that age of the world4 ,but we acknowledge that individuals of the ,roman church1 some of whom obtruded themselves into the priesthood1 have been very corrupt men4 ,but have not similar obtrusions happened in every other ,christian1 ,protestant1 or worthy association of men8 ,have we not seen1 among the apostles1 a ,judas1 betraying the ,saviour of the world8 ,ananias and ,sapphira1 attempting to swindle even ,god himself8 ,of confidence betrayed among men1 need we point to the tragical death of ,servetus1 which has for ever placed the bloody mark of murder on the face of ,calvin8 ,and may we not find sometimes1 among ourselves1 lamentable instances of corruption1 which1 in the blackness of their character1 defy the powers of the pen8 ,instances1 where1 recreant to every honest1 noble1 and holy feeling1 individuals1 hidden1 as they think1 beneath the robes of righteousness1 have carried poverty and distress to the house of the widow1 trampling on the rights--may be1 the life--of the orphan1 and even using the confidence of a brother to betray and rob him8 ,nor is it a matter of any exultation to the broken1 the wounded mind1 that1 in all such instances1 unless the stink of insignificance shall totally exclude such criminal from the page of history1 whatever may be the cloak he may wear1 truth will eventually for ever convert it into the burning shirt of ,nessus4 ,but1 if you call a dog a thief1 he feels no shame4 ,generations of enforced improvement and the grace of ,god alone can wipe out the stains of an evil heart4 ,nor can man alter this his destiny4 ,therefore1 in all ages1 and among all men1 the tares and the wheat have been found in the same field4 ,what presumption1 then1 if not blasphemy1 in opposition to the word of ,jehovah1 to say1 that the looming light of truth never dawned upon this night of time until the advent of ,luther or ,knox6 ,in presenting the action and records of the church and early fathers1 we have freely adopted the sentiments and facts digested by ,bishop ,england1 to whom1 we take occasion here to say1 we feel as much indebted1 as though we had merely changed a particle or deleted what was irrelevant to our subject4 ,nor do we know of higher honour we can do this great and good man than to lend our feeble mite to extend the knowledge of his research1 his purity1 and great learning2 and if1 in the continuation of this his unfinished study1 amid the pagan superstitions and bigoted thousands of ,islam in benighted ,asia1 the conflicts of the ,cross and the ,wand of ,woden1 during the dark ages of continental ,europe1 we may be suffered to feel the elevating influence of his life-giving mantle1 we shall also surely feel elevated hopes of a high immortality4 ,but1 it may be well here to remark1 that we have no sectarian church to sustain2 that we belong to no religious order2 nor have1 as yet1 subscribed to any faith formed by man4 ,and while we advocate the cause of religion and truth1 yielding ourselves in all humility to the influence of ,divine power1 we feel as certain of his final notice1 as though we had marched through under a thousand banners at the head of the world4 ,we have all confidence in the word of him who hath said that even the sparrow falleth not without his notice4 ,but1 it is said1 when disease infuses bile into the organs of sight1 the objects of vision have a peculiar tinge3 to blend previous1 sometimes numerous1 impressions into one perception1 is a common action of the mind4 ,thus the present idea is often modified by those that have preceded2 and hence we may conclude how often the mind is under the insensible influence of prejudice4 ,upon these facts she has enthroned her power4 ,but he who has schooled his mind in the doctrines of a tranquil devotion1 who habituates himself to view all things past1 present1 and to come1 through the medium of cause and effect1 as the mere links of one vast chain1 reaching from ,omnipotence to the present action1 may well rise superior to the tumult of passion or the empire of prejudice4 ,and to the utilitarian permit us to say1 that prejudice is peculiarly unsuited to the age of moral and physical improvement in which we live4 ,let no one say1 the spirit of improvement has a deep root1 and its lofty hopes cannot be subverted2 that the most penetrating philosophy cannot prescribe its limits1 the most ardent imagination reach its bounds3 rather let him reflect that all improvement must for ever follow the footsteps of truth2 and that the peculiar province of prejudice is to set us aside from its path4 ,with such views1 let us for a moment consider the circumstances attending the early ages of the ,roman church2 and let us note that1 although her priests were but men1 whether her records are not as reliable as if some of her peculiarities had been different1 or she had been called by a different name4 ,but we shall not quote or pursue these records down to so late a day as the ,protestant ,reformation4 ,we hope1 therefore1 that the ,protestant will say that the records we quote are1 most decidedly1 the records of the church4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,the moral condition of man was peculiar4 ,to a great extent the religious systems of the ,old ,world had been analyzed by the intelligent2 they no longer gave confidence to the mind4 ,the sanctity of the temples was dissipated by the mere speculations of philosophy1 and the gods of idolatry tottered on their pedestals4 ,the nations of the earth were brought in subjection1 in slavery1 to the feet of imperial ,rome2 and their gods1 being presented face to face1 lost their divinity by the rivalship of men4 ,such was the condition of the moral world when ,christianity was introduced to mankind4 ,the old religions pretended to give safety by bargain of sacrifice1 by penance1 and payment1 but the religion of ,jesus ,christ taught that salvation and safety were the free gift of ,god4 ,the history of man proves the fact that he has ever been disposed to purchase happiness on earth and felicity in heaven by his own acts1 or by the merit of his condition2 and hence1 we always find that a corrupted ,christianity for ever borders on the confines of idolatry4 ,nor is it difficult to show how this easily runs into all the wild extravagancies of human reason1 or1 rather1 human ignorance2 while the simplicity of truth tends to a calm submission1 and a desire of obedience to the will and laws of the only true ,god4 ,the one was the religion of the government of men1 of show1 of political power1 and expediency2 the other is of heaven1 of truth4 8,my kingdom is not of this world40 ,the barbarians of northern ,europe and western ,asia1 while yet only illumined by some faint rays of the ,christian light1 feeling from habit the want of the external pomp and the governing control of a religious power1 in a half-savage1 half-heathen state of mind1 were disposed to prostrate themselves at the feet of the chief priest of ,rome4 ,in the year #cab1 under the pontificate of ,melchiades1 7by the ,greeks called ,miltiades17 the ,emperor ,constantine established the ,christian church by law4 ,thus sustained1 it became at once the pool in which ambition and crime sought to cleanse their robes4 ,yet1 beneath its waters were priceless pearls4 ,torn by schism1 sometimes by temporal misrule1 the church languished1--but lived4 ,for several centuries the future became a mere variation of the past4 ,the ways of ,god are indeed inscrutable4 ,a flaming meteor in the east now agitated the mind4 ,like the insects of twilight1 thousands marshalled under the crescent light of the prophet4 ,the disciples of ,mohammed swept from the earth the churches at ,antioch and ,alexandria1 suddenly made inroads on ,europe1 conquered ,spain1 and were in step to overleap the ,pyrenees and ,alps4 ,let us step aside1 and reconnoitre their host6 ,the object of the ,arabian1 ,saracen1 and ,moorish warriors was the propagation of their creed4 ,the alternative was proposed to all1--its embrace1 or tribute2 if rejected1 the chance of war4 ,persia and ,syria were quickly subdued4 ,egypt and ,cyprus gave way1 ,a4,d4 #fde4 ,the slave of ,jews or ,christians seldom rejected freedom in favour of the cross2 if so1 he was reduced to the level of the vilest brute4 ,the free were either put to death1 or1 as a great favour1 permitted to be slaves4 ,thus the ,christian master and slave were often in a reversed condition under ,mohammedan rule4 ,sicily and the whole northern ,africa substituted the crescent for the ,cross2 and in quick succession ,spain was invaded and the throne of ,roderick overturned4 ,toledo yielded to ,mousa2 and ,fleury1 lib4 xli4 part #be1 says--8,he put the chief men to death1 and subjugated all ,spain1 as far as ,saragossa1 which he found open4 ,he burned the towns1 he had the most powerful citizens crucified1 he cut the throats of children and infants1 and spread terror on every side40 ,italy was in consternation2 the church trembled1 and ,constantinople was threatened4 ,crossing the ,pyrenees1 ,a4,d4 #gai1 they poured down upon ,france1 met ,charles1 the father of ,pepin1 and ,eude of ,aquitaine1 who slew ,zama1 and compelled his troops to raise the siege of ,toulouse2 but1 recovering confidence1 their incursions were frequent and bloody2 and the historians of that day announce that1 upon one occasion alone1 they lost #cgj1jjj men upon the fields of ,france4 ,but these reverses were the bow of hope to the ,peninsula4 ,alphonsus struck a blow1 and in one day retook many towns and released from bondage ten thousand ,christian slaves4 ,these exertions were continued with intermitted success2 and1 like the retiring thunder of the retreating storm1 the rage of battle became less terrific and at more distant periods2 but the standard of ,islam still continued to affrighten the world1 alternately flaming its red glare over the ,peninsula to the mountains of ,france and the plains of ,italy1 and until embattled ,europe1 excited to ,croisade1 dispelled its power on the banks of the ,jordan4 ,but1 let us return4 ,aistulphus appears amid this flame of war4 ,his ,lombards threaten extermination1 and brandish the sword at the very gates of ,rome4 ,pepin had now usurped the throne of the ,franks4 ,he demanded the confirmation of the church2 and1 in return1 promised protection to the 8,republic of ,god40 ,rome saw the prospect of her ruin1 with searching eyes looked for aid1 and confirmed ,pepin in his secular power2 who1 in gratitude1 drove for a time the ,lombards from ,italy1 and deposited the keys of the conquered cities on the altar of ,saint ,peter4 ,the ,roman emperors had now long since removed their court to ,constantinople4 ,their power over western ,europe vacillated with the strife of the times4 ,charlemagne now appears kissing the steps of the throne of the church4 ,again he appears1 master of all the nations composing the ,western ,empire1 and of ,rome2 and1 on ,christmas-day1 in the year #hjj1 ,leo ,,iii4 placed the crown of the ,roman emperors on the head of the son of ,pepin4 ,but1 as yet1 the act of crowning by the pope was a mere form4 ,fifty years had scarcely sunk in the past1 when the ,emperor ,basilius expelled ,photius from the patriarchal see of his capital4 ,he was charged with having been the tool of the ,emperor ,michael4 ,he claimed supremacy over the pope of ,rome4 ,hadrian had now ascended the papal chair1 #hfg4 ,jealous of the bold spirit of ,photius1 his excommunication was recorded1 and ,ignatius installed in his see4 ,but the ,greeks and ,bulgarians1 jealous for their native priesthood1 demanded by what authority the see of ,rome claimed jurisdiction over the ,old and ,new ,epirus1 ,thessaly1 and ,dardania1 the country now called ,bulgaria4 ,for more than four centuries there had been occasional jealousies between these two churches2 certain articles of faith continued subjects of difference2 and the questions of temporal and spiritual precedence made them ever watchful4 ,history records that1 as early as #fjf1 ,phocas1 having ascended the imperial throne1 treading upon the dead bodies of the ,emperor ,mauritius1 his children and friends1--,cyriacus1 the patriarch1 exposed to his view the enormity of his crimes1 and most zealously exhorted to repentance4 ,the supremacy of order and dignity was instantly granted to the patriarch of ,rome1 in the person of ,boniface ,,iii4 ,but his successors1 their historians say1 wisely refused1 disclaimed the favour of ,phocas1 but claimed it as a ,divine right derived from ,st4 ,peter4 ,thus commenced and was made final the severance of the ,greek and ,roman churches4 ,but the loss of spiritual rule in the east was accompanied by an enlargement of temporal power in the west4 ,upon the death of ,hadrian1 ,john1 the son of ,gundo1 succeeded to the papal chair2 and1 upon the demise of ,lewis ,,ii41 7#hgf17 his uncles1 ,lewis1 king of ,germany1 and ,charles the ,bald1 king of ,france1 were rivals for the vacant throne4 ,charles and ,hadrian were ever at variance4 ,but1 seizing upon the moment1 because he was more ready at hand1 or more yielding to his wishes1 ,john invoked him instantly at ,rome1 received him with loudest acclamations1 and crowned him emperor1 just seventy-five years to a day from the elevation of ,charlemagne to the ,western ,empire4 ,upon this occasion1 ,pope ,john announced that he had elected him emperor in conformity to the revealed will of ,god2 that his act of crowning him made him such2 and that the sceptre1 under ,god1 was his free gift4 ,this new doctrine was assented to by ,charles1 and ever after claimed as one of the powers of the pope of ,rome4 ,thus the church of ,rome became wholly separated from the ,eastern ,empire1--8freely losing its hold on a decayed tree1 to graft itself upon a wild and vigorous sapling40 ,d',aubigne4 ,eutropius1 the ,lombard1 informs us of the rich presents made to ,st4 ,peter for these favours of the pope1 and that the emperor ceded to him the dukedoms1 ,benevento and ,spoleti1 together with the sovereignty of ,rome itself4 ,thus we have seen why and how the brawny shoulders of the idolatrous children of the north elevated to the throne1 thus how the ,franks established the temporal power1 of the popes of ,rome2 yet1 perhaps1 little was foreseen how this state of things was destined1 in the course of events1 to elevate the church of ,rome1 and the power of its pontiffs1 to a supremacy of all temporal government4 ,it could not have been foreseen how the genius of ,hildebrand 7,pope ,gregory ,,vii47 should1 two hundred years after1 carry into full accomplishment1 by mere words of peace1 8what ,marius and ,csar could not by torrents of blood40 ,but corruption1 to a greater or less extent1 necessarily followed such a connection of church and state4 ,it matters not to whom1 nor in what age1--give churches temporal power1 and they are liable to be corrupt4 ,but the church was still a fountain from which the living waters were dispensed to mankind4 ,instances of personal wickedness may have been more or less common2 yet the spirit of truth found it a focal residence1 and diffused its light to the world4 ,the ,christian church is not the contrivance of man1 whose works pass away1 but of ,god1 who upholds what he creates1 and who has given his promise for its duration4 ,its object is to satisfy the religious wants of human nature1 in whatever degree that nature may be developed2 and its efficacy is no greater for the learned than for the unlearned2 for the exalted of the earth1 than for the slave4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,it is said all nature swarms with life4 ,but every animal1 in some way1 preys upon his fellow4 ,even we cannot move our foot without becoming the means of destruction to petty animals capable of palpitating for hours1 may be days1 in the agonies of death4 ,there is no day upon this earth1 in which men1 and millions of other animals1 are not tortured in some way1 to the fullest extent of life4 ,let us look at man alone2 poor and oppressed2 tormented by injustice1 and stupified to lethargy2 writhing under disease1 or tortured by his brethren6 ,recollect his mental pains6 ,the loss of friends1 and the poison of ingratitude2 the rage of tyranny1 and the slow progress of justice2 the brave1 the high-minded1 the honest1 consigned to the fate of guilt6 ,dive into the dungeon1 or the more obscure prison-house of penury4 ,see the aged long for his end1 and the young languish in despair2 talents and virtue in eternal oblivion3 see malice1 vengeance1 and cruelty at their work1 while they propagate every hour2 for severity begets its kind1 and hate begets hate4 ,look where you will1 the heart is torn with anguish2 the soul is saddened by sorrow4 ,all things seem at war2 all one vast abortion4 ,such is the rugged surface2 and the eye sees no golden sands1 no precious gems gleaming from beneath the blackened waters of human suffering4 ,these things are so2 creation has grown up2 and human life can never effect one tremble of the leaf on which it has found its residence4 ,but the ,christian philosopher views these evidences of a great moral catastrophe without madness4 ,he perceives that sin has sunk man into degradation1 slavery1 and death4 ,he comprehends his own weakness1 and trusts in ,god4 ,but there is a man1 with all these facts before him1 who rages4 ,he makes war on the providence1 and determines1 as if to renovate the work1 of the ,almighty4 ,is he a man of a single idea8 ,if not1 let him make a better world2 and1 while he is thus employed1 let us resume our subject4 ,slavery1 either voluntary or involuntary1 whether the immediate result of crime or of mental and physical degradation1 is equally the consequent of sin4 ,let us consider how far its existence is sustained by the laws of justice1 of religion1 and of ,god4 ,our word1 ,god1 is pure ,saxon1 signifying 8perfectly good20 8,god is good40 8,and ,god saw every thing that he had made1 and1 behold1 it was very good40 ,suppose the laws of ,japan permit voluntary slavery1 as did those of ,moses4 7,see ,exod4 xxi4 #e2 also ,lev4 xxv4 #dg47 ,suppose an ,african negro1 of the lowest grade1 destitute and naked1 voluntarily finds himself in that island1 where the poor1 free inhabitants scarcely sustain life by the most constant toil4 ,the negro finds no employment4 ,he can neither buy1 beg1 nor steal2 starvation is at hand4 ,he applies to sell himself1 under the law of the country1 a slave for life4 ,is not slavery1 in this case1 a good1 because life is a greater good than liberty8 ,liberty is worth nothing in opposition to life4 ,liberty is worth nothing without available possessions to sustain it4 ,the preservation of life is the highest law4 ,the law of ,god1 therefore1 would be contradictory1 if it forbid a man to sell himself to sustain his life2 and the justice and propriety of such law must be universal and eternal1 so far as it can have relation with the condition of man upon this earth4 ,but1 8,what is life without liberty80 said a beggar-woman6 ,he1 who thinks life without liberty worth nothing1 must die if he have no means to sustain his liberty4 ,esther entertained no such notion3 8,for we are sold1 ,i and my people1 to be destroyed and slain1 and to perish4 ,but if we had been sold for bond-men1 and bond-women1 ,i had held my tongue40 ,esth4 vii4 #d4 ,nor has such ever been the notion of the church4 ,bergier says1 ,dict4 ,theo41 ,art4 ,esclava-- 8,that civil liberty became a benefit1 only after the establishment of civil society1 when man had the protection of law1 and the multiplied facilities for subsistence2 that1 previous to this1 absolute freedom would be an injury to a person destitute of flocks1 herds1 lands1 and servants40 8,the common possession of all things is said to be of the natural law2 because the distinction of possessions and slavery were not introduced by nature1 but by reason of man1 for the benefit of human life2 and thus the law of nature is not changed by their introduction1 but an addition is made thereto40 ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 #a1 #b1 q4 #id a #ie ad #b4 ,and the same father says again1 #b1 #b q4 #eg a #c ad #b--8,this man is a slave1 absolutely speaking1 rather a son1 not by any natural cause1 but by reason of the benefits which are produced2 for it is more beneficial to this one to be governed by one who has more wisdom1 and the other to be helped by the labour of the former4 ,hence the state of slavery belongs principally to the law of nations1 and to the natural law1 only in the second degree1 not in the first40 ,but a man having the natural right to sell himself proves that he has the same right to buy others4 ,the one follows the other4 ,but1 suppose the laws of ,japan do not permit voluntary slavery for life1 or1 rather that they have no law on the subject2 but that they have a law1 that whosoever proves himself to be so degraded that he cannot1 or will not sustain himself1 but is found loitering1 begging1 or stealing1 shall be forcibly sold a slave for life1--is not the same good effected as in the other case1 although the individual may be too debased to perceive it himself8 ,and is it difficult to perceive1 that the same deteriorating causes have produced both cases8 ,the doctrine of the church is that 8death1 sickness1 and a large train of what is called natural evils1 are considered to be the consequences of sin4 ,slavery is an evil1 and is also a consequence of sin40 ,bishop ,england1 p4 #bc4 ,and ,st4 ,augustine preached the same doctrine1 as long ago as the year #dbe4 ,see his book1 8,of the ,city of ,god10 liber xix4 cap4 #ae4 ,he says--8,the condition of slavery is justly regarded as imposed on the sinner4 ,hence1 we never read slave 7as one having a master7 in ,scripture before the just ,noe1 by this word1 punished the sin of his son4 ,sin1 not nature1 thus introduced the word40 ,and ,st4 ,ambrose1 bishop of ,milan1 ,a4,d4 #cij1 in his book on 8,elias and ,fasting0 c4 #e1 says--8,there would be no slavery to-day had there not been drunkenness40 ,and so1 ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom1 bishop of ,constantinople1 ,a4,d4 #djj1 ,hom4 #bi1 in ,gen43 8,behold brethren born of the same mother6 ,sin makes one of them a servant1 and1 taking away his liberty1 lays him under subjection40 ,the very expression1 8,cursed be ,canaan1 a servant of servants shall he be to his brethren10 most distinctly shows the sentence to have been the consequent of sin1 and especially so when compared with the blessing bestowed upon the two brothers1 in which they are promised the services of him accursed4 ,pope ,gelesius ,i41 ,a4,d4 #dia1 in his letter to the bishops of the ,picene territory1 states1 8slavery to have been the consequence of sin1 and to have been established by human law40 ,st4 ,augustine1 lib4 xix4 cap4 #af1 8,on the ,city of ,god10 argues at length to show 8that the peace and good order of society1 as well as religious duty1 demand that the wholesome laws of the state regulating the conduct of slaves should be conscientiously observed40 8,slavery is regarded by the church 99 99 99 not to be incompatible with the natural law1 to be the result of sin by ,divine dispensation1 to have been established by human legislation2 and1 when the dominion of the slave is justly acquired by the master1 to be lawful1 not in the sight of the human tribunal only1 but also in the eye of ,heaven40 ,bishop ,england1 page #bd4 ,but again1 in the works already quoted1 8,de ,civitate ,dei10 ,st4 ,augustine says1 liber xix4 caput #ae1 that1 8although slavery is the consequence of sin1 yet that the slavery may not always light upon the sinful individual1 any more than sickness1 war1 famine1 or any other chastisement of this sinful world1 whereby it may often happen that the less sinful are afflicted1 that they may be turned more to the worship of ,god1 and brought into his enjoyment10 and refers to the case of ,daniel and his companions1 who were slaves in ,babylon1 and by which captivity ,israel was brought to repentance4 ,in cap4 #af1 8he presents to view the distinction of bodily employment and labour between the son and the slave2 but that each are equally under the master's care2 and as it regards the soul1 each deserved a like protection1 and that therefore the masters were called patres familias1 or fathers of households2 and shows that they should consult for the eternal welfare of their slaves as a father for his children2 and insists upon the weight and obligation of the master to restrain his slaves from vice1 and to preserve discipline with strict firmness1 but yet with affection2 not by verbal correction alone1 but1 if requisite1 corporeal chastisement1 not merely for the punishment of delinquency1 but for a salutary monition to others40 ,and he proceeds to show 8that these things become a public duty1 since the peace of the vicinage depends upon the good order of its families1 and that the safety of the state depends upon the peace and discipline of all the vicinage40 ,this author also shows1 from the etymology of the word 8servus10 that1 according to the law of nations at the time1 the conqueror had at his disposal the lives of the captives4 ,if from some cause he forbore to put some of them to death1 then such one was servati1 or servi1 that is1 kept from destruction or death1 and their lives spared1 upon the condition of obedience1 and of doing the labours and drudgery of the master40 ,and we may again inquire whether1 when prisoners taken in war1 under circumstances attending their capture by which the captor feels himself entitled to put them to death1--it is not a great good to the captured to have their lives spared them1 and they permitted to be slaves8 ,the answer will again turn upon the question1 whether life is worth any thing upon these terms8 ,and whatever an individual may say1 the world will answer like ,esther4 ,thus far slavery is an institution of mercy and in favour of life4 ,we close this lesson by presenting the condition of slavery among the ,chinese1 and their laws and customs touching the subject4 ,m4 ,de ,guignes1 who traversed ,china throughout its whole extent1 observing with minuteness and philosophical research every thing in relation to its singular race1 does not believe slavery existed there until its population had become overloaded1 when1 as a partial relief from its miseries1 they systematically made slaves of portions of their own race4 ,he says1 that in ancient times1 8it is not believed that there were slaves in ,china1 except those who were taken prisoners in war1 or condemned to servitude by the laws4 ,afterwards1 in times of famine1 parents were frequently reduced to the necessity of selling their children4 ,this practice1 originated in the pressure of necessity1 has continued to exist1 and even become common4 99 99 99 ,a person may also sell himself as a slave when he has no other means of succouring his father2 a young woman1 who finds herself destitute1 may in like manner be purchased with her own consent4 8,the prisoners of war are the slaves of the emperor1 and generally sent to labour on his land in ,tartary4 ,the judges have the power to pass the sentence of slavery on culprits such as are sold at public auction2 slaves also who belong to persons whose property is confiscated1 are sold to the highest bidder by public outcry40 ,see work as quoted by ,edin4 ,encyc41 ,article1 8,china40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,the titles which divines and canonists have considered to be good and valid for the possession of slaves1 are purchase1 inheritance1 gift1 birth1 slaves made in war1 and sentenced for crime2 but1 in all cases1 the title is vitiated when not sustained by the civil law4 ,yet the civil law may be repealed1 or ameliorated1 so that prisoners taken in war or crime may not be subject to death or servitude1 in which case the validity of the title follows in the footsteps of the civil law2 but these conditions primarily exist1 as perpetual as the condition of man4 ,the civil law1 by its intervention1 merely diverts the action during its rule4 ,but1 in all cases of a secondary title1 the validity follows the character of the previous holding1 as no man can sell1 give1 or leave by inheritance a better title than that which he has4 ,the question thus runs to the origin of what gives a good title1 to wit1 the condition that enforces one to be sold1 or to sell himself1 a slave1 in favour of life4 ,true1 ,blackstone1 ,montesquieu1 and others of less note1 contend that no man has a right to sacrifice his liberty2 and what is their argument8 ,they make an assumption1 where there is no parallel1 8that liberty is of equal worth to life20 but before their argument is good1 they must show that liberty is of more value than life3 for surely a man may barter an equal for an equal4 ,they cry1 8,god gave all men liberty40 ,even that is a fiction4 ,the truth is1 ,god gave no man liberty1 only upon conditions4 ,but to show that life is of more value than liberty1 we need only observe that even with the loss of liberty there is hope--hope of change1 of liberty1 and of the means of sustaining it2 and such hopes have often been realized4 ,there is no truth in the proposition that liberty is of equal value 7or rather superior7 to life4 ,the doctrine therefore is1 that man1 in his natural state1 is the master of his own liberty1 and may dispose of it as he sees proper in favour of life2 that he may be deprived of it by force1 in consequence of crime1 or from his not being able to sustain it2 and in all cases where liberty has become of less value than life1 and both cannot be sustained1 the one may be properly exchanged for the safety of the other4 ,and upon this principle1 in those countries where the parent had the right1 by their law1 to put to death his own children1 he also had the right to sell them into slavery2 and further1 by natural law1 where the parent cannot sustain the life of his child1 where civil law gives him no power over its life1 he yet1 in favour of life1 may sell him into slavery4 ,natural law recognises the principle that the child1 of right1 is subject to the condition of the parent2 and in these enfeebled conditions of man1 for sake of more certainty1 the civil law usually acknowledges the maternal line4 ,it acknowledges the paternal line only when the elevated condition forms a presumption of equal certainty4 ,the ,divine law recognises a good title to hold slaves among all people4 ,the ,divine grant to hold slaves was not an 8especial permit to the ,hebrews40 ,abimelech gave slaves to ,abraham3 had his title been bad1 ,abraham could not have received them4 ,bethuel and ,laban gave slaves to their daughters4 ,none of these were ,hebrews1 yet they held slaves by a good title2 for the very act of acceptance1 in all these cases1 is proof that the title was good4 ,besides1 the ,divine law itself instructed the ,israelites to buy slaves of the surrounding nations4 ,see ,lev4 xxv4 #dd4 ,can there be a stronger proof of the purity of a title1 than this gives of the title by which the 8nations round about0 held slaves8 ,the same law which permitted the ,israelites to buy slaves of the 8heathen round about10 also permitted the 8heathen round about0 to hold slaves1 because it acknowledges their title to be good4 ,by an inquiry into the history of these 8heathen round about10 their religion1 civil condition1 their manners and customs1 as well as the final state to which they arrived1 we may form some idea how a good title to hold slaves and to sell them arose among them2 and since the laws of ,god are everlasting1 and always applicable to every case where all the circumstances are similar1 we may reasonably conclude that the same race1 or any other race1 then1 or at any other period of time1 to whom the same descriptions will apply1 will also be found attended with the same facts in regard to slavery4 ,the conclusion therefore is1 that from such a people1 who have a good right to hold and sell slaves1 other people1 whose civil laws permit them to do so1 may purchase slaves by a good title4 ,it may not then be wholly an idle labour to compare the history and race of these 8heathen round about10 with the history1 race1 and present condition of those ,african heathen who have from time immemorial held and sold slaves4 ,but it being shown that the ,divine sanction to hold slaves1 did1 at one time1 exist1 it devolves on them1 who deny its religious legality1 now to prove that the sanction had been withdrawn4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,,we proceed to prove1 by a variety of documents1 that the ,church of ,christ did1 at all times during its early ages1 consider the existence of slavery and the holding of slaves compatible with a religious profession and the practice of ,christian duties4 ,it is first in order to present the sermons of ,st4 ,paul and ,st4 ,peter direct upon this subject4 ,having heretofore quoted them1 we now merely repeat the references1 and ask for their perusal3 ,see #a ,cor4 vii4 #bj-bd2 ,eph4 vi4 #e-i2 ,col4 iii4 #bb to iv4 #a2 #a ,tim4 vi4 #a-ad2 ,tit4 ii4 #i-ae2 ,philemon entire1 and #a ,pet4 ii4 #ah-be4 ,these scriptures distinctly teach the doctrine of the ,christian church4 ,but it remains to see what was the practice that grew up under it4 ,upon the crucifixion of ,jesus ,christ1 the mind cannot well conceive how the apostles could have avoided1 from time to time1 meeting together for the purposes of consultation and agreement among themselves as to the particulars of their future course2 and that such was the fact1 we have in evidence1 ,acts i4 #ae-bf1 where they did thus meet1 and elected ,matthias to fill the vacancy in their number4 ,also1 ,acts ix4 #bf-ca1 where ,paul was received by them and sent forth as an apostle2 but the book in question only gives us the outlines of what they did4 ,now1 there is found among the ancient records of the church what is called 8,the ,canons of the ,apostles10 which1 if not actually written by them1 is still known to be in conformity with their doctrine1 as developed in their own writings and the earliest usages of the church4 ,among these1 the canon lxxxi4 is the following3 ,servos in clerum provehi sine voluntate dominorum1 non permittimus1 ad eorum qui possident molestiam1 domorum enim eversionem talia efficiunt4 ,siquando autem1 etiam dignus servus visus sit1 qui ad gradum eligatur1 qualis noster quoque ,onesimus visus est1 et domini concesserint ac liberaverint1 et dibus emiserint1 fiat4 ,we do not permit slaves to be raised to clerical rank without the will of their masters1 to the injury of their owners4 ,for such conduct produces the upturning of houses4 ,but if1 at any time1 even a slave may be seen worthy to be raised to that degree1 as even our ,onesimus was1 and the masters shall have granted and given freedom1 and have sent them forth from their houses1 let it be done4 ,this is the first of a series of similar enactments1 and it should be observed that it recognises the principle of the perfect dominion of the master1 the injury to his property1 and requires the very legal formality by which the slave was liberated and fully emancipated4 ,the slave had the title1 without his owner's consent1 to the common rights of religion and the necessary sacraments4 ,in using these1 no injury was done to the property of his owner2 but he had no claim to those privileges which would diminish his value to the owner1 or would degrade the dignity conferred1 and which could not be performed without occupying that time upon which his owner had a claim4 ,there are eight other books of a remote antiquity1 known as 8,the ,constitutions ascribed to the ,apostles10 said to be compiled by ,pope ,clement ,i41 who was a companion of the apostles4 ,it is generally believed that1 though ,clement might have commenced such a compilation1 he did not leave it in the form which it now holds1 but1 like the ,canons of the ,apostles1 the exhibition of discipline is that of the earliest days4 ,in book iv4 ch4 #e1 enumerating those whose offerings were to be refused by the bishops as unworthy1 we have1 among thieves and other sinners1 7,qui7 famulos suos dure accipiunt et tractant2 id est1 verberibus1 aut fame afficiunt1 aut crudeli servitute premunt4 ,they who receive and treat their slaves harshly2 that is1 who whip or famish them1 or oppress them with heavy drudgery4 ,there is no crime in having the slave1 but cruelty and oppression are criminal4 ,in the same book1 ch4 #aa regards slaves and masters4 ,de famulis quid amplius dicamus1 quam quod servus habeat benevolentiam erga dominum cum timore ,dei1 quamvis sit impius1 quamvis sit improbus1 non tamen cum eo religione consentiat4 ,item dominus servum diligat1 et quamvis prstet ei1 judicet tamen esse qualitatem1 vel quatenus homo est4 ,qui autem habet dominum ,christianum1 salvo dominatu1 diligat eum1 tum ut dominum1 tum ut fidei consortem et ut patrem1 non sicut servus ad oculum serviens sed sicut dominum amans1 ut qui sciat mercedem famulats sui a ,deo sibi solvendam esse4 ,similiter dominus1 qui ,christianum famulum habet1 salvo famulatu1 diligat eum tanquam filium1 et tanquam fratrem propter fidei communionem4 ,what further1 then1 can we say of slaves1 than that the servant should have benevolence towards his master1 with the fear of ,god1 though he should be impious1 though wicked2 though he should not even agree with him in religion4 ,in like manner1 let the master love his slave1 and though he is above him1 let him judge him to be his equal at least as a human being4 ,but let him who has a ,christian master1 having regard to his dominion1 love him both as a master1 as a companion in the faith1 and as a father1 not as an eye-servant1 but loving his master as one who knows that he will receive the reward of his service to be paid by ,god4 ,so let the master who has a ,christian slave1 saving the service1 love him as a son and as a brother1 on account of the communion of faith4 ,ne amaro animo jubeas famulo tuo aut ancill eidem ,deo confidentibus3 ne aliquando gemant adversus te1 et irascatur tibi ,deus4 ,et vos servi dominis vestris tanquam ,deum reprsentantibus subditi estote cum sedulitate et metu1 tanquam ,domino1 et non tanquam hominibus4 ,do not command your man-servant nor your woman-servant having confidence in the same ,god1 in the bitterness of your soul2 lest they at any time lament against you1 and ,god be angry with you4 ,and you servants be subject to your masters1 the representatives of ,god1 with care and fear1 as to the ,lord1 and not to men4 ,in the eighth book1 ch4 #cc1 is a constitution of ,,ss4 ,peter and ,paul1 respecting the days that slaves were to be employed in labour1 and those on which they were to rest and to attend to religious duties4 ,stephen ,i41 who was the pontiff in #bec1 endeavoured to preserve discipline1 and set forth regulations to remedy evils4 ,accusatores vero et accusationes1 quas sculi leges non recipiunt1 et antecessores nostri prohibuerunt1 et nos submovemus4 ,we also reject these accusers and charges which the secular laws do not receive1 and which our predecessors have prohibited4 ,soon after he specifies3 ,accusator autem vestrorum nullus sit servus aut libertus4 ,let not your accuser be a slave or a freed person4 ,thus1 in the ancient discipline of the church1 as in the secular tribunals1 the testimony of slaves was inadmissible4 ,in the year #cje1 a provincial council was held at ,elvira1 in the southern part of ,spain4 ,the fifth canon of which is-- ,si qua domina furore zeli accensa flagris verberaverit ancillam suam1 ita ut in tertium diem animam cum cruciatu effundat3 eo quod incertum sit1 voluntate1 an casu occiderit1 si voluntate post septem annos2 si casu1 post quinquennii tempora2 acta legitima pnitentia1 ad communionem placuit admitti4 ,quod si infra tempora constituta fuerit infirmata1 accipiat communionem4 ,if any mistress1 carried away by great anger1 shall have whipped her maid-servant so that she shall within three days die in torture1 as it is uncertain whether it may happen by reason of her will or by accident1 it is decreed that she may be admitted to communion1 having done lawful penance1 after seven years1 if it happened by her will2 if by accident1 after five years4 ,but should she get sick within the time prescribed1 she may get communion4 ,spanish ladies1 at that period1 had not yet so far yielded to the benign influence of the gospel1 and so far restrained their violence of temper1 as to show due mercy to their female slaves4 ,it may be well to observe a beneficial change1 not only in public opinion1 but even in the court1 by reason of the influence of the spirit of ,christianity2 so that the pagan more than once reproved1 by his mercy1 the professor of a better faith4 ,theodoret 7l4 #i1 de ,grc4 cur4 aff47 informs us that ,plato established the moral and legal innocence of the master who slew his slave4 ,ulpian1 the ,roman jurist 7l4 #b1 de his qu sunt sui vel alieni jur47 testifies the power which--in imitation of the ,greeks--the ,roman masters had over the lives of their slaves4 ,the well-known sentence of ,pollio upon the unfortunate slave that broke a crystal vase at supper1--that he should be cast as food to fish1--and the interference of ,augustus1 who was a guest at that supper1 give a strong exemplification of the tyranny then in many instances indulged4 ,antoninus ,pius issued a constitution about the year #aej1 restraining this power1 and forbidding a master to put his own slave to death1 except in those cases where he would be permitted to slay the slave of another4 ,the cruelty of the ,spaniards to their slaves1 in the province of ,btica1 gave occasion to the constitution2 and we have a rescript of ,antoninus to lius ,martianus1 the proconsul of ,btica1 in the case of the slave of ,julius ,sabinus1 a ,spaniard4 ,in this the right of the masters to their slaves is recognised1 but the officer is directed to hear their complaints of cruelty1 starvation1 and oppressive labour2 to protect them1 and1 if the complaints be founded in truth1 not to allow their return to the master2 and to insist on the observance of the constitution4 ,caius 7in l4 #b1 ad ,cornel4 de sicar47 states that the cause should be proved in presence of judges before the master could pronounce his sentence4 ,spartianus1 the biographer1 informs us that the ,emperor ,adrian1 the immediate predecessor of ,antoninus1 enacted a law forbidding masters to kill their slaves1 unless legally convicted4 ,and ,ulpian relates that ,adrian placed1 during five years1 in confinement 7relegatio7 ,umbricia1 a lady of noble rank1 because1 for very slight causes1 she treated her female slaves most cruelly4 ,but ,constantine the ,great1 about the year #cbj1 enacted that no master should1 under penalty due to homicide1 put his slave to death1 and gave the jurisdiction to the judges but if the slave died casually1 after necessary chastisement1 the master was not accountable to any legal tribunal4 7,const4 in #a4 i42 ,c4 ,theod4 de emendat4 servorum47 ,as ,christianity made progress1 the unnatural severity with which this class of human beings was treated became relaxed1 and as the civil law ameliorated their condition1 the canon law1 by its spiritual efficacy1 came in with the aid of religion1 to secure that1 the followers of the ,saviour should give full force to the merciful provisions that were introduced4 ,the principle which ,st4 ,augustine laid down was that observed4 ,the state was to enact the laws regulating this species of property2 the church was to plead for morality and to exhort to practise mercy4 ,about the same time1 ,st4 ,peter1 archbishop of ,alexandria1 drew up a number of penitential canons1 pointing out the manner of receiving1 treating1 and reconciling the 8lapsed10 or those who1 through fear of persecution1 fell from the profession of the faith4 ,those canons were held in high repute1 and were generally adopted by the eastern bishops4 ,the sixth of those canons exhibits to us a device of weak ,christians1 who desired to escape the trials of martyrdom1 without being guilty of actual apostasy4 ,a person of this sort procured that one of his slaves should personate him1 and in his name should apostatize4 ,the canon prescribes for such a slave1 who necessarily was a ,christian and a slave of a ,christian1 but one-third of the time required of a free person1 in a mitigated penance1 taking into account the influence of fear of the master1 which1 though it did not excuse1 yet it diminished the guilt of the apostasy4 ,the general council of ,nice1 in ,bythinia1 was held in the year #cbe1 when ,constantine was emperor4 ,in the first canon of this council1 according to the usual ,greek and ,latin copies1 there is a provision for admitting slaves1 as well as free persons who have been injured by others1 to holy orders4 ,in the ,arabic copy1 the condition is specially expressed1 which is not found in the ,greek or ,latin1 but which had been previously well known and universally established1 8that this should not take place unless the slave had been manumitted by his master40 ,about this period1 also1 several of the ,gnostic and ,manichean errors prevailed extensively in ,asia ,minor4 ,the fanatics denied the lawfulness of marriage2 they forbid meat to be eaten2 they condemned the use of wine2 they praised extravagantly the monastic institutions1 and proclaimed the obligation on all to enter into religious societies2 they decried the lawfulness of slavery2 they denounced the slaveholders as violating equally the laws of nature and of religion2 they offered to aid slaves to desert their owners2 gave them exhortations1 invitations1 asylum1 and protection2 and in all things assumed to be more holy1 more perfect1 and more spiritual than other men4666 ,osius1 bishop of ,cordova1 whom ,pope ,sylvester sent as his legate into the east1 and who presided in the council of ,nice1 was present when several bishops assembled in the city of ,gangr1 ,paphlagonia1 to correct those errors4 ,pope ,symmachus declared1 in a council held in ,rome1 about the year #ejj1 that ,osius confirmed1 by the authority of the pope1 the acts of this council4 ,the decrees have been admitted into the body of canon law1 and have always been regarded as a rule of conduct in the ,catholic church4 ,the third canon3 ,si quis docet servum1 pietatis prtextu1 dominum contemnere1 et a ministerio recedere1 et non cum benevolentia et omni honore domino suo inservire4 ,anathema sit4 ,if any one1 under the pretence of piety1 teaches a slave to despise his master1 and to withdraw from his service1 and not to serve his master with good-will and all respect4 ,let him be anathema4 ,let him be anathema is never appended to any decree which does not contain the expression of unchangeable doctrine respecting belief or morality1 and indicates that the doctrine has been revealed by ,god4 ,it is precisely what ,st4 ,paul says in ,gal4 i4 #h3 8,but though we1 or an angel from heaven1 preach a gospel to you beside that which we have preached to you1 let him be anathema40 #i3 8,as we said before to you1 so ,i say now again3 ,if any man preach to you a gospel besides that which you have received2 let him be anathema40 ,it is therefore manifest1 that although this council of ,gangr was a particular one1 yet the universal reception of this third canon1 with its anathema1 and its recognition in the ,roman council by ,pope ,symmachus1 gives it the greatest authority and in ,labbe it is further entitled as approved by ,leo ,,iv41 about the year #hej1 dist4 #bj1 ,c4 de libell4 ,several councils were held in ,africa in the third and fourth centuries1 in ,carthage1 in ,milevi1 and in ,hippo4 ,about the year #dbb1 the first of ,pope ,celestine ,i41 one was held under ,aurelius1 archbishop of ,carthage1 and in which ,st4 ,augustine sat as bishop of ,hippo and legate of ,numidia4 ,a compilation was made of the canons of this and the preceding ones1 which was styled the 8,african ,council40 ,the canon cxvi4 of this collection1 taken into the body of the canon law1 decrees that slaves shall not be admitted as prosecutors1 nor shall certain freedmen be so admitted1 except to complain for themselves2 and for this1 as well as for the incapacity of several others there described1 the public law is cited1 as well as the #gth and #hth councils of ,carthage4 ,the great ,st4 ,basil was born in #cbi1 and died in #cgi4 ,his works1 called 8,canonical10 contain a great number of those which were the rules of discipline1 not only for ,asia ,minor1 but for the vast regions in its vicinity4 ,the fortieth canon regards the marriages of female slaves4 ,in this he mentions a discipline which was not general1 but was peculiar to the north-eastern provinces of the church1 requiring the consent of the master to the validity of the marriage-contract of a female slave3 this was not required in other places1 as is abundantly testified by several documents4 ,the forty-second canon treats in like manner of the marriages of children without their parents' consent1 and generally of those of all slaves without the consent of the owner4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,it may not be improper now to take a more particular view of the civil world1 its condition1 and of those wars at the instance of which it had been1 and then was1 flooded with slaves4 ,as an example1 we select the middle of the fifth century3 ,attila1 to whom the ,romans gave the sobriquet1 8,flagellum ,dei10 ,scourge of ,god1 was driven by tius out of ,gaul in the year #dea2 and the following year1 pouring his wild hordes down upon ,italy1 conquered ,aquillia1 ,pavia1 ,milan1 and a great number of small cities1 and was in the attitude of marching on ,rome4 ,the ,emperor ,valentinian ,,iii41 who was a weak prince1 panic-struck1 shut himself up in ,ravenna2 and his general1 tius1 who had been so victorious in ,gaul1 partook of the general fear when invaded at home4 ,the destruction of ,rome and its imperial power1 the slaughter and slavery of the ,roman people1 and the extinction of the church appeared probable4 ,under such a state of things1 the emperor and his council prevailed on ,leo the pontiff himself1 supported by ,albienus and ,tragelius1 men of great experience and talent1 to undertake an embassy to the enemy's camp1 then on the banks of the ,minzo4 ,this embassy was accompanied by a most grand and numerous retinue--a small army--armed1 not with the weapons of war1 but with the crosier and crook4 ,nor did ,attila attempt to hide his joy for their arrival4 ,the most profound attention1 the most convincing demonstrations of his kindness to them1 were studiously displayed by him4 ,the terms proposed were readily accepted1 and ,attila and his army1 a tornado fraught with moral and physical ruin to ,rome1 the church1 and the civilized world1 silently sank away far behind the ,danube4 ,nor is it strange that the great success of this embassy should have been attributed to some intervention of miraculous power during the dark ages that followed2--and hence we find that1 four hundred years after1 in one of ,gruter's copies of 8,the ,historica ,miscella10 it is stated that ,st4 ,peter and ,st4 ,paul stood1 visible alone to ,attila1 on either side of ,leo1 brandishing a sword1 commanding him to accept whatever ,leo should offer2 and this is quoted as credible history by ,barronius1 ad ann4 #deb1 no4 #dg-ei1 and has been painted by ,raffaele1 at a much later period4 ,the idea was perhaps poetical1 and this piece alone would have immortalized the artist4 ,but it is truly singular that this appearance of ,peter and ,paul should have gained a place in the ,roman ,breviary1 especially as it is nowhere alluded to by ,leo1 nor by his secretary1 ,prosper1 who was present at that treaty1 nor by any contemporary whatever4 ,the facts attached to ,attila1 in connection with this treaty1 were3--,his army was extremely destitute1 and a contagious and very mortal disease was raging in his camp2 in addition to which1 ,marcian had gathered a large army1 then under march for ,italy1 to join the imperial forces under tius1 while1 at the same moment1 another army1 sent by ,marcian long before1 were then ravaging the country of the ,huns themselves3 of these facts ,attila was well advised4 ,these were the agencies that operated on his mind in favour of peace with ,valentinian4 ,to us the idea seems puerile to suppose ,jehovah sending ,peter and ,paul1 sword in hand1 to frighten his ,hunnish majesty from making slaves of the ,roman people4 ,would it not be more consonant with the general acts of his providence to point ,attila to his diseased army2 to their consequent want of supplies1 and to the threatening danger of his being totally cut off by the two armies of ,marcian1 saying nothing of the possibility of a restored confidence among the then panic-struck ,romans8 ,besides1 it has been well ascertained that1 at the time of ,leo's arrival1 he had been hesitating whether to march on ,rome--or recross the ,alps4 ,see ,bower1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bjb2 also1 ,jornandez ,rer4 ,goth4 c4 #da1 #di4 ,but1 we acknowledge the intervening influences of the ,divine will1 in this case1 as forcibly as it could be urged1 even if attended with all the particulars and extravagancies of the poetic painter's fancy4 ,we have alluded to this particle of the history of that day1 as it stands upon the records1 in order that1 while we quote1 we may not be misunderstood as to our view of the providences of ,god4 ,but to return to our subject3--,upon a review of these times1 we may notice the distractions of the church by means of the various heresies which imbittered against each other the different professions of the ,christian faith4 ,how the followers of ,arius1 for more than half a century1 spread confusion and violence over the entire ,christian world3--,how1 crushed and driven out by ,theodosius1 thousands took shelter among the pagans1 whose movements they stimulated1 and whom we now perceive in progress of the gradual overthrow of the ,roman ,empire3--,how1 upon the partial or more general successes of these hordes1 their ,arian confederates1 with a fresh memory of their late oppressions and the cruelties inflicted on them1 retaliated with unsparing severity and bloodshed upon their ,nicene opponents2 while1 among all these savage invaders1 the ,arian creed supplanted and succeeded the pagan worship3--,how this wild ,attila swept the banks of the ,danube and the ,rhine1 carrying death or desolation to the followers of ,pharamond1 and to the ,goths1 who had then already established themselves in the strongholds of ancient ,gaul and of the more modern ,romans4 ,true1 his career was checked on the banks of the ,rhone1 but1 like a hunted lion1 he rushed towards the ,mediterranean1 and1 recruiting his force in ,pannonia1 directed his march to ,italy2 and to-day1 after fourteen centuries1 it is said that ,aquillia still stands the monument of his barbarity4 ,we have this moment noticed the extraordinary manner in which1 it is said1 by the monition of ,leo1 his path of ruin was suddenly directed to the ice-bound fortresses of the north4 ,but the captives made on both sides1 in these desolating wars1 greatly increased the number of slaves of the white race1 which otherwise1 from operating causes1 would have been diminished4 ,up to this time in these regions1 and1 as we shall see1 to a much later time1 slavery was the result of that mercy in the victor1 whereby he spared the life of the conquered enemy4 ,its condition did not depend on any previous condition of degradation1 of freedom or slavery1 nor upon the race or colour of the captive1--and the wars1 for ages1 which had been and were so productive of slavery1 were almost exclusively among those who1 in common1 claimed a ,caucasian origin4 ,instances of ,african slavery were rare4 ,the ,romans derived some few from their ,african wars1 valued mostly by pride1 because they were the most rare4 ,thus we read in the ,life of ,nero1 by ,tacitus3--8,nero never travelled with less than a thousand baggage-wagons2 the mules all shod with silver1 and the drivers dressed in scarlet2 his ,african slaves adorned with bracelets on their arms1 and the horses decorated with the richest trappings40 ,but these times had passed away4 ,yet we find in the ,life of ,alphonso el ,casto1 that1 upon his conquest of ,lisbon1 #gih1 he sent seven ,moorish slaves as a present to ,charlemagne4 ,and also1 in ,bower's 8,lives of the ,popes10 that in #hdi1 8,a company of ,moors1 from ,africa1 rendezvoused at ,tozar1 in ,sardinia1 and thence made an incursion1 by the ,tiber1 on ,rome4 ,but they were mostly lost in a storm before landing4 ,of those who got on shore1 some were killed4 in battle1 some were hanged1 and a large number were brought to ,rome and reduced to slavery40 ,yet the great mass of slaves were of the same race and colour of their masters2 and at this age1 a most important fact with the ,christian1 if they were pagans1 was their conversion to ,christianity4 ,for the first three hundred years1 we may notice how ,christianity had threaded her way amidst the troublous and barbarous paganisms of that age4 ,but1 at the time to which we have arrived1 ,christianity had ruled the civilized world for more than a century4 ,and had ,providence seen fit to have attended her future path with peace1 human sympathy might have fondly hoped that the mild spirit of her religion would have been poured in ameliorating1 purifying streams upon the condition and soul of the slave1 and like a dissolving oil on the chains that bound him4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,we present a series of records and documents which elucidate the practice and doctrine of the church in regard to slavery1 as we find it in that age4 ,these records are mostly extracts from ,bishop ,england's ,letters1 and collated by him with accuracy4 ,some few1 from ,bower1 ,bede1 ,lingard1 and others1 will be noticed in their place4 ,it should be remembered that1 in all cases where the contrary is not explicitly announced1 the slave is of the same colour and race as the master4 ,at this era of the world1 slaves were too common1 and their value too little1 to warrant the expense of a distant importation4 ,the negro slave1 from his exhibiting an extreme variety of the human species1 was regarded more as an article of curiosity and pride than usefulness2 and therefore was seldom or never found in ,europe1 except near the royal palaces1 or in the trains of emperors4 ,as early as the days of ,polycarp and ,st4 ,ignatius1 who were disciples of the apostles1 ,christians had1 from motives of mercy1 charity1 and affection1 manumitted many of their slaves in presence of the bishops1 and this was more or less extensively practised through the succeeding period4 ,in several churches1 it was agreed that if a slave became a ,christian1 he should be manumitted on receiving baptism4 ,in ,rome1 the slave was frequently manumitted by the form called vindicta1 with the prtor's rod4 ,constantine1 in the year #cag1 ,sozomen relates1 lib4 i4 c4 #i1 transferred this authority to the bishops1 who were empowered to use the rod in the church1 and have the manumission testified in the presence of the congregation4 ,a rescript of that emperor to this effect is found in the ,theodosian code1 #a4 i4 c4 ,de his qui in eccl4 manumitt4 ,the master1 who consented to manumit the slave1 presented him to the bishop1 in presence of the congregation1 and the bishop pronounced him free1 and became the guardian of his freedom4 ,the rescript was directed to ,protogenas1 bishop of ,sardica1 and was in the consulship of ,sabinus and ,ruffinus4 ,in book ii4 of the same code1 is a rescript to ,osius1 bishop of ,cordova1 in which the emperor empowers the bishops to grant the privilege of ,roman citizenship to such freedmen as they may judge worthy4 ,in the consulship of ,crispus and ,constantine1 a grant was given to the clergy of manumitting their own slaves when they pleased1 by any form they should think proper4 ,about a century later1 ,st4 ,augustine1 bishop of ,hippo1 informs us 7,sermo4 de diversis1 #ej7 that this form was established in ,africa4 8,the deacon of ,hippo is a poor man3 he has nothing to give to any person3 but1 before he was a clergyman1 he1 by the fruit of his labour and industry1 bought some little servants1 and is to-day1 by the episcopal act1 about to manumit them in your sight40 ,this same bishop writes1 7,enarrat in ,ps4 cxxiv417 8,christ does not wish to make you proud while you walk in this journey1 that is1 while you are in this life4 ,has it happened that you have been made a ,christian1 and you have a man as your master3 you have not been made a ,christian that you may scorn to serve4 ,when1 therefore1 by the command of ,christ you are the servant of a man1 your service is not to him1 but to the one that gave you the command to serve4 ,and he says1 ,hear your masters1 according to the flesh1 with fear and trembling1 and in the simplicity of your hearts1 not as eye-servants1 as if pleasing men1 but1 as the servants of ,christ1 doing the will of ,god1 from your hearts1 with a good will4 ,behold1 he did not liberate you from being servants1 but he made those who were bad servants to be good servants4 ,oh1 how much do the rich owe to ,christ who has thus set order in their houses6 ,so1 if there be in his family a faithless slave1 and ,christ convert him1 he does not say to him1 ,leave your master1 because you have now known him who is the true ,master6 ,perhaps this master of yours is impious and unjust1 and that you are faithful and just2 it is unbecoming that the just and faithful should serve the unjust and the infidel3 this is not what he said2 but1 let him rather serve40 ,this great doctor of the church continues at considerable length to show how ,christ1 by his own example1 exhorts the servants to fidelity and obedience to their masters in every thing1 save what is contrary to ,god's service4 ,subsequently1 he passes to the end of time1 and the opening of eternity1 and shows many good1 obedient1 and afflicted servants mingled with good masters among the elect1 and bad1 faithless1 and stubborn servants1 with cruel masters1 cast among the reprobates4 ,in his book i41 on the ,sermon of ,christ on the ,mount1 he dwells upon the duty of ,christian masters to their slaves4 ,they are not to regard them as mere property1 but to treat them as human beings having immortal souls1 for which ,christ died4 ,thus we perceive that1 though from the encouragement of manumission and the spirit of ,christianity1 the number of slaves had been greatly reduced and their situation greatly improved1 still the principles were recognised of the moral and religious legality of holding slave property1 and of requiring that they should perform a reasonable service4 ,the instances of voluntary slavery1 such as that of ,st4 ,paulinus1 were not rare4 ,it is related1 that having bestowed all that he could raise1 to ransom prisoners taken by the barbarians who overran the country2 upon the application of a poor widow whose son was held in captivity1 he sold himself1 to procure the means of her son's release4 ,his good conduct procured the affection of his master1 and subsequently his emancipation4 ,thus slavery lost some of its degrading character4 ,this1 together with the confusion arising from the turbulence accompanying the invasions1 caused a relaxation of discipline3 to remedy some of the abuses1 ,pope ,leo issued several letters4 ,the following is an extract from the first of them3 it has been taken into the body of the canon law4 ,dist4 #e1 ,admittuntur3-- 8,admittuntur passim ad ordinem sacrum1 quibus nulla natalium1 nulla morum dignitas suffragatur3 et qui a dominis suis libertatem consequi minime potuerunt1 ad fastigium sacerdotii1 tanquam servilis vilitas hunc honorem jure capiat1 provehuntur1 et probari ,deo se posse creditur1 qui domino suo necdum probare se potuit4 ,duplex itaque in hac parte reatus est1 quod et sacrum mysterium 7ministerium7 talis consortii vilitate polluitur1 et dominorum1 quantum ad illicit usurpationis temeritatem pertinet1 jura solvuntur4 ,ab his itaque1 fratres carissimi1 omnes provinci vestr abstineant sacerdotes3 et non tantum ab his1 sed ab illis etiam1 qui aut originali aut alicui conditioni obligati sunt1 volumus temperari3 nisi forte corum petitio aut voluntas accesserit1 qui aliquid sibi in eos vindicant potestatis4 ,debet enim esse immunis ab aliis1 qui divin militi fuerit aggregandus2 ut a castris ,dominicis1 quibus nomen ejus adscribitur1 nullis necessitatis vinculis abstrahatur40 ,persons who have not the qualifications of birth or conduct1 are everywhere admitted to holy orders2 and they who could not procure freedom from their masters are elevated to the rank of the priesthood2 as if the lowliness of slavery could rightfully claim this honour3 and1 as if he who could not procure the approbation of even his master1 could procure that of ,god4 ,there is1 therefore1 in this a double criminality3 for the holy ministry is polluted by the meanness of this fellowship1 and so far as regards the rashness of this unlawful usurpation1 the rights of the masters are infringed4 ,wherefore1 dearest brethren1 let all the priests of your province keep aloof from these3 and not only from these1 but also1 we desire they should abstain from those who are under bond1 by origin or any condition1 except perchance upon the petition or consent of the persons who have them in their power in any way4 ,for he who is to be aggregated to the divine warfare1 ought to be exempt from other obligations3 so that he may not by any bond of necessity be drawn away from that camp of the ,lord for which his name has been enrolled4 ,prosper1 lib4 #b de vit contemplat4 c4 #c1 and many other writers of this century1 treat of the relative duties of the ,christian master and his ,christian slave4 ,the zeal and charity of several holy men led them to make extraordinary sacrifices during this period1 to redeem the captives from the barbarians3 besides the remarkable instance of ,paulinus1 we have the ardent and persevering charity of ,exuperius1 bishop of ,toulouse1 who sold the plate belonging to the church1 and used glass for the chalice1 that he might be able by every species of economy to procure liberty for the enslaved4 ,nor was this a solitary instance4 ,about the year #eac1 ,pope ,symmachus called a national council1 by which1 among other enactments1 he established the rule that under no circumstances1 could the church property be alienated4 ,see ,bower1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bgg4 ,about the year #ece1 ,csarius1 primate of ,arles1 applied to ,pope ,agapetus for means to relieve the poor ,christians in ,gaul4 ,but1 at that time1 the church being quite destitute of money1 the pope excused himself1 and quoted the decree of ,symmachus4 ,the ,arians1 and some others1 hence inculcated the doctrine that the alienation of church property1 under any circumstances1 was sacrilege4 ,the laws of the empire also forbid such alienation1 but with the proviso1 8except there was no other means by which the poor could be relieved in time of famine1 nor the captives be redeemed from slavery40 ,such was the practice among the most pious of the age4 ,st4 ,ambrose did not scruple to melt down the communion-plate of the church of ,milan to redeem some captives1 who otherwise must have continued in slavery4 ,the ,arians charged him with sacrilege3 in answer to which he wrote his ,apology1 which has reached this late day1 as the rules and reasons of the church in such cases4 ,he says--8,is it not better that the plate should be melted by the bishop to maintain the poor1 when they can be maintained by no other means1 than that it should become the spoil and plunder of a sacrilegious enemy8 ,will not the ,lord thus expostulate with us1 ,why did you suffer so many helpless persons to die with hunger1 when you had gold to relieve and support them8 ,why were so many captives carried away and sold without ransom8 ,why were so many suffered to be slain by the enemy8 ,it would have been better to have preserved the vessels of living men than lifeless metals4 ,to this1 what answer can be returned8 ,should one say1 ,i was afraid that the temple of ,god should want its ornaments3 ,christ would answer1 ,my sacraments require no gold1 nor do they please me more for being ministered in gold1 as they are not to be bought with gold4 ,the ornament of my sacrament is the redemption of captives2 and those alone are precious vessels that redeem souls from death40 ,the saint concludes that though it would be highly criminal for a man to convert the sacred vessels to his own private use1 yet it is so far from being a crime1 that he looks upon it as an obligation incumbent on him and his brethren to prefer the living temples of ,god to the unnecessary ornaments of the material edifices4 ,see ,ambrose de ,offic4 lib4 ii4 cap4 #bh2 and such was the doctrine of ,st4 ,austin1 see ,possid4 ,vit4 ,aug4 caput #bd2 of ,acacius of ,amida1 see ,socrat4 lib4 vii4 c4 #bd2 of ,deigratias of ,carthage1 see ,vict4 de ,persec4 ,vandal1 lib4 i42 of ,cyril of ,jerusalem1 see ,theodoret1 lib4 ii4 c4 #bg2 yea all1 who have touched on the subject1 have subscribed to the doctrine of ,st4 ,ambrose4 ,even the ,emperor ,justinian1 in his law against sacrilege1 forbids the church plate1 vestments1 or any other gifts1 to be sold1 or pawned2 but adds1 8except in case of captivity or famine1 the lives and souls of men being preferable to any vessels or vestments whatever40 ,see ,codex ,just4 lib4 i4 tit4 #b4 de ,sacr4 ,eccles4 leg4 #ba2 also see ,bower's ,life of ,agapetus1 p4 #ced4 ,it will be readily conceived that the barbarians1 in the earlier ages of the ,christian church1 treated their slaves with cruelty1 inconsistent with the spirit of the new religion2 and1 upon their adoption of the ,christian creed1 they sometimes ran into an opposite extreme1 contrary to the rules of the church4 ,in both cases the church used her authority1 and1 says ,bishop ,england1 upon their embrace of ,christianity1 8slavery began to assume a variety of mitigated forms among them10 which will1 in some degree1 be developed as we proceed with the history of canonical legislation on that subject4 ,the rules of the ,christian church are evidently founded upon the laws of ,god1 as delivered to ,moses3 8,and if a man smite his servant1 or his maid1 with a rod1 and he die under his hand1 he shall be surely punished4 ,notwithstanding1 if he continue a day or two1 he shall not be punished3 for he is his money40 8,if a man smite the eye of his servant1 or the eye of his maid1 that it perish1 he shall let him go free for his eye's sake4 ,and if he smite his man-servant's tooth1 or his maid-servant's tooth1 he shall let him go for his tooth's sake40 ,exod4 xxi4 #bj1 #ba1 #bf1 #bg4 ,and if a man took his female slave to wife1 and became displeased with her 99 99 99 she should be free4 ,see ,deut4 xxi4 #aj-ae4 ,but fornication in a female slave was not punished by death1 but by stripes4 ,see ,lev4 xix4 #bj-bc4 ,neither the laws of ,moses1 nor indeed of any civilized people1 have ever permitted unusual or cruel punishments to be inflicted on the slave4 ,civilization1 as well as ,judaism1 seems to have inculcated1 8,be not excessive toward any2 and without discretion do nothing4 ,if thou have a servant1 let him be unto thee as thyself1 because thou hast bought him with a price40 ,eccl4 xxxiii4 #bi4 ,among heathen nations1 their laws were to the effect1 that when the slave1 sick or wounded1 was neglected1 or abandoned to his fate by his master2 yet1 if he recovered1 the master should lose his property in such slave1 and the slave should be free2 and such neglect was often otherwise made punishable4 ,the ,roman law sanctioned this doctrine3 8,si verberatus fuerit servus non mortifere1 negligentia autem perierit1 de vulnerato actio erit1 non de occiso40 ,see ,lex ,aquillia4 ,and so in ancient ,france1 see ,fdere1 vol4 iii4 p4 #bij3 ,if negligence or bad treatment towards the slave was proved in the master1 the slave was declared free4 ,at this day1 in all civilized countries1 the civil law forbids unusual and cruel punishment of slaves1 and also a wanton and careless negligence of them1 either in sickness or health4 ,thus the law punishes the master for his neglect to govern his slaves1 by making him responsible for their bad conduct1 and the damage their want of proper government may occasion others4 ,in the year #did1 ,pope ,gelesius admonished the bishops1 at their ordinations1 that-- 8,ne unquam ordinationes prsumat illicitas2 ne 99 99 99 cur aut cuilibet conditioni obnoxium notatumque ad sacros ordines permittat accedere40 ,that he should never presume to hold unlawful ordinations2 that he should not allow to holy orders 99 99 99 any person bound to the service of the court1 or liable to bond for his condition 7slavery7 or marked thereto4 ,in the year #ejf1 a council was held at ,agdle1 the sixty-second canon of which is-- 8,si quis servum proprium sine conscienti1 judicis occiderit1 excommunicatione vel pnitentia biennii reatum sanguinis emendabit40 ,if any one shall put his own servant to death1 without the knowledge of the judge1 let him make compensation for the guilt of blood by excommunication or two years' penance4 ,another council was held eleven years later4 ,many of the canons of this synod are transcripts of those of ,agdle4 ,the thirty-fourth is3 8,si quis servum proprium sine conscienti1 judicis occiderit1 excommunicatione biennii effusionem sanguinis expiabit40 ,if any one shall slay his own servant without the knowledge of the judge1 let him expiate the shedding of blood by an excommunication of two years4 ,this was nearly two hundred years after the law of ,constantine forbidding this exercise of power by the master4 ,the third council of ,orleans was held in the year #ech4 ,the thirteenth canon regulates1 that if ,christian slaves shall be possessed by ,jews1 and these latter require them to do any thing forbidden by the ,christian religion1 or if the ,jews shall seize upon any of their servants to whip or punish them for those things that have been declared to be excusable or forgiven1 and those slaves fly to the church for protection1 they are not to be given up1 unless there be given and received a just and sufficient sum to warrant their protection4 ,the canon xxvi4 gives a specimen of the early feudalism nearly similar to the subsequent villain service4 8,ut nullus servilibus colonariisque conditionibus obligatus1 juxta statuta sedis apostolic1 ad honores ecclesiasticos admittatur2 nisi prius aut testamento1 aut per tabulas legitime constiterit absolutum4 ,quod si quis episcoporum1 ejus qui ordinatur conditionem sciens1 transgredi per ordinationem inhibitam fortasse voluerit1 anni spatio missas facere non prsumat40 ,let no one held under servile or colonizing conditions be admitted to church honours1 in violation of the statutes of the ,apostolic see2 unless it be evident that he has been previously absolved therefrom by will or by deed4 ,and if any bishop1 being aware of such condition of the person so ordained1 shall wilfully transgress by making such unlawful ordination1 let him not presume to celebrate mass for the space of a year4 ,the colonial condition was in its origin different from the mere servile4 ,the mancipium or manu captum was the servus or slave made in war3 the colonus1 or husbandman1 though1 at the period at which we are arrived1 he frequently was in as abject a condition1 yet was so by a different process4 ,st4 ,augustine1 in cap4 i4 lib4 x4 ,de ,civitate ,dei1 tells us1 8,coloni dicuntur1 qui conditionem debebant genitali solo propter agriculturam sub dominio possessorum40 ,they are called colonists who owe their condition to their native land1 under the dominion of its possessors4 ,the following history of various modes by which they became servants1 is taken from the work ,de ,gubernat4 ,dei1 lib4 v41 by the good and erudite ,salvianus1 a priest1 who died at ,marseilles1 about the year #dhd4 ,nonnulli eorum de quibus loquimur1 99 99 99 cum domicilia atque agellos suos pervasionibus perdunt1 aut fatigati ab exactoribus deserunt1 quia tenere non possunt1 fundos majorum expetunt1 et coloni divitum fiunt4 ,aut sicut solent hi qui hostium terrore compulsi1 ad castella se conferunt1 aut qui perdito ingenu incolumitatis statu ad asylum aliquod desperatione confugiunt3 ita et isti qui habere amplius vel sedem vel dignitatem suorum natalium non queunt1 jugo se inquilin abjectionis addicunt3 in hanc necessitatem redacti1 ut exactores non facultatis tantum1 set etiam conditionis su1 atque exultantes non a rebus tantum suis1 sed etiam a seipsis1 ac perdentes secum omnia sua1 et rerum proprietate careant1 et jus libertatis amittant4 99 99 99 ,illud gravius et acerbius1 quod additur huic malo servilius malum4 ,nam suscipiuntur adven1 fiunt prjudicio habitationis indigen1 et quos suscipiunt ut extraneos et alienos1 incipiunt habere quasi proprios3 quos esse constat ingenuos1 vertunt in servos4 ,some of those1 when they lose their dwellings and their little fields by invasion1 or leave them1 being worried by exactions1 as they can no longer hold them1 seek the grounds of the larger proprietors1 and become the colonists of the wealthy4 ,or1 as is usual with those who are driven off by the fear of enemies1 and take refuge in the castles1 or who1 having lost their state of safe freedom1 fly to some asylum in despair3 so they who can no longer have the place or the dignity derived from their birth1 subject themselves to the abject yoke of the sojourner's lot2 reduced to such necessity1 that they are stripped not only of their property1 but also of their rank2 going into exile not only from what belongs to them but from their very selves1 and with themselves losing all that they had1 they are bereft of any property in things and lose the very right of liberty4 99 99 99 ,a more degrading injury is added to this evil4 ,for they are received as strangers1 they become inhabitants bereft of the rights of inhabitants2 they who receive them as foreigners and aliens begin to treat them as property1 and change into slaves those who1 evidently1 were free4 ,in this picture of the colonist1 we may find the outline of the villain of a later age2 and in the several enactments and regulations of succeeding legislators and councils1 we shall discover the changes which servitude underwent previous to its total extinction in ,europe4 ,flodoardin1 c4 #bh1 ,history of the church of ,rheims1 gives us the will of ,st4 ,remi1 its bishop1 who baptized ,clovis1 upon his conversion in #dif1 and who was still living in the year #eej4 ,this document grants freedom to some of the colonists belonging to that church and retains others in service4 ,du ,cange says 7,art4 ,colonus7 that though in several instances the condition of the colonists was as abject as that of slaves1 yet generally they were in a better position4 ,erant igitur coloni medi conditionis inter ingenuos seu liberos et servos4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,from the fact that the slaves of this era were of the same colour and other physical qualities of their masters2 from their great number1 and consequently little value1 their condition became attended with extremely diverse circumstances2 so various were1 therefore1 the relations between them and the master1 that it would now be impossible1 perhaps1 to give an accurate history of their various castes4 ,these facts should be kept in mind1 lest we mistake1 and find confusion1 where distinction was sufficiently clear and obvious4 ,muratori1 treating of the ,roman slaves and freedmen1 acknowledges that he is unable accurately to state the conditions on which they manumitted their slaves4 ,in his treatise1 8,sopra i ,servi e ,liberti ,antichi10 he has a passage thus3 ,noi non sappiamo se con patti1 e con quai patti una vulta si manomettessero que' ,servi1 che poi continuavano come ,liberti a servire in ,casa de' loro ,padroni1 con essere alzati a piu onorati impieghi4 ,sappiamo bensi dal ,tit4 ne ,operis ,libertorum1 e dall' altro de bonis ,libertorum ne' ,digesti1 che moltissimi acquistavano la ,liberta con obbligarsi di fare ai ,padroni de' ,regaii1 o delle ,fatture1 se erano ,artefici1 ,operas1 vel ,donum4 ,questo si praticava verisimilmente dai soli ,mercatanti1 ed altri ,signori dati all' interarse1 ma non gia dalle ,nobili ,case4 ,per conto di questo1 le antiche ,iscrizioni ci fanno vedere1 che moltissimi furono coloro1 che anche dopo la conseguita ,liberta seguitavano a convivere1 e servire in quelle medesime ,case1 non piu come ,servi1 ma come ,liberti1 perche probabilmente tornava il conto agli uni e agli altri4 ,i ,padroni si servivano di ,persone loro confidenti1 e gia innestate nella propria ,famiglia2 ei ,liberti cresciuti di onore1 e di guadagno poteano cumulare roba per se e per li ,figli4 ,non ho io potuto scoprire se i ,romani tenessero ,servi ,mercenarj come oggidi4 ,o di veri ,servi1 o di ,liberti allora si servivano4 ,cio posto1 maraviglia e1 che il ,pignoria1 in trattando degli ,ufizj de' ,servi antichi1 imbrogliasse tanto le carte1 senza distinguere i ,servi dai ,liberti1 e con attribuir molti impieghi ai primi1 che pure erano riserbati agli ultimi4 ,e piu da stupire e1 citarsi da lui ,marmi1 che parlano di ,liberti1 e pure sono presi da esso1 come se parlassero di ,servi4 ,we know not whether they manumitted upon condition1 or1 if so1 upon what conditions they manumitted formerly those servants who continued thenceforth as freed persons1 but elevated to more honourable employments1 to serve in the houses of their masters4 ,we do indeed know in the ,tit4 de ,operis ,libertorum1 and in another de bonis ,libertorum of the ,digests1 that very many acquired their liberty with the obligation of giving to their masters presents1 or doing work if they were artists1 ,operas vel donum4 ,this was in all likelihood practised only by merchants or other masters given to making profit1 but not by noble houses4 ,as to these the ancient inscriptions exhibit to us that very many who obtained their freedom1 yet continued to live and to do service in those same houses1 no longer as slaves1 but as freed persons1 because probably each party found it beneficial4 ,the patrons kept about them persons in whom they had confidence1 and who had already been engrafted on their families2 the freed persons1 grown to honour and making profit could create property for themselves and for their children4 ,i cannot discover whether the ,romans had hireling servants1 as is now the case4 ,they had then true slaves and sometimes freed persons4 ,this being the case1 it is matter of surprise that ,pignoria1 in treating of the employment of the ancient slaves1 should have been so perplexed as not to be able clearly to distinguish slaves from freed persons1 and should have attributed to the former many employments which were specially reserved for the latter3 and it is more to be wondered at1 that marbles which speak of freed persons are referred to by him and explained as treating of slaves4 ,it is clear that even in the days of the ,emperor ,claudius1 to whose reign1 ,a4,d4 #de1 the marble of which he treats refers1 and probably long before that period1 many of the freedmen of the ,roman empire were bound to do certain services for the patrons who had been their masters1 and that this obligation descended to their progeny4 ,hence this would still be a species of servitude4 ,the barbarians who overran the empire came chiefly from ,scythia and ,germany1 as that vast region was then called which stretches from the ,alps to the ,northern ,ocean4 ,when they settled in the conquered provinces of ,gaul and in ,italy1 they introduced many of their customs as well of government as of policy4 ,most of their slaves were what the writers of the second1 third1 and fourth centuries describe as coloni and conditionibus obligati4 ,as ,tacitus describes1 in xxv4 ,de ,moribus ,germanorum3 8,the slaves in general are not arranged at their several employments in the household affairs1 as is the practice at ,rome4 ,each has his separate habitation1 and his own establishment to manage4 ,the master considers him as an agrarian dependant1 who is obliged to furnish a certain quantity of grain1 cattle1 or wearing-apparel4 ,the slave obeys1 and the state of servitude extends no further4 ,all domestic affairs are managed by the master's wife and children4 ,to punish a slave with stripes2 to load him with chains1 or condemn him to hard labour1 is unusual4 ,it is true that slaves are sometimes put to death1 not under colour of justice1 or of any authority vested in the master2 but in a transport of passion1 in a fit of rage1 as is often the case in a sudden affray but it is also true that this species of homicide passes with impunity4 ,the freedmen are not of much higher consideration than the actual slaves2 they obtain no rank in their master's family1 and1 if we except the parts of ,germany where monarchy is established1 they never figure on the stage of public business4 ,in despotic governments they often rise above the men of ingenuous birth1 and even eclipse the whole body of the nobles4 ,in other states the subordination of the freedmen is a proof of public liberty40 ,at all ages1 slaves who belonged to the absolute monarch1 sometimes became elevated above the native nobility3 witness the case of ,joseph in ,egypt2 of ,ebed ,melech1 who was black1 in ,judea2 of ,haman1 also a black1 an ,amalekite2 of ,mordecai1 his successor2 of ,esther the queen2 of ,daniel the prophet1 and ,felix1 governor of ,judea1 a ,greek slave to the ,roman emperor4 ,but such things can never occur in a republic4 ,to a political misfortune of this kind the prophet alludes--8,servants 7slaves7 have ruled over us0--than which nothing can be more expressive of the loss of liberty4 ,in the appendix to the ,theodosian code1 ,const4 #e1 we read-- ,inverecund arte defendetur1 si hi ad conditionem vel originem reposcuntur1 quibus tempore famis1 cum in mortem penuria cogerentur1 opitulari non potuit dominus aut patronus4 ,it is forbidden as a shameless trick1 that an effort should be made to regain to their condition or original state1 those whom the master1 or patron could not aid1 when1 in a period of famine1 they were pressed nearly to death by want4 ,this exhibits the obligation on the patron of the person under condition1 and on the master of the slave1 to support them1 and the destruction of their title by the neglect of their duty4 ,muratori observes1 that in process of time1 the special agreements and particular enactments regarding the conditions1 gave such a variety as baffled all attempts at classification and precision4 ,at a much earlier period1 slaves had become a drug in the ,italian market4 ,when1 about the year #dje1 ,rhadagasius1 the ,goth1 was leading upwards of three hundred thousand of his barbarians into ,italy1 the ,emperor ,honorius ordered the slaves to be armed for the defence of the country1 by which arming they generally obtained their freedom2 ,stilichon1 the consul1 slew nearly one hundred and fifty thousand of the invaders in the vicinity of ,florence1 and made prisoners of the remainder1 who were sold as slaves at the low price of one piece of gold for each4 ,jacobs estimates the aureus at eleven shillings4 ,it is supposed to have contained about #gj grains of gold1 which will make the price of a slave1 at that time1 about #b4fj4 ,but ,wilkins 7,leges ,saxon47 informs us that1 in ,england1 about the year #ajjj1 the price of a slave was #b #afs4 #c;d4 sterling1 not quite the value of two horses4 ,but1 of these slaves of ,stilichon1 numbers died within the year1 so that ,baronius relates 7,annals1 ,a4,d4 #djf7 that the purchasers had to pay more for their burial than for their bodies2 according to the remarks of ,orosius1 in this state of the market1 it was easy for the slave to procure that he should be held at a condition1 and thenceforth the number under condition greatly increased1 and in process of time became more numerous than those in absolute slavery4 ,in the year #eda1 the fourth council of ,orleans was celebrated1 in the thirtieth year of ,king ,childebert4 ,the ninth canon3--,ut episcopus1 qui de facultate propria ecclesi nihil relinquit1 de ecclesi facultate si quid aliter quam canones eloquuntur obligaverit1 vendiderit aut distraxerit1 ad ecclesiam revocetur1 7ab ecclesia1 in other editions47 ,sane si de servis ecclesi libertos fecit numero competenti1 in ingenuitate permaneant1 ita ut ab officio ecclesi non recedant4 ,be it enacted1 ,that a bishop who has left none of his private property to the church shall not dispose of any of the church property1 otherwise than as the canons point out4 ,should he bind or sell or separate any thing otherwise1 let it be recalled for the church4 ,but if1 indeed1 he has made freemen of slaves of the church to a reasonable number1 let them continue in their freedom1 but with the obligation of not departing from the duty of the church4 ,the canon xxii4 of the same council is-- ,ut servis ecclesi1 vel sacerdotum1 prdas et captivitates exercere non liceat2 qui iniquum est1 ut quorum domini redemptionis prstare solent suffragium1 per servorum excessum disciplina ecclesiastica maculetur4 ,that it be not lawful for the slaves of the church1 or of the priests1 to go on predatory excursions or to make captives1 for it is unjust that when the masters are accustomed to aid in redeeming1 the discipline of the church should be disgraced by the misconduct of the slaves4 ,in ,judaism1 ,god had established a limited sanctuary for slaves and for certain malefactors1 not to encourage crime1 but to protect against the fury of passion1 and to give some sort of aid to the feeble4 ,paganism adopted the principle1 and the ,christian temple and its precincts became1 not only by common consent1 but by legal enactment1 the sanctuary instead of the former4 ,like every useful institution1 this too was occasionally abused4 ,the xxixth canon was-- ,qucumque mancipia sub specie conjugii ad ecclesi septa confugerint1 ut per hoc credant posse fieri conjugium1 minime eis licentia tribuatur1 nec talis conjunctio a clericis defensetur3 quia probatum est1 ut sine legitim traditione conjuncti1 pro religionis ordine1 statuto tempore ab ,ecclesi communione suspendantur1 ne in sacris locis turpi concubitu misceantur4 ,de qu re decernimus1 ut parentibus aut propriis dominis1 prout ratio poscit personarum1 accept fide excusati sub separationis promissione reddantur3 postmodum tamen parentibus atque dominis libertate concess1 si eos voluerint propri voluntate conjungere4 ,let not those slaves who1 under pretext of marriage1 take refuge within the precincts of the church1 imagining that by this they would make a marriage1 be allowed to do so1 nor let such union be countenanced by the clergy3 for it has been regulated that they who form an union1 without lawful delivery1 should be1 for the good order of religion1 separated for a fixed period from the communion of the church1 so that this vile connection may be prevented in holy places4 ,wherefore we decree1 that such persons1 being declared free from the bond of any plighted faith and made to promise a separation1 should be restored to their parents or owners1 as the case may require2 to be1 however1 subsequently1 if the parents or owners should grant leave1 married with their own free consent4 ,as we have seen in some parts of the ,east at an earlier period1 now in this portion of the ,west1 the slaves were made incapable of entering into the marriage-contract without the owner's consent4 ,in this same council1 canon xxx41 provision is made for affording to the ,christians1 who are held as slaves by the ,jews1 not only sanctuary of the church1 but in the house of any ,christian1 until a fair price shall be stipulated for and paid to the ,jewish owner1 if the ,christian be unwilling to return to his service4 ,this is a clear recognition of the right of property in slaves4 ,canon xxxi4 of this council provides1 that 8if any ,jew shall bring a slave to be a proselyte to his religion1 or make a ,jew of a ,christian slave1 or take as his companion a ,christian female slave1 or induce a slave born of ,christian parents to become a ,jew under the influence of a promise of emancipation1 he shall lose the title to every such slave4 ,and further1 that if any ,christian slave shall become a ,jew for the sake of being manumitted with condition1 and shall continue to be a ,jew1 the liberty shall be lost and the condition shall not avail him40 ,canon xxxii4 provides1 that the 8descendants of a slave1 wherever they may be1 even after a long lapse of time1 though there should be neglect1 if found upon the land or possession upon which their parents were placed1 shall be held to the original conditions established by the deceased proprietor for the deceased parents1 and the priest of the place shall aid in enforcing the fulfilment1 and any persons who shall through avarice interpose obstacles1 shall be placed under church censures40 ,the doctrine and discipline of the church of the ,franks were like that of other churches in the several regions of ,christendom at this period4 ,a fifth council was held at ,orleans1 in the year #edi1 the thirty-eighth of ,king ,childebert4 ,the sixth canon of this council relates to the improper ordination of slaves1 and also exhibits distinctly the freedmen under condition1 classing them in the same category with slaves4 ,canon vi4 ,ut servum1 qui libertatem a dominis propriis non acceperit1 aut etiam jam libertum1 nullus episcoporum absque ejus tantum voluntate1 cujus aut servus est1 aut eum absolvisse dignoscitur1 clericum audeat ordinare4 ,quod si quisquam fecerit1 si qui ordinatus est a domino revocetur1 et ille qui est collator ordinis1 si sciens fecisse probatur1 sex mensibus missas tantum facere non prsumat4 ,si vero scularium servus esse convincitur1 ei qui ordinatus est benedictione servat1 honestum ordini domino suo impendat obsequium4 ,quod si scularis dominus amplius eum voluerit inclinare1 ut sacro ordini inferre videatur injuriam1 duos servos sicut antiqui canones habent1 episcopus qui eum ordinavit domino sculari restituat2 et episcopus eum quem ordinavit ad ecclesiam suam revocandi habeat potestatem4 ,that no bishop shall dare to ordain as a clergyman1 the slave who shall not have received licence from his proper owners1 or a person already freed1 without the permission of either the person whose servant he is1 or of the person who is known to have freed him4 ,and if any one shall do so1 let him who is ordained be recalled by his master1 and let him who conferred the order1 if it be proved that he did so knowing the state of the person1 not presume to celebrate mass for six months only4 ,but if it be proved that he is the servant of lay persons1 let the person ordained be kept in his rank and do service for his owner in a way becoming his order2 but if his lay owner debases him under that grade1 so as to do any dishonour to his holy order2 let the bishop who ordained him give1 as the ancient canons enact1 two slaves to his master1 and be empowered to take him whom he ordained to his church4 ,the canon regards manumission1 and the protection of those properly liberated from slavery1 against the injustice of persons who disregarded the legal absolution from service4 ,canon xii4 ,et quia plurimorum suggestione comperimus1 eos qui in ecclesiis juxta patrioticam consuetudinem a servitio fuerint absoluti1 pro libito quorumcumque iterum ad servitium revocari1 impium esse tractavimus1 ut quod in ecclesia ,dei consideratione a vinculo servitutis absolvitur1 irritum habeatur4 ,ideo pietatis caus1 communi consilio placuit observandum1 ut qucumque mancipia ab ingenuis dominis servitute laxantur1 in e libertate maneant1 quam tunc a dominis perceperunt4 ,hujusmodi quoque libertas si a quocumque pulsata fuerit1 cum justiti ab ecclesiis defendatur1 prter eas culpas pro quibus leges collatas servis revocare jusserunt libertates4 ,and since we have discovered by information from several1 that they who1 according to the custom of the country1 were absolved from slavery in the churches1 were again1 at the will of some persons1 reduced to slavery2 we have regarded it to be an impiety2 that what has by a judicial decree been absolved from servitude in the church of ,god1 should be set at nought4 ,wherefore1 through motives of piety1 it is decreed by common counsel to be henceforth observed1 that whatever slaves are freed from servitude by free masters are to remain in that freedom which they then received from the masters2 and should this liberty of theirs be assailed by any person1 it shall be defended within the limits of justice by the churches1 saving where there are crimes for which the laws have enacted that the liberty granted to servants shall be recalled4 ,it is quite evident1 from ,exodus xii4 #dd1 that the ,israelites1 who were themselves slaves in ,egypt1 also themselves possessed slaves4 ,also from ,nehemiah vii4 #fg1 that the ,jews who were slaves in ,babylon1 yet1 upon their liberation1 were found to own #gccg slaves2 and from the foregoing it appears that the persons then called liberti or freedmen1 or the conditionati or persons under condition1 and probably1 in some instances1 coloni or colonists1 had slaves1 but were not permitted to liberate them1 at least without the consent of their own masters1 for the canon speaks of only the servants of the ingenui1 or those who enjoyed perfect freedom4 ,we see1 also1 what is evident from many other sources1 that persons who had obtained their freedom were for some crimes reduced to servitude1 and we shall see1 in future times1 even freemen are enslaved for various offences4 ,again1 in the canon xxii4 of this council1 we find provision which exhibits the caution which was used in regulating the right of sanctuary for slaves4 ,this right was1 in ,christianity1 a concession of the civil power1 humanely interposing1 in times of imperfect security and violent passion1 the protecting arm of the church1 to arrest the violence of one party1 so as to secure merciful justice for the other1 and to make the compositions of peace and equity be substituted for the vengeance or the exactions of power4 ,it was1 so far from being an encouragement to crime1 one of the best helps towards civilizing the barbarian4 ,canon xxii4 ,de servis vero1 qui pro qualibet culp ad ecclesi septa confugerint1 id statuimus observandum1 ut1 sicut in antiquis constitutionibus tenetur scriptum1 pro concess culp datis a domino sacramentis1 quisquis ille fuerit1 egrediatur de veni jam securus4 ,enimvero si immemor fidei dominus transcendisse convincitur quod juravit1 ut is qui veniam acceperat1 probetur postmodum pro e cum qualicumque supplicio cruciatus1 dominus ille1 qui immemor fuit dat fidei1 sit ab omnium communione suspensus4 ,iterum si servus de promissione veni datis sacramentis a domino jam securus exire noluerit1 ne sub tali contumaci requirens locum fug domino fortasse disperiat1 egredi nolentem a domino eum liceat occupari1 ut nullam1 quasi pro retentatione servi1 quibuslibet modis molestiam aut calumniam patiatur ecclesia3 fidem tamen dominus1 quam pro concess veni dedit1 null temeritate transcendat4 ,quod si aut gentilis dominus fuerit1 aut alterius sect1 qui a conventu ecclesi probatur extraneus1 is qui servum repetit personas requirat bon fidei ,christianas1 ut ipsi in person domini servo prbeant sacramenta3 quia ipsi possunt servare quod sacrum est1 qui pro transgressione ecclesiasticam metuunt disciplinam4 ,we enact this to be observed respecting slaves1 who may for any fault fly to the precincts of the church1 that1 as is found written in ancient constitutions1 when the master shall pledge his oath to grant pardon to the culprit1 whosoever he may be1 he shall go out secure of pardon4 ,but1 if the master1 unmindful of his oath1 shall be convicted of having gone beyond what he had sworn1 so that it shall be proved that the servant who had received pardon was afterwards tortured with any punishment for that fault1 let that master who was forgetful of his oath be separated from the communion of all4 ,again1 should the servant secured from punishment by the master's oath1 be unwilling to go forth1 it shall be lawful for the master1 that he should not lose the service of a slave seeking sanctuary by such contumacy1 to seize upon such a one unwilling to go out1 so that the church should not suffer either trouble or calumny by any means on account of retaining such servant3 but let not the master in any way rashly violate the oath that he swore for granting pardon4 ,but1 if the master be a gentile1 or of any other sect proved without the church1 let the person who claims the slave procure ,christian persons of good account who shall swear for the servant's security in the master's name3 because they who dread ecclesiastical discipline for transgression can keep that which is sacred4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,bishop ,england has1 in his eighth letter1 alluded to the state of society in ,england and ,ireland at this early day1 for the purpose of elucidating the fact that the doctrines of the church concerning slavery and the civil condition of those regions were materially without difference from the other parts of ,europe4 ,some portions of his letter1 although1 perhaps1 too distant from our subject1 are1 nevertheless1 too interesting to omit4 ,about the year #dfb1 ,niell ,naoigialluch1 or ,neill of the ,nine ,hostages1 ravaged the coast of ,britain and ,gaul4 ,in this expedition a large number of captives were made4 ,one youth1 sixteen years of age1 by the name of ,cothraige1 was sold to ,milcho1 and was employed by him in tending sheep1 in a place called ,dalradia--within the present county of ,antrim4 ,this ,cothraige was ,st4 ,patrick1 subsequently the apostle of ,ireland4 ,st4 ,patrick1 in his ,confessions1 states that many of his unfortunate countrymen were carried off and made captives1 and dispersed among many nations4 ,the ,romans had possession of ,britain1 and even had not slavery existed there previously1 they would have introduced it2 but1 the ,britons needed not this lesson2 they had been conversant with it before3 we shall see evidence of the long continuance of its practice4 ,about the year #dej1 a party of them1 among whom were several that professed the ,christian religion1 made a piratical incursion upon the ,irish coast1 under the command of ,corotic1 or ,caractacus1 or ,coroticus4 ,lanigan compiles the following account of this incursion from the ,eccles4 ,history of ,ireland1 vol4 i4 c4 iv4 8,this prince1 ,coroticus1 though apparently a ,christian1 was a tyrant1 a pirate1 and a persecutor4 ,he landed1 with a party of his armed followers1 many of whom were ,christians1 at a season of solemn baptism1 and set about plundering a district in which ,st4 ,patrick had just baptized and confirmed a great number of converts1 and on the very day after the holy chrism was seen shining in the foreheads of the white-robed neophytes4 ,having murdered several persons1 these marauders carried off a considerable number of people1 whom they went about selling or giving up as slaves to the ,scots and the apostate ,picts4 ,st4 ,patrick wrote a letter1 which he sent by a holy priest whom he had instructed from his younger days1 to those pirates1 requesting of them to restore the baptized captives and some part of the booty4 ,the priest and the other ecclesiastics that accompanied him being received by them with scorn and mockery1 and the letter not attended to1 the saint found himself under the necessity of issuing a circular epistle or declaration against them and their chief ,coroticus1 in which1 announcing himself a bishop and established in ,ireland1 he proclaims to all those who fear ,god1 that said murderers and robbers are excommunicated and estranged from ,christ1 and that it is not lawful to show them civility1 nor to eat or drink with them1 nor to receive their offerings1 until1 sincerely repenting1 they make atonement to ,god and liberate his servants and the handmaids of ,christ4 ,he begs of the faithful1 into whose hands the epistle may come1 to get it read before the people everywhere1 and before ,coroticus himself1 and to communicate it to his soldiers1 in the hope that they and their master may return to ,god1 c4 ,among other very affecting expostulations1 he observes that the ,roman and ,gallic ,christians are wont to send proper persons with great sums of money to the ,franks and other pagans1 for the purpose of redeeming ,christian captives2 while1 on the contrary1 that monster1 ,coroticus1 made a trade of selling the members of ,christ to nations ignorant of ,god40 ,the ,britons were frequently invaded by the ,scots1 upon the abandonment of their country by the ,romans2 and at the period here alluded to1 it is supposed by many that the captives taken from ,ireland were in several instances given by their possessors to the plundering and victorious ,northmen1 by the ,britons1 in exchange for their own captured relatives1 whom they desired to release4 ,about the year #eee1 ,pope ,pelagius held1 under the protection of ,king ,childebert1 the third council of ,paris1 in which we find a canon1 entitled1 8,de ,servis ,degeneribus10 concerning 8bastard slaves10 as follows3 7,see ,du ,cange47 ,canon ix4 ,de degeneribus servis1 qui pro sepulchris defunctorum pro qualitate ipsius ministerii deputantur1 hoc placuit observari1 ut sub qu ab auctoribus fuerint conditione dimissi1 sive heredibus1 sive ecclesiis pro defensione fuerint deputati1 voluntas defuncti circa eos in omnibus debeat observari4 ,quod si ecclesia eos de fisci functionibus in omni parte defenderit ecclesi tam illi1 quam posteri eorum1 defensione in omnibus potiantur1 et occursum impendant4 ,it is enacted concerning bastard slaves who are placed to keep the sepulchres1 because of the rank of that office1 that whether they be placed under the protection of the heirs or of the church for their defence1 upon the condition upon which they were discharged by their owners1 the will of the deceased should be observed in all things in their regard4 ,but1 if the church shall keep them entirely exempt from the services and payments of the fisc1 let them and their descendants enjoy the protection of the church for defence1 and pay to it their tribute4 ,the auctores1 or authors1 in the original sense1 were owners or masters2 and subsequently1 especially in ,gaul1 it was often taken to mean parents1 which probably1 from the context1 is here its meaning2 and1 we find a new title and a new class1 where the master having committed a crime with his servant1 the offspring was his slave2 yet1 his natural affection caused the parent to grant him a conditioned freedom1 to protect which this canon specified the guardian to be either the heir or the church4 ,martin1 archbishop of ,braga1 who presided at the third council of that city1 in the year #egb1 collected1 from the councils of the east and the west1 the greater portion of the canon law then in force1 and made a compendium thereof1 which he distributed into eighty-four heads1 which formed as many short canons1 and thenceforth they were the basis of the discipline in ,spain4 ,the forty-sixth of these canons is-- ,si quis obligatus tributo servili1 vel aliqua conditione1 vel patrocinio cujuslibet doms1 non est ordinandus clericus1 nisi proband vit fuerit et patroni concessus accesserit4 ,if any one is bound to servile tribute1 or by any condition1 or by the patronage of any house1 he is not to be ordained a clergyman1 unless he be of approved life1 and the consent of the patron be also given4 ,this canon is taken into the body of the canon law4 ,dist4 #ec4 ,canon xlvii4 ,si quis servum alienum caus religionis doceat contemnere dominum suum et recedere servitio ejus1 durissim ab omnibus arguatur4 ,if any person will teach the servant of another1 under pretext of religion1 to despise his master and to withdraw from his service1 let him be most sharply rebuked by all4 ,this too is taken into the body of the canon law4 7#ag1 q4 #d1 ,si quis47 ,in the year #ehi1 the third council of ,toledo1 in ,spain1 was celebrated1 in the pontificate of ,pope ,pelagius ,,ii4 ,all the bishops of ,spain assembled upon the invitation of ,king ,reccared4 ,the articles of faith form twenty-three heads of various length2 after which follow twenty-three capitula1 or little chapters or heads of discipline4 ,the sixth of these is in the following words3 ,de libertis autem id ,dei prcipiunt sacerdotes1 ut si qui ab episcopis facti sunt secundum modum quo canones antiqui dant licentiam1 sint liberi2 et tamen a patrocinio ecclesi tam ipsi1 quam ab eis progeniti non recedant4 ,ab aliis quoque libertati traditi1 et ecclesiis commendati1 patrocinio episcopali regantur3 principe hoc episcopus postulet4 ,the priests of ,god decree concerning freedmen1 that if any are made by the bishops in the way the ancient canons permit1 they shall be considered free2 yet so that neither they nor their descendants shall retire from the patronage of the church4 ,let those freed by others and placed under the protection of the church1 be placed under the bishop's protection4 ,let the bishop ask this of his prince4 ,this too is taken into the body of the canon law4 7#ab1 q4 #b1 ,de libertis47 ,a custom had already gained considerable prevalence1 which we shall find greatly extended in subsequent ages1 of granting to the churches slaves for its service and support4 ,the administrators of the church property were called familia fisci4 ,the church property was in ecclesiastical documents styled the fisc4 ,the fisca regis1 or royal fisc1 was a different fund or treasury4 ,it sometimes happened that the clergy who were the administrators sought to obtain from the 8conditioned slaves0 more than they were bound to give1 and also1 sometimes1 others sought to have their service taken from the church4 ,the capitulary viii4 of this third council of ,toledo was enacted to remedy this latter grievance4 ,innuente 7other copies1 jubente7 atque consentiente domino piissimo ,reccaredo rege1 id prcipit sacerdotale consilium1 ut clericorum 7others1 clericos7 ex famili fisci nullus audeat a principe donatos expetere2 sed reddito capitis sui tributo ecclesi ,dei1 cui sunt alligati1 usque dum vivent1 regulariter administrent4 ,by the suggestion 7or by the command7 and with the consent of the most pious lord ,king ,reccared1 the council of priests directs that no one shall dare to reclaim from the administrators of the church those clergy given by the prince2 but having paid their tribute to the church of ,god1 to which they are bound1 let them1 as long as they live1 administer regularly4 ,in the same council1 the canon xv4 is the following3 ,si qui ex servis fiscalibus ecclesias forte construxerint easque de su paupertate ditaverint1 hoc procuret episcopus prece su auctoritate regi confirmari4 ,if any of the king's special servants shall have built churches1 and have enriched them by the contributions from their poverty1 let the bishop obtain that it be confirmed by the royal authority4 ,the servi fiscales were the private or patrimonial property of the king4 ,this also exhibits the principle that the slave was not permitted to contribute1 without the consent of his owner1 to religious establishments4 ,a canon of the assembly held in ,constantinople1 #fib3 ,canon lxxxv4 ,in duobus vel tribus testibus confirmari omne verbum ex ,scriptura accepimus4 ,servos ergo qui a dominis suis manumittuntur1 sub tribus testibus eo frui honore decernimus1 qui prsentes libertati vires et firmitatem afferent1 et ut iis qu ipsis testibus facta sunt fides habeatur efficient4 ,we have learned from the ,scripture that every word is confirmed in two or three witnesses4 ,we therefore declare that slaves who are manumitted by their masters shall be admitted to enjoy that honour under three witnesses1 who may be able to afford security by their presence to the freedom1 and who may be able to secure credit for the acts done in their view4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,as late as the year #egg1 ,britain furnished other nations with slaves1 which is sufficiently proved by the following extract from ,bede3 ,nec silentio prtereunda opinio qu de beato ,gregorio1 traditione majorum1 ad nos usque perlata est3 qu videlicet ex caus admonitus1 tam sedulam erga salutem nostr gentis curam gesserit4 ,dicunt1 quia die qudam cum advenientibus nuper mercatoribus multa venalia in forum fuissent conlata1 multique ad emendum confluxissent1 et ipsum ,gregorium inter alios advenisse1 ae vidisse inter alia pueros venales positos1 candidi corporis ac venusti vults1 capillorum quoque form egregi4 ,quos cum aspiceret1 interrogavit1 ut ajunt1 de qu regione vel terr essent adlati4 ,dictumque est quod de ,brittani insul1 cujus incol talis essent aspects4 ,rursus interrogavit1 utrum iidem insulani1 ,christiani1 an paganis adhuc erroribus essent implicati8 ,dictumque est1 quod essent pagani4 ,at ille intimo ex corde longa trahens suspiria3 8,heu1 proh dolor60 inquit1 8quod tam lucidi vults homines tenebrarum auctor possidet1 tantaque gratia frontispicii mentem ab intern grati vacuam gestat60 ,rursus ergo interrogavit1 quod esset vocabulum gentis illius8 ,responsum est quod ,angli vocarentur4 ,at ille1 8,ben10 inquit1 8nam et angelicam habent faciem1 et tales angelorum in clis decet esse coheredes4 ,quod habet nomen ipsa provincia de qu isti sunt adlati80 ,responsum est quod ,deiri vocarentur iidem provinciales4 ,at ille3 8,ben10 inquit1 8,deiri1 de ir eruti1 et ad misericordiam ,christi vocati4 ,rex provinci illius1 quomodo appellatur80 ,responsum est quod ,aella diceretur4 ,at ille adludens ad nomen ait3 8,alleluia1 laudem ,dei creatoris illis in partibus oportet cantari40 ,accedensque ad ,pontificem ,roman et ,apostolic sedis1 nondum enim erat ipse ,pontifex factus1 rogavit1 ut genti ,angliorum in ,britanniam aliquos verbi ministros1 per quos ad ,christum converterentur1 mitteret3 seipsum paratum esse in hoc opus ,domino co-operante perficiendum1 si tamen ,apostolico ,pap hoc ut fieret placeret4 ,quod dum perficere non posset2 quia etsi pontifex concedere illi quod petierat voluit1 non tamen cives ,romani ut tam longe ab urbe recederet potuere permittere2 mox ut ipse pontificats officio functus est1 perficit opus diu desideratum3 alios quidem prdicatores mittens1 sed ipse prdicationem ut fructificaret suis exhortationibus et precibus adjuvans4 ,nor is that notice of the blessed ,gregory which has come down to us by the tradition of our ancestors to be silently passed over3 for1 by reason of the admonition that he then received1 he became so industrious for the salvation of our nation4 ,for they say1 that on a certain day when merchants had newly arrived1 many things were brought into the market1 and several persons had come to purchase2 ,gregory himself came among them1 and saw exposed for sale1 youths of a fair body and handsome countenance1 whose hair was also beautiful4 ,looking at them1 they say1 he asked from what part of the world they were brought2 he was told from the island of ,britain1 whose inhabitants were of that complexion4 ,again he asked whether these islanders were ,christians or were immersed in the errors of paganism4 ,it was said1 that they were pagans4 ,and he1 sighing deeply1 said1 8,alas6 what a pity that the author of darkness should possess men of so bright a countenance1 and that so graceful an aspect should have a mind void of grace within60 ,again he inquired what was the name of their nation4 ,he was told that they were called ,angles4 ,he said1 8,it is well1 for they have angelic faces1 and it is fit that such should be the coheirs with ,angels in ,heaven40 ,from what province were they brought1 was his next inquiry4 ,to which it was answered1 ,the people of their province are called ,deiri4 8,good again10 said he1 8,deiri1 7de ir eruti17 rescued from anger and called to the mercy of ,christ40 ,what is the name of the king of that province8 ,he was told1 ,aella4 ,and1 playing upon the word1 he responded1 8,alleluia4 ,the praises of ,god our ,creator ought to be chanted in those regions40 ,and going to the pontiff of the ,roman ,apostolic ,see1 for he was not yet made pope himself1 he besought him to send to ,britain1 for the nation of the ,angles1 some ministers of the word1 through whom they may be converted to ,christ2 and stated that he was himself ready1 the ,lord being his aid1 to undertake this work1 if the pope should so please4 ,this he was not able to do1 for though the pontiff desired to grant his petition1 the citizens of ,rome would not consent that he should go to so great distance therefrom4 ,as soon1 however1 as he was placed in the office of pope1 he performed his long desired work3 he sent other preachers1 but he aided by his prayers and exhortations1 that he might make their preaching fruitful4 ,gregory became pope in #eij4 ,soon after his elevation to the pontifical dignity1 he sought to purchase some of the ,british youths1 in order to have them trained up to be missionaries to their countrymen4 ,the holy see had already a considerable patrimony in ,gaul1 bestowed by the piety of the faithful3 we shall see from the following epistle of the pope to the priest ,candidus1 whom he sent as its administrator1 the use which was made of its income4 99 99 99 99 99 ,lib4 v4 ,epist4 x4--,,gregorius ,candido ,presbytero eunti ad patrimonium ,galli4 ,pergens auxiliante ,domino ,deo nostro ,jesu ,christo ad patrimonium1 quod est in ,galliis gubernandum1 volumus ut dilectio tua ex solidis quos acceperit1 vestimenta pauperum1 vel pueros ,anglos1 qui sunt ab annis decem et septem1 vel decem et octo1 ut in monasteriis dati ,deo proficiant1 comparet2 quatenus solidi ,galliarum1 qui in terr nostr expendi non possunt1 apud locum proprium utiliter expendantur4 ,si quid vero de pecuniis redituum1 qu dicuntur ablat1 recipere potueris1 ex his quoque vestimenta pauperum comparare te volumus2 vel1 sicut prfati sumus1 pueros qui in omnipotentis ,dei servitio proficiant4 ,sed quia pagani sunt1 qui illic inveniri possunt1 volo1 ut cum eis presbyter transmittatur1 ne quid gritudinis contingat in vi1 ut quos morituros conspexerit debeat baptizare4 ,ita igitur tua dilectio faciat1 ut hc diligenter implere festinet4 ,,gregory to the ,priest ,candidus1 going to the patrimony of ,gaul4 ,as you are going1 with aid of the ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 our ,god1 to govern the patrimony which is in ,gaul2 we desire that out of the shillings you may receive1 you1 our beloved1 should purchase clothing for the poor1 or ,english youths about the age of seventeen or eighteen1 that1 being placed in monasteries1 they may be useful for the service of ,god2 so that the money of ,gaul1 which ought not to be expended in our land1 may be laid out in its own place beneficially4 ,if you can also get any of the money of that income called tolls1 7ablat17 we also desire that you should therewith buy clothing for the poor1 or1 as we have before said1 youths who may become proficients in the service of ,god4 ,but as they who dwell in that place are pagans1 it is our desire that a priest be sent with them lest they should get sick on the journey1 and he ought to baptize those whom he may see in a dying state4 ,so let you1 our beloved1 do1 and be alert in fulfilling what we have desired4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the commission of ,pope ,gregory to purchase those youths was executed4 ,but1 as ,lingard observes1 7,ant4 ,anglo-,saxon ,chu4 c4 i417 8their progress was slow1 and his zeal impatient40 ,the result was that ,st4 ,augustine and his companions were sent by the pope1 and effected the conversion of the island4 ,in the same chapter1 ,lingard describes the ,saxons who had settled in ,england1 previous to their conversion1 and refers to ,will4 of ,malmesbury 7de reg4 #a4 i41 c4 #c47 8,the savages of ,africa may traffic with the ,europeans for the negroes whom they have seized by treachery1 or captured in open war2 but the most savage conquerors of the ,britons sold without scruple1 to the merchants of the continent1 their countrymen1 and even their own children40 8,but their ferocity soon yielded to the exertions of the missionaries1 and the harsher features of their origin were insensibly softened under the mild influence of the gospel4 ,in the rage of victory1 they learned to respect the rights of humanity4 ,death or slavery was no longer the fate of the conquered ,britons2 by their submission1 they were incorporated with the victors2 and their lives and property were protected by the equity of their ,christian conquerors4 99 99 99 ,the humane idea1 that by baptism all men become brethren1 contributed to meliorate the condition of slavery1 and scattered the seeds of that liberality which gradually undermined1 and at length abolished1 so odious an institution4 ,by the provision of the legislature1 the freedom of the child was secured from the avarice of an unnatural parent2 and the heaviest punishment was denounced against the man who presumed to sell to a foreign master one of his countrymen1 though he were a slave or a malefactor40 ,lingard here refers to the statutes of ,ina1 quoted in a previous study4 ,but it may be remarked that here is the earliest notice of the ,african slave-trade1 as a branch of ,european commerce1 compared with the ancient slave-trade carried on with ,britain4 ,in his book1 8,pastoralis ,cur10 ,of the ,pastoral ,care1 part #c1 c4 i4 ,admonit4 vi41 ,pope ,gregory says-- ,,admonitio ,,vi4--,aliter admonendi sunt servi1 atque aliter domini4 ,servi scilicet1 ut in se semper humilitatem conditionis aspiciant3 domini vero1 ut natur su qu qualiter sunt cum servis conditi1 memoriam non amittant4 ,servi admonendi sunt ne dominos despiciant1 ne ,deum offendant si ordinationi illius superbiendo contradicunt3 domini quoque admonendi sunt1 quia contra ,deum de munere ejus superbiunt1 si eos quos per conditionem tenent subditos1 quales sibi per natur consortium non agnoscunt4 ,isti admonendi sunt ut sciant se servos esse dominorum3 illi admonendi sunt ut cognoscant se conservos esse servorum4 ,istis namque dicitur3 ,servi1 obedite dominis carnalibus4 ,et rursum3 ,quicumque sunt sub jugo servi1 dominos suos omni honore dignos arbitrentur3 illis autem dicitur3 et vos1 domini1 eadem facite illis1 remittentes minas1 scientes quod et illorum et vester dominus est in clis4 ,,admonition ,,vi4--,servants are to be admonished in one way1 masters in another way3 servants indeed1 that they should always regard in themselves the lowliness of their condition3 masters however1 that they lose not the recollection of their nature1 by which they are created upon a level with their slaves4 ,slaves are to be admonished not to despise their masters1 lest they offend ,god1 if growing proud they contradict his ordinance3 masters too are to be admonished2 because they grow proud against ,god by reason of his gift1 if they do not acknowledge as their equals1 by the fellowship of nature1 those whom by condition they hold as subjects4 ,these are to be admonished that they be mindful that they are the slaves of their masters2 those that they recollect that they are the fellow-servants of servants4 ,to these it is said3 ,servants1 obey your masters in the flesh3 and again1 ,whosoever are servants under the yoke1 let them consider their masters worthy of all honour3 but to those it is said3 ,and you1 masters1 do in like manner to them1 laying aside threats1 knowing that your and their ,master is in heaven4 ,in his book ii4 of ,epistles1 ep4 xxxix41 writing to ,peter1 a subdeacon of ,campania1 he directs him how to act in the case of a female slave1 belonging to a proctor or manager of church property1 7defensor17 who was anxious to be allowed to become a sister in a monastery1 which was not lawful without the consent of her owner4 ,the pope neither orders the master to manumit her nor to permit her profession1 for1 though he was employed by the church1 the religion to which he belonged did not require of him to give away his property1 nor had the head of that church power to deprive him thereof2 hence he writes-- ,preterea quia ,felix defensor puellam nomine ,catillam habere dicitur1 qu cum magnis lacrymis1 et vehementi desiderio habitum conversionis appetit1 sed eam prfatus dominus suus converti minime permittit3 proinde volumus1 ut experientia tua prfatum ,felicem adeat1 atque puell ejusdem animum sollicite requirat2 et si ita esse cognoverit1 pretium ejusdem puell su domino prbeat1 et huc eam in monasterio dandam cum personis gravibus1 ,domino auxiliante1 transmittat4 ,ita vero hc age1 ut non per lentam actionem tuam prfat puell anima detrimentum aliquod in desiderio suo sustineat4 ,moreover1 because the proctor ,felix is said to have a servant named ,catilla1 who with many tears and vehement desire wishes to obtain the habit of religion2 but her aforesaid master will not by any means permit her making profession3 it is then our desire that your experience would call upon the said ,felix1 and carefully examine the disposition of that young woman1 and if you should find it such as is stated1 pay to the master her price1 and send her hither with discreet persons1 to be placed1 with ,god's help1 in a monastery4 ,but do this1 so that the soul of the young woman may not suffer any inconvenience in her desire1 through your tardiness4 ,the following is a deed of gift which the same ,pope made1 to assure the possession of a slave to the bishop of ,porto1 one of the suburban sees near ,rome4 ,it is curious1 not merely as exhibiting the fact that the pope and the ,see of ,rome held and transferred slaves at this period1 but also as giving a specimen of a legal document of that date and tenor3-- 99 99 99 99 99 ,,lib4 ,x4 ,,ep4 ,,lii4--,,gregorius1 ,felici ,episcopo ,portuensi4 ,charitatis vestr grati provocati1 no infructuosi vobis videamur existere1 prcipu cum et minus vos habere servitia noverimus2 ideo ,joannem juris ecclesiastici famulum1 natione ,sabinum1 ex mass ,flavian1 annorum plus minus decem et octo1 quem nostra voluntate jam diu possidetis1 fraternitati vestr jure directo donamus atque concedimus2 ita ut cum habeatis1 possideatis1 atque juri proprietatique vestra vindicetis atque defendatis1 et quidquid de eo facere volueritis1 quippe ut dominus1 ex hujus donationis jure libero potiamini arbitrio4 ,contra quam munificenti nostr chartulam nunquam nos successoresque nostros noveris esse venturos4 ,hanc autem donationem a notario nostro perscriptam legimus1 atque subscripsimus1 tribuentes etiam non expectat professione vestr quo volueritis tempore alligandi licentiam legitim stipulatione et sponsione interposit4 ,actum ,rom4 ,excited by our regard for your charitable person1 that we may not appear to be useless to you1 especially as we know you are short of servants3 we therefore give and grant to you our brother1 by our direct right1 ,john1 a servant of the church domain1 by birth a ,sabine1 of the ,flavian property1 now aged about eighteen years1 whom by our will you have a good while had in your possession4 ,so that you may have and possess him1 and preserve and maintain your right to him and defend him as your property4 ,and that you may1 by the free gift of this donation1 enjoy the exercise of your will1 to do what you may think proper in his regard1 as his lord4 ,against which paper of our munificence1 you may know that neither we nor our successors are ever to come4 ,and we have read this deed of gift1 written out by our notary1 and we have subscribed the same1 not even awaiting your profession1 respecting the time you would desire license to register it in the public acts by interposing the lawful process of signature and covenant4 ,done at ,rome1 c4 ,the massa was generally a portion of land of about twelve acres3 and the servants belonging specially thereto are in the documents of this and a later period generally called either servi de 7or ex7 massa1 and when they subsequently became conditioned1 or freed to a certain extent1 they were called homines de masnada1 or other names equivalent thereto4 ,,lib4 ,v4 ,,ep4 ,,xxxiv4--,,gregorius1 ,athemio ,subdiacono4 ,quantus dolor1 quantaque sit nostro cordi afflictio de his1 qu in partibus ,campani contigerunt1 dicere non possumus3 sed ex calamitatis magnitudine potes ipse cognoscere4 ,e de re1 pro remedio captivorum qui tenti sunt1 solidos experienti tu per horum portitorem ,stephanum virum magnificum transmisimus1 admonentes ut omnino debeas esse sollicitus1 ac strenu peragas1 et liberos homines1 quos ad redemptionem suam sufficere non posse cognoscis1 tu eos festines redimere4 ,qui vero servi fuerint1 et dominos eorum ita pauperes esse compereris1 ut eos redimere non assurgant1 et hos quoque comparare non desinas4 ,pariter etiam et servos ecclesi qui tu negligenti perierunt1 curabis redimere4 ,quo cumque autem redemeris1 subtiliter notitiam1 qu nomina eorum1 vel quis ubi maneat1 sive quid agat1 seu unde sit1 contineat1 facere modis omnibus studebis1 quam tecum possis afferre cum veneris4 ,ita autem in hc re te studiose exhibere festina1 ut ii qui redimendi sunt1 nullum te negligente periculum possint incurrere1 et tu apud nos postea vehementer incipias esse culpabilis1 sed et hoc quam maxime age1 ut si fieri potest1 captivos ipsos minori possis pretio comparare4 ,substantiam ver sub omni puritate atque subtilitate describe1 et ipsam nobis descriptionem cum celeritate transmitte4 ,,gregory1 to the ,subdeacon ,anthemius3 ,we cannot express how great is our grief and the affliction of our heart1 by reason of what has occurred in a part of ,campania2 but you may yourself estimate it from the extent of the calamity4 ,wherefore1 we send to your experience1 by ,stephen1 a worthy man1 the bearer hereof1 money for the aid of those captives who are detained2 admonishing you that you ought to be very industrious and exert yourself to discover what freemen are unable to procure their own release1 and that you should quickly redeem them4 ,but respecting the slaves1 when you shall discover that their masters are so poor as not to have it in their power to release them1 you will also not omit to buy them4 ,in like manner you will be careful to redeem the servants of the church who have been lost through your neglect4 ,you will also be very careful by all means to make a neat brief1 which you can bring when you come1 containing their names1 as also where any one remains1 how he is employed1 or whence he is4 ,you will be diligent1 and so industrious in this transaction1 as to give no cause of danger by your neglect1 for those who are to be released1 nor run the risk of being exceedingly culpable in our view4 ,you will be most particular1 above all things1 to procure the release of the captives at the lowest possible rate4 ,you will make out the accounts as accurately and as clearly as possible1 and send them to us with speed4 ,the calamity which he bewails was an incursion of the ,lombards1 who1 coming originally from ,scandinavia1 settled for a while in ,pomerania1 and about this period ravaged ,italy4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,at this age of the world1 there still existed a feeling of rivalship between the ,jew1 the pagan1 and the ,christian2 and1 in truth1 between some of the different sects of the latter1 as to which system of religion should prevail4 ,this state of facts often rendered the condition of the slave peculiar4 ,the ,jew and the ,christian were in opposition from the very origin of ,christianity4 ,the first persecutors of the ,christians were the relatives of the first ,christians2 the death of the ,saviour and the martyrdom of ,stephen1 the imprisonment of ,peter1 the mission of ,saul to ,damascus1 and a variety of other similar facts1 exhibit in strong relief the spirit of hatred which caused not merely separation1 but enmity4 ,the destruction of ,jerusalem1 the captivity of the people who preserved the early records of revelation1 and the increase of the ,christian religion1 even under the swords and the gibbets of its persecutors1 only increased and perpetuated this feeling4 ,the pride of the ,gentile ridiculed what he denominated superstition3 while he smote the believer whom he mocked1 he bowed before the idol of paganism4 ,the early heresies of those who professed the ,christian name1 but separated from ,christian unity1 sprang generally from the efforts to destroy the mysterious nature of the doctrine of the apostles1 and to explain it by the system of some ,gentile philosopher1 or to modify it by superinducing some ,judaic rite or principle4 ,the ,jew1 the ,gentile1 and the heretic equally felt elevated by his imagined superiority over the faithful follower of the doctrine of the ,galilean4 ,thus the sword of the persecutor1 the scoff of ridicule1 and the quibbling of a false philosophy1 were all employed against the members of the church2 and among those who were by their situation the most exposed to suffering1 were the ,christian slaves of the enemies of the cross4 ,even they who belonged to the faithful had peculiar trials1 because1 frequently1 in times of persecution1 masters1 desirous of obtaining protection1 without actually sacrificing to idols1 compelled their servants to personate them in perpetrating the crime4 ,they were frequently circumcised1 even against their will1 by the ,jewish owners4 ,they were frequently mutilated by the infidel master4 ,they were also exposed to the continued hardships and enticements of owners who desired to make them proselytes4 ,it was1 therefore1 at an early period after the conversion of ,constantine1 enacted that no one who was not a ,christian should hold a ,christian slave1 upon that principle contained in ,lev4 xxv4 #dg1 #dh4 ,we find in the civil code1 lib4 i4 tit4 #aj1 8,judus servum ,christianum nec comparare debebit1 nec largitatis aut alio quocumque titulo consequetur40 ,a ,jew shall not purchase a ,christian slave1 nor shall he obtain one by title of gift1 nor by any other title4 ,in a subsequent part of the title the penalty is recited1 8non solum mancipii damno mulctetur1 verm etiam capitali sententia punietur40 ,not only shall he be mulcted by the loss of the slave1 but he shall be punished by a capital sentence4 ,by a decree of ,valentinian ,,iii41 found after the ,theodosian code1 and entitled1 8,de diversis ecclesiasticis capitibus10 bearing date #dbe1 ,aquileia1 vii4 of the ides of ,july1 ,jews and pagans were prohibited from holding ,christian slaves4 ,thus by the laws of the empire at this period1 no ,jew or ,gentile could have any property in a ,christian slave4 ,this principle was not adopted until a much later period by the ,franks and other nations1 and this will account for the diversity of legislation and of judgment which the books of the same period exhibit in various regions4 ,another clause of the code was more comprehensive3 8,grcus1 seu paganus1 et ,judus1 et ,samaritanus1 et alius hreticus1 id est1 non existens orthodoxus1 non potest ,christianum mancipium habere40 ,a ,greek or pagan1 a ,jew1 a ,samaritan1 and any heretic1 that is1 one not orthodox1 cannot hold a ,christian slave4 ,the authority of ,gregory over ,sicily was not merely spiritual4 ,he had a temporal supervision1 if not a full sovereignty1 over the island4--,the document is ep4 xxxvii4 lib4 ii4 indict4 xi4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius ,libertino1 ,prfecto ,sicili4 ,de prsumptione ,nas ,judi1 qui altare nomine ,b4 ,heli construxerat1 et de mancipiis ,christianis comparatis4 ,ab ipso administrationis exordio1 ,deus vos in caus su voluit vindicta procedere1 et hanc vobis mercedem propitius cum laude servavit4 ,fertur siquidem qud ,nasas quidam sceleratissimus ,judorum1 sub nomine beati ,heli altare puniend temeritate construxerit1 multosque illic ,christianorum ad adorandum sacrileg seductione decepit4 ,sed et ,christiana1 ut dicitur1 mancipia comparavit1 et suis ea obsequiis ac utilitatibus deputavit4 ,dum igitur severissim in eum pro tantis facinoribus debuisset ulcisci1 gloriosus ,justinus medicamento avariti1 ut nobis scriptum est1 ,dei distulit injuriam vindicare4 ,gloria autem vestra hc omnia district examinatione perquirat3 et si hujusmodi manifestum esse repererit1 ita districtissime ac corporaliter in eundem sceleratum festinet vindicare ,judum2 quatenus hc ex caus et gratiam sibi ,dei nomine conciliet1 et his se posteris pro su mercede imitandum monstret exemplis4 ,mancipia autem ,christiana1 qucumque eum comparasse patuerit1 ad libertatem1 juxta legum prcepta1 sine omni ambiguitate perducite1 ne1 quod absit1 ,christiana religio ,judais subdita polluatur4 ,ita ergo omnia districtissim sub omni festinatione corrigite1 ut non solum pro hc vobis disciplin gratias referamus1 sed et testimonium de bonitate vestr ubi necesse fuerit1 prbeamus4 ,,gregory to ,libertinus1 ,prefect of ,sicily3 ,concerning the presumption of ,nasas1 a ,jew1 who had erected an altar in the name of the blessed ,elias2 and concerning the procuring of ,christian slaves4 ,god has willed that from the very beginning of your administration you should proceed to the avenging of his cause2 and he has mercifully kept this reward for you with praise4 ,it is indeed said that one ,nasas1 a very wicked man1 of the ,jewish people1 has1 with a rashness deserving punishment1 constructed an altar under the name of the blessed ,elias1 and deceitfully and sacrilegeously seduced many ,christians thither for adoration4 ,it is also said that he has procured ,christian slaves1 and put them to his service and profit4 ,it has also been written to us that the most glorious ,justin1 when he ought to have most severely punished him for such crimes1 has1 through the soothing of his avarice1 put off the avenging of this injury to ,god4 ,do you1 glorious sir1 most closely examine into all the premises2 and if you shall find the allegations evidently sustained1 hasten to proceed most strictly to have bodily justice done upon this wicked ,jew1 so as to procure for yourself the favour of ,god in this case1 and to exhibit for your reward1 to those who will come after us1 an example for imitation4 ,but1 further1 do you carry through1 according to the prescriptions of the laws1 to their liberty1 without any cavilling1 every and any ,christian slaves that it may be evident he procured1 lest1 which ,god forbid1 the ,christian religion should be degraded by subjection to the ,jews4 ,therefore do all this correction most exactly and quickly1 that you may not only have our thanks for preserving discipline1 but that we may1 when opportunity offers1 give you proof of our recognition for your goodness4 99 99 99 99 99 ,canon xxx4 of the fourth council of ,orleans3 ,cm prioribus canonibus jam fuerit definitum1 ut de mancipiis ,christianis1 qu apud ,judos sunt1 si ad ecclesiam confugerint1 et redimi se postulaverint1 etiam ad quoscumque ,christianos refugerint1 et servire ,judis noluerint1 taxato et oblato a fidelibus justo pretio1 ab eorum dominio liberentur2 ideo statuimus1 ut tam justa constitutio ab omnibus ,catholicis conservetur4 ,whereas it has been decreed by former canons1 respecting the ,christian slaves that are under the ,jews1 that if they should fly to the church1 or even to any ,christians1 and demand their redemption1 and be unwilling to serve the ,jews1 they should be freed from their owners upon a fair price being assessed by the faithful and tendered for them3 we therefore enact that this so just a regulation shall be observed by all ,catholics4 ,at this period1 #eda1 in this province and kingdom1 the ,jew had a good title to his ,christian slave1 and could not be deprived of him except by law1 or for value tendered4 ,the first council of ,macon was assembled at the request of ,king ,guntram1 or ,goutran1 one of the sons of ,clotaire ,i41 to whom the division of ,orleans was left upon the death of his father in #efa4 ,this assembly was held in #eha4 ,the sixteenth canon is-- ,et licet quid de ,christianis1 qui aut captivitatis incursu1 aut quibuscumque fraudibus1 ,judorum servitio implicantur1 debeat observari1 non solum canonicis statutis1 sed et legum beneficio pridem fuerit constitutum3 tamen quia nunc ita quorundam querela exorta est1 quosdam ,judos1 per civitates aut municipia consistentes1 in tantam insolentiam et proterviam prorupisse ut nec reclamantes ,christianos liceat vel precio de eorum servitute absolvi4 ,idcirco prsenti concilio1 ,deo auctore1 sancimus1 ut nullus ,christianus ,judo deinceps debeat servire2 sed datis pro quolibet bono mancipio xii4 solidis1 ipsum mancipium quicumque ,christianus seu ad ingenuitatem1 seu ad servitium1 licentiam habeat redimendi3 quia nefas est1 ut quos ,christus ,dominus sanguinis effusione redemit persecutorum vinculis maneant irretiti4 ,quod si acquiescere his qu statuimus quicumque ,judus noluerit1 quamdiu ad pecuniam constitutam venire distulerit1 liceat mancipio ipsi cum ,christianis ubicumque voluerit habitare4 ,illud etiam specialiter sancientes1 quod si qui ,judus ,christianum mancipium ad errorem ,judaicum convictus fuerit persuasisse1 ut ipso mancipio careat1 et legandi damnatione plectetur4 ,and although the mode of acting in regard to ,christians who have been entangled in the service of the ,jews by the invasions for making captives1 or by other frauds1 has been regulated heretofore not only by canonical enactments1 but also by favour of the civil laws2 yet because now the complaint of some persons has arisen1 that some ,jews dwelling in the cities and towns have grown so insolent and bold1 that they will not permit the ,christians demanding it to be freed even upon the ransom of their service2 wherefore1 by the authority of ,god1 we enact by this present act of council1 that no ,christian shall henceforth lawfully continue enslaved to a ,jew2 but that any ,christian shall have the power of redeeming that slave either to freedom or to servitude1 upon giving for each good slave the sum of twelve shillings 7solidum73 because it is improper that they whom ,christ redeemed by the shedding of his blood1 should continue bound in the chains of persecutors4 ,but if any ,jew shall be unwilling to acquiesce in these enacted provisions1 it shall be lawful for the slave himself to dwell where he will1 with ,christians1 as long as the ,jew shall keep from taking the stipulated money4 ,this also is specially enacted1 that if any ,jew shall be convicted of having persuaded his ,christian slave to the adoption of ,jewish error1 he shall be deprived of the slave and amerced to make a gift4 ,it was only at this period that we find any of the laws of the ,franks introducing the right of a ,christian to refuse service to a ,jew4 ,this1 however1 was not the case in all the territory1 for that over which ,guntram ruled was but a fourth part of the empire4 ,the following is ep4 xxi4 lib4 iii4 indic4 xii4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius ,venantio1 ,episcopo ,lunensi3 ,quod ,judi non possunt ,christiana habere mancipia3 sed coloni et originarii pensiones illis prbere debent4 ,multorum ad nos relatione pervenit1 a ,judis in ,lunensi civitate degentibus in servitio ,christiana detineri mancipia3 qu res nobis tanto visa est asperior1 quanto ea fraternitati tu patientia operabatur4 ,oportebat quippe te respectu loci tui1 atque ,christian religionis intuitu1 nullam relinquere occasionem1 ut superstitioni ,judaic simplices anim non1 tam suasionibus quam potestatis jure1 quodammodo deservirent4 ,quamobrem hortamur fraternitatem tuam1 ut secundum piissimarum legum tramitem1 nulli ,judo liceat ,christianum mancipium in suo retinere dominio4 ,sed si qui penes eos inveniuntur1 libertas eis tuitionis auxilio ex legum sanctione servetur4 ,hi vero qui in possessionibus eorum sunt1 licet et ipsi ex legum distinctione sint liberi2 tamen quia colendis eorum terris diutius adhserunt1 utpote conditionem loci debentes1 ad colenda qu consueverant rura permaneant1 pensionesque prdictis viris prbeant3 et cuncta qu de colonis vel originariis jura prcipiunt1 peragant1 extra quod nihil eis oneris amplius indicatur4 ,quodsi quisquam de his vel ad alium migrare locum1 vel in obsequio suo retinere voluerit1 ipse sibi reputet1 qui jus colonarium temeritate su1 jus vero juris dominii sui severitate damnavit4 ,in his ergo omnibus ita te volumus solerter impendi1 ut nec direpti gregis pastor reus existas1 nec apud nos minor mulatio fraternitatem tuam reprehensibilem reddat4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregory to ,venantius1 ,bishop of ,luna3 ,that ,jews should not have ,christian slaves1 but that colonists and those born on their lands should pay them pensions4 ,we have learned by the report of many persons that ,christian slaves are kept in servitude by the ,jews dwelling in the city of ,luna1 which is the more grievous to us as it has been caused by the remissness of you our brother4 ,for it was becoming you1 as well by reason of the place you hold1 as from your regard for the ,christian religion1 not to allow the existence of any occasion by which simple souls may be subjected to the ,jewish superstition1 not only by the force of persuasion1 but by a sort of right arising from power4 ,wherefore we exhort you1 our brother1 that1 according to the regulation of the most pious laws1 it should not be permitted to any ,jew to keep a ,christian slave under his dominion1 and that if any such be found under them1 the liberty of such should be secured by the process of law and the aid of protection4 ,and as regards those who are on their lands1 though by strict construction of law they may be free1 yet1 because they have remained a long time in the cultivation of the soil1 as bound to the condition of the place1 let them remain to till the lands as they have used to do1 and pay their pension to the aforesaid men2 and let them do all that the laws require of colonists or persons of origin4 ,let no additional burthen however be laid on them4 ,but should any one of these desire to migrate to another place2 or should he prefer remaining in his obedience1 let the consequences be attributed to him who rashly violated the colonial rights1 or who injured himself by the severity of his conduct towards his subject4 ,it is our wish that you be careful so to give your attention to all these letters as not to be the guilty pastor of a plundered flock1 nor that your want of zeal should compel us to reprehend our brother4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the law of the empire in force through ,italy and ,sicily3 #a4 ,slaves who were ,christians could not be held by those who were not ,christians4 #b4 ,it being unlawful for others than ,christians to hold them1 these others could have no property in them3 the persons so held were entitled to their freedom4 #c4 ,the church was the guardian of their right to freedom1 and the church acted through the bishop4 #d4 ,consequently it was the duty1 as it was the right1 of the bishop to vindicate that freedom for those so unjustly detained4 #e4 ,the right and duty of the pope was to see that each bishop was careful in his charge1 and this part of his charge came as much as any other did under the supervision of his superior and immediate inspector1 and it was the duty of that superior to reprehend him for any neglect4 #f4 ,the law of each country was to regulate the duty of the master and slave1 and if that law made1 as in ,italy and its environs1 the church the proper tribunal for looking to the performance of those duties1 any neglect of the church in its discharge would be criminal4 #g4 ,through the greater part of ,italy and ,sicily1 at this period1 the pope was the sovereign1 and it was only by his paramount influence that the half-civilized ,gothic and ,lombard chiefs were kept in any order1 and their despotism partially restrained4 ,they were times of anarchy1 between which and the present no analogy exists4 ,the ,jews and separatists from the church were very numerous1 and on their side1 as well as on that of their opposers1 passion frequently assumed the garb of religion1 and the unfortunate slave was played upon by each4 ,the position of the pope was exceedingly difficult1 for while he had to restrain the enemies of the church on one side1 he had to correct the excesses of its partisans upon the other4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,the laws of the empire having declared it unlawful for ,jews or pagans to hold ,christian slaves1 the church took a further step1 which1 in effect1 forbade pagan slaves being sold to ,jews1 and which1 to a considerable extent1 suppressed their introduction1 by the difficulties with which the following order surrounded the traffic4 ,it is found in lib4 v4 indic4 xiv4 epist4 xxxi4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,fortunato ,episcopo ,neopolitano3 ,ne mancipia qu ,christianam fidem suscipere volunt1 ,judis venundentur3 sed pretium ,christiano emptore percipiant4 ,fraternitati vestr ante hoc tempus scripsimus1 ut hos qui de ,judaica superstitione ad ,christianam fidem ,deo aspirante venire desiderant1 dominis eorum nulla esset licentia venundandi3 sed ex eo quo voluntatis su desiderium prodidissent1 defendi in libertatem per omnia debuissent4 ,sed quia quantum cognovimus1 nec voluntatem nostram1 nec legum statuta subtili scientes discretione pensare1 in paganis servis hc se non arbitrantur conditione constringi3 fraternitatem vestram oportet de his esse solicitam1 et si de ,judorum servitio non solum ,judos1 sed etiam quisquam paganorum fieri voluerit ,christianus1 postquam voluntas ejus fuerit patefacta1 nec hunc sub quolibet ingenio vel argumento cuipiam ,judorum venundandi facultas sit3 sed is qui ad ,christianam converti fidem desideret1 defensione vestr in libertatem modis omnibus vindicetur4 ,hi vero quos hujusmodi oportet servos amittere1 ne forsitan utilitates suas irrationabiliter stiment impediri1 sollicit vos hc convenit consideratione servare3 ut si paganos1 quos mercimonii caus de externis finibus emerint1 intra tres menses1 dum emptor cui vendi debeant non invenitur1 fugere ad ecclesiam forte contigerit1 et velle se fieri dixerint ,christianos1 vel etiam extra ecclesiam hanc talem voluntatem prodederint1 pretium ibi ,christiano scilicet emptore percipiant4 ,si autem post prfinitos tres menses quisquam hujusmodi servorum velle suum edixerit1 et fieri voluerit ,christianus1 nec aliquis eum postmodum emere1 nec dominus qulibet occasionis specie audeat venundare1 sed ad libertatis proculdubio prmia perducatur3 quia hunc non ad vendendum1 sed ad serviendum sibi intelligitur comparasse4 ,hc igitur omnia fraternitas vestra ita vigilantes observet1 quatenus ei nec supplicatio quorumdam valeat1 nec persona surripere4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory to ,fortunatus1 ,bishop of ,naples3 8,that slaves who wish to embrace the ,christian faith must not be sold to ,jews1 but 7the owners7 may receive a price from a ,christian purchaser4 8,we have before now written to you1 our brother1 that their masters should not have leave to sell those who1 by the inspiration of ,god1 desire to come from the ,jewish superstition to the ,christian faith2 but that from the moment they shall have manifested this determination they should be1 by all means1 protected to seek their liberty4 ,but1 as we have been led to know some persons1 not exactly and accurately giving heed to our will1 nor to the enactments of the laws1 think that1 as regards pagan slaves1 this law does not apply1 it is fit that you1 our brother1 should be careful on this head2 and if among the slaves of the ,jews1 not only a ,jew1 but any of the pagans1 should desire to become a ,christian1 to see that no ,jew should have power to sell him under any pretext1 or by any ingenious device1 after this his intention shall have been made known2 but let him who desires to become of the ,christian faith have the aid of your defence1 by all means1 for his liberty4 8,and respecting those who are to lose such servants1 lest they should consider themselves unreasonably hindered1 it is fit that you should carefully follow this rule3 that1 if it should happen that pagans1 whom they bought from foreign places for the purpose of traffic1 should within three months1 not having been purchased1 fly to the church and say that they desire to be ,christians1 or even make known this intention without the church1 let the owners be capable of receiving their price from a ,christian purchaser4 ,but if1 after the lapse of three months1 any one of those servants of this description should speak his will and wish to become a ,christian1 no one shall thereafter dare to purchase him1 nor shall his master under any pretext sell him2 but he shall unquestionably be brought to the reward of liberty1 because it is sufficiently intelligible that this slave was procured for the purpose of service1 and not for that of traffic4 ,do you1 my brother1 diligently and closely observe all these things1 so that you be not led away by any supplication1 nor affected by personal regard40 99 99 99 99 99 ,the grounds of the law above given may be partially gathered from the following1 which is a letter to the bishop of ,catania in ,sicily4 ,lib4 v4 ind4 xiv4 epist4 xxxii4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,leoni ,episcopo ,catanensi3 ,de ,samaris qui pagana mancipia emerunt et circumciderunt4 ,res ad nos detestabilis1 et omnino legibus inimica pervenit1 qu1 si vera est1 fraternitatem vestram vehementer accusat1 eamque de minori solicitudine probat esse culpabilem4 ,comperimus autem quod ,samari degentes ,catin pagana mancipia emerint1 atque ea circumcidere ausu temerario prsumpserint4 ,atque idcirco necesse est1 ut omnimodo zelum in hc caus sacerdotalem exercens1 cum omni hoc vivacitate ac solicitudine studeas perscrutari3 et si ita repereris1 mancipia ipsa sine mor in libertatem modis omnibus vindica1 et ecclesiasticam in eis tuitionem impende1 nec quidquam dominos eorum de pretio quolibet modo recipere patiaris3 qui non solum hoc damno mulctandi1 sed etiam ali erant pn de legibus feriendi4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory to ,leo1 ,bishop of ,catania3 8,concerning ,samaritans 7or ,jews7 who purchased pagan slaves and circumcised them4 8,accounts have been brought to us of a transaction very detestable and altogether opposed to the laws1 and which1 if true1 shows exceedingly great neglect on the part of you1 our brother1 and proves you to have been very culpable4 8,we have found that some ,jews dwelling at ,catania have bought pagan slaves1 and with rash presumption dared to circumcise them4 ,wherefore it is necessary that you should exert all your priestly zeal in this case1 and give your mind to examine closely into it with energy and care2 and1 should you find the allegation to be true1 that you should by all means1 and without delay1 secure the liberty of the slaves themselves1 and give them the protection of the church2 nor should you suffer their masters1 on any account1 to receive any of the price given for them1 for they not only should be fined in this amount1 but they are liable also to suffer such other punishment as the laws inflict40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,in ,judea1 the creditor could take the children of the debtor1 and keep them as his slaves1 to labour until the debt was paid2 and among the ,gentiles this right was not only in existence1 but in most cases the child could be subjected to perpetual slavery1 and in many instances the debtor himself could thus be reduced to bondage4 ,improvement had been made in this respect1 as will be seen by the following document1 found in lib4 iii4 indic4 xii4 epist4 xliii4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,fantino ,defensori3 ,de ,cosma ,syro multis debitis obligato4 ,lator prsentium1 ,cosmas ,syrus1 in negotio quod agebat1 debitum se contraxisse perhibuit1 quod1 et multis aliis et lacrymis ejus attestantibus1 verum esse credidimus4 ,et quia #aej solidos debebat1 volui ut creditores illius cum eo aliquid paciscerentur3 quoniam et lex habet1 ut homo liber pro debito nullatenus teneatur1 si res defuerint1 qu possunt eidem debito addici1 creditores ergo suos1 ut asserit1 ad #hj solidos consentire possibile est4 ,sed quia multum est ut a nil habente homine #hj solidos petant1 #fj solidos per notarium tuum tibi transmisimus2 ut cum eisdem creditoribus subtiliter loquaris1 rationem reddas1 quia filium ejus quem tenere dicuntur1 secundum leges tenere non possunt4 ,et si potest fieri1 ad aliquod minus quam nos dedimus1 condescendant4 ,et quidquid de eisdem #fj solidis remanserit1 ipsi trade1 ut cum filio suo exinde vivere valeat4 ,si autem nil remanet1 ad eamdem summam debitum ejus incidere stude1 ut possit sibi libere postmodum laborare4 ,hoc tamen solerter age1 ut acceptis solidis ei plenariam munitionem scripto faciant4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory1 to the ,proctor ,fantinus3 ,of ,cosmas1 the ,syrian1 deeply in debt4 8,the bearer hereof1 ,cosmas the ,syrian1 has informed us that he contracted many debts in the business in which he was engaged4 ,we believe it to be true2 he has testified it with many tears and witnesses4 ,and1 as he owes #aej shillings1 ,i wish his creditors would make some composition with him4 ,and as the law regulates that no freeman shall be held for a debt1 if there be no goods which can be attached for that debt1 he says that his creditors may be induced to accept #hj shillings2 but it is extravagant on their part to ask #hj shillings from a man who has nothing4 ,we have sent you #fj shillings by your notary1 that you may have a discrete conference with his creditors1 and explain matters to them1 because they cannot legally hold his son1 whom they are said to keep4 ,and if they will come down to any thing less1 by your efforts1 than the sum that we send1 should any thing remain of the #fj shillings1 give it to him to help to support himself and his son2 should nothing be left1 exert yourself to have his debt cancelled by that amount sent1 so that henceforth he may be free to exert himself for his own benefit4 ,but be careful1 in doing this1 to get for him a full receipt and discharge in writing for this money that they get40 ,the law to which the pope refers1 and by which the persons of the unfortunate debtor and his family were protected1 is found in ,novell4 #acd1 c4 vii41 and was enacted by ,justinian ,i4 in #eda4 ,ne quis creditor filium debitoris pro debito retinere prsumat4 ,quia ver et hujuscemodi iniquitatem in diversis locis nostr reipublic cognovimus admitti1 quia1 creditores filios debitorum prsumunt retinere aut in pignus1 aut in servile ministerium1 aut in conductionem3 hoc modis omnibus prohibemus3 et jubemus ut si quis hujusmodi aliquid deliquerit1 non solum debito cadat1 sed tantam aliam quantitatem adjiciat dandam ei qui retentus est ab eo1 aut parentibus ejus1 et post hoc etiam corporalibus pnis ipsum subdi a loci judice2 quia personam liberam pro debito prsumpserit retinere aut locare aut pignorare4 8,that no creditor should presume to retain for debt the son of the debtor4 8,and because we have known that this sort of injustice has been allowed in several places of our commonwealth1--that creditors presume to keep the children of their debtors1 either in pledge or in slavish employment1 or to hire them out4 ,we by all means forbid all this3 and we order that1 if any person shall be guilty of any of these things1 not only shall he lose the debt1 but he shall in addition give an equal sum1 to be paid to the person that was held by him1 or to the parents of such person2 and1 beyond this1 he shall be subjected to corporal punishment by the local judge1 because he presumed to restrain or to hire out1 or keep in pledge1 a free person40 ,the following document will exhibit in some degree the origin of the principle of escheats to be found in slavery4 ,the slave being freed upon certain conditions1 if they were not fulfilled the master of course re-entered upon his rights4 ,the manumitted slave was sometimes allowed1 not only freedom1 but a certain gift1 and often with the condition that1 if he had not lawful issue1 the gift1 and its increase by his industry1 should revert to the master or his heir4 ,so1 in after times1 the lord of the soil1 or the monarch1 gave portions of land to his vassals upon condition of service1 and1 upon failure of service or of heirs1 his land escheated1 or went back to the lord of the soil4 ,the document is found in lib4 v4 indic4 xiv4 epist4 xii4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,montan et ,thom3 ,libertatem dat1 et eos cives ,romanos efficit4 ,cum ,redemptor noster totius conditor creatur ad hoc propitiatus humanam voluerit carnem assumere1 ut divinitatis su gratia1 dirupto quo tenebamur captivi vinculo servitutis1 pristin nos restitueret libertati3 salubriter agitur1 si homines quos ab initio natura liberos protulit1 et jus gentium jugo substituit servitutis1 in e natur in qu nati fuerant1 manumittentis beneficio1 libertati reddantur4 ,atque ideo pietatis intuitu1 et hujus rei consideratione permoti1 vos ,montanam atque ,thomam famulos sanct ,roman ecclesi1 cui1 ,deo adjutore1 deservimus1 liberos ex hac die1 civesque ,romanos efficimus1 omneque vestrum vobis relaxamus servitutis peculium4 ,et quia tu1 ,montana1 animum te ad conversionem fateris appulisse monachicam3 idcirco duas uncias1 quas tibi quondam ,gaudiosus presbyter per suprem su voluntatis arbitrium institutionis modo noscitur reliquisse1 hac die tibi donamus1 atque concedimus omnia scilicet monasterio ,sancti ,laurentii cui ,constantina abbatissa prest1 in quo converti ,deo miserante festinas1 modis omnibus profutura4 ,si quid vero de rebus suprascripti ,gaudiosi te aliquomodo celasse constituerit1 id totum ecclesi nostr juri sine dubio mancipetur4 ,tibi autem1 suprascripto ,thom1 quem pro libertatis tu cumulo etiam inter notarios volumus militare1 quinque uncias1 quas prfatus ,gaudiosus presbyter per ultimam voluntatem hereditario tibi nomine dereliquit1 simul et sponsalia qu matri tu conscripserat1 similiter hac die per hujus manumissionis paginam donamus1 atque concedimus1 e sane lege1 atque conditione subnex1 ut si sine filiis legitimis1 hoc est1 de legitimo susceptis conjugio1 te obire contigerit1 omnia qu tibi concessimus1 ad jus sanct ,roman ecclesi sine diminutione aliqu revertantur4 ,si autem filios de conjugio1 sicut diximus1 cognitos lege susceperis1 eosque superstites reliqueris1 earumdem to rerum dominum sine quadam statuimus conditione persistere1 et testamentum de his faciendi liberam tibi tribuimus potestatem4 ,hc igitur1 qu per hujus manumissionis chartulam statuimus1 atque concessimus1 nos successoresque nostros1 sine aliqu scitote refragatione servare4 ,nam justiti ac rationis ordo suadet1 ut qui sua a successoribus desiderat mandata servari1 decessoris sui proculdubio voluntatem et statuta custodiat4 ,hanc autem manumissionis paginam ,paterio notario scribendam dictavimus1 et propri manu un cum tribus presbyteris prioribus et tribus diaconis pro plenissim firmitate subscripsimus1 vobisque tradidimus4 ,actum in urbe ,rom4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory to ,montana and ,thomas3 8,he emancipates them1 and makes them ,roman citizens4 8,since our ,redeemer1 the ,maker of every creature1 mercifully vouchsafed to take human flesh1 that1 breaking the chain by which we were held captive1 he may1 by the grace of his divinity1 restore us to our first liberty1 it is then salutary that they whom he at first made free by nature1 and whom the law of nations subjected to the yoke of slavery1 should in the nature in which they were born be restored to liberty by that kindness of their emancipator4 ,and therefore1 moved by this consideration1 and in respect to piety1 we make you1 ,montana and ,thomas1 slaves of the holy ,roman church1 in whose service we are by ,god's help engaged1 from this day forward free and ,roman citizens4 ,and we release to you all your allowance of slavery4 8,and because you1 ,montana1 have declared that it was your wish to enter into the monastic state1 we give and grant to you this day two ounces1 which it is well known were formerly left as a legacy to you for inheritance by the priest ,gaudiosus1 to be by all means available to the monastery of ,st4 ,lawrence1 over which ,constantina is superioress1 and into which you desire anxiously by ,god's mercy to be admitted4 ,but should it appear that you have concealed any of the effects of the said ,gaudiosus1 the entire thereof doubtless is by right for the service of our church4 8,but to you1 the said ,thomas1 whom1 in addition to the bestowal of freedom1 we desire to be enrolled in service among our notaries1 we likewise this day give and grant1 by this charter of manumission1 five ounces which the same ,gaudiosus the priest left to you by name in his last will1 and the portion which he assigned for your mother1 but upon this ground and condition well attached1 that1 should you die without issue by lawful marriage1 all those goods which we have granted to you shall come back1 without any diminution1 under the dominion of the holy ,roman church2 but should you leave behind you children lawfully recognised from your marriage1 we give to you full power to hold the same effects as their owner1 and without any condition1 and to make free disposition of the same by will4 8,know you1 therefore1 that what we have thus1 by this charter of manumission1 enacted and granted to you1 bind1 without any gainsay1 ourselves and our successors for its observance4 ,for the order of justice and of reason requires that he who desires his own commands to be observed by his successors1 should also doubtless observe the will and the statutes of his predecessor4 8,we have dictated this writing of manumission to be copied by our notary ,paterius1 and have for its most perfect stability subscribed it with our hand1 and with those of three of the more dignified priests and three deacons1 and delivered them to you4 8,done in the city of ,rome1 c40 99 99 99 99 99 ,one of the subjects which at all times caused slavery to be surrounded with great difficulties was the result of marriage4 ,the liability to separation of those married was a more galling affliction in the ,christian law1 where the ,saviour made marriage indissoluble1 and it often happened that an avaricious or capricious owner cared as little for the marriage bond as he did for the natural tie of affection4 ,hence1 as ,christianity became the religion of the state1 or of the great body of the people1 it was imperatively demanded that some restraint should be placed upon that absolute power which the owners sometimes abused1 of wantonly making these separations4 ,on the other hand1 the association of the sexes made marriage desirable3 it was ordained by ,god to be the general state of the bulk of mankind1 and even the self-interest or the avarice of the master calculated upon its results4 ,then again the slave dreaded separation1 not only because of the violence committed on the most sacred affections1 but also because1 though the husband and wife should be separated by impassable barriers1 yet the bond of their union subsisted1 and could be severed by death alone4 ,this was a strong temptation to both master and slave to prefer concubinage to wedlock4 ,another difficulty arose1 in cases of the colonist1 by reason of the claims of the several owners where colonists of distinct estates and different owners intermarried4 ,in the case of perfect slaves1 the child generally followed the mother1 both as regarded condition and property4 ,this was not1 however1 universally the case4 ,but the owners of colonized lands set up different claims4 ,at length the dispute was settled in the ,roman ,empire by a law of ,justinian1 in #eci1 ,novell4 clxii4 cap4 iii41 and confirmed by a decision in a case brought up by the church-wardens of ,apamea1 in ,phrygia1 in #eda1 on the kalends of ,march1 by dividing equally the progeny between the estates to which the parents belonged1 giving the preference1 in all cases of uneven number1 to that estate to which the mother was attached4 ,nov4 clvii4 tit4 xxxix4 ,the following law concerning marriages and the separation of married persons from each other1 and of children from their parents1 is of the same date4 ,,novell4 ,,clvii4 ,de ,rusticis qui in alienis prdiis nuptias contrahunt4 ,tit4 xl4 ,imp4 ,justin4 ,august4 ,lazaro ,comiti ,orientis4 ,prfatio4 ,ex his qu diverso modo ad nos relata sunt1 didicimus in ,mesopotami et ,osdroen provinciis quidquam delinqui1 nostris plane temporibus indignum3 consuetudinem etiam apud ipsos esse1 ut qui ex diversis originem trahant prdiis1 nuptias inter se contrahant4 ,inde sane conari dominos1 de facto jam contractas nuptias dissolvere1 aut procreatos filios a parentibus abstrahere1 exindeque totum ilium locum misere affligi1 dum et rusticani viri et mulieres ex un parte distrahantur1 et proles his adimitur1 qui in lucem produxerunt1 et sol nostr opus esse providenti4 ,cap4 ,i4 ,sancimus igitur1 ut prdiorum domini de ctero rusticos suos1 prout voluerint1 conservent3 neque quisquam eos qui jam conjuncti sunt possit secundum consuetudinem prius obtinentem divellere1 aut compellere ut terram ad ipsos pertinentem colant1 abstrahereve a parentibus filios prtextu conditionis colonari4 ,sed et si quid hujusmodi forte jam factum est1 corrigi hoc simul1 et restitui efficies1 sive filios abstrahi contigerit1 sive etiam mulieres1 nempe vel a parentibus1 vel contubernii consortibus3 eo1 qui reliquo deinceps tempore hujusmodi aliquid facere prsumpserit1 etiam de ipso prdio in periculum vocando4 ,quare libera sunto contubernia metu1 qui dudum ipsis immittitur1 et parentes habento ex hac jussione filios suos3 nequeuntibus prdiorum dominis subtilibus contendere rationibus1 et vel nuptias contrahentes vel filios abstrahere4 ,qui enim tale quid facere prsumpserit1 etiam de ipso prdio in periculum veniet1 cui eos vindicare rusticos attentat4 ,epilogus4 ,qu igitur nobis placuerunt1 et per sacram hanc pragmaticam declarantur fornam1 eam providentiam habeto magnificentia tua1 tibique obtemperans cohors1 et qui pro tempore eundem magistratum geret2 ut ad effectum deducantur conserventurque1 trium librarum auri pna imminenti ei1 qui ullo unquam tempore hc transgredi attentaverit4 ,dat4 ,kal4 ,maii1 ,constantinop4 ,d4,n4 ,justin4 ,,pp4 ,aug4 ,bisil4 ,v4,c4 ,cons4 99 99 99 99 99 8,of country persons who contract marriage on divers estates4 ,the ,emperor ,,justinian ,,augustus1 to ,lazarus the ,count of the ,east4 8,preamble4 ,we have learned by relation in various ways1 that a delinquency quite unworthy of our times is allowed in the provinces of ,mesopotamia and of ,osdroene4 ,they have a custom of having marriage contracted between those born on different estates3 whence the masters endeavour to dissolve marriages actually contracted1 or to take away from the parents the children who are their issue2 upon which account that entire place is miserably afflicted1 while country people1 husbands and wives1 are drawn away from each other1 and the children whom they brought into light are taken away from them2 and that there needs for the regulation only our provision4 8,chapter ,i4 ,wherefore1 we enact1 that otherwise the masters of the aforesaid keep their colonists as they will2 but1 it shall not be allowed1 by virtue of any custom heretofore introduced and in existence1 to put away from each other those who were married1 or to force them to cultivate the land belonging to themselves1 or to take away children from their parents1 under the colour of colonial condition4 ,and you will be careful that if any thing of this sort has haply been already done1 the same be corrected and restitution made1 whether it be that children were taken away from their parents or women from their consorts of marriage4 ,and for any who shall in future presume to act in this way1 it shall be at the hazard of losing the estate itself4 8,wherefore1 let marriages of servants be exempt from that fear which has hitherto hung over them3 and from the issue of this order1 let the parents have their children4 ,it shall not be competent for the lords of the estates to strive by any subtle arguments either to take away those who contract marriage1 or their children4 ,for he who shall presume to do any such thing shall incur the risk of losing that estate for which he attempts to claim those colonists4 8,epilogue4 ,that therefore which has been good in our view1 and is declared by this sacred pragmatic form1 let your magnificence provide to have carried into execution1 and the cohort which obeys you1 as also he who for the time being shall hold the same magisterial office4 ,to the end1 then1 that this edict may produce its effect and continue in force1 let him who may at any time violate its enactments be liable to a penalty of three pounds of gold4 8,given at ,constantinople1 on the kalends of ,may1 our most pious lord ,justinian being ,augustus1 and the most renowned ,basil being consul40 ,to rectify this1 it became a principle1 where an estate was large and the colonists numerous1 to confine the choice of the servants within the bounds of the property2 and thus marriage had its full sanctity1 and families remained without separation4 ,we have an instance of the exercise of this right1 by ,pope ,st4 ,gregory1 in a document found in lib4 x4 indic4 v4 epist4 #bh4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,romano ,defensori4 ,de filiis ,petri defensoris extra massam in qua nati sunt non jungendis4 ,petrus quem defensorem fecimus1 quia de massa juris ecclesi nostr1 qu ,vitelas dicitur1 oriundus sit1 experienti tu bene est cognitum4 ,et ideo quia circa eum benigni debemus existere1 ut tamen ecclesi utilitas non ldatur3 hac tibi preptione mandamus1 ut eum districte debeas admonere1 ne filios suos quolibet ingenio vel excusatione foris alicubi in conjugio sociare prsumat1 sed in e mass1 cui lege et conditione ligati sunt1 socientur4 ,in qu re etiam et tuam omnino necesse est experientiam esse sollicitam1 atque eos terrere1 ut qualibet occasione de possessione cui oriundo subjecti sunt exire non debeant4 ,nam si quis eorum exinde1 quod non credimus1 exire prsumpserit2 certum illi est quia noster consensus nunquam illi aderit1 ut foris de mass in qu nati sunt1 aut habitare aut debeant sociari1 sed et superscribi terram eorum4 ,atque tunc sciatis vos non leve periculum sustinere1 si vobis negligentibus quisquam ipsorum quidquam de iis qu prohibemus facere qualibet sorte tentaverit4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory to the ,proctor ,romanus4 8,of not marrying the children of ,peter the ,proctor1 without the limits of the estate upon which they were born4 8,you1 experienced sir1 are well aware that ,peter1 whom we made a proctor1 is a native of the estate of our church territory which is called ,vitelas4 ,and as our desire is to act towards him with such favour as is compatible with avoiding any injury to the church1 we command you by this precept1 that you should strictly warn him not to presume1 under any pretext or excuse1 to have his children joined in wedlock anywhere but on that estate to which they may be bound by law or by condition4 ,in which matter it is quite necessary that you1 experienced sir1 be very careful1 and instil into them a fear to prevent any of them from going on any account beyond the estate to which they are subject by origin4 ,for if any one of them shall presume1 as we believe he will not1 to go thence1 let him be assured that he shall never have our consent either to dwell or to associate himself without the estate on which he was born1 but that the land of any such person shall be more heavily charged 7superscribi74 ,and know you1 that if1 by your negligence1 any of them shall attempt to do any of those things which we prohibit1 you will incur no small danger40 99 99 99 99 99 ,many of the restrictions on marriage that are found in subsequent ages1 under the feudal system1 had their origin in this principle1 because indeed the vassal1 in feudal times1 was but a slave under a more loose dominion in a mitigated form4 ,the following document shows that1 in the west1 the separation of married persons was very uncommon1 7quam sit inauditum atque crudele1 unheard of and cruel47 ,it is found in lib4 iii4 indic4 iii4 ep4 xii4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,maximiano ,episcopo ,syracusano4 ,de uxore cujusdam ablat et alteri venumdat4 ,tanta nobis subinde mala1 qu aguntur in ist provinci1 nunciantur1 ut peccatis facientibus1 quod avertat omnipotens ,deus1 celeriter eam perituram credamus4 ,prsentium namque portitor veniens lacrymabiliter qustus est1 ante plurimos annos ab homine nescio quo de possessione ,messanensis ecclesi de fontibus se susceptum1 et violenter diversis suasionibus puell ipsius junctum1 ex qu juvenculos filios jam habere se asseruit1 et quam nunc violenter huic disjunctam abstulisse dicitur1 atque cuidam alii venumdedisse4 ,quod si verum est1 quam sit inauditum atque crudele malum1 tua bone dilectio perspicit4 ,ideoque admonemus1 ut hoc tantum nefas sub ea vivacite1 quam te in causis piis habere certissime scimus1 requiras atque discutias4 ,et si ita1 ut supradictus portitor insinuavit1 esse cognoveris1 non solum quod male factum est1 ad statum pristinum revocare curabis2 sed et vindictam1 qu ,deum possit placare1 exhibere modis omnibus festinabis4 ,episcopum vero1 qui homines suos talia agentes corrigere negligit atque emendare1 vehementer aggredere1 proponens1 quia si denuo talis ad nos de quoquam qui ad eum pertinet qurela pervenerit1 non in eum qui excesserit1 sed in ipsum canonice vindicta procedet4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory to ,maximian1 ,bishop of ,syracuse4 8,concerning the wife of some one that was taken away and sold to another4 8,we are told of so many bad things done in that province1 that we are led to believe1 which may ,god forbid1 the place must soon be destroyed4 8,now1 the bearer of these presents complained to us in a pitiable manner1 that many years ago1 some man whom ,i know not1 belonging to the church of ,messina stood as his sponsor at baptism1 and prevailed upon him by extreme urgency to marry his servant1 by whom1 he says1 he has now young children1 and whom now this man has violently taken away and sold to another4 ,if this be true1 you1 our beloved1 will see plainly how unheard of and how cruel is the evil4 ,we therefore admonish you to look into and to sift so great a crime1 with that earnestness which we assuredly know you have in matters of piety3 and should you come to know that the fact is as the aforesaid bearer has stated1 you will be careful not only to bring back to its former state that which was badly done1 but you will quickly1 by all means1 have that punishment inflicted which may appease ,god4 ,give a severe lecture to the bishop that neglected to correct or to amend his people who do such things2 setting before him that if a like complaint comes to us again of any one who belongs to him1 canonical process for punishment shall issue1 not against the one that shall have done wrong1 but against himself40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiv4 ,the form of a deed of gift found in lib4 ii4 indic4 xi4 epist4 #ah3 ,,gregorius1 ,theodoro ,consiliario4 ,acosimum puerum dat per epistolam4 ,ecclesiasticis utilitatibus desudantes ecclesiastic dignum est remuneratione gaudere1 ut qui se voluntariis obsequiorum necessitatibus spont subjiciunt1 dign nostris provisionibus consolentur4 ,quia igitur te ,theodorum1 virum eloquentissimum1 consiliarium nostrum1 mancipiorum cognovimus ministerio destitutum1 ideo puerum nomine ,acosimum1 natione ,siculum1 juri dominioque tuo dari tradique prcipimus4 ,quem quoniam traditum ex nostr voluntate jam possides1 hujus te necesse fuit scripti pro futuri temporis testimonio ac robore largitatis auctoritate fulciri3 quatenus1 ,domino protegente1 secur eum semper et sine ullius retractionis suspicione1 quippe ut dominus1 valeas possidere4 ,neque enim quemquam fore credimus1 qui tam parvam largitatem pro tu tibi devotione concessam desideret1 vel tentet ullo modo revocare3 cm uno eodemque tempore1 et verecundum sit a decessoribus ben gesta resolvere1 et verecundum sit docere ceteros in su quandoque resolutoriam proferre largitate sententiam4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory1 to ,theodore the ,counsellor4 8,he1 by letter1 gives him the boy ,acosimus4 8,it is fit that they who labour for the benefit of the church should enjoy a reward from the church1 that they who voluntarily and of their own accord have undertaken burthensome duties should be worthily assisted by our provision4 ,because1 therefore1 we have known that you1 ,theodore1 our counsellor1 a most eloquent man1 were not well provided with the service of slaves1 we have ordered that a boy1 by name ,acosimus1 of the ,sicilian nation1 should be given up and delivered to your right and dominion4 ,and as you already have him in your possession by delivery1 upon our will1 it was necessary to fortify you with the authority of this writing as a testimony to the future and for protection of the gift3 so that by ,god's protection you may have power to possess him as his lord and master1 always securely for ever and without any question being raised of his being in any way taken back4 ,nor indeed do we believe that there is any one who would desire or would attempt in any way to revoke so small a bounty given to you for your devotion1 since it would be shameful to undo the good deeds of our predecessors1 as it would to teach others that each could from time to time make the revocation of his own gift40 99 99 99 99 99 ,the next document is found in lib4 x4 indic4 v4 epist4 #dj3 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,bonito ,defensori4 ,de mancipio ,fortunati ,abbatis4 ,filius noster ,fortunatus abbas monasterii sancti ,severini1 quod in hc urbe ,roman situm est1 latores prsentium1 monachos suos1 illic pro recolligendis mancipiis juris sui monasterii qu illic latitare dicuntur dirigens1 petiit ut experienti tu ei debeant adesse solatia4 ,e propter prsenti tibi auctoritate prcipimus1 ut eis in omnibus salv ratione concurrere ac opitulari festines3 quatenus te illic corm posito1 atque in hc caus ferente solatia1 salubriter hc citis valeant qu sibi injuncta sunt ad effectum1 ,deo auctore1 perducere4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory1 to the ,proctor ,bonitus4 8,concerning the slave of the ,abbot ,fortunatus4 8,our son ,fortunatus1 the abbot of the monastery of ,st4 ,severinus which is in the city of ,rome1 directing his monks1 the bearers of these presents to your neighbourhood1 to gather slaves belonging to the rights of his monastery1 who are said to be there in concealment1 begged that he should have your aid for that object4 ,wherefore1 we command you1 by this present order1 that you would be alert in giving them all reasonable concurrence and aid2 so that you being present there and comforting them in this business1 they may1 with ,god's aid1 be able in a wholesome manner the sooner to perform the duty which has been laid upon them40 99 99 99 99 99 ,the pope did not consider it unbecoming in the monastery of ,st4 ,severinus to hold slaves1 nor irreligious for the abbot to send monks to bring back runaways1 nor criminal for the monks to go looking for them1 nor offensive to ,god1 on his own part1 to give letters to his officer and overseers to aid by all reasonable means to discover and to capture them4 ,the following document enters into details for the recovery of a runaway slave4 ,it is found in lib4 vii4 ind4 ii4 epist4 #ajg4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius ,sergio ,defensori4 ,de ,petro puero fug lapso4 ,filius noster vir magnificus ,occilianus1 tribunus ,hydruntin civitatis1 ad nos veniens1 puerum unum1 ,petrum nomine1 artis pistori1 ex jure germani nostri1 ad eum noscitur perduxisse4 ,quem nunc fug lapsum ad partes illas reverti cognovimus4 ,experientia ergo tua1 antequam ad ,hydruntinam civitatem valeat is ipse contingere1 sub qu valueris celeritate1 vel ad episcopum ,hydruntin civitatis1 vel ad prdictum tribunum1 si vel alium quem in loco tuo te habere cognoscis1 scripta dirigas1 ut uxorem vel filios prdicti mancipii sub omni habere debeant cautel atque de ipso sollicitudinem gerere1 ut preveniens valeat detineri1 et mox1 cum rebus suis omnibus qu ad eum pertinent navi impositis1 per fidelem personam huc modis omnibus destinari4 ,experientia itaque tua cum omni hoc studeat efficaci solertique perficere1 ne de neglectu vel mor nostros quod non optamus animos offendas4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory1 to the ,proctor ,sergius4 8,concerning ,peter1 a servant who fled away4 8,our son ,occilianus1 a highly respectable man1 a tribune of the city of ,otranto1 brought with him to our cousin1 as is known1 when he was coming to us1 a boy named ,peter1 a baker1 who belonged to that cousin4 ,we have now learned that he has run away1 and returned to your country4 ,let then it be your care1 experienced sir1 before he shall be able to get back to ,otranto1 to direct1 as quickly as you can1 a writing to the bishop of ,otranto1 or to the foresaid tribune himself1 or to any one else whom you know1 that you can depute1 to have a good care of the wife or children of the said slave1 and to be very careful respecting himself1 that as soon as he shall arrive he may be detained1 and sent with every thing that pertains to him1 by all means hither1 embarking them on board a ship under care of some faithful person4 8,you1 experienced sir1 will therefore exert yourself to do this with all attention and effect1 so as not to displease us by a delay or neglect1 which we should not desire40 99 99 99 99 99 ,the following is taken from lib4 viii4 indic4 iii4 epist4 #d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,fantino ,defensori4 ,de mancipiis ,romani spectabilis viri4 ,mancipia juris ,romani spectabilis memori viri1 qui in domo su gu ,neapoli sita est monasterium ordinari constituit1 habitare in ,sicili perhibentur4 ,et quia monasterium ipsum juxta voluntatem ejus1 ,deo auctore1 noscitur ordinatum1 experientia tua prsentium portitoribus1 qui ad recolligenda mancipia ipsa illuc directi sunt1 omni studio solatiari festinet1 et recollectis eis1 possessiones illi ubi laborare debeant1 te solatiante1 conducant4 ,et quidquid eorum labore accesserit1 reservato unde ipsi possint subsistere1 reliqua ad prdictum monasterium1 experienti tu cur1 annis singulis1 auxiliante ,domino1 transmittantur4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory1 to the ,proctor ,fantinus4 8,concerning the slaves of the honourable man ,romanus4 8,the slaves of the man of honourable memory1 ,romanus1 who directed that his house in ,naples should be formed into a monastery1 are said to dwell in ,sicily4 ,and as it is known that1 with ,god's help1 the monastery has been established according to the regulations of his will2 you1 experienced sir1 will without delay use your best efforts to aid the bearers of these presents1 who are sent thither1 to collect those slaves3 and when they shall be collected1 let them hire lands under your countenance1 where they may labour2 keeping them out of their produce of labour1 whatever may be necessary for their support2 let the remainder1 under the care of you1 experienced sir1 be sent1 with ,god's help1 every year to the foresaid monastery40 99 99 99 99 99 ,,gregorius1 ,vitali ,defensori ,sardini4 ,de ,barbaricinis mancipiis comparandis4 ,bonifacium prsentium portitorem1 notarium scilicet nostrum1 nos experientia tua illuc transmisisse cognoscat1 ut in utilitatem parochi ,barbaricina debeat mancipia comparare4 ,et ideo experientia tua omnino et studio sesolliciteque concurrat1 ut bono pretio1 et talia debeat comparare1 qu inministerio parochi utilia valeant inveniri1 atque emptis eis huc ,deo protegente is ipse celerius possit remeare4 ,ita ergo te in hac re exhibere festina1 ut te quasi servientium amatorem1 quorum usibus emuntur1 ostendas1 et nobis ipsi te de tu valeant sollicitudine commendare4 99 99 99 99 99 8,,gregory1 to ,vitalis1 ,proctor of ,sardinia4 8,of buying ,barbary slaves4 8,know1 experienced sir1 that ,boniface1 our notary1 the bearer of these presents1 has been sent by us to your place to purchase some ,barbary slaves for the use of the hospital4 ,and therefore1 you will be careful to concur diligently and attentively with him1 that he may buy them at a good rate1 and such as would be found useful for the service of the hospital4 ,and that having bought them1 he may1 under the protection of ,god1 very speedily return hither4 ,do you then be prompt to show yourself in this business so as to exhibit your affection for those who serve the hospital1 and for whose use the purchase is made1 and that they may have it in their power to commend you to us for your zeal in their regard40 99 99 99 99 99 ,the word parochi1 which is translated 8hospital10 is more properly ptochia in some of the ancient ,,mss41 which is a sort of ,latinized imitation of --a house for feeding the poor4 ,gregory had a large establishment of this description in ,rome1 attended by pious monks1 for whose service those barbarians were purchased4 ,procopius informs us1 lib4 ii4 de ,bello ,vandanco1 cap4 #ac1 who these ,barbary slaves were4 8,when the ,vandals had conquered the ,moors of ,africa1 they were annoyed by the incursions of some of the barbarians of the southern part of ,numidia4 ,in order to prevent this1 they seized upon them1 their wives and children1 and transported them to the island of ,sardinia3 kept prisoners and slaves for some time here1 they escaped to the vicinity of ,cagliari1 and1 forming a body of #cjjj men1 they regained a sort of freedom4 ,gregory made various efforts to convert them4 ,they who were kept in thraldom were frequently purchased1 as in this instance1 by the ,italians and others40 ,this is the first instance on record of the purchase of negro slaves by the church1 and occurred about the year #fjj4 ,at that time1 white slaves cost less than the expense of importation from ,africa4 ,in his sixth book1 ep4 #ba1 ,gregory commands the priest ,candidus1 who was his agent in ,gaul1 to purchase four of the brothers of one ,dominic1 who complained to him that they were redeemed from their captors by ,jews in ,narbonne1 and held by them in slavery4 ,the seventh book1 ep4 #bb1 to ,john1 the bishop of ,syracuse1 is a very curious document4 ,it recites the case of one ,felix1 who was a slave born of ,christian parents1 and given in his youth as a present to a ,jew by a ,christian owner3 he served illegally during nineteen years the ,jew who was disqualified from holding a ,christian slave2 but ,maximinian the former bishop of ,syracuse1 learning the facts1 had1 as in duty bound1 ,felix discharged from this service and made free4 ,five years subsequently1 a son of the ,jew became1 or pretended to become1 a ,christian1 and being thus qualified to hold a ,christian slave1 claimed ,felix as his property4 ,felix appealed to the pope1 and the letter to the bishop of ,syracuse is a decision in favour of his freedom1 containing also an order to the bishop to protect him and defend his liberty4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xv4 ,we have heretofore1 in our fifth lesson1 noticed the doctrine of the church1 that the civil power had the prerogative of making laws in regard to slavery2 although1 at that time1 paganism may be said to have governed the world4 ,and while we travel rapidly through the seventh century1 finding the ,roman ,empire1 the mistress of the world1 now tottering to decay2 the ,lombards firmly established in ,italy2 the ,franks in ,gaul2 the ,goths in ,spain2 the ,suevi in ,portugal2 and all ,germany filled by various hordes1 governed by their petty chieftains1 just now showing some symptoms of civilization1 and ,christianity in the ascendant2 yet we find this doctrine of the church unchanged4 ,the church may now be considered strong2 and although the civil power is regarded as the legitimate legislative authority1 yet1 in no instance1 are the laws found to run counter to the doctrines of the church on this subject4 ,in the precept of ,king ,clotaire ,,ii4 for endowing the abbey of ,corbey1 after the grant of the parcels of land therein recited1 he adds1 8un cum terris1 domibus1 mancipiis1 dificiis1 vineis1 silvis1 pratis1 pascuis1 farinariis1 et cunctis appenditiis10 c4--,together with the lands1 houses1 slaves1 buildings1 vineyards1 woods1 meadows1 pastures1 granaries1 and all appendages4 ,and the abbey not only possessed the slaves as property1 but by the same precept had civil jurisdiction over all its territory and all persons and things thereon1 to the exclusion of all other judges4 ,the fourth council of ,toledo1 in #fcc1 in its fifty-ninth canon1 by the authority of ,king ,sisenand and his nobles in ,spain1 restored to liberty any slaves whom the ,jews should circumcise1 and in the sixty-sixth canon1 by the same authority1 ,jews were thenceforth rendered incapable of holding ,christian slaves4 ,the seventieth and the seventy-first canons regulated the process regarding the freed persons and colonists of the church1 and the latter affixed a penalty of reduction to slavery for neglect of formal observances useful to preserve the evidence of title for the colonist4 ,the seventy-second canon places the freed persons1 whether wholly manumitted or only conditioned1 when settled under patronage of the church1 under the protection of the clergy4 ,the seventy-fourth allows the church to manumit worthy slaves belonging to herself1 so that they may be ordained priests or deacons1 but still keeps the property they may acquire1 as belonging to the church which manumitted them1 and restricts them even in their capacity as witnesses in several instances2 and should they violate this condition1 declares them suspended4 ,in the year #fej1 which was the sixth of ,king ,clovis ,,ii41 a council was held at ,chalons4 ,the canon begins with the announcement-- ,pietatis est maxim et religionis intuitus1 ut captivitatis vinculum omnino ,christianis redimatur4 ,unde sancta synodus noscitur censuisse1 ut nullus mancipium extra fines vel terminos qui ad regnum domini ,clodovei regis pertinent1 penitus1 debeat venumdare2 ne1 quod absit1 per tale commercium aut captivitatis vinculo1 vel1 quod pejus est1 ,judaic servitute mancipia ,christiana teneantur implicita4 8,it is a work of the greatest piety1 and the intent of religion1 that the bond of captivity should be entirely redeemed from ,christians4 ,whence it is known to be the opinion of the holy synod1 that no one ought1 at all1 to sell a slave beyond the dominions of our lord ,clovis the king2 lest1 which ,god forbid1 ,christian slaves should be kept entangled in the chains of captivity1 or what is worse1 under ,jewish bondage40 ,in the tenth council of ,toledo1 celebrated in the year #fef1 in the reign of ,receswind1 king of the ,goths1 the seventh chapter is a bitter complaint of the practice1 which still prevailed among ,christians1 of selling ,christian slaves to the ,jews1 to the subversion of their faith or their grievous oppression4 ,in the year #fff1 a council was held in ,merida1 in ,spain4 ,the eighteenth canon of which allows that1 of the slaves belonging to the church1 some may be ordained minor clerks1 who shall serve the priests as their masters with due fidelity1 receiving only food and raiment4 ,the twentieth chapter complains of many irregularities in the mode of making freedmen for the service of the church1 regulates the mode of making them1 and provides for the preservation of the evidence of their obligation and the security of their service4 ,the twenty-first regulates the extent to which a bishop shall be allowed to grant gifts to his friends1 the slaves1 the freedmen1 or others4 ,the thirteenth council of ,toledo was held in the year #fhc1 in the reign of ,ervigius1 the successor of ,wamba4 ,there was an old law of the ,goths1 found in lib4 v4 tit4 vii41 and repeated in other forms in lib4 x4 and xi41 regulating that no freedman should do an injury or an unkindness to his master1 and authorizing the master who had suffered1 to bring such offender back again to his state of slavery4 ,and in lib4 xvii4 the freedman1 and his progeny for ever1 were prohibited from contracting marriage with the family of their patron or behaving with insolence to them4 ,king ,ervigius was reminded by many of his nobles that former kings1 in derogation of this law1 had given employments about the palace to slaves and to freedmen1 and even sustained them in giving offence to their masters1 had even sometimes ordered them so to do1 and protected them2 for this the nobles sought redress4 ,the king called upon the council to unite with him in putting a stop to this indignity4 ,and in the sixth canon we have the detail of the evils set forth1 and also the enactment1 in concurrence with the king1 that thenceforward it shall be unlawful to give any employment whatever about the palace1 or in the concerns of the crown1 to any slave or freedman4 ,the third council of ,saragossa was celebrated in the year #fia1 in the reign of ,egica1 king of the ,goths4 ,in ,toledo1 it had been enacted1 that any freedman of the church1 who did not comply with certain regulations1 should lose his freedom and be reduced to slavery4 ,one of the conditions was1 that any person pretending to have been manumitted1 or claiming as the descendant of a freedman1 should1 upon the death of the bishop1 exhibit his papers to the successor of the deceased1 within a year1 or1 upon his neglect1 should be declared a slave4 ,the object of this was to discern those who were partially free from the perfect slave1 and to cause the former to preserve their muniments4 ,the fathers of ,saragossa1 however1 discovered that some of the bishops1 studying their own gain1 had been too rigid in enforcing this law1 and thereby reduced several negligent or ignorant persons to bondage2 in order then to do justice1 they enacted in their fourth chapter1 that the year within which the documents should be exhibited should not commence to run until after the new bishop1 subsequently to his institution1 should have given sufficient notice to those claiming to be put in partial service1 to produce their papers4 ,the sixteenth council of ,toledo was held in the year #fic4 ,the fifth chapter of the acts1 determining when a priest may hold two churches1 has the following passage3 ,ut ecclesia1 qu usque ad decem habuerit mancipia1 super se habeat sacerdotem1 qu vero minus decem mancipia habuerit aliis conjungatur ecclesiis4 8,that the church which shall have as many as ten slaves shall have one priest over it1 but that one which shall have less than ten slaves shall be united to other churches40 ,in the tenth chapter of the acts of the same council1 not only was excommunication pronounced against all who should be guilty of high treason against ,egica1 the king of the ,gothic nation1 but the bishops and clergy united with the nobles 7palatii senioribus7 and the popular representatives in condemning traitors and their progeny to perpetual slavery1 7fisci viribus sub perpetu servitute maneant religati47 ,the laws of ,ina1 king of the ,west ,saxons1 about the year #fib1 were made for the regulation of religion3 ,servus1 si quid operis patrrit die ,dominico ex prcepto domini sui1 liber esto1 dominus triginta solidos dependito4 ,verum si id operis injussu domini sui aggressus fuerit1 verberibus cditor1 aut saltem virgarum metum precio redimito4 ,liber1 si die hoc operetur injussu domini sui1 aut servituti addicitor1 aut sexaginta solidos dependito4 ,sacerdos1 si in hanc partem deliquerit1 pna in duplum augeator4 8,if a slave shall do any work on the ,lord's day1 by order of his master1 let him become free1 and let the master pay thirty shillings1 7another copy adds1 #8ad witam1' as a fine47 ,but1 if he went to this work without his master's command1 let him be cut with whips1 7another copy has #8corium perdat1' let him lose his skin17 or at least1 let him redeem the fear of the scourge by a price4 ,a freeman1 if on this day he shall work without the order of his lord1 let him be reduced to slavery1 or pay sixty shillings4 ,should a priest be delinquent in this respect1 his penalty shall be increased to double40 ,in the eighth1 the division of the weregild for the killing of a stranger3 ,wallus censum pendens annuum1 #abj solidorum stimatur1 filius ejus #ajj4 ,servus1 alias #fj1 alias #ej1 solidis valere putatur4 ,wallus virgarum metum #ab solidis redimito4 ,wallus quinque terr hydas possidens #fjj solidis stimandus est4 8,a stranger paying a yearly rent is to be rated at #abj shillings1 his son at #ajj4 ,a slave at either #ej or #fj1 is a fair estimation4 ,let a stranger redeem his fear of whipping for #ab shillings4 ,a stranger being in possession of five hydes of land is to be valued at #fjj shillings40 ,the seventeenth council of ,toledo was celebrated in #fid1 in the reign of ,egica4 ,it was enacted-- ,si quis servum proprium sine conscienti judicis occiderit1 excommunicatione biennii sanguinis se mundabit4 8,if any one shall put his own slave to death1 without the knowledge of the judge1 he shall cleanse himself the blood by an excommunication of two years40 ,in the council of ,berghamstead1 near ,canterbury1 held in #fig1 under ,withred1 king of ,kent1 at which ,gebmund1 bishop of ,rochester1 was present1 and where a sort of parliament also assembled and gave a civil sanction to the temporal enactments and penalties of the canons1 several regulations were made concerning slaves4 ,the ,saxon ,,ms4 is the adoption of the canons into the common law of ,canterbury1 anti is entitled 8,the ,judgments of ,withred40 ,the ninth canon in this collection is the following3 ,si quis servum suum ad altare manumiserit1 liber esto1 et habilis sit ad gaudendum hereditate et wirigildo1 et fas sit ei ubi volet sine limite versari4 8,if any person shall manumit his servant at the altar1 let him be free1 and capable of enjoying inheritance and weregild1 and let it be lawful for him to dwell where he pleases without limit40 ,the tenth canon is3 ,si in vesper prcedente diem solis postquam sol occubuit1 aut in vesper prcedente diem lun post occasum solis1 servus ex mandato domini sui opus aliquod servile egerit1 dominus factum octoginta solidis luito4 8,if on the evening preceding ,sunday1 after the sun has set1 or on the evening preceding ,monday1 after the setting of the sun1 a slave shall do any servile work by command of his master1 let the master compensate the deed by eighty shillings40 ,the eleventh3 ,si servus hisce diebus itineraverit1 domino pendat sex solidos1 aut flagello cdatur4 8,if a servant shall have journeyed on these days1 let him pay six shillings to his master1 or be cut with a whip40 ,the thirteenth3 ,si paganus uxore nesci diabolo quid obtulerit1 omnibus fortunis suis plectatur et collistrigio4 ,sin et ambo pariter itidem fecerint1 omnium bonorum suorum amissione ipsa etiam luat et collistrigio4 8,if a villain1 without the knowledge of his wife1 shall have offered any thing to the devil1 let him be punished by the loss of all his fortune and by the pillory4 ,and if both did so together1 let her also lose all her goods and be punished by the pillory40 ,the ,english villain was the colonist of the ,european continent1 and in the ,speculum ,saxonicum1 lib4 i4 art4 #c1 his imperfect liberty is compared with the freeman4 ,also in ,du ,cange1 ,paganus1 ,pagenses1 c4 ,the fourteenth3 ,si servus diabolo offerat1 sex dependat solidos1 aut flagro vapulet4 8,if a slave offers to the devil1 let him pay six shillings1 or be whipped40 ,the fifteenth3 ,si quis servo carnem in jejunio dederit comedendam1 servus liber exeat4 8,if any one shall give his slave flesh-meat to eat on a fast-day1 let the slave go out free40 ,the sixteenth3 ,si servus ex sponte su eam ederit1 aut sex solidis aut flagello4 8,if the slave shall eat it of his own motion1 let the penalty be either six shillings or a whipping40 ,after regulating the mode of declaration of swearing and of compurgation1 for the king1 the bishop1 the abbot1 the priest1 the deacon1 the cleric1 the stranger1 and the king's thane1 the twenty-first canon enacts-- ,paganus cum quatuor compurgatoribus1 capite suo ad altare inclinato1 semet eximat4 8,let the villain deliver himself with four compurgators1 with his head bowed down to the altar40 ,the twenty-third3 ,si quis ,dei mancipium in conventu suo accusaverit1 dominus ejus eum simplici suo juramento purgabit1 si eucharistiam susceperit4 ,ad eucharistiam autem si nusquam venerit1 habeat in juramento fidejussorem bonum1 vel solvat1 vel se tradat flagellandum4 8,if any person shall accuse a slave of ,god in his convent1 his lord shall purge him with a simple oath1 if he shall have received the eucharist4 ,but if he has never come to the eucharist1 let him in his oath have a good surety to answer1 or let him pay or give himself up to be whipped40 ,the slave of ,god was one belonging to a monastery1 of whom there appear to have been a good number in ,england1 at that period1 as well as on the continent4 ,the previous canon had legislated for the bishop's dependants as distinguished from the slave of the monastery4 ,the twenty-fourth canon is3 ,si servus viri popularis servum viri ecclesiastici accusaverit1 vel servus ecclesiastici servum viri popularis1 dominus ejus singulari suo juramento eum expurgabit4 8,if the slave of a lay person shall accuse the slave of a clergyman1 or if the slave of a clergyman shall accuse the slave of a layman1 let his master purge him by his single oath40 ,the twenty-seventh regulated the punishment of the person who permitted a thievish slave to escape1 and1 respecting the slave himself1 concluded thus3 ,si quis eum occiderit1 domino ejus dimidium pendito4 8,if any one shall slay him1 let him pay to his master one-half40 ,in ,germany1 however1 as yet1 in most places paganism prevailed1 and human sacrifices were offered4 ,st4 ,boniface had been sent by the ,holy ,see to endeavour to reclaim to religion and to civilization the nations or tribes that composed this undefined extent of territory4 ,we find in a letter of ,pope ,gregory ,,iii41 written in answer to his request for special instructions1 about the year #gce1 the following paragraph3 ,hc quoque inter alia crimina agi in partibus illis dixisti1 quod quidam ex fidelibus ad immolandum paganis sua venumdent mancipia4 ,quod ut magnopere corrigere debeas1 frater1 commonemus1 nec sinas fieri ultra3 scelus est enim et impietas4 ,eis ergo qui hc perpetraverunt1 similem homicid indices pnitentiam4 8,you have said that1 among other crimes1 this was done in those parts1 that some of the faithful sold their slaves to pagans to be immolated4 ,which you should use all your power to correct1 nor allow it to be done any more3 for it is wickedness and impiety4 ,impose then upon its perpetrators the same penance as for homicide40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvi4 ,theodore1 archbishop of ,canterbury1 governed the ,english church from #fgj to #fij1 when he died4 ,the following extracts are from his canonical regulations3 ,,vii4 ,grci et ,romani dant servis suis vestimenta1 et laborant excepto ,dominico die4 ,grcorum monachi servos non habent1 ,romani habent4 8,the ,greeks and ,romans give clothing to their slaves1 and they work except on the ,lord's day4 ,the ,greek monks have not slaves1 the ,romans have40 ,,xvii4 ,ingenuus cum ingenu conjungi debet4 8,a free man should be married to a free woman40 ,,lxv4 ,qui per jussionem domini sui occiderit hominem1 dies xl4 jejunet4 8,he who1 by the command of his master1 shall kill a man1 shall fast forty days40 ,the seventy-first prohibits the intermarriages of those slaves whose owners will prevent their living together4 ,the seventy-fourth regulates1 that if a free pregnant-woman be sold into slavery1 the child that she bears shall be free2 all subsequently born shall be slaves4 ,,lxxix4 ,pater filium necessitate coactus in servitium sine voluntate filii tradat4 8,a father1 compelled by necessity1 may deliver his son into slavery without the will of that son40 ,,lxxxix4 ,episcopus et abbas hominem sceleratum servum possunt habere1 si precium redimendi non habet4 8,a bishop or an abbot can hold a criminal in slavery1 if he have not the price of his redemption40 ,,cxvii4 ,servo pecuniam per laborem comparatam nulli licet auferre4 8,it is not lawful for any one to take away from a slave the money made by labour40 ,in the council of ,verberie1 held in a palace of ,king ,pepin1 the sixth canon made regulations in the case of marriage between free persons and slaves4 ,the following are its provisions3 #a4 ,if any free person contracted marriage with a slave1 being at the time ignorant of the state of bondage of that party1 the marriage was invalid4 #b4 ,if a person under bond should have a semblance of freedom by reason of condition1 and the free person be ignorant of the bondage1 and this bond person should be brought into servitude1 the marriage was declared originally void4 #c4 ,an exception was made where the bond person1 by reason of want1 should1 with the consent of the free party1 sell himself or herself into perfect slavery with the consent of the free party2 then the marriage was to stand good1 because the free party had consented to the enslavement1 and profited of its gains4 ,the seventh canon would seem to show that a slave could hold property in slaves3 ,si servus suam ancillam concubinam habuerit1 si ita placet1 potest ill dimiss comparem suam ancillam domini sui accipere3 sed melius est suam ancillam tenere4 8,if a man-servant shall have his own female slave as a concubine1 he shall have power1 if he wishes1 leaving her1 to marry his equal1 the female servant of his master3 but it is better that he should keep his own servant in wedlock40 ,the eighth canon provided1 in the case of a freedman who1 subsequently to his liberation1 committed sin with the female slave of his former master1 that the master should have power1 whether the freedman would or not1 to compel him to marry that female slave2 and should this man leave her1 and attempt a marriage with another woman1 this latter must be separated from him4 ,the thirteenth declares that when a freeman1 knowing that the woman whom he is about to marry is a slave1 or1 not having known it until after marriage1 voluntarily upon the discovery consents to the marriage1 it is thenceforth indissoluble4 ,the nineteenth declares that the separation of married parties1 by the sale of one who is a slave1 does not affect the marriage4 ,they must be admonished1 if they cannot be reunited1 to remain continent4 ,the twentieth provides for the case of a male slave freed by letter1 7chartellarius17 who1 having for his wife taken a slave with the lawful consent of her master1 and leaving her1 takes another as his wife4 ,the latter contract is void1 and the parties must separate4 ,another assembly was held by ,king ,pepin1 in ,compeigne1 forty-eight miles north-east of ,paris1 where he had a country-seat4 ,at this assembly also the prelates held a council in #geg1 and made eighteen canons4 ,the fourth makes provision for the case of a man's giving his free step-daughter in wedlock to a freeman or to a slave4 ,the fifth declares void the marriage between a free person and a slave1 where the former was ignorant of the condition of the latter4 ,the sixth regards a case of a complicated description1 where a freeman got a civil benefice from his lord1 and takes his own vassal with him1 and dies upon the benefice1 leaving after him the vassal4 ,another freeman becomes invested with the benefice1 and1 anxious to induce the vassal to remain1 gives him a female serf attached to the soil as his wife4 ,having lived with her for a time1 the vassal leaves her1 and returns to the lord's family1 to which he owed his services1 and there he contracts a marriage with one of the same allegiance4 ,his first contract was invalid1 the second was the marriage4 ,in the year #ggb1 a council was held in ,bavaria1 at a place called ,dingolvinga1 the present city of ,ingolstadt1 in the reign of ,tassilo1 duke of ,bavaria4 ,the tenth canon of this council decides that a noble woman1 who had contracted marriage with a slave1 not being aware of his condition1 is at liberty to leave him1 the contract being void1 and she is to be considered free and not to be reduced to slavery4 ,by noble we are here to understand free1 as distinguished from ignoble1 that is1 a slave4 ,we have then sixteen amendments of the national law4 ,the first regulates1 by the authority of the prince and consent of the whole assembly1 that henceforth no slave1 whether fugitive or other1 should be sold beyond the limits of the territory1 under penalty of the payment of his weregild4 ,in the second1 among other things1 it is enacted that if a slave should be killed in the commission of house-breaking1 his owner is to receive no compensation2 and should the felon who is killed in man-stealing1 when he could not be taken1 whether it be a freeman or a slave that he is carrying off1 no weregild shall be paid by the slayer1 but he shall be bound to prove his case before a court4 ,the seventh regards the trial by ordeal of slaves freed by the duke's hand4 ,the eighth establishes and guards the freedom1 not only of themselves1 but of their posterity1 of those freed in the church1 unless when they may be reduced to slavery from inability to pay for damages which they had committed4 ,the ninth contains1 among other enactments1 those which explain the tenth canon of the council4 ,after specifying different weregilds for freed persons1 it says-- ,si ancilla libera dimissa fuerit per chartam aut in ecclesi1 et post hc servo nupserit1 ecclesi ancilla permanebit4 8,should a female slave be emancipated by deed or in the church1 and afterwards marry a slave1 she shall be a slave to the church40 ,it then continues1 respecting a woman originally free1 and the nobilis of canon x43 ,si autem libera ,bajoaria servo ecclesi nupserit1 et servile opus ancilla contradixerit1 abscedat4 8,but if a free ,bavarian female shall have married a servant of the church1 and the maid will not submit to servile work1 she may depart40 ,si autem ibi filios et filias generaverit1 ipsi servi et ancill permaneant1 potestatem exinde 7exeundi7 non habeant4 8,but if she shall have there borne sons and daughters1 they shall continue slaves1 and not have power of going forth40 ,her freedom was not1 however1 immediately destroyed1 for the law proceeds-- ,illa autem mater eorum1 quando exire voluerit1 ante annos iii1 liberam habeat potestatem4 8,but she1 their mother1 when she may desire to go forth before three years1 shall have free power therefor40 ,in this case the marriage subsisted1 but the free woman could separate1 without however the marriage-bond being rent4 ,if she remained beyond the time of three years1 she lost her freedom2 and it shows us that1 probably1 previous to this amendment1 any free woman who married a slave1 thereby lost her own freedom2 and that the tenth canon1 showing the marriage of which it treated to be invalid1 showed that the woman should not lose her liberty4 ,the concluding provision of the ninth law is as follows3 ,si autem iii annos induraverit opus ancill1 et parentes ejus non exadomaverunt eam ut libera fuisset1 nec ante comitem1 ducem1 nec ante regem1 nec in publico mallo1 transactis tribus kalendis ,martis1 7,martu17 post hc ancilla permaneat in perpetuum1 et quicumque ex ea nati fuerint servi et ancill sunt4 8,but if she shall have continued three years doing the work of a slave1 and her relations have not brought her out so that she should be free1 either before the count1 or the duke1 or the king1 or in the public high court1 7mall17 when the kalends of ,march shall have thrice passed1 after this she shall remain perpetually a slave1 and they who shall be born of her1 male and female1 shall be slaves40 ,in #ggd1 ,pope ,adrian ,i4 delivered to ,charlemagne a digest of canon law1 then in force1 in which we find-- 8,the third of ,gangr1 condemning as guilty of heresy those who taught that religion sanctioned the slave in despising his master2 the thirtieth in the ,african collection1 which showed that the power of manumission in the church was derived from the civil authority2 the one hundred and second of the same1 which declared slaves and freed persons disqualified to prosecute1 except in certain cases and for injuries done to themselves40 ,in a capitulary of ,charlemagne1 published in such a synod and general assembly in #ggi1 in the month of ,march1 in the eleventh year of his reign1 at ,duren1 on the ,roer1 7,villa ,duria17 between ,cologne and ,aix-la-,chapelle1 there being assembled episcopis1 abbatibus1 virisque illustribus1 comitibus1 un cum piissimo domino nostro1--8the bishops1 abbots1 and the illustrious men1 the counts1 together with our most pious lord10--we find the following chapter3 ,,xx4 ,de mancipiis qu venduntur1 ut in prsenti episcopi vel comitis sit1 aut in prsenti archdiaconi1 aut centenarii1 aut in prsenti vicedomini1 aut judicis comitis1 aut ante bene nota testimonia4 ,et foras marcham nemo mancipium vendat4 ,qui fecerit1 tantis vicibus bannos solvet1 quanta mancipia vendidit4 ,et si non habet precium vivadio1 pro servo semetipsum donet comiti1 usqudum ipsos bannos solvat4 8,concerning slaves that are sold1 let it be in presence of the bishop1 or of the count1 or in presence of the archdeacon1 or of the judge of the hundred1 or in presence of the lord's deputy1 or of the judge of the county1 or of well known witnesses4 ,and let no one sell a slave beyond the boundary4 ,whosoever shall do so shall pay as many fines as he sold slaves4 ,and if he has not the money1 let him deliver himself to the count in pledge as a slave until he shall pay the fines40 ,in a capitulary of ,pope ,adrian ,i41 containing the summary of the chief part of the canon law then in force1 as collected from the ancient councils and other sources1 delivered to ,ingilram1 bishop of ,metz1 or1 as it was then called1 ,divodurum1 or oppidum ,mediomatricorum1 on the #aith of ,september1 xiii4 kalendas ,octobris1 indic4 ix4 #ghe1 the sixteenth chapter1 describing those who cannot be witnesses against priests1 mentions not merely slaves1 but quorum vit libertas nescitur1 those who are not known to be free2 and in the notes of ,anthony ,augustus1 bishop of ,tarragona1 on this capitulary1 he refers for this and another passage1 viles personae1 persons of vile condition1 which is the appellation of slaves1 to decrees of the earliest of popes1 viz41 ,anacletus1 ,a4,d4 #ia1 and ,clement his immediate successor2 ,evaristus1 who was the next1 and died ,a4,d41 #aji2 ,pius1 who died ,a4,d4 #aeg2 ,calistus1 in #bbb2 ,fabian1 #bej2 and several others4 ,in chapter xxi4 among incompetent witnesses1 are recited1 nullus servus1 nullus libertus--no slave1 no freedman4 ,the notes of the same author inform us that this portion of the chapter is the copy of an extract from the first council of ,nice1 and that it is also substantially found in a passage from ,pope ,pontianus1 who died in #bce1 as well as in several of the early ,african and ,spanish councils1 which he quotes4 ,one of these assemblies1 in which ,charlemagne published a capitulary1 was held at ,aix-la-,chaplle 7,aquisgranum7 in #ghi1 in which eighty-two chapters were enacted4 ,no4 xxiii4 is founded upon canon iv4 of the council of ,chalcedon1 and upon an enactment of ,leo the ,great4 ,it prohibited all attempts to induce a slave to embrace either the clerical or monastical state without the will and license of the master4 ,no4 xlv4 prohibits1 among others1 slaves from being competent witnesses1 or freedmen against their patrons3 founded upon the ninety-sixth canon of the ,african councils4 ,no4 lvii4 referring to the third canon of the council of ,gangr1 prohibits bishops ordaining slaves without the master's license4 ,in #gid a council was held at ,frankfort on the ,maine1 at which the bishops of a large portion of ,europe assisted2 the twenty-third canon of which is the following3 ,de servis alienis1 ut a nemine recipiantur1 neque ab episcopis sacrentur sine licenti dominorum4 8,of servants belonging to others3 they shall be received by no one1 nor admitted to orders by bishops1 without their masters' license40 ,in the year #fig1 at another assembly held at ,aix-la-,chapelle1 the capitulary for the pacification and government of ,saxony was enacted by ,charlemagne4 ,the eighth chapter is-- ,si quis hominem diabolo sacrificaverit1 et hostiam in more paganorum dmonibus obtulerit1 morte moriatur4 8,if any person shall sacrifice a man to the devil1 and offer him as a victim to devils after the fashion of pagans1 he shall be put to death40 ,an explanation of this will be found where ,pope ,gregory ,,iii4 answers ,st4 ,boniface1 who informed him that unfortunate slaves were bought to be thus immolated4 ,,xi4 ,si quis filiam domini sui rapuerit1 morte moriatur4 8,if any one shall do violence to his master's daughter1 he shall be put to death40 ,,xii4 ,si quis dominum suum vel dominam suam interfecerit1 simili modo puniatur4 8,if any one shall kill his master or his mistress1 he shall be punished in like manner40 ,,xiv4 ,de minoribus capitulis consenserunt omnes1 ad unamquamque ecclesiam curtem et duas mansas terr pagenses ad ecclesiam recurrentes condonent3 et inter centum viginti homines nobiles et ingenuos1 similiter et litos1 servum et ancillam eidem ecclesi tribuant4 8,all agreed concerning the smaller congregations1 that the colonists frequenting each church should bestow upon it one dwelling1 with proper out-offices1 and two manses 7#bd acres7 of land2 and that they should give to the same church one male slave and one female slave between one hundred and twenty noble and free men1 and counting also the conditioned servants40 ,in this newly settled ecclesiastical province the provision made for the support of religion consisted of land and slaves4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvii4 ,upon the ascension of ,charlemagne to the imperial throne1 the ,roman ,empire may date its extinction4 ,but1 in the reign of the ,franks1 in their succession to the throne of the western empire1 we fail to find any change of doctrine on the subject of slavery4 ,but the ,lombards had long disturbed ,italy3 ,charlemagne succeeded in reducing them to better order1 and1 in the year #hja1 amended their laws4 ,one chapter assimilated to that of ,france and of ,germany3 ,,vi4 ,de ,aldionibus publicis ad jus publicum pertinentibus4 ,aldiones vel ,aldianes e lege vivant in ,itali1 in servitute dominorum suorum1 qu fiscalini vel liddi vivunt in ,franci4 8,of the public ,aldions1 belonging to the public estate4 8,the ,aldions1 or ,aldians1 shall in ,italy exist upon the same principle in the service of their masters that the fiscals and lids do exist in ,france40 ,the ,aldions were bond-men or bond-women1 whose persons were not at the disposal of their masters1 nor did they pass with the land as colonists did1 but their masters or patrons had certain claims upon stated services from them4 ,they were generally either freed persons or the descendants of those who had been manumitted upon the condition of performing stipulated services2 and if they failed to perform these1 they were liable to be reduced to slavery4 ,the lidus or liddus or litus of the ,saxon was so called from being spared in the conquest1 and left on the land1 with the obligation of paying the master1 who owned it and himself1 a certain portion of its produce1 and doing him other fixed services4 ,thus neither of them was an absolute slave whose person and property were at the owner's disposal4 ,the slave was manumitted1 but this latter description of servants were generally released by deed or charter3 hence1 when so freed1 they were called chartulani1 chartellani1 or 8chartered40 ,the transition from slavery to this latter kind of servitude was1 at the commencement of the ninth century1 greatly on the increase4 ,,viii4 ,de servis fugacibus4 ,ubique intra ,italiam1 sive regius1 sive ecclesiasticus1 vel cujuslibet alterius hominis servus fugitivus inventus fuerit domino suo sine ull annorum prscriptione vindicetur1 e tamen ratione1 si dominus ,francus sive ,alemannus1 aut alterius cujuslibet nationis sit4 ,si vero ,longobardus aut ,romanus fuerit1 e lege servos suos vel adquirat vel admittat1 qu antiquits inter eos constitutus est4 8,concerning runaway slaves4 8,wheresoever within the bounds of ,italy1 either the runaway slave of the king or of the church or of any other man shall be found by his master1 he shall be restored without any bar of prescription of years2 yet upon the provision that the master be a ,frank or a ,german or of any other nation1 7foreign47 ,but if he be a ,lombard or a ,roman1 he shall acquire or receive his slaves by that law which has been established from ancient times among them40 ,here is evidence of the prevalent usage of the church holding property in slaves1 just as commonly as did the king or any other person4 ,in the year #hje1 ,charlemagne published a capitulary at ,thionville1 in the department of ,moselle1 ,france1 7,theodonis villa47 ,in the chap4 xi4 we read-- ,de servis propriis vel ancillis4 ,de propriis servis et ancillis1 ut non supr modum in monasteria sumantur1 ne deserentur vill4 8,concerning their own male or female slaves4 8,let not an excessive number of their own male or female slaves be taken into the monasteries1 lest the farms be deserted40 ,this capitulary regards principally the regulation of monasteries4 ,st4 ,pachomius1 who was born in ,upper ,egypt1 in #bib1 and who was the first that drew up a regular monastic rule1 would never admit a slave into a monastery4 ,tillemont1 vii4 p4 #ahj4 ,in the year #hac1 a council was held at ,chalons1 the portions of whose enactments in any way affecting property or civil rights were confirmed by ,charlemagne and made a portion of the law of the empire4 ,many of the churches1 especially in the country1 were curtailed in their income and reduced to difficulties1 because the bishops and abbots had large estates within their parishes1 and many servants occupied in their cultivation1 and the prelates prevented these servants paying tithes to the parish clergy1 claiming for themselves an exemption from the obligation4 ,the canon xix4 is the following3 ,questi sunt prterea quidam fratres1 quod essent quidam episcopi et abbates1 qui decimas non sinerent dari ecclesiis ubi illi coloni missas audiunt4 ,proinde decrevit sacer ille conventus1 ut episcopi et abbates de agris et vineis1 qu ad suum vel fratrum stipendium habent1 decimas ad ecclesias deferri faciant3 famili vero ibi dent decimas suas1 ubi infantes eorum baptizantur1 et ubi per totum anni circulum missas audiunt4 8,moreover some brethren have complained1 that there were some bishops and abbots who would not permit tithes to be given to those churches where colonists hear mass4 ,wherefore that holy assembly decreed1 that1 for those fields and vineyards which they have for their own support or that of their brethren1 the bishops and abbots should cause the tithe to be paid to the churches4 ,and let the servants pay their tithes to the church where their infants are baptized1 and where during the year they hear mass40 ,in this we have additional evidence of the fact that large bodies of land1 and numerous servants attached to them1 were held by bishops and abbots1 not only for themselves1 but for their churches and their monasteries4 ,the canon xxx4 is the following3 ,dictum nobis est quod quidam legitima servorum matrimonia potestiv qudam prsumptione dirimant1 non attendentes illud evangelicum3 ,quod ,deus conjunxit1 homo non separet4 ,unde nobis visum est1 ut conjugia servorum non dirimantur1 etiam si diversos dominos habeant3 sed in uno conjugio permanentes dominis suis serviant4 ,et hoc in illis observandum est1 ubi legalis conjunctio fuit1 et per voluntatem dominorum4 8,it has been stated to us that some persons1 by a sort of magisterial presumption1 dissolve the lawful marriages of slaves2 not regarding that evangelical maxim1 ,what ,god hath put together1 let man not separate4 ,whence it appears to us1 that the wedlock of slaves may not be dissolved1 even though they have different masters2 but let them serve their masters1 remaining in one wedlock4 ,and this is to be observed with regard to those where there has been a lawful union1 and with the will of the owners40 ,in the year #haf1 a council was held at ,aix-la-,chapelle1 in which a large portion of the canon law then in force regarding the clergy was imbodied into one hundred and forty-five chapters4 ,after the session of the council1 the emperor published a capitulary containing thirty chapters2 the sixth of which complains of the continued indiscretion of bishops in ordaining servants1 contrary to the canons1 and forbids such ordinations except upon the master's giving full liberty to the slave4 ,if a servant shall impose upon a bishop by false witnesses or documents of freedom1 and thus procure ordination1 he shall be deposed and taken back by his owner4 ,if the descendant of a slave who came from abroad shall have been educated and ordained1 where there was no knowledge of his condition1 should his owner subsequently discover him and prove his property1 if this owner grants him liberty1 he may keep his clerical rank2 but if the master asserts his right and carries him away1 though the slave does not lose his character of order1 he loses his rank1 and cannot officiate4 ,should masters give servants freedom that they may be capable of ordination1 it shall be in the master's discretion to give or to withhold the property necessary to enable the person to get orders4 ,the archbishops are to have in each province the emperor's authority in the original1 to authorize their ordaining the servants of the church1 and the suffragan bishops are to have copies of this original1 and when such servant is to be ordained1 this authority must be read for the people from the pulpit or at the corner of the altar4 ,the like form was to be observed when any of the laity desired to have any servant of the church promoted to orders1 or when the like promotion was petitioned for by the prior of a chapter or of a monastery4 ,lotharius1 the emperor1 published a capitulary in ,rome1 in #hdb4 ,in the third chapter of the first part1 we find the following expression3 ,in electione autem ,romani pontificis nullus1 sive liber sive servus1 prsumat aliquod impedimentum facere4 8,let no one1 whether freeman or slave1 presume to create any impediment in the election of the ,roman pontiff40 ,which leads us to suspect that some slaves possessed considerable power or influence4 ,in the second chapter1 fines are imposed for creating riots in any church4 ,and the chapter concludes in the following words3 ,et qui non habet unde ad ecclesiam persolvat1 tradat se in servitio eidem ecclesi1 usque dam totum debitum persolvat4 8,and let him who has not the means of paying the church1 give himself in servitude to that same church until he pays the whole debt40 ,by the tenth chapter he restrained the power of manumission4 ,quod per xxx annos servus liber fieri non possit1 si pater illius servus1 aut mater ancilla fuit4 ,similiter de ,aldionibus prcipimus4 8,that a slave whose father or whose mother was a slave cannot become free before thirty years of age4 ,we order that the same shall be the case respecting ,aldions40 ,in the twelfth he states that these are but a continuance of the laws of his grandfather ,charles and of his father ,louis4 ,and in tit4 i4 #ab of ,ulpian1 reference is made to a variety of enactments of the ancient ,roman law1 that a slave manumitted under the age of thirty could not be a ,roman citizen except by a special grant of a court4 ,the thirteenth declares that free women who unite with their own slaves are in the royal power1 and are given up1 together with their children1 to slavery among the ,lombards4 ,the fourteenth enacts that a free woman who shall unite herself to the male slave of another1 and remain so for a year and a day1 shall1 together with her children1 become enslaved to her husband's owner4 ,the fifteenth regulates that if the free husband of a free woman shall1 for crime or debt1 bring himself into servitude to another1 and she not consent to remain with him1 the children are free2 but if she die1 and another free woman1 knowing his condition1 marries him1 the children of this latter shall be slaves4 ,a number of chapters are also on these records showing the insufficiency of servile testimony4 ,others provide against the oppression of poor freemen1 so that they shall not be easily compelled to sell themselves into slavery4 ,about the year #hfj1 ,pope ,nicholas ,i4 sent to the newly converted ,christians of ,bulgaria answers to several inquiries which they made for the regulation of their conduct4 ,the ninety-seventh regards slaves who accuse their masters to the prince or to the court3 and the pope refers them to the obligation of the master as given in chapter vi4 of the epistle of ,st4 ,paul to the ,ephesians1 7not to use threatenings towards their servants17 and then asks1 how much more strongly does the spirit of this maxim of kindness and affection bear upon the servant1 and teach him to be of an humble and forgiving disposition1 such as that chapter enjoins2 referring also to the direction of our ,saviour1 ,luke vi4 #cg1 and the injunction of the apostle1 #a ,thess4 v4 #ae1 for their direction4 ,at this period of time1 the piratical wars of the ,northmen1 who were perpetually making inroads on the rest of ,europe1 kept the whole of ,christendom in commotion1 and marked perhaps the darkest period of the dark ages4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xviii4 ,,unconnected ,,facts4 ,in #ajcj1 ,peter1 bishop of ,girona1 in ,spain1 came to ,rome1 and begged leave of the pope 7,john ,,xix47 to wear the pall twelve days in the year1 promising to redeem thirty slaves then in captivity among the ,saracens1 provided his holiness granted him this request4 ,it was readily granted4 ,see ,bower1 vol4 v4 p4 #aec4 ,shortly after the #cjth ,october1 #ajea1 ,pope ,leo ,,ix41 having visited ,vercelli and ,augsburg1 returned to ,rome1 and held a council soon after ,easter1 in which he excommunicated ,gregory1 bishop of ,vercelli1 for committing adultery with a widow betrothed to his uncle4 ,the bishop was absent when this sentence was given1 but he flew to ,rome as soon as he heard of it2 and upon his promising to perform the penance that his holiness imposed upon him1 he was absolved from the excommunication1 and restored to the functions of his office4 ,on that occasion the canons issued by other councils against the incontinence of the clergy were confirmed1 and 8some new ones were added1 and1 in order to check more effectually the scandalous irregularity of the ,roman clergy in particular1 it was decreed1 at the request of the pope1 that all women who should for the future prostitute themselves to the priests within the walls of ,rome should be condemned to serve as slaves in the ,lateran palace40 ,see ,herman1 ad an4 #ajea2 also ,bower1 idem1 p4 #ahc4 ,by one of ,constantine's laws1 they who ravished virgins or stole them1 even with their consent1 against the will of their parents1 7with the view to make slaves of them or not17 were burned alive4 ,cod4 ,theodos4 #a4 ix4 tit4 #bi1 leg4 #a4 ,the severity of this law was somewhat mitigated by ,constantius1 but he still made it a capital offence4 ,ibid4 leg4 #b4 ,it was upon this law1 ,pope ,hadrian ,,ii4 applied to the emperor for redress against ,eleutherius1 who had carried off his daughter ,stephania by force1 and married her1 although she was betrothed to another4 ,see ,bower1 idem1 p4 #aa4 ,we have a remarkable letter1 written by ,gregory ,,vii41 in ,january1 #ajhj1 in answer to one he had received from ,vratislaus1 duke of ,bohemia1 desiring leave to have ,divine service performed in the ,sclavonian tongue1 that is1 in the language of the country4 ,that letter the pope answered in the following words3 8,as you desire us to allow ,divine service to be performed among you in the ,sclavonian tongue1 know that by no means can ,i grant your request1 it being manifest to all1 who will but reflect1 that it has pleased the ,almighty that the ,scripture should be withheld from some1 and not understood by all1 lest it should fall into contempt1 or lead the unlearned into error4 ,and it must not be alleged that all were allowed1 in the primitive times1 to read the ,scriptures1 it being well known that in those early times the church connived at many things1 which the holy fathers disapproved and corrected when the ,christian religion was firmly established4 ,he cannot therefore grant1 but absolutely forbid1 by the authority of ,almighty ,god and his blessed apostle ,peter1 what you ask1 and command you to oppose to the utmost of your power all who require it40 ,greg4 l4 vii4 ep4 ii42 also ,bower1 idem1 p4 #bgi4 ,on the subject of the above letter1 it should be remembered none spoke the ,sclavonic at that day except the ,sclavonians themselves2 that the great mass of that people were slaves1 either to some few individuals of their own nation1 or to the other ,european nations1 by whom they had been captured1 or to whom they had been sold4 ,they were a nation of slaves1 and hence the ,romans called their language ,servian1 from servus1 a slave4 ,there is still extant among the ancient ,german archives some account of the physical and moral appearance of this people1 representing them as robust1 filthy1 faithless1 and extremely wicked4 ,they called themselves sclava or sclavas1 c41 which word1 in their language1 implied an elevated distinction1 and was in common use as a suffix to individual names1 indicating that the person was highly elevated among his countrymen1 as in this case1 ,vrati-,slaus--indicating the fact that ,vrati was famous1 elevated1 a man of high and honourable distinction4 ,such men often held immense numbers of their less elevated countrymen in bondage4 ,from the form and meaning of this suffix1 some modern scholars have erroneously supposed it to have come from the ,latin1 laus4 ,we may form some idea of the feelings of ,pope ,gregory ,,vii41 upon this application1 by imagining what would have been the feelings of a ,virginia legislature1 fifty years ago1 had some free ,african1 then there1 petitioned to have the laws published in ,eboe1 for the benefit of the slaves4 ,in the above letter1 the meaning of the assertion1 8in those early times the church connived at many things which the holy fathers disapproved10 c41 at this late day is very liable to be misconceived4 ,he does not allude to any thing said or done by ,jesus ,christ or his apostles1 but to the action of his predecessors in the pontificate on this very subject4 ,about the year #hfj1 ,pope ,nicholas ,i4 granted this very privilege to the ,sclavonians in ,moravia2 and about ten years after1 the same was renewed by ,hadrian ,,ii41 upon the request of ,st4 ,cyril1 the apostle of the ,moravians4 ,see the ,life of ,cyril1 7,latin17 page #bb4 ,and ,john ,,viii41 in the year #hhb1 confirmed the same1 at the request of ,sfento ,pulcher1 prince of ,moravia1 calling it the license granted by ,pope ,nicholas1 8of saying the canonical hours and celebrating mass in their native language40 8,the ,sclavonian language we justly commend10 says the pope in his letter to the prince1 8and order the praise and the works of ,christ our ,lord to be celebrated in that tongue1 being directed by ,divine authority to praise the ,lord1 not in three only1 but in all languages1 agreeably to what we find in holy writ--#8,praise ye the ,lord1 all ye nations1 and bless him1 all ye people4' ,the apostles announced the wonderful works of ,god in all languages10 c41 8and he who made the three chief languages1 the ,hebrew1 the ,greek1 and the ,latin1 created all the rest for his praise and glory40 ,see ,johan4 ep4 #bdg4 ,the same privilege was granted by the ,greek church to the ,russians1 who speak the ,sclavonian language2 and they perform1 to this day1 as well as the ,moravians1 ,divine service in their native language4 ,the pope1 however1 ordered the gospel to be first read in ,latin1 and afterwards1 for the sake of those who understood not that language1 in the ,sclavonian4 7,see ,bower1 idem1 p4 #cg47 ,it is not relevant to our subject to inquire what facts presented themselves to the mind of ,gregory ,,vii41 whereby he apprehended that the ,scripture might 8fall into contempt10 or they 8lead the unlearned into error40 ,but we have seen1 in our own day1 a wide deviation from the instruction of ,st4 ,paul1 in a version of the ,new ,testament in ,romaic1 or modern ,greek1 evidently translated from our ,english version1 instead of from the ancient ,greek2 wherein ,paul is made to say1 #a ,tim4 i4 #aj1 anthropokleptas1 which indicates the stealing of a free man--instead of what ,paul did say1 andrapodistais1 which indicates the stealing of a slave4 ,it is true1 ,king ,james's translators substituted 8men-stealers10 without any further allusion that the men who were to be the things stolen were slaves4 ,it does not appear to have occurred to them that a free man could be stolen1 since in no sense could he be property4 ,in said version are other errors of equal magnitude2 and we have it from good authority that the ,greek patriarch1 after an examination of said version1 most strictly forbad his people to read it1 and1 also1 to introduce it among them4 ,if such errors were incident to the ,sclavonic1 ,gregory ,,vii4 had at least some ground for his apprehensions4 ,but the ,sclavonians were of the same colour and physical formation of the northern tribes to whom they were in bondage4 ,there was no physical or moral degradation consequent to an amalgamation with them2 and such connection did happen to a very great extent1 and at this day has very nearly extinguished all caste between them4 ,but in the days of ,gregory ,,vii41 and long since1 the politer nations of the south of ,europe regarded those of the north1 whether free or in servitude1 as but a mere grade1 if at all1 above barbarians2 and this pope seems to have been disposed to have fed them with 8milk10 and not with 8strong meat40 ,heb4 v4 #ab4 ,we may perceive how the south estimated the north at those early times1 by an incident related by ,d',aubigne1 vol4 i4 p4 #if4 ,reuchlin1 a native of ,pforzheim1 had made himself a distinguished scholar for any age4 ,in #adih1 he found his way to ,rome1 when ,argyropylos1 a celebrated ,greek professor1 was lecturing on the elevated standing in literature to which the ,greeks had formerly arrived1 c4 ,reuchlin1 highly delighted with the lecture1 visited the professor1 and addressed him in ,greek4 ,argyropylos1 perceiving him to be a ,german1 says1 8,whence come you1 and do you understand ,greek80 ,reuchlin replies1 8,i am a ,german1 and am not quite ignorant of your language40 ,he took up ,thucydides and read2 when ,argyropylos said1 in grief1 tears1 and astonishment1 8,alas1 alas1 ,greece cast out and fugitive1 is gone to hide herself beyond the ,alps60 ,but the funeral fire of ,greece and ,rome illumed the extreme north1 and by its light the savage freeman and his more savage slave were taught their religion1 civilization1 and science4 8,it was thus10 says ,d',aubigne1 8that the sons of barbarous ,germany and those of ancient ,greece met together in the palaces of ,rome2 thus it was that the east and the west gave each other the right hand of fellowship in this rendezvous of the world1 and that the former poured into the hands of the latter those intellectual treasures which it had carried off in its escape from the barbarism of the ,turks4 ,god1 when his plans require it1 brings together in an instant1 by some unlooked-for catastrophe1 those who seemed for ever removed from each other40 ,this improved condition of the northern nations was foreseen1 perhaps already felt1 by ,innocent ,,iv41 in #abed1 when he permitted ,divine service to be performed in the ,sclavonic language1 which is noticed by ,bower1 vol4 vi4 p4 #bed4 ,at the close of his remarks on ,pope ,innocent ,,iv41 he says--8,we have a great number of letters written by this pope on different occasions1 and a decree allowing the ,sclavonians to perform ,divine service in their mother tongue1 contrary to a decree of ,gregory ,,vii40 ,we beg to notice ,pope ,gregory ,,ix42 for1 8by this pope was confirmed the religious order of ,st4 ,mary de ,mercede1 as it is called1 an order instituted to make gatherings all over the ,christian world for the redemption of ,christians taken and kept in slavery by the infidels40 ,bower1 idem1 p4 #bcf4 ,this order was instituted by ,james1 king of ,arragon1 about the year #abbc1 and was confirmed by ,gregory on the #agth of ,january1 #abcj4 ,the general of this order resides constantly at ,barcelona1 where it was instituted by the king of ,arragon1 under the direction of ,raimund de ,pennefort1 then canon of that city4 ,see ,oldoinus in notis ad ,ciacon4 ,bullarium in ,greg4 ,,ix4 constit4 #i4 ,about the year #acab1 charges of the most wicked and gross nature were had against the ,knights ,templars4 ,their chief persecutor was ,king ,philip1 who suspected them to have encouraged an insurrection during his war in ,flanders4 ,through his influence the whole order were arrested1 not only in ,france1 but in all ,christendom4 ,pope ,clement ,v4 took charge of their prosecution4 ,but it appearing that thousands of them had and were ready to defend the ,christian religion at the expense of their lives1 and that many of their order were then in slavery among the ,saracens1 from which they might redeem themselves by repudiating ,jesus ,christ and his religion1 yet they preferred rather to live and die in chains than to purchase freedom at so high a price1 their judges considered these facts to overbalance the evidence against them4 ,but through ,philip's influence the order was suppressed4 ,see ,bower1 vol4 vi4 p4 #ci4 ,by the laws of ,moses1 when the ,hebrews found it necessary to make war and subdue their enemies in battle1 they were directed to put all the men to death1 and to make slaves of the women and children4 ,see ,deuteronomy xx4 #ac1 #ad4 ,the milder treatment of the women and children was in mercy1 predicated on the presumption of their being more tractable and less unalterably sunk in sin4 ,we perceive the same state of facts when the ,lord commanded the ,hebrews to put the ,canaanites to death4 8,thou shalt smite them1 and utterly destroy them2 thou shalt make no covenant with them1 nor show mercy to them3 neither shalt thou make marriages with them10 c4 ,deut4 vii4 #b1 #c4 ,whereas the adjoining and kindred tribes were only devoted to slavery4 8,both thy bond-men and thy bond-maids which thou shalt have1 shall be of the heathen that are round about you3 of them shall ye buy bond-men and bond-maids40 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd4 ,it is1 and ever has been1 the universal rule to destroy from the earth1 whenever sin has sunk its votary so low in the depths of crime that there is no longer even hope of reform4 ,whereas1 for a less degree of depravity1 mercy intercedes for the reformation of the victim1 by placing him someway in surveillance1 either for life or for a term of years4 ,on the same principle is founded the distinction of punishment between homicide attended with premeditated malice1 and that which is not so attended4 8,behold1 these three years ,i come seeking fruit on this fig-tree1 and find none3 cut it down2 why cumbereth it the ground8 ,and he answering1 said unto him1 ,lord1 let it alone this year also1 till ,i may dig about it1 and dung it3 and if it bear fruit1 well2 and if not1 then after that thou shalt cut it down40 ,luke xiii4 #g4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xix4 ,our ,english word war is of ,saxon origin1 7,sax4 waer17 and from whence has also been derived many of the corresponding terms in the present ,european languages4 ,its primary sense implies the action of a competent power in accomplishing something4 ,but1 like many other words1 its use has degenerated into various shades of meaning4 ,the corresponding ,greek term1 palemos1 from pallo1 or its cognate1 ballo1 seems originally to have been illustrative of offensive and coercive action1 and hence implies all the agitative and repulsive movement illustrated by our present word battle3 whereas the ,hebrew term1 laham1 cognate with ,ham1 on whose descendants the curse of slavery was pronounced by ,noah1 involves the idea of destruction1 as a thing burned1 consumed1 devoured1 and destroyed2 hence the ,hebrews would say1 the sword devoured1 that is1 eats up1 c42 yet their term gerav1 or kerab1 boldly implied offensive and opposing force2 hence1 to advance upon1 or1 to approach unto1 in which sense it was often used1 as well as to imply conflict and war4 ,we wish to illustrate the fact that1 when the mind of a ,hebrew was in exercise with the complex idea which we express by the term war1 the conception embraced a larger portion of the simple elements which enter into the complex ideas of destruction1 annihilation1 and death1 than is now found associated in the mind of the more highly cultivated descendants of the ,caucasian races4 ,in the idea war1 with him1 the leading sentiment was the extinction of those against whom the war was waged4 ,their doctrine1 that ,god governed the world2 that the ,hebrews were his chosen people2 that no war was justifiable unless authorized by ,jehovah2 that the object of war was to destroy from the earth those who were too wicked to live1 or to place in subjection and servitude1 those who manifested a less degree of stubbornness1 but whose sins made them a nauseant1 a nuisance1 in the world2 that ,god always governed a war in such a manner as rendered it a punishment for sins4 ,hence the law of ,deut4 xx4 #ac1 #ad1 before quoted4 ,hence the wars of the ,israelites are named as 8the wars of the ,lord10 ,numb4 xxi4 #ad4 ,hence1 we find in ,ex4 xvii4 #af1 8,the ,lord hath sworn that the ,lord will have war with ,amalek from generation to generation10 and in the preceding verse1 that 8,moses built an altar and called it ,jehovah-nissi40 ,the word nissi means the flag1 standard1 or banner of an army1 indicating the centre of command1 or the location and movement of the commander1 and is sometimes used in the sense of example1 or model of action1 and by figure is also used to mean the commander or leader himself4 ,and ,joshua said unto them1 8,fear not nor be dismayed1 be strong and of good courage3 for thus shall the ,lord do to all your enemies whom ye fight40 ,josh4 x4 #be4 8,he teacheth my hands to war1 so that a bow of steel is broken by mine arms40 #b ,sam4 xxii4 #ce4 ,also the same1 ,ps4 xviii4 #cd4 8,with good advice make war40 ,prov4 xxiv4 #f4 ,ps4 xviii4 #cg3 8,i have pursued mine enemies and overtaken them2 neither did ,i turn again until they were consumed40 #ch4 8,i have wounded them that they were not able to rise4 ,they are fallen under my feet40 #ci4 8,for thou hast girded me with strength unto the battle4 ,thou hast subdued under me those that rose up against me40 #dj4 8,thou hast also given me the necks of mine enemies2 that ,i might destroy them that hate me40 #da4 8,they cried1 but there was none to save them3 even unto the ,lord1 but he answered them not40 #db4 8,then did ,i beat them small as the dust before the wind3 ,i did cast them out as the dirt in the streets40 #dc4 8,thou hast delivered me from the strivings of the people3 and thou hast made me the head of the heathen3 a people whom ,i have not known shall serve me10 7abedini1 shall be slaves to me47 #dd4 8,as soon as they shall hear of me1 they shall obey me3 the strangers shall submit themselves unto me40 8,o ,god the ,lord1 the strength of my salvation1 thou hast covered my head in the day of battle40 cxiv4 #g4 8,blessed be the ,lord ,god of my strength1 which teacheth my hands to war and my fingers to fight40 cxliv4 #a4 ,so the prophets3 8,a noise shall come even to the ends of the earth1 for the ,lord hath a controversy with the nations2 he will plead with all flesh3 he will give them that are wicked to the sword40 ,jer4 xxv4 #ca4 8,and ,i will smite thy bow out of thy left hand1 and will cause thy arrows to fall out of thy right hand4 8,thou shalt fall upon the mountains of ,israel1 thou1 and all thy bands1 and the people that is with thee3 ,i will give thee unto the ravenous birds of every sort1 and unto the beasts of the field1 to be devoured4 ,thou shalt fall upon the open field3 for ,i have spoken it1 saith the ,lord ,god40 ,ezek4 xxxix4 #c-e4 8,at the same time spake the ,lord by ,isaiah the son of ,amos1 saying1 ,go1 and loose the sackcloth from off thy loins1 and put off thy shoe from thy foot3 and he did so1 walking naked and barefoot4 8,and the ,lord said1 ,like as my servant ,isaiah hath walked naked and barefoot three years for a sign and wonder upon ,egypt and upon ,ethiopia2 8,so shall the king of ,assyria lead away the ,egyptians prisoners1 and the ,ethiopians captives1 young and old1 naked and barefoot1 even with their buttocks uncovered1 to the shame of ,egypt40 ,isa4 xx4 #b1 #c1 #d4 ,and again1 8,the word of the ,lord came again unto me1 saying1 ,son of man1 prophesy and say1 ,thus saith the ,lord ,god2 ,howl ye1 ,wo worth the day6 8,for the day is near1 even the day of the ,lord is near1 a cloudy day3 it shall be the time of the heathen4 8,and the sword shall come upon ,egypt1 and great pain shall be in ,ethiopia1 when the slain shall fall in ,egypt1 and they shall take away her multitude1 and her foundations shall be broken down4 8,ethiopia 7,cush7 and ,libya 7,put7 and ,lydia 7,ludim7 and all the mingled 7ereb1 mixed-blooded7 people1 and ,chub1 7the ,arabians read ,nub1 ,nubia17 and the men of the land that is in league1 shall fall with them by the sword4 8,thus saith the ,lord3 ,they also that behold ,egypt 7,mitsraim7 shall fall2 and the pride of her power shall come down3 from the tower of ,syene shall they fall in it by the sword1 saith the ,lord ,god4 8,and they shall be desolate in the midst of the countries that are desolate1 and her cities shall be in the midst of the cities that are wasted4 8,and they shall know that ,i am the ,lord1 when ,i have set a fire in ,egypt1 7,mitsraim17 and when all her helpers shall be destroyed4 8,in that day shall messengers go forth from me in ships to make the careless 7betahh1 confident of one's own security1 thoughtless1 unconcerned1 trusting in themselves7 ,ethiopians afraid1 and great pain shall come upon them3 as in the day of ,egypt1 7,mitsraim37 for lo it cometh6 8,thus saith the ,lord ,god1 ,i will make the multitude of ,egypt to cease by the hand of ,nebuchadnezzar king of ,babylon4 8,he and his people with him1 the terrible of the nations1 shall be brought to destroy the land3 and they shall draw their swords against ,egypt1 and fill the land with the slain4 8,and ,i will make the rivers dry1 and sell the land into the hand of the wicked3 and ,i will make the land waste1 and all that is therein1 by the hand of strangers4 ,i the ,lord have spoken it4 8,thus saith the ,lord ,god3 ,i will also destroy the idols1 and ,i will cause their images to cease out of ,noph3 and there shall be no more a prince of the land of ,egypt3 and ,i will put a fear in the land of ,egypt4 8,and ,i will make ,pathros 7a ,coptic word signifying south land1 c47 desolate1 and will set a fire in ,zoan1 7both ,isoan and ,isaan2 it means a wanderer1 c4 and was the name of a city at the mouth of the ,nile17 and will execute judgments in ,no4 8,and ,i will pour my fury on ,sin1 the strength of ,egypt2 and ,i will cut off the multitude of ,no4 8,and ,i will set fire in ,egypt3 ,sin shall have great pain1 and ,no shall be rent asunder1 and ,noph shall have distresses daily4 8,the young men of ,aven and ,pi-beseth shall fall by the sword3 and these cities shall go into captivity4 8,at ,tehaphnehes also the day shall be darkened1 when ,i shall break there the yokes of ,egypt3 and the pomp of her strength shall cease in her3 a cloud shall cover her1 and her daughters shall go into captivity4 ,thus will ,i execute judgments in ,egypt1 7,mithraim1 the same as ,misraim1 the son of ,ham37 and they shall know that ,i am the ,lord40 ,ezek4 xxx4 #a-ai4 ,and so ,zeph4 ii4 #ab3 8,ye ,ethiopians also1 ye shall be slain by my sword40 ,we shall take occasion to notice this passage elsewhere4 ,and ,joel iii4 #h3 8,and ,i will sell your sons and your daughters into the hand of the children of ,judah1 and they shall sell them to the ,sabeans1 to a people far off3 for the ,lord hath spoken it40 ,zephaniah iii4 #h-aj may be said to develop the ultimate providence of ,god touching this matter3 8,therefore1 wait ye upon me1 saith the ,lord1 until the day that ,i rise up to the prey3 for my determination is to gather the nations1 that ,i may assemble the kingdoms1 to pour upon them mine indignation1 even all my fierce anger3 for all the earth shall be devoured with the fire of my jealousy4 8,for then ,i will turn to the people a pure language1 that they may all call upon the name of the ,lord1 to serve him with one consent4 8,from beyond the rivers of ,ethiopia1 my suppliants1 even the daughter of my dispersed 7,putsi1 the daughters of ,put2 the word means dispersed1 because they were scattered and lost as to name7 shall bring mine offering40 ,they were evidently the most deteriorated of all the descendants of ,ham4 ,when a people or nation give evidence that they are insensible to all rules of right1 either divine or human1 it necessarily follows that their hand will be found against every man1 and every man's hand against them4 ,the subjugation of such a people1 so regardless of all law1 can only end in their being put to death1 or1 in the more merciful provision of the divine law1 by reducing them to a state of absolute slavery4 ,the experience of mankind proves that such heathen1 so reduced to a state of bondage1 have always given evidence that their moral and even physical condition has been ameliorated by it1 and in proportion to the scrupulous particularity by which they to whom they were enslaved successfully compelled and forced them to walk in the paths of rectitude4 ,ever since the world has been peopled by nations1 none have ever hesitated to make war a protection to themselves against those who thus had become a nuisance in it4 ,to such men1 either individually or collectively1 reason1 justice1 law are without effect or influence3 nothing short of absolute compulsive force can avail them beneficially4 ,and1 indeed1 it is upon this principle that civilized communities do essentially1 in their prisons and by other mode of restraint1 enslave1 for life or a term of years1 those who have proved themselves too reckless to be otherwise continued among them4 ,in the year #adcg1 the ,christian right or duty of declaring1 or rather of making war against infidels1 was proposed to the church for the pope's decision and counsel4 ,duarte1 king of ,portugal1 was importuned by his brother ,ferdinand1 to make war on the ,moors with a view to the conquest of ,tangier4 ,duarte entertained scruples about his moral and ,christian right to do so2 and therefore proposed the subject to the theologians and to the pope4 ,eugenius ,,iv41 who then filled the papal chair1 decided that there were but two cases in which an offensive war could be justifiably undertaken against unbelievers1 c43 #ast4 8,when they were in possession of territory which had belonged to ,christians1 and which the latter sought to recover4 #b;d4 ,when1 by piracy or war1 or any other means1 they injured or insulted the true believers40 ,in all other cases1 proceeded his holiness1 hostilities are unjust4 ,the elements1 earth1 air1 fire1 and water1 were created for all2 and to deprive any creature1 without just cause1 of these necessary things1 was a violation of natural right4 ,see ,lardner1 ,hist4 ,portugal1 vol4 iii4 p4 #bjd4 ,we proceed to instances wherein the records show the church to have declared offensive war4 ,in #acge1 8the ,florentines1 entering into an alliance with the ,visconti of ,milan1 broke unexpectedly into the territory of the ,church1 made themselves masters of several cities1 demolished the strongholds1 drove everywhere out the officers of the pope1 and setting up a standard1 with the word #8,libertas' in capital letters1 encouraged the people to shake off the yoke and resume their liberty3 at their instigation1 ,bologna1 ,perugia1 and most of the chief cities in the pope's dominions openly revolted1 and1 joining the ,florentines1 either imprisoned1 or barbarously murdered those whom the pope had set over them4 ,gregory 7,,xi47 was no sooner informed of that general revolt1 and the unheard of barbarities committed by the ,florentines1 and those who had joined them1 than he wrote to the people and magistrates of ,florence1 exhorting them to withdraw their troops forthwith out of the dominions of the ,church1 to forbear all further hostilities1 to satisfy those whom they had injured1 and revoke the many decrees they had issued absolutely inconsistent with the ecclesiastical immunity as established by the canons4 ,as they paid no regard to the pope's exhortations1 he summoned the magistrates to appear in person1 and the people by their representatives1 at the tribunal of the apostolic see1 by the last day of ,march1 #acgf1 to answer for their conduct4 ,the ,florentines1 far from complying with that summons1 insulted the pope's messengers in the grossest manner1 and1 continuing their hostilities1 laid waste the greater part of the patrimony1 destroying all before them with fire and sword4 8,gregory1 therefore1 provoked beyond all measure1 issued the most terrible bull against them that had ever yet been issued by any pope4 ,for1 by that bull1 the magistrates were all excommunicated2 the whole people and every place and person under their jurisdiction were laid under an interdict4 ,all traffic1 commerce1 and intercourse with any of that state1 in any place whatever1 were forbidden on pain of excommunication4 ,their subjects were absolved from their allegiance2 all their rights1 privileges1 and immunities were declared forfeited2 their estates1 real and personal1 in what part soever of the world1 were given away1 and declared to be the property of the first who should seize them1 prima occupantis2 all were allowed1 and even exhorted and encouraged1 to seize their persons1 wherever found1 as well as their estates1 and reduce them to slavery4 ,their magistrates were declared intestable1 and their sons and grandsons incapable of succeeding to their paternal estates1 or to any inheritance whatever2 their descendants1 to the third generation1 were excluded from all honours1 dignities1 and preferments1 both civil and ecclesiastic4 ,all princes1 prelates1 governors of cities1 and magistrates were forbidden1 on pain of excommunication1 to harbour any ,florentine1 or suffer any in the places under their jurisdiction in any other state or condition than that of a slave40 ,this bull is dated in the palace of ,avignon1 in some copies the #cjth of ,march1 and in some the #bjth of ,april1 in the sixth year of ,gregory's pontificate1 that is1 in #acgf1 7apud ,raynald4 ad hunt ann4 num4 i4 et seq41 et ,bzovium1 num4 xv47 ,walsingham writes1 that upon the publication of this bull the ,florentine traders who had settled in ,england1 delivered up all their effects to the king1 and themselves with them1 for his slaves4 ,one of the authors of ,gregory's life 7auctor prim vit4 ,gregor47 tells us1 that in all other countries1 especially at ,avignon1 they abandoned their effects1 and returned1 being no where else safe1 to their own country4 7,see ,bower1 vol4 vii4 p4 #bc47 ,again1 in #aejh was concluded the famous treaty or league of ,cambray1 against the republic of ,venice3 that state had been long aspiring at the government of all ,italy4 ,the contracting parties were the pope1 the emperor1 the king of ,france1 and the king of ,spain2 and it was agreed that they should enter the state of ,venice on all sides2 that each of them should recover what that republic had taken from them2 that they should therein assist one another3 and that it should not be lawful for any of the confederates to enter into an agreement with the republic but by common consent4 ,the duke of ,ferrara1 the marquis of ,mantua1 and whoever else had any claims upon the ,venetians1 were to be admitted into this treaty4 ,the ,venetians had some suspicion of what was contriving against them at ,cambray1 but they had no certain knowledge of it1 till the pope informed them of the whole4 ,for ,julius ,,ii41 7then pope17 no less apprehensive of the emperor's power in ,italy than the ,french king's1 acquainted the ,venetian ambassador at ,rome1 before he signed the treaty1 with all the articles it contained1 represented to him the danger that his republic was threatened with1 and offered not to confirm the league1 but to start difficulties and raise obstacles against it1 provided they only restored to him the cities of ,rimini and ,faenza4 ,this demand appeared to be very reasonable to the pope1 but it was rejected by a great majority of the senate1 when communicated to them by their ambassador2 and the pope thereupon confirmed the league by a bull1 dated at ,rome1 the #bb;d of ,march1 #aejh4 ,the ,venetians1 hearing of the mighty preparations that were carrying on all over ,christendom against them1 began to repent their not having complied with the pope's request and by that means broken the confederacy4 ,they therefore renewed their negotiations with his holiness1 and offered to restore to him the city of ,faenza4 ,but ,julius1 instead of accepting their offer1 published1 by way of monitory1 a thundering bull against the republic1 summoning them to restore1 in the term of twenty-four days1 all the places they had usurped1 belonging to the apostolic see1 as well as the profits they had reaped from them since the time they first usurped them4 ,if they obeyed not this summons1 within the limited time1 not only the city of ,venice1 but all places within their dominions1 were1 ipso facto1 to incur a general interdict2 nay1 all places that should receive or harbour a ,venetian4 ,they were1 besides1 declared guilty of high treason1 worthy to be treated as enemies to the ,christian name1 and all were empowered 8to seize on their effects1 wherever found1 and to enslave their persons40 7,see ,guicand1 et ,onuphrius in vita ,julii ,,ii41 et ,raymund ad ann4 #aeji1 and ,bower1 vol4 vii4 p4 #cgi47 ,in #aech was published the bull of excommunication against ,henry ,,viii4 ,it had been drawn up in #aece1 on the occasion of the execution of ,cardinal ,fisher1 bishop of ,rochester2 had been submitted to the judgment of the cardinals1 and approved by most of them in a full consistory4 ,however1 the pope1 flattering himself that an accommodation with ,england might still be brought about1 delayed the publication of it till then1 when1 finding an agreement with the king quite desperate1 he published it with the usual solemnity1 and caused it to be set up on the doors of all the chief churches of ,rome4 ,by that bull the king was deprived of his kingdom1 his subjects were not only absolved from their oaths of allegiance1 but commanded to take arms against him and drive him from the throne2 the whole kingdom was laid under interdict2 all treaties of friendship or commerce with him and his subjects were declared null1 his kingdom was granted to any who should invade it1 and all were allowed 8to seize the effects of such of his subjects as adhered to him1 and enslave their persons40 ,see ,burnet's ,hist4 of the ,reform4 #a4 #c4 ,pallavicino1 #a4 #d4 ,saudeos de ,schis4 b4 i41 and ,bower1 vol4 vii4 p4 #ddg4 ,we ask permission to introduce a case on the ,north ,american soil1 of somewhat later date4 ,we allude to an act1 or law1 passed by the 8,united ,english ,colonies1 at ,new ,haven10 in the year #afdf1 and approved and adopted by a general court or convention of the inhabitants of ,windsor1 ,hartford1 and ,wethersfield1 in the year #afej4 ,we copy from the 8,code of #afej10 as published by ,andrus1 and with him retain the orthography of that day3 8,this courte having duly weighed the joint determination and agreement of the commissioners of the ,united ,english ,colonyes1 at ,new ,haven1 of anno #afdf1 in reference to the indians1 and judging it to bee both according to rules of prudence and righteousness1 doe fully assent thereunto1 and order that it bee recorded amongst the acts of this courte1 and attended in future practice1 as occasions present and require2 the said conclusion is as follows3 8,the commissioners seriously considering the many willful wrongs and hostile practices of the indians against the ,english1 together with their interteining1 protecting1 and rescuing of offenders1 as late our experience sheweth1 which if suffered1 the peace of the colonyes cannot bee secured3 ,it is therefore concluded1 that in such case the magistrates of any of the jurisdictions1 may1 at the charge of the plaintiff1 send some convenient strength1 and according to the nature and value of the offence and damage1 seize and bring away any of that plantation of indians that shall intertein1 protect1 or rescue the offender1 though hee should bee in another jurisdiction1 when through distance of place1 commission or direction cannott be had1 after notice and due warning given them1 as actors1 or at least accessary to the injurye and damage done to the ,english3 onely women and children to be sparingly seized1 unless known to bee someway guilty3 and because it will bee chargeable keeping indians in prison1 and if they should escape1 they are like to prove more insolent and dangerous after1 it was thought fitt1 that uppon such seizure1 the delinquent1 or satisfaction bee again demanded of the sagamore1 or plantation of indians guilty or accessary1 as before2 and if it bee denyed1 that then the magistrate of this jurisdiction1 deliver up the indian seized by the partye or partyes indammaged1 either to serve or to bee shipped out and exchanged for neagers1 as the case will justly beare2 and though the commissioners foresee that said severe1 though just proceeding may provoke the indians to an unjust seizing of some of ours1 yet they could not at present find no better means to preserve the peace of the colonyes2 all the aforementioned outrages and insolensies tending to an open warr2 onely they thought fitt1 that before any such seizure bee made in any plantation of indians1 the ensuing declaration bee published1 and a copye given to the particular sagamores40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xx4 ,under the term war1 mankind have from time immemorial included those acts which the more enlightened nations of modern days have designated by the name of piracy1 a word derived from the ,greek peirao4 ,the primary sense is to dare1 to attempt1 c41 as1 to rush1 and drive forward1 c42 used in a bad sense1 as to attempt a thing contrary to good morals and contrary to law1 and now mostly applied to acts of violence on the high seas1 c42 the same acts on land being called robbery1 c4 ,these acts of violence have generally been founded on the desire of plunder1 and in all ages have been recognised as good cause of war against those nations or tribes who upheld and practised them4 ,such piratical war has ever been considered contrary to the laws of ,god and repugnant to civilized life2 and it may be with the strictest truth asserted that those nations and tribes of people whom ,god devoted to destruction1 and also those of whom he permitted the ,jews to make slaves1 were distinguished for such predatory excursions4 ,the first account we have of any such predatory war is found in ,genesis4 ,true1 it is said1 they had been subject to ,chedorlaomer twelve years1 and rebelled1 but the manner in which he and his allies carried on the war leaves sufficient evidence of its character1 even if they had not disturbed ,lot and his household2 and it may be well here remarked1 that the original parties to this war were of the black races2 in fact1 progenitors of the very people who were denominated by ,moses as the heathen round about4 ,the second instance of this kind of warfare we find carried on by the sons of ,jacob against the ,hivites4 ,true1 they professed to be actuated by a spirit of revenge for the dishonour of ,dinah4 ,they put all the adult males to death1 made slaves of the women and children1 and possessed themselves of all the wealth of ,shechem1 for which they were reprimanded by ,jacob4 ,their conduct upon this occasion was in conformity to the usages of the heathen tribes who knew not ,god1 and1 if persisted in1 must have ultimately just as necessarily been fraught with their own destruction and extinction from the earth4 ,and this was no doubt one of the many crimes that gave proof of their deep degradation1 and which finally sunk them in slavery4 ,the heathen tribes in all ages have ever been characterized by this kind of warfare1 however truly and often the more civilized portions of the world may have been obnoxious to similar charges4 ,the doctrine is1 that where such predatory war essentially exists against a people1 they1 finding no other efficient remedy1 are authorized by the laws of ,god to make war a remedy1 to repel force by force1 to destroy and kill until they overcome1 and1 as the case may be1 to subjugate and govern or reduce to slavery4 ,and the laws of modern civilized nations regulating the conduct of belligerants are merely an amelioration2 but give evidence that such belligerants are already elevated above those grades of human life which look to subjugation and slavery as the only termination of war4 ,but the condition of man1 in this higher state of mental and religious improvement1 is none the less governed by the laws of ,divine power1 influencing and adapted to his improved state4 ,corollary3 ,when the time shall come1 that all men shall live in strict conformity to the laws of ,god1 war shall cease from the earth1 and slavery be no more known2 and at that time the ,lord will 8turn to the people a pure language1 that they may all call upon the name of the ,lord10 to serve him with one consent4 8,then from beyond the rivers of ,ethiopia1 my suppliants1 even the daughter of my dispersed1 7phut7 shall bring mine offering40 ,zeph4 iii4 #i1 #aj4 ,we have heretofore alluded to the idolatrous barbarians of the north of ,europe and to their inroads upon the more civilized regions of the south4 ,it may be well to take some further notice of these people1 to mark the influence of their predatory wars on the morals of those times1 and of the influences of the church in counteracting and ameliorating their effect on the character and condition of the ,christian world4 ,their religion was cast upon the model of their savage appetite3 easily excited by the love of conquest and plunder1 their minds were still further inflamed by their bards1 who promised them1 after death1 daily combats of immortal fury1 with glittering weapons and fiery steeds1 in the immediate presence of their supreme god1 ,oden4 ,the wounds of these conflicts were to be daily washed away by the waters of life4 ,congregated in the great hall of their deity1 seated upon the skulls of those they had slain in battle1 they spent each night in celebrating in song the victories they had won1 refreshing themselves with strong drink out of the skulls on which they rested1 while they feasted on the choicest morsels of the victims they had sacrificed to their gods4 ,constantine1 having succeeded to the throne of the ,roman ,empire1 transferred his court to ,constantinople4 ,this1 a notable step in the downfall of ,rome1 was followed by his dividing his dominions between three sons and two nephews4 ,the imperial power thus partitioned away1 the northern nations1 who had been subjected to her rule1 no longer regarded ,rome as a sovereign power over them3 at once the ,german tribes1 among whom were the ,franks1 overran ,gaul3 the ,picts and ,saxons broke into ,britain1 and the ,sarmatians into ,hungary4 ,the spirit of war was let loose4 ,as early as the time of the ,christian era1 scattered from the ,caucasus to the north-eastern ,pacific1 were numerous tribes whom the all-conquering arm of ,rome had never reached4 ,cradled amidst precipitous mountains1 savage and wild scenery1 howling tempests or eternal snows1 the form of their minds and the character of their religion associated with the region of their birth4 ,europe has given some of them the appellation1 ,vandals1 ,sueves1 ,alans1 ,sclavas1 ,goths1 ,huns1 ,tartars1 and ,veneti4 ,restless as the elements of their native clime1 their leaders ever showed themselves striving for dominion and thirsty for power4 ,pushing westward1 one upon the other1 they became somewhat amalgamated in the north of ,europe1 under the general term of ,scandinavians1 yet receiving new cognomens or retaining their old as fancy or knowledge of them suggested2 yet1 in the middle and south of ,europe1 they were as commonly known by the appellation of ,northmen4 ,the most of these people were emphatically warlike and savage4 ,the world possessed no one power sufficiently strong to restrain them4 ,italy was overrun and ,rome itself was captured by the ,goths1 under ,alaric--then by the ,herulians1 under ,odoacer4 ,they in turn were subdued by ,theodoric the ,ostrogoth--then by the ,lombards from ,brandenburg1 who established a more permanent government4 ,but they1 in turn1 yielded to the power of the ,franks1 under ,charlemagne1 who entered ,rome in triumph1 and was crowned ,emperor of the ,west1 as elsewhere noted by us4 ,up to the time of ,charlemagne1 the ,northmen were excited to war1 not alone by their love of liberty and a desire to extend their possessions1 but also by their hatred to the ,christians and their religion2 and in the countries further north1 this prejudice existed until a much later day4 ,but we have only time to give an example of the character of their inroads on the peace and prosperity of ,europe4 ,scotland had been early engaged in these conflicts4 ,in ,june1 #gic1 the ,northumbrians were alarmed by a large armament on their coast4 ,these barbarians were permitted to land without opposition4 ,the plunder of the churches exceeded their expectations1 and their route was marked by the mangled carcasses of the nuns1 the monks1 and the priests1 whom they had massacred4 ,historians have scarcely condescended to notice the misfortunes of other churches than that of ,lindesferne1 which became a prey to these barbarians3 their impiety polluted the altars2 their rapacity was rewarded by its gold and silver ornaments4 ,the monks endeavoured1 by concealment1 to elude their cruelty2 the greater number were discovered and slaughtered4 ,if the lives of the children were spared1 they were sold into slavery4 7,see ,lingard47 ,in #hjj1 these ,northmen made an irruption on the ,german coast1 and carried off plunder and captives4 ,they shortly visited ,france3 a large party entered the ,loire1 and fixed permanent quarters in the island of ,hero1 and made their incursions thence4 ,the ,french writers describe them as now pushing in upon their northern coasts1 carrying off captives into slavery and loading their vessels with booty4 ,in #hda they entered the ,seine1 sacked and burned the monastery of ,st4 ,ouen1 of ,jumieges1 spared ,fontenelle for a ransom1 where the monks of ,st4 ,denys paid them twenty-six pounds of silver for sixty-eight captives4 ,for nineteen days they ravaged both banks of the river4 ,in #hdc1 they again entered the ,loire1 took ,nantes1 when the city was filled by the inhabitants of the neighbouring country1 celebrating the festival of ,st4 ,john1 who retired with the bishop and clergy to the cathedral4 ,the gates were soon burst open1 and a general slaughter ensued3 loaded with booty and captives1 they retired to their ships4 ,in #hdd1 they sailed up the ,garonne1 pillaged ,toulouse1 made an attempt on ,gallicia in ,spain1 but were repelled by the ,saracens4 ,in #hde1 ,ragner ,lodbroy1 one of their sea-kings1 entered the ,seine with twenty-six ships1 and spread consternation through the land1 leaving1 in their rear1 ,christians hanging on trees1 stakes1 and even in their houses4 ,they entered ,paris1 when ,charles the ,bald1 by the advice of his lords1 paid them seven thousand pounds of silver1 and they swore by their gods to never re-enter his kingdom except by his invitation4 ,they ravaged the seacoast on their return homeward1 and were wrecked on the shores of ,northumbria1 where ,ragner and the survivors recommenced to plunder4 ,they were attacked by ,aella1 and ,ragner slain4 ,but a formidable fleet1 under the command of ,ragner's sons1 was soon on the coast of the ,east ,angles1 and marked their advances to ,northumbria in lines of blood and ruin4 ,aella fell into their hands1 and was put to death with untold torture4 ,this incursion of ,ragner is noticed by ,voltaire1 who says that ,charles the ,bald paid him fourteen thousand marks in gold to retire from ,france1 and adds1 in his 8,general ,history of ,europe10 such payments to the ,northmen only induced them to continue these piratical incursions4 ,that these wars were most strictly piratical1 not undertaken for the good of mankind1 but for plunder alone1 we beg here to introduce some proof from the early writers4 ,adam of ,bremen1 who1 about the year #ajhj1 wrote his work entitled1 8,de ,situ ,danae et ,reliquarum1 ,septentrionalium10 says of the city of 8,lunden10 in the island ,schnen--8,it is a city in which there is much gold1 which is procured by those incursions on the barbarous nations on the shores of the ,baltic ,sea1 which are tolerated and encouraged by the king of ,denmark on account of the tribute he draws from them40 ,in proof that ,voltaire's estimate of the influence of such payments to these northern pirates was just1 we advert to their inroads on ,ethelred4 ,soon after he ascended the throne1 he was invaded by ,sweyn1 by some called ,sitric1 and ,olave1 and paid them sixteen thousand pounds4 ,ten years after1 he was forced to pay these ,northmen thirty thousand pounds1 and then1 at the expiration of only four years1 forty thousand pounds more2 each time the ,northmen swearing by their gods to never trouble the country again4 ,yet1 twelve years after the last payment1 the crown and throne were transferred to ,canute4 ,we have an anonymous ,latin author1 a contemporary of ,canute1 who informs us to what use these pirate lords applied the vast sums thus procured4 ,the book is entitled1 8,emm ,anglorum ,regin ,encomium10--,the ,encomium of ,emma1 the ,queen of ,england4 ,she was the wife of ,canute4 ,page #aff1 the author1 describing the ,danish ships1 says--8,on the stern of the ships1 lions of molten gold were to be seen3 on the mast-heads were either birds1 whose turning showed the change of the wind1 or dragons of various forms1 which threatened to breathe out fire4 ,there were to be seen human figures looking like life1 glittering with gold and silver2 dolphins of precious metals1 and centaurs that brought to mind the ancient fables4 ,but how shall ,i describe the sides of the ships1 which swelled out with gold and silver ornaments6 ,but the royal ship exceeded all the rest as far as the king in appearance exceeded the common soldiers or people40 ,this author1 in the second book1 describing the landing of the ,danes1 repeats and says--8,the ships were so splendid that they seemed a flame of fire1 and blinded the eyes of the beholders2 the gold flamed on the sides1 and silver-work was mingled with it4 ,who could look upon the lions of gold8 ,who on the human figures of electrum1 7a mixture of gold and silver17 their faces of pure gold8 ,who on the dragons1 gleaming with brilliant gold8 ,who could look on the carved oxen1 that threatened death with their golden horns8 ,who could look on all these things and not fear a king possessed of so great power80 ,jacobs's 8,inquiry into the ,precious ,metals0 attributes the accumulation of gold and silver1 of which we have seen a specimen among these northern barbarians1 to the piracies of these people4 ,helmodus1 in his ,sclavonic ,chronicles1 7,chronican ,sclavicum17 lib4 iii41 says the people of ,denmark abounded in all riches1 the wealthy being clothed in all sorts of scarlet1 in purple and fine linen1 7nunc non salum scarlatica vario grisio1 sed purpurea et bysso induntur27 and he further adds1 8that this wealth is drawn from the herring-fishery at the island of ,schnen1 whither traders of all nations resorting1 bring with them gold1 silver1 and other commodities1 for purchasing fish40 ,the fact was1 that island became a place of great resort by these pirates for supplies4 ,but we return to sketch these piracies3--,in about the year #hdf1 an immense body of ,scandinavians ascended the ,elbe with six hundred vessels under their king ,roric4 ,hamburg was burned2 they then poured down upon ,saxony2 but1 having met with a defeat1 and just then learning the fate of ,ragner1 sent messengers to ,louis1 king of ,germany1 sued for peace1 and were permitted to retire from the country upon their giving up their plunder and releasing their captives4 ,after leaving the ,elbe1 ,roric went to the ,rhine and the ,scheldt1 destroyed all the monasteries as far as ,ghent1 and the ,emperor ,lothaire1 unable to subdue him1 received him as his vassal and gave him a large territory4 ,in #hej1 ,godfrey1 another chieftain1 repulsed in an attack on ,england1 sailed up the ,seine1 and1 after some successes1 obtained from ,king ,charles a permanent location and territory about ,beauvais4 ,in #hef1 nearly all the coast of ,france1 and to the interior as far as ,orleans1 was overrun4 ,the churches were plundered1 and captives carried away and enslaved4 ,in ,flanders1 all the chief men and prelates were either slain or in slavery4 ,these pirates circumnavigated ,spain1 amalgamated with the ,moors of ,africa2 some entered the ,gulf of ,lyons1 and committed depredations in ,provence and ,italy4 ,all notions of peace1 of justice1 were wasting away1 and the laws of the monarchs and the canons of the councils began to exhibit the ruins of morality4 ,in #hfa1 the ,seine is again infested1 and ,paris terrified4 ,in #hhc1 they poured themselves on both sides of the ,rhine1 as high as ,coblentz1 where the ,emperor ,charles made a treaty with ,godfrey and gave him the duchy of ,friesland4 ,france was so much overrun by the pagans1 that thousands of ,christians1 to escape death or bondage1 publicly renounced their religion and embraced the pagan rites2 and not long after1 ,rollo1 the grandfather of ,william the ,conqueror1 at the head of his ,scandinavian bands1 took possession and held the dukedom of ,normandy1 and forced ,charles the ,simple to bestow him ,gisla his daughter in marriage4 ,in ,england1 ,alfred1 placing himself at the head of his faithful followers1 subdued the ,danes1 who had overrun his kingdom2 and many of them1 embracing the ,christian religion1 were adopted as subjects of the realm4 ,in #hic1 a fleet of three hundred and thirty sail rendezvoused at ,boulogne1 under the command of ,hastings1 for the avowed purpose of conquering for himself a kingdom in ,britain4 ,three years he contended against ,alfred1 who eventually subdued him1 but restored to him all the captives upon his promise to leave the island for ever4 ,nor did ,ireland escape the ravages of the ,northmen4 ,in #ghc1 they landed in the extreme north of the island1 and burned the town and abbey of ,dere ,columb-kill1 the ,londonderry of more modern times4 ,here the ,hydaher-teagh1 the chiefs of the oak habitations1 7the ,o',dougherty's of a latter day17 secured the record of their name in the 8,book of ,howth40 ,but here the ,tuatha ,de ,danaan1 the ,darnii of ,ptolemy1 washed out even the history of their race in the blood of battle4 ,in #gij1 the ,danes made a general assault upon this devoted island3 in #gig1 wasted the island of ,ragulin1 devastated ,holm ,patrick1 and carried away captives1 among whom was the sister of ,st4 ,findan1 and1 shortly after1 the saint himself4 ,in #hjb1 they burned the monastery of ,hy3 in #hjg1 destroyed ,roscommon1 ravaged the country1 and made captives and slaves4 ,in #hab1 they again burned ,londonderry and its abbey2 massacred the students and the clergy2 nor did they relax their attacks upon the north of the island until1 twenty years after1 they were driven from the place by ,neil ,calne1 with most incredible slaughter4 ,but yet the whole island was infested by these northern marauders4 ,in #hab1 the ,irish made a more determined resistance1 and the ,northmen1 after three defeats1 escaped from the island4 ,but1 in #hag1 ,turgesius1 with a large force1 overran a large portion of the island1 and a large portion of the clergy1 monks1 and nuns were massacred1 and many of the inhabitants taken into captivity4 ,in #hcg1 two large additional fleets arrived2 one entered the ,boyne1 and the other the ,liffy4 ,the masses which they poured upon the country spread in all directions1 committing every kind of excess4 ,in #hdh1 ,olchobair ,mc,kinde1 king of ,munster1 uniting his troops with those of ,dorcan1 king of ,leinster1 was encouraged by a succession of victories over the pagans2 yet the archbishop of ,armagh and seven hundred of his countrymen were made captive1 and sent by ,turgesius to ,limerick as slaves4 ,but ,melseachlin1 king of ,ireland1 defeated ,turgesius and put him to death4 ,the ,irish now arose on every side and drove the barbarians from the country4 ,but yet1 in #hej1 ,dublin was invaded by a band of ,northmen1 whom the ,irish denominated ,fin-gal1 or white strangers1 and by another body1 called ,dubh-gal1 or black strangers1 who took possession of ,leinster and ,ulster1 and ravaged the country4 ,in #hec1 a sea-king1 named ,amlave1 ,auliffe1 or ,olave1 from ,norway1 with two brothers1 ,sitric and ,ivor1 with large additional forces1 arrived1 and was acknowledged chief of all the ,northmen in the islands4 ,he took possession of ,dublin1 ,limerick1 and ,waterford1 which he enlarged and improved1 as if their possession was to be perpetual4 ,but war not only raged between them and the ,irish1 but the ,irish and ,danes were in perpetual conflict1 different parties of ,danes with one another1 and discord and strife were constant among the ,irish themselves4 ,carnage and bloodshed1 captivity and slavery everywhere covered the island4 ,in #hfj1 ,melseachlin1 the king1 defeated ,auliffe with great slaughter2 but1 recovering strength1 he plundered and burned ,armagh1 and took a large number of captives1 who were sent away for slaves4 ,in #hhd1 ,kildare was plundered1 and more than #cjj sent away for slaves4 ,in #hib1 ,armagh was again captured1 and #hjj captives sent to the ships4 ,but1 in quick succession1 ,carrol1 with ,leinster forces1 and ,aloal ,finia1 with the men of ,bregh1 defeated the ,danes and retook ,dublin1 while in other parts of the island the ,northmen suffered great reverses2 but in #iad we find them again returned and in possession of ,dublin and ,waterford1 but quickly put to the sword by the ,irish4 ,another division succeeded to plunder ,cork1 ,lismore1 and ,aghadoe2 and1 in #iaf1 were again in ,dublin1 ravaged ,leinster1 and killed ,olioll1 the king4 ,in #iai1 they were attacked near ,dublin by ,niell ,glunndubh1 king of ,ireland4 ,their resistance was desperate1 under the command of the chiefs ,ivor and ,sitric3 here fell the ,irish monarch1 the choice nobility1 and the flower of the army4 ,donough revenged the death of the king1 his father1 and the barbarians were again signally defeated2 but we find them1 in #iba1 under the command of ,godfrey1 their king1 in possession of ,dublin1 marching to and plundering ,armagh1 and1 for the first time1 sparing the churches and the officiating clergy4 ,a predatory war1 without decisive encounters1 was continued for more than twenty years1 when they suffered two severe defeats from ,cougall ,,ii1 in which their king1 ,blacar1 and the most of his army were slain4 ,in----but the mind sickens1 tires at these recitals2 a whole army is swept away1 and1 as if the ocean poured twice its numbers on shore1 whole centuries gave no relief4 ,in short1 we have a continuation of these scenes of piratical war1 until the power and spirit of this restless race of the ,northmen were broken at ,clontarf1 near ,dublin1 on the #bc;d of ,april1 #ajad1 where they suffered an irrecoverable defeat from the ,irish1 under the command of ,brian ,boroimhe4 ,ireland did well to rejoice in the perfect overthrow of these ruthless invaders2 but here fell ,brian1 whom ninety winters had only nerved for the conflict4 ,here fell his son ,morogh1 and his grandson ,turlogh1 personifications of the rage of battle2 here fell a numerous1 almost the entire1 nobility2 here fell ,ireland's valiant warriors in unnumbered heaps4 ,the voice of ,ireland is yet sometimes heard1 but it is the voice of a broken heart2 of complaint1 of weakness1 of weeping1 and sadness4 ,in a review of these times and those that followed1 the providence of ,god may be traced by its final development4 ,where no mercy was1 it is infused by hope of gain2 and the savage and the captured slave are led to an equal elevation in the service of the altar of the ,god ,jehovah4 ,the sacrifice of the ,lamb is substituted for the victim of war in the woods of ,woden2 while the proud flashes of the crescent of ,islam became dim before the continued ray of the ,star of ,bethlehem4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xxi4 ,the condition of the slave1 throughout the whole of ,europe1 was attended with some circumstances of great similarity4 ,the slaves were generally of the same nation1 tribe1 and people1 who formed a constituent portion of the free population of the country where they were1 and always of the same colour and race4 ,even the ,sclavonians1 on the continent1 formed no exception in the more northern parts of ,europe4 ,in short1 slavery1 as it existed in ,europe1 was only in a very few instances in the south marked by any radical distinction of race3 consequently1 the condition of the slave could never be as permanent and fixed as it ever must be where strong distinctions of race mark the boundaries between bondage and freedom--although often far more cruel4 ,the disgrace of the free1 from an amalgamation with the slaves1 did not proceed from any consideration as to race1 but merely from the condition of the slave--more pointed1 but somewhat analogous to the disgrace among the more elevated and wealthy1 arising from an intermarriage with the ignorant1 degraded1 or poor4 ,influenced by such a state of facts1 the particulars of his condition were liable to constant change1 as affected by accident1 the good or ill conduct of the individual slave1 the sense of justice1 partiality1 fancy1 or the wants and condition of the master2 nor needed it the talent of deep prophecy to have foretold that such a state of slavery must ultimately eventuate in freedom from bondage4 ,a description of the slaves of ,britain will give a general view of those of the continent1 for which we refer to ,dr4 ,lingard4 ,the classes whose manners have been heretofore described constituted the ,anglo-,saxon nation4 ,they alone were possessed of liberty1 or power1 or property4 ,but they formed but a small part of the population1 of which not less than two-thirds existed in a state of slavery4 ,all the first adventurers were freemen2 but in the course of their conquests1 made a great number of slaves4 ,the posterity of these men inherited the lot of their fathers1 and their number was continually increased by freeborn ,saxons1 who had been reduced to the same condition by debt1 or made captives in war1 or deprived of liberty in punishment of their crimes1 or had voluntarily surrendered it to escape the horrors of want4 ,the ceremony of the degradation and enslavement of a freeman was performed before a competent number of witnesses4 8,the unhappy man laid on the ground his sword and his lance1 the symbols of the free1 took up the bill and the goad1 the implements of slavery1 and falling on his knees1 placed his head1 in token of submission1 under the hands of his master40 ,all slaves were not1 however1 numbered in the same class4 ,in the more ancient laws we find the esne distinguished from the theow2 and read of female slaves of the first1 the second1 and third rank4 ,in later enactments we meet with borders1 cocksets1 parddings1 and other barbarous denominations1 of which1 were it easy1 it would be useless to investigate the meaning4 ,the most numerous class consisted of those who lived on the land of their lord1 near to his mansion1 called in ,saxon his tune--in ,latin1 his villa4 ,from the latter word they were by the ,normans denominated villeins1 while the collection of cottages in which they dwelt acquired the name of village4 ,their respective services were originally allotted to them according to the pleasure of their proprietor4 ,some tilled his lands1 others exercised for him the trades to which they had been educated4 ,in return1 they received certain portions of land1 with other perquisites1 for the support of themselves and their families4 ,but all were alike deprived of the privileges of freemen4 ,they were forbidden to carry arms4 ,their persons1 families1 and goods of every description were the property of their lord4 ,he could dispose of them as he pleased1 either by gift or sale3 he could annex them to the soil1 or remove them from it3 he could transfer them with it to a new proprietor1 or leave them by will to his heirs4 ,out of the hundreds of instances preserved by our ancient writers1 one may be sufficient4 ,in the charter by which ,harold of ,buckenhole gives his manor of ,spaulding to the abbey of ,croyland1 he enumerates among its appendages ,colgrin1 his bailiff1 ,harding1 his smith1 ,lefstan1 his carpenter1 ,elstan1 his fisherman1 ,osmund1 his miller1 and nine others1 who probably were his husbandmen2 and these with their wives and children4 ,wherever slaves have been numerous1 and of the same race as the master1 this variety in their condition has always followed4 ,see the statement of ,muratori concerning the ,roman slaves2 also the laws of ,charlemagne concerning those of the ,lombards and ,goths4 ,these records are proof that slavery1 accompanied with such facts1 is always in the act of wearing out4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xxii4 ,all historians agree that the ,sclavonians1 who at an early age made their appearance on the north-eastern borders of ,europe1 came1 a countless multitude1 pouring down upon those countries from the middle regions of ,asia4 ,the precise place from which they originated1 the causes of such emigration1 and the successive impulses that pushed them westward1 have now1 for centuries1 been buried beneath the rubbish of the emigrants themselves and the general ignorance that overspread the events of that age4 ,but there are some facts that assign to them a place among the ,hindoo tribes4 ,brezowski1 speaking the ,sclavonic of his day1 in his travels eastward1 was enabled to understand the language of the country as far east as ,cochin-,china2 and scholars of the present day find numerous ,indian roots in this language4 ,a similarity of religious rites is to be noticed between the ancient ,sclavonians and the ,hindoos4 ,they burned their dead1 and wives ascended the funeral piles of their husbands4 ,their principal gods were ,bog1 and ,seva1 his wife4 ,they worshipped good spirits called ,belbog1 and bad spirits called ,czarnebog4 ,these hordes overspread the countries from the ,black ,sea to the ,icy ,ocean2 and1 in their turn1 were forced westward by similar hordes of ,wends1 ,veneti1 ,antes1 ,goths1 and ,huns4 ,thus attacked and pushed in the rear1 they poured themselves upon the inhabitants of the more western regions1 who1 more warlike1 and with superior arms1 put them to death by thousands1 until the earth was covered with the slain4 ,thus fleeing from death1 they met it in front1 until the nations then occupying the north and east of ,europe1 satiated and sickened by their slaughter1 seized upon their persons as slaves1 and converted them into beasts of burden4 ,their numbers exceeding every possible use1 the captors exported them to adjoining countries as an article of traffic2 and the ,venetians1 being then a commercial people1 enriched themselves by this traffic for many years4 ,all continental ,europe was thus filled by this race1 from the ,adriatic to the ,northern ,ocean4 ,thus their national appellation became through ,europe the significant term for a man in bondage2 and although in their own language their name signified fame and distinction1 yet in all the world besides1 it has superseded the ,hebrew1 the ,greek1 and ,roman terms1 to signify the condition of man in servitude4 ,thus the ,dutch and ,belgians say slaaf2 ,germans1 sclave2 ,danes1 slave and sclave2 ,swedes1 slaf2 ,french1 esclave2 the ,celtic ,french1 c41 sclaff2 ,italians1 schiavo2 ,spanish1 esclavo2 ,portuguese1 escravo2 ,gaelic1 slabhadh2 and the ,english1 slave4 ,nor was this signification inappropriate to their native condition4 ,for these countless hordes were the absolute property of their leaders or kings1 who were hereditary among them1--as was1 also1 their condition of bondage4 ,the ,romans called their language ,servian1 from the ,roman word servus1 a bond-man2 and from the same cause1 also1 a district of country low down on the ,danube1 ,servia1 which name it retains to this day4 ,this country belongs to ,turkey1 from whence they took the name serf4 ,this term has been borrowed from thence1 by the ,sclavonic ,russians1 to signify a man in bondage4 ,the whole number of their descendants is now estimated at #ajj1jjj1jjj2 and notwithstanding their amalgamation has identified them with the nations with whom they were thus intermingled1 yet a thousand years have not ended their condition of bondage in ,russia1 and #dj1jjj1jjj are accounted only as an approximation to the number that still remain in servitude in the north of ,europe and ,asia4 8,the unquestionable evidence of language10 says the author of the ,decline and ,fall1 8attests the descent of the ,bulgarians from the original stock of the ,sclavonian1 or more properly ,slavonian1 race2 and the kindred bands of ,servians1 ,bosnians1 ,rascians1 ,croatians1 ,walachians1 followed either the standard or example of the leading tribes1 from the ,euxine to the ,adriatic1 in the state of captives1 or subjects1 or allies1 or enemies2 in the ,greek empire1 they overspread the land3 and the national appellation of the ,,slaves has been degraded by chance or malice from the signification of glory to that of servitude4 ,chalcocondyles1 a competent judge1 affirms the identity of the language of the ,dalmatians1 ,bosnians1 ,servians1 ,bulgarians1 ,poles1 7,de ,rebus ,turcitis1 #a4 x4 p4 #bhc17 and elsewhere of the ,bohemians1 7#a4 ii4 p4 #ch47 ,the same author has marked the separate idiom of the ,hungarians4 ,see the work of ,john ,christopher de ,jordan1 ,de ,originibus ,sclavicis1 ,vindobon1 #agde1 in four parts4 ,jordan subscribes to the well-known and probable derivation from slava1 laus1 gloria1 a word of familiar use in the different dialects and parts of speech1 and which forms the termination of the most illustrious names4 ,de ,originibus ,sclavicis1 part i4 p4 #dj1 part iv4 p4 #aja1 #ajb4 ,this conversion of a national into an appellative name appears to have arisen in the eighth century1 in the oriental ,france1 where the princes and bishops were rich in ,sclavonian captives1 not of the ,bohemian 7exclaims ,jordan7 but of ,sorabian race4 ,from thence the word was extended to general use1 to the modern languages1 and even to the style of the last ,byzantines4 7,see the ,greek and ,latin ,glossaries of ,ducange2 also ,gibbon's ,decline and ,fall of the ,roman ,empire1 vol4 iv4 p4 #ch47 ,the ,moors1 with whom the early ,christians in the south of ,europe had so many and frequent contentions1 at this day differ from all the other ,african races1 in their physical and mental development2--in person1 black1 with the straight hair of the ,arab1 whom they exceed in stature and intellect4 ,the ,arabs are admitted to be an amalgamation of the descendants of ,shem1 of ,canaan1 and ,misrain4 ,into the particulars of their admixture1 it will be as useless to inquire as it would be into the paternity of the goats on their mountains4 ,the ,moors1 according to ,king ,hiempsal's ,history of ,africa1 as related by ,sallust1 are descended from an admixture of ,medes1 ,persians1 and ,armenians with the ,libyans and ,gtulians1 the original occupants of the country4 ,his statement is1 that ,hercules led a large army of the people to conquer new and unknown countries2 that after his death in ,spain1 it became a heterogeneous mass1 made up of a great number of nations1 among whom were many ambitious chiefs1 each one aspiring to rule2 that a portion of this mass1 mostly of ,japhanese descent1 passed over to ,africa and seized on the shores of the ,mediterranean2 that their ships1 being hauled ashore1 were used for shelter2 that the ,persians among them passed on to the interior1 and mingled with the ,gtulians1 and in after times were known as ,numidians1--whereas those who remained upon the coast intermarried with ,libyans1 and in course of time1 by a corruption of their language1 ,medi1 in the barbarous dialect of ,libya1 became ,mauri--now ,moor4 ,to the foregoing1 digested from ,hiempsal1 as given by ,sallust1 we may add3--,to this amalgamation was also adjoined1 from time to time1 large parties of adventurers from the ,hebrews1 ,greeks1 ,romans1 and from almost every part of ,europe1 which were all absorbed by the native masses2 and between the years #hej and #hfj1 large masses of the ,scandinavian hordes were also absorbed into this general amalgam of the races of man4 ,the instances of slavery1 and the laws and customs of the church regulating it1 as presented in this study1 with few exceptions1 have pointed to the case where the white races have been enslaved or have enslaved one another2 where no strongly marked physical impediment has branded amalgamation with deterioration and moral disgust2 nor is it thought necessary to present an argument to prove that1 under such a state of facts1 the condition of ,europe at the present moment is in strict conformity with the result produced by the unchangeable laws of ,god touching the subject4 ,god always smiles upon the strong desire of moral and physical improvement4 ,had ,europe remained under deteriorating influences which determined her moral and physical condition two thousand years ago1 her condition as to slavery could not have changed4 ,nor is it seen that she is yet in so highly favoured a condition as to call upon her the providence of ,god1 charging her with the pupilage of the backslidden nations of the earth4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xxiii4 ,it has been heretofore remarked that the great mass of the ,african tribes are slaves in their own country1--that slavery there subjects them to death at the will of the master1 to sacrifice in the worship of their gods1 and to all the evils of cannibalism2 and yet it has been seen that even such slavery is a more protected state than would be a state of freedom with their religion1 and other moral and physical qualities4 ,history points not to the time when their present condition did not exist1 nor to the time when their removal1 in a state of slavery1 to the pagan nations of ,asia commenced4 ,upon the adoption of ,mohammedanism there1 we find the black tribes of ,africa succeeding to them in a state of slavery2 and we also find1 and history will support the assertion1 that in some proportion as the slavery of these tribes was adopted by ,christian nations1 it was diminished among the ,mohammedans2 and also1 that as the slave-trade with ,africa was abolished by the ,christians1 it was increased there2 and also1 that in the proportion it has been extended among both or either of these creeds of religion abroad1 it has been invariably ameliorated at home4 ,the causes of this state of facts seem to have been these3--,the ,african slave-owner found his bargain with the ,christian trader more profitable than with the ,mohammedan4 ,he received more value1 and in materials more desired by him3 the labour of the slave was of more value in ,america than ,asia2 and the transportation to the place of destination was attended with less cruelty and hardship by sea than by land4 ,the slave of the ,african owner was increased in value beyond any native use to which he could be applied1 by reason of both or either trade3 hence the slave in his native land became of greater interest and concern4 ,the native owner ceased to kill for food the slave whose exportation would produce him a much greater quantity4 ,his passions were curbed by the loss their indulgence occasioned4 ,the sacrifice was stayed by a less expensive1 but1 in his estimation1 a more valuable offering4 ,the object of our present inquiry is1 whether the slavery of the ,african tribes to the followers of ,mohammed is at all recognised or alluded to by the inspired writers4 ,the fact exists1 nor can it be contested1 although the condition of the ,african slave is far more degraded among the ,asiatics and ,arabians than among the ,christians1 but that even there it is far more elevated than in his native land4 8,blessed be the ,lord ,god of ,shem1 and ,canaan shall be his servant40 ,gen4 ix4 #bf4 ,the prophet ,daniel was a captive the greater portion of his life1 in the very region of country1 and among the ancestors of the ,mohammedans of the present day1 and1 of all the prophets1 the most to have been expected to have been endowed with prophetic gifts in relation to that country and its future condition4 ,it is proper also to remark that although there is in many instances among the ,mohammedans of the present day a mixture of ,japhanese descent1 yet their main stock is well known to be ,shemitic4 ,it should also be noticed that the ,shemites have at all times more frequently amalgamated with the descendants of ,ham than those of ,japhet1 consequently more liable to moral and physical deterioration2 and here1 indeed1 we find a reason why it was announced that ,japhet should possess the tents of ,shem4 ,dan4 viii4 #i3 8,and out of one of them came forth a little horn1 which waxed exceeding great towards the south1 and towards the east1 and towards the pleasant land4 #aj4 ,and it waxed great1 even to the host of heaven1 and it cast down some of the host of the stars to the ground1 and stamped upon them4 #aa4 ,yea1 he magnified himself even to the prince of the host1 and by him the daily sacrifice was taken away1 and the place of his sanctuary was cast down4 #ab4 ,and an host was given him against the daily sacrifice by reason of transgression1 and it cast down the truth to the ground1 and it practised and prospered4 #bc4 ,and in the latter time of their kingdom1 when the transgressors are come to the full1 a king of fierce countenance1 and understanding dark sentences1 shall stand up4 #bd4 ,and his power shall be mighty1 but not by his own power3 and he shall destroy wonderfully1 and shall prosper1 and practise1 and shall destroy the mighty and holy people4 #be4 ,and through his policy also he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand1 and he shall magnify himself in his heart1 and by peace shall destroy many3 he shall also stand up against the ,prince of princes2 but he shall be broken without hand40 ,dan4 xi4 #dj3 8,and at the time of the end shall the king of the south push at him1 and the king of the north shall come against him like a whirlwind1 with chariots1 and with horsemen1 and with many ships1 and he shall enter into the countries1 and shall overflow and pass over4 #da4 ,he shall enter also into the glorious land1 and many countries shall be overthrown2 but these shall escape out of his hand1 even ,edom and ,moab1 and the chief of the children of ,ammon4 #db4 ,he shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries3 and the land of ,egypt shall not escape4 #dc4 ,but he shall have power over the treasures of gold and of silver1 and over all the precious things of ,egypt1 and the ,libyans and the ,ethiopians shall be at his steps40 ,of the language used by this prophet1 it is proper to remark that there are many variations from the more ancient ,hebrew1 both as to form of expression and the particular words used1 among which ,arabicisms and ,aramacisms are quite common4 ,faber supposes that this remarkable vision relates to the history of ,mohammedanism3 no previous theory has been satisfactory to the ,christian world1 and it is now generally believed that he has suggested a correct interpretation4 ,we may therefore be allowed to follow him in considering it as descriptive of the rise and progress of that religion4 ,mohammed was born at ,mecca4 ,his education was contracted1 and his younger days devoted to commercial and warlike pursuits4 ,by his marriage with the widow of an opulent merchant1 he rose to distinction in his native city4 ,for several years he frequently retired into the cave of ,hera and cherished his enthusiastic sentiments1 till1 at the age of forty1 he stated that he had held communication with the angel ,gabriel1 and was appointed a prophet and apostle of ,god4 ,in #fab1 he publicly announced to his relations and friends that he had ascended through seven heavens to the very throne of ,deity1 under the guidance of ,gabriel1 and had received the salutations of patriarchs1 prophets1 and angels4 ,this monstrous statement1 however1 did not succeed1 except with a very few2 and on the death of his uncle ,abn ,taleb1 who had been his powerful protector1 he was compelled1 in #fbb1 to seek security by flight to ,medina4 ,this henceforth became the epoch of ,mohammedan chronology2 his power was more consolidated1 and his influence extended by a large accession of deluded1 but determined followers4 ,he very soon professed to have received instructions from the angel ,gabriel to propagate his religion by the sword2 and power made him a persecutor4 ,in seven years he became the sovereign of ,mecca1 and this led to the subjugation of all ,arabia1 which was followed by that of ,syria4 ,in less than a century from the period of its rise in the barren wilds of ,arabia1 the ,mohammedan religion extended over the greater part of ,asia and ,africa1 and threatened to seat itself in the heart of ,europe4 ,the unity of ,god was the leading article of ,mohammed's creed4 ,when addressing the ,jews1 he professed highly to honour ,abraham1 ,moses1 and the prophets1 and admitted1 for the sake of conciliating ,christians1 that ,jesus was the ,messiah of the ,jews1 and will be the judge of all4 ,this compromising policy is seen in the ,koran4 ,mohammedan morals enforce many principles of justice and benevolence1 and inculcate a degree of self-denial1 but1 at the same time1 permit the indulgence of some of the strongest passions of our nature4 ,the representations given of paradise are adapted to gratify the sensuality of men1--and of hell1 to awaken their fears of disobeying the ,koran or the prophet4 8,eastern ,christendom10 says ,mr4 ,foster1 8at once the parent and the prey of hydra-headed heresy1 demanded and deserved precisely the inflictions which the rod of a conquering heresiarch could bestow4 ,the king of fierce countenance1 and understanding dark sentences1 well expresses the character of ,mohammed and his religion40 8,mohammed10 says ,gibbon1 8with the sword in one hand1 and the ,koran in the other1 erected his throne on the ruins of ,christianity and of ,rome4 ,the genius of the ,arabian prophet1 the manners of his nation1 and the spirit of his religion involve the causes of the decline and fall of the ,eastern empire1 and our eyes are curiously intent on one of the most memorable revolutions which impressed a new and lasting character on the nations of the globe40 ,his first efforts were directed against the ,jews1 who refused to receive ,mohammed's effusions as the revelations of heaven1 and1 in consequence1 suffered the loss of their possessions and lives4 8,when ,christian churches10 says ,scott1 8were converted into mosques1 the #8daily sacrifice' might be said to be taken away10 7viii4 #aa1 #ab17 and the numbers of nominal ,christians who were thus led to apostatize1 and of real ,christians and ministers who perished by the sword of this warlike1 persecuting power1 fulfilled the prediction that he cast down some of the host and of the stars to the ground1 and stamped on them4 ,it is said that 8a host was given him against the daily sacrifice10 7or worship of the ,christian church1 corresponding with the ,jewish sanctuary17 8by reason of transgression40 ,a rival priesthood subverted the priesthood of a degenerate church4 ,the imams of ,mohammed assumed the place of the apostate teachers of ,christianity4 ,the event here predicted was to occur in the latter part of the ,grecian empire1 7ver4 #bc17 8when the transgressors are come to the full40 ,history relates that the remains of the ,eastern empire and the power of the ,greek church were overthrown by ,mohammedans4 ,their chief endeavoured to diffuse his doctrine1 but found that it could not prevail by 8its own power10 or the inherent moral strength of the system3 it was requisite to support his pretensions by 8craft0 and 8policy40 ,mohammed sanctioned as much of the inspired ,scriptures as he thought might tend to obviate the prejudices of the ,jews1 and incorporated as much of his own system with the errors of the ,eastern church as might tend to conciliate ,greek ,christians4 8,although ,mohammedism did not first spring up in the ,macedonian empire1 yet it now spread from ,arabia to ,syria1 and occupied locally1 as well as authoritatively1 the ancient dominion of the he-goat40 7,scott47 ,it has been remarked1 however1 by ,mr4 ,foster1 7,mohammedism ,unveiled17 that the part of ,arabia which included the native country of ,mohammed1 composed an integral province both of the empire of ,alexander and of the ,ptolemean kingdom of ,egypt4 ,ptolemy had ,egypt1 ,syria1 ,arabia1 ,clo-syria1 and ,palestine4 ,the sovereignties of ,egypt and ,syria1 before called the king of the south and the king of the north1 disappeared when they were absorbed in the ,roman empire1 and the new power1 or the ,saracen and ,turkish empires1 that succeeded1 are now brought to view4 ,but let it be observed1 that the ,saracens became masters of ,egypt1 the original territory of the king of the south1 and the ,turks possessed ,syria1 or the kingdom of the north1 and still retain it4 8,the king of the south shall push at him40 ,the power of ,rome was overthrown in the east by the ,saracens4 ,this was the first wo of the revelation1 which was to pass away after three hundred years4 ,the ,turks then came1 a whirlwind of northern barbarians1 and achieved a lasting conquest1 in a day1 of the ,asiatic provinces of the ,roman empire4 ,the line of march was along the north of ,palestine1 and the ,turkish monarch entered only to pass through and overflow3 8he entered into the glorious land20 for1 as ,gibbon has stated it1 the most interesting conquest of the ,seljukian ,turks was that of ,jerusalem1 which soon became the theatre of nations4 8,but ,edom and ,moab1 and the chief of the children of ,ammon escaped out of his hand40 ,even when all the regions round owned the ,turkish sway1 these retained their detached and separate character1 and even received tribute from the pilgrims as they passed to the shrines of ,mecca and ,medina4 ,thus they have escaped and maintained their independence of the ,porte4 ,a race of monarchs arose to stretch out their hand upon the countries4 ,othman1 ,amurath1 ,bajazet1 and ,mohammed conquered nation after nation1 and finally fixed the seat of their empire at ,constantinople4 ,the land of ,egypt 8did not escape20 it was indeed the last to yield2 but1 though its forces had vanquished both ,christians and ,turks1 it was at length subdued by ,selim ,i4 in #aeag1 and came into possession of the ,ottomans4 7,cox1 on ,daniel47 ,and it may be here remarked1 as a fact of well-known history1 that the countries known as ,libya and ,ethiopia have1 at all ages of the world1 supplied this country with slaves1 whoever may have borne rule1 and still continue to do the same4 ,thousands from the interior of ,africa are yearly transplanted from the slavery of their native land into those countries now under ,mohammedan rule4 ,and it may be well here for the ,christian philanthropist to notice1 that so far as the slave-trade with ,africa has ceased with ,christian nations1 to the same extent it has substantially increased with ,mohammedan countries4 8,and the ,libyans and the ,ethiopians shall be at his steps10--a form of speech as clearly indicating the condition of slavery as though ever so broadly asserted4 ,the ,hebrew word here translated 8at his steps10 in his footsteps1 c41 i4 e4 attached or subjected to his interests as slaves1 is cognate with the ,arabic word metsuad1 and means the chains by which the feet of captive slaves are bound1 and in ,hebrew form this word is used in ,isa4 iii4 #bj1 tseadoth4 ,the whole passage is strictly an ,arabicism1 and is to be construed1 with reference to that language1 chain for the legs4 ,of this passage1 ,adam ,clark says1 8,unconquered ,arabs all sought their friendship1 and many of them are tributary to the present time40 ,some commentators seem to understand this passage to mean only that ,libyans and ,ethiopians would be in courteous attendance1 c4 ,if so1 the ,hebrew would have read1 as in ,judg4 iv4 #aj1 regel4 8,and he went up with ten thousand men at his feet40 ,this passage1 foretelling the slavery of the ,ethiopians to the ,mohammedans1 may well be compared with ,isa4 xlv4 #ad1 announcing the slavery of the same people to those of the true religion4 8,thus saith the ,lord1 the labour of ,egypt and the merchandise of ,ethiopia and of the ,sabeans1 men of stature1 shall come over unto thee1 and they shall be thine2 they shall come after thee1 in chains they shall come over1 and they shall fall down unto thee2 they shall make supplication unto thee1 saying1 ,surely ,god is in thee1 and there is none else1 there is no ,god0 beside4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xxiv4 ,in reflection upon the leading ideas that present themselves in the review of the subjects of this study1 we may notice that slavery has been introduced to the world as a mercy in favour of life4 ,that1 in its operation1 its general tendency is to place the weak1 deteriorated1 and degraded under the control and government of a wisdom superior to their own2 from whence the intellectual1 moral1 and physical improvement of the enslaved1 to some extent1 is a consequence as certain as that cause produces its effect4 ,the world never has1 nor will it ever witness a case where the moral1 intellectual1 and physical superior has been in slavery1 as a fixed state1 to an inferior race or grade of human life4 ,the law giving superior rule and government to the moral1 intellectual1 and physical superior is as unchangeable as the law of gravitation4 ,no seeming exception can be imagined which does not lend proof of the existence of such law4 ,the human intellect can make no distinction between the establisher of such law and the author and establisher of all other laws which we perceive to be established and in operation1 and which we attribute to ,god4 ,no one has ever yet denied that obedience to the laws of ,god effects and produces mental and physical benefits to the obedient1 or that their disregard and contempt are necessarily followed by a deterioration of the condition of the disobedient2 nor can any one deny that the neglect of obedience to the laws of ,god1 which1 in its product1 yields to the disobedient mental and physical deterioration1 or any one of them1 is sin1--and in proportion to its magnitude1 so will be its consequent degradation4 ,to be degraded is sin1 because the law is improve4 ,no one will pretend that the relation of master and slave is not often attended with sin on the part of the master1 on the account of his disobedience to the law of ,god in his government of his slave2 or on the part of the slave1 on the account of his disobedience to the same law in his conduct towards his master4 ,therefore1 such master is not as much benefited1 not the slave as much improved by the relation1 as would otherwise be the case4 ,it is therefore incumbent on the master to search out and exclude all such abuses from the intercourse and reciprocal duties between him and his slave4 ,placed upon him is the responsible charge of governing both himself and his slave4 ,the responsibility of the master in this respect is of the same order as that of a guardian and that of a parent4 ,the want of a less affectionate regard in the master towards the slave is supplied and secured to the safety of the slave by the increased watchfulness of the master over the slave from the consideration that the slave is his property4 ,for where affection cannot be supposed sufficiently strong to stimulate a calm and wise action1 interest steps in to produce the effect4 ,that every mind will see and comprehend these truths1 where prejudice and education are in contradiction1 is not to be expected4 ,the influences of a false philosophy on the mind1 like stains of crime on the character1 are often of difficult removal4 ,some forbearance towards those who honestly entertain opposing ideas on this subject1 can never disgrace the ,christian character1--and we think it particularly the duty of the men of the ,south1 towards the men1 women1 and children of the ,northern ,states1 especially of the unlearned classes4 ,for even among ourselves of the ,south1 we sometimes hear the announcement of doctrines that declare all the most rabid fanatic at the ,north need claim1 on the subject of immediate abolition4 ,we refer to and quote from ,walker's ,reports of ,cases adjudged in the ,supreme ,court of ,mississippi1 at the ,june term1 #ahah1 page #db3 8,slavery is condemned by reason and the laws of nature40 ,this false and suicidal assertion1 most unnecessarily and irrelevantly introduced1 still stands on the records of the ,supreme ,court of that ,state1 and is an epitaph of the incapacity and stupidity of him who wrote it and engraved it on this monument of ,southern heedlessness4 ,we were at first surprised at the silence of the reporter1 but1 at that day1 any criticism by that officer would have been contempt4 ,yet we may infer that the ingenious and talented gentleman contrived to express his most expunging reprobation1 by wholly omitting all allusion to the point in his syllabus of the case4 ,if in the course of these ,studies we shall not have shown that slavery as it exists in the world is commanded by 8reason0 and the laws of 8nature10 we shall have laboured in vain2 and even now an array of battle is formed1 and our enemy has chosen human 8reason0 for the 8bolt of ,jove10 as wrought from strands of ,northern colds1 ,southern heats1 and ,eastern winds2 in their centre1 bound by cloudy fears and avenging fires2 for their gis1 8the laws of nature0 supply ,minerva's shield1 upon which fanaticism has already inscribed its government over thirty ,states1 far exceeding in purity1 they think1 that of the ,god of ,israel4 ,and we have come up to the war6--armed neither with the rod of ,hermes nor the arrows of ,latona's son2 but with a word from him of ,bethlehem3 8,sanctify them through thy truth2 thy word is truth40 ------------------------------------ ,study ,v4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 ,the inquirer after truth has two sources by which he can arrive at some knowledge of the will of ,god3--#ast4 ,by faith and revelation2 #b;d4 ,by the observance of the facts uniformly developed in the material and moral world4 ,the accuracy of his knowledge will be coincident with the accuracy of the mental perceptions and the extent of the research of the inquirer4 ,in the ,bible he will find the declarations of ,god himself3 some of them are express1 and some of them implied4 ,in the second place1 he may discover the will of ,god from the arrangement of his works as manifested in the visible world4 ,some call this the light of nature2 others the laws of nature4 ,but what do they mean other than the light and laws of ,god8 ,are not the laws of gravitation as much the laws of ,god as they would be if set down in the decalogue1 although not as important to man in his primary lessons of moral duty8 ,let us view the forest as planted by the hand of ,god3 we see some trees made to push their tall boughs far above the rest2 while others1 of inferior stem and height1 seem to require the partial shade and protection of their more lofty neighbours2 others1 of still inferior and dwarfish growth1 receive and require the full and fostering influence of the whole grove1 that their existence may be protected and their organs fully developed for use4 ,let us view the tribes of ocean1 earth1 and air3 we behold a regular gradation of power and rule1 from man down to the atom4 ,whether with reason or with instinct blest1 ,all enjoy that power that suits them best3 ,order is ,heaven's first law2 and this confess'd1 ,some are1 and must be1 greater than the rest-- ,more rich1 more wise2 but who infers from hence ,that such are happier1 shocks all common sense4 ,heaven to mankind impartial we confess1 ,if all are equal in their happiness2 ,but mutual wants this happiness increase4 ,all nature's difference1 keeps all nature's peace3 ,condition1 circumstance1 is not the thing2 ,bliss is the same1 in subject1 or in king6 ,,pope',s ,essay4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,they who study even only such portion of the works of ,god as can1 seemingly1 to some extent be examined by the human mind1 never fail to discover a singular affinity between all things1 the creation of his hand4 ,this1 to us1 would be proof1 independent of inspiration1 that one ,creator made the whole world and all things therein4 ,so great is the affinity between the vegetable and animal kingdoms1 that it is to this day a doubt where the one terminates or where the other begins4 ,naturalists all agree that they both spring from 8slightly developed forms1 perhaps varied1 yet closely connected20 true1 8starting away in different directions of life10 but ever preserving1 it may be an obscure1 yet a strict analogy to each other4 ,these analogies are sufficiently obvious to prove that one power1 one and the same general law1 has brought them both into existence4 ,thus the devout worshipper of ,god may1 in some sense1 view the vegetable inhabitants of the earth as his brethren4 ,the animal kingdom may be considered as divisible into five groups4 ,the vertebreta1 annulosa1 7the articulata of ,cuvier17 the radiata1 the acrita1 7in part the radiata of ,cuvier17 and the molusca4 ,each one of these groups will be found divisible into five classes4 ,let us take1 for example1 the vertebreta1 and it is readily divided into the mammalia1 reptilia1 pisces1 amphibia1 and aves4 ,so each one of these classes is divisible into five orders4 ,let us take1 for example1 the mammalia2 and it is readily divided into the cheirotheria1 7animals with more or less perfect hands17 fer1 cetacea1 glires1 and ungulata4 ,so each one of these orders is divisible into five genera4 ,let us take1 for example1 the cheirotheria1 and it is readily divided into the bimana or homo1 the quadrumana or simiad1 the natatorials or vespertilionid1 the suctorials or lemurid1 the rasorials or cebid4 ,so each one of these genera is divided in five species4 ,let us take1 for example1 the bimana or homo1 and it is readily divided into the ,caucasian or ,indo-,european1 the ,mongolian1 the ,malayan1 the ,indian or aboriginal ,american1 and the ,negro or ,african4 ,thus we behold man in his relation to the animal world3 true1 far in advance as to his physical and mental development2 yet the natural philosopher finds traces of all his mental powers among the inferior animals1 as does the comparative anatomist those of his physical structure4 ,does he feel degraded by the fact that ,god has been pleased to order this relation of brotherhood with the lower orders of creation8 ,or will he for ever suffer his pride to hedge up the way of progress by the impassable darkness of his own ignorance4 ,the uniformity of these penta-legal ramifications1 which reach down from man through all the orders and groups of the animal world1 gives evidence of a preconceived design--of an arrangement by ,almighty power--of a ,god whose thought is law6--while the analogy of animal formation1 the traces of affinity in the mental qualities found in all1 in proportion as those qualities are more or less developed1 and the apparent adaptation of each one to the condition in which it is found1 demonstrate the unity of the law which governs their physical being4 ,these analogies1 found to exist between all the individuals of the animal world1 and particularly striking and more and more obvious as we proceed from a particular group to its genera and species1 have led some philosophers to suppose that the more perfectly developed species have been progressively produced by some instance of an improved development1 as an offshoot from the genera1 and so on back to its original form of animal life1 in obedience to the laws of the great ,first ,cause4 ,but we wish to disturb no man's philosophy4 ,we deem it of little importance to us what method ,god pursued in the creation of our species2 whether we were spoken instantly into life1 as was the light1 or whether ages were spent in reproducing improved developments from the earlier forms of animal life4 ,in either case we see nothing contradictory to the inspired writings of ,moses4 ,man is as much the creation of ,god through one means as another4 ,the wisdom and power required are the same2 for his existence alone demonstrates him to be the work of a ,god4 ,the fact of the existence of these analogies is alone what we propose to notice4 ,and we offer them merely as indications of a course of study that may lead to some important results in elucidation of the mental and physical relations between the different varieties of man4 ,in further illustration1 let us for a moment look at the bovine species1 from the genus ruminantia1 from the order ungulata1 and we find the ox1 the bison1 the buffalo1 the elk1 and the goat4 ,like the five species of homo1 we find the bovine species divided into a great number of families or varieties1 of which we need take no further notice4 ,does any one fail to perceive the analogy between these species of the bos8 ,are they more obscure1 more aberrant than are the relations between the species of man8 ,examine the high physical development of the most intellectual ,caucasian2 trace down the line to the diminutive and ill-formed cannibal savage of ,africa1 the habits and mental development of whom would seem rather allied to the lower orders of animals than to the ,caucasian6 ,how will it comport with the general laws manifested by the condition of the animal world and of the obvious inferiority and influence of one over another1 in proportion to their apparent superiority in physical and mental development1 to place the lowest grade of the ,african in equal power or in control of the ,caucasian brother8 ,is there any manifestation of the ,creator of an arrangement like this1 even through the eternity of his own work8 ,on the contrary1 through the whole animal race1 we find power and control lodged everywhere in proportion as we find an advance towards perfection in the development bestowed4 ,in conformity to this law1 ,god gave ,adam 8dominion0 over every living thing that moved upon earth4 ,it is known to most men1 that1 under certain circumstances1 the race of any animal will improve3 so also1 under adverse1 they degenerate4 ,we see these facts daily in the breeds of domestic animals4 ,we see these changes even in the families of all the species of man4 ,nor is it a matter of the least importance to our inquiry1 whether these species of the race have been produced by an upward movement from the lowest1 or a downward degenerating movement from the most elevated4 ,it is sufficient that they exist from some cause2 for an individual having been1 say an equal1 but now degenerate1 falls under the influence and control of his superior4 ,and in conformity to this law1 it was announced to ,eve1 the helpmate of ,adam1 that 8he shall rule over thee40 ,but if these particles of inspiration had never been proclaimed1 man would have discovered this law from its constant operation1 not only on the family of man1 but on every branch of the animal world4 ,we can spend but little time with such infidel principles as lead some men to say1 8,down with your ,bible that teaches slavery40 8,if the religion of ,jesus ,christ allows slavery1 the ,new ,testament is the greatest curse that could be inflicted on man40 8,down with your ,god who upholds slavery2 he shall be no ,god of mine40 8,jesus ,christ was himself a negro60 ,our hearts bleed when we see such evidence of a destroyed intellect4 ,the maniac in his ravings excites our extreme sorrow4 ,we feel no harshness4 ,he has sunk far below resentment4 ,can we administer to such mental deformity any relief8 ,will it be absurd to ask him to deduce from nature1 as it is found to operate1 that the various grades of subjection spread through the animal world exist in conformity to the natural law8 ,but1 says the querist1 8,your remarks have a tendency towards the conclusion1--upon the supposition that ,adam was created with a perfect1 or rather with a very high order of physical organization and mental development1--that the facts of the greater or less degeneration of the people of the world1 since his fall1 now exhibited by the different species of man upon the earth1 had their origin in his transgression4 ,now1 by parity of argument1 we may conclude1 if such high physical elevation was the original condition of ,adam1 that each genus of the brute creation also was originally created on a proportional scale4 ,if so1 their degeneration is quite as visible as that of man4 ,yet we have no account that they committed sin and #8fell4'0 ,we do not say that such was the original condition of the first man4 ,we say1 the creation of the animal world was upon principles compatible with progressive improvement2 and that as far as these principles are not obeyed1 but changed or reversed by the practice of the animal world1 that the effect is to remain stationary1 or to retrograde and deteriorate4 ,it is a matter of no importance to our argument what was the first condition of ,adam4 ,but allow it to be as querist has stated3 ,we answer1 the ,bible was given to man for his moral government2 not to teach him geology1 chemistry1 or other sciences4 ,such matters were left for him to attain by progressive improvement4 ,a minute history of the brute creation1 or any portion of it1 from the earliest dawn of animal life up to the time of revelation1 other than the announcement of their creation and subjection to him1 was irrelevant4 ,but man was the very head and governor of the whole animal race4 ,now1 who is to say that the degeneration of the ruler will not produce a change of conduct in the ruled8 ,who is to say that the poisoned moral feeling of him in command1 breaking forth in acts of violence on all around1 will not produce a corresponding effect on the animate objects under him8 ,witness the effect1 we need not say on children1 but on domestic animals1 of the rash1 cruel1 and crazy treatment of a wicked and inconsistent man8 ,the idea that the brute creation were injured in condition by the fall of man is put forth by ,st4 ,paul1 in ,rom4 viii4 #i-bb1 where the word 8creature0 is translated from the ,greek term that implies the whole animal or the whole created world4 ,but no answer to querist is necessary4 ,the fact is sufficient that animals1 under habits ill-adapted to their organization1 do degenerate4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,however insensible individuals themselves may be of the fact1 some men1 and those of quite different character1 find it unpleasant to submit themselves to the great ,author of animal life4 ,for they1 in substance1 make a continual inquiry1 ,how is it to be reconciled that a ,being so perfectly good should have admitted into the midst of his works1 as a constant attendant of all his sentient creations1 so large an admixture of what we call evil8 ,we might continue the inquiry by adding1 ,why1 in a mere drop of water1 do we find the animalcul manifesting all the agonies and repeating the outrages upon one another strikingly visible among the larger animal developments of the great ocean and of the land8 ,why such an admixture of pain and misery among men8 ,why the male of all animals making destructive war on their kind8 ,why exterminating wars among men8 ,and why the numberless1 nameless evils everywhere spread through the world8 ,and do we forget that the great ,creator of animal life brought forth his works and sustains each thing by the unchangeable exercise of his laws8 ,laws which are found to have a direct tendency to progressive improvement8 ,will rational beings expect ,god to change their actions to suit their disregard of them8 ,will fire cease to burn because we may choose to thrust in the hand8 ,and what if1 even in all this1 we shall discover his wisdom and goodness by making what we may call punishment for the breach of the law1 a pulling back from deeper misery1 a powerful stimulus for a change of direction from a downward to an upward movement in the path of progressive improvement8 ,do we find no satisfaction in this view of the constitution of nature1 of the wisdom of ,god8 ,these men seem desirous that the works of ,god should have been on a different footing1 or that every thing should have been at once perfect to the extent of his power4 ,would they then desire to be his equal too8 ,but1 at least as to man1 the mind incapable of error1 the body of suffering6 ,it is possible that under such a dispensation1 our mental enjoyments would have been on a par with a mathematical axiom1 and our bodies have about as much sympathy for the things around them as has a lump of gold4 ,and how do they know that the rocks1 minerals1 and trees1 yea1 the starry inhabitants of the firmament1 are not the exact manifestations of what would have been creations of that order8 ,we will not stop here to inquire how far the complaints of these men operate to their own mental and physical injury4 ,it is a great popular error to suppose all of our own species to be born equals4 ,it involves the proposition that each one also possesses the same faculties and powers1 and to the same extent4 ,even every well-informed nursery-maid is furnished with a good refutation4 ,the grades of physical development are proofs of grades of mind4 ,through the whole animal world1 as with man1 mental action takes place1 providing for the sustenance and security of life2 and the amount of mental power each one possesses is ever in proportion to the development of the nervous system and animal structure4 ,upon this earth1 the highest grade of such development is found among the ,caucasian species of man4 ,physiologists assert that the ,african exhibits1 in maturity1 the imperfect brain c4 of a ,caucasian ftus some considerable time before its birth3 so the ,malay and ,indian1 the same at a period nearer birth2 while the ,mongolian1 that of the infant lately born4 ,see ,lloyd's ,popular ,physiology4 ,the beard1 among men the attribute of a full maturity1 largest in the ,caucasian1 is scarcely found among the lower grades of the ,african4 ,colour is also found darkest where the development is the least perfect1 and the most distant from the ,caucasian2 and hence a philosopher of great learning makes the question pertinent1 8,may not colour then depend on development also8 ,development being arrested at so immature a stage in the case of the negro1 the skin may take on the colour as an unavoidable consequence of its imperfect organization40 ,the different species and all the varieties of man are nothing but a short history of their different grades of organization and development4 ,one fraction1 by a long and more or less strict observance of the laws of nature1 becomes1 after many generations1 quite improved in its organization4 ,from an opposite course1 another fraction has degenerated and sunk into degradation4 ,it is now a well-known fact that ,caucasian parents too nearly related exhibit offspring of the ,mongolian type4 ,so1 a particular tribe of ,arabs1 now on the banks of the ,jordan1 from an in-and-in propagation have become scarcely to be distinguished from ,negroes4 ,this is only an instance1 but is important when we notice the deteriorating influence such intercourse has among domestic animals4 ,in short1 every breach of the laws tending to the path of progressive improvement must have a deteriorating effect on the offspring4 ,there was truth in the ancient adage1 8,the fathers have eaten sour grapes and the children's teeth are set on edge40 ,every private habit and circumstance in life that enervates or deranges the physical system1 or disturbs the balance of the mind1 stamps its impress on the descendant4 ,the moral and physical condition of the progeny1 with slight exceptions the result of an elevating and upward movement1 or a downward and deteriorating one1 7as the case may be17 is the necessary result of the moral and physical condition of the parentage3 and this influence is doubtless felt back for many generations4 ,but does ,god make man wicked8 does he predestine to evil8 ,these queries may seem pertinent to some1 because we are in the habit of considering each individual by itself2 whereas each individual is only a link in the chain of phenomena1 which owe their existence to laws productive of good1 and even of progressive improvement1 but of necessity1 in their breach1 admit these evils1 because such breach is sin4 ,our moral faculties are permitted to range in a wide field2 but evil is the result of a disruption of the rules of action4 ,it is the flaming sword elevated to guard our good1 showing us the awful truth1 the mere bad habit in the parent may become a constitutional inherent quality in the off spring4 ,we do not suppose these influences always very perceptibly immediate4 ,many generations are doubtless often required in the full development of an upward movement to a higher order of moral perception2 and so in the opposite4 ,yet we cannot forbear to notice how often the immediate descendant is quite apt to prove its parentage4 ,will the theologian object--8,you contradict the ,scripture4 ,you make five species of man4 ,whereas they are all the descendants of ,noah40 ,have we not shown ample ground and time for their formation from his stock8 ,besides1 we expect hereafter to prove by ,scripture that ,ham took a wife from the degenerate race of ,cain2 which1 if so1 would alone place his descendants in the attitude of inferiority and subjection4 ,no6 but we advertise the theologian that we shall take the ,scripture for our platform4 ,we believe it1 and hope to even hold him close to it4 ,but we now ask for the reflection of all1 does not the degenerate man1 degraded in constitution below the possibility of his emerging from the depth to which he has sunk1 by any self-renovating power1 still lingering about his reduced condition1 require the aid of one of superior nature1 of superior organization and mental development1 to act as his adviser1 protector1 and master8 ,would not such a provision be a merciful one8 ,and may we not also inquire1 whether the superior endowments here required do not also require to be exercised in bearing rule over the wayward energies of those more degenerate1 as a necessary element in the school to a higher advance8 ,and shall we not perceive that such a relation must produce a vast amount of improvement and happiness to both8 ,children and inferior persons often show themselves1 upon the slightest temptation1 false and cruel1--often the inheritance of parental imperfection4 ,absolute command1 sustained by physical force1 has alone been found sufficient to eradicate these old1 and to found new habits of truthfulness and humanity4 ,true1 the ,scripture asserts that all men are equal in the sight of ,god1 just as a father feels an equal parental regard for all his children4 ,the philosophic mind cannot well conceive otherwise than that ,god feels an equal regard for all parts of his creation2 for 8,the glory of the ,lord shall endure for ever3 the ,lord shall rejoice in his work40 ,but this view reaches not the physical fact2 for the father hesitates not to place a guardian over his wayward child1 or disinherit the utterly worthless4 ,so ,god 8turneth man to destruction2 and sayeth1 ,return1 ye children of men40 ,and how gladly would the parent provide the fatted calf for the worthless son upon his return to honour and virtue6 ,so there is more joy in heaven over the return of one sinner than over ninety-nine who have not gone astray4 ,the mercy of ,god shines upon the world in floods of celestial light2 for ,christianity1 in its passports to heaven1 judges all men by their own acts4 ,therefore1 the most degraded nature1 upon a sight of its deformity1 may feel an unchangeable regret1 and inherit its portion4 ,here ,christianity itself points the way to progressive improvement1 and commands children to obey their parents1 wives their husbands1 and servants their masters4 ,the grace of ,god is as openly manifested in the welfare of the child or slave1 when produced through the interposition of the parent or master1 as if the interposition had been more immediate4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,intellect is not found to exist only in connection with a corresponding physical organization4 ,in the family of man1 if that which may appear a good organization is accompanied by an inferior intellect1 we may suspect our nice accuracy of discernment1 rather than a discrepancy in the operation of the general law2 so also where we may seem to perceive a good intellect1 but which produces inferior or unworthy results4 ,we do not always notice the small steps of degeneration4 ,often the first notice we take is of the fact of a changed condition1 as proved by the results3 8,by their fruits ye shall know them40 ,the idea that intellect and mental development can be independent of physical organization is an absurdity4 ,a suppressed or incomplete organization must arrest a further enlargement of the mental faculties4 ,these faculties may be improved1 brought into action1 or even their action to some extent suppressed1 by government and culture4 ,such indeed are the guides to progressive improvement4 ,,explanation3--,man has no organization by which he could build a honey-comb like a bee4 ,will any culture applied to him teach him8 ,man has no organization by which he can closely examine spiritual existences3 his ideas about them are therefore variant and confused4 ,who will arrange their study into a science8 ,man has no organization by which he can fully comprehend ,god4 ,will he ever do so in his present state8 ,are1 then1 the actions of the child1 and of those persons whose mental development has been arrested at a very early stage1 7as has been supposed the case with the lower orders of animals1 and of those animals themselves17 the result of some faculty or mental power different from mind8 ,the result of instinct8 ,and what is instinct but mind in the early dawn of its development8 ,are not such actions as the chick breaking its shell1 the young-born infant receiving its natural food1 the necessary consequents of the state of their infantile organization1 which the earliest development of mind could prompt and enable them to put forth2 and will it be deemed beyond the reach of reason1 to prove that with the difference of maturity in organization and development1 the same general connection of mind and organization is found1 through the entire of life as well as infancy8 ,philosophers have1 with indefatigable labour1 endeavoured to enlighten the world on the subject of instinct4 ,can we be pardoned if we suggest that their theories on this subject signally prove they were but men8 ,des ,cartes says--8,brutes are machines without sensation or ideas2 that their actions are the result of external force1 as the sound of an organ is the result of the air being forced through the pipes40 ,this is his 8instinct40 ,if this be true1 then it follows that every action in the material world is instinct4 ,then the thunder utters its voice1 the earth quakes1 and the telegraph works by 8instinct40 ,yet1 his theory has found an advocate in that very classical ,latin poem1 8,anti ,lucretius10 by ,cardinal ,polignac4 ,dr4 ,reid sustains the mechanical nature of brutes1 but classifies their actions into those of habit and those of instinct4 ,dr4 ,darwin says that instinct is mental1 and that the actions of brutes result from faculties1 the same in nature as those of man1 but extremely limited4 ,smellie takes the same view4 ,yet ,darwin asserts that instinct is the reason2 and ,smellie1 that reason is the result of instinct4 ,cudworth says that instinct is an intermediate power1 taking rank between mind and matter1 yet often vibrating from one to the other4 ,buffon contends that brutes possess an intellectual principle1 by which they distinguish between pleasure and pain1 and desire the one and repel the other4 ,this is his instinct4 ,reimar divides instinct into three classes3 mechanical1 such as the pulsation of the heart2 representative1 such as result from an imperfect kind of memory1 and1 so far as it is memory1 in common with mankind2 and spontaneous1 the same as ,buffon's4 ,cuvier says that instinct consists of ideas that do not result from sensation1 but flow directly from the brain6 ,dupont says that there is no such distinct faculty as instinct4 ,his views are analogous to ,darwin and ,smellie4 ,pope1 ,stahl1 and others say1 8,it is the divinity that stirs within us40 8,and reason raise o'er instinct as you can1 ,in this 'tis ,god directs1 in that 'tis man40 ,cullen1 ,hoffman1 and others say that instinct is the 8vis medicatrix natur40 ,dr4 ,john ,mason ,good says that 8instinct is the law of the living principle10 that 8instinctive actions are the actions of the living principle40 ,if so1 instinct is as applicable to vegetables as to animals4 ,dr4 ,hancock1 in his work on the ,physical and ,moral ,relations of ,instinct1 has evidently enlarged on the doctrine of ,pope and ,stahl4 ,he says instinct is the 8impulse10 8the inspiration of the ,holy ,spirit20 and1 in his own words1 8which we can only regard as an emanation of ,divine wisdom40 ,he asserts that the lower we descend in the scale of animal organization and mental development1 the more active and all-pervading over the conduct of the animal is instinct6 ,but1 nevertheless1 holds that 8instinct is in such animals an unconscious intelligence40 ,we much admire why he did not think proper to cast off from the ancients the charge of a puerile idolatry1 on the account of their worship of bulls1 calves1 alligators1 snakes1 beetles1 and bugs1 for they must have entertained a somewhat similar notion4 ,but the doctor goes further1 and says1 that as the lower grades of the animal world have this quality1 in which 8the ,divine energy seems to act with most unimpeded power10 so the holiest of men has it also1 but consciously and willingly1 and it then becomes his ruling principle1 8,divine counsellor1 his never-failing help1 a light to his feet1 and a lantern to his path40 7,page #eac47 ,it is quite evident that the doctor's instinct is the same with the 8unerring conscience10 8the innate principle of light10 8the moral sense10 8the spiritual power10 8the ,divine reason10 8the internal teaching10 8the perfect light of nature10 and 8the ,divine afflatus0 of the theologico-abolition speakers and writers of the present day1 which1 they say1 is the gift of ,god to every man4 ,this strange error of some of these writers we have already had occasion to notice4 ,but it is to be regretted1 for the good credit of religious profession1 that they did not acknowledge from whom they borrowed the idea2 or1 will they at this late day1 excuse themselves1 and frankly acknowledge they took it1 not from ,dr4 ,hancock1 or any other modern1 but as a deduction from the practices of ancient idolatry8 ,since we have ventured an opinion on the subject of instinct1 we trust forgiveness for the introduction of that of others4 ,our desire is to present such considerations as lead to the conclusion that men are born into the world with different physical and mental aptitudes3 in short1 that their corporeal and intellectual organizations are not of equal power2 or1 if some prefer the term1 that their instincts are not of equal extent and activity4 ,for substantially1 upon a contrary hypothesis1 are founded all those beautiful arguments in favour of the entire equality of man4 ,some whole systems of political justice are founded upon the proposition that there is no innate principle2 and one class of philosophers argue that1 as there is no innate principle1 therefore all men are ushered into the world under the circumstance of perfect equality2 consequently1 all the inequality afterwards found is the result of usurpation and injustice4 ,do they forget that organization itself is innate1 and that different organizations must direct the way through different paths8 ,but these philosophers still persist that there is no such disparity among the human race whereby the inferiority of one man shall necessarily place him in subjection to another4 ,this doctrine is perhaps confuted by practice better than by argument4 ,counsellor ,quibble saw his client ,stultus in the stocks1 on which he cries out1 8,it is contrary to law4 ,the court has no such power4 ,they cannot do it40 ,nevertheless1 ,stultus is still in the stocks6 ,but what would it avail1 even if all men were born equals8 ,could they all stand in the same footsteps1 do the same things1 think the same thoughts1 and be resolved into a unit8 ,who does not perceive the contrary8--but that from their birth they must stand in different footsteps1 walk in different paths1 think different things1 and1 in the journey of life1 arrive at different degrees of wealth1 honour1 knowledge1 and power8 ,men organized into some form of government cannot be equal2 because the very thing1 government1 proves the contrary3 among perfect equals1 government is an impossibility4 ,if laws were prescribed1 they could never be executed until some of these equals shall have greater power than those who infringe them4 ,man is never found so holy as to punish himself for his own impulses4 ,thus the idea of government among equals is a silly fiction4 ,men without government cannot be equal1 because the strong will have power over the weak4 ,the inequality of men is the progenitor of all civil compact4 ,one man is strong1 another weak2 one wise1 another foolish3 one virtuous1 another vicious3 each one yielding himself to a place in the compact1 all acquire additional protection1 especially so long as all shall adhere to the terms of the compact4 ,but the compact itself is the result of the proposition that the majority shall have more power than the minority1 because they are supposed to have more animal force1 and that they hold the evidence of a more lofty mental development4 ,here has sprung forth the doctrine that the good of the greater part is the good of the whole3 hence1 under this system1 an opposing fraction is often sacrificed to the ruling power4 ,we must here remark that this doctrine was changed at an early day into1 8,the good of the ruling power is the good of the whole40 ,although not a part of our study1 we may turn aside here to remark that1 from this monad in the composition of the doctrines of government1 did emanate the idea of all those strange sacrifices that now deform the pages of ancient idolatry4 ,in its aid the idol divinity vouched its influence1 and the daughter of ,ham yielded her new-born to the flaming embraces of her god4 ,even now the ancient sources of the ,ganges still pour down their holy waters1 are still drinking in an excessive population from the arms of the ,hindoo mother4 ,nor is this idea only an ancient thought2 it is not half a century since it was broached in one of the ,european parliaments to so hedge around the institution of marriage with thorny impediments1 that none excessively poor could legally propagate4 ,but to our minds these things strangely show forth the facts that prove 8men are not equal40 ,but even the lowest grades yield their obedience1 and are protected from greater evils4 ,even though they may have been so low as to have not been able to take any part in the formation of the compact1 yet they are as certainly benefited as the most elevated4 ,such has been the condition of the race through all time1 while falsehood has often mingled in her ingredients1 adding misery to the degradation of man2--for it is truly observable that falsehood has for ever led to deeper degradation1 to an increased departure from the laws of civil rule4 ,so far as human intellect has threaded its way along the path of truth and through the mazes of human depravity1 so far has man improved his condition by increasing his knowledge and power1--while a reversed condition has ever attended a retrograde movement4 ,may not the conclusion then be had1 such is the ordinance of ,god6 ,but equality among men is a chimera1 not possible to be reduced to practice1 nor desirable if it could be4 ,they never were so1 nor was it intended they ever should be4 ,cain and ,abel were not equal3 ,god told ,cain that if he behaved well1 he should have rule over ,abel2 but if he did not1 he should suffer the consequences of sin4 8,who art thou that repliest against ,god8 ,shall the thing formed say unto him that formed it1 ,why hast thou made me thus8 ,hath not the potter power over the clay1 of the same lump to make one vessel to honour and another to dishonour80 ,rom4 ix4 #bj1 #ba4 8,who hath made thee to differ one from another80 #a ,cor4 iv4 #g4 8,and the ,lord said unto her1 ,two nations are in thy womb2 and two manner of people shall be separated from thy bowels2 and the one people shall be stronger than the other people1 and the older shall serve 7 ya avod1 be a slave to7 the younger40 ,gen4 xxv4 #bc4 ,see also ,rom4 ix4 #ab4 ,can the inequality of man be more strongly inculcated8 ,and ,st4 ,paul seems to suggest that such inequality will exist hereafter4 8,there is one glory of the sun1 another glory of the moon1 and another glory of the stars2 for as one star differeth from another star in glory1 so also is the resurrection of the dead40 #a ,cor4 xv4 #da1 #db4 ,the idea that the souls of men are unequal in a future state of existence seems to be consonant with the faith of most of the ,christian churches4 8,and his lord said unto him1 ,well done1 thou good and faithful servant3 thou hast been faithful over a few things1 ,i will make thee ruler over many things3 enter thou into the joy of thy lord4 ,for unto every one that hath shall be given1 and he shall have abundance2 but from him that hath not1 shall be taken away even that he hath2 and cast ye the unprofitable servant into outer darkness3 there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth40 ,matt4 xxv4 #ba1 #bi1 #cj4 ,some politicians say1 government is founded on opinion4 ,be it so2 yet opinion is predicated upon the very incidents of men's conduct1 which1 when analyzed1 are found to prove their inequality4 ,so also1 when1 by the aid of the compact formed1 one individual holds a part of the community in subjection1 such extended rule is dependent on the same principles as the elementary case4 ,the truth is1 human society never recedes far from elementary influences1 notwithstanding all the artificials in government that ever have or ever can be brought into use4 ,the conditions to govern and to be in subjection necessarily imply superiority and inferiority3 change these relative qualities1 and the condition of the parties is changed also4 ,but1 upon the organization of society1 in all countries and at all times1 we find inequality in the conditions of men1 growing out of their social state2 distinctions between them1 affecting their personal considerations1 and often disposing of them for life4 ,thus1 in one country a man is born a monarch1 in another a priest of the ,lord1 a prince1 a peer1 a noble1 a commoner1 a freeman1 a serf1 a slave4 ,this arrangement of the conditions of social and civil life1 from long habit1 may well be said to become constitutional1 and necessary to the happiness of that society1 although thereby one may seem forced to be a tinker and another a tailor4 ,hence we infer1 inequality among men is the necessary result of the rules of civil life4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,justice1 as a general term1 means all moral duty4 ,one of its rules is1 that we should 8love our neighbours as ourselves40 ,some men have construed this to include each individual of the human family4 ,such construction we deem to be error4 ,the word 8neighbour10 as here used1 includes those virtues which render one good man acceptable to another and to ,god4 8,and who is my neighbour80 8,and ,jesus answered and said1 ,a certain man went down from ,jerusalem to ,jericho1 and fell among thieves1 which stripped him1 and departed1 leaving him half dead4 ,and by chance there came down a certain priest that way1 and when he saw him1 he passed by on the other side4 ,and likewise a ,levite1 when he was at the place1 came and looked on him1 and passed by on the other side4 ,but a certain ,samaritan1 as he journeyed1 came where he was3 and when he saw him1 he had compassion on him1 and went to him and bound up his wounds1 pouring in oil and wine1 and set him on his own beast1 and brought him to an inn1 and took care of him4 ,and on the morrow1 when he departed1 he took out two pence1 and gave them to the host1 and said unto him1 ,take care of him1 and whatsoever thou spendest more1 when ,i come again ,i will repay thee40 ,luke x4 #cj-cf4 ,who has given a better definition of the word neighbour8 ,and how shall we esteem him1 who1 instead of loving such an one as himself1 shall treat him with ingratitude1 fraud1 and cruelty8 8,god is angry with the wicked every day40 ,ps4 vii4 #b4 ,if to 8love our neighbour as ourselves0 implies that we should love all men equally alike1 it also necessarily will imply a subversion of order1 and consequently lead to acts of injustice1 because all men are not equal4 8,for if any provide not for his own1 and especially for those of his own house1 he hath denied the faith1 and is worse than an infidel40 #a ,tim4 v4 #h4 ,it would be ungrateful and unjust to not save a parent from death in preference to a stranger--the life of him on whom the life and happiness of thousands depended1 in preference to an obscure individual4 ,one man may be of more value to me1 and to the public1 than another1 because he is further removed from being a mere animal4 ,he has more knowledge1 more power1 and does dispense more happiness to his fellow-man4 ,a very evil man and a good one may be in the vicinity or elsewhere2 but to regard them equally alike is a contradiction of ,christian duty4 ,when we love our neighbour as ourselves1 we love the man1 his acts1 his character2 but when we are taught to love our enemies1 the mind reaches him as a creature of ,god1 our erring fellow-mortal1 our brother steeped in sin--and we look upon him with pity1 forgiveness2 and yet hate his qualities and conduct4 ,the cases are quite dissimilar4 8,love not the world1 neither the things that are in the world4 ,if any man love the world1 the love of the ,father is not in him40 #a ,john ii4 #ae4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,virtue is always an appellant to justice4 ,it is manifested by the acts of an intelligent being of correct and benevolent motives1 contributing to the general good4 ,consequently an act1 however benevolent may have been the motive of the actor1 cannot be a virtuous act if it have an evil tendency4 ,ignorance can never be virtue3 so1 no man can be virtuous who acts from a wicked motive1 however beneficial may be the result4 ,the motive must be pure1 and the effect good1 before the act or the actor is virtuous4 ,a man1 may be virtuous1 but in so low a degree as to not merit the appellation3 we must compare what he does1 with what he has the power of doing4 ,the widow's mite may be an example4 ,we submit the inquiry--,is not the deduction clear1 that men are not equal--neither physically1 religiously1 mentally1 or morally8 ,can they then be so politically8 ,will not the proposition be correct1 that political equality can never exist with an inequality in these previous terms8 ,raynal has said1 we think correctly1 8that equality will always be an unintelligible fiction1 so long as the capacities of men are unequal1 and their claims have neither guarantee nor sanction by which they can be enforced40 8,on a dit que nous avions tous les mmes droits4 ,j'ignore ce que c'est que les mmes droits1 o il y a ingalit de talens ou de force1 et nulle garantie1 nulle sanction40 ,raynal1 ,revolution d',amerique1 p4 #cd4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,the rules of ,christianity are always coadjuvant to those of justice4 ,the least deviation from justice begins to mark the unchristian character4 8,just balances1 just weights1 a just epha and a just hin shall ye have40 ,lev4 xix4 #cf4 8,but thou shalt have a perfect and just weight1 a perfect and just measure shalt thou have2 that thy days may be lengthened in the land which the ,lord thy ,god giveth thee40 ,deut4 xxv4 #ae4 8,ye shall have a just balance and a just epha1 and a just bath40 ,ezek4 xlv4 #aj4 8,justice and judgment are the habitation of thy throne2 mercy and truth shall go before thy face40 ,ps4 lxxxix4 #ad4 8,as ,i hear ,i judge1 and my judgment is just40 8,finally1 brethren1 whatsoever things are true1 whatsoever things are honest1 whatsoever things are just1 whatsoever things are pure1 whatsoever things are lovely1 whatsoever things are of good report1 if there be any virtue1 if there be any praise1 think on those things40 ,phil4 iv4 #h4 ,but justice1 as an act emanating from the rules of right1 is wholly dependent on the law3 with the abolition of all law1 justice or its opposite would cease to exist4 ,we are aware there are a class who say that ,christians have nothing to do with the law of ,god2 that they believe in ,christ1 and are excused from obedience to the law2 that they are not under the law1 but the gospel2 that the law to them is of none effect2 that the laws of ,god as revealed to ,moses have been repealed2--or rather they seem to have but a confused idea of what they do believe touching the matter1 while they fashion a theory of ,divine providence to suit their own fancies1 and substantially1 by their own hands1 fashion ,jehovah into an idol1 although not of wood or stone1 yet as much in conformity to their own notions2 perhaps but little thinking that their notions may have arisen from pride or ignorance4 ,we cannot promise any benefit by addressing such4 ,he who dares take the character of ,jehovah into keeping1 selecting from among the manifestations of his providence1 and decide this law to be repealed1 or this only in force1 would seem to be as far beyond the reach of human reason as his position is beyond the bounds of moral sense4 ,but let us1 who claim not so high prerogative1 who are able only to notice some faint emanations of the ,divine mind1 as ,he has seen fit to reveal himself to our feeble perceptions1--who have been taught by the exercise of faith to perceive them in the holy books of his record of what is past1 and the present display of his power and rule in the government of the world1--take counsel together1 and examine and compare the teachings they may give of the unchangeableness of1 and our relation with1 the laws of ,god4 ,the ,creator of things may be deemed able to impose such relations between the things created as he may judge suitable to effect the object had in their creation4 ,such relations we call law2 because1 as we notice things1 they are the rules by which they act or are acted upon4 ,so far as human reason has been able to examine1 such laws are as unchangeable as the ,deity who imposed them4 ,to such certainty and unchangeableness we give the name of truth1 and hence we say ,god is truth1 having reference to the unchangeableness of his nature and of his laws4 ,with the idea of the changeability of his laws1 of necessity must be associated the idea of the changeability of ,god himself4 ,the wickedness of such argument is announced in its tendency to the dethronement of ,jehovah4 ,it was the very argument used by the serpent in ,eden4 ,the conclusion is1 it is inconsistent with the ,deity that his laws should be repealed2 the same circumstance1 under which his law has been noticed to manifest itself1 reappearing1 and it is again developed4 ,they are the laws of eternity4 ,they are the voice of ,god4 ,the doctrine of the gospel is bold and plain upon this subject4 8,wherefore the law is holy1 and the commandment holy and just and good40 ,rom4 vii4 #ab4 8,now we know that what things soever the law saith1 it saith to them who are under the law1 that every mouth may be stopped1 and all the world may become guilty before ,god4 ,therefore by the deeds of the law1 there shall no flesh be justified in his sight1 for the law is the knowledge of sin40 8,do we then make void the law through faith8 ,god forbid2 yea1 we establish the law40 ,rom4 iii4 #ai1 #bj1 #ca4 8,whosoever committeth sin transgresseth also the law1 for sin is the transgression of the law40 #a ,john iii4 #d4 8,think not that ,i am come to destroy the law or the prophets2 ,i am not come to destroy1 but to fulfil4 ,whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments1 and shall teach so to do1 he shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven2 but whosoever shall do and teach them1 the same shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven40 ,matt4 v4 #ag1 #ai4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,another of the rules of ,christian justice which will be found applicable to our subject1 is1 8,therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you1 do ye even so unto them3 for this is the law and the prophets40 ,matt4 vii4 #ab4 ,the remarks made upon the first rule are in some measure applicable to this4 ,the desire of something to be done must be founded on good reason and conformable to justice4 ,folly ever marks an unreasonable desire2 and that desire is always unjust which merely reaches to the taking from another without the corresponding desire to reciprocate4 ,such desires are changed instantly into the action of the mind called 8coveting10 and are most strictly forbidden1 for this good reason1 that very action of the mind is a mental theft2 and the moral wickedness in the individual 8coveting0 is the same as though he were practically a thief4 ,but1 further1 the desire must be predicated upon a presumable condition3 for1 by the rule1 it would be unjust to desire that which it would not be possible to have done to us2 so it would be to desire any other impossibility4 ,suppose ,a4 should desire that you would make him rich1 does it follow that he must make you rich when he has no ability to do so8 ,the case is not founded upon a presumable condition1 nor1 on good reason1 upon a desire to reciprocate1 consequently unjust4 ,but suppose ,a4 feels anxious for your warm regard for his prosperity in his lawful understandings1 here the desire reaches to nothing unjust1 to no disorder in society1 or beyond your power1 and clearly within his power to reciprocate2 he is then bound by the rule to feel a warm desire for your prosperity in all your lawful undertakings4 ,and who does not perceive that if one desires your good wishes1 he must of necessity feel good wishes for you4 ,whether the desire imply merely a mental or physical action1 similar examples will illustrate4 ,the rule is truly a golden one1 and1 so far as acted upon1 binds society together in peace and good-will4 ,it is quite analogous to the twenty-fourth maxim of ,confucius1 which reads thus3 8,do unto another as thou would be dealt with thyself2 thou only needest this law alone3 it is the foundation and principle of all the rest40 ,and is in spirit with the fifty-third maxim of the same philosopher3 8,acknowledge the benefits by the return of other benefits2 but never revenge injuries40 ,we trust the rule is none the less sacred because it was revealed to man at an early period4 ,let us illustrate the correctness of these views by the inconsistency of those opposite4 ,others say that if we were in slavery we should wish to be made free1 therefore we are bound by this rule to set free all who are in slavery now4 ,if this be true1 in order that the whole circle of action may be consistent1 there must be another link added to the chain2 hence we find that the advocates of this interpretation say1 also1 8that same inward principle which teaches a man what he is bound to do for others1 teaches equally1 and at the same instant1 what others are bound to do to him40 ,channing1 vol4 ii4 p4 #cc4 ,this proposition inevitably follows the preceding2 for who is he that can say among men that that is a good rule which is not reciprocal4 ,this imaginary rule would perhaps be less obnoxious in case of universal equality4 ,for1 in that case1 we may suppose an universal equality of desire1 without which one wishes one thing and another its opposite4 ,but so long as ,god rules1 universal equality can only happen in case of universal perfection1 in which case neither sin nor slavery can exist1 and in which case the argument will not be wanted4 ,but the rule as left by ,jesus ,christ was made for man in his fallen state4 ,but again1 if the interpretation of our opponents be true1 then the proposition may be resolved into this state3--,a4 is as much bound by the desire of ,b4 as by his own1 and the whole world is fully bound by both4 ,but the whole world individually desire adversely to each other1 yet each desire is to be harmoniously gratified4 ,let each one make out the examples2 we think they will find them extremely ridiculous in the result4 ,the doctrine involves plainly the most gross contradictions1 and is therefore a naked nullity4 ,again1 if it be the law of ,god1 that because we desire a thing1 therefore we are bound to give that thing to another1 it implies that the desire was the manifestation of ,god's will2 in short1 that the desire was a portion of his revealed law2 consequently1 whatever any man desires is a portion of inspiration4 ,hence ,channing says1 7page as above17 8his conscience1 in revealing the moral law1 does not reveal a law for himself only1 but speaks as a universal legislator40 ,now it follows1 that1 as each man desires an opposite1 therefore there are as many opposite systems of the laws of ,god as there are individuals who desire them2 in other words1 it would be making ,god's law just what each one desired it to be4 ,thus making the law of ,god a perfect nullity4 ,but again1 if the interpretation of the golden rule1 as employed by them who use it to inculcate immediate emancipation1 be true1 then it contradicts the spirit of the command1 8,thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house4 ,thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife2 nor his man-servant1 7 ve abeddo1 male slave17 nor his maid-servant1 7 va amatho1 female slave17 nor his ox1 nor his ass1 nor any thing that is thy neighbour's40 ,exod4 xx4 #ag4 ,here the word 8covet0 is used to mean a strong desire without the wish or ability to reciprocate2 therefore without good reason--consequently unjust4 ,it is the same exercise of the mind that leads a man to acts of theft that is here forbidden3 an exercise of the mind that leads to many disorders in society1 and hence this command4 ,the command does not extend to him who desires his neighbour's house1 man-servant1 maid-servant1 ox1 or ass1 upon the condition that the desire is founded upon good reason4 ,the neighbour having the will and power to part with1 and he who desires the power and will to reciprocate1 these qualifications bring the desire within the purview of the golden rule1 and remove all tendency to disorders in society4 ,to buy and sell with the view to reciprocate gain1 has a very strong tendency to bind society together in peace and good-will4 ,in the lesson of the golden rule1 the ,saviour gave a check to impetuous and improper desires1--to the wicked and improper hankering after the substance or condition of others1--by bringing to view the propriety of performing themselves such acts as they demanded of others3 that they should prove themselves worthy of the solicited favour by a reciprocity of feeling and action4 ,this we think evident from what precedes3 8,if then ye1 being evil1 know how to give good gifts unto your children1 how much more shall your ,father that is in heaven give good things unto them that ask him40 ,the doctrine of the golden rule seems to be often misunderstood4 ,we quote from the great ,selden3 8,guided by justice and mercy1 do unto all men as you would have them do to you1 were your circumstances and theirs reversed4 ,if the prisoner should ask the judge whether he would be content to be hanged were he in his case1 he would answer1 ,no6 ,then says the prisoner1 ,do as you would be done to4 ,neither of them must do as private men2 but the judge must do by him as they have publicly agreed3 that is1 both judge and prisoner have consented to the law1 that if either of them steal1 he shall be hanged40 ,selden4 8,if the wickedest wretches among yourselves1 the most peevish1 weak1 and ill-natured of you all1 will readily give good gifts to their children when they cry for them1 how much rather will the great ,god1 infinite in goodness1 bestow blessings on his children who endeavour to resemble him in his perfections1 and for that ask his grace and other spiritual and heavenly blessings20 but ,god grants these blessings alone upon this condition1 that1 8animated by his goodness1 you study to express your gratitude for it by your integrity and kindness to your fellow-creatures1 treating them in every instance as you would think it reasonable to be treated by them1 if you were in their circumstances1 and they in yours2 for this is1 in effect1 a summary and abstract of all the human and social virtues recommended in the moral precepts of the law and the prophets1 and it was one of the greatest ends of both to bring men to this equitable and amiable temper40 ,doddridge4 ,such are the comments of these men upon this subject4 ,but permit us to remark that the word man-servant1 in the command just quoted1 is translated from the ,hebrew ebed1 and means what we mean by the word slave4 ,and let it be remembered that1 in the decalogue1 in one of the original laws of ,god the ,father1 delivered to ,moses from ,sinai1 the slave is classed with the ox1 the ass1 in short1 with all other property1 as an article of possession2 and that we are commanded not to have a desire to change the possession unjustly4 ,and that1 by a fair interpretation of the golden rule issued by the living lips of ,jesus ,christ1 if we reasonably and justly desire to change the possession1 we must honestly reciprocate the full value thereof4 ,let the candid world1 the truth-searching philosopher1 and the humble ,christian examine1 and say whether these conclusions are not founded on reason1 justice1 and the laws of ,god4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,we suppose all ,christians will agree that ,god is a ,spirit eternal and infinite1 unchangeable and unaccountable1 omnipotent1 omnipresent1 and omniscient1 most wise1 most true1 most holy1 and most good1 without beginning or without end4 ,such from eternity were his qualities1 and such to eternity they will remain4 ,in contemplation of these characteristics of ,jehovah1 we are led to deduce that ,god must originally and essentially within himself be eternally happy4 8,my counsel shall stand1 and ,i will do all my pleasure40 ,isa4 xlvi4 #aj4 ,if it is proper to say that ,god has desires1 then it must be his desire that his 8counsel shall stand10 because it is inconsistent with happiness to be unable to gratify desire or fail in counsel2 besides1 it would prove some deficiency of power4 ,before ,god created some other being or thing1 he existed alone4 ,can it be said he had wants8 ,for what purpose then did he create other things8 ,what object had he in view8 ,the object must have been worthy of calling forth his action4 ,what other object could have been worthy of his action than himself8 ,because his work must in all its parts reflect his power1 his every quality1 we must therefore conclude ,god is the sole and ultimate end of every thing he does4 ,if all the labours of ,deity were not solely for himself1 then of the greatness and rectitude of many of his providences and acts1 perhaps none could ever be comprehended or even perceived by mortals4 ,for ,god legislates not merely for a city1 a tribe or nation1 but for the universe3 not for an hour1 a day or a thousand years1 but for eternity4 8,i know that whatsoever ,god doeth it shall be for ever3 nothing can be put to it1 nor any thing taken from it2 and ,god doeth it1 that men shall fear before him40 ,eccl4 iii4 #ad4 ,if ,god himself is the ultimate end of all things1 then that moral philosopher1 a poor1 ignorant man1 a worm of but momentary existence1 mistakes1 who teaches in substance that true religion1 that is1 worship of ,god1 consists in an advantageous1 successful1 and well-directed selfishness in favour of himself2 for1 upon that principle the vilest enemy may take shelter under the cloak of his adversary1--but will he be the more worthy8 ,if ,god is the supreme object of creation1 then this righteous selfishness must be in extreme opposition to ,god4 ,there are important deductions emanating from these reflections1 which we are unwilling to deprive others the pleasure of drawing out for themselves4 ,the use ,god makes of his creations proves the end for which he made them4 ,we might rest here2 but we have heard some say that ,god's object in creation was the happiness of all his sentient creatures4 ,if so1 then they all would be happy2 which is not the fact4 ,human misery is the first object we behold everywhere4 ,true1 man can never have a very competent idea of ,god4 ,his powers of thought are too low2 his associations too trivial4 ,but if the object ,god had in creation was the development of his own glory1 then there can be no greater conformity unto ,god than there is knowledge of his character4 ,hence1 where we see1 hear1 and learn the most of ,god1 we become the most pure and holy4 ,holiness depends on a knowledge of ,god4 ,the reason is obvious3 a holy man is a more perfect exhibition of the ,divine character4 ,if so1 then the happiness of man depends upon his perception of ,god4 ,therefore man can never be happy only in proportion as he is holy4 ,but if the glory of ,god is the ultimate end of creation1 and if the happiness of his rational creatures depends upon their perception of him1 then the ultimate end secures in the highest possible degree their happiness4 ,the great cause of human misery will be found to proceed from the unquenchable desire in the unregenerate man to rebel against ,god--to set up a government of his own1 more wise than he conceives the government of ,god to be2 in fact1 he does not perceive his government1 for he has no perception of him4 ,we might deduce an argument in proof that a perception of ,god is happiness to man1 from the formation of his mental powers4 ,to whom does it not give deep distress to behold what we call talent and virtue hid in obscurity and bowed down beneath oppression and want8 ,to whom does it not give great delight to perceive a lucid manifestation of these qualities8 ,the great object in the individual creation of man is his improvement2 his advance towards an approximation of being able to see ,god as he is4 ,the business of angels and saints in heaven is to intensely seek after a more full knowledge of ,god4 ,if the happiness of man is thus dependent upon his perception of the greatness and power of ,god1 then we may conclude that a continued manifestation of it is essential to him in producing before his mind an increasing brilliancy of view of the great ,jehovah4 ,the order and gradation in the power bestowed on the different objects his hand has made1 displaying his foresight in the work of creation1 from the seraph down to the veriest mite1 would seem an arrangement that might furnish the mind of man or an angel with never-ending study1 with a never-ending employment to find out ,god4 ,if the wide and permanent diversity of character and condition in the present world1 and in that which is to come1--if the relations we find between man and man1--if the great sacrifice for sin and the redemption wrought therefrom1--if the eternal wrath of ,jehovah against the incorrigible sinner1 all in combination manifest the greatest display of the power and perfections of ,god2--in short1 if the providences of ,god collectively1 as we see them manifested in the world1 are the true developments of his character1 then it will follow that they all1 in combination1 terminate in the greatest good1 and1 in their external consequences1 subserve to the greatest extent of happiness to which the human mind1 in the pursuit of its only legitimate employment1 is now or ever will be susceptible4 ,the first deduction is that sin must always be accompanied with misery1 but that holiness is as surely accompanied with happiness1 no matter what may be the physical condition4 ,it may not be improper here to advert to one of the characteristics of our intellectual constitution1 which is this3 whatever is presented to the mind calling on its energy and our physical action can never be approached by us with any tolerable degree of perfectedness unless by constant and long-continued repetitions2 whence we say1 8practice makes perfect40 ,whereas1 whatever is presented wherein we are wholly passive1 repetition and familiarity are in constant action to diminish1 weaken1 and wash out the impressions first made4 ,examples in proof of the first position are found in the necessary and long-continued exertions before we become adepts in the arts and practices of civilized life4 ,in the ,african savage1 often1 many generations of constant exertion in the same direction are required before that race is found to have attained such a state of perfectibility in these things as is required to sustain a position in civilized life2 and it is to this they owe their state of pupilage among the civilized races4 ,examples of the second position are found in the ready and quick adaptation of ourselves to the condition in which we are placed3 even our senses1 from constant repetition and familiarity1 often cease to loathe that which was obnoxious4 ,the mind to which the starry firmament is first unfolded will be filled with astonishment and wonder2 but the familiarity of a constant gaze does not even excite an emotion4 ,this characteristic of the human intellect gives strong proof of the power and wisdom of ,god4 ,for through its means1 all in civilized and ,christian life and practice1 from the king upon the throne down to the slave1 are rendered equally happy and contented with their condition4 ,therefore he is not a correct philosopher who measures the happiness of a lower grade in life by his own feelings4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,from consideration of our previous lesson1 we should make the deduction that ,christianity is incompatible with savage life4 ,the ,christian can no longer be a savage1 notwithstanding the habits of civilization may be yet too weakly established to guaranty against lapses to former habits4 ,the habits of the savage must be changed so as to approximate civilized life before ,christianity can be successfully taught him4 ,hence one error into which the missionary and the teacher of the ,negro sometimes fall4 ,they confine their labours to instructions concerning the more abstruse doctrines of ,christianity2 but the savage has no capability to comprehend them3 his mind has never been prepared for their reception4 ,the child can never comprehend the laws of astronomy till he has first learned mathematics4 ,the savage must first be made to comprehend the necessity that individual wants must be supplied by individual labour1 and all the consequent attendants of such a state of things1 before the possibility can exist that he will comprehend the higher moral duties4 ,because1 without that1 he remains passive under such teachings2 and in such case1 the more familiar such lessons are made to him the less they affect him4 ,instances are not wanting where such a state of facts exists in circles of society where it would seem they should be the least expected6 and from whence the great truth is deducible1 that mental and physical idleness is a most deadly poison to good morals and intellectual improvement1 and the conduct of such men is always found searching the way back to a deteriorated condition4 ,the animal propensities require to be forced into habits contributive to the relations and duties of civilized and ,christian life4 ,the mind must be made to comprehend what our relative duties are1 both experimentally and habitually1 and also the impossibility of their being dispensed with1 before it will be able to perceive the laws which bind our action to their performance4 ,and it may be here remarked1 that a perception of these laws sufficiently strong to influence the conduct of a man will at least place him in the position of ,agrippa before ,paul4 ,the history of man does not point to an instance where an individual has regenerated himself from the depth of human degradation1 except under the pupilage and control of a superior wisdom4 ,upon this state of facts was founded the necessity of a ,saviour for the children of men4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,the lowness of individual condition1 in relation to our fellow men1 or to human society generally1 is not incompatible with the humility of the ,christian in the performance of our duty to man or ,god1 because the ,christian is not required to display intellectual powers which he does not possess1 nor possessions not his own4 ,if he has but one talent1 its occupation alone is required1--the desire to bestow one mite marks his character4 ,it is therefore a very great error which some of the abolitionists seem to suppose1 that1 because a man is a slave1 he is thereby prevented from being a ,christian or hindered from the worship of ,god4 ,on the contrary1 so essential is humility to the ,christian character1 that ,jesus ,christ1 in a lesson to his disciples1 says1 8,whosoever will be chief among you1 let him be your servant10 1 doulos1 slave2 a figure1 a sentence1 which the ,divine ,being could never have pronounced1 if slavery was inconsistent with his doctrine1 either as to the condition of the slave or that of the master4 ,with great similarity of figure and sameness of the humility in the worshipper of ,god1 ,david addresses ,jehovah3 8,o ,lord1 truly ,i am thy servant10 7 abedeka1 thy slave17 8,i am thy servant 7 abedeka1 thy slave7 and the son of thy hand-maid10 amatheka1 thy female slave17 8thou hast loosed my bonds40 ,compare with ,john viii4 #cf1 also #a ,cor4 vii4 #bb4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,the institutions of slavery and ,christianity can never be antagonistic4 ,slavery enforces obedience in the inferior to a superior power1 for the reciprocal benefit of both4 ,any deviation from the law of ,god pertinent to the case1 to some extent lessens the benefit and diminishes what should have been the quotient of the general good4 ,slavery is therefore1 however rude in its obedience or commands1 an attempt at civilized life2 and we may therefore judge of the amount of its abuses by its greater or less success in the cultivation of those virtues incident to that condition4 ,true1 this result is scarcely perceptible where the most elevated are still deeply degraded1 as is for ever the case in all those regions where the light of ,christianity has never been diffused4 ,and it is from these facts we find the providence of ,god to be that slavery1 in such regions1 is always seeking abroad for a more enlightened master4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,the path of the ,christian is described as strait and narrow2 in it there are no broad provisions for licentiousness1 immorality1 crime1 or sin of any kind1 nor1 at suitable distances1 are there private apartments prepared1 wherein cunning expediency may change her apparel2 nor will the poor traveller be perplexed with ambiguous directions1 whereby any thing is to be performed contrary to the plain understanding of the law4 ,but each step therein must be in conformity to the directions of him who made1 knows1 and governs all4 ,how feeble then shall prove the man1 swelled with the pride of his own supposed holiness1 who shall attempt to straighten1 alter1 and make better this highway to heaven6 8,for who hath known the mind of the ,lord8 or who hath been his counsellor8 or who hath first given to him1 and it shall be recompensed unto him again8 ,for of him1 and through him1 and to him are all things60 ,rom4 xi4 #cd-cf4 ,on every step of this footway to heaven1 made for poor sinners to walk in1 for the slave as well as for the crowned head1 are engraven1 in letters of the light of ,god himself1 directions for the poor traveller1 so that 8the wayfaring men1 though fools1 shall not err therein40 ,isa4 xxxv4 #h4 ,and let us now read some of these records1 and see how they comport with the doctrine of universal equality as involved in the labours before us3 8,let every soul be subject unto the higher powers2 for there is no power but of ,god3 the powers that be are ordained of ,god4 8,whosoever therefore resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of ,god2 and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation4 8,for rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil4 ,wilt thou then not be afraid of the power1 do that which is good1 and thou shalt have praise of the same4 8,but if thou do that which is evil1 be afraid2 for he beareth not the sword in vain2 for he is the minister of ,god1 a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil4 8,wherefore ye must needs be subject1 not only for wrath1 but also for conscience sake4 8,for1 for this cause pay ye tribute also2 for they are ,god's ministers1 attending continually upon this very thing4 8,render therefore to all their dues3 tribute to whom tribute is due2 custom to whom custom2 fear to whom fear2 honour to whom honour40 ,rom4 xiii4 #a-h4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiv4 ,before we close our present ,study1 let us survey for a moment the position of the truly ,christian character4 ,let us see and examine a position1 whether filled by lord1 subject1 or slave1 that seems so surrounded with hope1 so particularly the focus of all the irradiations of heaven1 that the distinctions and miseries of human life1 even wrongs done us1 are blotted out by the brilliancy of their illumination4 ,but let us view it in connection with man in an unchristianized state1 under the control of the appetites1 passions1 and influences of an unredeemed world2 and it may be we shall behold with wonder the operation of that redemption by which his felicity is made steadfast4 ,the uncertainty and vanity of human pursuits have for ever been a subject of remark4 ,and1 if we examine the motives of human conduct and see the fallacious objects of human hope1 we always perceive the constant attendance of pain1 misery1 and woe4 ,as the visions of early life are relinquished1 we transfer to the future that confidence which has been for ever betrayed by the past1 and as these illusions are successively dispelled1 new objects continue to fill the imagination1 till the very moment when all our prospects are involved in the darkness of the tomb4 ,nor think ye that the miseries that flow from ambition1 avarice1 voluptuousness1 and open crime1 are the only ones that attend us4 ,each refinement of life is accompanied with its own peculiar symptom4 ,besides1 there are sufferings that no foresight can foresee1 which no excellence can elude4 ,the imperfection of a master1 or of him placed in power1 may bring to his slave or other dependant unutterable wo6 ,the lassitude of sickness1 the agony of its pain1 the distresses1 the imperfections of our friends1 their alienation from us1 and our final separation from the objects of our tenderest regard1 would transform paradise itself into a wilderness of wo1 did not the light of ,god keep it for ever illumined4 ,even could we escape from all the external causes of wo1 yet the waters of bitterness would continue to flow from the never-ceasing sources of sorrow that lie deep in our own bosoms buried4 ,we are therefore constrained1 forced to conclude1 that the balance of our moral constitution has been destroyed2 and by the derangement of a system once harmoniously attuned1 our principles of action1 no longer in unison1 are thrown into perpetual collision3 maintaining no longer their original or their relative strength1 they lead us into perpetual error1 and by their conflicts produce a moral discord incompatible with the happiness of man4 8,for the creature was made subject to vanity1 not willingly1 but by reason of him who hath subjected the same in hope40 8,because the creature itself shall be delivered from the bondage 71 slavery7 of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of ,god40 ,rom4 viii4 #bj4 ,had we been made acquainted merely with the fall of man and its effect upon his moral constitution1 we should have still been bewildered in the perplexities of our condition4 ,a consciousness of guilt would have filled our minds with apprehension1 and the fear of the ,divine displeasure would have mingled its bitterness with every gratification1 would have seized upon every hope4 ,like ,cain1 we should have cried out1 8,our punishment is greater than we can bear10 and solicited the black mark of slavery as an antidote to threatened and instant death4 ,but the mercy of ,god1 which always tempers even the natural events to the delicate sensibilities of our physical perceptions1 concealed from our view the desolation of our condition1 till1 in the maturity of his counsels1 he saw fit to blend with the discovery the bright visions 8of the glory about to be revealed40 ,rom4 viii4 #ah4 ,the heathen nations1 although painfully alive to the brevity of human life1 and deeply impressed with the vanity of our hopes1 were equally ignorant of our fallen nature1 and of the holiness of that ,god before whom we are to be adjudged4 ,their conception of an existence after death was cheerless and indistinct1 although1 even at this late day1 among the most lofty intellects of their time1 we can now perceive a longing desire after something to them unknown1 a hankering for the proof of a spiritual immortality4 ,thus1 while there was but little in their anticipations of a future state to excite their apprehension or alarm1 there was but little to stimulate their hope4 ,the vulgar were sometimes alarmed by the majestic terrors of the ,thunderer1 and the philosopher was sometimes penetrated by those perfections which he was led to ascribe to the mighty ,mind4 ,yet the wisest sages of antiquity do not seem to have perceived in human guilt an internal malignity1 which no penitence can expiate1 nor blood of dying victims wash away4 ,if some glimpses of the miseries and dangers in which sin had involved us were disclosed to the favoured few1 yet visions of prophecy dispelled the gloom2 for1 8where there is no vision the people perish40 ,prov4 xxix4 #ah4 ,it was not till our ,saviour had sealed the charter of our hope1 that our condition1 with a full view of its desolation1 was proclaimed to a fallen world4 ,a knowledge of the disease and the remedy has in mercy kept pace with each other4 ,if we learn that the 8creature was made subject to vanity10 we also learn that he was made so in hope4 ,now1 when we behold our condition1 although we see evidences of our fallen state1 of the degradation of our intellectual and moral faculties1 yet we see also a provision of mercy by which the creature may be delivered from 8the bondage 71 slavery7 of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of ,god40 ,viewed in connection with this sublime truth1 the value of human interests1 the pain of human sufferings1 and the grief of human wrongs disappear2 yea1 vanish from the eye of the true believer4 ,the grandeur of his future prospects dignifies his present state1 however humble4 ,his present evils1 which might overwhelm him if attached to his ultimate condition1 lose all their bitterness when converted by redeeming love into mere lessons of moral discipline4 ,the pain is softened by the endearment of paternal tenderness1 and he feels and knows that they will only accompany the mere infancy of his being4 ,the poor1 humble1 but ,christian slave1 hears constantly the lessons of ,titus1 and is happy in his obedience to his own master1 that he may please him well in all things1 watchful to not contradict1 nor purloin from any one1 and careful to show all good fidelity1 that he may adorn the doctrine of ,god4 ,he feels that no one has a deeper interest in that grace2 for it hath equally appeared to all men4 ,he remembers his fellow-slaves of ,colosse1 and while with singleness of eye he heartily serves his earthly master1 he feels that the act is ennobled1 and is transferred to be an act of devotion and obedience to the great ,jehovah4 ,sympathy carries him back to his ,corinthian brethren1 in common with whom he feels no anxious care to change the condition in which he was called1 for while he is content to abide where ,god has placed him1 he knows that he has been purchased by the blood of ,christ1 and promoted to the rank of a freeman of the ,lord4 ,with his fellow-slaves of ,ephesus1 he may tremble with fear lest his obedience to his master shall not be performed with good-will and singleness of heart1 as unto ,christ himself1 for he knows that ,god has not required of him merely eye-service2 yet he also knows that ,christians1 whether bond or free in this world1 will hereafter be remembered of ,god for whatever good they do4 ,yea1 he yields himself to the exhortations of ,timothy1 and accounts his own master worthy of all honour and obedience1 that the name of ,god and his doctrine should not be blasphemed2 nor does he feel the less reverence for his believing master1 but rather does his service with alacrity as to a brother1 and with heart-felt joy1 because he is a faithful and beloved partaker of the benefits of his labour4 ,and when he hears men1 whose ignorance of ,god has caused them to be puffed up with the idea of their own importance and purity1 evidently filled with pride1 as though they could teach ,god a more holy government1 attempting to exhort and teach them a different doctrine1 he feels1 he knows that such are not only evil and bad men1 but ignorant ones1 such as dote about questions1 and strifes of words1 which have no other tendency than to fill the mind with envy1 strife1 railing1 and evil surmises1 such as are among men of corrupt minds1 among men who are destitute of the truth1 and among men who suppose that gain is godliness4 ,he will view such men1 however thoughtless they may be of their true position or sincere in their belief1 as standing in the position of the serpent in ,eden4 ,their lessons to him are disobedience to ,god4 ,from such he will withdraw himself2 yea1 he will fly from them as from a deadly poison1 because disobedience to ,god for ever ends in ruin and death4 ,but from ,timothy he learns contentment1 for1 as he brought nothing into the world with him1 and as he can most certainly carry nothing out1 so1 having food and raiment1 he will be content1 and especially so as contentment and godliness are great gain4 ,and finally he hears as it were a trumpet sounding from the very gates of heaven1 and looking1 he beholds ,peter standing there2 he hears a still small voice1 the voice of ,jesus ,christ1 saying1 8,thou art ,peter1 and on this rock ,i will build my church1 and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it1 and ,i will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven1 and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven40 ,matt4 xvi4 #ah1 #ai4 ,and then ,peter1 raising his arm in the direction of the ,gentile nations1 says to the slaves3 8,be subject to your masters with all fear2 not only to the good and gentle1 but also to the froward3 for this is thank-worthy1 if a man for conscience towards ,god endure grief1 suffering wrongfully4 ,for what glory is it1 if1 when ye be buffeted for your faults1 ye take it patiently8 ,but if1 when ye do well1 and suffer for it1 ye take it patiently1 this is acceptable to ,god4 ,for even hereunto were ye called2 because ,christ also suffered for us1 leaving us an example1 that ye should follow his steps1 who did no sin1 neither was guile found in his mouth2 who when he was reviled1 reviled not again2 when he suffered he threatened not1 but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously2 who his own self bare our sins in his own body on the tree1 that we1 being dead to sins1 should live unto righteousness3 by whose stripes ye were healed4 ,for ye were as sheep gone astray1 but are now returned unto the ,shepherd and ,bishop of your souls40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xv4 ,from the immense disproportion between our finite minds and the infinite objects of future hope1 our conceptions of the disimbodied spirit must necessarily be feeble4 ,but while we anticipate the promised freedom of the celestial world1 the disenthralment of our intellectual faculties1 and the deliverance of our moral powers from all corruption1 the mind becomes more and more habituated to the scenes thus disclosed1 and even reaches to prospects of resplendent beauty2 to visions of unclouded truth2 to the solution of the little difficulties of our own earthly trials2 to the evolutions of the ,divine character in connection with our little planet1 and even to that infinitude that mocks the bounds of time and space4 ,thus the pious ,christian1 who meditates upon ,god and the heavens1 the work of his hand1 feels a divine influence spread over his soul1 while the active and the retired1 the ardent and the timid1 the philosopher whose mind is illumined by the varied lights of science1 and the pious slave1 whose researches are confined to the sayings of some unlettered expositor1 will each cherish anticipations congenial to his peculiar state of mind4 ,yet all will grow in grace2 all will rise above the level of temporal delights2 and all will embrace in their expanding conceptions the mighty import of that glorious promise1 that 8eye hath not seen1 nor ear heard1 neither hath it entered into the heart of man1 the things that ,god hath prepared for them that love him10 #a ,cor4 ii4 #i1 till elevated so far above earthly associations1 that each can say1 8,i shall be satisfied when ,i awake in thy likeness40 ,ps4 xvii4 #ae4 ,what degree of moral likeness will gradually be produced by a near contemplation of unveiled perfection is reserved for eternity to disclose4 ,but the time will at length come when to every sincere ,christian and true disciple1 dazzled by the refulgence that will break upon his astonished sight1 ,jesus ,christ will address the language of affection1 as he did to ,martha3 8,said ,i not unto thee that if thou wouldst believe thou shouldst see the glory of ,god80 ,john xi4 #dj4 8,then we all1 with open face1 beholding1 as in a glass1 the glory of ,god1 are changed into the same image1 from glory to glory40 #b ,cor4 iii4 #ah4 ,such1 then1 is the picture and such the prospect of the ,christian character2 and well may ,christians1 even the slave1 8,reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed40 ,rom4 viii4 #ah4 ,from the monarch down1 viewed from the distance of eternity1 man occupies but a point4 ,all earthly distinctions become so small that nothing short of the eye of omnipotence can see them4 ,the same language describes1 and the same ,god will prepare their rest4 ,the ,christian slave feels exalted even while on earth1 for he is well persuaded 8that neither death1 nor life1 nor angels1 nor principalities1 nor power1 nor things present1 nor things to come1 nor height1 nor depth1 nor any creature1 shall be able to separate us from the love of ,god40 ,rom4 viii4 #ch4 ,if for a few days the afflicted ,christian and slave 8wander in the wilderness in a solitary way20 if 8hungry and thirsty1 their souls faint in them10 he is yet 8hastening to a city of habitations40 ,ps4 cvii4 #d1 #e1 #g4 ,if even the sun of his earthly hopes be set1 yet he is hastening to a country where 8thy sun shall no more go down2 neither shall thy moon withdraw itself2 for the ,lord shall be thine everlasting light1 and the days of thy mourning shall be ended40 ,isa4 lx4 #bj4 ,with such views the heart is elevated above the pains and miseries of this transitory world to the contemplation of hope celestial4 ,the mere philosopher1 who views the mutilated structure of the moral world1 sees no renovating principle to reorganize its scattered fragments4 ,he mourns with unavailing sorrow over the ruins of his race1 and chills with horror at the prospect of his own decay4 ,but the ,christian sees a fairer earth and a more radiant heaven4 ,and should the poor slave1 forgetful of this high destiny of his ,christian character1 and of his ultimate home1 feeling1 like ,hagar1 the slave of ,sarah1 the hand of his mistress dealing hardly by him1 and1 like her1 attempt a remedy by flight2 like her1 he will hear the voice of ,god1 saying1 8,return to thy mistress1 and submit thyself under her hand40 ,gen4 xvi4 #i4 ,like her1 in humble submission1 he obeys the command1 and prays1 8,o ,lord1 correct me10 for 8,i know that the way of man is not in himself it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps40 ,jer4 x4 #bc4 ,in the miseries and vanities with which he is surrounded1 the ,christian only sees proofs of a fallen1 not of a hopeless state4 ,he1 like old neas1 is seeking and looking for a home in a foreign land1 and1 like him1 constantly requires the interposition of some friendly providence to warn him that he is still distant from the destined shores4 ,mutand sedes2 non hc tibi littora suasit1 ,delius1 aut ,cret jussit considere ,apollo4--#b;d nead4 ,like the ,israelites1 he has pitched his tent in a wilderness of sin1 and feels grateful for those afflictions that reiterate the admonition3 8,arise and depart1 for this is not your rest40 ,micah ii4 #aj4 ,he knows that 8this corruptible will put on incorruption1 that this mortal will put on immortality1 and that as he has borne the image of the earthly1 he shall also bear the image of the heavenly40 ,see #a ,cor4 xv4 #di1 #ec4 ,why then should our hearts sink in sadness1 because1 as we have seen1 sin has destroyed the balance of moral power among men1--even the foundation on which their universal equality could exist1 whence some races of men have gone deep down in the pit of human degradation1 until the man and the brute are found in the same animal tenement4 ,such is the poisonous nature of sin1 that the heart that deviseth wicked imaginations always finds 8feet running swiftly to ruin40 ,see ,prov4 vi4 #ah4 ,but ,god hath promised that the remnant of ,israel shall not speak lies3 8,neither shall a deceitful tongue be found in their mouth1 for they shall feed and lie down1 and none shall make them afraid40 ,zeph4 iii4 #ab1 #ac4 ,but the ways of ,god are not as the ways of man2 he makes his enemies build his throne4 ,therefore1 be ye not deceived1 for 8there shall be false teachers among you1 who privily shall bring in damnable heresies1 even denying the ,lord that bought them1 and bring upon themselves swift destruction40 #b ,pet4 ii4 #a4 ,study and pray to improve the powers that ,god hath given1 while you compare the things that be with the causes and designs of ,providence2 and while you note that 8the evil bow before the good1 and the wicked at the gates of the righteous10 note also that 8the way of the ungodly shall perish40 ,they shall be 8like the chaff which the wind driveth away40 ,for 8the hand of the diligent shall bear rule2 but the slothful shall be under tribute40 8,he that hath not sells himself to him that hath40 ,therefore1 8the borrower is servant to the lender10 and wherefore1 8wisdom is better than rubies20 for 8by me princes rule1 and nobles1 even all the judges of the earth4 ,i love them that love me1 and those that seek me early shall find me4 ,riches and honour are with me3 yea1 durable riches and righteousness40 ,but ,god hath promised that 8the whole earth shall be full of the knowledge of the ,lord1 as the waters cover the sea40 ,isa4 xi4 #i4 ,therefore1 so long as the tares and the wheat shall grow together1 8,wait ye upon me1 saith the ,lord1 until the day that ,i will rise up to the prey3 for my determination is to gather the nations1 that ,i may assemble the kingdoms to pour out upon them mine indignation1 even all my fierce anger2 for all the earth shall be devoured with the fire of my jealousy4 ,for then will ,i turn to the people a pure language that they may all call on the name of the ,lord1 to serve him with one consent4 ,from beyond the rivers of ,ethiopia my suppliants1 even the daughter of my dispersed1 7 ,bath ,putsi1 the daughter of ,phut1 the most degraded of the ,african tribes17 shall bring mine offering40 ,zeph4 iii4 #h-aj4 ,the slavery of the ,african tribes to those of the true faith is here clearly announced1 and the great benefit of their conversion to the worship of the true ,god proclaimed as an abundant reason4 ,thus ,isaiah1 speaking of the house of ,israel1 the prototype of the church of ,god1 says--8,thus saith the ,lord1 ,the labour of ,egypt1 and the merchandise of ,ethiopia and the ,sabeans1 men of stature1 shall come over unto thee1 and they shall be thine2 they shall come after thee2 in chains they shall come over1 they shall fall down unto thee2 they shall make supplication unto thee1 saying1 ,verily1 ,god is in thee1 and there is no ,god0 beside4 ,isa4 xlv4 #ad4 ,and these people1 in a state of pupilage1 are thus referred to by ,zephaniah3 8,i will also leave in the midst of thee an afflicted and poor people1 and they shall trust in the name of the ,lord40 ,god ever requires of the powerful the protection of the weak1 of the more learned the instruction of the ignorant1 and of the more wise the government of those who cannot govern themselves4 8,for so hath the ,lord commanded us1 saying1 ,i have set thee to be a light to the ,gentiles1 that thou shouldest be for salvation unto the ends of the earth40 ,acts xiii4 #dg4 ------------------------------------ ,study ,,vi ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 ,sin is any want of a conformity to the law of ,god4 ,man was created free from sin4 ,he was placed under the government of laws adapted to his condition4 ,but a want of conformity to any item of such law necessarily disorganized and deranged some portion of his original condition4 ,let us cast a hasty view at the operation of these laws4 ,it is contrary to the law of ,god that a man should put his hand in the fire2 when he does so1 his condition is somewhat physically changed1 and he is in trouble4 ,it is contrary to the law of ,god that a man should bear false testimony2 he having done so1 his condition is changed mentally1 and his troubles increase4 ,it is contrary to the law of ,god that a man should remain ignorant2 he doing so1 is not in the condition of him who has multiplied and replenished his mental and physical capabilities3 he is less capable1 he has less power4 ,the law of ,god is all powerful1 and will be executed4 ,the punishment of its breach is certain4 ,it is effect following cause4 ,the whole of ,god's creation is planned by this principle4 ,a want of conformity to the law operates as a poison1 that spreads through the moral and physical man1 sinking1 forcing him down to trouble1 pain1 misery1 ruin1 and death4 ,the boy1 intending to appropriate to himself1 takes a pin4 ,if there is naught that checks him1 petty thefts push him on to deeper crimes1 that end in death4 ,the young gentleman drinks the social glass1 nor thinks harm to himself2 he feels strong1 he fears nothing3 but habit becomes excess2 his physical appearance becomes sickly2 his mind obtuse1 his pleasures gross2 his condition is changed2 he is evidently tending downwards to the grave4 ,and such are the course and progress of every other sin2 for1 whatever has a tendency to injure the character1 health1 mind1 and body1 is sin4 ,speculators upon the holy writ may say what they will2 yet it is certain1 that act1 called the eating the apple1 was an act1 whatever it may have been1 that necessarily injured the character1 health1 mind1 and body of man4 ,it is certain1 because it did so4 ,it was the very birth of death itself4 ,the wages of sin are death--the ,lord ,god ,almighty hath spoken it66 ,another law of ,god1 till then unknown to man1 was brought instantly into operation4 ,his wants were changed2 the earth no longer produced spontaneously to them4 ,in the emphatic language of that day1 it was cursed1 that he might have less leisure time and opportunity to continue in the downward course of sin to sudden destruction and death4 ,he was in great mercy condemned to labour for the supply of his daily wants2 he was made the slave to the necessities of animal life4 ,is it necessary to quote ,scripture to show that it abounds with the doctrine that idleness is a wonderful promoter of sin8 ,god in great mercy contrived that his hungry body and naked back should in some measure keep him from it4 8,therefore1 the ,lord sent him forth from the garden of ,eden to till the ground from which he was taken40 ,gen4 iii4 #bc1 8,to till0 is translated from la avod1 to slave4 ,it is the very word that means a slave2 but is here used as a verb1 and literally means to slave the ground4 ,in this early instance of its use in holy writ1 in relation to man1 it is used as a verb1 to show us1 not that he had become the property of any other person1 but a slave to his own necessities1 and that the labour required was the labour of a slave4 ,until man had become poisoned by sin there was no want of a law1 of an institution to interpose between him and his sudden destruction and death4 ,this is the first degree of slavery among poor1 fallen men1 and upon which now depend their health1 happiness1 and continuance of life4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 8,but ,cain was a tiller of the ground40 ,the word tiller is translated from the same word used as a noun1 a slave of the ground1 having reference to its cultivation for his support and sustenance4 ,and here we see the peculiar propriety of the language of the ,psalmist3 8,he causeth the grass to grow for the cattle1 and herb for the service of man1 that he may bring forth food out of the earth40 ,ps4 civ4 #ad4 ,in this instance1 8service0 means slavery1 and is translated from the same word1 la avodath4 8,he causeth the grass to grow for the cattle1 and herb for the slavery of man1 that he may bring forth food out of the earth40 ,but we are directly informed that the ,lord had no respect for the offering of ,cain2 that ,cain was very wroth1 and his countenance fell2 and the ,lord reasoned with him and said1 8,if thou doest well1 shalt thou not be accepted8 and if thou doest not well1 sin lieth at the door20 also promising him1 if he would do well1 he should have rule over his younger brother6 ,all this shows that ,cain's progress in sin had become very considerable1 notwithstanding the mild yet unavoidable slavery already imposed4 ,but1 like many other sinners1 he ran his race rapidly1 until his hands were dyed in his brother's blood4 8,when thou tillest the ground1 it shall not henceforth yield unto thee her strength3 a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth40 ,gen4 iv4 #ab4 ,here tillest is also translated from the same word1 and means 8when thou slavest the ground10 showing most clearly that the slavery imposed on ,adam was attached to ,cain1 with the additions1 that the earth should not yield unto him her strength1--that he should be a fugitive and a vagabond1--and a mark was placed upon him4 ,the expression that the ground should not yield unto him its strength1 may be understood to mean that it should not be as productive1 or1 that some other person should enjoy a portion of the benefit of his labour1 or in fact both3 his labours were to be in some measure fruitless4 ,and let us notice how this portion of his sentence compares with other announcements of ,jehovah3 8,treasures of wickedness profit nothing1 but righteousness delivereth from death40 8,the ,lord will not suffer the soul of the righteous to famish1 but he casteth away the substance of the wicked40 8,the hand of the diligent shall bear rule1 but the slothful shall be under tribute40 8,poverty and shame shall be to him that refuses instruction1 but he that regardeth reproof shall be honoured40 8,a good man leaveth an inheritance to his children's children1 but the wealth of the sinner is laid up for the just40 8,the righteous eateth to the satisfying of his soul1 but the belly of the wicked shall want40 ,proverbs4 8,he should be a fugitive and a vagabond40 8,the wicked flee when no man pursueth2 but the righteous are bold as a lion40 ,prov4 xxviii4 #a4 8,blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly1 nor standeth in the way of sinners1 nor sitteth in the seat of the scornful4 ,but his delight is in the law of the ,lord2 and his law doth he meditate day and night4 ,and he shall be like a tree planted by the rivers of water1 that bringeth forth his fruit in his season2 his leaf also shall not wither2 and whatsoever he doeth shall prosper4 ,the ungodly are not so1 but are like the chaff which the wind driveth away4 ,therefore the ungodly shall not stand in the judgment1 nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous4 ,for the ,lord knoweth the way of the righteous2 but the way of the ungodly shall perish40 ,ps4 i4 ,and again3 8,set thou a wicked man over him2 and let ,satan stand at his right hand4 ,when he shall be judged1 let him be condemned2 and let his prayer become sin4 ,let his days be few1 and let another take his office4 ,let his children be fatherless1 and his wife a widow4 ,let his children be continually vagabonds and beg2 let them seek their bread also out of their desolate places4 ,let the extortioner catch all that he hath2 and let the strangers spoil his labour4 ,let there be none to extend mercy unto him3 neither let there be any to favour his fatherless children4 ,let his posterity be cut off2 and in the generation following let their name be blotted out4 ,let the iniquities of his fathers be remembered with the ,lord1 and let not the sin of his mother be blotted out40 ,ps4 cix4 #f-ad4 ,such is the prospect of the desperately wicked3 8,the curse of the ,lord is in the house of the wicked3 but he blesseth the habitation of the just40 ,prov4 iii4 #cc4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,but ,cain had a mark set upon him4 ,the word translated mark is oth3 it means a mark of a miraculous nature1 whereby some future thing is of a certainty known1 and may be something done or only said4 ,whatever it may have been1 the object was to prevent him from being slain by any one meeting him1 by its proclamation of the burden of the curses under which he laboured4 ,it was1 therefore1 absolutely the mark of sin1 sealing upon him and his race this secondary degree of slavery4 ,the mark distinguished them as low and servile as well as wicked1 and hence its protective influence4 ,but what was the mark of sin8 ,what is it now8 and what has it ever been8 ,if one is accused of some vile offence1 a little presumptive evidence will make us say1 ,it is a very dark crime2 it makes him look very black4 ,this figure1 if it be one1 now so often applied1 is so strongly used in ,scripture1 and in fact by all in every age1 that the idea seems well warranted that the downward1 humiliating course of sin has a direct tendency1 by the ,divine law1 to even physically degrade1 perhaps blacken and disbeautify1 the animal man4 ,a similar doctrine was well known to the ,greeks4 ,demosthenes says to the ,athenians1 8,it is impossible for him who commits low1 dishonourable1 and wicked acts1 not to possess a low1 dirty intellect2 for1 as the person of a man receives1 as it were1 a colouring from his conduct1 so does the mind take upon itself a clothing from the same acts40 ,see ,second ,olynthiac4 ,so the ,arabians3 8,god invited unto the dwelling of peace1 and directed whom he pleaseth into the right way4 ,they who do right shall receive a most excellent reward1 and a superabundant addition2 neither blackness nor shame shall cover their faces40 ,koran1 chap4 x4 8,on the day of the resurrection1 thou shalt see the faces of those who have uttered lies concerning ,god1 become black40 ,koran1 chap4 xxxix4 ,so1 the ,mohammedan belief is that a man who has some good qualities may die2 but1 on the account of his wickedness1 he will be sent to hell1 and there tormented until his skin is black2 but that if he shall ever be taken thence1 by the mercy of ,god1 he will be immersed in the river of life1 and his skin become whiter than pearls2 see ,pocock1 notis in part4 ,moris1 p4 #bhi and #bib2 but that the faces of the wicked will ever remain black4 ,see ,yalkut ,shemuni1 part ii4 fol4 #hf2 also ,sale1 ,prelim4 ,disc4 p4 #ajd1 #aje4 ,so the ,mohammedan tradition1 that the bad spirits1 ,monker and ,nakir1 who1 upon the death of a man1 come to examine him1 are awful and black4 ,see ,prelim4 ,disc4 p4 #ij4 ,and hence the belief is that the wicked1 even before judgment1 will stand looking up to ,god with their faces obscured by blackness and disfigured by all the marks of sorrow and deformity4 ,idem1 p4 #ii4 ,so also the fable1 that a precious stone of paradise fell down to the earth to ,adam1 whiter than milk1 but turned black by the touch of a wicked woman1 or1 as others say1 by wickedness of mankind generally2 but the story is that its blackness is only skin-deep1 and hence the ,arabians carefully preserved it in the ,caaba at ,mecca4 ,idem1 p4 #abe4 ,also1 ,al ,zamakh1 c4 in ,koran2 and ,ahmed ,ebn ,yusef2 and ,pocock1 ,spec4 p4 #aag4 ,similar traditions and quotations may be gathered from all quarters of the world1 and from all portions of time2 but let us turn to the book that never lies nor misleads4 8,behold1 ,i am against thee1 saith the ,lord of hosts2 and ,i will discover thy skirts upon thy face1 and ,i will show the nations thy nakedness1 and the kingdoms thy shame40 ,nahum1 iii4 #e4 ,the word here translated skirts1 is shulaik4 ,we believe that all scholars agree the ,hebrew root of this word is borrowed from the ,arabic 1 of which the meaning is postremum cujusque rei2 and1 hence the idea skirt1 the extreme of something hanging down1 tending downward4 ,and from the same source we have the ,hebrew word sholal1 a captive1 a thing captured1 c41 because the captive is in an extreme condition2 and thus shl is made to mean a hem or skirt1 from its cognate and ,arabic root1 the extreme of something tending downwards4 ,thus shaal1 to be loose1 to hang down4 ,from these considerations1 the word was often used to mean a prisoner1 a captive4 ,thus1 ,job xii4 #ai3 8,he leadeth princes away spoiled10 sholal1 captive1 reduced to the lowest extremity1 c4 ,therefore1 although perhaps not as literal1 the idea of the prophet would have been more exactly conveyed had it been translated1 8,and ,i will discover the low extremity of your condition upon your face20 and in this same sense the word is used in ,jer4 xiii4 #bb3 8,if thou say in thine heart1 ,wherefore come these things upon me8 ,for the greatness of thine iniquity are thy skirts 7 shulaik7 discovered1 and thy heels made bare40 ,evidently proclaiming the doctrine1 that a course of sin1 through the ,divine providence1 will leave its mark4 8,she is empty1 and void1 and waste1 and the heart melteth1 and the knees smite together1 and much pain is in all loins1 and the faces of them all gather blackness4 ,behold1 ,i am against thee1 saith the ,lord40 ,nah4 ii4 #aj1 #ac4 8,at ,tehaphnehes also the day shall be darkened1 when ,i shall break there the yokes of ,egypt2 and the pomp of her strength shall cease in her3 as for her1 a cloud shall cover her1 and her daughters shall go into captivity4 ,thus will ,i execute judgments in ,egypt3 and they shall know that ,i am the ,lord40 ,ezek4 xxx4 #ah1 #ai4 8,our necks are under persecution3 we labour and have no rest4 ,we have given the hand to the ,egyptians1 and to the ,assyrians1 to be satisfied with bread4 ,our fathers have sinned1 and are not2 and we have borne their iniquities4 ,servants 7 abadim1 slaves7 have ruled over us3 there is none that doth deliver us out of their hand4 ,we get our bread with the peril of our lives1 because of the sword of the wilderness4 ,our skin is black like an oven1 because of the terrible famine40 ,lam4 v4 #e-aj4 8,for the hurt of the daughter of my people ,i am hurt2 ,i am black2 astonishment hath taken hold on me40 ,jer4 viii4 #ba4 8,judah mourneth1 and the gates thereof languish2 they are black unto the ground2 and the cry of ,jerusalem is gone up40 ,jer4 xiv4 #b4 8,her ,nazarites were purer than snow2 they were whiter than milk2 they were more ruddy in body than rubies2 their polishing was of sapphire4 ,their visage is blacker than a coal2 they are not known in the streets40 ,lam4 iv4 #g1 #h4 8,for ye are not come unto the mount that might be touched1 and that burned with fire2 nor unto blackness1 and darkness1 and tempest40 ,heb4 xii4 #ah4 8,raging waves of the sea1 foaming out their own shame2 wandering stars1 to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever40 ,jude #ac4 8,for though thou wash thee with nitre1 and take thee much soap1 yet thine iniquity is marked before me1 saith the ,lord ,god40 ,jer4 ii4 #bb4 8,the show of their countenance doth witness against them40 ,isa4 iii4 #i4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,but experience proved that even this second degree of slavery was not a sufficient preventive of sin to preserve man upon the earth4 8,that the sons of ,god saw the daughters of men1 that they were fair2 and they took them wives of all which they chose4 ,and the ,lord said1 ,my spirit shall not always strive with man40 ,gen4 vi4 #b1 #c4 ,the word translated 8fair10 and applied to the daughters of men1 is to voth2 it is in the feminine plural1 and comes from tav1 and cognate with the ,syriac word tov or tob2 it merely means good1 excellent1 as the quality may exist in the mind of the person taking cognisance4 ,it implies no quality of virtue or complexion1 but in its use is reflective back to the nominative4 ,it is one of those words which we find in all languages1 of which rather a loose use is made4 ,we find it in ,dan4 ii4 #cb1 7the #cast of the ,english text17 8excellent20 also ,ezra v4 #ag1 8good40 ,when it is said of ,sarah1 in ,gen4 xii4 #aa1 that she was 8fair10 meaning that she was of a light complexion1 the word yphath1 is used1 and is the same with our ,japheth1 the son of ,noah1 and comes from yapha1 and means to shine1 to give light1 and1 as an adjective1 well means lightness of complexion1 fairness1 and brilliancy of beauty4 ,so in ,esth4 ii4 #g1 8and the maid was fair and beautiful10 yephath4 #a ,sam4 xvi4 #ab1 8,now he was ruddy and of a fair countenance10 yepha4 #a ,kings i4 #d1 8and the damsel was fair10 yaphah4 ,it is true that in ,solomon's ,song1 i4 #af1 8,behold1 thou art fair1 my beloved10--ii4 #aj1 8,my beloved spake and said unto me1 ,rise up my love1 my fair one1 and come away10--iv4 #a1 8,behold1 thou art fair1 my love2 behold1 thou art fair2 thou hast doves' eyes10--iv4 #g1 8,thou art fair1 my love2 there is no spot in thee10 and also v4 #i1 8,o thou fairest among women10 the word yapha1 in grammatical form1 is used in the original1 and that the term is applied to a black woman4 ,but this whole song is written in hyperbole4 ,in the description of ,solomon's person1 it says1 v4 #aa1 8,his head is as the most fine gold20 in the original1 8,his head is the most fine gold40 #ad3 8,his hands are as gold rings set with the beryl3 his belly as bright ivory overlaid with sapphires4 #ae3 ,his legs are as pillars of marble1 set upon sockets of gold3 his countenance is as ,lebanon1 excellent as the cedars40 ,asiatic poetry always abounded in hyperbole4 ,thus an ,arabian poet1 speaking of his mistress1 says-- 8,i behold in thine eyes1 angels looking at me4 ,deformity in another1 in thee is excellent beauty2 ,the garments of the shepherd1 upon thee1 are the finest tissue1 ,and brass ornaments become fine gold4 ,thy excellence1 so great among men1 the god beholds1 ,and is astonished at thy beauty40 ,it is not from such productions that we are to look for the simple1 original1 and radical meaning of terms2 and probably even in the case of ,canticles1 the word yapha would not have been allowed by the rules of composition1 had it not been first announced in a calm1 initiatory manner1 that she was a black woman1 in order that no misconception might arise from such hyperbole4 ,let us suppose ourselves in ,arabia1 and some poet announces that1 for our evening entertainment and diversion1 he will deliver a panegyric upon some black woman1 and1 among other things1 says-- ,thy neck is as a tower of ivory4 ,thy teeth are like a flock of sheep4 ,thy lips are like a thread of scarlet4 ,thy nose like the tower of ,lebanon1 ,that looketh towards ,damascus2 ,and the smell of thy nose like apples2 ,and the smell of the roof of thy mouth like the best wine ,thy stature is like the palm-tree4 ,thy skin is fairer than snow1 ,and thy breasts like two clusters of grapes4 ,thy head is as ,mount ,carmel1 ,and the hair of thy head like purple1 ,and the curls of thy hair like a flock of goats4 ,behold1 thou art fair1 my love2 thou hast doves' eyes4 ,true1 amid such hyperbole1 we might have mistaken her colour1 if he had not previously informed us on that subject4 ,but1 as it stands1 there is no falsehood asserted2 there is no liability to mistake4 ,the poet merely means that1 at least in his conception1 she is as lovely1 beautiful1 and desirable as all those hyperboles would make her4 ,and we think we have reason to contend1 that the hyperbolic use of the word yapha1 in ,canticles1 does not alter in any sense its real meaning1 or1 in any ordinary use of language1 make it a term applicable to people of colour1 or in any sense whatever a synonyme of the tav1 or to voth1 as used in ,genesis4 ,this explanation is thought necessary1 since it is seen that we shall hereafter contend that the descendants of ,cain were black4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,if we take the passage1 ,gen4 vi4 #b1 #c1 as it stands in connection1 it seems to us an obvious deduction that the commingling of the races of ,seth and ,cain was obnoxious to the ,lord4 ,it is placed in position as the cause why his ,spirit should not always strive4 ,he saw that such amalgamation would1 did deteriorate and destroy the more holy race of ,seth2 and therefore determined1 with grief in his heart1 to destroy man from the earth4 ,all were swept away1 except ,noah1 his three sons1 and their four wives4 ,yet sin found a residence among the sons of ,noah1 and ,canaan was doomed to perpetual bondage1 as it now exists upon the earth4 8,and he said1 ,cursed be ,canaan3 a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren4 ,and he said1 ,blessed be the ,lord ,god of ,shem1 and ,canaan shall be his servant4 ,god shall enlarge ,japheth1 and he shall dwell in the tents of ,shem1 and ,canaan shall be his servant40 ,gen4 ix4 #be-bg4 ,the expression 8servant of servants0 is translated from the words ebed abadim1 slave of slaves4 ,the expression is idiomatic1 and means the most abject slave4 ,in the passage quoted1 the word servant1 in all cases1 is translated from ebed1 and means slave4 ,there was no master placed over ,adam1--it is not certain there was over ,cain1--but here the master is named and blessed2 and the slave is named1 and his slavery pronounced to be of the most abject kind4 ,if we mistake not1 it is an article of the ,christian creed of most churches1 that ,adam was the federal head and representative of his race2 that the covenant was made1 not only with ,adam1 but also with his posterity2 that the guilt of his sin was imputed to them2 that each and every one of his posterity are depraved through his sin2 that this1 their original sin1 is properly sin1 and deserves ,god's wrath and curse4 ,if so1 can we say less in the case of ,cain8 or that a new relation did intervene in the case of ,ham8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,having traced the institution of slavery down to its third and final degree1 and finding it firmly lodged in the family of ,ham1 let us now inquire what proof there may be that his descendants are also the descendants and race of ,cain4 ,this evidence is to be found in the fact1 #ast4 ,that the descendants of ,ham were black1 inheriting the mark of ,cain4 #b;d4 ,that the traditions and memorials of the family of ,ham are also traditions and memorials of the family of ,cain4 #c;d4 ,that ,naamah1 of the family of ,cain1 is found to be kept in memory by the earlier descendants of ,ham4 #dth4 ,that the characteristics of these families are the same1 and that no facts are found to exist discordant to the proposition of their being one and the same race2 but on the contrary1 every vestige of them is in unison with such proposition4 ,in presenting the evidence touching the several facts of the inquiry1 we cannot claim the most lucid or logical arrangement1 nor that our remarks will be classed in the best methodical order for the subjects of consideration4 ,but we present the proposition that aboriginal names are always significant terms3 thus1 ,abram1 the high father2 ,abraham1 the father of a multitude2 ,jacob1 holding by the heel1 supplanting2 ,israel1 one who wrestles with ,god2 and ,cain1 one that has been purchased or bought3 8,and she bare ,cain1 and said1 ,i have gotten a man from the ,lord40 ,gen4 iv4 #a4 ,the word ,cain is from ,cana1 and means to buy1 to purchase1 and1 as a noun1 a thing bought2 and the word 8gotten10 canithi1 terminating with its verbal formation1 means1 ,i have bought or purchased--his name signified one purchased4 ,there is an allusion to ,cain in the ,koran2 and1 although we do not present it as or for authority1 yet it may not be out of place to notice what the ancient ,arabians have said on the subject3 8,verily1 ,i 7the prophet7 am no other than a denouncer of threats1 and a messenger of good tidings unto the people who believed4 ,it is he who hath created you from one person and out of him produced his wife1 that he might dwell with her2 and when he had known her1 she carried a light burden for a time1 wherefore she walked easily therewith3 but when it became more heavy1 they called upon ,god their ,lord1 saying1 ,if thou give us a child rightly shaped1 we will surely be thankful4 ,yet when he had given them a child rightly shaped1 they attributed companions unto him1 for that which he had given them4 ,but far be that from ,god1 which they associated with him6 ,will they associate with him false gods1 which create nothing1 but are themselves created1 and can neither give them assistance nor help themselves80 ,koran1 chap4 vii4 ,the ,arabian commentators1 in explanation of this passage1 relate a tradition among them4 ,they say1 when ,eve was big with her first child1 the devil came to frighten and fill her mind with apprehension4 ,but he pretended to her that by his prayers to ,god he could persuade him to cause her to have a well-shaped child1 a son1 the likeness of ,adam1 and that she should be safely delivered of it1 upon the condition that she should dedicate or name the child abed al hareth1 the slave of the devil1 instead of the name that ,adam would give it1 abed ,allah1 the slave of ,god2 that ,eve accepted the terms1 and the child was born1 c4 ,the legend is varied by the commentators1 some saying the child died as soon as born1 or that the devil applied to ,adam instead of ,eve1 c42 but they all agree that al hareth was the name the devil went by among the angels4 ,it is a little remarkable that the passage in ,gen4 iv4 #b1 8,but ,cain was a tiller of the ground10 ,heb4 obed adamah1 the slave of the ground1 would be1 in ,arabic1 this phrase1 abed al hareth1 the cognate of the ,hebrew word erets1 the earth4 ,and therefore the ,arabic1 abed al hareth1 will be a translation of the ,hebrew in ,genesis4 ,this legend will be found in ,al ,beidawi1 ,jallado' ddin1 ,zamakhshari1 et al4 ,see ,sale's ,koran1 vol4 i4 p4 #cfj4 ,the discovery of the western continent by ,columbus was the great and absorbing event of the age in which it happened4 ,it was an event which1 in consideration of the characteristics of men1 would be held in commemoration3 in all parts of the world it would be a matter of such record as literature made convenient1 or the relative influence of the event rendered constant to the mind4 ,and hence we find it referred to not only in books1 but in the continent discovered2 it is commemorated by the application of the name of the discoverer to its seas1 lakes1 rivers1 mountains1 districts of country1 cities1 towns1 c4 ,now1 if at the time of the event1 the world had not advanced to the achievement of literary records1 it is evident that the latter mode of commemoration could have been the only one practicable2 and history shows us that this mode of commemoration was adopted at the earliest ages1 nor laid aside even at this day4 ,this disposition to commemorate is one of the characteristics of the whole human family4 ,thus ,eve commemorated some event1 described as the purchase of her first-born of the ,lord1 by giving said first-born the name of 8one purchased40 8,and the sons of ,noah that went forth of the ark were ,shem1 and ,ham1 and ,japheth3 and ,ham is the father of ,canaan40 8,and ,ham1 the father of ,canaan1 saw the nakedness of his father1 and told his two brethren without40 8,and ,noah awoke from his wine1 and knew what his younger son had done unto him4 ,and he said1 ,cursed be ,canaan40 ,gen4 ix4 #ah1 #bb1 #bd1 #be4 ,the things here recorded took place in quick succession from the removal of ,noah's family from the ark4 ,ham ultimately had four sons1 the youngest of whom he named ,canaan4 ,is there any evidence1 at the time of these records1 that any of the children of ,ham were born1 and especially his youngest8 ,it does appear to us that the word ,canaan1 as here used1 does not mean any particular son of ,ham4 ,it is evidently used at a time before he had any sons4 ,from the manner of the relation it seems probable the planting of the vineyard was among the first things ,noah did after the flood4 ,two or three years was all the time required for the consummation of this event4 ,in case ,ham had married a female of the race of ,cain1 he had also identified himself with that race1 and might well be called by his father1 especially at a moment of displeasure1 by a term emphatically showing1 yea announcing prophetically1 his degradation through all future time1--the degradation to which that connection had reduced him4 ,the ill-manners of ,ham towards his father were not the great cause of the curse4 ,the cause must have previously existed4 ,the ill-manners only influence the time of its announcement4 ,even had it never been announced1 the consequences would have been the same4 ,the sentence of the law is only declaratory of the relation in which one has placed himself4 ,the cause of the curse or degradation here pronounced must have been something adequate1 to have produced it4 ,the ill-manners could have no so great effect4 ,and let us inquire1 where are we to find an adequate cause for the immediate degradation of an unborn race1 unless we find it in intermarriage4 ,his intermarriage1 then1 could have been with no other than the race of ,cain8 ,when ,noah spoke to ,ham1 and said1 8,cursed be ,canaan10 he had no reference to any particular descendant of ,ham1 but included them all1 as the race of ,cain1 and1 in reproof and disparagement to his son1 reproaching the connection4 ,suppose1 even at this day1 a descendant of ,japheth should choose to amalgamate with the ,negro1 could not his father readily foretell the future destiny of the offspring1--their standing among the rest of his family8 ,the term ,canaan1 thus spoken and applied to ,ham1 was significant of the character his conduct had created1 by identifying himself with the race of ,cain4 ,it was a new name1 deeply and degradingly distinguishing him from the rest of his father's family4 ,jacob was called ,israel1 after having wrestled with ,god2 but an honourable cognomen would be made known and used1 whereas one of reverse character might or might not4 ,it cannot be expected1 at this late day1 to account for the anomalies of the ancient ,hebrew4 ,terms applied as proper names1 whether significant or not1 are in all languages1 and in all ages1 subject sometimes to strange and even oblique alterations4 ,thus1 in the family of ,benjamin1 8,ard10 of ,genesis and ,numbers1 is changed into ,addar in ,chronicles2 and thus ,colon of ,genoa was converted into ,columbus in the western continent4 ,thus1 ,muppim and ,huppim1 in ,genesis1 are changed into ,shupham and ,hupham in ,numbers1 and into ,shephupham and ,huram in ,chronicles4 ,see ,gen4 xlvi4 #ba1 ,num4 xxvi4 #ci1 and #a ,chron4 viii4 #e4 ,the ,kenites1 ,kennizites1 and ,canaanites of ,gen4 xv4 #ai2 the ,kenaz1 xxxvi4 #aa and #db2 the ,kenite and ,kenites of ,num4 xxiv4 #ba2 the ,kenites of #a ,sam4 xxvii4 #aj1 xv4 #e1 #f2 ,judges iv4 #aa-ag2 and the city called 8,cain10 ha ,kain1 ,josh4 xv4 #eg1 also ,kinah1 idem #bb1--;are all legitimately derived and descended from the name given to the first-born of mankind4 ,doubtless a critical search would find many more2 but in all these instances the derivative is used for and by the descendants of ,ham4 ,but no instance is found where any such derivative is in use by the unmixed posterity of ,shem or ,japheth4 ,we surely need not point in the direction of the cause of these facts4 ,in ,judges iv4 #aa1 we have1 8,now1 ,heber the ,kenite1 ha ,keni17 which was of the children of ,hobab1 7the ,jethro of ,genesis17 the father-in-law of ,moses40 ,we shall hereafter have occasion to show that the father-in-law of ,moses was a descendant of ,misraim1 the second son of ,ham2 that he dwelt in the mountains of ,midian1 and1 when spoken of in regard to his country1 was called a ,midianite2 but his daughter1 when spoken of in regard to her colour1 was called an ,ethiopian2 but now1 when he is spoken of in regard to his race1 he is called a ,cainite1 ,kenite4 ,in ,josh4 xv4 #ag1 we have a derivative in common origin of the foregoing1 in 8,kenaz10 the brother of ,caleb2 but upon examining #a ,chron4 ii41 we shall find a sufficient reason in the blood of that family2 and in all instances where such derivative is found1 we shall find the same cause to warrant its use4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,such evidence as there may be that ,ham did take to wife some particular female of the race of ,cain1 will also be the most positive evidence that their descendants are one and the same4 ,let it be noticed that1 immediately preceding the account of the flood1 and the causes which led to that judgment upon the earth1 we are presented with the genealogical tables of the families of ,cain and ,seth1 down to that period2 and that these tables terminate with ,ham1 in that of ,seth1 and in the female ,naamah1 the daughter of ,lamech1 in the genealogy of ,cain4 ,ham and ,naamah are thus placed upon a parallel1 so far as it regards these tables4 ,it surely is not difficult to perceive the cause why1 in the table of ,seth1 the genealogical line ending in the family of ,noah was selected2 but1 if the entire race of ,cain were to be destroyed by the flood1 why was the particular line ending in ,naamah chosen8 ,why was any such table of his race required8 ,beside ,eve1 the two wives of ,lamech and this ,naamah are the only females whose names are given before the flood8 ,if the entire race of ,cain was destroyed1 how was the name of ,naamah of more importance for us to know than that of thousands of the same race8 ,why has ,god sent these facts down to us8 ,has he ever revealed to us any thing unnecessary for us to know8 ,is it consistent with his character to do so8 ,there have been1 through all time since the deluge1 traditions and legends among the ,arabians1 and many other ,asiatic tribes1 that this ,naamah and her posterity continued upon the earth subsequent to that period4 ,we give in substance a tale of traditionary lore among the ,eastern nations1 found in the ,book ,zohar1 and referred to by ,sale1 page #hg4 ,they believe that at an extremely ancient time1 there was an inferior race of beings1 whom they call 8jin10 7query1 a cognate of yana or jana1 to cast down1 destroyed1 used in a bad sense1 to cast away27 that this race was created from1 by1 or someway connected with fire1 heat1 c41 either in their original state or in an acquired condition2 that they eat1 drink1 propagate1 and die1 and are subjects of salvation or reprobation1 like men2 that they inhabited the world for ages before ,adam was created2 that they fell at length into general corruption2 that1 therefore1 ,eblis 7one of the names of the devil7 drove them into a remote part of the earth1 and confined them there2 but1 however1 some of their race remained2 and that ,tahmunah1 7the ,noah of the ,hebrew ,scriptures17 one of the ancient kings of ,persia1 drove them into the mountains of ,kf4 ,another version of the same legend is1 that this race of beings was begotten by ,aza with ,naamah1 the daughter of ,lamech4 7,let us here note1 aza is a ,chaldaic word1 meaning heat1 to grow hot1 c41 and as such is used in ,dan4 iii4 #bb1--therefore a synonyme with ,ham1 as applied to the son of ,noah47 ,but some have it that the race is the joint offspring1 or from the double paternity1 of ,aza and ,azael4 7,let us also notice1 that this monstrosity of paternity is reduced to a single personage by the fact1 that the ,hebrew suffix el merely gives quality1 even by repetition1 as thus1--,aza the mighty ,aza47 ,but this version of the legend denominates the race 8,shedim10 the plural of shed1 a word sometimes used to express idols1 but more often used to mean desolation1 destruction1 c42 and because the nursing breast is often exhausted1 or from the notion that such exhaustion is akin to a thing destroyed1 this word is applied to the female breast2 and hence a posterity strongly marked by natural peculiarities would very readily take some name expressive of such fact4 ,even at this day1 in reference to such peculiarities1 we say1 they took it from the 8breast40 ,we deem it unnecessary to enter into a critical history of the word shed or shedim1 as used by the ,arabians1 the 8sed0 of the ,hebrews2 but we may be permitted to remark that1 from its conveying the idea of destruction1 desolation1 so strongly1 the ,hebrews applied it also to mean a 8field10 or country1 in a destroyed or desolate or uncultivated condition2 and it is thus used in many places4 ,see ,genesis iii4 #a42 and is thus the word we call ,sodom4 ,it always carries with it the idea opposite to improvement2 and1 governed by the same leading idea1 writers have applied it1 perhaps rather figuratively1 to any living existence found wandering over waste and solitary districts4 ,we might pursue the subject of this tradition1 and from the analogy of language1 as well as from ancient associations1 at least find some evidence that ,zahmurah was no other than ,noah2 that the affix 8el0 with ,aza arose from the acknowledged superiority of the race of ,seth to that of ,cain1 in consequence of which they were sometimes described as 8the sons of ,god10 ,gen4 vi4 #d2 and that the tradition points to the race of ,ham1 and their humble condition in the world4 ,traces of this legend will not only be found as above1 but also in ,gemara1 in ,hagiga1 and ,igrat ,baale ,hayyin1 c4 #ae4 ,if it be a fact that the ,negro race are the descendants of ,ham and ,naamah1 the daughter of ,lamech1 of the race of ,cain1 it might be thought there would still be existing some traditions of such an extraordinary fact4 ,as such we present the legend3 not that we attach to it any undue importance1 and especially not to be received as evidence at all1 in contradiction of one word found in the holy books4 ,but if a legend of ancient time shall be found1 when sifted from the ignorance of fable or the fraud of design1 to coincide with facts as related in the holy books1 we may be permitted to consider the same as a circumstance not altogether unworthy of consideration4 ,but1 we repeat1 unless ,naamah was to survive the destruction of the deluge1 why was her name1 why was her genealogy recorded and sent down to future time8 ,we think it certain that if she did survive the flood1 she must have done so as the wife of one of ,noah's sons4 ,now1 as it is evident that the intermixture of the two races was regarded by ,jehovah as a sin1 it is not probable that either ,shem or ,japheth took her to wife1 since they were both most honourably distinguished by a public blessing immediately after the flood4 ,but again3 ,noah had been preaching the then impending ruin near a hundred years4 ,lamech might well have had some glimpses of the subdiluvian world1 and certainly saw the consequential ruin to young ,ham1 of the holy family of ,noah1 from such a connection with his daughter1 ,naamah4 ,it could not otherwise than operate as a moral death to all the high hopes of him and his posterity4 ,in case such connection was formed1 and ,lamech was forward in aiding or influencing it1 then well might his troubled soul exclaim to his two wives as related4 ,but in case ,ham did take to wife this daughter of ,lamech1 we might expect her name also to be held in remembrance by her posterity1 as we have seen to some extent was that of ,cain2 and if we find such fact to exist in regard to her1 it will be to our mind strong additional proof1 that the descendants of ,ham were in common the descendants of ,cain4 ,we notice here the fact1 which we may hereafter deem necessary to prove1 that1 of the children of ,ham1 ,cush originally settled in ,arabia and the southwestern parts of ,asia generally1 ,misraim in ,egypt1 ,phut in the northern parts of ,africa and southward indefinitely1 and ,canaan in ,palestine4 ,when this latter country came to be conquered by ,joshua1 he found a city by the name of 8,naamah10 situated in that portion which was given to the tribe of ,judah4 ,see ,josh4 xv4 #da4 ,but we shall directly see that there must have also been another city by the name of 8,naamah10 situated probably in the region originally occupied by ,cush4 ,the book of ,job is supposed to have been written as early as the days of ,abraham4 ,one of the men named in it is ,zophar the 8,naamathite40 ,see ,job ii4 #aa2 also xi4 #a42 also xlii4 #i4 ,he was an inhabitant of 8,naamah10 at a much more ancient period than the time of ,joshua4 ,job is represented as of the land of 8,uz10 far distant from the land of ,canaan1 in the eastern parts of ,arabia4 ,his intimate friends and acquaintances cannot be expected to have been of so distant a country as was the land of ,judea4 ,the evidence is then that there must have been a city in the land of ,cush by the same name4 ,but in ,gen4 x4 #g1 one of the sons of ,cush is called ,raamah3 we think those who will examine the subject will find this term a mere alteration or adulteration of ,naamah1 as there are many others1 a tedious explanation of which might not be excused at our hand4 ,suffice it then to say that among the ,cushites at a very early period one whole tribe were called 8,naamathites10 distinct from the ,naamathites that lived in the city of ,naamah conquered by ,joshua4 ,another variation of this word will be found in the word 8,hamathites10 ,gen4 xvi4 #ah4 ,this word is used1 differently varied1 in ,num4 xiii4 #ba1 xxvi4 #dj2 ,judges iii4 #c2 #a ,kings x4 #fe1 xiv4 #ba-ca2 #b ,kings v4 #a-bg2 #b ,sam4 viii4 #i2 #a ,chron4 viii4 #d1 #g2 #b ,chron4 viii4 #c1 xii4 #ac2 ,isa4 x4 #i1 also xi4 #aa1 also xvii4 #aj2 ,ezek4 xlvii4 #af1 #bj1 also xlviii4 #a1 and perhaps many other places2 and in all cases in reference to individuals1 the people and country of the ,canaanites1 and no doubt in memory of their great female progenitor1 ,naamah1 the daughter of ,lamech1 of the race of ,cain4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,before we close this branch of our inquiry1 let us examine into the significancy and composition of the name 8,naamah10 as applied to the daughter of ,lamech3 and we take occasion here to say how deeply we are indebted to the labours of the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,lee1 the regius professor of ,hebrew in the ,university of ,cambridge1 ,england1 and whom we have no question in believing to be among the most penetrating oriental scholars of the age4 ,by an intimate knowledge of the ,asiatic languages1 he discovered that in many instances where1 in a cognate case1 the ,heemanti would be used in ,hebrew1 in them the word was supplied with a particle1 changing or influencing the sense4 ,upon full research1 he determined that the ,heemanti1 in ,hebrew1 were the fragments of ancient or obsolete particles1 still influencing the significance as would have done the particles themselves4 ,let us take an example in our own language3 able implies fulness of power2 add to it the prefix un1 and you reverse the sense wholly4 ,yet we do not perceive1 without reflection1 that the prefix really is a contraction of something similar to 8,i am not10 c4 ,with this door open to a constitutional knowledge of the language1 let us take the word am4 ,the terminating aspirate of the word ,naamah will be readily formed from this by the usual feminine1 as a fragment of the later bath4 ,and for the prefix nun1 we beg leave to quote from ,lee's ,lectures1 pages #abc and #abd3 8,we come now to propose a conjecture on the prefix nun1 and on the modification of sense which primitive words undergo in consequence of its influence4 ,if then we take this 77 as the defective form of some primitive word1 appearing sometimes in the form of 1 at other times as only1 we may suppose it to have been derived from the 7,arabic7 root1 which1 had it been preserved in ,hebrew1 might have been written hanah1 anah1 or ana4 ,the senses attributed to it by ,castell 7in his ,arabic ,lexicon7 are1 among others1 #8ad extremum perfectionis terminum pervenit--assecutus fuit1 seu percepit--retinuit1 detinuit1 coercuit1--lenitate1 modestia et patientia usus fuit1' c4 ,supposing this word1 or some defective form of it1 to be construed with any other1 the sense of both taken together would1 in general1 give the force of the forms thus compounded4 ,and as this form of compound is often in the leading word of one of the conjugations1 it becomes the more important to ascertain its properties4 ,primitive words receiving this particle will have a sort of passive sense1 or will exhibit subjection to the action implied by the primitive accidentally1 but not habitually4 ,words receiving this augment1 subjecting them to the action implied by the primitive word1 may1 when the context requires it1 also be construed as having a reciprocal sense1 or as implying possibility10 c4 ,now then1 let us present examples of the influence of this particular ,heemanti3 -- sakur1 a hireling1 one whose habit is to be hired1 one whose occupation is that of being hired by others4 ,add nun1 and we have niskkaru1 as in #a ,sam4 ii4 #e1 and translated thus3 8,they that were full have hired out themselves for bread40 ,the idea in ,hebrew is3 ,they who were habitually full1 from the force of the circumstances influencing the case1 have been compelled to hire themselves to others for bread4 ,the sakur is a hireling from habit1 from constitution1 from custom1 c41 and which idea enters into the meaning of the word4 ,but the prefix of the proposed ,heemanti at once destroys all idea of habit1 fitness1 constitution1 or custom2 but yet the individual is a 8hireling10 but only as the force of circumstances influencing the case compelled him to be so4 ,thus this ,heemanti gives a reflective quality1 reflecting back upon the agent or actor1 as thus3 shamar1 he guards1 nishmar1 he guards himself2 that is1 under the force of circumstances affecting the case1 he was compelled to guard himself4 ,thus chemar is sometimes used to express the idea black1 as a constant1 habitual quality4 ,in ,lam4 v4 #aj1 we find it with this ,heemanti1 thus1 nichemaru1 8our skin was black20 not that their skin was naturally and habitually black1 but made so by the facts of the case3 and this same word1 with this ,heemanti1 is used in ,gen4 xliii4 #cj1 and translated1 by attempting to express a ,hebrew cognate idea1 into 8yearn40 ,the idea is1 his bowels did not habitually 8yearn10 but the action was forced upon him by the facts of the case2 and the same again in #a ,kings iii4 #bf4 ,in ,hosea xi4 #h1 we find it again translated 8my repentings are kindled30 because his people were bent on backsliding1 which would cause the ,assyrian to be their king1 and war to be in their cities continually1 and their bad counsels themselves to be destroyed1 his repentings were forced to be 8kindled40 ,see the passage4 ,this particle then prefixed to the word am1 with its feminine termination1 makes the word ,naamah1 with the meaning1 under the condition of things1 she was to become a people distinct to herself2 not that she would be a people absolutely1 by the habitual action of constituent ability1 but she would be a people distinct to herself1 only as the peculiar influencing causes made her so1--showing also that these causes gave distinction and character to her posterity4 ,thus her very name shadowed forth the condition of her race4 ,a ,frenchman goes to ,england1 or vice versa3 a generation passes and nationality is lost4 ,not so with the ,ethiopian4 ,for 8though thou wash thee with nitre and take thee much soap1 yet thine iniquity is marked before me1 saith the ,lord ,god40 ,jer4 ii4 #bb4 ,a form of the word 8,naamah0 is used in character of a masculine plural1 in ,isa4 xvii4 #aj1 and translated 8pleasant10 as if from nam4 ,forced to differ from this translation1 we beg leave to place the whole passage before the scholars of the day3 ,it is translated thus3 8,because thou hast forgotten the ,god of thy salvation1 and hast not been mindful of the rock of thy strength1 therefore shalt thou plant pleasant plants and shalt set it with strange slips40 ,we beg to inquire whether there is not a material defect in the latter clause of this translation8 ,the verb 8to plant10 in ,hebrew1 governs two accusatives1 to wit1 the plantation and the thing planted4 ,in ,english1 we are compelled to render one of the names as governed by a preposition4 ,thus1 he planted a field with corn1 or he planted corn in a field4 ,the word zemorath1 is often translated a song1 as 8,the ,lord ,jehovah is my strength and song40 ,see ,ps4 cxviii4 #ad and ,isa4 xii4 #b4 ,but the idea is more comprehensive than is our idea expressed by the term 8song40 ,it includes the result of a course of conduct4 ,thus the result of a devout worship of ,god is that ,jehovah becomes the 8,zemorath0 of the worshipper2 and we doubt not our term result1 although imperfect1 will give a better view of the prophet's idea in this place than the song4 ,in this sense this word is used in ,gen4 xliii4 #aa1 and translated 8fruits30 thus1 8take of the best fruits of the land10 that is1 the best results of our cultivation4 ,the prophet informs his people that they intermix and amalgamate with the ,naamathites because they have forgot ,god1 and that the result is the two last words in the passage1 to wit1 the 8zar0 and 8tizera-ennu0 that is1 a 8stranger40 ,see ,exod4 xxx4 #cc2 ,levit4 xxii4 #aj1 #ab1 #ac1 where 8zar0 is translated 8stranger20 also1 ,job xix4 #ae1 #ag2 also1 ,prov4 v4 #aj1 #ag1 and #bj2 and many other places1 surely enough to determine its meaning here4 ,the original sense of the last word in the passage was to sow seed1 hence to scatter and destroy4 ,the result of such amalgamation then is1 their posterity will be a deteriorated race1 and the pure ,hebrew stock sown to the winds1 scattered1 wasted away and destroyed4 ,in these highly excited and poetic effusions of the prophet1 we are to notice the chain of thought and mode of expression by which he reaches the object in view4 ,this chapter commences with the information that ,damascus shall cease to be a city2 that ,aroer shall be forsaken1 and ,ephraim be without a fortress to protect her2 and finally that ,jacob shall be made thin1 like a few scattering grapes found by the gleaner1 or a few berries of the olive left in the top of the bough1 and the house of ,jacob become desolate4 ,in the passage under consideration the causes of this condition of ,jacob are announced4 ,if our view of the word 8,naamah0 be correct1 in the masculine plural1 as here used1 it will be quite analogous to ,ethiopians4 ,but we have no one word of its meaning2 perhaps the idea will be more correctly expressed by ,naamathites4 ,evidently the idea intended to be conveyed by the prophet by the word ,naamanim1 is1 a people whose cultivation would be abortive as to them and injurious to the cultivator2 that is1 a people with whom intermarriage will produce nothing but injury and destruction to the house of ,jacob4 ,by the use of some such paraphrasis the idea of the prophet will be brought to mind3 8,because thou hast forgotten the ,god of thy salvation1 and hast not been mindful of the rock of thy strength1 therefore shalt thou 7or therefore dost thou7 plant ,naamathites10 7that is1 amalgamate with the descendants of ,ham and ,naamah17 8and the fruits of the land shall be a stranger0 7that is1 their adulterated posterity will be heathen7 8scattering thee away20 that is1 wasting away not only the purity of the ,hebrew blood1 but their worship also4 ,repeat3 8,because thou hast forgotten the ,god of thy salvation1 and hast not been mindful of the rock of thy strength40 ,therefore dost thou cohabit with the heathen1 and thy posterity1 ,o ,jacob1 shall be an enemy1 and thou scattered away and destroyed6 ,such is the announcement of the prophet4 ,one of the most bitter specimens of irony contained in the ,scriptures is the answer of ,job to the ,naamathite3 8,no doubt but ye are the people1 and wisdom shall die with you40 ,the passage needs no comment4 ,the view we take of the word 8,naamanim10 as used by ,isaiah1 we think warranted by the succeeding sentence1 which we ask the scholar to notice4 8,for a day thou shalt make thy plant to grow1 for a morning thou shalt make thy seed to flourish1 but the harvest shall be a heap0 7a burden unbearable7 8in the days of grief and desperate sorrow40 ,and such has ever been the lot of the white parent who has amalgamated with the negro2 as to posterity1 it is ruin4 ,the prophet borrowed his figure from agriculture4 ,his intention was to present to the mind the abortiveness of such a course of sin1 by presenting a bold and distinct view of the mental and moral character of the descendants of ,naamah2 and is on a par with--8,are ye not as the children of the ,ethiopians unto me1 ,o children of ,israel8 saith the ,lord40 ,amos ix4 #g4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,by referring to the instances where we allege are to be found variations of the names ,cain and ,naamah1 it will be at once noticed that some of them are quite remarkable4 ,shall we be excused for a few remarks in explanation1 by way of example1 of other lingual changes8 ,queen ,elizabeth lived but yesterday2 and her history has not advanced through a very great variety of languages1 yet we find1 in commemoration of her1 one place named ,elizabeth1 ,elizabeth ,city1 ,elizabethtown1 ,elizabethville1 ,elizabethburg1 and another1 even ,betsey's ,wash-tub1 and because she was never married1 one is called ,virgin ,queen1 and another ,virginia4 ,now1 we all know that at a very ancient period1 the worship of the sun and of fire was introduced into the ,british ,isles4 ,is there nothing left at this day in commemoration of that fact8 ,the sun became an object of great and absorbing consideration4 ,the ancient ,celtic word grian meant the sun2 from the application of this word and its variations1 we have a proof1 not only of how words are made to change1 but also of the fact that the people of that country were once addicted to the worship of the sun or fire4 ,hence ,apollo1 who was the sun personified1 was called ,grynus4 ,at once we find a singular change in the name of the ,druidical idol ,crom-,cruach1 often called ,cean ,groith1 the head of the sun4 ,this was the image or idol god to whom the ancient inhabitants of ,ireland offered infants and young children a sacrifice4 ,it was in fact the same as the ,moloch of the ancient ,hamitic occupants of ,palestine1 and was so firmly established in the superstitions of the world1 that whatever race had the ascendency in ,ireland1 it continued to be thus worshipped1 giving the name of the 8,plains of slaughter0 to the place of its location1 until ,st4 ,patrick had the success to destroy the image and its worship2 and hence also the names ,knoc-greine and ,tuam-greine1 hills where the sun was worshipped1 and other places in ,ireland1 even now keep in memory that worship3 ,cairn-,grainey1 the sun's heap1 ,granniss' bed1 corrupted from ,grian-,beacht1 the sun's circle4 ,a point of land near ,wexford is called ,grenor1 the sun's fire1 and the town of ,granaid1 because the sun was worshipped there4 ,and we may notice a still greater variation in ,carig-,croith1 the rock of the sun--and even our present word grange1 from the almost obsolete idea1 a place enclosed1 separate and distinct1 but open to the sun1 now used as a synonyme of farm4 ,let us take our word fire1 and we shall perceive remarkable changes through all the languages from the ,chaldaic down4 ,gen4 xi4 #bh1 8,ur0 is translated from which means fire4 ,abraham was a native of ,chaldea1 and from a place where they worshipped fire1 or the sun4 ,it was used to mean the sun1 ,job xxxviii4 #ab2 also1 in the plural1 ,isa4 xxiv4 #ae3 8,wherefore glorify ye the ,lord in the fires80 ,it is here urim4 ,because fire emitted light1 it became used to mean light4 ,the words urim and thummim meant lights or fires1 and truth3 among the fire-worshippers the same term meant fire and sun4 ,the ,copts called their kings suns4 ,hence from this term they took the word ouro1 to mean the idea of royalty2 their article pi1 made piouro1 the sun or the king1 which being carried back to the ,hebrews1 they made it ,pharaoh2 but the sun was regarded as a god1 and hence the ,egyptian kings came to be called gods2 but the ,chaldaic and ,hebrew 1 when applied to fire or the sun by the ,copts1 as an object of worship1 was distinguished from the idea of royalty by the term ra and re1 with the particle pira and pire1 generally written phra and phre4 ,hence the ,greek 1 pur1 to mean fire1 and hence pyrites1 which means a fire-stone1 a stone well burned1 or a stone containing fire1 c4 ,and hence also the ,hebrew word rai1 a mirror1 vision1 the god of vision1 and by figure a conspicuous or illustrious person4 ,but according to ,butman1 the ,sanscrit root ,raja is the original of the obsolete ,greek word1 1 1 1 and if so1 possibly of the ,chaldaic word under view4 ,but however that may be1 it is evident that the ,greek radios is at least derived through the channel indicated2 and we now use the term ray to mean an emanation from great power4 ,our word regent is also from the same source1 through the ,latin rex1 and may be found1 slightly modified1 through all the ,european dialects4 ,and it may be remarked that1 cognate therewith1 we have the ,arabic word raiheh1 or raygeh1 to mean fragrancy2 the poetic minds of the ,arabians uniformly applying this image to legitimate rule and government4 ,and if we take a view of the filiations of languages1 even as they are now found1 such changes cannot be deemed unusual1 especially if we take into consideration the inevitable variation words are found to undergo in their progress through different countries and ages of time2 and more especially1 if we notice the precise manner in which lingual variations are found to operate4 ,changes of language sometimes take place upon a single word apparently by caprice1 among different tribes of people1--sometimes by the transposition of the consonant or vowel sound2 by the insertion of a letter or letters for the sake of euphony2 by the contraction or abbreviation of letters for the sake of despatch2 by the reduplication of a letter or syllable on the account of some real or fancied importance or emphasis attached to it2 and by the deletion or addition of a letter or syllable at the commencement or end of a word1 for a real or supposed more felicitous enunciation of certain sounds in succession2 and hence alterations1 slight at first1 are liable to become quite remarkable4 ,thus in ,greek1 becomes form in ,latin2 regnum becomes reign2 clum1 ciel2 ultra jectum1 ,utrecht2 and ebed1 eved1 as variously pronounced1 meaning a slave1 becomes obediens1 obedienter1 obedio1 obedientia1 in ,latin1 and obey1 obedient1 c41 in ,english4 ,the ,celtic ros becomes horse1 and the ,english grass becomes garse4 ,consonants of the same order are interchanged2 p becomes b1 and b v1 d t1 g k and sometimes n1-- becomes ph or f1 d or t becomes th1 and g or c gh4 ,it is therefore impossible that such changes should not have taken place1 and therefore they give proof of the genuineness of the history they may develop4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,,we have heretofore remarked that such names as are derived from ,cain or ,naamah are never found in the holy books1 except among and applied to the descendants of ,ham4 ,but there are some few instances of the application of these terms in the family of the ,benjamites4 ,it is therefore our design now to prove1 so far as may be1 that such instances1 in the family of ,benjamin1 are wholly confined to those cases where the ,benjamite was a mixed-blooded person1 and a descendant of ,ham1 as well as of the youngest son of ,jacob4 ,the holy books do give evidence that individuals of the race of ,shem did sometimes commingle with the descendants of ,ham4 ,from the proximity of the ,israelite tribes to those of ,ham2 from their co-habitation of ,palestine itself1 it was natural to expect among the low and vulgar1 as well as among those whose morals hung loosely about them1 that such intermixture should take place4 8,now ,sheshan had no sons1 but daughters4 ,and ,sheshan had a servant1 7 ebed1 a slave17 an ,egyptian1 7 ,mitsri1 a ,misraimite1 a descendant of the second son of ,ham17 whose name was ,jarha4 ,and ,sheshan gave his daughter to ,jarha his servant1 7 ebed1 slave7 to wife40 #a ,chron4 ii4 #cd1 #ce4 ,proving the wisdom and truth of the saying of ,solomon1 8,he that delicately bringeth up his servant 7 ebed1 slave7 from a child1 shall have him become his son at length40 ,prov4 xxix4 #ba4 8,rehoboam was forty-one years old when he began to reign2 and he reigned seventeen years in ,jerusalem1 the city which the ,lord did choose out of all the tribes of ,israel to put his name there3 and his mother's name was ,naamah1 an ,ammonitess4 ,and ,rehoboam slept with his fathers1 and was buried with his fathers in the city of ,david4 ,and his mother's name was ,naamah1 an ,ammonitess40 #a ,kings xiv4 #ba1 #ca4 8,for ,rehoboam was one-and-forty years old when he began to reign1 and he reigned seventeen years in ,jerusalem1 the city which the ,lord had chosen out of all the tribes of ,israel1 to put his name there1 and his mother's name was ,naamah1 an ,ammonitess40 #b ,chron4 xii4 #ac4 8,but ,king ,solomon loved many strange women1 together with the daughter of ,pharaoh2 women of the ,moabites1 ,ammonites1 ,edomites1 ,zidonians1 and ,hittites2 of the nations concerning which the ,lord said unto the children of ,israel1 ,ye shall not go in to them1 neither shall they come in unto you40 #a ,kings xi4 #a1 #b4 ,by thus personally amalgamating with the various nations over whom he ruled1 ,solomon1 no doubt1 expected more firmly to establish his throne4 ,this led to the selection of the son of this woman for his successor4 ,a vast majority of the tribes over whom his reign extended were the descendants of ,ham4 ,but this very act1 which he thought to be political wisdom1 although contrary to the laws of ,god1 brought ruin to the permanency of his dynasty4 ,the great majority of his ,jewish subjects1 hunting up1 as was natural1 plausible excuses1 rejected with scorn the contamination of the royal house4 ,and we see such manifestation of ,divine providence even at the present day3 even among ourselves1 men whose talents and patriotism might authorize them to look to any station1 are forced back by public sentiment1 degraded by a notorious amalgamation with the descendants of ,ham4 ,we shall hereafter see some proof that this 8,naamah10 the mother of ,rehoboam1 was the individual whose praises are celebrated in the book of ,canticles3 at any rate1 she was an ,ammonitess1 a descendant of ,ham1 and the prophet ,hanani includes the ,ammonites among those whom he calls ,ethiopians4 ,see #b ,chron4 xvi4 #h4 ,if then it be true that ,naamah1 the daughter of ,lamech1 was the great female progenitor of the race of ,ham1 we should expect to find some testimony of her remembrance even among her mingled offspring4 ,and since the unmixed race of ,ham have generally1 at all times of the world1 been too degraded to even leave behind them any written memorials1 it is to the mixed race1 and their connection with the races of ,shem and ,japheth1 that we are principally to look for any particular fact concerning them2 and it is reasonable to conclude1 as we find this kind of memorial among the mixed race1 that the same kind of memorial existed much more frequently among the unmixed races of ,ham4 8,and the sons of ,benjamin were ,belah1 and ,becher1 and ,ashbel1 ,gera1 and ,naaman1 ,ehi1 and ,rosh1 ,muppim1 and ,huppim1 and ,ard40 ,gen4 xlvi4 #ba4 8,the sons of ,benjamin after their families of ,bela1 the family of the ,belaites2 of ,ashbel1 the family of the ,ashbelites2 of ,ahiram1 the family of the ,ahiramites2 of ,shupham1 the family of the ,shuphamites2 of ,hupham1 the family of the ,huphamites4 ,and the sons of ,bela were ,ard and ,naaman2 of ,ard1 the family of ,ardites1 and of ,naaman1 the family of ,naamanites40 ,num4 xxvi4 #ch-dj4 8,now ,benjamin begat ,bela his first-born1 ,ashbel the second1 and ,ahirah the third1 ,nohah the fourth1 and ,rapha the fifth4 ,and the sons of ,bela were ,addar1 and ,gera1 and ,abihud1 and ,abishua1 and ,naaman1 and ,ahoah1 and ,gera1 and ,shephuphan1 and ,huram4 ,and these are the sons of ,ehud3 these are the heads of the fathers of the inhabitants of ,geba1 and they removed them to ,manahath4 ,and ,naaman1 and ,ahiah1 and ,gera1 he removed them1 and begat ,uzra and ,abihud4 ,and ,shaharaim begat children in the country of ,moab1 after he had sent them away40 #a ,chron4 viii4 #a-h4 ,the hurried reader might well apprehend these three different accounts of the same matter to be somewhat contradictory4 ,we think otherwise4 ,we had1 in fact1 prepared several sheets1 elucidating these genealogies of ,benjamin1 but upon a review we found much irrelevant to the subject of our present inquiry3 we deem only a few remarks necessary4 ,our object is to show that these genealogies prove that some portion of the family named were coloured people1 descended from ,ham1 and that ,naaman is distinguished most clearly to be of that class4 ,it will be readily perceived that ,muppim 1 in ,genesis1 is formed from ,moph1 and thus used in ,hos4 ix4 #f3 8,memphis 7 ,moph7 shall bury them40 ,our word is a ,hebraism of the ,coptic word ,noph1 the ,nod of ,genesis1 the ,no of the prophets ,ezekiel and ,nahum1 and finally confounded with ,memphis4 ,it is here used after the form of a ,hebrew masculine plural1 and as a caput1 to aid in the classification of the descendants of ,benjamin2 and clearly designates1 whatever may have been their blood1 that one class were ,memphites4 ,so the word huppim is formed from the quite ancient word haph1 which means innocence1 purity2 whence also the word haphah1 covered1 shielded1 protected2 and hence1 hupah1 bride-chamber1 the marriage-bed1 and marriage itself4 ,in this sense the word is used in ,joel ii4 #af1 and in several other places1 where the translator has so paraphrased the idea as to make it imperceptible to the ,english reader4 ,nor is it an unworthy consideration in the etymology of this word1 that from the idea purity1 the ,arabians borrowed from it their word hhar1 to mean white1 which was quickly introduced into ,hebrew in the word hur1 and hor1 to mean white also4 ,hence1 ,mount ,hor1 8the white mountain20 and from which branch of the derivation the corresponding words in ,numbers and ,chronicles have taken their origin4 ,here1 then1 we have another word used in the same manner1 to designate another class of the descendants of ,benjamin1 as of the pure stock1 legitimate and white4 ,the word va ard or ared in ,genesis1 and ard or ared in ,numbers1 is changed by dagesh and transposition into addar in ,chronicles4 ,it is unnecessary to go into an explanation of ,hebrew peculiarities4 ,it is probable that we never have had the true pronunciation of any of these words4 ,but however that may be1 the analogy of language seems to show that this word is a cognate of the ,arabic gharadh1 and the ,syrian dharadh1 and from whence harad or arad2 yet there is nothing more common than for aleph and ghain to interchange in one and the same word4 ,they are ever regarded as cognates4 ,but again1 the word is not of ,hebrew origin1 and with the latter spelling1 we find it in ,num4 xxi4 #a1 xxxiii4 #dj1 ,josh4 xii4 #ad1 and ,judges i4 #af1 as the name of a ,canaanitish city4 ,the ,arabic is more guttural than ,hebrew1 and it has two ghains1 one more guttural than the other1 distinguished by rvi1 a resting upon2 thus1 in translating ,arabic into ,hebrew1 the one will take the ,hebrew ghain1 but the ,arabic ghain with which this word is spelled is at once converted into the ,hebrew aleph2 so that while we thus find the very word1 we find it with the evidence of a ,canaanitish admixture4 ,its application in ,hebrew seems to be mostly confined to the wild ass1 7see ,dan4 v4 #ba27 but the ,syriac gives it effrnatus1 effrnis fuit1 and the ,arabic1 durus fuit1 fugit4 ,such1 then1 being its signification in these languages1 we may well perceive its adaptedness to the wild ass4 ,we all know that the wild ,arabs are the descendants of ,ishmael2 now a true synonyme in ,hebrew of this word was applied to him3 8,he shall be a wild man20 he was illegitimate1 mixed-blooded4 ,the term can apply to no other than such a race as that of ,ishmael1--wild1 illegitimate1 and of impure blood4 ,in ,numbers we find ,shupham1 and in ,chronicles ,shephuphan1 substituted for the ,muppim in ,genesis2 both being the same word in different forms4 ,the root is shephi1 a high situation2 hence shaphat1 a judge1 and its derivatives are applied to the person or thing adjudged4 ,hence shiphehhahh1 a female slave2 7,see ,gen4 xvi4 #af2 i4 #b1 #c2 also xx4 #ad2 also xxxii4 #bb27 and hence1 also the ,syrian shafefa1 a serpent1 because the serpent had been adjudged1 condemned4 ,whence the ,hebrew shephiphim1 poetically used to mean a serpent1 as1 8,dan shall judge his people2 ,dan shall be a serpent by the way40 ,gen4 xlix4 #af4 ,in this passage in ,hebrew1 there is a beautiful paronomasia in the word ,dan1 which also means a judge1 judge and the serpent4 ,but the serpent is called shephiphon1 only as it had been adjudged2 and it is to be noticed1 as here used1 it has the same points and accents as in ,chronicles1 and is substantially the same word1--not1 as here1 borrowed from the ,syriac1 to mean a serpent1 but used to mean the adjudged1 condemned to some condition or degradation4 8,and they removed them to ,manahath40 ,manahath was a district of country near the ,dead ,sea1 near the ancient city ,zoar2 and it is a little remarkable that ,zoar was by the ,canaanites called ,bela1 the very name of the son of ,benjamin4 ,the whole country was called by the general term ,moab4 ,the fact that it was a custom to send persons of a certain description there1 seems to be alluded to by the prophet3 8,let mine outcasts dwell with thee1 ,o ,moab60 ,isa4 xvi4 #d4 ,but1 who were sent there8 8,naaman1 ,ahia1 and ,gera1 he removed them4 99 99 99 ,and ,shaharaim begat children in the land of ,moab after he had sent them away40 ,this explains the whole matter4 ,shaharaim is a plural formation of ,shihor1 and means black4 8,and these blacks begat children in the land of ,moab after he had sent them away10--that is1 ,naaman1 ,ahia1 and ,gera2 further establishing the fact that the word ,naamah is kept in remembrance only by the descendants of ,ham4 ,one class of the race of ,benjamin is described in ,genesis as ,memphites2 in fact1 that whole genealogy substantially divides them into those who were white1 and of pure descent1 and into those who were not white1 and of impure descent4 ,numbers and ,chronicles confirm and warrant the same distinction4 ,the seventh ,psalm commences thus3--8,shiggaion of ,david1 which he sang unto the ,lord1 concerning the words of ,cush1 the ,benjamite40 ,it would have been more readily understood1 and more decidedly a translation thus3 ,a song of lamentation of ,david1 which he sang unto the ,lord1 concerning the words of an ,ethiopian1 a ,benjamite4 ,the word 8,cush10 as often elsewhere1 is here used to designate a descendant of ,ham by his colour4 ,but it clearly proves an amalgamation1 to some extent1 of the race of ,ham1 in the family of ,benjamin4 ,indeed1 the race of ,benjamin had become deeply intermixed with the descendants of ,ham2 and this fact well accounts why they did1 upon an occasion1 behave like as the ,sodomites to ,lot2 and why the other tribes of ,israel so readily joined in league to utterly destroy and annihilate this tribe1 and did put to death fifty thousand warriors in one day1 and every man1 woman1 and child of the whole tribe1 except a few hundred men1 who hid in the rock ,rimmon4 ,see ,judges xix4 xx4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,it remains now to examine what proof there exists that the descendants of ,ham were black4 ,we wish to impress upon the mind the fact1 that among all aboriginal nations1 and in all primitive languages1 proper names are always significant terms4 ,such is the fact among the ,indian tongues of ,america at this day4 ,the holy books give ample proof that such was eminently the case among the ancient ,hebrews4 ,every name that ,adam bestowed was the consequence of some cause that operated on his mind4 ,and if we examine minutely into the influences operating even among ourselves1 in such cases1 we shall be unable to deny that such is the universal law4 ,there is a cause for every thing4 8,and the sons of ,ham 7were7 ,cush and ,misraim1 and ,phut and ,canaan40 ,gen4 x4 #f4 ,it will not be denied that the word ,ethiopian1 as used in ,scripture1 means a black man4 8,can the ,ethiopian change his skin1 or the leopard his spots40 ,jer4 xiii4 #bc4 ,the word 8,ethiopian10 in this passage from ,jeremiah1 is translated from ,cushi1 the very name of the oldest son of ,ham4 ,and we shall find in every instance where in the ,old ,testament the word ,ethiopia or ,ethiopian is used1 that it is translated from the same word1 varied in termination according to the position in which it is used1 and as applied to country or people4 8,are ye not as the children of the ,ethiopians 7 ,cushiim7 unto me80 ,amos ix4 #g4 ,it became and was used as a general term1 by which all descendants of ,ham were designated by their colour1 in the same manner as we now use the ,latin word negro to designate the same thing4 8,and ,miriam and ,aaron spake against ,moses because of the ,ethiopian woman whom he had married3 for he had married an ,ethiopian woman40 ,num4 xii4 #a4 ,and we deem these facts alone sufficient to establish the truth of the proposition that that branch of ,ham's family were black4 ,in the examination of what evidence may now be found that the family of ,misraim were black1 we beg to notice a fact which we suppose no scholar will dispute--that he settled in ,egypt1 and1 in fact1 gave his name to that country4 ,as ,cush gave his name to all ,ethiopia and its inhabitants1 as ,canaan gave his name to the land of ,canaan1 and ,canaanites to its inhabitants1 so ,misraim gave his name to ,egypt and its inhabitants4 ,whenever we find the word ,egypt or ,egyptian in our ,english version1 we never fail to find ,mitsraim in the ,hebrew text4 ,his descendants took upon them the particular appellation ,misraimites1 as in ,gen4 xvi4 #a3 8,and she had a handmaid1 7 shiphehhah1 a female slave17 an ,egyptian1 7 ,mitsrith a descendant of ,misraim17 whose name was ,hagar40 ,she was a ,misraim1 a descendant from the second son of ,ham4 ,the word is translated 8,egyptian40 ,a family feud growing up upon the occasion of her having a son by her master ,abraham1 she and her son were sent away to the wilderness of ,paran2 where1 when the son was grown1 she took him a wife of her own race1 from the land of ,egypt4 ,see ,gen4 xxi4 #ba4 ,the descendants of ,ishmael1 therefore1 were three-fourths of ,misraimitish blood1 and are known and distinguished as of his race1 by the particular name of ,ishmaelites4 ,midian was a district of country lying near to and including ,mount ,sinai4 ,the people1 in reference to the country1 were called ,midianites1 but without any reference to their descent or race4 ,from the position of the district of country called ,midian1 it would be reasonable to suppose the inhabitants in after times to be descended from ,ishmael2 and in fact1 whenever we find any allusion made to the whole country of the ,ishmaelites1 we shall find it to include ,midian4 ,but it may be proper to remark1 that from a notable mountain called ,gilead1 situated in this region1 the whole country was sometimes called by that name1 and one of the cities in it also called ,gilead4 ,we are all acquainted with that most beautiful and pathetic history of ,joseph2 but let us read a passage--and we pray you to notice with distinctness the language3 8,and they lifted up their eyes and looked1 and behold a company of ,ishmaelites came from ,gilead1 with their camels bearing spicery and balm and myrrh1 going to carry it down to ,egypt4 99 99 99 ,and ,judah said1 99 99 99 ,come1 let us sell him to the ,ishmaelites1 and let not our hand be upon him4 99 99 99 ,and his brethren were content4 ,then there passed by ,midianites1 merchantmen1 and they drew and lifted up ,joseph out of the pit1 and sold ,joseph to the ,ishmaelites2 and the ,midianites sold him into ,egypt unto ,potiphar4 ,and ,joseph was brought down to ,egypt1 and ,potiphar1 an officer of ,pharaoh1 captain of the guard1 an ,egyptian1 bought him of the hands of the ,ishmaelites which had brought him down thither40 ,gen4 xxxvii4 #be-cf1 and xxxix4 #a4 ,is it not positive and clear that the ,ishmaelites and the ,midianites were one and the same people8 ,but again1 there was1 during the days of the judges1 a destructive war between the ,israelites and the ,midianites4 8,and the ,midianites and the ,amalekites1 and all the children of the east1 lay along in the valley1 like grasshoppers for multitude4 99 99 99 ,and when ,gideon was come1 behold1 there was a man that told a dream4 99 99 99 ,and when ,zeba and ,zalmunna fled1 he pursued after them1 and took the two kings of ,midian1 ,zeba and ,zalmunna1 and discomfited all the host4 8,and ,gideon the son of ,joash returned from the battle before the sun was up4 99 99 99 ,then the men of ,israel said unto ,gideon1 ,rule thou over us1 both thou and thy son1 and thy son's son also1 for thou hast delivered us from the hand of ,midian4 ,and ,gideon said unto them1 ,i would desire a request of you1 that you would give me every man the ear-rings of his prey4 7,for they had golden ear-rings1 because they were ,ishmaelites470 ,see ,judg4 vii4 #ab-ad1 also viii4 #ab-bd4 ,here then is another instance where the ,midianites and the ,ishmaelites are announced to be the same people4 8,at the mouth of two witnesses shall the matter be established40 ,see ,deut4 xix4 #ae2 also #b ,cor4 xiii4 #a4 8,now ,moses kept the flock of ,jethro his father-in-law1 the priest of ,midian40 ,exod4 iii4 #a4 8,when ,jethro1 the priest of ,midian1 ,moses' father-in-law1 heard of all that ,god had done for ,moses1 and for ,israel his people1 and that the ,lord had brought ,israel out of ,egypt1 then ,jethro1 ,moses' father-in-law1 took ,zipporah1 ,moses' wife1 7after he had sent her back17 and her two sons40 ,exod4 xviii4 #a1 #b1 #c4 8,and ,miriam and ,aaron spake against ,moses1 because of the ,ethiopian woman whom he had married1 for he had married an ,ethiopian woman40 ,num4 xii4 #a4 ,even in the poetic strain of the prophet1 there is a vestige that goes to prove the sameness between the ,midianites and the ,ethiopians4 8,i saw the tents of ,cushan 7 ,ethiopians7 in affliction1 and the curtains of the land of ,midian did tremble40 ,hab4 iii4 #g4 ,are these facts no proof that the descendants of ,misraim were black8 99 99 99 99 99 ,let us then proceed to the same inquiry concerning the descendants of ,phut4 ,in the ,antiquities of ,josephus1 book i4 #f1 we find the following3 8,the children of ,ham possessed the land from ,syria and ,amanus and the mountains of ,lybanus2 seizing upon all that was upon the seacoasts and as far as the ocean1 and keeping it as their own4 ,some1 indeed1 of its names are utterly vanished away2 others of them being changed1 and another sound given1 hardly to be discovered2 yet a few there are1 which kept their denominations entire4 ,for of the four sons of ,ham1 time has not at all hurt the name of ,chus2 for the ,ethiopians1 over whom he reigned1 are even at this day1 both by themselves and by all men of ,asia1 called ,chusites40 8,the memory also of the ,mesraites is preserved in their name1 for we who inhabit this country 7,judea7 call ,egypt ,mestra1 and the ,egyptians ,mestreans4 ,phut also was the founder of ,lybia1 and called the inhabitants ,phutites1 from himself4 ,there is also a river in the country of the ,moors which bears that name1 whence it is that we may see the greatest part of the ,grecian historiographers mention that river1 and the adjoining country1 by the appellation of ,phut4 ,but the name it has now has been by change given it from one of the sons of ,mestraim1 who was called ,lybios40 ,his name1 in the ,english version of ,genesis1 is ,ludim4 ,from him the ,lybian desert has taken its name1 and the country now called ,lybia4 ,thus we discover from ,josephus that the memorials of the nephew had obliterated those of ,phut1 his uncle4 ,as ,phut was the founder of ,lybia1 which was at one time called by his name1 it may be well to inquire as to the extent of that region1 that we may know where the descendants of ,phut have resided from the time of their progenitor till now4 ,in order to form a tolerably correct idea of what was the country once called ,phut1 we have to examine how far the son of ,misraim extended his name in superseding him4 ,we quote from the ,melpomene of ,herodotus1 where he compares the extent of ,lybia1 ,asia1 and ,europe4 ,concerning ,lybia1 he says-- 8,except in that particular part which is contiguous to ,asia1 the whole of ,lybia is surrounded by the sea4 ,the first person who has proved this was1 as far as we are able to judge1 ,necho1 king of ,egypt3 when he had desisted from his attempt to join1 by a canal1 the ,nile with the ,arabian ,gulf1 he despatched some vessels1 under the conduct of ,phnicians1 with directions to pass the columns of ,hercules1 and1 after penetrating the ,northern ,ocean1 to return to ,egypt4 8,these ,phnicians1 taking their course from the ,red ,sea1 entered into the ,southern ,ocean4 ,on the approach of autumn they landed in ,lybia1 and planted some corn in the place where they happened to find themselves4 ,when this was ripe1 and they had cut it down1 they again departed4 8,having thus consumed two years1 they in the third doubled the columns of ,hercules and returned to ,egypt4 ,their relation may obtain attention from others1 but to me it seems incredible2 for they affirm that1 having sailed round ,lybia1 they had the sun on their right hand4 ,thus was ,lybia for the first time known40 ,hanno1 a ,carthaginian1 was sent1 about #fjj years before our era1 with #cj1jjj of his countrymen1 to found colonies on what is now the western coast of ,africa4 ,his account commences--8,the voyage of ,hanno1 commander of the ,carthaginians1 round the parts of ,lybia1 which lie beyond the pillars of ,hercules40 ,in the body of the work he says--8,when we had passed the pillars on our voyage1 and sailed beyond them two days1 we founded the first city1 which we named ,thurmiaterium4 ,below it lay an extensive plain4 ,proceeding thence towards the west1 we came to ,solous1 a promontory of ,lybia40 ,having proceeded on with his voyage1 he says--8,we came to the great ,lixus1 which flows from ,lybia2 on its banks the ,lixit1 a shepherd tribe1 were feeding their flocks1 among whom we continued several days1 on friendly terms4 ,beyond the ,lixit dwell the inhospitable ,ethiopians40 ,herodotus1 immediately preceding our quotation of him1 says--8,lybia commences where ,egypt ends2 about ,egypt the country is narrow2 one hundred thousand orgi1 or one thousand stadia1 comprehend the space between this and the ,red ,sea4 ,here the country expands and takes the name of ,lybia40 ,africa1 to an indefinite extent1 was the country of ,phut4 ,the result of the inquiry thus far is1 that the tribes of ,phut amalgamated with the descendants of ,misraim1 until all family memorials of them became extinct4 ,but let us examine what memorials of ,phut are to be found in the holy books4 8,ethiopia and ,egypt were thy strength1 ,put and ,lubim were thy helpers40 ,nahum iii4 #i4 ,put is the same ,phut2 in the text the letter is dagheshed1 which takes away the aspirate sound4 ,we here notice that ,put and ,lubim are associated together4 8,they of ,persia1 and of ,lud1 and of ,phut1 were in thine army1 thy men of war40 ,ezek4 xxvii4 #aj4 8,persia1 ,ethiopia1 and ,lybia with them3 all of them with shield and helmet40 ,ezek4 xxxviii4 #e4 ,in this instance the word ,lybia is translated from ,phut4 ,we take this as proof that the country of the son of ,misraim and ,phut was the same1 and the two families amalgamated4 8,come up1 ye horses1 and rage1 ye chariots3 and let the mighty men come forth1 the ,ethiopians and the ,lybians that handle the shield40 ,jer4 xlvi4 #i4 ,lybians is also here translated from ,phut4 8,were not the ,ethiopians and the ,lubims a huge host80 #b ,chron4 xvi4 #h4 ,there ,phut is lost in that of ,lubim1 as accounted for by ,josephus4 ,the families were wholly amalgamated1 the nephew carrying off the trophy of remembrance4 ,the proof that the family of ,phut were black is rather inferential than positive2 but can the mind fail to determine that it is certain8 ,but again1 ,phut1 as an appellative1 signifies scattered4 ,thus ,num4 x4 #cj4 8,let thine enemies be scattered10 7 phutsu47 ,in ,genesis x4 #ah1 it is used with the same ,heemanti1 and with the same effect1 which we have noticed in the word ,naamah1 thus3 8,and afterwards were the families of the ,canaanites spread abroad10 naphotsu4 ,the idea is1 by the influence of the circumstances attending them1 they were scattered4 ,the condition is involuntary1 the action implied is reflective4 ,a similar use of the word occurs in #b ,samuel xviii4 #h3 8,the battle was scattered10 naphotseth2 that is1 it was scattered only as it was forced to be by the circumstances attending it4 ,the distinctive appellation thus of the family of ,phut1 means a scattered people4 ,the phonetic synonyme of ,phut means scattered1 in all the ,shemitic tongues4 99 99 99 99 99 ,thus in ,arabic1 phats1 and its variations1 put down1 abiit1 peregrinatus fuit in terra1 c4 ,in ,coptic1 fet phet has the same meaning2 but in the hieroglyphical writings of the ,copts1 found in ,egypt1 the idea scattered is represented by an arrow4 ,but an arrow is called phet1 because it is shot away1 scattered4 ,and the country or people of the ,phutites is represented by a bow1 segment of a globe1 nine arrows1 and an undulating surface4 ,those who have made researches in such matters say1 the phonetic power of this is nephaiat4 ,it will be perceived to be quite analogous to the ,heemanti prefixed to the root4 ,the people who have been compelled to be exceedingly scattered4 ,when ,jonathan wished in an emphatic manner to signify to his friend ,david that he should depart1 go off from his family1 c41 he shot an arrow beyond him4 ,was not the arrow emblematical of what was supposed his only safe condition8 ,these explanations as to the significance of the word ,phut will enable us better to understand ,zephaniah iii4 #aj4 8,from beyond the rivers of ,ethiopia1 my suppliants1 even the daughter of my dispersed1 7 bath ,putsa1 the descendants of ,phut17 shall bring mine offering40 ,unknown and scattered as they are over the trackless wastes of ,africa1 yet even to them shall come the knowledge of the true ,god4 ,they shall1 at one day1 come to the knowledge of the truth4 ,the hieroglyphical record relating to the ,phutites is considered1 by those versed in such matters1 to point to a period of at least #bjjj years anterior to our era4 ,the inference1 to our mind1 is clear1 that the family of ,phut at an exceedingly ancient period was wholly absorbed and lost sight of among the other families of ,ham1 especially in that of ,ludim1 the oldest son of ,mitsraim3 that they were of the same colour and other family distinctions1 unless it may be they differed in a deeper degradation3 that for numberless ages the mass of the descent are alone to be found in the most barbarous portions of ,africa4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,in the inquiry1 ,what evidence have we that the ,canaanites were black8 we may find it necessary to refer to various facts which have come down to us1 connecting their history with that of the ,israelitish people4 ,perhaps no fact could be better established than that ,abraham lived on the most friendly terms with the ,canaanites4 ,he was a confederate with their kings4 ,when they lost a battle1 he retrieved it4 ,they treated him with the utmost regard1 and he them with a generous liberality4 ,could he not have wedded his son among them1 to whom he chose8 8,and ,abraham said unto the eldest servant of his house1 that ruled over all that he had1 ,put1 ,i pray thee1 thy hand under my thigh3 and ,i will make thee swear by the ,lord1 the ,god of heaven1 and the ,god of the earth1 that thou shalt not take a wife unto my son of the daughters of the ,canaanites among whom ,i dwell40 ,gen4 xxiv4 #b1 #c4 ,under the circumstances of the case1 what could have influenced such a determination8 8,and ,rebecca said unto ,isaac1 ,i am weary of my life1 because of the daughters of ,heth3 if ,jacob take a wife of the daughters of ,heth1 such as those which are the daughters of the land1 what good shall my life do me8 ,and ,isaac called ,jacob1 and blessed him1 and charged him1 ,thou shalt not take a wife of the daughters of ,canaan40 ,gen4 xxvii4 #df1 xxviii4 #a4 ,on what rational ground are we to account for this extraordinary repugnance8 ,the conduct of the sons of ,jacob does not determine them to have been very sincerely religious4 ,the soul of ,shechem1 a prince of the country1 clave unto ,dinah their sister2 he was rich1 and offered ever so much dowry for an honourable marriage with her2 and to show his sincerity1 even abandoned his old1 and adopted their religion4 ,there must have been some other deep and unalterable cause for their unchangeable aversion to that proposed marriage of their sister4 8,when the ,lord thy ,god shall bring thee into the land whither thou goest to possess it1 and hath cast out many nations before thee1 the ,hittites1 and the ,girgashites1 and the ,amorites1 and the ,canaanites1 and the ,perizzites1 and the ,hivites1 and the ,jebusites1 seven nations greater and mightier than thou2 8,and when the ,lord thy ,god shall deliver them before thee1 thou shalt smite them and utterly destroy them2 thou shalt make no covenant with them1 nor show mercy unto them3 8,neither shalt thou make marriages with them2 thy daughter thou shalt not give unto his son1 nor his daughter shalt thou take unto thy son40 ,deut4 vii4 #a1 #b1 #c4 ,the laws of ,god are always predicated upon some sufficient cause3 in such cases we may ever notice a tendency towards the prevention of deterioration4 8,whosoever lieth with a beast shall surely be put to death40 ,ex4 xxii4 #ai4 ,the terms ,japhet1 ,laban1 ,hor1 and their derivatives in significancy ever include the idea white1 of a light colour4 ,these terms are applied among the descendants of ,japheth and ,shem1 as the appellatives of their races and individual names1 and as adjectives in description of their personal appearance1 too frequently to permit a doubt of these families belonging to the white race4 ,there is but a single case in all the holy books1 where any of these terms is applied to a person of colour1 and which we trust we have explained2 and if our view be correct1 how came the poet to require its use there1 unless to elevate the character he celebrates6 ,do we use any term to signify that a person is white in a country where there are none but white people8 ,whatever evidence then there may be that the families of ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob were white people1 is also just as positive testimony that the ,canaanites were black4 ,see ,gen4 xxvi4 #cd1 #ce4 ,but in ,judges i4 #af1 we find that the family of the race of ,ishmael out of which ,moses took his wife are denominated ,kenites4 ,we think that we have abundantly proved that they were black4 ,from this connection of ,moses1 the ,israelites seem to have felt some regard for that race4 ,now it appears that some of that descent were afterwards residing in the cities of ,amalek2 for we find in #a ,samuel xv4 #f1 that 8,saul said unto the ,kenites1 ,go1 depart1 get ye down from among the ,amalekites1 lest ,i destroy you with them1 for ye showed kindness to all the children of ,israel when they came out of ,egypt4 ,so the ,kenites departed40 ,how should it be a fact1 since they were black1 that he could not distinguish them from the ,amalekites1 unless the ,amalekites were black also8 ,the ,amalekites were ,canaanites1 notwithstanding they claimed ,esau in their ancestry4 8,esau took his wives of the daughters of ,canaan4 ,adah the daughter of ,ebon the ,hittite2 99 99 99 and ,adah bore to ,esau1 ,eliphaz2 99 99 99 and ,timna was concubine to ,eliphaz1 ,esau's son2 and she bore to ,eliphaz1 ,amalek40 ,gen4 xxxvi4 #b1 #d1 #ab4 ,the ,amalekites were one of those tribes1 that the ,israelites were particularly commanded to destroy from off the earth2 and in them1 he who amalgamates with the daughters of ,ham may see his own prospect as to posterity4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,there are circumstances in evidence that the descendants of ,ham were black1 more properly referable to the whole family than to either particular branch4 ,among this class of circumstances1 we might mention the tradition so universal through the world1 that we know no age of time or portion of the globe that can be named in exception1 that the descendants of ,ham were black2 and that the fact announced by that tradition is made exceedingly more probable by the corresponding tradition1 that the descendants of ,japheth and ,shem were white4 ,the holy books provide proof that ,abraham and ,sarah1 ,isaac and ,rebecca1 ,jacob1 ,leah1 and ,rachel1 were white4 ,their descendants sojourned in ,egypt in a state of bondage about four hundred years1 in the course of which time there was a law that all the male ,hebrew children should be put to death at their birth4 ,when the mother of ,moses put him in the ark of bulrushes1 she would have disguised his birth as much as possible1 for the safety of his life4 ,yet no sooner had the daughter of ,pharaoh beheld the infant than she proclaimed it to be a ,hebrew child4 ,if there was no difference of colour1 from whence this quick decision as to the nationality of an infant three months old8 ,but during the residence of the ,israelites in ,egypt1 it is to be apprehended there was more or less commixture between the two races2 and1 if the two races were of different colour1 that there would have been left us some allusion to such offspring2 and so we find the fact4 8,and the children of ,israel journeyed from ,rameses to ,succoth1 about six hundred thousand on foot1 that were men1 besides children4 ,and a mixed multitude went up also with them40 ,exod4 xii4 #cg1 #ch4 ,the word 8mixed0 is translated from ereb1 arab4 ,the word means of mixed-blood1 that is1 the mixture of the white man with the black2 and in consequence thereof is often used to mean black itself1 and is universally applied as the appellative1 and has become the established name of the mixed-blooded people of ,arabia1 the ,arabs2 and because it became a common term to express the idea black1 a dark colour1 c41 it was applied to the raven2 and even at this day1 who can tell whether ,elijah was fed by the ravens or the ,arabs1 because the one word was used to mean both or either4 ,and a multitude of persons of colour1 of ,hebrew and black parentage1 went up also with them4 ,this word is used to express the idea of a mulatto race1 in ,num4 xi4 #d1 and the 8mixed multitude20 also ,neh4 xiii4 #c1 8,they separated from ,israel all the mixed multitude20 also ,jer4 xxv4 #bj1 #bd1 thus3 8,and all the mingled people10 mixed-blooded1 8and all the kings of ,arabia1 and all the kings of the mingled people10 mixed-blooded people4 ,by the expression mixed multitude1 it is clear ,moses included the offspring of the ,hebrew with the race of ,ham4 ,but would there have been such distinction if there was no difference of colour8 ,it will be recollected that the children of ,ishmael were three-fourths of ,misraimitish blood1 consequently quite dark4 ,it will also be recollected that when ,esau perceived how extremely offensive to his father and mother was his connection with the ,canaanitish women1 that he took wives of the house of ,ishmael4 ,it should also be recollected that ,ishmael named one of his sons ,kedar4 ,as we shall hereafter refer to this word1 we propose to examine its meaning and formation4 ,it is of ,arabic derivation1 ,arab4 1 ,hebrew dar1 and in this form is used ,esth4 i4 #f1 and translated black marble4 ,with the prefix of the ,hebrew koph it becomes ,kedar1 and is equivalent to 8the black40 ,it is used in ,hebrew to mean black1 in #a ,kings xviii4 #de2 ,job vi4 #af1 #cj1 #bh2 ,isa lx4 #c2 ,jer4 iv4 #bh2 ,ezek4 xxxii4 #g1 #h1 and many other places4 ,the very name of the son of ,ishmael was tantamount to 8the black40 ,in the poem called ,solomon's ,song1 the female whose praises are therein celebrated1 says1 8,i am black1 but comely1 ,o ye daughters of ,jerusalem1 as the tents of ,kedar1 as the curtains of ,solomon4 ,look not upon me because ,i am black2 because the sun hath looked upon me3 my mother's children were angry with me1 they made me the keeper of the vineyards1 but mine own vineyards have ,i not kept40 ,cant4 i4 #e1 #f4 ,the word black1 which twice occurred in the text1 is translated from shahar1 with many variations4 ,the words mean abstractly the idea black4 ,examples of its use will be found in ,lev4 xiii4 #ca1 #cg1 thus3 8,and there is no black hair in it40 8,and there is black hair grown up therein40 ,job xxx4 #cj3 8,my skin is black upon me40 ,zech4 vi4 #b1 #f3 8,and in the second chariots black horses4 ,the black horses that are therein40 ,lam4 iv4 #h3 8,their visage is blacker than a coal40 ,cant4 v4 #aa3 8,his locks are bushy and black as a raven40 ,there is no mistake about the meaning of this word2 she was surely black1 and she says that she is as black as the tents of ,kedar4 ,the inquiry1 then1 now is1 who was she8 ,when we take into consideration the ,asiatic mode of expression1 from the term 8because the sun hath looked upon me10 we are forced to understand that she was from a more southern region4 ,that she was not a native of ,palestine1 or especially of ,jerusalem4 ,figures of somewhat analogous import are occasionally found among the ,roman poets4 ,but we suppose1 no one will undertake the argument that she was black1 merely because she had been exposed to the sun6 ,in vii4 #a of the ,hebrew text1 she is called ,shulamite4 ,some suppose this is a formation of the ,gentile term ,shunem1 because they say the lamda was sometimes introduced4 ,in that case it would be the synonyme of ,shunamite1 and would locate her in the tribe of ,issacar4 ,but we see no necessity of a forced construction1 when a very easy and natural one is more obvious4 ,we omit the dagesh4 ,shulammith is readily formed as the feminine of ,shelomoh1 ,solomon1 after the ,arabic form ,suleiman1 and1 so used1 would be quite analogous to what is now quite common--to apply the husband's name as an appellative of the wife4 ,upon the occasion of her consecration into ,solomon's household1 she well might1 even at that age1 be called by a term that would imply such consecration1 especially in the poem celebrating her nuptials4 ,and we may remark that the use of this word is in strict conformity to the usage of the ,hebrew and ,arabic poets1 because it creates an implied paronomasia1 derived from 1 signifying that she was a captive by her love to ,solomon1 and if she stood in any such relation to him politically1 the beauty of the figure would at that age have been considered very greatly increased4 ,the poets1 at that age of time1 in compositions of the character of this poem1 appear to have been ever on the search for an occasion to introduce figures of this class2 and the more fanciful and extreme1 the more highly relished4 ,we fail therefore to derive any knowledge of her origin from this term4 ,we have dwelt upon this particular thus long1 merely because commentators have been so desirous to find out a clue to the history of the poem4 ,some commentators of elevated character1 suppose this subject of their epithalamium to have been the daughter of ,pharaoh1 simply because she was black1 and is addressed3 8,o prince's daughter60 ,undoubtedly she was the daughter of some prince or king4 ,but the question now1 is of what one8 ,there is no probability that the kings of ,egypt1 nor even the nobility of that kingdom1 had been of the race of ,ham for many ages4 ,egypt had been conquered by the ,shemites as early as the days of ,abraham1 and there is no proof that the descendants of ,ham ever again ascended the throne2 although1 perhaps1 their religion had been adopted by their successors from motives of policy1 the great mass of the population being of the old stock4 ,in fact1 the mixed-blooded races1 and indeed the ,shemites of pure blood1 have1 from time immemorial1 shown a disposition to settle in ,egypt4 ,the ,persians and the ,greeks have also1 for a very long time1 aided in the amalgamation of the ,egypt of the middle ages of the world4 ,but she is made to say that she is 8the rose of ,sharon20 as much as to say1 the most excellent of her country4 ,this district of country will be found to embrace the ,ammonites1 and perhaps some other of the ancient tribes of the family of ,ham1 at that time under the government of ,solomon4 ,and1 iv4 #h1 we find ,sharon called by its ,ammonitish name1 amid a cluster of figures having relation to the locality and productions of that country4 ,in short1 the whole body of this extraordinary poem points to the region of the ,ammonites for her native place of abode4 ,now1 since ,solomon had an ,ammonitess by the name of ,naamah for a wife1 and since he selected her son to succeed him on the throne1 it seems at least quite probable she was the person it commemorates2 and that fact will make quite intelligible the allusion to her having been elevated from a servile condition4 ,but1 nevertheless1 if it shall be thought not sufficiently proved that she was the mother of ,rehoboam1 yet she surely was of some one of the ,canaanitish or ,hamitic tribes1 and was as surely black2 and so far is in direct proof that the descendants of ,ham generally were black also4 ,there are incidents of this poem which it would seem cannot be explained on other ground than that this marriage was one of state policy on the part of ,solomon2 and the queen upon this occasion selected was from some one of the heathen nations of the descendants of ,ham1 whom he had subjected to his government4 ,it will be recollected that these nations1 whom the ,israelites had failed to destroy1 had omitted no occasion to make war on the ,hebrews1 from the time of ,joshua down to that of ,david2 and that they occasionally had them in subjection4 ,solomon had no guarantee how long his rule over them would prove quiet1 or how far they would yield obedience to his successor4 ,what could induce him to marry an ,ammonite princess1 and place her son upon his throne1 if not to effect this purpose8 ,even at the time of the nuptials a reference to this political union might well find a place in the songs to which it gave birth4 ,we introduce one of the incidents to which we allude3 we select the close of the sixth strain4 ,this poem is written in the form of a dialogue1 mostly between the bride and groom4 ,solomon4 ,return1 return1 ,o ,shulamite2 return1 return1 that we may look upon thee4 ,naamah4 ,what will ye see in the ,shulamite8 ,solomon4 ,as it were the company of two armies4 ,this surely needs no comment4 ,the poem had already recited every mental and personal quality2 was it then unnatural delicately to allude to her political importance8 ,the art of the poet1 however1 to cover the allusion1 recommences a view of her personal charms1 changes his order1 and commences with her feet4 ,much learning has come to many untenable conclusions concerning this poem1 among which1 that of the ,targum may be placed in the lead4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiv4 ,we have heretofore noticed how1 in #b ,chron4 xvi4 #h1 the name ,phut is lost in that of ,lubim1 as accounted for by ,josephus4 ,but it should be recollected that the prophet ,hanani most distinctly refers to one of the wars between the black tribes and the ,jewish people1 of which there had been a long series from the exodus down4 ,we propose to adduce an argument from the language used in the description of these wars4 ,in the time of ,king ,asa1 the invading army is described thus3 8,and there came out against them ,zerah1 the ,ethiopian1 with a host of a thousand thousand and three hundred chariots4 ,and ,asa cried unto the ,lord his ,god2 so the ,lord smote the ,ethiopians before ,asa1 and before ,judah1 and the ,ethiopians fled3 and ,asa1 and the people that were with him1 pursued them unto ,gerar1 and the ,ethiopians were overthrown40 ,these people the prophet calls ,ethiopians and ,lubims4 ,this term proves that many of them were from ,lybia4 ,now is it to be presumed that so vast an army1 one million of men and three hundred chariots1 was not composed of all the tribes between the remotest location of any named and the place of attack8 ,but this battle was commenced in the valley of ,zephathah1 in ,philistia1 and pursued to ,gerar1 a city of the same country4 8,and they smote all the cities round about ,gerar4 ,for the fear of the ,lord came upon them1 and they spoiled all the cities1 for there was exceeding much spoil in them4 ,they smote all the tents of cattle1 and carried away sheep and camels in abundance1 and returned to ,jerusalem40 ,see #b ,chron4 xiv4 #ad1 #ae4 ,these facts could not have existed had not the ,philistines composed a part of the army4 ,yet they are all ,ethiopians4 ,is this no evidence that the tribes of ,ham generally were black8 ,but again1 with the view to arrive at a greater certainty as to what races did compose these armies1 we propose to examine that which invaded ,jerusalem during the reign of ,rehoboam4 8,and it came to pass when ,rehoboam had established the kingdom1 and had strengthened himself1 he forsook the law of the ,lord1 and all ,israel with him2 and it came to pass in the fifth year of ,king ,rehoboam1 ,shishak1 king of ,egypt1 came up against ,jerusalem1 because they had transgressed against the ,lord1 with twelve hundred chariots and threescore thousand horsemen2 and the people were without number that came with him out of ,egypt1 the ,lubims1 the ,sukkims1 and the ,ethiopians2 and he took the fenced cities1 which pertain to ,judah1 and came to ,jerusalem40 #b ,chron4 xii4 #a-aj4 8,and the people were without number that came with him out of ,egypt1 the ,lubims1 the ,sukkims1 and the ,ethiopians40 ,the ,hebrew construction of the latter clause of this is thus3 ,mim-mits-raim1 ,lubim1 ,sukkiyyim ve ,cushim4 ,we suggest a slight error in the translation of these words4 ,the prefix mem preceding ,mitsraim1 we read a preposition1 out of1 from1 c41 influencing and governing the two following words also2 as1 from ,egypt1 from ,lybia1 from ,succoth4 ,it will be noticed that ,cushim is preceded by the prefix vav4 ,grammarians have written much upon this particle3 we cannot enter into an argument on ,hebrew grammar1 but1 with all the learning that has been expended on this particle1 the ,hebrew scholar must find the fact to be1 that it is sometimes used to designate a result2 and we take occasion here to say that1 in our opinion1 ,professor ,gibbs has given a more definite and philosophical description of the ,hebrew use of this particle1 than any lexicographer of modern research4 ,suppose an ancient ,hebrew physician wished to teach that certain diseases were incurable1 that they ended in death1 might he not have said1 mish shahhepheth kaddahhath anish vemuth1--from consumption1 burning fever1 the mortal sickness1 termination is death8 ,or1 allow our ,hebrew not to be so classical1 could he not have expressed the idea after this form8 8,the army was without number1 from ,egypt1 from ,lybia1 from the ,nomads1 all ,ethiopians40 ,and we here suggest the query1 whether this is not the true reading8 ,we do not propose that this prefixed vav has the power of an adjective or a verb1 although it might require the one or the other to give the idea in ,english4 ,what we say is1 that it is the sign of the thing which is the result of the preceding nouns4 ,if it had been used here as a connective particle1 then the two preceding nouns would also have had it for a prefix4 ,such was the ,hebrew idiom4 ,it would then have read1 8,and the people were10 c41 from ,egypt1 and from ,lybia1 and from the ,nomads1 and from ,ethiopia1 as the translator seems to have supposed4 ,but1 as it is1 it determines them all to have been ,ethiopians4 ,this will be in strict conformity with the description of the army at the time of ,asa4 ,the invading army1 at that time1 was denominated ,ethiopian1 although it is evident that many of the ,hamitic tribes composed it4 ,the real cause of all these wars was the contest whether ,palestine should be held by the ,hamitic race1 or by the ,shemitic1 who were bearing rule4 ,keeping this in mind1 let us note how perfectly natural is this description of those who composed the army under ,shishak4 ,the troops first collected would be from among his own immediate people1 the ,egyptians4 ,the next1 those who lived beyond him from the point of attack1 to wit1 the ,lubims1 who lived to the west of ,egypt4 ,these being collected together1 they would commence their march1 and the ,nomads be added to the list of the army after they joined it2 but none other than those governed by the same impulses would attach themselves to it4 ,suffer us to illustrate this description of ,shishak's army by supposing a somewhat analogous case1 in much more modern times3--,that during the reign of ,elizabeth1 ,king ,philip of ,spain had made war on ,england1 upon the issue of whether the ,protestant or ,catholic faith should prevail in that country4 ,philip would have first collected troops in ,spain4 ,he may be supposed to collect large numbers in ,portugal4 ,these ,spanish and ,portuguese troops may be supposed to march through ,france1 and his army vastly increased there2 and1 when upon the coast of ,england1 some ,froissart would have said1 that the people who came with ,philip were without number1 ,spaniards1 ,portuguese1 ,french1 all ,catholics4 ,the manner of such description would be in exact similitude with this description of ,shishak's army4 ,any one who is acquainted with the history of the ,crusades will readily see how a similar description would have in truth fitted the army of the ,cross4 ,we think it proof conclusive that the descendants of ,ham were black4 ,but we might add some proof from sketches of profane history4 ,in the #bb;d section of ,euterpe1 ,herodotus says that the natives on the ,nile are universally black4 ,in the #cb;d section1 giving an account of a party of ,neesamonians1 who in ,africa were out upon an excursion1 he says--8,while they were thus employed1 seven men1 of dwarfish stature1 came where they were1 seized their persons1 and carried them away4 ,they were mutually ignorant of each others' language4 ,but the ,neesamonians were conducted over marshy grounds to a city1 in which all the inhabitants were of diminutive appearance and of a black colour40 ,in the #egth section1 he gives an account of an ,egyptian priestess who was brought among the ,threspoti4 ,he says that 8the circumstance of her being black explains to us her ,egyptian origin40 ,in the #ajdth section1 he says--8,the ,cholchians certainly appear to be of ,egyptian origin1 which indeed1 before ,i had conversed with any one on the subject1 ,i had always believed4 ,but as ,i was desirous of being satisfied1 ,i interrogated the people of both countries4 ,the result was1 that the ,cholchians seemed to have a better remembrance of the ,egyptians1 than the ,egyptians of the ,cholchians4 ,the ,egyptians were of the opinion that the ,cholchians were descended of a part of the troops of ,sesostris3 to this ,i myself was also inclined1 because they are black1 and have their hair short and curling40 ,cambyses fought the black tribes of ,egypt and ,africa under ,amasis1 in the western parts of ,arabia4 ,herodotus says1 7,thalia1 section #abth17 8,the bones of those who fell in the engagement were soon afterwards collected1 and separated into two distinct heaps4 ,it was observed of the ,persians1 that their heads were so extremely soft as to yield to the slight impression even of a pebble4 ,those of the ,egyptians1 on the contrary1 were so firm that the blow of a large stone could hardly break them4 99 99 99 ,i saw the very same fact at ,papremis1 after examining the bones of those who1 under the conduct of ,achmenes1 son of ,darius1 were defeated by ,inaius the ,african40 ,herodotus notices the distinction between the ,arabs and the ,negroes1 but calls them all ,ethiopians4 ,in the #gjth section of ,polymnia1 he says--8,those ,ethiopians who came from the most eastern part of their country1 served with the ,indians4 ,these differed from the former in nothing but their language and their hair4 ,the ,oriental ,ethiopians have their hair straight3 those of ,africa have their hair more crisp and curling than other men40 ,herodotus lived and wrote about five hundred years before our era4 ,we have quoted him through a translation1 but not without examining the original4 ,we shall close our evidence on this point with a single quotation from ,judg4 iii4 #h and #aj4 ,the children of ,israel intermarried with the ,canaanites3 the writer says1 8,therefore the anger of the ,lord was hot against ,israel1 and he sold them into the hand of ,chusan rishathaim10 the wicked ,ethiopians4 ,whereas it is as well known as any other fact of biblical history1 that these 8wicked ,ethiopians0 were none other than the ,philistines and other aboriginal tribes of the land of ,canaan4 ,upon the conquest of ,palestine by the ,israelites1 portions of the ,canaanites overspread the approachable parts of ,africa1 where numerous hordes of their race were already in possession4 ,for ages1 there is said to have stood near ,tangier1 a monument with inscriptions signifying that it was built in commemoration of the people who fled from the face of ,joshua the robber4 ,from the presumption of this being a fact1 and from a collection of other facts connected with early commerce1 ,moore1 in the first volume of his ,history of ,ireland1 has strongly suggested that the ancient ,irish are partially indebted to the ancient ,canaanites for their origin2 whereas we think we have sufficiently proved that they were black4 ,we hope the impulsive sons of the ,emerald ,isle will repel the insult4 ,but1 if what ,moore says be true1 it only proves another portion of our theory2 for1 as sin sinks to all moral and physical degradation and slavery1 so virtue and holiness elevate to freedom and all animal and mental perfections2 and since ,iern was for ages regarded as an island of saints1 ,moore may have the benefit of the argument1 if he chooses1 whereby to account for the high-toned feeling and personal perfections of the modern ,irish4 ,in conclusion1 from the history of the family of man1 we may all know that the descendants of ,japheth and ,shem1 when free from amalgamation with the black tribes1 are white people4 ,unless then the descendants of ,ham were black1 how are we to account for the phenomena of the existence of that colour among men8 ,philosophy has been in search1 and history has been on the watch2 facts upon facts have been recorded touching every matter2 but have you ever heard of the uncontaminated descendants of ,japheth1 living in the extreme1 or in the central zone1 exhibiting the woolly crown of the sons of ,ham8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xv4 ,we suggest some origin1 some complexion of thought1 from whence may have emanated the word 8,ham10 and its derivatives1 as found to have existed in the days of the prophets2 and we may here state that the ,shemitic languages seem to exist all in a cluster1 like so many grapes2 nor are we able to say which stands nearest the vine4 ,doubts may be raised as to the priority of any one named2 yet we might adduce some proof that the ,coptic is younger1 as we could that the ,greek is younger still4 ,the ,arabic word ma corresponds with the ,syriac ma1 and the ,hebrew mah1 and has been translated into the ,latin quid1 as an interrogatory1 used in all languages very elliptically4 ,thus1 ,gen4 iv4 #aj3 8,what have you done80 ,if the had been omitted1 the would have expressed the whole idea4 ,it was an interrogatory expression of exclamation and astonishment1 to one who had committed a heinous offence4 ,so when ,laban pursued1 ,jacob said1 mah1 ,what is my trespass8 c41 as if in derision1--,what is my horrid crime8 ,ever since the days of ,cain some have manifested wicked acts1 as though they were operated on by some strong desire1 some coveting overwhelming to reason1--as if the action was in total disregard of the consequences that must follow it4 ,this state of mind seems to have been expressed1 in some measure1 by the particular use of this particle4 ,let us conceive that such a state of mind must be a heated1 a disturbed state of mind1 as was that of ,cain1 and as must have been that of ,jacob1 had he stolen the goods of ,laban4 ,the word thus incidentally expressive of such an idea1 by being preceded or influenced by a particle implying particularity1 giving it definiteness and boundary1 must necessarily be converted into an action or actor1 implying some portion of the primitive idea2 and hence we find and and ham and hami in ,arabic1 ham in ,syriac1 to mean a cognate idea1 i4 e4 to grow hot1 c41 to boil1 rage1 c41 sometimes tumult1 c41 c4 ,and we now ask1 these being facts1 is it difficult to point in the direction of the origin of the word ,ham8 ,nor is it a matter of any importance1 if the relationship exists1 whether the noun and verb have descended from such exclamatory particle1 or the reverse2 yet we can easily imagine1 in the early condition of things1 that the mind1 taking cognisance of some horrid act1 would impel some such exclamation1 and that it would become the progenitor of the name of the act or actor4 ,however this may be1 each ,hebrew scholar will inform us that the word is an irregular ,hebrew word4 ,grammarians have usually arranged words of this peculiar class among the ,heemanti and augmented words1 and they have accurately noticed that the punctuatists have always preceded the mem by a 77 ,kamets1 or a 77 ,kholem4 ,this circumstance has induced ,hiller to suppose that the mem1 as a ,heemanti1 was a particle1 while the adjunct was either or 2 but all agree that the form of these nouns shows that they are intensive in their signification4 ,if then ham is a particle of hamah1 which carries with it the ideas before named1 it may be less difficult to conceive how the particle1 when added to other nouns1 will make them intensive also1 while the particle itself would be used alone to express some intensity in an emphatic manner1 more particularly of its root4 ,but we find the word ham1 as applied to the son of ,noah1 from the root hammah1 or and used in ,hebrew thus3 ,in ,josh4 ix4 #ab1 8,this our bread we took hot for our provision10 c4 ,job xxxvii4 #ag1 and vi4 #ag3 8,how thy garments warm 7 hammin1 hot7 when he quieteth the earth by the south wind40 8,what time they wax warm1 they vanish when it is hot10 behummo1 in the heat4 ,so ,gen4 viii4 #bb3 8,while the earth remaineth1 seed-time and harvest1 cold and heat 1 and summer and winter1 and day and night1 shall not cease40 ,gen4 xviii4 #a3 8,and he sat in the tent door in the heat of the day40 #a ,sam4 xi4 #i-aa3 8,to-morrow1 by the time the sun is hot1 7 be hom1 in heat47 ,and slew the ,ammonites until the heat of the day10 ad hom1 until the hot4 xxi4 #g 7the #fth of the ,english text73 8,to put hot1 hot in the day10 c4 #b ,sam4 iv4 #e3 8,and came about the heat of the day10 ke hom1 at the hot4 ,isa4 xxiii4 #d3 8,like a clear heat upon herbs1 and like a cloud of dew in the heat of harvest40 ,hag4 i4 #f3 8,ye clothe you1 but there is none warm10 be hom1 not hot4 ,jer4 li4 #ci3 8,in their heats10 be hummon1 in their heats1 c4 ,but in ,hebrew1 as in some other languages1 the phonetic power expressing the idea hot1 heat1 c4 was cognate with rage1 stubbornness1 anger1 wickedness1 c4 c41 and hence we say hell is hot1 and hence1 in ,dan4 iii4 #ac1 #ai3 8,then ,nebuchadnezzar in his rage10 hama1 heat1 hot4 8,therefore shall he go forth with great fury10 be hama1 heat1 rage1 fury1 c4 ,should it be said1 the words in their declination1 or rather the affixed and suffixed particles1 differ1 and are marked with different vowel points1 we answer by quoting ,lee's ,heb4 ,lex4 p4 #bje3 8,this variety in the vowels may be ascribed either to the punctuatists or the copyists1 and is of no moment4 ,but as the word ham was thus applied in ,hebrew to the original idea of active caloric1 as emanating from the sun1 so it will agree with its homophone in ,arabic and ,syriac2 for let it be noticed1 that the ,arabic word ham or haman1 means to be hot1 as of the sun4 ,so the ,syriac hama means stus1 calor1 c4 ,but in ,deut4 xxxii4 #bd1 #cc1 it is translated poison2 thus1 poison of serpents1 and #8the poison of dragons1' from the notion that great heat1 rage1 anger1 c4 are cognate with poison40 ,this word occurs in ,zeph4 ii4 #ab4 ,the received version is1 8,ye ,ethiopians also1 ye shall be slain by my sword40 ,the original is1 1 and has been subject to much investigation4 ,gesenius considers the word a pronoun in the second person1 and ,lee seems to side with him1 but says1 8the truth is1 the place is inverted and abrupt1 and should read thus3 10 and which he translates thus--8,even ye 7are7 7the7 wounded of my sword1--they are ,cushites40 ,we do not perceive how he has made the passage more plain4 ,let us1 for a moment1 examine how the ,hebrews used this form or 1 that we may the better comprehend its sense in the present instance4 ,jer4 v4 #bb3 8,though they roar10 ve hamu1 rage1 c41 8yet can they not pass over it60 vi4 #bc3 8,their voice roareth like the sea10 rageth1 c4 xxxi4 #ce2 8,which divideth the sea1 when the waves thereof roar10 say ye1 hemen1 rage1 c4 li4 #ae3 8,when her waves do roar 7 ve hamu se1 rage1 c47 like great waters40 ,isa4 li4 #ac3 8,but ,i am the ,lord thy ,god that divided the sea1 whose waves roared10 raged4 li4 #ac3 8,because of the fury 7 rage1 c47 of the oppressor10 8and where is the fury 7 hamath1 rage1 c47 of the oppressor80 li4 #ae3 8whose waves roared10 raged1 c4 ,ps4 xlvi4 #d 7the #c;d of the ,english text73 8,though the waters thereof roar 7 rage1 c47 and be troubled10 great agitation1 rage1 c4 ,but let us take a more particular view of this word1 as used in the passage from ,zephaniah4 ,the ,septuagint has translated this passage in 1 which is very much like our received version4 ,but it should be noticed that it has translated the ,hebrew word into 2 would imply the injury1 wounds1 carnage1 or slaughter of a whole nation1 army1 or body of people2 but implies individuality1 and reaches no farther than the person or persons named4 ,the prophet had been uttering denunciations against many nations1 but in this passage emphatically selects the ,ethiopians as individuals2 and the ,greek translator evidently discovered there was in this denunciation something peculiarly personal as applied to the ,ethiopians4 ,the ,hebrew conveys the idea of reducing1 subjecting1 or bringing low1 as by force1 to cause to sink in character as in ,ps4 lxxxix4 #dj 7#cith of the ,english text73 8,thou hast made void the covenant of thy servant3 thou hast wounded1 subjected1 or reduced his crown to the earth40 ,ezek4 xxii4 #bf3 8,her priests have violated my law1 and have 7wounded1 subjected1 lowered the character of7 my holy things40 ,but the word is here used in the construct state1 showing that the idea imposed by this word was brought about by the following term1 1 which the ,septuagint translates rhomphaias1 which properly means the ,thracian spear2 but means any weapon1 a goad harpoon as well as a sword4 ,the fact is1 neither of these words were the usual ,hebrew or ,greek term to mean a sword4 ,the ,greeks would have called a sword 1 and the ,hebrews or or 1 or perhaps 2 and ,dr4 ,lee has given as the ,greek translation of 1 which means a sickle1 a goad for driving elephants1 c4 ,it was a thing to inflict wounds by which to enforce subjection1 and the idea is that the ,ethiopians are covered by wounds by their being reduced by it1 or that they shall be4 ,when ,jeremiah announced captivity and slavery to the ,egyptians and the adjacent tribes1 he used this word as the instrument of its execution4 ,thus ,jer4 xlvi4 #ad3 8,declare ye in ,egypt1 and publish in ,migdol1 and publish in ,noph1 and in ,taphanhes2 say ye1 ,stand fast1 and prepare thee1 for the sword shall devour round about thee40 #af3 8,arise and let us go again to our own people1 and to the land of our nativity1 from the oppressing sword10 4 ,many such instances might be cited1 showing the fact that1 in poetic strain1 this was the instrument usually named1 as in the hand of him subjecting others to bondage2 and much in the same manner1 even at this day1 we use the term 8whip10 in the hand of the master1 in reference to the enforcement of his authority over his slave4 ,in a further view of the word 1 as used in this passage1 we deem it proper to state that ,gibbs considers it a pronoun of the third person plural1 masculine1 they1 and adds1 8sometimes0 7probably an incorrectness drawn from the language of common life7 8used in reference to women10 and quotes ,zech4 v4 #aj2 ,cant4 vi4 #h2 ,ruth i4 #bb4 ,and he further adds1 8,it is used for the substantive verb in the third person plural1 #a ,kings viii4 #dj1 ix4 #bj2 ,gen4 xxv4 #af2 also for the substantive verb in the second person1 ,zeph4 ii4 #ab3 #8,also1 ye ,cushites shall be slain by my sword4'0 ,gibbs's ,lex4 p4 #age4 ,in ,stuart's ,grammar1 p4 #aic1 he says1 8,personal pronouns of the third person sometimes stand simply in the place of the verb of existence20 e4 g4 he cites ,gen4 ix4 #c1 ,zech4 i4 #i1 and says1 8,plainer still is the principle in such cases1 as follows3 ,zeph4 ii4 #ab1 #8,ye ,cushites1 victims of my sword are ye4'0 ,the fact is1 the verb of existence1 called the verb 8to be10 and the verb substantive1 in ,hebrew1 as in all other languages1 is often not expressed1 but understood4 ,this circumstance is well explained in ,gessenius' ,hebrew ,grammar1 revised by ,rodiger1 and translated by ,conant1 p4 #bbe1 thus1 8,when a personal pronoun is the subject of a sentence1 like a noun in the same position1 it does not require for its union with the predicate a distinct word for the copula1 when this consists simply in the verb #8to be1' #8,i 7am7 the seer1' #a ,sam4 ix4 #ai40 ,and again3 8,the pronoun of the third person frequently serves to convert the subject and predicate1 and is then a sort of substitute for the copula of the verb to be1 e4 g4 ,gen4 xli4 #bf3 #8,the seven good cows1 seven years 7are7 they4'0 ,to say in ,english1 8,the seven good cows1 seven years they10 would be thought too elliptical2 but we do not perceive how the expression converts 8they0 into the verb 8to be40 ,but again1 the same author says1 p4 #bfa3 8,the union of the substantive or pronoun1 which forms the subject of the sentence1 with another substantive or adjective1 as its predicate1 is most commonly expressed by simply writing them together without any copula4 #a ,kings xxiii4 #ba3 #8,jehovah 7is7 the true ,god4'0 ,the idiom of the language then does not necessarily convert in the passage before us into the verb 8to be40 ,and here let us repeat the sentence1 ,zeph4 ii4 #ab4 ,it will be perceived that are connected by ,makkaph4 ,hebrew scholars do not agree as to how far this character is effective as an accent4 ,but the rules for its use are--8,makkaph is inserted in the following cases3 #a4 ,particles1 which1 from their nature1 can never have any distinctive accent1 are mostly connected with other words by the mark ,makkaph3 even to her husband2 in the integrity of my heart4 ,gen4 xx4 #e1 c4 #b4 ,when words are to be construed together1 c41 as its seed 7is7 within itself4 ,gen4 i4 #aa10 c4--,lee's ,lectures1 p4 #fa4 ,but ,stuart1 seeing no way to translate the sentence without making the verb 8to be10 #c;d person plural1 8are10 takes the personal pronoun1 #b;d person plural1 equivalent to ye or you1 away from 1 to which it is attached by ,makkaph1 and carries it down to precede in the sentence1 and thus reads 8are ye10 while he supplies another as understood to precede 1 and reads1 8ye ,cushites1 victims of my sword are ye40 ,we consider this as quite as objectionable as ,dr4 ,lee's--8,even ye 7are7 7the7 wounded of my sword1--they are ,cushites40 ,but permit us now to inquire into the probability of being even a pronoun4 a-no-khi is not believed to be a ,hebrew word4 ,it is a homophone of the ,coptic word 1 and used by the ,egyptians1 who spoke ,coptic1 as the personal pronoun ,i4 ,this word is believed to have been borrowed by the ,hebrews at the time they were in bondage in ,egypt1 and the habit of it so strongly established during their four hundred years of servitude1 that neither the literature of the age of ,moses nor the genius of the people could ever eradicate it4 ,their original personal pronoun was probably totally lost2 nothing analogous to this ,coptic term can be found in any other of the ,shemitic tongues4 ,but ,lee says that ,gessenius has found it in ,punic1 and quotes ,lehrege-baude1 note1 p4 #bjj4 ,in ,chaldaic1 the personal pronoun1 first person singular1 is a-nah1 and its phonetic cognates are found in all the other sister dialects4 ,we may then well suggest that the lost ,hebrew term was a-na1 or quite analogous thereto4 ,such then being the facts1 let us inquire into the origin1 composition1 and signification of this ,coptic pronoun4 ,it will be agreed that some language must have had precedence in the world1 and it is usually yielded to the ,hebrew4 ,that such precedence was the property of some one of the ,asiatic dialects all agree2 and the nearer the subsequent language exists to its precedent1 the more plainly will its descent be manifest4 ,if the ,hebrew was such precedent1 or any other of its immediate sisters1 the ,coptic1 existing in their immediate neighbourhood1 must have been originally very analogous to them4 ,it is immaterial whether our suggestion be right or wrong as to what particularly was the lost ,hebrew pronoun2 let us take the ,chaldaic1 which1 of all these dialects1 was the most nearly like the ,hebrew--the personal pronoun ,i1 ,i am1 and the word ki1 which means a mark as a stigma1 indelibly fixed1 as burned in1 a mark intended pointedly to indicate something2 and hence it became a particle attached to a word often by ,makkaph1 whence the attention was to be particularly called1 as1 mark me1 mark ye1 are just1 c4 c4 ,isa4 iii4 #bd3 pm tr#a he ' ' 'k taat ywp' a burned mark of stigma1 instead of beauty4 ,some have doubted the accuracy of the ,hebrew in this instance1 and the fact is1 no doubt1 that it is rather an ,arabicism2 but that in no way affects our deduction2 it matters not whether the ,coptic borrowed from ,chaldean1 ,hebrew1 or ,arabic4 ,these two words are beyond question the origin1 the compound of the ,coptic pronoun1 meaning and including the individuality of the first person singular1 and originally expressing also the fact1 that such person was marked as a stigma indelibly1 as burned in1 c4 ,anoki1 ,i1 a marked one2 ,i1 one deformed as if branded1 c42 ,i1 one that carry the mark of1 c4 c41 was the original idea expressed by this ,coptic term of individuality4 ,thus it expressed the fact that the person was a successor in the curses of ,ham and ,cain1 and in no other manner can the extraordinary appearance of and sometimes in the third person of the pronoun be accounted for4 ,it is evidently from a new and other source1 the same or cognate with the term applied to the son of ,noah4 ,these adjective associations of the pronoun1 through the lapse of ages1 would naturally be forgotten by the ,copts themselves1 and were probably unknown to the ,hebrews2 just as we ourselves have forgotten that our word obedient still expresses some of the qualities of the ,hebrew word ebed and abed1 from which it has been derived through the ,latin4 ,this pronoun ,i1 c4 was often contracted by the ,hebrews into ani1 and in its declination stood thus3 #ast person singular1 common gender3 sometimes ,i4 ,plural3 ,we4 #b;d person singular masculine3 ,thou4 ,plural3 ,you4 ,singular feminine3 ,thou1 fem4 ,plural3 ,you1 fem4 #c;d person singular1 masculine3 ,he4 ,plural3 hem--occasionally ,they4 ,here we find the word in question1 if a pronoun4 ,the feminine of the third person is 1 and plural 1 and yet is used in ,canticles in a condition evidently feminine2 and yet in ,zeph4 ii4 #ab1 it is said it must be in the second person plural4 ,but can any one believe that these words1 thus arranged in the declination of this pronoun1 could ever have had a common origin8 ,the fact is1 no original language was ever formed from rules2 the rules are merely its description after it is formed4 ,language1 in the infancy of its formation1 resents restraint and all laws1 except such as apply to its incipient state4 ,suppose a soldier for life should persist in calling his infant son soldier1 either playfully or mournfully2 the child would associate the term 8soldier0 with his individuality1 and say soldier am sleepy1 c4 ,in case the soldier's family was isolated from the rest of the world1 in the land of ,nod1 or elsewhere1 then the family of languages would be quite apt to have a new term as a personal pronoun4 ,more pertinent examples would explain our idea perhaps more fully4 ,there never was a language upon this earth1 of which any thing is known1 that does not show an extraordinary irregularity in the formation of its personal pronouns1--often giving proof that the different cases and persons have been formed from different roots4 ,webster says--8,i1 the pronoun of the first person1 the word which expresses one's self1 or that by which a speaker or writer denotes himself40 8,in the plural1 we use we and us1 which appear to be words radically distinct from ,i40 ,under we1 he says1 8,from plural of ,i1 or rather a different word1 denoting10 c4 ,does any one imagine that ,i1 you1 me1 and us are from the same root8 ,webster noticed the discrepancy2 we could have hoped that he would have given the world a history of the personal pronoun of all languages3 we know of no intellect more capable4 ,such a history would develop many curious things in the history of man1 but would be attended with great labour2 and human life has too few days for such a man4 ,thus we may1 hypothetically at least1 point out the class of operating causes whereby the ,copts introduced or occasionally as a person of the pronoun1 with the signification that the person to whom it was applied was a descendant of the son of ,noah2 and the pronoun so introduced derived from the noun ,ham4 ,for1 can we suppose the first person singular a-no-ki1 and its third person plural hem1 occasionally hemmah1 have the same root1 or are of the same origin8 ,this and the word the son of ,noah1 are identical1 except the son of ,noah is generally written with a heth1 instead of a he2 but all know1 who have studied the matter1 these characters very often interchange1 and that copyists have often inadvertently placed the one for the other4 ,that which would seem the pronoun is used in ,gen4 xiv4 #e1 and the ,septuagint has translated it as a pronoun2 but our received version has no doubt restored the true reading4 ,the passage is translated 8in ,ham10 i4 e4 the land occupied by the descendants of ,ham1 the son of ,noah4 ,the change of ,kamets into ,tsere1 is really of no moment4 ,these characters were never invented until after the language ceased to be spoken1 and was long since dead4 ,the points1 in reality1 are no part of the language4 ,the word in ,genesis is indisputably a noun1 preceded and governed by the preposition 4 ,perhaps no one has ever yet succeeded to satisfy himself and others in the translation of this passage of ,zephaniah2 all1 or others for them1 find it full of difficulty3 but let us consider a noun of the same order as the of xiv4 #e of ,genesis1--in some respect in apposition to 1 but more emphatic1 as the affix of would seem to indicate1 by its increase of the intensity1 as well as its accounting for the dagesh of the mem1 or its duplication4 ,let us consider it to mean the descendants of ,ham1--to express the idea1 with great intensity1 that the ,cushites were ,hamites4 ,true1 it is not in the usual form of a patronymic4 ,but we know not who will account1 by grammatical rules1 for all the anomalies found in ,hebrew1 a language so full of ellipses that some have thought it a mere skeleton language4 ,with this view of the subject it will read elliptically1 thus3 ,so ye ,ethiopians wounded of the sword1 ,hamites--with the meaning1 that the ,ethiopians were subject to bondage1 and at the same time putting them in mind that the curse of slavery1 as to the posterity of ,ham1 was unalterable4 ,the meaning of the prophet is--,so ye ,ethiopians1 reduced to a condition of bondage1 remember ye are the inheritors of the curse of ,ham6 ,the arrangement of the language to us clearly indicates that sense4 ,besides1 we must take into consideration the peculiar meaning of the words and -- that the prophet is writing in a highly figurative and poetic strain2 and we would also compare what this prophet says to the ,ethiopians with what the other prophets have said of the same people4 is here applicable to all the tribes of ,ham1 as in ,amos ix4 #g3 8,are ye not as children of the ,ethiopians unto me8 ,o children of ,israel1 saith the ,lord40 ,it may be well here to notice also that the word 8,ethiopian0 is of ,greek origin1 and associates with the idea blackness1 like that of ,ham4 ,thus1 1 ,aithiops1 sun-burnt1 swarthy as ,ethiopians2 1 warmth1 heat1 fire1 ardent1 blazing like fire1 blackened by fire1 black1 dark2 1 burning fiery1 blazing1 burned1 darkened by fire1 dark-coloured1 consuming1 destroying4 ,donnegan p4 #cd4 ,but ,isaiah speaks of the descendants of ,ham perhaps in a more figurative language1 and in a more elevated and poetical strain3 #a4 ,wo to the land shadowing with wings1 ,which is beyond the rivers of ,ethiopia3 #b4 ,that sendeth ambassadors by the sea1 ,even in vessels of bulrushes upon the waters1 ,saying1 ,go1 ye swift messengers1 to a nation scattered and peeled2 ,to a people terrible from the beginning hitherto2 ,a nation meted out and trodden down1 #c4 ,whose land the rivers have spoiled6 ,all ye inhabitants of the world1 and dwellers on the earth1 ,see ye1 when he lifteth up an ensign on the mountains1 ,and when he bloweth a trumpet1 hear ye6 #d4 ,for so the ,lord said unto me1 ,i will take my rest1 ,and ,i will consider in my dwelling-place1 ,like a clear heat upon herbs1 ,and like a cloud of dew in the heat of harvest4 #e4 ,for afore the harvest1 when the bud is perfect1 ,and the sour grape is ripening in the flower1 ,he shall both cut off the sprigs with pruning-hooks1 ,and take away and cut down the branches4 #f4 ,they shall be left together unto the fowls of the mountains1 ,and to the beasts of the earth2 ,and the fowls shall summer upon them1 ,and the beasts of the earth shall winter upon them4 #g4 ,in that time shall a present be brought unto the ,lord of hosts1 ,of a people scattered and peeled1 ,and from a people terrible from the beginning hitherto2 ,a nation meted out and trodden under foot1 ,whose land the rivers have spoiled1 ,to the place of the name of the ,lord of hosts1 the ,mount ,zion4 ,isa4 #ah4 ,the denouncements of ,jehovah against the children of ,ham are more plainly expressed in the promises of ,god to these of the true worship1 his peculiar people3 ,thus saith the ,lord1 ,the labour of ,egypt1 and merchandise of ,ethiopia1 ,and of the ,sabeans1 men of stature1 ,shall come over unto thee1 and they shall be thine3 ,they shall come after thee2 ,in chains they shall come over2 ,and they shall fall down unto thee4 ,they shall make supplication unto thee1 ,saying1 ,surely ,god is in thee2 ,and there is none else1 ,there is no ,god 7beside71--7or1 there is no other ,god47 ,isa4 xlv4 #ad4 ,so ,jeremiah3 8,declare ye in ,egypt1 and publish it in ,migdol1 and publish in ,noph and in ,taphanhes2 say ye1 ,stand fast1 and prepare thee2 for the sword shall devour round about thee4 8,o thou daughter dwelling in ,egypt1 furnish thyself to go into captivity3 for ,noph shall be waste and desolate1 without an inhabitant4 8,the daughter of ,egypt shall be confounded2 she shall be delivered into the hands of the people of the north40 ,jer4 xlvi4 #a1 #ai1 #bd4 8,and the sword shall come upon ,egypt1 and great pain shall be in ,ethiopia1 when the slain shall fall in ,egypt1 and they shall take away her multitudes1 and her foundations shall be broken down4 8,ethiopia1 and ,lybia1 and ,lydia1 and all the mingled 7mixed-blooded7 people1 ,chub and the men of the land that is in league1 shall fall with them by the sword4 8,in that day shall messengers go forth from me in ships to make the careless ,ethiopians afraid1 and great pain shall come upon them1 as in the day of ,egypt3 for1 lo1 it cometh4 8,the young men of ,aven and of ,pibeseth shall fall by the sword3 and these cities shall go into captivity4 8,at ,taphanhes also the day shall be darkened1 when ,i shall break there the yokes of ,egypt3 and the pomp of her strength shall cease in her3 as for her1 a cloud shall cover her2 and her daughters shall go into captivity4 8,and ,i will scatter the ,egyptians among the nations and disperse them among the countries1 and they shall know that ,i am the ,lord40 ,ezek4 xxx4 #d1 #e1 #i1 #ag1 #ah1 #bf4 8,and ,i will sell your sons and your daughters into the hands of the children of ,judah1 and they shall sell them to the ,sabeans1 to a people afar off3 for the ,lord hath spoken it40 ,joel iii4 #h4 ,it may be we have occupied too much time1 in remarks too obscure and indistinct for biblical criticism1 upon this passage of ,zephaniah2 and it may be that1 in the judgment of some1 we have thus made ourselves obnoxious to the satire of the reverend and witty commentator upon the words3 8,strange such difference there should be ',twist tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee40 ,but we were sure the passage had been greatly misunderstood1 and were1 perhaps1 too much emboldened by the hope1 that the providence of the ,all-wise might yet again issue forth the truth from the tongue of the feeble4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvi4 ,from the root has also been derived the ,arabic word haman1 and the ,syriac ' haman1 and adopted by the ,hebrews in the word haman1 which ,castell translates 8images10 dedicated to the worship of the sun1 the worship of fire1 heat1 c4 ,the ,hebrew use of this word will be found in a plural form in ,lev4 xxvi4 #cj1 thus3 8,and ,i will destroy your high places1 and cut down your images10 hammanekem4 #b ,chron4 xiv4 #c 7the fourth of the ,hebrew text37 8,and brake down the images10 hammanim2 also xxxiv4 #d1 #g3 8,and the images1 7 hammanim7 that were on high above them1 he cut down10 8and had beaten the graven images 7 hammanim7 into powder40 ,isa4 xvii4 #h3 8,either the groves or the images10 hammanim2 also xxvii4 #i3 8,the groves and images 7 hammanim7 shall not stand up40 ,ezek4 vi4 #d1 #f3 8,your altars shall be desolate1 and your images 7 hammanekem7 shall be broken10 8and your images 7 hammanekem7 may be cut down40 ,we have no possible word to express literally this term1 but the hammanekens1 or little ,,hams1 or fire-houses1 the objects of religious adoration1 were conical towers1 from fifty to one hundred feet high1 and fifteen to twenty feet in diameter at the base1 and gradually decreasing upward1 with a small door or opening fifteen or twenty feet above the base1 and four smaller ones near the apex1 looking towards the cardinal points4 ,the moderns have no certain knowledge of their particular use1 yet all believe that in them was attempted to be kept the perpetual or holy fire1 and perhaps into them was thrust the infant sacrificed to the god4 ,may we not suppose that ,daniel and his brethren would have informed us1 had it been necessary for us to know more8 ,spencer1 ,heb4 ,laws1 lib4 ii4 cap4 #be1 #c1 says of these edifices3 8,they were of a conical form and of a black colour40 ,it seems to us this identifies these edifices with the round towers of ,persia and elsewhere1 remains of many of which were anciently found in ,ireland4 ,the curious about this matter are referred to ,gesenius's ,thesaurus1 p4 #dhi2 also ,lee's ,lex4 p4 #big1 where he quotes ,henrici ,arentii ,hamaker ,miscellanea ,phnicia1 pp4 #di1 #ed2 also ,diatribe ,philologico-,critica aliquot monumentorum ,punicorum2 ,selden1 de ,diis ,syris1 ii4 cap4 #h1 and the authors severally cited by them4 ,upon a full consideration of the subject1 ,dr4 ,lee says--8,upon the whole1 ,i am disposed to believe that the term 7haman7 is rather derived from ,ham1 the father of ,canaan1 of ,mitsraim1 c41 ,gen4 x4 #f-bj2 and hence by the latter worshipped as presiding angel of the sun1 under the title of 1 ,greek 7,ammon71 which is probably our very word40 ,if so1 then his very name became significant of the worship of fire1 and even expressive of the fire-temples themselves4 ,by some fanciful relation1 not relevant to our subject1 between the fire or sun worshippers and astronomy1 when the sun was in aries 7the ram71 the god ,ham1 ,ammon1 ,hammon1 or ,jupiter ,hammon1 was represented with a ram's head for his crest2 with this crest became associated the idea of the god1 and hence chonchologists1 even to this day1 call certain shells1 that are fancied to resemble the ram's horn1 ,ammonites1 giving further evidence1 even now1 of how deeply seated was the association between the earlier descendants of ,ham and the fire worship of their day4 ,the long and fanciful story of ,io1 changed by ,jupiter into a white cow2 of her flight from the fifty sons of ,egyptus2 of her becoming the progenitor of the ,ionians2 the ,egyptians claiming her under the name of ,isis2 of her marriage with ,osiris1 who became at length ,apis and ,serapis1 worshipped in the image of a black bull with a white spot in his forehead1 and many such tales1 are all legitimately descended from his family peculiarities1 their relative condition in the world1 and the fact that ,ham became the imaginary deity of his descendants4 ,much evidence may be had proving that ,ham became inseparably associated with1 and in fact the very father of1 idolatry1 and of all those enormities growing out of it2 enormities with which idolatry has ever been attended1 and which time and the history of man for ever give proof to be a total preventive of all physical and moral elevation and improvement2 and which1 like other breaches against the laws of ,god1 have1 at all times1 among all men1 for ever been accompanied by both physical and moral degradation4 ,but the descendants of ,ham gave his name to their country4 ,chemi was the ,coptic name for ,egypt1 which the ,septuagint translates into ,cham4 ,plutarch styles ,egypt ,chemia1 from the ,coptic ,chemi1 and1 as if he wished to give some account of its origin1 adds1 1 8for it is hot and humid20 showing that the ,chemi of the ,copts signified the same as the ,ham of the ,hebrews4 ,but the ,coptic word ,chemi1 and of ,plutarch1 also signified the adjective black4 ,see ,gibbs's ,hebrew ,lexicon1 under the word ,ham2 and with this signification the word ,ham is used in ,ps4 lxxviii4 #ea3 8,the chief of their strength in the tabernacles of ,ham30 ,septuagint1 1 ,cham1 from the ,coptic chemi1 black4 cv4 #bc3 8,and ,jacob sojourned in the land of ,ham10 ,ham3 ,septuagint1 1 ,cham1 from the ,coptic chemi1 black4 #bg3 8,and wonders in the land of ,ham30 ,septuagint1 ,cham1 from the ,coptic chemi1 black4 cvi4 #bb3 8,wondrous works in the land of ,ham30 ,septuagint1 ,cham1 from the ,coptic chemi1 black4 ,the idea is1 the land of the black people4 ,in this sense also the word is used in ,gen4 xiv4 #e3 8,and smote the ,rephaims in ,ashteroth ,karnaim1 and the ,zuzims in ,ham40 ,the ,septuagint translates this passage into 1 as though the be ,ham was a pronoun1 and which seems to have been the view of several ancient translators4 ,but such certainly was not the view of the translators of the received version2 nor of ,martindale1 and others from whom he compiled4 ,he says of this passage--8#b4 ,ham1 crafty1 or heat2 the country of the ,zuzims1 the situation of which is not known30 p4 #cbf4 ,we certainly agree with the ,septuagint that ,zuzim was a significant term1 and perhaps well enough explained by 1 for which a suitable translation would seem to be wicked1 perverse1 strong1 numerous1 or stubborn heathen4 ,they were probably the ,zamzummims of ,deut4 ii4 #bj4 ,the word be ,ham1 unless a pronoun as above1 against which much can be said1 is evidently used as in the ,psalms quoted4 ,in all these cases ,ham is used somewhat as a synonyme of ,cush2 and when applied to a country generally1 meant whatever country was occupied by the descendants of ,ham4 ,the sense of the sentence1 and ,zuzims in ,ham1 will then be1 and the stubborn heathen in ,ethiopia1 or1 the perverse tribes of ,cush1 or the wicked nations of ,ham2 all meaning the black tribes1 descendants of ,ham1 or some one of them1 when particularity is intended1 as probably in this case2 and let it be noticed1 that ,martindale1 p4 #bda1 gives 8blackness0 as his first definition of ,cush4 ,the descendants of ,ham applying his name to themselves and country1 they being black1 it necessarily became significant of that colour4 ,we have ,germans1 ,swedes1 ,english2 but if we say 8,negroes10 or if we say ,africans1 we mean black men1 because those words1 as now used1 mean men of colour2 and in a sense analogous1 the word ,ham seems to have been used in the passages quoted4 ,this view of the word ,ham we think elucidates the history of ,esther and that of ,haman the son of ,hamadatha--,agagite1 ha ,agagi4 ,the word is a patronymic of ,agag1--hence he was an ,amalekite3 8,agag1 the king of ,amalek0--8,agag1 the king of the ,amalekites40 #a ,sam4 xv4 #bj1 #cb4 8,now there was one ,haman1 the son of ,amadatha1 by birth an ,amalekite40 ,josephus1 book ii4 cap4 vi4 #e4 ,this shows the cause of the extraordinary hatred that existed between her people and his4 ,his very name shows that he was a descendant of ,ham1 and we think also proves that the ,amalekites were black2 and which fact is confirmed by #a ,sam4 xv4 #f3 8,and ,saul said unto the ,kenites1 ,go1 depart2 get ye down from among the ,amalekites1 lest ,i destroy you with them10--evincing the fact that by mere inspection he could not distinguish the one from the other4 ,we have before shown that the ,kenites were black4 ,the argument follows1 that the ,amalekites were also4 ,the word ,ham is also used in #a ,chron4iv4 #dj1 in the same manner as it is in ,psalms and ,genesis1 thus3 8,for they of ,ham had dwelt there of old40 ,this is said of ,gedar1 8even unto the east side of the valley40 ,now ,gedar was in the mountains of ,judea1 7see ,josh4 xv4 #dh-fj17 or in the valley1 7see ,josh4 xv4 #cf27 and as that account of the country of ,judea closes 7see idem1 #fc7 by informing us whom the inhabitants of ,judah could not drive out1 and as the inhabitants of ,gedar are not included in such list1 it is to be presumed that the inhabitants of ,gedar were so driven out at the time of ,joshua2 and leaves us nothing else to conclude than that1 whoever they were1 they who are spoken of in this passage1 as having dwelt there of old1 were the people driven out by him4 ,but ,josh4 xii4 #g1 #h informs us who the people were on the west side of ,jordan1 both in the mountains and valleys1 and names them as ,hittites1 ,amorites1 ,canaanites1 ,perizzites1 and ,hivites1 and ,jebusites2 and from the #ith to the #bdth gives us an account of their kings1 among whom is named the king of ,gedar1 who was smitten and driven out4 ,it is immaterial which of the tribes they were4 ,they were inhabitants of ,palestine1 7see #b ,chron4 xxviii4 #ah and #a ,chron4 xxvii4 #bh17 of the land of ,canaan1 not of south1 east1 nor of northern ,arabia1 nor of ,egypt or any part of ,africa2 yet they are emphatically spoken of as of ,ham1 clearly having reference to their descent and colour4 ,here we have an additional key whereby to unlock the meaning of this word as used in ,psalms and ,genesis4 ,there can be no doubt these primitive inhabitants of ,gedar were the descendants of ,canaan4 ,yet they are described by the same term which in other places is used to describe the descendants of ,cush and ,mitsraim2 a term which most unquestionably determines them to have been black4 ,but the ,coptic word chemi1 which we have seen had the same significancy as ham in ,hebrew1 opens to the view the real meaning of a few ,hebrio-,coptic words that grew into common use among the ,hebrews subsequent to their bondage in ,egypt4 ,we allude solely to the derivatives of ,chemi4 ,chemar is thus derived1 and occasionally used by the holy writers to signify black2 thus1 ,lam4 v4 #aj3 8,our skin was black0 ni chemaru4 ,true1 some have disputed the accuracy of this translation4 ,they take a cognate meaning1 and say our skin was hot1 c4 ,we hope to be excused for adopting the received version4 ,but either meaning proves the origin of the word from the ,coptic chemi1 the same as the ham of the ,hebrews4 ,the fact is1 the cognate meaning1 sometimes1 necessarily forces itself into an ,english translation1 as in ,gen4 xliii4 #cj3 8,for his bowels did yearn10 grew hot1 warmed1 became agitated1 c4 #a ,kings iii4 #bf3 8,her bowels yearned10 grew hot1 troubled1 c42 and also ,hosea xi4 #h3 8,my repentings are kindled10 became hot1 c4 ,but in all these instances the figure of speech is more particularly ,asiatic1 and more obscure than is well suited to our modern dialect1 as we think will be seen by comparing them with ,job iii4 #e1 8,let the blackness of the day terrify it40 ,from this ,coptic name of ,,ham has also been derived the appellative term of the ,moabitish and ,ammonitish god ,chemosh4 ,the ,syrians applied this term to the fancied being who oppresses mankind during the dark hours of their sleeping1 and hence distressing dreams1 incubus1 c4 ,chemosh is ranked with the god of destruction among the ,hindoos1 ,muha ,dv4 ,the worshippers of this god are in ,scripture called am ,chemosh1 the people of ,chemosh1 particularly the ,moabites and ,ammonites4 ,the image of this god was a black stone4 ,the term applied to the priesthood in this worship among the black tribes is also derivative from the same ,coptic word to which we have often added in translation the word 8idolatrous40 ,thus1 #b ,kings xxiii4 #e1 8and he put down the idolatrous priests ha chemarim40 ,hosea x4 #e1 8,and the priests thereof0 4 ,zeph4 i4 #d1 8,and the name of the ,chemarims10 ha ,chemarim1 i4 e4 the priests of the ,hamitic fire-worshippers1 c4 ,some commentators1 not connecting these words with the ,coptic1 and the priest1 as the term applies1 with the black families of ,ham1 have conceived that the idea blackness1 as associated with these idolatrous priests1 had reference to their apparel4 ,hence they conceive that these priests always wore black apparel2 whereas the fact is they were black men1 and1 as such1 are described by a term indicating that fact1 as well as that of their idolatry and descent2 and here we find the foundation of that modern and common prejudice1 that the appropriate dress of the clergy is black4 ,but we find another derivative from the word ,ham1 ,gen4 xxxviii4 #ac3 8,and it was told ,tamar1 saying1 ,behold thy father-in-law goeth up40 #be3 8,she sent to her father-in-law10 hemh ,so also #a ,sam4 iv4 #ai3 8,and that her father-in-law was dead40 #ba4 8,and because of her father-in-law10 4 ,this word is used in the feminine in ,micah1 vii4 #f1 thus3 8,against her mother-in-law10 la hamtha4 ,we notice the word is preceded by the word 1 which word1 in ,gen4 xxxviii4 #aa1 is applied to ,tamar1 and in ,jer4 ii4 #cb1 evidently to a 8bride0 taken from the heathen1 which was forbid2 and is also used in ,cant4 iv4 #h1 for the 8spouse10 who is made to declare herself a black woman1 giving evidence that the word in ,micah is used in character4 ,this word is also used in the feminine in ,ruth i4 #ad3 8,and ,orpah kissed her mother-in-law10 la hamotha4 ii4 #aa3 8,all that thou hast done unto thy mother-in-law10 hamothek4 #ah3 8,and her mother-in-law saw what she had done10 hamotha4 #ai3 8,and her mother in-law 7hamotha7 said unto her20 8and she showed her mother-in-law10 la hamotha4 #bc3 8,and dwelt with her mother-in-law10 hamotha4 iii4 #a3 8,then ,naomi her mother-in-law10 hamotha4 #f3 8,all her mother-in-law bade her10 hamotha4 #af3 8,and when she came to her mother-in-law10 hamotha4 ,this is certainly not the most usual word in ,hebrew to express the idea of parent-in-law4 ,but these instances of its use are too frequent1 its declination too varied1 and in both genders1 to admit the idea that they are the result of error or casualty1 although some lexicographers seem to reject it4 ,it may be noticed that the individual holding the junior position was a female--that in each case the parent-in-law was most unquestionably of pure ,shemitic race4 ,but suspicion may at least be allowed to such purity in these young females4 ,tamar's husbands were half of ,canaanitish blood4 ,it would be expected that she was of that race1 but if not1 her intermarriage with those sons of ,judah placed her in that rank4 ,the sons of ,eli were notoriously wicked and licentious1 and although the widow of ,phinehas appears to have been of a devout cast1 yet ,god had determined to destroy the house of ,eli on their account1 and to wrest the priesthood from the family4 ,the suspicion as to her race grows out of these facts and the character of her husband4 ,ruth was declaredly a ,moabitess1 and ,orpah was of that country4 ,much might be said in favour of the position that in these cases the parents-in-law on the husband's side were of pure ,shemitic blood1 and the reverse as to the daughters-in-law4 ,now as this peculiar term is nowhere else used in the holy books1 are we not to suppose that this peculiar state of facts is nowhere else thus described8 ,in ,gen4 xviii41 when the father-in-law of ,moses is named1 this term is not used1 but the more usual one2 and the reason is because the position of the parties is changed4 ,had the father or mother of ,moses been spoken of as the parent-in-law of ,zippora1 then we may presume this peculiar term would have been used and expressed the fact as to the distinction of races2 that he would have been called 1 and she her 4 ,and we now present the inquiry1 how came the name of ,ham to be thus compounded and used to express this particular position of relationship and distinction of race1 unless from the fact that he had placed his parents in a similar position1 liable to have been called by these peculiar terms8 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvii4 ,having thus1 at some length1 passed these subjects in review1 we present our reflections to the impartial mind4 ,but there are grown up upon this earth some men who would seem to be so holy and pure that even the providences of ,god are defective in their sight1 and by their conduct seem to evince their opinion to be that ,jehovah could not well manage the government of the world without their especial counsel and aid4 ,and do such really mean to condemn ,god1 unless his government shall comport with their views8 ,in kindness of heart1 and for the benefit of such poor fallen ones1 we propose to close this our present ,study by reading to them the thirty-third chapter of ,ecclesiasticus1 omitting the five verses irrelevant to the subject4 8,there shall no evil happen unto him that feareth the ,lord1 but in temptation even again he will deliver him4 ,a wise man hateth not the law2 but he that is a hypocrite therein is as a ship in the storm4 ,a man of understanding trusteth in the law2 and the law is faithful unto him as an oracle4 ,prepare what to say1 and so thou shalt be heard2 and bind up instruction1 and then make answer40 8,why doth one day excel another1 where as all the light of every day in the year is of the sun8 ,by the knowledge of the ,lord they were distinguished3 and he altered seasons and feasts4 ,some of them hath he made high days1 and hallowed them1 and some of them hath he made ordinary days4 ,and all men are from the ground1 and ,adam was created of earth4 ,in much knowledge the ,lord hath divided them1 and made their ways diverse4 ,some of them hath he blessed and exalted1 and some of them hath he sanctified1 and set near himself3 but some of them hath he cursed and brought low1 and turned them out of their places4 ,as the clay is in the potter's hand1 to fashion it at his pleasure1 so is man in the hand of him that made him1 to render to them as liketh him best4 ,good is set against evil1 and life against death3 so is the godly against the sinner1 and the sinner against the godly4 ,so look upon all the works of the ,most ,high2 and there are two and two1 one against another4 ,i awaked up last of all1 as one that gathereth after the grape-gatherers2 by the blessing of ,god ,i profited1 and filled my wine-press1 like a gatherer of grapes4 ,consider that ,i laboured not for myself only1 but for all them that seek learning4 ,hear me1 ,o ye great men of the people1 and hearken with your ears1 ye rulers of the congregation40 8,in all thy works keep to thyself the pre-eminence2 leave not a stain on thy honour4 ,at the time when thou shalt end thy days1 and finish thy life1 distribute thine inheritance4 ,fodder1 a wand and burdens1 are for the ass2 and bread1 correction1 and work1 for a servant4 ,if thou set thy servant to labour1 thou shalt find rest1 but if thou let him go idle1 he shall seek liberty4 ,a yoke and a collar to bow the neck1 so are tortures and torments for an evil servant4 ,send him to labour1 that he be not idle2 for idleness teacheth much evil4 ,set him to work1 as is fit for him2 if he be not obedient1 put on more fetters4 ,but be not excessive toward any1 and without discretion do nothing4 ,if thou have a servant1 let him be unto thee as thyself1 because thou hast bought him with a price4 ,if thou have a servant1 entreat him as a brother3 for thou hast need of him as thine own soul3 if thou entreat him evil1 and he run from thee1 which way wilt thou go to seek him40 ,the doctrine is1 that man is not exempt from the general law1 that governs the animal world2 that among all the animated races upon this earth1 certain causes produce deterioration2 and that it may take a longer course of time for the restoration of a degenerate race1 under the controlling influences of opposite causes1 than even that occupied in a downward direction4 8,quickly is the descent made to hell2 but to recover from the fall1 and regain our former standing1 is a labour1 a task indeed40 ,virgil4 ,in short1 that sin has a tendency forcing downward to moral and physical ruin2 to deteriorate the mental powers1 to rot1 to blast1 as with a mildew1 all animal perfections2 to fill life with disease and pain1 and its hours with misery and wo1 and that it never willingly ceases its iron hold until it can shake hands with death4 ,that ,god1 in mercy1 by the wisdom of his providence1 has contrived as it were a shield1 sheltering poor fallen man from the action of such portion of this deadly poison as would have destroyed every hope of intercession1 and for ever excluded from our view1 perhaps1 even the advent of a ,saviour4 ,when the patient is dead1 the physician is not called4 ,the law which produced the deluge and destruction of the antediluvian world was a law established from all eternity1 meet for just such a case as the moral and physical condition of man then was4 ,for the sake of ten1 ,sodom would not have been destroyed2 but it was less than ten for whom the ,ark was provided2 and we are to remember that quick upon the promise that all flesh were not again to be cast off1 the lowest grade of slavery was promulgated1 and its subjects ordered into the protection of the master2 and may we not hence infer that slavery is intended1 to some extent1 as a preventive1 as a shield against sin8 ,and do we not notice that this shield is more or less weighty1 more or less heavy to be borne1 as the safety of the individual bearing it may require2 and that it is so cunningly contrived1 that its weight and burden are diminished in proportion as the danger abates8 8,he poureth contempt upon princes1 and causeth them to wander in the wilderness where there is no way2 yet setteth he the poor on high from affliction1 and maketh him families like a flock4 ,the righteous shall see it and rejoice1 and all iniquity shall stop her mouth4 ,whoso is wise1 and will observe these things1 even they shall understand the loving-kindness of the ,lord40 ,ps4 cvii4 #dj-dc4 ,in close1 we may everywhere notice that some among the family of man have become so poisoned with sin1 so destroyed1 that they are no longer safe guardians to themselves1 even under the general interdict1 that animal wants enslave us all4 ,that for such ,god provides1 as the general safety may seem to require4 ,that1 in the history of man1 some races have become so deteriorated by a continued action in opposition to the laws of ,god1 that he has seen fit to care for them1 by placing them under the control of others2 or by placing them1 in mercy1 under the guidance of a less deteriorated race1 whom1 no doubt1 he holds responsible for the good he intends them4 ,and may we be permitted of the humble ,christian to inquire1 if this position presents any thing contrary to the general law of benevolence of the ,deity1--contrary to the welfare of man on earth1 or his hopes of heaven8 ,will you reject the doctrine1 saying the biblical proofs are too scattered1 too deeply buried under the dust of time8 or1 because a prophet has not appeared1 or one arisen from the dead8 ,the geologist1 from a few fragments of bone1 now dug from the deep bowels of the earth1 is able to set up the osseous frame1 to clothe with muscle and sinew1 and give character to the animals of ancient time4 ,and shall it not be recollected by you1 who are striving to make your descendants the very princes of intellect and talent1 that similar researches may be made in the moral history of man8 ,we submit the foregoing1 confident1 although there may be obscurity and darkness yet surrounding the subject1 which we have not the ability to dispel1 that the time will come1 when it will be made plain to the understanding of all4 ,we therefore resign the subject1 touching the colour of the descendants of ,ham1 of their relationship with the family of ,cain1 and the ordinances of ,god influencing their condition in the world1 to those more learned1 more critical1 and of more mental power1 and into the hands of those whose lips have been touched by a more living coal from the altar of the prophet4 ------------------------------------ ,study ,,vii4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 ,in the inquiry into the scriptural views of slavery1 by ,,albert ,,barnes1 ,philadelphia1 #ahdf1 page #cbb1 we find the following assertion3 8,no man has a right to assume that when the word 1 doulos1 occurs in the ,new ,testament1 it means a slave1 or that he to whom it was applied was a slave40 ,our object in our present study is to prove that this assertion is not true2 and our object further is to prove that when the word 1 doulos1 occurs in the ,new ,testament1 it means a slave1 and that he to whom it was applied1 as an appropriate distinctive quality1 was a slave4 ,suppose some infidel1 a monomaniac in the study of infidelity1 should put forth the proposition that when the words ,jesus ,christ occur in the ,new ,testament1 no one had the right to assume that they meant the ,messiah1 the ,son of ,god1 the ,saviour of the world4 ,we should feel it a needless labour to refute it2 a foolish1 false assertion often does not merit or require refutation1 but the falsity of propositions may not be equally obvious to all1 as in the present case4 ,the premises include the observance of the constitution1 idioms1 and use of the ,greek language4 ,to him whose mind can flash upon the volume of ,greek literature1 like the well-read schoolboy upon the pages of ,dilworth1--our present study and argument will be unnecessary and useless2 but1 as unsavoury as it may seem1 from the evidence that reaches us1 we doubt whether the great mass of those called learned1 do not remember and practise their ,greek only as the old veterans in sin do the evening and morning prayers of their childhood4 ,but1 however that may be1 a great proportion of us know no language but our own1 and take on trust what any ,magnus ,apollo may choose to assume concerning others4 ,the assertions of one man1 unaccompanied by evidence1 may excite little or no attention2 but we have seen the substance of this assertion put forth by the abolition clergy in various small publications1 no doubt having great weight in their immediate vicinage4 ,we fear those who sit under such teaching may grope in deep darkness2 and may we humbly pray1 that1 like the stroke of ,jove1 the light of the ,almighty may reach them from afar4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,when the untruthfulness of the lesson taught involves a misconception of the character and laws of ,god1 its direct tendency is to create in the mind an idea of1 we may say1 an image of ,god and his laws1 as decidedly different from him and his law as is the lesson taught from the truth2 and here1 perhaps1 through all time1 has been the commencement of idolatry4 ,is it not as much idolatry to worship a false image of the mind1 as it would be an image of wood or stone8 ,you teach that 1 doulos1 does not mean slave in the word of ,god2 you consequently teach that ,god disapproves of it1 and that his laws forbid it4 ,we say the exact contrary4 ,it is therefore evident that the idea1 the image we form in the mind of our ,god1 is quite different from the idea you form in your mind of your ,god4 ,but ,god cannot possess a contradiction in quality2 therefore the ,god we worship must be a different ,god from the ,god you worship4 ,but there can be but one ,god2 therefore your ,god is a false ,god1 or our ,god is a false ,god4 ,you are an idolater1 or we are one4 ,and shall it be said that our language is too strong8--unnecessarily extreme in its denunciation8--unwarranted by the views1 by the language held by the advocates of abolition and the friends of the anti-slavery movements now in action in the ,northern sections of our country8 ,hear the proclamation of ,mr4 ,wright1 an eloquent speaker1 before the ,anti-,slavery ,society1 as reported in the ,boston papers1 ,may #cjth1 #ahej3 8,down with your ,bible6--down with your political parties6--down with your ,god that sanctions slavery6 ,the ,god of ,moses ,stuart1 the ,andover ,god1 the ,god of ,william ,h4 ,rogers1 which is worshipped in the ,winter-street ,church1 is a monster1 composed of oppression1 fraud1 injustice1 pollution1 and every crime1 in the shape of slavery4 ,to such a ,god ,i am an atheist40 ,thus the enemies of ,jehovah give rapid proof of their idolatry4 ,it may be well here to remark1 that the doctrine thus strange and astray from truth1 may be expected to engraft itself upon such intellects as are led to the conclusion that man possesses within himself an unerring guide between right and wrong1--a doctrine which to us appears deeply fraught with ruin to the individual1 and degradation to public morals4 ,we therefore condemn1 most decidedly1 the doctrine that man possesses a mental power called 8moral sense10 8conscience10 or the 8light within us10 which enables him unerringly to decide on right and wrong4 ,you may as well say it will always enable him to discern the truth4 ,nor do we comprehend how the mind can entertain such a notion1 unless the intellect is thus impressible that the mind can believe in the existence of what would be a sister faculty1 clairvoyance1 or a thousand other such fantasies4 ,man possesses no power by which he can know ,god1 only as he has revealed himself by inspiration and by the daily manifestations of his law4 ,we prefer to worship the ,god of ,abraham and ,moses1 who gave them directions how slaves should be governed1 and of whom they should be purchased3--the ,god of the ,bible1 in which he has plainly revealed the reason why they are slaves4 ,the history of the human intellect gives proof that among its strong characteristics is a desire1 a fondness to search into mystery4 ,while this quality stimulates to inquiry after truth1 in well organized minds1 it is an important means of man's improvement and progression4 ,but in the absence of all guides which can direct the path to successful inquiry1 or by the substitution of false lights1 man has ever gone astray4 ,here idolatry commences her reign4 ,the condition of man1 from the most exalted instance of mental power1 down to the most abject degradation of the ,african savage1 is for ever marked and located by the fact1 whether the guides to truth in their influence on him and his race have been universal1 or only occasional2 whether their influence has been obeyed only at distant periods1 or at all times rejected4 ,it is the law of ,god1 man shall not progress to greatness only under the guidance of truth2 under the guidance of falsehood1 man degenerates to insignificance1 crime1 slavery1 or to inglorious death4 ,we do not propose that any man or any race has1 without exception1 been under the constant influence of those axioms that guide the mind along the thread of truth2 but that some men and some races have deviated far more than others1 and that the effect of such difference is quite perceptible4 ,some races have become highly improved1 while others only give evidence that they belong to the animal race of men4 ,distinctions from this source arose between ,cain and ,abel2 between the sons of ,noah1 ,abraham1 and the fire-worshippers of his day2 between ,jacob and ,esau2 and between the ,israelites and the idolaters of the surrounding ,hamitic tribes4 ,this love of searching into mystery without using the aids to find truth1 has at all times of the world1 when supreme power was the object of contemplation1 led men to idolatry1 sometimes of the grossest kind2 to the belief in mysterious influences1 supernatural agencies1 of spirits and demons1 magic1 witchcraft1 c4 ,to the same order of causes we are to attribute the sentiment entertained by some1 that certain portions of ,scripture and certain words sometimes contain unknown1 hidden1 secret1 or mysterious meanings or instructions4 ,such views involve the proposition that such words1 when used in the ,scripture1 have a different meaning than when otherwise used by men1 and are to be translated into another language by substituting different ideas than those expressed by such words when used by man in his own oral or written language4 ,do they forget that the language of man is the language of ,god8 ,that revelation is always adapted to the understanding of men8 ,they forget to know this first1 that no prophecy of the ,scripture is of any private interpretation4 ,it happens that men take their own circumscribed view of the providence of ,god1 as ,god's ordinance touching a matter1 and if ,scripture is in contradiction1 then they search for mysterious or unusual meaning1 and give it such interpretation as they imagine suits the case4 ,hence theologians who deny that slavery is of ,divine authority1 are led to the necessity of also denying that the ,greek word 1 doulos1 means slave2 or that1 in its verbal formation1 it expresses a cognate action4 ,the frequency of the use of this word in the copies of the ancient ,greek ,testament1 as left us in the evangelical writings of the apostles2 the varied manner in which they have applied the term1 in figurative illustration1 in comparison1 in the most simple explanations1 as well as in the expression of the primitive idea which they intended to convey by it1 would seem to be sufficient proof that whatever such primitive idea may have been1 yet that it surely was in exact conformity to the common and received opinion of its signification among those who wrote in and used the ,greek language4 ,this is very clear1 since it is often used and addressed to the ,greeks themselves1 insomuch that no temerity has ever yet asserted that this word is of different import when found in the writings of the apostles than when found in the ,greek authors generally4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,the ,greek noun 1 doulos1 which we say means a slave unconditionally1 so far as we have been able to examine1 took its origin1 both phonetically and literally1 among the ,greeks4 ,let us take 1 as theme for 1 and 1 or from the radical 1 l3 both phonetically and significantly the word is complete4 ,at the most ancient period of the ,greeks1 it is said they had no slaves1 and it is a little remarkable that the word 8doulos0 is very seldom found in the most ancient of the ,greek writers3 but other nations more advanced had slaves4 ,the idea1 slave1 was then expressed by them by the term 1 dmos1 evidently of foreign origin4 ,this latter term was nearly or quite obsolete as early as the days of ,alexander1 when the word doulos is found to have taken its place4 ,the ancient and ,eastern nations were particular in their custom of bathing their bodies and washing their feet1 c4 ,one of the first and most important uses to which the early ,greeks seem to have applied slaves1 was in these personal purifications2 and hence the peculiar name originated2 -1 one whose office it was to bathe and wash them1 a bondman for that particular use4 ,there is no instance in which ,homer has used the word incompatible with such an association4 ,the most affecting1 we may say afflicting1 circumstance in which he has introduced the word is the parting of ,hector and ,andromache2 when ,hector1 anticipating his own death1 and the probability of her being made a slave to the ,greeks1 emphatically laments her being compelled to carry water for her master1 as if that was a particular employment in which the doulos was engaged4 ,but it does not affect the force of our argument1 even if it shall be thought that the origin we give the word is doubtful4 ,all we at the present moment propose is1 that it is an original ,greek term1 all of which terms1 either remotely or immediately1 spring from particles having a significant and phonetic relation with the derivative4 ,such has been the doctrine of all who have written upon the philology and origin of the ,greek language4 ,valckenaerus 7the edition of ,venice1 published by ,coletos7 says1 p4 #h-- 8,verba simplicia apud ,grcos sunt vel #8primitiva1' vel a primitivis per varios flexus #8derivata4' 8,primitiva verba admodum sunt #8pauca3' #8derivatorum' numerus est infinitus4 8#8,bin' literarum syllab verbum primitivum constituunt4 8,verba primitiva1 secundum observationem tertiam1 dissyllaba sunt vel #8bilittera1' vel trilittera1 vel quadrilittera4 8,primitiva #8bilittera1' per rei naturam1 dari possunt in universum 7si vel totam linguam perscrutemur7 tantum quinque1 nempe 11 11 ,primitiva #8trilittera' sunt1 qu a #8vocali1' #8quadrilittera' 7pleraque saltem7 qu a #8consonante1' incipiunt4 ,hoc certum est3 sed de eo etiamnum addubito1 an nonnulla verba #8quinque' litteris constantia pro #8primitivis' debeant haberi80 c4 ,and ,lennepius1 de ,anologia ,lingu ,grc1 7eadem editio17 p4 #ch3 8,cognita literarum potestate1 earumque antiquitate1 ad primas lingu ,grc origines indagandas progrediendum est4 ,videndum itaque primo loco1 qunam voces pro #8simplicissimis originibus' haberi possint1 qunam minus8 ,hoc autem ut rite peragatur1 qudam de #8partibus orationis' ante sunt monenda4 8,ex viii4 partibus quas vulgo statuunt grammatici1 #8,verbum et ,nomen' principem obtinent locum3 quum reliqu omnes facillime ad harum partium alterutram referi possint4 ,quapropter etiam #8,aristoteles1' aliique de veteribus1 revera #8duas' tantum esse #8partes orationis' voluerunt4 8,addunt quidem alii tertiam partem1 utriusque1 nempe et #8verbi et nominis1 ligamentum1' sive particulas1 quod1 nempe1 particul orationem in unum corpus veluti connectant et devinciant4 ,sed1 qui attentius #8particularum' naturam inspexerit1 facile animadvertat1 omnia fere1 qu #8particularum' nomine insigniuntur1 si #8exteriorem formam' eorumque naturam grammaticam inspiciamus1 referenda esse vel ad #8nomen' vel ad #8verbum4' 8,ita verbi gr43 particula 1 ,lat4 igitur1 revera participium est1 contracta pro 1 quod neutrum a masculo est1 quo modo participium verbi 1 vel 1 pronuntiarunt ,iones1 quum ,attici contraxerint in 4 ,apparet itaque1 ,grcum revera pertinere ad nomina participialia4 ,eadem ratio cernitur quoque in particulis 1 1 1 qu #8adverbia loci' dicuntur1 quorum duo priora proprie #8dativa antiqua' sunt1 postremum vero genitivus est2 quemadmodum similis ratio cernitur in adverbiis qu dicuntur #8,loci' apud ,latinos1 qu1 qu1 et similibus4 8,ad #8verba' porro referenda sunt 1 1 1 1 vel 1 et plura alia similia1 id quod in aliis clarius1 in aliis minus manifesto1 apparet4 ,horum tamen omnium rationem eandem fuisse in prima lingu ,grc infantia1 non est quod dubitemus4 8,hc igitur quum revera sic sese habeant1 jam porro inquirendum est1 utrum verba1 an vero nomina1 #8primas' lingu ,grc stirpes nobis subministrent4 8,docet autem ipsa rei natura1 si de #8simplicissimis' verbis sermo fiat1 #8nomina' a #8verbis1' non verba a nominibus1 primum esse formata4 8,quum enim omnes res vocabulis1 tanquam nominibus1 signat1 ab usu qui singulis adest1 vel quacumque etiam actione1 nomina1 sua acceperint3 clare apparet1 sicut ipsam actionem unde res denominata sit1 ita etiam verbum1 quo actio designetur1 prcedere nomini1 quod ab actione aliqua rei sit inditum4 ,atque hoc adeo certum est1 non solum in lingua ,grca1 sed etiam omnibus omnino linguis1 ut extra omnem controversiam positum esse videatur3 nisi quis delabatur illuc1 ut linguas integras1 qua late patent1 nullo artificio humano accedente1 uno temporis articulo hominibus divinitus datas esse1 eosque statim caluisse tot myriadas quot in singulis linguis sunt vocabulorum2 tametsi res ipsas vocabulis istis designandas plerosque primos homines ignorasse certum est4 8,hoc autem quam sit rationi contrarium1 atque ipsi experienti1 facile apparet1 si modo consideremus1 ea ratione multa vocabula existere jam debuisse priusquam eorum utilitas inter homines ulla esset1 quque proinde1 non nisi vani et inutiles soni1 facile et sine ulla jactura dediscenda fuissent4 8,quin imo experientia abunde docet1 primum res ipsas inveniri hominum industria1 deinde autem inventis nomina imponi1 sive ab utilitate sive alia qualitate ducta4 ,ex quo porro apparet1 quo plures res ab aliquo populo inveniantur1 eo ditiorem et uberiorem eorum linguam fieri1 ut adeo mirandum non sit tantam esse lingu ,grc copiam et ubertatem1 quum exculta ea fuerit a populo ingeniosissimo1 cui omnes artes et disciplin non tantum primordia sua1 sed etiam omnem fere splendorem1 debent4 ,linguas itaque diligenter consideranti1 idem quod in artibus1 in iis quoque usu venire apparebit3 eas nimirum a paucis simplicissimisque initiis profectas1 non nisi sensim et progressu temporis ad eam qua postea patuerunt amplitudinem pervenisse4 ,quum autem hominum natura ita sit comparata1 ut primum eas res circumspiciat1 qu necessario ad vitam sustentandam1 et cum aliis quibuscum homo societatis vinculo conjunctus est secure agendam1 requirantur1 dein vero ea excogitat qu vitam jucundiorem possint reddere1 valde verisimile fit vocabula ea in linguis antiquissima esse quibus res designantur ad vitam degendam necessari1 si recesseris ab iis vocabulis1 qu in antiquissimorum vocabulorum locum deinceps substitute sunt1 ut revera hujus generis mult vocabulorum form inveniantur1 qu verborum obsoletorum locum occupaverunt4 8,porro non alienum erit hic observasse non tantum ejusmodi vocabula antiquissima existimari debere1 sed etiam #8ipsas' significationes verbis subjectas tanto antiquioris usus esse1 tantoque magis proprias esse habendas1 quanto sunt propiores iis rebus quas corporis sensibus percipimus4 ,ab iis enim semper servata quadam similitudine ad reliquas quascumque verborum significationes progrediendum est3 ut adeo appareat1 paucissimas revera esse proprias verborum #8significationes1' nec alias esse nisi corporeas1 sive eas quibus res sensibus externis exposit designantur4 8,e contrario autem1 translatarum significationum copiam immensam1 qu ex propria notione1 tanquam ex trunco arboris rami1 quaquaversum pateant2 manente similitudine inter eas omnes et propriam seu primam stirpis significationem1 similiter atque rami1 utcumque dispersi1 et communem et communis trunci naturam retinent4 8,ex his prterea intelligitur ea verba1 qu a ,grcis vocantur1 sic dicta quia a #8nomine' vel #8sono' formentur1 #8propriam' eam significationem qu soni1 unde facta sunt1 naturam referat4 ,quorum verborum numerus ingens revera in linguis est1 et longe major quam vulgo credi solet4 ,sed1 ut ad propositum redeamus1 ex iis qu supra dicta sunt1 clare apparet1 simplicissimas origines non posse repeti nisi ab ejusmodi verbis1 quibus actiones ips significentur2 adeoque a verbis sic proprie dictis4 8,quumque actiones infinit1 sive nulli cert person adsignat1 per rei naturam antecedere debeant iis qu cert person attribuuntur1 verba #8infinitiva' simplicissima proprie primas lingu ,grc origines continere certum est4 8,harum autem plurim1 quum jam a longissimis temporibus1 una cum plerisque notionibus propriis1 ex usu ceciderint1 ac difficillima spe indagatu sint1 quo certiores progredi possimus1 id semper tenendum est1 ne quidquam admittamus quod constanti analogi lingu repugnet2 dein etiam1 ut ex ipsis lingu reliquiis1 rite inter se comparatis1 inquiramus a quo verbo originali vocabulum quodque oriatur3 etiam tum1 quum minus ipsum verbum originale superstes sit4 8,ubi enim in sequentibus agetur de #8simplicissimis' verbis #8primitivis1' id non ita accipiendum est quasi ea omnia1 sicut etiam multa derivata simpliciora1 florente lingua ,grc1 in sermone ,gracorum adhuc exstitisse vellem2 sed tantum1 in primo lingu ,grc ortu1 aut exstitisse revera aut saltem existere potuisse4 ,neque enim1 in hoc lingu ,grc defectu1 que certo sciri potest1 an tanta copia1 quantam fingere verborum per lingu naturam constanti analogi ductu liceat1 prima lingu ,grc tate reipsa viguerit40 99 99 99 99 99 ,our object is here to present the ,greek scholar1 who may not have reflected on the subject1 such suggestions as will lead him to perceive that 1 doulos1 is an original ,greek word1 not borrowed2 and although he may not agree with us in the derivation of the term1 yet that he may readily satisfy himself what is the true derivation4 ,it is true1 ,scheidius1 in his 8,animadversiones ad analogiam lingu ,grc10 has criticized the views of ,lennepius1 and has devoted near thirty pages to that which is our quotation from him2 and we did fancy1 upon its examination1 that he had rather established than weakened the argument of ,lennepius3 in fact we did propose to quote him as authority2 but to the most of us long quotations1 in a language to us unknown1 are quite objectionable4 ,we therefore refer to his work1 pp4 #bdf to #bge1 apud ,paddenburg et filium1 #agij1 8,traiecti ad ,rhenum40 ,it has been said by some of those who contend that 1 when found in the ,greek ,testament1 does not mean slave1 that the ,greek1 like all other languages of modern date1 is a compilation from the more ancient ones2 and since the ,greeks at an early day had no slaves1 it is evident1 it is good proof that the more ancient tribes1 from whom they and their language descended1 had none2 and in all such early periods of the world men never had words in their language to express things which did not exist among them1 of which they could have no idea4 ,therefore could not have meant slave1--8an idea of which they had no notion40 ,even if this statement were true1 we do not perceive how it proves their proposition4 ,to show the futility of such argument1 we consent1 for the moment1 that is not an original ,greek word1 but was borrowed from some other language1 in which it meant something distinct from the idea of slave3 say1 a freeman1 if you choose4 ,language1 and all its parts1 has ever been found to conform itself to the habits and wants of those who use it4 ,wherefore we often find a term1 which some centuries ago expressed a certain distinct idea1 now to express quite a different one4 ,we therefore cannot say1 with any propriety1 that1 because the word meant a 8freeman10 at the age of ,noah1 that it also meant the same thing at the age of ,alexander4 ,if it meant a 8freeman0 at the age of ,noah1 we are to determine that fact by its use at that period2 if otherwise1 we should be able to prove that our word slave does not mean a slave now1 but a proud and lofty distinction4 ,it is a term borrowed from the ,schlavonic1 where its significance was fame1 renown1 c42 but the ,schlavonians going into bondage to other nations1 upon their inroads on ,europe1 the term implying fame in their ancient national distinctions came to signify in succeeding ages the condition of bondage4 ,but although1 as we have seen1 a language is modified by the habits of those who apply it1 yet this liability to change ceases when the language ceases to be the common vehicle of thought4 ,such substantially has been the case with the ancient ,hebrew1 since the era of the prophets2 and such has1 emphatically1 been the case with the ancient ,greek since the breaking down of the ,roman ,empire4 ,and even at the age of the apostles1 the ,greek had already arrived at the very highest point of its cultivation4 ,no history1 no writer gives proof of any subsequent improvement4 ,if1 then1 we desire with seriousness and truth to determine the significance of any term then in use1 the same is alone to be found by an investigation of the ,greek literature of that age4 ,there are two modes by which an idea expressed in one language is explained in another4 ,where both languages contain words of synonymous meaning1 then the expressing the idea through the medium of the words in another language1 is properly what we mean by 8translation40 ,but in many instances1 the second language contains no word or words which are synonymes of the term by which the idea is expressed in the language which we wish to translate4 ,in that case we can accomplish the object only by transferring the term expressing the idea from the one language to the other4 ,example3--,when the ,french exhibited to the natives here a padlock1 the natives associated the thing with their idea of the tortoise1 from the fancied mechanical resemblance1 and with them the name of the one became the name of the other also4 ,but when we exhibited to them a steamboat1 they found their language destitute of any word to express their idea of the thing exhibited2 consequently1 they transferred into their own language the word steamboat1 to express the new idea4 ,with a view to be enabled to come to a truthful decision as to the definiteness of the idea intended to be conveyed by the word doulos1 when used in the writings of the apostles1 let us make a suitable inquiry among the ,greek authors read and studied at their time1 regardless of what may be the result as to the establishment of any peculiar theory or favourite notion4 ,let a development of the truth be the sole object of the research1 careless of what else may stand or fall thereby4 ,and since all have not chosen to burden themselves with the toilsome lesson necessary in a preparation for such examination1 we consent that such may pass it by with the same indifference with which they regard the study4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,we commence our quotations from the ,greek authors with the ,cebetis ,tabula1 from the ,gronovius edition1 ,glasgow1 #agdg3 ,p4 #ag4---- ' 1 1 ' 1 1 4 ,p4 #cd4 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 ' 1 1 1 4 schylus1 ,prometheus ,chained4 ,line #dfc3 4 ,in his ,chphoroi line #ge3 1 1 ' 1 4 ,burney translates this passage thus3 ,etenim e domo paterna servilem induxeram sortem1 stat juste et injuste1 convenienter origini me1 eorum qui vi agunt laudare acerbum mentis odium corcenti4 ,line #acc4 --which the same author translates1 ,et ego quidem pro serva habeor4 ,anacreon1 ,sur l',amour ,esclave3 1 1 4 1 1 4 ,lucian1 ,dialogues of the ,gods--,jove1 sculapius1 and ,hercules3 1 1 4 ,translation3 ,ego vero1 si nihil aliud1 neque servivi quemadmodum tu1 c4 ,mercury and ,maia3 ---- 1 ,ut in terris solent1 qui malam servitutem serviunt4 ,charon sive ,contemplantes4 ,mercury3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ,nescis enim quot propterea bella existant1 et insidi1 latrocinia1 perjuria1 cdes1 vincula1 navigatio longinqua1 mercatur1 servitutes denique8 ,cataplus sive ,tyrannus3 ,clotho -- 4 1 4 ,audi1 magis enim iis auditis lugebis3 uxorem tuam ,midas habebit1 servus qui olim adulterio illi cognitus est4 ,megapenthes4-- 1 1 1 1 4 ,vel privatum me facito1 ,parca1 pauperum unum1 vel servum1 pro eo1 qui rex nuper fui4 ,necyomantia1 ,menippus3 99 99 99 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 4 1 1 1 1 2 ,un autem omnes puniebantur1 reges1 servi1 satrap1 pauperes1 divites1 mendici2 cunctosque pnitebat patratorum2 nonnullos agnovimus etiam conspicati1 eorum de numero scilicet qui nuper vitam finierant2 illi vero pr pudore vultus tegebant seseque avertebant2 quod si forte respicerent1 valde quidem servilem in modum1 atque adulatorie1 illi ipsi1 qui fuerant qum putas graves et superbi aliorum contemtores in hac vita4 ,deorum ,comitia3 ,momus3 99 99 99 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' 4 ,proinde ,scyth ac ,gete hc illorum videntes1 longum nobis valere jussis1 immortalitati se donant1 et deos quoscunque voluerint feris suffragiis consalutant1 eodem modo quo ,zamolxis etiam1 servus cum esset1 in album nescio quomodo delitescens1 irrepsit4 ,demosthenes4 ,leipsic ,ed4 #ahbi1 in #d vols4 ,vol4 i4 ,olynthiac #b;d4 99 99 99 --which ,leland translates thus3 99 99 99 8or that the ,thessalians1 who have been so basely1 so undeservedly enslaved1 would not gladly embrace their freedom40 ,p4 #gj4---- 1 c4 ,philippic #dth1 p4 #adb4---- 4 ,p4 #adh4---- 1 c4 ,idem4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #adi4---- 1 1 c4 ,idem1 p4 #aeh4 99 99 99 4 ,idem4---- ' 4 ,idem1 p4 #aei4---- 4 ,on the ,treaty with ,alexander1 p4 #bbg4 99 99 99 4 ,idem1 p4 #bbi4---- ' 1 c4 ,de ,corona1 p4 #bjh4----' 1 1 ' 1 c4 ,idem4----' 1 1 c4 ,idem1 p4 #bhi4----' 1 1 c4 ,idem1 p4 #cji4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #cae4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #caf4----' 4 ,idem4---- 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #cdc1 7in the ,epitaph47---- 1 c4 ,idem1 p4 #cde4---- 4 ,oratio de ,falsa ,legatione1 vol4 ii4 p4 #cg4---- 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #ed4---- 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #fj4----' 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #gh4---- 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #ie4 4 1 1 ' ' 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #ig4---- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' 4 ,oratio adversus ,leptinem1 p4 #agd4---- ' 1 ' 1 ' 2 ,oratio contra ,midiam1 p4 #bjg4---- ' 1 1 1 4 99 99 99 4 1 ' 4 ,p4 #bjh4 4-- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 99 99 99 1 1 1 4 ,p4 #bji4---- ' 4 ,p4 #baj4---- 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bec4----1 1 1 4 ,oratio adversus ,androtionem1 p4 #bic4---- 1 1 1 1 1 c4 ,idem4---- 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bie4----' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bih4---- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bii4---- ' 1 ' 1 1 1 1 ' 1 c4 ,oratio adversus ,timocratem1 vol4 iii4 p4 #abh4---- 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #acc4---- 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #ada4---- ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' 4 ,oratio ,,iii4 adversus ,aphobum1 p4 #bdb4---- ' 1 ' 1 c4 ,idem1 p4 #bdc4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #bdg4---- 1 1 ' 1 c4 ,oratio ,i4 adversus ,onetorem1 p4 #bff4---- 1 4 99 99 99 1 ' 1 4 ,oratio in ,phormionem1 vol4 iv4 p4 #ac4---- ' 1 99 99 99 ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' 1 1 ' 4 ,oratorio in ,pantannetum1 p4 #hj4---- 1 1 1 2 ,oratio in ,macartatum1 p4#agc4---- 1 ' 4 ,oratio in ,stephanum1 ,i4 p4 #bag4---- 1 1 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bca4---- 1 ' 1 1 1 1 1 99 99 99 ' 1 4 ,idem1 p4#bcd4---- 1 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bce4---- 1 1 ' 1 4 99 99 99 1 ' 1 ' 1 ' 4 ,oratio in ,timotheum1 p4 #cab4---- 1 ' 1 1 1 1 1 c4 ,sophocles1 ,electra1 line #had3 1 4 ,this ,francklin translates thus3 8,left at last1 a slave to those whom most on earth ,i hate40 ,antigone1 line #bjb4---- 4 ,francklin thus--8,and made you slaves40 ,idem1 line #dgh4 ' 4 ,thus--8',tis not for slaves to be so haughty40 ,idem1 line #eag4---- 1 ' 4 ,thus--8,he was a brother1 not a slave40 ,idem1 line #gef4---- 1 4 ,thus--8,think not to make me thus thy scorn and laughter1 thou woman's slave40 ,ajax1 line #dhi4---- ' 4 ,thus--8,though now a wretched slave40 #dii4---- 4 ,thus--8,and thy loved son shall eat the bread of slavery40 #ajbj4---- ' 4 ,francklin thus----8,and to slavery doomed40 #abce4----' 2 ,thus----8,shall we be thus insulted by our slaves80 #abhi4---- 1 4 ,thus----8,i am a slave1 born of a barbarian mother40 ,oedipus ,tyrannus1 line #ajfb---- 1 ' 1 4 ,thus----8,were ,i descended from a race of slaves1 'twould not dishonour thee40 #aabc4---- 1 1 ' 4 ,thus----8,although ,i am a slave1 yet ,i was not purchased1 but born and reared up in his house40 #aafh4---- 1 2 ,thus--8,was he the son of a slave2 if not1 of whom80 ,oedipus ,coloneus1 line #iag-- 4 ,francklin thus--8,or didst thou think ,i valued a desert land1 or that my people were a race of slaves80 ,trachini1 line #ec4----1 female slaves4 ,line #fc-- 1 ' 4 ,francklin thus--8,this woman1 though a slave1 hath spoken what would have well become the mouth of freedom's self to utter40 #beg4---- 4 ,thus--8,and bind in slavery his wife and all his race40 #bfg4---- 1 4 ,francklin thus--8,and said a slave like him should bend beneath a freeman's power40 #bhc4---- 4 #cjb4---- 4 #cfg4----' 4 #dfg4---- 4 ,philoctetes1 line #iie---- 4 ' 1 ' 4 ,aristophanes1 ,ran 7,batrachoi71 line #aia---- 1 4 #eca4---- 4 #eda4---- 4 #ehd4---- 2 #fcb4---- 1 4 #fid4---- 4 #gdb4----1 1 4 #gdc4---- 4 #idi4----' ' 4 ,aves 7,ornithes71 line #fi4---- 4 ,line #gfc-- 1 etc4 #iaa4---- 4 ,equites 7,hyppes71 line #dd-- 4 ,lysistrate1 line #ccj4---- 4 ,acharnenses1 #dja-- ' 4 ,vesp 7,sphekes71 #eag-- 4 1 4 ,line #fjb-- 4 ,line #fha-- ' 4 1 4 ,thesmophoriazus1 line #ecg-- 1 c4 #efd4------' 1 '4 ,ecclesiazus1 line #fea4---- 4 ,line #gba-- 1 1 4 ,homer1 ,iliad iii4 #djg-- ' 1 ' 1 1 ' 1 4 ,which ,pope has paraphrased thus-- 8,a handmaid goddess at his side to wait1 ,renounce the glories of thy heavenly state1 ,be fix'd for ever to the ,trojan shore1 ,his spouse1 or slave1 and mount the skies no more40 ,iliad vi4 #dfj-- 1 1 4 ' ' 1 4 ,we should be happy to see the exquisite tenderness of the original transferred into ,english4 ,we offer3--8,this is the wife of ,hector1 the bravest of the horse-taming ,trojans1 when our people fought about ,ilion4 ,thus perchance some one will say3 and this will be to thee a fresh sorrow1 to feel the want of thy husband to ward off the day of slavery40 ,odyssey xiv4 #cci-- ' 1 4 ,pope thus-- 8,soon as remote from shore they plough the wave1 ,with ready hands they rush to seize the slave40 ,odyssey xxii4 #dba-- 1 ' 1 1 4 ,pope thus-- 8,then she3 ,in these thy kingly walls remain 7,my son7 full fifty of the handmaid train2 ,taught by my care to cull the fleece or weave1 ,and servitude with pleasing tasks deceive40 ,euripides1 ,iphigenia in ,tauris1 line #acj-- 7a slave7 4 ,line #dea4---- 4 ,potter thus--8,and bid the toils of slavery cease40 ,troades 7,trojan ,dames71 line #adj-- ' 4 8,i1 an old woman1 am led from my home a slave40 ,idem1 #aei4 4 8,bemoan their slavery40 #ahf4---- 4 8,assigned a slave10 c4 #aig4---- 4 8,an old woman enslaved40 #bad4----' 4 8,exposed me a slave to ,menelaus40 ,idem1 #bce-- 4 8,we are slaves of the ,dorian land1 even now40 #bhd4---- 4 8,i am enslaved10 c4 #eii4---- ' 4 8,troy yields to the yoke of slavery40 #fae4---- 4 8,is sunk in slavery40 #ffa4---- '1 c4 ,idem1 #fgh-- ' ' 4 8,i go by sea to ,greece1 a prisoner of war1 to a yoke of slavery40 #ieg4---- 4 8,but is her slave40 #iga4---- '4 8,harshly enslaved40 #acda4----' 4 ,bacch1 #cff4---- 4 #hjc4---- 2 2 ,potter thus--8,what should ,i do8 be to my slaves a slave80 #ajbh4---- 1 1 ' 4 ,potter thus-- 8,how ,i lament thee1 though a slave2 yet slaves1 ,if faithful1 mourn the ruin of their lords40 ,cyclops1 #gf-- '1 1 1 4 ,helena1 #bhc-- 1 '1 ' 4 1 4 ,potter thus-- 8,of friends deprived1 ,i1 from the free who draw my generous blood1 ,am made a slave2 for 'mong barbarians all ,are slaves1 save one40 #bii4---- 1 4 ,potter thus-- 8,the pendent cord ,disgraces2 even in slaves it is deemed base40 ,line #gbh-- 1 ' 1 1 ' 1 ' 1 ' 1 ' 4 ,potter thus-- 8,it is my wish1 ,though born a slave1 among the generous slaves ,to be accounted1 bearing a free mind1 ,if not the name2 for better this ,i deem1 ,than two bad things1 to harbour a base mind1 ,and hear from those around the name of slave40 ,we deem this translation defective1 because it makes no distinction between the ideas conveyed by the words and 4 ,true1 at this late day1 the passage is somewhat obscure4 ,but the speaker was not a slave3 he says he was born a --a character far less elevated than the 1 yet a freeman1 but possessing a greater servility of mind than even the doulos1 and his condition often far more abject4 ,the slave possessed the protection of his master2 but the latris1 with all the destitution and degradation incident to the lowest conditions of the freeman1 often coveted the happier condition of the doulos4 ,the idea conveyed by this messenger is literally this3 8,although born a latris1 ,i had rather be considered among the home-born slaves1 not having the name of freedom1 than to have merely the name2 for ,i consider this a good choice between the two evils--the being supposed to have the base mind of the latris1 and the being truly called a slave by those near us40 ,the substance is1 he had rather be a doulos than a latris4 ,that he was not a slave is evident from what follows in the #gigth line1 where ,menelaus calls him emphatically his prospolon1 merely an attendant4 #afcj4---- 1 2 ,potter--8,slave as thou art1 wilt thou control thy lord80 ,idem1 #afdj4 4 8,to home-born slaves1 it is glory to die for their masters40 ,ion1 line #acb4---- ' 4 8,to be a slave to the gods40 #ahb4---- 1 c4 #cbg4---- '1 4 #eef4---- 4 #gfa4---- 1 c4 #hcg4---- 1 c4 #hed4---- 1 c4 #hee4---- ' 1 4 ,potter-- 8,it is the name2 in all else than the free ,the slave is nothing worse1 if he be virtuous40 #ihc4---- 1 4 ,potter--8,an open murder1 and with coward slaves40 #aaji4---- ' 1 2 8,what is the matter1 my fellow-slave80 ,hercules1 #aij4---- 4 ,potter-- 8----the man array'd in arms ,is to his arms a slave40 ,electra1 #aaj4---- 1 female slave4 #fcc4---- 1 4 ,potter--8,such the slave's nature1 but this favours thee40 ,line #hih-- 4 8,he is thy slave now40 ,medea1 line #ed-- 4 8,slaves who are faithful1 suffer in the afflictions of their masters40 ,line #fe4----1 1 4 8,now by this beard1 deceive not by secrecy thy fellow-slave40 ,hecuba1 line #bcd-- ' 1 1 ' 4 ,potter thus-- 8,but may slaves be permitted of the free ,to ask--,i mean no rudeness1 no reproach-- ,but may we ask8 ,and wilt thou answer us80 #bdg4---- ' 1 2 ,potter--8,what didst thou say1 when thou wast then my slave80 ,idem1 #bia-- ' ' 4 ,potter thus-- 8,the laws of blood ,are equal to us slaves1 and you our lords40 #cca4---- 4 8,ah well1 how great the evil to have become a slave60 #cef4---- ' 4 8,but ,i am now a slave40 ,idem1 #cfe-- 4 8,and then1 a female stewardess1 a slave purchased somewhere1 shall defile my bed40 ,idem1 #ddd-- 1 1 ' 1 2 ' 2 1 4 ,potter-- 8,tell me1 ye gales1 ye rising gales1 ,that lightly sweep along the azure plain1 ,whose soft breath fills the swelling sails1 ,and wafts the vessel dancing o'er the main2 ,whither1 ah6 whither will ye bear ,this sickening daughter of despair8 ,what proud lord's rigour shall the slave deplore1 ,on ,doric or on ,phthian shore80 #die4---- 1 1 1 1 4 ,potter-- 8,herself a slave1 old1 childless1 on the ground ,she lies1 and soils her hoar head in the dust40 #gda4---- ' ' '1 ' ,potter-- 8,but should he treat me as a slave1 a foe1 ,and spurn me1 ,i should add to my afflictions40 #geg4---- 1 4 ,potter-- 8,not freedom1 but revenge2 revenge on baseness3 ,grant me revenge1 and let me die a slave40 #gih4---- 4 ,potter--8,but we are slaves1 but we perchance are weak #hji4---- '1 4 ,potter--8,erewhile ,i was a queen1 but now a slave40 ,idem1 #hfd-- ' 1 ,potter-- 8,vain is the boast of liberty in man3 ,a slave to fortune or a slave to wealth1 ,or by the people or the laws restrained1 ,he dares not act the dictates of his will40 #abeb4---- oimoi1 gynaikos1 hs eoich'1 hssmenos douls1 hyphex tois kakiosin dikn4 ,potter-- 8,what6 from these wretches shall ,i suffer thus1 ,defeated by a woman and a slave80 ,phniss1 line #id4---- 1 as a slave4 #ahi4---- 4 8,to lead in slavery40 #aib4---- 4 8,to suffer slavery40 #bje4---- 4 8,slave to ,phbus40 #afjf4---- --1 c4 8,slave to ,polybus10 c4 ,orestes1 line #bba4---- ' 1 4 ,idem1 #gae-- ---- ' 4 #icg4---- 4 ,potter--8,vile slaves to your wives40 #aaae4---- 4 ,such was the reply of ,pylades to his friend ,orestes1 in reference to the ,phrygian slave2 and we shall close our quotations from this remarkable tragic poet1 with an interview between ,orestes and one of these ,phrygian slaves4 ,line #aebb-- ,orestes4 1 ' 2 ,slave4 1 1 4 ,potter-- ,orestes4 8,fears a slave death1 the end of all his ills8 ,slave4 8,to slave or free1 sweet is the light of heaven40 ,alcestes1 line #fch-- ' ' 4 ,potter--8,but1 the base offspring of some slave1 thy wife stole me1 and put me to her breast40 ,we find the following in a short notice of the life of ,isocrates1 by ,dionysius of ,halicarnassus4 ,page #bc4---- ' ' 1 4 ,also1 page #bf4---- 1 4 ,idem1 #ce4---- 1 4 ,idem1 #cf4---- 1 1 ' 4 ,isocrates1 7,cantabrigigi1 #afhf17 ,orat4 ad ,demonicum1 page #eb-- 1 1 1 ' 4 ,ad ,nicoclem1 p4 #gd4---- 1 4 ,panegyricus1 p4 #aba4---- 1 ' 4 ,idem1 #acc4---- 1 4 ,idem1 #acg4---- 4 ,idem4---- 1 4 ,idem4---- 4 ,idem1 #add4---- 1 ' 4 ,idem4---- 1 1 4 ,idem1 #aej4---- 4 ,idem1 #aea4---- 4 ,idem1 #aec4---- 4 ,orat4 ad ,philippum1 p4 #afa4---- 1 4 ,archidamus1 p4 #bce4---- 4 ,de ,pace1 sive ,socialis1 page #bha4---- 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #bhj4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #cjf4---- 4 ,evagoras1 p4 #caj4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #cbj4---- ' 4 ,idem1 p4 #cbf4---- 4 ,panathenaicus1 p4 #cif4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #djj4---- 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #dab4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #dah4----4 ,plataicus1 p4 #dei4---- 4 ,idem4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #dfc4----4 ,idem1 p4 #dfe4----4 ,idem1 p4 #dff4---- 1 4 ,orat4 de ,permutatione1 p4 #dic4---- 1 4 ,idem1 p4 #did4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #ejb4---- ' 4 ,idem4---- 4 ,idem4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #eaj4---- 4 ,idem1 p4 #eaa4---- 4 ,de ,bigis1 p4 #ecj4---- 4 ,epistol3 to ,philip1 p4 #faa4---- 4 ,to ,jason1 a freedman1 p4 #fbi4---- 1 4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,but if it shall be objected1 that by these writers the word 1 doulos1 and its derivatives are used in a figurative sense1 since these writers all exhibit minds deeply excited1 or used all language with poetic license2 we think such objection unfounded1 so far as it alleges that they have used this word in an unusual manner1 or have attributed to it any other sense than was attributed to it by all the ,greeks4 ,nevertheless1 we propose now to present this word as it was used by ,thucydides1 ,herodotus1 and ,xenophon1 against whose use no cavil can be made2 and we now fear not to assert that their use of this word will be in the most strict accordance with the authors already examined4 ,plutarch1 who was somewhat disposed to criticize other authors1 speaking of ,thucydides1 expresses the idea that he wrote in such a manner that the reader saw the picture of what he represented4 7,see his ,de ,gloria ,atheniensium47 ,plutarch was then clearly of opinion that the language of ,thucydides was most appropriately accurate4 ,we here premise1 that we shall not presume to offer our own translation to the extract we propose to make from ,thucydides4 ,from the many that have been made1 we have selected that of the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,william ,smith1 of the cathedral of ,chester1 ,england1 and concerning whom it may be proper to say a word4 ,he translated ,longinus with great accuracy and beauty4 ,the ,weekly ,miscellany of ,dec4 #hth1 #agci1 says of this translation1 8,it justly deserves the notice and thanks of the public40 ,father ,phillips says1 #agef1 8,a late ,english translation of the ,greek critic1 by ,mr4 ,smith1 is a credit to the author1 and reflects lustre on ,longinus himself40 ,laudits of this work will fill a volume4 ,in #agec he translated ,thucydides1 and was directly created a doctor of divinity1--and we find in his epitaph now in the cathedral of ,chester1 8as a scholar his reputation is perpetuated by his valuable publications1 particularly his correct and eloquent translations of ,longinus1 ,thucydides1 and ,xenophon40 ,we have been thus minute that it may be known with what spirit we prepare this work4 ,,the ,,peloponnesian ,,war1 by ,thucydides4 ,book i4 chap4 #h4 4 8,and the great1 who had all needful supplies at hand1 reduced less powerful cities into their own subjection40 ,at that age of the world1 when one city was conquered by another1 all were reduced to slavery1 unless by the especial favour of the conqueror4 ,in this instance it would have been more literal to our present idiom to have used the term slavery1 instead of subjection2 because now there has grown up a wide distinction between the mere subjugating and enslaving4 ,chap4 #af4 1 1 1 1 4 8,for ,cyrus1 after he had completed the conquest of ,crsus1 and all the country which lieth between the river ,halys and the sea1 invaded them1 and enslaved their towns upon the continent40 ,chap4 #ah4 ' 4 8,and in the tenth year after that1 the barbarian1 with a vast armament1 invaded ,greece in order to enslave it40 ,chap4 #cd4 1 ' 1 4 8,they are not sent out to be the slaves1 but to be the equals of those who remain behind40 ,chap4 #ee4 1 1 4 8,eight hundred of their ,corcyrean prisoners1 who were slaves1 they sold at public sale40 ,chap4 #fh4 1 4 8,but now1 what need can there be of multiplying words1 when some you already see enslaved40 ,chap4 #fi4 ' 1 4 ' 1 1 4 8,ever since you have connived at liberty overthrown1 not only in whatever communities they have proceeded to enslave1 but now where even your own confederates are concerned4 ,for not to the men who rivet on the chains of slavery1 but to such as1 though able1 yet neglect to prevent it1 ought the sad event with truth to be imputed40 ,chap4 #gd4 1 c4 8,and every state already enslaved10 c4 ,chap4 #ha4 1 1 1 4 8,it is by no means consistent with the spirit of ,athenians to be slaves to their soil1 or1 like unpractised soldiers1 to shudder at war40 ,chap4 #ih4 4 8,this was the first confederate state which was enslaved to gratify their aspiring ambition40 ,chap4 #aja4 4 8,most ,of the ,helots were descendants of the ancient ,messenians1 then reduced to slavery1 and on this account all of them in general were called ,messenians40 ,chap4 #ajc4 1 4 8,what if any one of them be ever found there1 he should be made the slave of whoever apprehended him40 ,chap4 #aba4 4 8,which rivet slavery on themselves10 c4 ,chap4 #abb4 1 1 4 8,such a triumph1 how grating soever the bare mention of it may be to any of your ears1 yet be it known1 can and is nothing else but plain and open slavery40 ,chap4 #abd4 1 4 8,and shall immediately recover liberty for those ,grecians who are already enslaved40 ,chap4 #ach4 1 4 8,as the hope be suggested to him of enslaving ,greece40 ,chap4 #ada4 4 8,the very same tendency to make them slaves40 ,book ii4 chap4 #fa4 1 4 8,accidents sudden and unforeseen1 and so opposite to that event you might reasonably have expected1 enslave the mind40 ,chap4 #fc4 1 ' 4 8,think not you have only one point at stake1 the alternative of slavery instead of freedom40 ,idem4 1 ' 4 8,slavery is never to be endured by a state that once hath governed4 ,such a situation can be tolerable only to that which has ever been dependent40 ,chap4 #ga4 ' 1 ' 4 8,that no one should unjustly make war on them1 or endeavour to enslave them40 ,idem4 4 8,are come hither to enslave us10 c4 ,chap4 #gh4 1 1 4 8,nor was there any other portion within the wall1 either slave or free40 ,book iii4 chap4 #aj4 4 8,we made an alliance with the ,athenians--not to enslave the rest of ,greece to the ,athenians40 ,idem4 1 1 4 ' 1 1 1 4 8,but when we perceived that they relaxed in their zeal against the ,mede1 and were grown earnest in riveting slavery upon allies1 we then began to be alarmed4 ,it was impossible1 where so many parties were to be consulted1 to unite together in one body of defence2 and thus all the allies fell into slavery except ourselves and the ,chians40 ,chap4 #ch4 1 4 8,slaves as you are to whatever trifles happen always to be in vogue1 and looking down with contempt on tried and experienced methods40 ,chap4 #ef4 1 1 ' 4 8,but at that season1 when the barbarians struck at enslaving us all1 these ,thebans were then the barbarians' coadjutors40 ,chap4 #eh4 1 1 1 2 8,will you further enslave the spot on which the ,grecians earned their liberty80 ,chap4 #fc4 1 1 1 4 8,the ,athenians truly have enslaved your country2 and the others would regain its freedom40 ,chap4 #fd4 1 1 1 1 4 8,you renounced1 you violated first the oaths1 which rather concurred to enslave the ginet and some other people of the same association1 than endeavoured to prevent it40 ,chap4 #gj4 1 4 8,and therefore against him the accomplices prefer an accusation1 as plotting how to subject ,corcyra to ,athenian slavery40 ,chap4 #ga4 1 1 1 ' ' 4 8,after this bold assassination1 they summoned the ,corcyreans to assemble immediately1 where they justified their proceedings as most highly for the public good1 and the only expedient of preventing ,athenian slavery40 ,chap4 #gc4 ' 1 1 1 4 1 ' 4 8,the day following they skirmished a little with their missive weapons1 and both parties sent out detachments into the field to invite concurrence of the slaves1 upon a promise of their freedom4 ,a majority of the slaves came in to the assistance of the people1 and the other party got eight hundred auxiliaries from the continent40 ,it will be noticed that in this passage is also translated slave2 but the was a slave whose condition was above the mere 4 ,in ,english the word will imply a house-slave4 ,the enjoyed a greater portion of his master's confidence1 and consequently was under a less rigorous government4 ,the truth of what ,thucydides states is evident to those acquainted with the character3 the higher class of slaves ever take sides with their masters in such cases4 ,it is this word ,st4 ,paul uses1 by which he describes the character of ,onesimus in his letter to ,philemon4 ,he had acted as ,paul's house-slave at ,rome4 ,book iv4 chap4 #hf4 1 4 8,but1 on the contrary1 are to act in support of you1 who are oppressed with ,athenian bondage40 ,idem4 1 1 1 1 1 4 8,i am convinced that liberty can never be re-established by me1 if1 disregarding ancient constitutions1 ,i enslave the multitude to the few1 or the few to the crowd40 ,chap4 #hg4 ' 4 8,for the sake of the ,grecians1 that they may not be obstructed by you in their deliverance from bondage40 ,chap4 #ib4 1 1 1 2 8,let me add further1 that when men are bent on enslaving1 not neighbours only1 but such people as are more remote1 how can it be judged improper to encounter such1 so long as we can find ground whereon to stand80 ,idem4 1 1 1 ' 4 8,but from men who were born to vindicate their own country for ever by the dint of arms1 and never unjustly to enslave another1 that from such men they shall not get away without that struggle which honour enjoins40 ,chap4 #aad4 4 8,they had no enslaving views40 ,chap4 #aah4 1 4 8,whether they be free men or slaves40 ,book v4 chap4 #i4 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 8,that this very day1 if you behave with valour1 you are henceforth free1 and will gain the honourable title of ,lacedmonian allies2 otherwise you must continue to be the slaves of ,athenians1 where the best that can befall you1 if neither sold for slaves nor put to death as rebels1 will be a heavier yoke of tyranny than you ever yet have felt1 while the liberty of ,greece must by you for ever be obstructed40 ,chap4 #bc4 1 1 4 8,that if there happen any insurrection among the ,helots1 the ,athenians march to the succour of the ,lacedmonians with their whole strength1 to the full extent of their power40 ,in this instance the translator has substituted 8,helots0 for slaves1 because the ,helots were the slaves at ,sparta1 and the usual term by which slaves were designated in ,lacedmonia1 ,helot and 1 were synonymous terms there4 ,chap4 #bg4 1 ' 1 ' 4 8,that since the ,lacedmonians1 not in order to serve1 but to enslave ,peloponnesus10 c4 ,chap4 #bi4 4 8,that the ,lacedmonians might strike up a bargain with the ,athenians to enslave other states40 ,chap4 #fi4 4 8,either such on slavery40 ,chap4 #hf4 1 ' 1 1 1 4 8,since if1 superior in debate1 we for that reason refuse submission1 our portion must be war and if we allow your plea1 from that moment we become your slaves40 ,chap4 #ib4 1 2 8,and how can it turn as beneficial for us to become your slaves as it will be for you to be our masters80 ,chap4 #ajj4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 8,if this be1 and if you1 ye ,athenians1 can readily embark in so many perils to prevent the desolation of your empire2 if states1 by you enslaved1 can do as much to throw off your yoke1 must it not be wretchedly base and cowardly in us1 who yet are free1 to leave any method1 even to the last extremity1 untried of averting slavery40 ,book vi4 chap4 #bj4 4 1 1 1 ' 1 1 4 8,according to the last information ,i have been able to procure1 we are now going to invade a number of powerful cities2 cities independent of one another1 nor standing in need of public revolutions2 which people1 who cringe under the yoke of slavery1 might easily embrace1 in order to render their condition more supportable40 ,chap4 #bg4 4 8,he should boldly inform the public of it1 whether he were a citizen1 or a foreigner1 or a slave40 ,chap4 #gf4 4 8,they hold fast riveted the yoke of slavery40 ,idem4 4 8,by enslaving10 c4 ,chap4 #gg4 4 8,who will be slaves10 c4 ,chap4 #hj4 8,slave10 c4 ,chap4 #hb4 4 8,whom the ,syracusans say we thought proper to enslave1 though connected with us by ties of blood40 ,idem4 4 8,they made slavery their choice1 and in the same miserable fate would have been glad to envelop us40 ,chap4 #hc4 1 4 8,so far from the view of enslaving them to ourselves1 that we are solely intent on preserving them from being enslaved by others40 ,chap4 #hd4 4 8,whom1 after unjustly enslaving10 c4 ,chap4 #hh4 4 8,save only the ambition they showed of enslaving ,sicily40 ,book vii4 chap4 #ge4 1 4 8,for a most cruel turn of fortune this really proved to a ,grecian army2 who1 coming hither to enslave others1 were departing now with the sad alternative of fearing to be made slaves themselves40 ,book viii4 chap4 #ae4 1 1 1 1 ' 4 8,having1 moreover1 fetched off the seven vessels belonging to the ,chians1 which assisted in forming the blockade at ,pirus1 they set at liberty the slaves who were on board them1 and threw all the freemen into prison40 ,chap4 #dc4 4 8,for thus he might be enabled once more to enslave all the islands40 ,chap4 #dh4 1 c4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,,xenophon1 ,memorabilia1 c4 ,book i4 chap4 #c1 #aa4 1 1 1 2 ' ' 2 8,miserum te1 ait ,socrates1 quid eventurum tibi existimas1 si formosum osculeris8 annon subit pro libero servus esses80 ,leunclavius4 ,chap4 #e4 #b4 ' 2 8,et servo intemperanti num vel pecora1 vel penum1 vel ut operi presset1 committeremus80 ,leunc4 #c4 ' 1 2 8,enimvero si ne servum quidem intemperantem accepturi simus1 qu non oper pretium sit cavere ne quis ipse talis fiat80 ,leunc4 #e4 1 1 2 8,quis voluptatibus serviens non turpiter tum corpore tum animo affectus sit80 ,leunc4 ,ibid4 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 8,equidem ita profect statuo1 homini libero optandum esse1 ut hujusmodi servum non consequatur1 atque illi qui voluptatibus ejusmodi servit deos esse obsecrandos ut dominos bonos nanciscatur40 ,leunc4 ,book ii4 chap4 #a4 #aa4 ' 1 1 ' 1 1 ' 1 1 ' 1 4 7#ab7 '1 1 1 ' 1 ' 1 4 8,i surely1 says ,aristippus1 do not place myself in slavery2 but my doctrine is1 that the condition equally free from the objections of those who govern and of those who are in slavery1 is true liberty4 ,but1 says ,socrates1 the condition of which you speak1 beyond the influences affecting those who bear rule or those in slavery1 can never exist among men2 for10 c4 #ab4 --8for safety they desire slavery40 #ac4 2 8,donec persuaserint eis servire potis qum bellum cum potioribus gerere80 #ae4 1 2 8,an qud talem te servum esse putas1 qui nulli domino prosit80 ,chap4 #f4 #i4 1 4 8,neque mins difficile vinctum retinere tanquam servum40 ,leunc4 ,chap4 #g4 #c and #d4 '1 1 1 4 7#d7 1 1 2 8,by ,jupiter1 7says ,aristarchus17 the reason is obvious4 ,he 7,ceramon7 rears up slaves1 while ,i only employ freemen4 ,well1 then1 truly1 says 7,socrates71 which do you esteem the most valuable1 your freemen or ,ceramon's slaves80 ,chap4 #h4 #d4 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 ' 4 8,but it is difficult1 ,o ,socrates1 for me to submit to slavery4 ,but 7says ,socrates7 high political officers1 and all those who have charge of public affairs1 are not esteemed to be in a slavish employment1 but in that which is the most appropriate to the most elevated of freemen40 ,book iii4 chap4 #ab4 #b4 ' 1 1 1 4 8,many endure the most burdensome slavery1 produced by their having been taken captives in war1 and as captives1 slaves themselves through the remainder of life40 ,book iv4 chap4 #b4 #cc4 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' 2 8,is it truly so8 ,you have not heard 7says ,socrates7 that ,ddalus1 captured1 deprived of his liberty1 and torn from his country and forced into slavery1 on account of his knowledge and wisdom was detained by ,minos2 and1 when afterwards attempting to make his escape with his son1 who was slain in the attempt1 was not able to save himself1 but was seized by the barbarians and again forced into slavery40 ,ibid4 1 2 8,how many others are born and remain creeping1 fawning about the king 7of ,persia72 and because he deems them his1 he there enslaves them40 ,chap #e4 #e4 2 1 1 4 2 ,of which ,leunclavius gives the following3 8,pessimam servitutem4 ,et quam esse arbitraris8 ,eam ait1 qu apud pessimos dominos serviatur4 ,ergone intemperantes servitutem pessimam serviunt80 ,for the benefit of the mere ,english scholar1 we give it thus3 8,now1 where do you esteem the most degraded slavery8 ,why1 to be sure1 says he1 when the master is most degraded4 ,it follows then1 7says ,socrates17 that the slaves of intemperance are the most degraded of slaves40 ,in the #cjth section of the defence of ,socrates before his judges1 by ,xenophon1 we find thus3-- 1 1 1 4 ,by ,leunclavius3 8,itaque aio1 non permansurum in illo servili vit genere1 quod pater ei prscripsit40 ,we offer3 8,so that1 ,i said1 it is not becoming that his son should remain in an occupation only proper for a slave1 in which alone his father educated him40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,at the close of the #bc;d chapter of the first book of ,xenophon's ,cyropdia1 we find3 1 1 1 1 ' 4 8,there are instances of many1 who1 when they might have used others as their friends in a mutual intercourse of good offices1 and who1 choosing to hold them rather as slaves than as friends1 have met with revenge and punishment at their hands40 ,ashley4 ,book iii4 #b4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 c4 8,it is indeed noble1 said ,cyrus1 to fight1 in order not to be made a slave6 ,but if a man be conquered in war1 or by other means be reduced to slavery1 and be found attempting to throw off his masters1 do you yourself first pronounce whether you reward and honour such a one as an honest man1 and as one that does noble things1 or1 if you take him1 do you punish him as one that acts unjustly8 ,i punish him1 said he40 ,ashley4 ,ibid4 1 '1 1 ' 4 8,why1 by ,jupiter1 being conscious of himself that1 affecting his liberty1 he has become by far much more of a slave than ever40 ,ibid4 1 1 2 8,can you1 said ,tigranes1 imagine what brings men into yielding to slavery more effectually than very great fear80 ,ibid4 1 ' 1 ' 1 1 4 8,they that are at sea1 and dread shipwreck1 and they that fear servitude and chains1 are neither able to eat nor sleep for fear3 but they who are already under banishment1 who are already conquered1 and already slaves1 are often in a condition to eat and sleep better than the fortunate themselves40 ,ashley4 ,ibid4 ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 8,in what state of mind then1 said he1 do you take my father to be1 he who fears not only for his own life1 but that his wife1 myself1 and all his children will be plunged into slavery80 ,ibid4 '1 1 4 2 4 1 1 4 8,truly1 said she1 ,i did not look at him4 ,at whom then did you look8 said ,tigranes4 ,at him who said1 that to save me from servitude he would ransom me at the expense of his own life40 ,ashley4 ,ibid4 1 4 1 1 ' 1 1 4 8,how few things in futurity are we men able to foresee6 and how many projects do we undertake6 ,i have endeavoured upon this occasion to obtain liberty1 and ,i have become more a slave than ever3 and1 after having been made a captive1 and thinking our destruction certain1 we now again appear to be in a condition of greater safety and security than ever40 ,ashley4 ,book iv4 chap4 #h4 1 1 1 1 ' 4 8,you will see them1 like slaves that have run away and are discovered1 some supplicating for mercy1 some flying1 and some without presence of mind enough to do either40 ,ashley4 ,chap4 #ah4 1 1 1 1 4 8,but1 then1 if you shall come to us1 and shall appear to do any action1 or give any information1 in friendship and good-will to us1 him will we treat as a benefactor and a friend1 not as a slave40 ,chap4 #bc4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 8,cyrus himself ordered them to make proclamation1 that whatever slave there might be1 either in the ,assyrian1 ,syrian1 or ,arabian armies1 whether he were ,mede1 ,persian1 ,bactrian1 ,carian1 ,cilician1 or ,greek1 or of any other country1 forced to serve1 that he should appear40 ,ashley4 ,chap4 #bd4 1 1 1 1 4 8,i bow myself at your feet1 a suppliant1 and give myself a slave to you1 and a confederate in the war40 ,book v4 chap4 #a4 4 8,and was clothed in the same manner as were her female slaves40 ,ibid4 ' 1 1 ' 1 1 1 4 8,but ,i have seen1 says he1 people in grief and tears when in love1 slaves to those with whom they were in love1 yet they deemed slavery a very great evil when not in love40 ,chap4 #cb4 '1 1 1 1 1 c4 8,i am not ignorant1 says he1 that you are above me1 but that my own slaves are above me in power10 c4 ,book vi4 chap4 #bf4 1 1 1 1 4 8,then ,i think we are both under great obligation to ,cyrus1 who1 when ,i was captured1 and chosen and selected particularly for him1 thought proper not to receive me as a slave1 nor even as a free woman of low standing1 but detained me under such restraint as if ,i had been his brother's wife40 ,book vii4 chap4 #bj4 1 4 8,all those whom he conquered1 he compelled to practise with the sling1 which he deemed more suitable for slaves40 ,chap4 #cj4 1 1 4 8,for it is a perpetual law among all men1 that when a city is taken from an enemy1 both the persons and treasures of the inhabitants belong to the captors40 ,ashley4 ,ibid4 1 1 4 8,in heat1 and in cold1 in meat and drink1 in work and rest1 we necessarily allow our slaves a portion40 ,ibid4 1 1 1 2 2 8,when we acquire slaves1 we punish them if they are slothful and vicious4 ,but does it become him who is slothful and vicious himself1 to punish others for vice and sloth80 ,book viii4 chap4 #a4 1 1 1 1 1 4 8,we ought to distinguish ourselves so far from slaves1 as that slaves do service to their masters against their wills2 and if we desire to be free1 we ought willingly to perform what appears to be most excellent and worthy40 ,ashley4 ,chap4 #ad4 ' 1 1 4 8,but in the management of slaves10 c4 ,chap4 #da4 ' 1 1 1 4 8,and ,i desire likewise that you should observe1 that of all these orders that ,i now give you1 ,i give none to those that are of servile condition40 ,chap4 #dg4 ' 1 ' 4 8,by my means my friends have been made happy1 and my enemies enslaved40 99 99 99 99 99 ,in ,xenophon's ,expedition of ,cyrus1 usually termed the ,anabasis1 book i4 chap4 #i1 we find-- 1 1 4 8,so that brave men were looked upon as most fortunate1 and cowards as deserving to be their slaves40 ,spelman4 ,ibid4 1 1 4 8,no one1 not even a slave1 ever deserted ,cyrus to go to the king40 ,book ii4 chap4 #c4 4 8,they were attended by a great many slaves40 ,chap4 #e4 1 1 1 4 8,after this1 some of the barbarian horse1 scouring the plains1 killed all the ,greeks they met with1 both freemen and slaves40 ,spelman4 ,ibid4 1 4 8,for1 he says1 they are his1 having belonged to his slave ,cyrus40 ,book iii4 chap4 #a4 1 1 ' ' 1 1 2 8,how then will he treat us1 who have no support1 and who have made war on him1 with the design to reduce him from the condition of a king to that of a slave1 and1 if in our power1 to put him to death80 ,book vii4 chap4 #d4 ' ' 1 ' 4 8,and then he said1 but ,i think myself sufficiently revenged1 if these people1 instead of freemen1 are to be made slaves40 ,chap4 #g4 1 1 4 8,for if you conquer1 they are slaves1--but if you are conquered1 they are free40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,,herodotus of ,halicarnassus4 ,,we often find the word 1 and its various derivatives1 in the plain1 the simple narrative of this author4 ,his use of the term is as follows3 ,book i4 chap4 #g4 1 4 8,the ,heraclid are descended from ,hercules and a female slave of ,jardanus40 ,chap4 #bg4 1 1 2 8,can they wish for a better opportunity than to meet the ,lydians on the ,ocean1 to revenge those of the ,greeks reduced by you to slavery on the continent80 ,chap4 #id4 4 8,thus the ,lydians were enslaved by the ,persians40 ,chap4 #ie4 4 8,and rejecting slavery1 they became free40 ,chap4 #aad4 1 4 8,o king6 by your slave40 ,chap4 #abf4 4 8,slavish employment10 c4 ,chap4 #abi4 1 1 1 4 8,among other things1 he asked him what was his opinion of that supper1 in which he had compelled a father to feed on the flesh of his child2 a supper which had reduced him from a monarch to a slave40 ,beloe4 ,ibid4 1 4 87,he said that he was7 most wicked1 on the account of the supper1 to enslave the ,medes40 ,ibid4 1 4 8,the ,medes1 who were certainly not accessary to the provocation given1 had exchanged situations with their slaves4 ,the ,persians1 who were formerly the slaves1 were now the masters40 ,chap4 #agj4 4 8,and thus1 freed from slavery1 deem themselves happy40 ,chap4 #agc4 1 4 8,if any free woman marries a slave1 the children of such marriage are reputed free40 ,beloe4 ,chap4 #agd4 4 8,the ,carians made little or no exertion1 and were easily enslaved40 ,chap4 #baj4 4 8,you have raised the ,persians from slavery to freedom40 ,beloe4 ,book ii4 chap4 #a4 4 8,he considered them as slaves by right of inheritance40 ,chap4 #ef4 4 8,although in a state of slavery1 she there constructed1 under a green spreading beech1 a natural little temple to her god40 ,book iii4 chap4 #abe4 1 4 8,all the strangers1 and their slaves accompanying them1 were detained in bondage40 ,see #a ,tim4 i4 #aj4 ,chap4 #ach4 4 8,and they being enslaved1 ,gillus immediately ransomed them10 c4 ,chap4 #adj4 1 1 1 ' 1 1 4 8,i would have neither gold nor silver2 give me ,samos1 my country1 and deliver it from servitude4 ,since the death of ,polycrates1 my brother1 whom ,ortes slew1 it hath been in the hands of one of our slaves4 ,give me this1 without any effusion of blood1 or reducing my countrymen to servitude40 7,beloe47 ,see #a ,tim4 i4 #aj4 ,chap4 #aec4 4 8,he counselled with himself about that which was foretold1 that ,babylon should not be reduced to slavery until this prodigy should be brought forth40 ,book iv4 chap4 #a4 1 1 4 8,for the women1 deprived so long of their husbands1 had associated with their slaves40 ,beloe4 ,chap4 #b4 4 8,it is a custom with the ,scythians1 to deprive all the slaves of sight1 on the account of the milk1 which is their customary drink40 ,beloe4 ,chap4 #c4 4 8,from the union of these slaves with the ,scythian women1 a numerous progeny was born40 ,beloe4 ,ibid4 4 8,in this contest with our slaves1 every action diminishes our number40 ,beloe4 ,ibid4 4 8,they will be impressed with a sense of their servile condition40 ,beloe4 ,book v4 chap4 #ce4 4 8,he therefore took one of the most faithful of his slaves1 and inscribed what we have mentioned on his skull1 being first shaved40 ,beloe4 ,chap4 #di4 ' 1 1 1 4 8,the ,ionians1 who ought to be free1 are in a state of servitude2 which is not only disgraceful1 but also a source of the extremest sorrow to us1 as it must be to you1 who are so pre-eminent in ,greece4 ,i entreat you therefore1 by the gods of ,greece1 to relieve the ,ionians from slavery1 who are connected with you by the ties of consanguinity40 ,beloe4 ,book vi4 chap4 #hc4 1 1 4 1 1 ' 4 8,argos1 however1 was deprived of so many of its citizens1 that the slaves usurped the management of affairs1 and executed the offices of government2 but when the sons of those who had been slain grew up1 they obtained possession of the city1 and after some contest expelled the slaves1 who retired to ,tyrinthe1 which they seized4 ,they for a time forebore to molest each other1 till ,cleander1 a soothsayer1 and an ,arcadian of the district of ,phigalis1 came among the slaves1 when he persuaded the slaves to attack their masters40 ,book ix4 chap4 #dh4 4 8,we see you delegating to the ,athenians the more dangerous attempt of opposing us1 and placing yourselves against our slaves40 ,beloe4 ,in the 8,libellus de ,vit ,homeri10 attributed to ,herodotus1 in the #bc;d section we find the word 1 used to mean a fellow-slave4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,we now propose to notice the scriptural use of the word 1 doulos1 and its derivatives1 not only that its use may be compared with the ,greek writers1 but that it may be seen1 as we believe is true1 that its use in these carries with it abundant proof1 even in the absence of all other1 that 8it means a slave10 and 8that he to whom it was applied was a slave40 ,whenever a thing is made any part of discourse1 it is necessarily placed in a position of commendation1 reprehension1 or of perfect indifference4 ,one of these conditions must unavoidably attend its mention4 ,a little reflection will enable us to perceive these distinctive positions4 ,for instance1 in the sentence1 8,lay up treasures in heaven1 where moth and rust doth not corrupt1 nor thieves break through nor steal10 who does not feel the commendable position of the things1 treasure and heaven1 and the reverse of moth1 rust1 and thieves8 ,let us apply this view to the word servant1 selecting only those instances in the ,christian ,scriptures1 where the word is translated from the ,greek word 1 doulos1 and means nothing except what we mean by the word slave4 ,st4 ,paul commences his epistle to the ,romans1 to the ,philippians1 and to ,titus1 with the appellation of servant4 ,in the two first cases he calls himself the servant and apostle of ,christ4 ,in the last instance1 he terms himself the servant of ,god and apostle of ,jesus ,christ4 ,peter1 in his second epistle1 styles himself a servant and apostle3 ,jude1 the servant of ,christ4 ,in all these instances the word means slave1 and is used commendatively1 but figuratively1 to signify their entire devotedness to the cause in which they are engaged1--devoted to the cause wholly1 as a good slave is to his master4 ,and it may be here remarked1 that the professing ,christian is indebted to the institution for the lesson of humility and devotedness here plainly taught him1 and without which1 perhaps1 he never could have been taught his duty in these particulars so pertinently and clearly4 ,the humility and devotedness of the ,christian are illustrated by this ordinance in ,john xv4 #bj3 8,remember the words that ,i said unto you1 the servant is not greater than his ,lord40 ,in the parable of the vineyard1 ,luke #bj and ,matt4 #ba1 the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 is presented in a position evincing1 the trustworthiness1 devotion1 and obedience implied in that character1 clearly indicating the idea that these qualities inspire the mind of the proprietor with a confidence surpassed only by that in his son and heir4 ,and it may be well remarked1 that the position of the slave is one of great facility for the generating of such confidence in the mind of the master4 ,between the good slave and the good master there can be no dissimilarity of interest1 but not so with the hired man1 see ,matt4 #bj2 for the very moment those hired in the morning for a penny a day perceived that those who had not laboured the whole day received the same amount of wages1 they commenced a quarrel with the proprietor4 ,this distinctive use of language we think also perceptible in the parable of the prodigal son1 ,luke xv4 #ag3 8,how many hired servants 7 1 posoi misthioi7 of my father have bread enough and to spare10 1 perisseuousin arton1 an overflowing of bread4 ,he is not made to say that his father's slaves had bread enough1 but that even his hired men had enough4 8,make me as one of thy hired servants10 1 misthion4 ,he does not ask to be received as a son1 not even to be accounted as a slave1--he feels unworthy of either4 8,but the father said to his servants10 1 doulous1 slaves1 8,bring forth the best robe40 ,having slaves1 it would have been quite out of place to have called one of his 1 misthous1 hired men4 ,but the elder son 8called one of the servants20 nor would it have been natural for him to have called a hired-man1 nor yet one of the common slaves1 but a confidential servant1 whose position in the family would enable him to possess the information required1 and so we find the fact by the expression 1 ton paidon autou1 his young confidential1 favourite slave4 ,but the elder brother said to his father1 8,lo1 these many years do ,i serve thee20 the verb used is 1 douleuo1 and expresses the faithful and devoted service of a good slave1 not of a hired man1 who would feel no real interest beyond his own personal benefit4 ,and this word is put in the mouth of the angered son1 whereby to show more forcibly his sense of his own merits4 ,while we cast reflection back upon the incidents of this parable1 let us suppose the owner of slaves also to employ hired labourers3 if from famine or other cause he finds himself unable to supply them all with bread1 which would he turn away1 his slaves1 or hired men8 or1 if they refused to go1 which would he feel disposed to put on small allowance8 ,jesus ,christ seems to have understood that if there was to be any deficiency of bread1 the hired-men might be expected first to feel it4 ,our ,lord and ,saviour1 in pronouncing this parable1 has given us the most explicit assurance that he intimately understood the domestic relations of the slave1 and has taught us the lesson by placing him side by side with the hired servant4 ,from the fact that the good slave was wholly devoted and faithful to his master1 the idea was not only applied to ,paul1 ,peter1 and ,jude1 but also to ,noah1 ,abraham1 ,isaac1 ,jacob1 ,moses1 ,joshua1 and ,david1 and others1 to express these qualities in them towards ,jehovah2 and we find it so used in the ,christian ,scriptures3 8,he hath holpen his servant ,israel10 1 ,israel paidos autou1 ,luke i4 #ed4 ,it is noticed that with the word 8,israel0 is associated the same term to mean slave which was applied to the slave called by the elder brother2 and the reason seems to be because the name ,israel is supposed to be in higher regard than the word ,jacob1--the word in apposition should also be expressive of such elevated regard4 ,therefore1 if the word ,jacob had been used1 the word would have followed it4 ,this word 1 pais1 when applied to a slave1 was a word of endearment1 and hence was used in the case of the centurion's servant4 ,and we may here well remark that the case of the centurion is one in point1 presenting an instance where slave-holding was brought to the immediate and particular notice of the ,saviour1 and the record shows his conduct and language upon the occasion4 8,for ,i am a man under authority1 having soldiers under me1 and ,i say to this man1 ,go1 and he goeth2 and to another ,come1 and he cometh2 and to my servant1 71 doulo1 slave17 ,do this1 and he doeth it4 8,when ,jesus heard it1 he marvelled1 and said to them that followed1 ,verily ,i say unto you1 ,i have not found so great faith1 no1 not in ,israel40 ,matt4 viii4 #i1 #aj4 8,and as he was now going down1 his servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 met him1 and told him1 saying1 ,thy son liveth40 ,john iv4 #ea4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,the ,christian ,scriptures use the institution of slavery figuratively1 in illustration of the ,christian character and duty1 and also in happy illustration of the providences of ,god to man4 8,who is that faithful and wise servant1 71 doulos1 slave17 whom his lord hath made ruler over his household1 to give them meat in due season8 ,blessed is that servant 71 doulos1 slave17 whom his lord1 when he cometh1 shall find so doing4 ,but if that evil servant 71 doulos1 slave7 shall say in his heart1 ,my lord delayeth his coming2 and shall begin to smite his fellow-servants1 71 sundoulous1 fellow-slaves17 and to eat and drink with the drunken1 the lord of that servant 71 doulou1 slave7 shall come in a day when he looketh not for him1 and in an hour that he is not aware of40 8,for the kingdom of heaven is as a man travelling into a far country1 who called his own servants1 71 doulous1 slaves17 and delivered unto them his goods40 8,his ,lord said unto him1 ,well done1 thou good and faithful servant1 71 doule1 slave17 thou hast been faithful over a few things1 ,i will make thee ruler over many things3 enter thou into the joy of thy ,lord40 8,his lord answered and said unto him1 ,thou wicked and slothful servant1 71 doule1 slave17 thou knewest that ,i reap where ,i sowed not1 and gather where ,i have not strewed10 c4 8,and cast ye the unprofitable servant 71 doulon1 slave7 into outer darkness3 there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth40 ,matt4 xxiv4 #de-ej xxv4 #ad1 #cj4 8,and he called his servants 71 doulous1 slaves71 and delivered them ten pounds1 and said unto them1 ,occupy till ,i come4 ,and it came to pass1 that when he was returned1 having received the kingdom1 then he commanded these servants 71 doulous1 slaves7 to be called unto him1 to whom he had given money1 that he might know how much every man had gained by trading40 8,and he said unto him1 ,well1 thou good servant 71 doule1 slave71 because thou hast been faithful in a very little1 have thou authority over ten cities40 8,and he saith unto him1 ,out of thine own mouth will ,i judge thee1 thou wicked servant1 71 doule1 slave47 ,thou knewest that ,i was an austere man1 taking up that ,i laid not down1 and reaping that ,i did not sow40 ,luke xix4 #ac-bh4 8,blessed is that servant1 71 doulos1 slave7 whom his lord1 when he cometh1 shall find so doing4 ,but if that servant 71 doulos1 slave7 say in his heart1 ,my lord delayeth his coming2 and shall begin to beat the men-servants 7 1 male-slaves7 and maidens1 7 1 female slaves17 and to eat and drink and be drunken2 the lord of that servant 71 doulou1 slave17 will come in a day when he looketh not for him1 and in an hour when he is not aware1 and will cut him in sunder40 8,and that servant 71 slave7 which knew his lord's will1 and prepared not himself1 neither did according to his will1 shall be beaten with many stripes40 ,luke xii4 #dc-dh4 ,here is an instance when the most favourite slave1 called by the term expressing such favouritism1 when supposed to be disobedient1 is immediately designated by the term 1 doulos4 8,blessed are those servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 whom the lord when he cometh shall find watching2 and if he shall come in the second watch1 or come in the third watch1 and find them so1 blessed are those servants10 71 douloi1 slaves47 ,luke xii4 #cg1 #ch4 8,and sent his servant 71 doulos1 slave7 at supper-time10 c4 99 99 99 8,so that servant 71 doulos1 slave7 came and showed his lord these things4 ,then the master of the house being angry1 said to his servant10 71 doulo1 slave47 8,and the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 said1 ,lord1 it is done4 ,and the lord said unto the servant1 71 doulon1 slave17 ,go out into the highway10 c4 ,luke xiv4 #ag-bc4 8,and ye shall know the truth1 and the truth shall make you free1 71 eleutherosei1 free47 ,they answered him1 ,we be ,abraham's seed1 we were never in bondage 71 dedouleukamen1 slavery7 to any man3 how sayest thou1 ,ye shall be made free8 ,jesus answered them1 ,verily1 verily1 ,i say unto you1 whosoever committeth sin1 is the servant of sin1 71 doulos1 slave47 ,and the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 abideth not in the house for ever4 ,if the ,son therefore shall make you free1 ye shall be free indeed40 ,john viii4 #cb-ce4 8,but which of you1 having a servant 71 doulon1 slave7 ploughing or feeding cattle1 will say unto him by and by1 when he is come from the field1 ,go and sit down to meat8 ,and will not rather say unto him1 ,make ready wherewith ,i may sup1 and gird thyself1 and serve me1 till ,i have eaten and drunken2 and afterward thou shall eat and drink8 ,doth he thank that servant 71 slave7 because he did the things that were commanded him8 ,i trow not4 ,so likewise ye1 when ye shall have done all those things which are commanded you1 say1 ,we are unprofitable servants 71 slaves73 we have done that which was our duty to do40 ,luke xvii4 #g-aj4 ,in all these instances slavery is made a lesson of instruction1 and always in the position commendable4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,the ,christian ,scriptures recognise the force and application of the command1 8,thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's man-servant1 nor his maid-servant10 as applicable to slaves at the time of the apostles2 and that the act of 8coveting10 extended into action1 becomes 8stealing10 the property named in the command4 8,now the end of the command is charity out of a pure heart1 and of a good conscience1 and of faith unfeigned3 from which some having swerved1 have turned aside unto vain jangling2 desiring to be teachers of the law2 understanding neither what they say1 nor whereof they affirm4 ,but we know that the law is good1 if a man use it lawfully1 knowing this1 that the law is not made for a righteous man1 but for the lawless and disobedient1 the ungodly1 and for sinners1 for unholy and profane1 for murderers of fathers1 and murderers of mothers1 for manslayers1 for whoremongers1 for them that defile themselves with mankind1 for men-stealers1 7 andrapodistais1 slave-stealers17 for liars1 for perjured persons1 and if there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine1 according to the glorious gospel of the blessed ,god1 which was committed to my trust40 #a ,tim4 i4 #e-aa4 ,it may be well remembered that the preceding third verse of this chapter beseeches ,timothy to still abide at ,ephesus1 that he may charge some that they teach no other doctrine1 c4 ,the word andrapodistais1 of the original ,greek text1 here translated men-stealers1 means the stealing1 or enticing away from the possession and ownership of their masters1 their slaves4 ,st4 ,paul speaks of it as a part of the law1--speaks of the offence as one well known1 and as too well known to be a part of the law to require any explanation4 ,when we come to know that that act of the mind called coveting1 indulged to action1 becomes stealing1--that the crime in action includes the crime in mind1--we may readily perceive what particular law is referred to4 ,is it difficult to decide that property1 which the law forbids us to covet1 it also forbids us to steal1 even if 8thou shalt not steal0 had not preceded8 ,the idea stealing was expressed by the ,greeks by the word 1 klepto1 but the idea stealing slaves was expressed by the word in the text4 ,the formation is 1 a man1 1 a foot1 and signifies the condition of slavery1 as a man bound by the foot4 ,a whole class of words of this formation1 all including the idea of slavery1 were in use by the ,greeks1 and found in their authors4 ,when used to express the substantive1 the idea of slavery is associated with the idea of some change of position or ownership2 hence its use in this instance4 ,the thing stolen involves the idea of a change of position1 possession1 c4 ,yet in many instances it may be difficult to perceive this distinction1 it rather appearing to have been often used as a synonyme of doulos1 both as a verb and substantive4 ,in the #hth section of the #dth book of the ,cyropdia1 ,xenophon uses this word to mean a slave1 the quality growing out of the imputed change in the condition of the soldier1 thus3 1 1 4 ,which ,ashley translates1 8,and as he that does this can no longer be reckoned a man1 but a mere bearer of baggage1 so any one that will is free to use him as a slave40 ,the ,romans so understood this word4 ,in the translation of ,xenophon into ,latin by ,amelburnus1 we find this passage3 8,nam qui hoc facit non miles et vir est1 sed sarcinarius calo2 quem uti mancipium tractare cuivis licet20 nor can it be said that this learned man misunderstood his ,greek1 for we have before us the critical translations of ,oxford and ,cambridge1 in which the sentence reads1 8,nam qui hoc facit1 non amplius vir est et miles1 sed sarcinarius calo1 atque hoc ade uti mancipium licet40 ,they have made no change as to this word1 nor as to the sense of the sentence4 ,xenophon uses this word also in the #adth section of the #hth book1 to mean slaves1 and in the same passage with 1 the adjective sense existing in the presumed unwillingness in the slaves to seek freedom1 on the account of their happiness being probably better secured in a state of slavery to ,cyrus than it would be in a state of freedom4 ,we give it entire3 ' 1 1 ' 1 4 1 1 4 1 4 1 ' 1 1 1 4 ,which may be translated thus3 8,but in rearing up his slaves1 he never permitted them to practise the employment of the free1 nor allowed them the possession of arms1 but took care that they would never be without their meat and drink for the sake of the practices of the free2 for when with their horses they drove out the wild beasts into the plains1 he allowed meat and drink to be carried for the use of these people during the hunt1 but not for the free2 and when he was upon a march1 he led them to water1 as he did the beasts of burden2 and when the time for dinner came1 he waited till they had eaten something1 that they might not be distressed with hunger2 so that these people1 as likewise the more elevated1 called him their father2 so he was careful1 beyond a doubt1 that they would always remain his slaves10 1 slaves1 i4 e4 they would have no desire to change their situation4 ,amelburnus translates it thus3 8,quos autem ad serviendum instruebat1 eos nec ad labores ullos liberales excitabat1 nec habere arma sinebat3 studiosque dabat operam1 ne unquam liberalium exercitationum causa vel cibo vel potu carerent4 ,permittebat enim servis1 quoties equitibus feras in campos adigerent1 ut cibum ad venationem secum sumerent2 ingenuorum ver nemini4 ,quando item faciundum erat iter1 ad aquas eos1 perinde ac jumenta1 ducebat4 ,quum prandii tempus erat1 expectabat eos donec aliquid comedissent1 ne furcilla sive fames acrior eos affligeret4 ,quo fiebat ut1 non aliter ac optimates1 etiam hi ,cyrum patrem appellarent1 qui curam ipsorum gereret ut semper sine dubio mancipia manerent40 ,the ,oxford translation1 which was published in #agcg1 has perhaps made the ,latin more classical1 but has strictly adhered to the same meaning of the words and 4 ,we give their version also1 that the curious may compare1 and have no doubt about this matter4 ,it reads thus3 8,quos autem ad serviendum instruebat1 eos nec ad se in laboribus ullis liberalibus exercendos excitabat1 nec habere arma sinebat4 ,studiosque dabat operam1 ne unquam liberalium exercitationum causa vel cibo vel potu carerent4 ,etenim his permittebat1 ut cibum ad venationem secum sumerent1 ingenuorum ver nemini3 quando item faciendum erat iter1 ad aquas eos1 perinde ac jumenta1 ducebat4 ,et cm prandii tempus erat1 expectabat eos donec aliquid comedissent ne fames ingens eos invaderet2 quo fiebat ut etiam hi1 non aliter ac optimates1 ,cyrum patrem appellarent1 qui curam ipsorum gereret ut semper sine dubio mancipia manerent40 ,we deem it proper to add a word concerning the use of this term1 especially as some1 who claim to be learned divines1 also claim that ,paul by its use totally forbid slavery4 ,see ,barnes1 on ,slavery1 p4 #cee4 ,he says8 8#8,the law is made for manstealers1' 1 #a ,tim4 i4 #i1 #aj4 ,the meaning of this word has been before considered4 ,it needs only to be remarked here1 that the essential idea of the term is that of converting a freeman into a slave4 ,thus ,passon defines the word 1 andrapodismos3 ,verwandlung eines freyen ,mannes in einen ,sklaven1 besonders durch ,varkauf1 ,unterjochung1 ,u4,s4,w43 a changing of a freeman into a slave1 especially by traffic1 subjection1 c4 ,now1 somehow this #8conversion of a freeman into a slave1' the sin forbidden in the passage before us1 occurs essentially in the case of every one who ever becomes a slave40 ,we know not why ,mr4 ,barnes chose to go to a ,dutch dictionary for his quotation1 since he might have found the true signification in that of any schoolboy4 ,but we think it a singular argument that1 because andrapodismos means the making or selling a slave1 andrapodistais means the exact same thing4 ,the truth is1 the essential idea conveyed by this word is slave1 slavery1 c4 ,if ,i wish to say 8stealing a slave10 ,i use one form of it2 if 8selling a slave10 another1 and so on2 but the stealing a freeman with the view to make him a slave was not expressed by this word1 or any form of it4 ,the ,greeks used the term anthropokleptais1 but the legal reduction of a man to slavery was quite a different matter4 ,st4 ,paul's animadversion comprehended the idea of slavery and stealing1--what8 a freeman1 or a slave8 ,had it been a freeman that occupied the objective case1 it is presumable that his language would have had some analogy to that used in the ,septuagint1 ,deut4 xxiv4 #g4 ,this word1 or some form of it1 is of most frequent occurrence in the ,greek authors4 ,we need quote but a few passages to show their use of the term1 whether it included the idea of a freeman1 or only that of a slave4 ,thucydides1 ,leipsic edition1 #ahbi3 ' 1 1 ' 1 1 4 8,but the ,athenians listened to none of these demands1 nor would revoke the decree1 but reproached the ,megarians for tilling land that was sacred1 land not marked out for culture1 and for giving shelter to runaway slaves40 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #ach4 1 4 8,but the vessels came back along the coast1 on board of which were the slaves40 ,idem4 4 8,and here they offered the slaves for sale40 ,p4 #aah4 --8,hyccarian slaves40 ,p4 #bja4 4 8,and more than twenty thousand slaves had deserted40 ,p4 #cad4 1 1 ' 4 8,he gave up all the effects and slaves to pillage1 and after establishing such as were free people in their old habitations1 he went against ,abydos40 ,the instances of the use of this word are so frequent that we know not whether more of them should not be given2 but may we not presume that those who read the language have some knowledge of the matter8 and we therefore ask them to relieve us from that burden4 ,we think it no hazard to maintain the fact that 1 its cognates and derivatives1 both nouns and adjectives1 are never used in the ,greek language unassociated with the idea of slavery4 ,if so1 then it follows that the idea stealing1 as it existed in the mind of ,st4 ,paul1 was not associated with the idea 8man10 but 8slave10 and that he used the term 1 andrapodistais1 to express the idea 8slave-stealers40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,but as the verb 1 andrapodizo1 and its conjugates1 are sometimes used to express the action of subjecting to slavery1 it is asked1 how are we to know whether ,paul did not mean such subjugation8 ,it was surely in the compass of the ,greek language for ,paul so to have used the proper mood and tense of this verb1 with other suitable words1 and effectually forbid the subjecting of others to slavery4 ,but is it probable he could have consistently done so8 ,such forbidding would have been forbidding what the law prescribed4 ,it would have been a rebellious teaching against the laws of the land1 as well as against the laws delivered to ,moses for the civil government of the ,israelites4 8,when thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it1 thou shalt proclaim peace unto it2 and it shall be1 if it make answer of peace1 and open unto thee1 then it shall be1 that all the people that are found therein shall be tributaries unto thee1 and they shall serve thee10 7 va abaduka1 be slaves to thee--and they shall be slaves to thee47 8,but if it will make no peace with thee1 but will make war against thee1 then thou shalt besiege it3 and when the ,lord thy ,god hath delivered it into thy hands1 thou shalt smite every male thereof with the edge of the sword4 ,but the women1 and the little ones1 and the cattle1 and all that is in the city1 even all the spoil thereof1 shalt thou take to thyself40 ,deut4 xx4 #aj-ad4 ,such1 substantially1 was the law of all nations at the very time ,paul wrote to ,timothy4 ,the verb proposed the making of a slave in a legal manner1 reducing to the condition alluded to by the prophet4 8,shall the prey be taken from the mighty1 or the lawful captive restored80 ,isa4 xlix4 #bd4 ,the verb andrapodizo expressed a lawful act4 ,if individuals1 without law1 had seized upon the others with the view to make them slaves1 such act would have been called by a different name4 ,it would not have been a name formed from and 1 7aner and pous17 unaccompanied by explanations4 ,we have an example before us in ,deut4 xxiv4 #g3 8,if any man be found stealing any of his brethren of the children of ,israel1 and maketh merchandise of him1 or selleth him1 then that thief shall die40 ,here the individual stolen was not a slave1 either by the laws of ,god or man3 and hence we find that the ,septuagint uses no word to signify slave4 ,the passage reads thus3 1 1 4 ,and had ,st4 ,paul merely in his mind the idea man-stealing1 unconnected with slavery1 he would have used analogous language4 ,in the passage in ,timothy1 he might well have used the term 1 anthropokleptais1 which would have expressed the same thing1--an unlawful act1 an act forbidden in the passage just quoted1--the act of stealing a freeman1 with an intention of making him a slave1 contrary to law2 and ,paul would have probably added this offence1 if the ,ephesians had been guilty of the crime4 ,but ,paul did not use a word even conjugated from 1 andrapodizo1 but a cognate substantive1 used almost technically to mean those who stole slaves1 not freemen4 ,the word used by ,paul is translated into ,latin1 in the ,vulgate1 by the word plagiariis1 which also means those who stole slaves4 ,it is formed from plagiger1 one born to be whipped1 7the ,romans were cruel to their slaves17 and areo1 to be parched up1 to be thirsty1 and hence plagiarius1 from the notion that he who stole slaves coveted the slave with such intensity that he thirsted for the slave1 and appropriated him to himself as a thirsty man does water4 ,it originally was a mere cant word4 ,but it expressed the contempt the ,romans entertained for the act of slave-stealing4 ,hence has come our word plagiary2 only used now to mean the act of appropriating the literary property of another1 but still retaining1 to some extent1 the expression of contempt4 ,the learned men who translated the ,new ,testament into ,latin well knew that ,paul told ,timothy that the law was made against those who stole slaves3 and so we find it1 ,thou shalt not steal4 ,thou shalt not even covet thy neighbour's slave4 7,see ,exod4 xx4 #ae1 #ag2 also ,deut4 v4 #ai1 #bj47 ,had ,paul used the word andrapodizo1 or some form of it1 and had he really intended to have told ,timothy that he or others should no longer1 under any circumstances1 subject others to slavery1 or under the ,christian dispensation he should not2 that ,christianity forbid it2 yet he could not have been so shallow as to have added the sentiment that it was against the law1 for such addition1 such part of his instruction1 ,timothy would have at once known to be not true2 and we trust but few will entertain a position so full of gross consequences4 ,this discourse to ,timothy was founded upon the fact that 8some had swerved0 from the end of the law1 and turned to vain jangling1 desiring to be teachers of the law1 understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm1--probably teaching doctrines that led essentially to the crimes here exposed4 ,paul's object1 in part1 was to expose their ignorance and wickedness1 to sustain the supremacy of the law1 and by his counsel to warn him against a shipwreck of faith1 as in the case of ,hymeneus and ,alexander4 ,can it be supposed that under such circumstances he would have undertaken to have repealed a law1 or to have asserted that the law prohibited what it sustained8 ,in such case1 he would have done the very act himself for which he condemned ,hymeneus and ,alexander1 and have proved himself one of the lawless and disobedient1 for whom the law was made4 ,there is another consideration1 which to our mind is of moment in the review of this subject4 ,the religion of ,jesus ,christ never undertook to meddle with the civil institutions of the law4 ,its object was to make its devotees happy under and resigned to its adjudications1 whatever they may have been1 by reason of the greater considerations of a hereafter2 nor do we recollect an instance where either ,christ or his apostles even suggested any repeal4 ,his kingdom was not of this world1 and therefore his followers could not act in reference to the things of this world4 ,peter in his zeal smote off the ear of the slave of the high-priest1 but ,christ immediately rebuked the act and restored the injury done4 ,had ,paul intended to have suggested that the subjecting to slavery1 as that subject then existed and ever had from the time of ,moses1 was no longer to be countenanced1 then1 it seems to us1 he would have travelled beyond the mission of an apostle1 the precepts of his ,master1 and out of his kingdom into the problematical questions of civil government4 ,paul1 in the passage before us1 enumerates a class of the breaches of the law which came within the view of ,timothy1 which breaches of the law he pronounces to be 8contrary to sound doctrine10 and 8to the glorious gospel of the blessed ,god1 which was committed to my trust10 having previously notified him 8that the law was good if a man use it lawfully40 ,now1 one of the plain and well-known laws on the subject of slavery was1 8,both thy bond-men and thy bond-maids which thou shalt have1 shall be of the heathen that are around about you2 of them shall you buy bond-men and bond-maids4 ,moreover1 of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you1 of them shall ye buy1 and their families that are with you1 which they beget in your land1 and they shall be your possession4 ,and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you1 to inherit them for a possession4 ,they shall be your bond-men for ever40 ,under such a state of facts can any thing be conceived more inconsistent1 than that ,paul should1 under such circumstances1 design to slip in a word repealing in fact this law1 and directly producing all the other ill effects which he so pointedly complained of in others4 ,whoever can believe such a thing1 surely1 whatever he may pretend1 can have no respect for the character of ,paul1 nor for his religion4 ,but the character of ,paul remains consistent1 his religion unblemished and spotless1 and the preaching of ,jesus ,christ in relation to the matter vindicated and supported1 by giving to the word andrapodistais1 as here used by ,paul1 its plain1 legitimate1 and usual meaning1 slave-stealers1 persons who steal1 or entice away from the possession of their masters1 individuals who according to the law are slaves4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiii4 ,the inquiry naturally occurs1 how happened it that ,st4 ,paul found it necessary to instruct and inform ,timothy that the law forbid the stealing or enticing away other men's slaves4 ,by an examination of his writings and letters to the ,gentile churches1 the fact is plainly proven that there had grown up among them some new doctrines1 which his office as apostle made it his duty to reprehend4 ,what these doctrines were we are enabled in some measure to discover1 by examining the #gth of the #ast ,corinthians1 which commences thus3 8,now concerning the things whereof ye wrote unto me10 disclosing the fact that the ,corinthians had written to him for advice and counsel1 whom he now answers with instructions against the abolition of marriage1 and against the abolition of slavery1 c4 ,some of the ,gentile churches advocated the doctrine that if a man or a woman of the faith were married to one not of the faith1 that such marriage should be abolished2 so also1 that a slave of the faith should be set free1 and especially from his believing master2 so also1 the believing child should be discharged from the authority of the unbelieving parents4 ,the promulgation of these doctrines filled society with disorder there1 and the church with confusion4 ,in his lesson to ,timothy1 he complains of the doctrines taught by ,hymeneus and ,alexander1 as blasphemous4 ,now1 in this same lesson1 he applies this epithet to these new abolition doctrines1 leaving us plainly to infer that these doctrines were also taught by them1 and for which he 8delivered0 them 8unto ,satan40 ,and here we have a connecting link between this lesson to ,timothy and his whole instruction to the ,gentile churches on this subject4 ,but these doctrines1 as taught by ,hymeneus and ,alexander1 or others analogous1 have found advocates ever since2 for folly has never been so foolish nor wickedness so wicked as not to find followers4 ,these new doctrines ,paul reprehended in many other places1 and touching the subject of our present inquiry1 let us examine how he treated the matter during the time of his apostleship4 8,let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called4 ,art thou called being a servant1 71 doulos1 slave17 care not for it2 but if thou mayest be made free1 use it rather4 ,for he that is called in the ,lord1 being a servant1 71 doulos1 slave17 is the ,lord's freeman2 likewise1 also1 he that is called1 being free1 is ,christ's servant1 71 doulos1 slave47 ,ye are bought with a price2 be ye not the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 of men4 ,brethren1 let every man1 wherein he is called1 therein abide with ,god40 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bj-bd4 ,and this is consistent with his introduction to the subject in the #agth verse3 8,but as ,god hath distributed to every man1 as the ,lord hath called every one1 so let him walk1 and so ordain ,i in all churches40 ,compare this with his instruction to ,titus3 8,exhort servants 71 doulous1 slaves17 to be obedient unto their own masters1 and to please them well in all things4 ,not answering again1 not purloining1 but showing all good fidelity2 that they may adorn the doctrine of ,god our ,saviour in all things4 ,for the grace of ,god that bringeth salvation hath appeared to all men1 teaching us that1 denying ungodliness and worldly lusts1 we should live soberly1 righteously1 and godly in this present world2 looking for that blessed hope1 and the glorious appearing of the great ,god1 and our ,saviour ,jesus ,christ2 who gave himself for us1 that he might redeem us from all iniquity1 and purify unto himself a peculiar people1 zealous of good works4 ,these things speak1 and exhort1 and rebuke with all authority4 ,let no man despise thee40 ,titus ii4 #i-ae4 ,and to the ,colossians3 8,servants1 71 douloi1 slaves17 obey in all things your masters according to the flesh2 not with eye-service1 as men-pleasers2 but in singleness of heart1 fearing ,god3 and whatsoever ye do1 do it heartily1 as to the ,lord1 and not unto men2 knowing that of the ,lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance3 for ye serve 71 douleuete1 ye slave yourselves to7 the ,lord ,christ4 ,but he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done3 and there is no respect of persons4 ,masters1 give unto your servants 71 doulois1 slaves7 that which is just and equal2 knowing that ye also have a ,master in heaven40 ,col4 iii4 #bb1 #be2 iv4 #a4 ,and to the ,ephesians3 8,servants1 71 douloi1 slaves17 be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh1 with fear and trembling1 in singleness of your heart1 as unto ,christ2 not with eye-service 71 ophthalmodouleian1 slavery to the eye7 as men-pleasers2 but as the servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 of ,christ1 doing the will of ,god from the heart2 with good-will doing service 71 douleuontes1 slaving yourselves7 as to the ,lord1 and not to men2 knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth1 the same shall he receive of the ,lord1 whether he be bond 71 doulos1 slave7 or free 71 eleutheros1 a freeman74 ,and ye masters1 do the same things unto them1 forbearing threatening3 knowing that your ,master is also in heaven1 neither is there respect of persons with him40 ,eph4 vi4 #e-i4 ,and1 finally1 to ,timothy3 8,let as many servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honour1 that the name of ,god and his doctrine be not blasphemed4 ,and they that have believing masters1 let them not despise them because they are brethren2 but rather do them service1 71 do them slave-labour17 because they are faithful and beloved1 partakers of the benefit4 ,these things teach and exhort4 ,if any man teach otherwise1 and consent not to wholesome words1 even the words of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 and to the doctrine which is according to godliness1 he is proud1 knowing nothing1 but doting about questions and strifes of words1 whereof cometh envy1 strife1 railings1 evil surmisings1 perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds1 and destitute of the truth1 supposing that gain is godliness3 from such withdraw thyself4 ,but godliness with contentment is great gain4 ,for we brought nothing into this world1 and it is certain we can carry nothing out4 ,and having food and raiment1 let us be therewith content4 ,but they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare1 and into many foolish and hurtful lusts1 which drown men in destruction and perdition4 ,for the love of money is the root of all evil3 which while some coveted after1 they have erred from the faith1 and pierced themselves through with many sorrows4 ,but thou1 ,o man of ,god1 flee these things2 and follow after righteousness1 godliness1 faith1 love1 patience1 meekness4 ,fight the good fight of faith1 lay hold on eternal life1 whereunto thou art also called1 and hast professed a good profession before many witnesses4 ,i give thee charge in the sight of ,god1 who quickeneth all things1 and before ,christ ,jesus1 who before ,pontius ,pilate witnessed a good confession1 that thou keep this commandment without spot1 unrebukable1 until the appearing of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ40 #a ,tim4 vi4 #a-ad4 ,from the arguments here presented to ,timothy in support of the doctrine which ,paul invariably taught in relation to slavery1 we may well suppose he felt a deep interest1 even anxiety1 to prevent these new doctrines from affecting ,timothy's mind in their favour2 and we cannot but notice1 that while1 with the dignified authority of an apostolic teacher1 his instructions are full1 distinct1 and certain1 yet they are accompanied with a courteousness of explanation consolatory even to the slave1 the subject of them1 and with a solemnity of attestation that fathoms the very foundation of the ,christian faith4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xiv4 ,jesus ,christ announced to the ,jews that whosoever committeth sin is the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 of sin2 that the servant 71 doulos1 slave7 abideth not in the house for ever1 but the son abideth ever1 c42 therefore1 if the son make them free1 they shall be free indeed1 c4 ,of the doctrine here inculcated by the ,saviour himself1 it seems to us ,st4 ,paul has given a full and happy illustration2 and1 by his using the institution of slavery as a principal medium of his illustration1 and by referring to facts well-known in the history of the institution of slavery1 has not only recognised its existence1 but also that it existed in conformity with the ordinances of ,god3 and we deem his illustration not the less valuable1 because it explains what is meant by1 and how we are to understand1 the ,christian equality of all in that church4 ,in addition to what we have already read from his writings1 we may also notice1 8,is the law then against the promises of ,god8 ,god forbid2 for if there had been a law given which could have given life1 verily righteousness should have come by the law4 ,but the scripture hath concluded all under sin1 that the promise by faith of ,jesus ,christ might be given to them that believe4 ,but before faith came1 we were kept under the law1 shut up unto the faith which should afterwards be revealed4 ,wherefore the law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto ,christ1 that we might be justified by faith4 ,but after that faith is come1 we are no longer under a schoolmaster4 ,for ye are all the children of ,god by faith in ,christ ,jesus4 ,for as many of you as have been baptized into ,christ1 have put on ,christ4 ,there is neither ,jew nor ,greek1 there is neither bond 71 doulos1 slave7 nor free1 there is neither male nor female3 for ye are all one in ,christ ,jesus4 ,and if ye be ,christ's1 then are ye ,abraham's seed1 and heirs according to the promise40 ,gal4 iii4 #ba-bi4 8,now ,i say1 that the heir1 as long as he is a child1 differeth nothing from a servant1 71 doulos1 slave7 though he be lord of all2 but is under tutors and governors until the time appointed of the father4 ,even so we1 when we were children1 were in bondage 71 dedoulomenoi1 a state of slavery7 under the elements of the world4 ,but when the fulness of the time was come1 ,god sent forth his ,son1 made of a woman1 made under the law1 to redeem them that were under the law1 that we might receive the adoption of sons4 ,and because ye are sons1 ,god hath sent forth the ,spirit of his ,son into your hearts1 crying1 ,abba1 ,father4 ,wherefore thou art no more a servant1 71 doulos1 slave17 but a son2 and if a son1 then an heir of ,god through ,christ4 ,howbeit then1 when ye knew not ,god1 ye did service 71 edouleusate1 did slave yourselves7 unto them which by nature are no gods4 ,but now1 after that ye have known ,god1 or rather are known of ,god1 how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly elements1 whereunto ye desire again to be in bondage80 71 douleuein1 to be in slavery47 ,gal4 iv4 #a-i4 8,tell me1 ye that desire to be under the law1 do ye not hear the law8 ,for it is written1 that ,abraham had two sons2 the one by a bond-maid1 71 paidiskes1 a favourite female slave17 and the other by a free-woman4 ,but he who was of the bond-woman 71 paidiskes1 a favourite female slave7 was born after the flesh1 but he of the free-woman was by promise4 ,which things are an allegory3 for these are the two covenants2 the one from the mount ,sinai in ,arabia1 which gendereth to bondage1 71 douleian1 slavery17 which is ,agar4 ,for this ,agar is mount ,sinai in ,arabia1 and answereth to ,jerusalem which now is1 and is in bondage 71 douleuei1 slavery7 with her children4 ,but ,jerusalem which is above is free1 which is the mother of us all40 ,gal4 iv4 #ba-bf4 8,now we1 brethren1 as ,isaac was1 are the children of promise4 ,but as then he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the ,spirit1 even so it is now4 ,nevertheless1 what saith the scripture8 ,cast out the bond-woman 71 paidisken1 favourite female slave7 and her son3 for the son of the bond-woman 71 paidiskes1 favourite female slave7 shall not be heir with the son of the free-woman4 ,so then1 brethren1 we are not children of the bond-woman1 71 paidiskes1 favourite female slave17 but of the free4 ,stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith ,christ hath made us free1 and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage10 71 douleias1 slavery47 ,gal4 iv4 #bi-ca1 v4 #a4 ,in these lessons of ,paul we not only find the ,greek use of the word 8doulos10 but we find also the doctrine that slavery is the quotient of sin4 ,it is true he often uses the word figuratively to illustrate the devotion and obedience of the humble followers of ,jesus ,christ2 but in him who spurns obedience to the laws of ,god1 and rejects the faith of the gospel1 the character is fixed and permanent1 as is the course of conduct that gives it4 ,while in this portion of our present ,study1 we desire to bring to mind the word doulos and its cognates1 as used in the ancient ,greek ,scriptures1 with the design that it may be easily compared with its use by the classical authors in that language4 ,we shall be happy if successful in the attempt to present it in such form that the mind may acknowledge the doctrine inculcated to be consistent with the justice of ,divine providence and the mercy of a redeeming love2 that the deduction shall be evident2 that slavery is a creation of ,divine justice upon the model of mercy1 every way adapted to benefit the most degenerate and wicked races of mankind2 and that its whole action manifests the principle1 that he whom the ,father loveth1 him he chasteneth2--and such1 indeed1 is the object of our entire study4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xv4 ,from the writings of ,st4 ,paul1 we deem the deduction clear1 that he considered slavery to be a consequent of sin1 and plainly set it forth in his address to the ,romans4 8,wherefore as by one man sin entered into the world1 and death by sin1 and so death passed upon all men1 for that all have sinned4 ,for until 71 achri1 as far as--see ,iliad1 xvii4 #eii7 the law1 sin was in the world3 but sin is not imputed where there is no law4 ,nevertheless1 death reigned from ,adam to ,moses1 even over them that had not sinned after the similitude of ,adam's transgression1 who is the figure of him that was to come40 ,rom4 v4 #ab-bd4 8,know ye not1 that to whom ye yield yourselves servants 71 doulous1 slaves7 to obey1 his servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 ye are to whom ye obey2 whether of sin unto death1 or of obedience unto righteousness8 ,but ,god be thanked1 that ye were the servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 of sin1 but ye have obeyed from the heart that form of doctrine which was delivered you4 ,being then made free from sin1 ye became the servants 7 edoulothete1 ye enslaved yourselves7 to righteousness unto holiness4 ,for when ye were the servants 7es7 of sin1 ye were free from righteousness4 ,what fruit had ye then1 in those things whereof ye are now ashamed8 for the end of those things is death4 ,but now1 being free from sin1 and become servants 71 doulothentes1 slaving yourselves7 to ,god1 ye have fruit unto holiness1 and in the end everlasting life4 ,for the wages of sin is death3 but the gift of ,god is eternal life1 through ,jesus ,christ our ,lord40 ,rom4 vi4 #af-bc4 8,for as many as are led by the ,spirit of ,god1 they are the sons of ,god4 ,for ye have not received the spirit of bondage 71 douleias1 slavery7 again to fear1 but ye have received the spirit of adoption1 whereby we cry1 ,abba1 ,father4 ,the ,spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit1 that we are the children of ,god2 and if children1 then heirs3 heirs of ,god1 and joint heirs with ,christ3 if so be that we suffer with him1 that we may be also glorified together4 ,for ,i reckon1 that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us4 ,for the earnest expectation of the creature waiteth for the manifestation of the sons of ,god4 ,for the creature was made subject to vanity1 not willingly1 but by reason of him who hath subjected the same in hope4 ,because the creature itself also shall be delivered from the bondage 71 douleias1 slavery7 of corruption1 into the glorious liberty of the children of ,god4 ,for we know that the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now3 and not only they1 but ourselves also1 which have the firstfruits of the ,spirit1 even we ourselves groan within ourselves1 waiting for the adoption1 to wit1 the redemption of our body40 ,rom4 viii4 #ad-bc4 8,so then1 with the mind ,i myself serve 71 douleuo1 slave myself to7 the law of ,god1 but with the flesh the law of sin40 ,rom4 vii4 #be4 8,for they that are such serve 71 douleuousin1 slave themselves to7 not our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 but their own belly40 ,rom4 xvi4 #ah4 ,the word 8doulos0 is used by ,peter in a similar manner3 8,for so is the will of ,god1 that with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men3 as free1 not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness1 but as the servants of ,god10 71 douloi1 slaves47 ,idem3 8,while they promise them liberty1 they themselves are the servants1 71 douloi1 slaves7 of corruption3 for of whom a man is overcome1 of the same is he brought in bondage10 71 dedoulotai1 is he enslaved47 ,further instances of the use of the word 8doulos0 in the original ,greek ,scriptures will be found as follows3--8,but ,i keep under my body and bring it into subjection1 71 doulagogo1 and guide it as in slavery17 lest that by any means when ,i have preached to others1 ,i myself should be a castaway40 #a ,cor4 ix4 #bg4 8,for by one ,spirit we are all baptized into one body1 whether we are ,jews or ,gentiles1 whether we are bond 71 douloi1 slaves7 or free1 and have been all made to drink into one spirit40 #a ,cor4 xii4 #ac4 8,where there is neither ,greek nor ,jew1 circumcision nor uncircumcision1 barbarian1 ,scythian1 bond 71 doulos1 slave7 nor free40 ,col4 iii4 #aa4 8,as ye also learned of ,epaphras1 our dear fellow-servant0 7 sundoulou1 fellow-slave47 ,col4 i4 #g4 8,but if the unbelieving depart1 let him depart2 a brother or a sister is not under bondage 71 dedoulotai1 is enslaved7 in such cases40 #a ,cor4 vii4 #ae4 8,for ye suffer if a man bring you into bondage10 71 katadouloi1 reduce you to slavery17 c4 #b ,cor4 xi4 #bj4 8,for he that in these things serveth 7doulesei1 douleusei1 shall slave himself to7 ,christ is acceptable to ,god and approved of men40 ,rom4 xiv4 #ah4 8,it was said unto her1 the elder shall serve 71 shall slave himself to7 the younger2 for it is written1 ,jacob have ,i loved1 but ,esau have ,i hated40 ,rom4 ix4 #ab1 #ac4 8,and behold1 one of them which were with ,jesus1 stretched out his hand1 and drew his sword1 and struck a servant 71 doulon1 slave7 of the high-priest1 and smote off his ear40 ,matt4 xxvi4 #ea4 8,and one of them that stood by drew his sword1 and smote a servant 71 doulon1 slave17 of the high-priest1 and cut off his ear40 ,mark xiv4 #dg4 8,and one of them smote a servant 71 doulon1 slave7 of the high-priest1 and cut off his right ear40 ,luke xxii4 #ej4 8,then ,simon ,peter1 having a sword1 drew it1 and smote the high-priest's servant 71 doulon1 slave17 and cut off his right ear4 ,the servant's 71 doulo1 slave7 name was ,malchus40 8,one of the servants 71 doulon1 slaves7 of the high-priest 7being his kinsman whose ear ,peter cut off7 saith1 ,did not ,i see thee in the garden with him80 ,john xviii4 #aj1 #bf4 8,and the servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 and officers stood there1 who had made a fire of coals1 7for it was cold17 and they warmed themselves3 and ,peter stood with them and warmed himself40 ,john xviii4 #ah4 ,there are several instances where the word is used figuratively1 as a submissive epithet1 as an example of which we cite ,acts iv4 #bi3 8,and now1 ,lord1 behold their threatenings1 and grant unto thy servants 71 doulois1 slaves7 that with all boldness they may speak thy word40 8,and ,god spake on this wise1 ,that his seed should sojourn in a strange land2 and that they should bring them into bondage1 71 doulosousin1 should enslave them17 and entreat them evil four hundred years4 ,and the nation to whom they shall be in bondage 71 douleusosi1 to whom they shall be enslaved7 will ,i judge1 said ,god40 ,acts vii4 #f1 #g4 8,not now as a servant 71 doulon1 slave17 but above a servant1 71 doulon1 slave17 a brother beloved10 c4 ,philem4 #af4 8,lord1 now lettest thou thy servant 71 doulon1 slave7 depart in peace40 ,luke ii4 #bi4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xvi4 ,the ,english words servant1 to serve1 service1 servile1 servilely1 serving1 c4 have descended into the language from the ,latin word servus1 a slave1 and these words1 when first introduced into the language1 as distinctly carried with them the idea of slavery as does now our present term1 and will continue to do so wherever the ,english language and slavery prevail4 ,in no slave-holding country will the word servant be applied to a freeman as a legitimate term of description1 but in non-slaveholding communities these words are sometimes used in a somewhat different sense1 yet erroneously1 because they are then used without adherence to their derivation and analogy4 ,these words1 when found in the received translation of the ,christian ,scriptures1 are in the most of instances translated from some ,greek word that signified or included the idea slavery4 ,but notwithstanding the obvious error in giving the word servant1 c4 as the translation of a word that did not carry with it the idea which was in unison with the original of these words1 yet we find some few instances of such error4 ,we give a few examples4 8,jesus answered1 ,my kingdom is not of this world3 if my kingdom were of this world1 then would my servants fight40 ,john xviii4 #cf4 ,here servants is translated from 1 huperetai1 and signifies a subordinate4 ,in ,english it sometimes requires attendants1 assistants1 inferior officers1 c41 but never associates with the idea of slavery4 8,peter followed him afar off unto the high-priest's palace1 and he sat with the servants1 71 attendants1 c417 and warmed himself at the fire40 ,mark xiv4 #ed4 8,and the servants 71 douloi1 slaves7 and officers 71 huperetai1 attendants1 inferior officers1 c47 stood there1 who had made a fire of coals1 7for it was cold17 and they warmed themselves40 ,john xviii4 #ah4 ,that the word here used never conjugates with the idea slavery1 we quote it as used in ,luke iv4 #bj1 in proof3 8,and he closed the book1 and he gave it again to the minister10 71 huperete1 attendant1 inferior officer1 c47 ,also1 ,acts xxvi4 #af3 8,but rise and stand upon thy feet3 for ,i have appeared unto thee for this purpose1 to make thee a minister 71 hupereten1 attendant1 assistant1 minister1 c47 and a witness both of those things which thou hast seen and of those things in the which ,i will appear unto thee40 ,here the requisites of the character required are totally incompatible with the character of the doulos1 proving with the greatest certainty that these two words have no analogy whatever4 ,for we may well here remark1 that human learning has never arrived at a more nicely distinct and definite perfection in the use of language than is even now manifest in the sayings of ,him 8who spoke as never man spake40 ,besides1 in the case of ,john xviii4 #ah1 servants1 douloi1 and officers 1 huperetai1 being used consecutively and coupled together by a conjunction1 is a strong proof that the idea appropriated here severally to these terms could not be expressed by either term alternately by substitution1 and that these terms were by no analogy synonymous4 ,the word servant has also in error been rendered from other terms3 see ,hebrews iii4 #e3 8,and ,moses verily was faithful in all his house as a servant10 71 therapon47 ,we have not in ,english any single term that fully expresses the idea conveyed by this4 ,it means an associate or companion who is voluntarily under the direction of one whom he takes and acknowledges to be his superior4 ,the old ,roman umbra1 when applied to an attendant1 conveyed the idea more exactly than any one term of ours4 ,thus1 the warrior was called the therapon of ,mars1 and of the muses and kings of the gods generally4 ,thus1 ,menelaus is called the therapon of his chief1 c4 c4 7,see ,iliad1 viii4 #aac1 xviii4 #bdd1 xix4 #adc47 ,a similar error is occasionally found in the use of the terms to serve1 served1 service1 c41 as if they were legitimately derived from some form of doulos4 ,thus1 ,luke ii4 #cg3 8,but served ,god with fasting and prayers night and day10--8served10 1 latreuousa1 from latreuo4 ,the more appropriate term is 8to worship10 c4 ,the term was used by the ,greeks1 8to worship0 the gods by sacrifices and offerings4 7,see ,euripides1 ,electra1 #aca2 ,iphagenia in ,tauris1 #aaae47 ,so in ,acts vii4 #g3 8,and after that shall they come forth and serve me in this place10--8serve10 1 latreusousi4 ,it should have been1 8and worship me in this place40 ,rom4 ix4 #d3 8,and the service of ,god1 and the promises10 1 latreia1 worship1 c4 ,so also ,heb4 ix4 #a3 8,then verily the first covenant had also ordinances of divine service10 1 latreias1 worship4 ,so also ,heb4 xiii4 #aj3 8,we have an altar whereof they have no right to eat which serve the tabernacle10--8serve10 1 latreuontes1 who are worshipping in the1 c4 c4 1 diakonos1 is also sometimes erroneously translated servant1 service1 to serve1 c4 ,an instance occurs1 ,john ii4 #e3 8,and his mother saith unto the servants10 1 diakonois1 from diakonos3 as a verb1 it means to minister unto1 to wait upon1 to manage affairs1 to perform some function to another2 and hence1 in ,english1 we may occasionally require some other term of cognate meaning4 ,from this term our word 8deacon0 has been legitimately derived4 ,the word is of less elevated import in ,greek than therapon 7see ,aristophanes1 ,ornithes1 line #acbb1 17 but never consorts in the least degree with the idea slavery4 8,saith unto0 them who ministered1 who waited upon the guests1 c4 ,so also ,john ii4 #i3 8,but the servants which drew the water knew10--servants1 1 diakonoi1 8they who ministered unto40 ,see also ,rom4 xvi4 #a3 8,i commend unto you ,phebe our sister1 which is a servant of the church10 c41 1 diakonon1 one who ministers unto1 c4 ,so also ,john xii4 #bf3 8,if any man serve10 1 diakone1 wait upon1 minister unto me4 8,and where ,i am there shall my servant be10 1 diakonos1 one who waits upon1 who ministers unto2 8him will my ,father honour40 ,it is not always in ,english easy to select a phrase distinctly the best adapted to express the precise difference between the words diakonos and huperetes1 but it may be remarked that the huperetes was of an employment more of public character3 hence those who in the ships held certain banks of oars were called by that name2 also those of a particular rank in the army1 or in civil government2 but the word diakonos was used as a term more applicable to domestic1 personal1 or private life4 ,keeping this distinction in mind1 the same word may often1 in ,english1 give the sense of either2 yet huperetes will often appear in ,greek where diakonos would be ill used4 ,a more correct use of this word than the preceding will be found in ,matt4 iv4 #aa3 8,then the devil leaveth him1 and behold1 angels came and ministered unto him10 1 diekonoun1 ministered unto1 attended to4 ,matt4 xx4 #bf3 8,but whosoever will be great among you1 let him be your minister10 1 diakonos1 minister1 c4 ,and here is shown the distinction between this word and doulos1 a slave2 for he proceeds1 8,and whosoever will be chief among you1 let him be your servant10 1 doulos1 slave4 ,also1 ,luke viii4 #c3 8,and ,joanna the wife of ,chuza1 ,herod's steward1 and ,susanna1 and many others which ministered unto him of their substance10 1 diekonoun1 ministered1 c4 ,we have deemed it proper to notice these inaccuracies in our translation1 to prevent the word servant1 c41 when used to mean slave1 c41 being confounded with its use when given in translation as above2 and it may be proper also to notice that the hired labourer1 a freeman hired into the employ of another1 is never described by any term implying slavery1 or even having any analogy with it1 as examples will show3 8,for the kingdom of heaven is like a man that is a householder1 which went out early in the morning to hire labourers 7 1 misthosasthai ergatas1 to hire labourers7 into his vineyard40 8,they say unto him1 ,because no man hath hired us10 71 emisthosato1 hath hired47 8,so when the evening was come1 the ,lord of the vineyard saith unto his steward1 call the labourers and give them their hire10 1 misthon1 wages1 c4 8,and when they had received it1 they murmured against the good man of the house40 ,matt4 xx4 #a1 #g1 #h1 #aa4 8,and when he came to himself1 he said1 ,how many hired servants 71 misthioi1 hired persons7 of my father's have bread10 c4 ,luke xv4 #ag4 8,but he that is a hireling1 71 misthotos1 a person hired17 and not the shepherd1 whose own the sheep are not1 seeth the wolf1 c4 and the wolf catcheth them and scattereth the sheep4 ,the hireling 71 misthotos1 a person hired7 fleeth because he is a hireling 71 misthotos1 a person hired17 and careth not for the sheep40 ,john x4 #ab1 #ac4 8,for the labourer is worthy of his hire10 hire1 wages1 payment1 c4 ,luke x4 #g4 8,behold1 the hire 7 1 payment for being hired7 of the labourers 7 1 ton ergaton1 the labourers1 not slaves7 who have reaped down your fields40 ,james v4 #d4 ,he who is seeking to obtain a correct view of the truth will perceive the propriety of keeping in mind the distinction between the different characters thus in our version called by the same name1 8servants10 and not suffer his mind to be governed1 or even influenced1 by any bias which has been produced by an incomplete examination of the whole gospel of ,god4 ------------------------------------ ,study ,,viii4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,i4 ,the ,hebrew letters ain1 beth1 and daleth compose the word by which the ,hebrews meant what we mean by the word slave4 ,there is some variation among men of letters1 even among the ,jews themselves1 as to the pronunciation of this word1 some following the ,asiatic1 some the ,portuguese1 and some the ,polish method4 ,out of respect and in deference to ,king ,james's translators of the ,old ,testament1 of the learned and critical ,dr4 ,blany1 and of that indefatigable biblical scholar1 ,dr4 ,bagster1 we have adopted their pronunciation of this word1 and call it ebed4 ,this word1 as left untranslated by them1 will be found in ,jer4 xxxviii4 #g-ab2 also xxxix4 #af1 #ag1 thus3--8,now1 when ,ebed-melech the ,ethiopian1 one of the eunuchs which was in the king's house40 8,ebed-melech went forth out the king's house40 8,when the king commanded ,ebed-melech the ,ethiopian40 8,so ,ebed-melech took the men with him40 8,and ,ebed-melech the ,ethiopian said to ,jeremiah40 8,go1 speak to ,ebed-melech the ,ethiopian40 ,the words ,ebed-melech are here left untranslated1 because we have not1 in ,english1 words to express the idea conveyed by them1 except by paraphrasis1 as1 for instance1 they would have had to have said1 his majesty's private1 or principal1 and confidential body-servant3 and this is the exact meaning implied by the words ,ebed-melech1 as here used3 the word servant1 meaning a slave4 ,in ,judges ix4 #bf1 #bh1 #cj1 #ca1 #ce1 the word ,ebed is also left untranslated4 ,also in ,ezra viii4 #f3 8,ebed1 the son of ,jonathan40 ,and in some other places4 ,we trust that our authority for the pronunciation of the word ebed1 will be deemed sufficient3 yet1 we admit that1 in ,hebrew pronunciation1 it will be varied by suffix1 affix1 and points1 as has been found by the learned rabbis long since to best agree with their rules of cantation and the idiomatic construction of the language4 ,this word ebed is used as a noun1 verb1 adjective1 participle1 and adverb2 but we make the proposition1 that1 however used1 and in whatever form1 it is never used disconnected from the idea of slavery4 ,philological history will develop to us1 at least1 one human weakness3--pride to be thought learned1 has more or less1 among the ,european nations and languages1 had its effect in the compilation of dictionaries4 ,in some instances1 men of learning have undertaken their compilation without using their ability to fathom the depths of language1 or to discover the sources of its streams1 or describe the qualities of their combinations4 ,and the world is full of servile imitations of former and old errors2 and each one seems to think that the authority of a book warrants their perpetuation4 ,but there will occasionally arise1 in the walks of knowledge1 some ,moses1 some ,confucius1 some ,homer1 some ,euclid1 some ,socrates1 some ,bacon1 some ,newton1 some ,franklin1 some ,champollion1 before the fire of whose genius and mental power1 all imitations of error wither away4 ,touching the subject of the ,asiatic languages generally1 and the darkness that has for ages overspread them1 may we not fondly hope that such a luminary is now culminating in the region of the universities of ,england4 ,permit us1 at least1 to have some hope for the ,regius ,professor of ,cambridge4 ,but to our subject3--,we sometimes find the philologist yield his sceptre and borrow his definitions from a bad translation4 ,and we often find the translator sacrificing his original upon the altar of his own imperfections4 ,now1 it is not uncommon that a word in one language may be in such peculiar use1 that1 consistently with the constitution of some other language1 it cannot be translated therein by any one single term and even if so1 not always by the same word4 ,should all the different terms and words that might thus be legitimately used in translation1 be collected together1 and put down as the descriptive meaning of some foreign or ancient term1 our lexicons would1 of necessity1 contain some portions of error4 ,for example1 suppose we take the ,arabic word abed1 which means absolutely a slave in that language3 we all know that an ,arabian1 speaking or writing to one far his superior1 would someway call himself by this term4 ,he uses it to express great devotedness1 honesty1 and integrity of intentions to the one addressed4 ,if we were composing an ,arabic lexicon1 what would the scholar have good reason to say1 if we should put as the definition of this word1--honesty1 integrity of intention1 c48 ,this ,arabic word is the same as in ,hebrew1 and the word is used in both languages with great similarity3 also in ,chaldee1 ,syriac1 and other ,shemitic dialects4 ,while we premise that the ,koran is taken as the standard of ,arabic literature1 we present this word1 as used in that language1 as a sample of its use in the other ,shemitic dialects4 ,this word1 as above1 in ,arabic1 is composed of the letters gain1 or ain1 under point jesm1 which is equivalent to the ,hebrew quiescent sheoa1 but really having the shortest possible trace of the sound of our short 1 and terminated by the letter dhal1 or dal1 under the diacritical sign of nunnation4 ,mr4 ,sale1 who had great experience in ,arabic literature1 has left this word frequently untranslated in his notes1 quoting ,,beidawi and ,iolalo'ddin1 to his version of the ,koran1 and in ,roman letters expressed it thus1 abda1 and1 without annunation thus1 abd4 ,we confine ourselves to this particular form of the word4 ,if1 by long experience we supply the shortest possible trace of our vowel between the b and d1 and in annunation cause the terminating vowel to coalesce in some trace of our consonant n1 we should perhaps arrive at as correct a pronunciation as could be attained by mere rules and it will be seen that the ebd of ,jerusalem became abd at ,mecca4 ,we copy from ,sale's translation1 without burthening our page with a repetition of the original2 our object is to show the precise idea for the expression of which the ,arabians appropriated this word4 8,god causeth some of you to excel in worldly possessions3 yet1 they who are caused to excel do not give their wealth unto the slaves whom their right hands possess1 that they may become equal sharers therein40 ,koran1 chap4 #af4 ,al ,beidawi1 an ,arabian commentator on the ,koran1 upon this passage says-- 8,a reproof to the idolatrous ,meccans1 who could admit created beings to a share of the divine honour1 though they suffered not their slaves to share with themselves in what ,god had bestowed on them40 ,the expression of a thing done1 held1 or 8possessed by the right hand10 in ,arabic1 is a full concession that the doing1 holding1 or possessing1 is just1 rightful1 and righteous4 8,god propoundeth1 as a parable1 a possessed slave1 who hath power over nothing1 and him on whom we have bestowed a good provision from us1 and who giveth alms thereout1 both secretly and openly2 shall these two be esteemed equal8 ,god forbid40 ,koran1 chap4 #af4 ,of this1 the above commentator says1 8,the idols1 we have likened to a slave1 who is so far from having any thing of his own1 that he is himself in the possession of another40 ,idem4 8,and this is the favour which thou hast bestowed on me1 that thou hast enslaved the children of ,israel40 ,koran1 chap4 #bf4 8,o prophet1 we have allowed thee thy wives1 unto whom thou hast given their dower1 and also the slaves which thy right hand possesseth1 of the booty which ,god hath granted to thee40 ,koran1 chap4 #cc4 ,yet1 so it is1 we find in our ,hebrew lexicons1 among the significations of this word ebed1 not only its true signification1--slave1 slavery1 c41--but also1 to labour1 cultivate1 labour generally1 worship1 to make1 to do1 or deal with any one1 to take place or happen1 work1 business1 tillage1 cultivation of land1 agriculture1 implements1 utensils1 appurtenances1 a worship of ,god or of idols1 wearied1 to be wearied with labour1 complied with1 assented to1 performed1 religious service1 a submissive epithet1 a minister1 to minister unto1 any one employed in the service of a king1 any one who worships1 adores ,god1 one who is commissioned by him for any purpose1 benefit1 employment of any kind4 ,but we will desist from increasing this catalogue of definitions1 for fear of being charged with slander on the ,hebrew lexicons4 ,must not that be a very strange language in which one little word of only three letters has so many varied and adverse meanings8 ,yet1 in all sobriety1 we might double the number4 ,if each and every ,hebrew word were like this1 thus loaded with lexicographical learning1 we beg to know who would undertake and what would be the use of its study2 for surely1 from the same page1 there might be a very great number of adverse and contradictory translations1 all equally correct4 ,but1 if such catalogue is not legitimate1 to what cause are we to look for its existence8 to some abiding influence1 secret but persevering1 in the minds of the lexicographers for the last thousand years8 ,or shall we rather confine our views to the casualities of hurried translations and bad readings1 to the facility of the copyist in book-making1 instead of the laborious study of the investigator8 ,this circumstance1 from whatever cause it may have sprung1 will impose on us some labour to show the correctness of our proposition1 to wit1 the word ebed1 however used1 and in whatever form1 is never used in ,hebrew disconnected from the idea of slavery4 ,we first propose to show that the ,hebrew is abundantly supplied with words to express all these other meanings1 disconnected with the idea of slavery4 ,aware that such examination may be extremely uninteresting to the most of us1 yet1 deeming it of great importance to our subject1 we humbly ask indulgence1 while we examine a few of the most leading terms as examples1 whose significations have been appropriated to the word ebed4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ii4 ,but1 before we enter into such examination1 it may be proper to remark that the ,hebrew1 in common with all the ,shemitic languages1 makes abundant use of what we call rhetorical figures4 ,the word ben means a son2 but by prosopopia it is made to mean an arrow4 ,thus1 ,lam4 iii4 #ac1 8,he hath caused the arrows of his quiver10 beney1 ashpatho--literally1 the sons of his quiver1 from the notion that the arrow is the produce1 issue1 adjunct1 c4 of the quiver4 ,we might quote a great number of instances where the word ben1 by the same figure1 is used to express some other idea than son1 yet never unassociated with the primitive idea but1 what would be the value of the lexicographical assertion that this word in ,hebrew meant an arrow8 ,the following fifteen verses are wholly of the same character3 8,he hath filled me with bitterness1 he hath made me drunk with wormwood40 ,the ,arabians have a common way of expressing 8one of great affliction10 by saying that he is a 8wormwood beater40 ,yet the ,arabic word that means affliction1 by no means is synonymous of wormwood4 ,the figure of ,lamentations is also used in ,ps4 cxxvii4 #d1 #e3 8,as awards are in the hand of a mighty man1 so are children of the youth4 ,happy is the man that hath his quiver full of them40 ,yet1 the word is in no sense a synonyme of whatever word for which it is here figuratively used4 ,a singular instance of this figure is found in ,lam4 ii4 #ac3 8,let not the apple of thine eye cease20 bath eynek1 the daughter of the eye4 ,the translators have understood this to mean the 8pupil10 otherwise called the apple of the eye2 but1 the word bath1 daughter1 shows that the thing meant is a produce of the eye2 hence1 it cannot mean the apple or pupil of the eye1 but tears4 ,but how stupid the page that shall put down as a signification of the word bath1 an apple1 or the apple of the eye1 or the pupil1 or yet1 what it here means1 a tear8 ,these two words ben1 a son1 and bath1 a daughter1 sometimes beth1 are associated in so many different forms of figure and in connection or compound with other ,hebrew words1 to express some complex idea1 that1 if each different idea thus conveyed was to be considered a legitimate signification of these words1 their description would be quite lengthy1 and contradictory2 for instance1 ,gen4 xxiv4 #af1 is used to mean a virgin4 ,but1 #a ,sam4 i4 #af1 is used to mean quite a different character1 as if of different origin4 ,in ,eccl4 xii4 #d1 is generally understood to mean the voice of an old man4 ,but in ,dan4 xi4 #ag1 is understood to mean a princess4 ,we might multiply examples without number2 yet1 in all instances1 the leading idea1 a daughter1 is ever present3 other primitive words1 whose signification was an idea of great and leading interest1 will be found in similar use4 ,and it may be remarked1 that1 at one age of the world1 when a large proportion of the children of men were slaves1 that the word signifying that condition would be naturally and exceedingly often used in a figurative manner4 ,even among us1 our word servant1 which1 from use1 has become merely a milder term to express the same idea1 is in the mouth of every devout man1 while slave is in constant use among the moral and political agitators of the day4 ,one among the causes of our finding in the lexicons so many and adverse significations of the word ebed1 is the fact1 that the ,hebrew often expressed an adjective quality1 by placing the substantive expressing the quality as if in apposition with the substantive qualified1 thus1 they1 slaves 7not7 spies2 they slaves1 brethren1 ,gen4 xlii4 #aa-ac1 thy slave our father1 ,gen4 xliii4 #bh4 ,in an analogous sense the word is used in #b ,kings i4 #i1 #aj1 #aa1 #ab1 #ac4 ,also iv4 #be and #bg1 preceding a man of ,god1 meaning one so wholly devoted to ,god as to partake of the divine nature4 ,but such use in no manner changes the meaning of the word or 4 ,this mode of expressing quality1 by placing one of the substantives in the genitive1 is quite common even in the modern languages4 ,grammarians will also inform us that substantives are often used adverbially1 designating the time1 place1 and quality of the action of the verb4 ,but again1 the ,hebrew adjectives are in disproportional scarcity to the substantives1 which the language remedies by a kind of circumlocution2 this1 a man 7of7 words1 i4e4 an eloquent man1 as in ,ex4 iv4 #aj2 the son of strength valiant or worthy man1 #a ,kings i4 #eb2 the sons of the ,east1 i4e4 the orientals1 ,gen4 xxix4 #a2 the son of death1 i4e4 doomed to death1 #a ,sam4 xx4 #ca2 the daughter of baseness1 i4e4 a base woman1 #a ,sam4 i4 #af4 ,this use of language is common to our word1 ebed1 slave3 slaves of ,god1 i4e4 a man devoted to ,god1 as a slave to a master1 i4e4 a man who most devotedly worships ,god1 ,dan4 iii4 #bf2 slave of ,god1 i4e4 devoted worshipper of ,god1 c41 ,dan4 vi4 #ba1 the #bjth of the ,english text2 and to express this adjective quality1 is thus compounded in ,ezra v4 #aa1 slaves of ,god1 i4e41 devoted to ,god as slaves are to their masters4 c41 to express the adjective qualities of devotion and obedience4 ,this word is used and compounded with many other words in a great variety of instances4 ,but1 doubtless1 another cause which has led the lexicographers into the alleged error1 is the peculiar disposition of the ,hebrew1 7common to all the ,shemitic tongues7 to express the idea intended1 by expressing another to which it has a real or supposed analogy1 either in primitive relation or in ultimate result4 ,for example1 let us take the word ben1 a son1 thus3 ,isa4 v4 #a1 keren1 here used to mean the top of a mountain1 because they fancied an analogy between the top of a mountain and a horn4 ,ben1 a son1 shamen1 fat1 son of fatness1 is here used to mean a fruitful mountain4 ,but1 do these words acquire new significations from this figurative use of them8 ,the sons of the quiver1 i4e4 arrows4 ,lem4 iii4 #ac4 ,shall we say that ben1 means an arrow8 ,ben kasheth1 the son of the bow1 7cannot make him flee17 i4e4 the arrow1 ,job xli4 #bj1 7the #bhth of the ,english text47 ,shall we indeed then say that ben means an arrow8 ,ben shahor1 the son of blackness1 here used to express night1--son of the night1--used to convey our idea1 the morning star4 ,shall we say that ben means a star8 or1 that blackness means the morning8 ,isa4 xiv41 #ab ben yonah1 the son of a dove1 i4e4 a young dove1 a squab8 ,lev4 xii4 #f4 ,shall we say that ben means a squab8 ,lev4 xii4 #h1 beni yonah1 sons of a dove1 i4e4 two young doves or squabs4 ,shall we then1 surely say that beni means two squabs8 ,but1 in ,lev4 xiv4 #bb1 we have the same words used in the same sense3 must we say that this word means squabs8 bene oreb1 the sons of the raven1 i4e4 young ravens1 ,ps4 cxlvii4 #i3 does beni then mean young ravens also8 ben baker1 xxix4 #a4 ,what1 does ben mean a calf8 ,num4 xxix4 #b-h1 son of an ox1 also2 ben the son of an ox--meaning a calf1 does ben most surely mean a calf8 ,job xxxix4 #af1 speaking of ostrich-eggs1 calls them1 1 the plural3 what6 does this word also mean ostrich-eggs8 ,but1 ,eccl4 ii4 #g1 canithi1 ,i purchased1 ebadim1 male slaves1 shepaphath1 and female slaves1 and sons1 bayith1 of my house1 haya1 there were1 li1 to me3--here ben is used to express the idea 8home-born slaves40 ,but1 shall we say that this word means such young slaves8 ,would such a catalogue of significations placed to the word ben1 a son1 be legitimate or truthful8 ,but1 in ,jer4 ii4 #ad1 we again find this word bayith1 preceded by yelid1 born of the house1 meaning a house-born slave4 ,the same words are used to mean the same thing in ,gen4 xiv4 #ad1 meaning house-born slaves2 and again1 ,gen4 xvii4 #ab1 meaning a house-born slave2 also1 idem4 #ac1 meaning a slave born in thy house--thy house-born slave4 ,god did not speak to ,abraham in an unintelligible language3 every one knew what the idea was1 even down to this day4 ,yet1 are either of these words a synonyme of ebed1 a slave8 ,but we will close this portion of our remarks by stating that the lexicographers might1 in the manner here pointed out1 7which they have pursued to great extent17 have still increased their catalogue of significations to the word ebed4 ,let us show an instance4 ,it is well known that the ancient eastern nations punished great offenders by cutting them in pieces4 ,the term expressing and threatening this punishment was used somewhat technically1 as is now the term to guillotine1 meaning to cut off a man's head4 ,the term used by the ancients to express this cutting in pieces1 as introduced in ,hebrew1 was1 abad haddamin1 which literally was 8to enslave in pieces40 ,the term is expressed thus in ,dan4 ii4 #e3 in pieces ye shall be enslaved1 i4e4 8,ye shall be cut in pieces40 ,the lexicographers might have continued their catalogue with the same truthfulness with which they have extended it to such length1 and have said that ebed also meant to hew1 to cut1 c41 and have cited this instance in proof4 ,but in ,dan4 iii4 #bi1 the term is used again thus in pieces shall be enslaved1 i4e4 8shall be cut in pieces40 ,surely1 they should have added1 that ebed means to cut4 ,it is true that the literal meaning of this term cannot always be given in ,english so as to be in pleasant accordance with our use of language4 ,but the same is true as to many other phrases and terms1 and perhaps applicable to every other language4 ,this form and use of this word as here used by ,daniel1 is rather a ,persian adulteration than pure ,hebrew1 of which several instances may be found in some of the later books4 ,the ,babylonian and ,persian kings considered even all their subjects as slaves to them1 and this word was evidently used with greater latitude among them than it appears to have been among the ,hebrews at the time of ,moses4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iii4 ,the lexicons seem tenacious that a very usual signification of the word ebed is labour1 both as a noun and verb2 and inasmuch as to many there may seem some relation between the ideas slavery and labour1 we wish to be particular in examining the ,hebrew use of the terms expressive of these ideas4 ,it appears to us that the ,hebrew word yaga1 it simply our idea of labour1 more closely than any other word4 ,yet this word is never disconnected with the idea fatigue and weariness1 and perhaps something of the same character will be perceived to be attached to our word labour4 ,in ,gen4 xxxi4 #db1 it is used and translated1 8the labour of my hands40 xxv4 #ah1 8and when thou wast faint and weary40 #c3 8,and make not all the people to labour thither40 xxiv4 #ac3 8,and ,i gave you a land for which you did not labour40 #b ,sam4 xvii4 #b3 8,and ,i will come upon him while he is weary40 ,neh4 v4 #ac3 8,so shall ,god shake out every man from his house and from his labour40 ,job iii4 #ag3 8,and the weary be at rest40 ix4 #bi3 8,if ,i be wicked1 why then labour ,i in vain40 x4 #ac3 99 99 8despised the work of thy hands 99 9940 xxviii4 #ah3 8,that which he laboured for shall he restore40 xxxix4 #aa3 99 99 8,wilt thou leave thy labour to him40 #af3 99 99 99 8 her labour is in vain without fear80 ,ps4 lxix4 #d3 8,they that hate me without a cause20 the idea is1 they that labour to injure1 c4 8,and their labour unto the locust40 cix4 #aa3 8let the stranger spoil his labour40 cxxviii4 #b3 8,for thou shalt eat the labour of thy hands40 ,prov4 xxiii4 #d3 8 labour not to be rich40 ,eccl4 xii4 #ab3 8,much study is weariness to the flesh40 ,isa4 xliii4 #bb1 #bc1 #bd3 8,but thou hast been wearied thee with incense40 8,thou hast wearied me with thine iniquities40 xlv4 #ad3 8,the labour of ,egypt40 xlvii4 #ae3 8with whom thou hast laboured40 lv4 #b3 8,and your labour for that which satisfieth not40 lxv4 #bc3 8,they shall not labour in vain40 ,jer4 iii4 #bd3 8,for shame hath devoured the labour40 xx4 #e3 8,and all the labours thereof40 xlv4 #c3 8,i fainted in my sighing40 ,the idea is1 my sighing was a labour of great weariness1 c4 ,ezek4 xxiii4 #bi3 8,and shall take away all thy labour40 ,hag4 i4 #aa3 8,and upon all the labour of thy hands40 ,mal4 ii4 #ag3 8,ye have wearied the ,lord with your words1 yet ye say1 ,wherein have we wearied him80 ,eccl4 i4 #h3 8,all things are full of labour40 x4 #ae3 8,the 7 amal7 labour of the foolish 77 every one of them40 ,the word labour in this sentence is translated from amal1 another ,hebrew word1 which signifies labour1 but in its signification is implied the association of the idea grief1 sorrow1 c4 ,the adjective quality of this word is mental--in yaga1 it is physical4 ,this word amal seems to be derived from the ,arabic amelan1 and from thence the ,syriac 1 having nearly the same signification4 ,in ,arabic the signification is put down by ,castell1 operator1 mercenarius2 and in ,syriac1 labore defessus4 ,it is used in ,hebrew as follows3 ,gen4 xli4 #ea3 8,and ,joseph called the name of his first-born ,manessa2 for ,god1 said he1 hath made me forget all my toil10 7labour1 sorrow47 ,the word manessa means to forget1 to cause to forget1 c4 ,num4 xxiii4 #ba3 8,he hath not beheld iniquity in ,jacob10 i4e4 labour designed to give trouble1 perplexity1 or sorrow4 ,deut4 xxvi4 #g3 8,the ,lord heard our voice and looked upon our affliction1 and our labour and our oppression40 ,judg4 v4 #bf3 8,and her right hand to the workman's 7 labourer's7 hammer40 ,job iii4 #aj3 8,nor hid sorrow from mine eyes40 #bj3 8,wherefore is light given unto him that is in misery40 iv4 #h3 8,they that plough iniquity and sow wickedness shall reap the same40 v4 #g3 8,yet man is born to trouble40 vii4 #c3 8,so ,i am made to possess months of vanity1 and wearisome nights are appointed to me40 xv4 #ce3 8,they conceive mischief and bring forth vanity40 xvi4 #b3 8,miserable comforters are ye all40 xx4 #bb3 8,in the fulness of his sufficiency he shall be in straits40 ,but it should be remembered that the ,hebrew copy of ,job is itself a translation4 ,ps4 vii4 #ae3 8,he made a pit and digged it1 and has fallen into the ditch 7sorrow bringing labour7 which he made40 #af3 8,his mischiefs shall return upon his own head40 x4 #g3 8,under his tongue is mischief and vanity40 #ad3 8,thou beholdest mischief and spite40 xxv4 #ah3 8,look upon mine affliction and my pain1 and forgive my sin40 8,yet is their strength labour and sorrow40 cv4 #dd3 8,and they inherit the labour of the people40 cxxvii4 #a3 8,except the ,lord build the house1 they labour in vain40 ,prov4 xvi4 #bf3 8,he that laboureth ,isa4 liii4 #aa3 8,he shall see of the travail of his soul10 7labour producing sorrow1 c47 8,and that write grievousness which they have prescribed10 7a labour producing sorrow1 c47 ,jonah iv4 #aj3 8,thou hast had pity on the gourd for which thou hast not laboured40 ,eccl4 i4 #c3 8,what profit hath a man of all his labour which he taketh under the sun80 ii4 #aj3 8,for my heart rejoiced in all my labour40 #aa3 8,and then ,i looked on all the work that my hands had wrought1 and on all the labour that ,i had laboured40 ,i hated all my labour which ,i had taken 7laboured7 under the sun40 #ai3 8,yet shall he have rule over all my labour wherein ,i have laboured40 #bj3 8,therefore ,i went about to cause my heart to despair of all the labour which ,i took 7laboured7 under the sun40 #ba3 8,for there is a man whose labour is in wisdom1 and in knowledge1 and in equity--yet to a man that hath not laboured herein shall he leave it for his portion40 #bb3 8,for what hath man of all his labour and of the vexation of his heart1 wherein he hath laboured under the sun80 iv4 #d3 8,again ,i considered all travail10 7labour and sorrow47 #h3 8,yet there is no end to all his labour1 neither saith he1 ,for whom do ,i labour40 iii4 #i3 8,what profit hath he that worketh in that wherein he laboureth80 v4 #ah3 8,and to enjoy the good of all his labour40 vi4 #g3 8,all the labour of a man is for his mouth40 ix4 #i3 8,for that is thy portion in this life and in thy labour40 x4 #ae3 8,the labour 7amal7 of the foolish wearieth every one of them40 melahkah is also quite analogous in its signification to our word labour1 insomuch that our word labour may be often used in translation without impairing the sense4 ,gen4 ii4 #b3 8,on the seventh day ,god ended his work10 labour4 xxxix4 #aa3 8,joseph went into the house to do his business10 7labour47 ,exod4 xx4 #i3 8,and do all thy work10 #aj3 8,in it thou shalt not do any work10 7labour1 47 xxxi4 #c3 8,all manner of workmanship10 4 #ad3 8,for whosoever doeth any work10 4 #ae3 8,six days may work be done40 ,lev4 xiii4 #dh3 8,of any thing made of skin10 7done1 laboured1 manufactured47 ,ezra iii4 #h3 8,to set forward the work of the house40 #i3 8,to set forward the workman10 4 ,esther iii4 #i3 8,and those that have charge of the king's business10 4 ix4 #c3 8,and officers of the king4 ,without multiplying examples1 it may suffice to say1 that this word1 as expressive of labour1 is ever associated with the idea of particularity1 or class of labour1 business1 employment or job1 without reference to any other adjective quality2 and hence it came to mean a message1 or one charged with a message1 and is therefore sometimes used to mean an angel1 because they were supposed to be messengers1 charged to do a particular labour2 hence1 also1 applied to a prophet2 and hence1 also1 the prophet ,malachi's name4 ,asa properly means work or labour1 as the result of making1 procreating1 producing1 doing1 acting1 or performing1 without any regard to the condition of the agent or actor4 ,gen4 i4 #g3 8,god made the firmament40 #af3 8,god made two great lights40 ii4 #b3 8,god ended his work which he had made10 4 ,this word is also used to express the result of labour in acquiring slaves and other property generally1 as in ,gen4 xii4 #e3 8,all their substance that they had gathered1 and the souls they had gotten in ,haran10 i4 e4 all the property and slaves that they had laboured for1 c4 4 ,exod4 xxxi4 #d3 8,to work in gold and silver40 #e3 ,it is used with malabkah1 thus3 8to work in all manner of workmanship10 7 malakah47 ,these two words occur together again in ,neh4 iv4 #ae1 the iv4 #ba of the ,english text3 8,so we laboured in the work10 4 ,ezek4 xxix4 #bj3 8,i have given him the land of ,egypt for his labour10 4 ,exod4 xxx4 #be3 8,and thou shalt make it 7 labour it7 an oil of holy ointment1 an ointment composed after the art of the apothecary40 ,art is here translated from maase1 which is another word of very similar import1 and is derived from 1 and expresses the idea of labour1 as of a thing done1 or wrought1 a work1 deed1 action1 concern1 business1 i4 e4 a labour emanating from a habit1 or an occupation of business4 ,gen4 xliv4 #ae3 8,what deed is this that ye have done80 xlvii4 #c3 8,what is your occupation80 4 ,exod4 xxiii4 #af3 8,and the feast of the harvest1 the firstfruits of thy labours 1 which thou hast sown in the field1 and the first of the ingathering1 which is the end of the year1 when thou hast gathered in thy labours10 4 ,hag4 ii4 #ag3 8,and ,i smote you with blasting and with hail in all the labours of your hands40 ,hab4 iii4 #ag3 8,although the fig-tree shall not blossom1 neither shall fruit be in the vine1 the labour of the olive shall fail40 sebel is sometimes translated labour1 but it more often means something consequent to labour1 as the burthen of labour is consequent to the labour3 it is sometimes used to mean the produce of labour1 and hence the ,syrian ,ephraimitish word siboleth1 which is said to mean an ear of corn1 because an ear of corn was the produce of labour4 ,hence1 it is sometimes used to mean prolific and fruitful1 because the produce of labour is prolific and fruitful2 and because to sustain a burthen1 as of labour1 carries with it the idea of physical ability and strength1 it is used in the sense of bearing up1 to elevate1 to deliver from1 c4 ,a few instances of its use will suffice4 ,exod4 i4 #aa3 8,to afflict them with their burthens10 4 ,ps4 lxxxi4 #g3 8,i delivered thee40 cxliv4 #ad3 8,that our oxen may be strong to labour10 4 ,the ,hebrews had thus several ways by which they could express the idea labour accompanied with different adjective qualities4 ,so the word ebed may express the idea labour2 but when so1 it is always slave-labour1 the labour peculiar to1 or performed by a slave as in ,isa4 xix4 #i3 8,they that work in fine flax40 ,the meaning is1 they that labour or slave themselves in fine flax4 ,the working in fine flax was slave-labour4 ,if it were good ,english for us to say1 they that slave in fine flax1 it would be exactly what the prophet did say in this passage4 ,so in ,exod4 xx4 #i3 8,six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work40 ,here labour is translated from ebed 1 as a verb 8do0 is from and 8work0 from 4 ,the literal meaning of this is--,six days shalt thou slave and labour all thy work2--or1 more plainly--,six days shalt thou slave thyself 7i4e4 do slave labour7 and labour1 or make all thy particular1 accustomed1 professional or usual work or labour4 ,this command is addressed to all mankind1 and the propriety of it1 as here explained1 will be seen in the succeeding verse4 8,but the seventh day is the ,sabbath of the ,lord thy ,god2 in it thou shalt not do any work thou nor thy son1 nor thy daughter1 nor thy man-servant1 71 ebeddeka1 slave470 ,so1 then1 if this particular word had not been used1 we could not have said that the command applied to slaves4 ,but the ,hebrews had a way of expressing the idea of labour alone1 associated with the idea of industry as its adjective quality3 ,should ,i say2 ,by your hands you shall be sustained1 the idea would be that you shall be sustained by your labour2 that is1 your personal industry4 ,so the ,hebrews used the words el yod1 which means 8by hand10 and is used to mean labour4 ,thus1 ,prov4 xiii4 #aa3 8,he that gathereth by vanity shall be diminished1 but he that gathereth by labour 7 by hand1 i4 e4 by his own industry7 shall increase40 ,is it not clear1 then1 that the ,hebrews stood in no need of the word ebed to mean labour generally4 ,they did use it to mean slave-labour1 and slave-labour alone1 as we shall more fully see hereafter4 ,this language enabled its writers to express the distinctive shades of meaning--those adjective qualities associated with the idea labour4 ,these facts may appear to the mere ,english scholar as matters of no importance--not worth investigation4 ,but1 touching the ,hebrew use of this word ebed and its compounds1 as it affects and expresses the institution of slavery1 amid the eras of ,divine inspiration1 we hope to be sustained in the consideration of its very great importance4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,iv4 ,some of the lexicons say that this root ebed means also worship1 to worship ,god1 or idols1 c41 without any connection with the idea of slavery4 ,in ,gen4 xxii4 #e3 8,and ,i and the lad will go yonder and worship20 here1 worship is from 1 from the root shahah1 which means to bow down4 xxiii4 #ab3 8,and ,abraham bowed down himself before the people of the ,lord10 bowed down himself 4 xlvii4 #ca3 8,and ,israel bowed himself upon the bed's head10 4 ,exod4 iv4 #ca3 8,then they bowed their heads and worshipped10 4 ,this root1 like all others1 takes upon itself a change of shape1 according to the condition in which it is used4 ,we will present a few instances of its application in ,hebrew4 ,exod4 xi4 #h3 8,and bow down themselves unto me10 4 xx4 #e3 8,thou shalt not bow down thyself unto them40 xxxiii4 #aj3 8,and the people rose up and worshipped10 4 ,deut4 xxvi4 #aj3 8,and worship before the ,lord thy ,god40 ,josh4 v4 #ad3 8,and ,joshua fell on his face to the earth and did worship10 4 #a ,sam4 xv4 #cj3 8,that ,i may worship the ,lord thy ,god40 #ca3 8,and ,saul worshipped the ,lord40 #b ,sam4 i4 #b3 8,that he fell to the earth and did obeisance10 4 xiv4 #cc3 8,and bowed himself on his face to the ground before the king40 #a ,kings i4 #bc3 8,he bowed himself before the king with his face to the ground40 #b ,kings v4 #ah3 8,when my master goeth into the house of ,rimmon to worship there1 99 99 99 and ,i bow myself in the house of ,rimmon1 99 99 99 when ,i bow myself down in the house of ,rimmon40 xviii4 #bb3 8,ye shall worship before the altar of ,jerusalem40 xix4 #cg3 8,and it came to pass as he was worshipping in the house of ,nishrosh1 his ,god40 ,job i4 #bj3 8,then ,job arose and fell down upon the ground and worshipped10 4 ,ezek4 viii4 #af3 8,and they worshipped the sun towards the east40 ,before we close our examples1 let us notice how the ,hebrews applied this word in poetry4 ,ps4 xlv4 #ab 7#aa of the ,english text73 8,worship thou him10 xcix4 #e3 8,exalt ye the ,lord our ,god1 and worship at his footstool40 cvi4 #ai3 8,they made a calf in ,horeb and worshipped the molten image40 xcvii4 #g3 8,confounded be all they that serve 7 slave themselves to7 graven images2 that boast themselves of idols3 worship him1 all ye gods40 ,in this instance1 the word serve associates with the idea of slavery1 as does the original2 but the worship with that of reverence4 ,both words occurring in the same sentence1 will give us some idea of their different uses2 yet some think this word in such instances synonymous with the word worship1 notwithstanding the ,hebrew writers thought differently2 yet true it is1 this word is sometimes used 7as it were by figure7 to express humility1 subserviency1 and devotedness of the true worshipper4 ,in the same manner1 ,st4 ,paul expresses the idea1 when he says1 that he is the doulos 71 slave7 of ,jesus ,christ4 ,in an analogous sense1 the ,arabic words hel and hallel1 ,hebrew hallal1 are used to mean worship1 c4 ,ps4 cl43 8,praise ye the ,lord1 praise ,god in his sanctuary10 c41 where this word is in frequent use1 and from which our word hallelujah has arisen4 ,also the ,arabic word hd1 ,hebrew hd1 is in somewhat similar use3 ,ps4 cxxxvi4 #a1 #b1 #c1 all commencing1 8,o give thanks to the ,lord10 meaning glory1 majesty1 or dignity to the ,lord1 as the worship of the ,almighty4 ,we trust no one has ever found the word ebed used in such a sense4 ,but it is said that avoda means implements1 utensils1 appurtenances1 7see ,gessenius17 and ,num4 iii4 #bf1 #ca1 and #cf1 is quoted in proof3 8,and the hangings of the court and the curtains for the door of the court1 which is by the tabernacle1 and by the altar round about1 and the cords of it1 for all the service thereof40 ,service is translated from avodatho4 ,the word1 as here used1 means slave-labour1 and might well have been translated1 8,for all the slave-labour thereof10 i4 e4 of the tabernacle4 ,we cannot perceive that it means the hanging of the court1 or the curtains1 or cords4 ,the other instances quoted are of the same character1 and we dismiss their consideration1 asking the passages to be read4 ,but it is said1 to minister1 to minister unto1 is sometimes translated to the word ebed4 #a ,kings xix4 #ba3 8,then he arose and went unto ,elijah1 and ministered unto him40 ,the word is from the root shereth1 and means to wait upon1 to attend to1 c41 distinct from the idea of slavery4 ,in ,matt4 iv4 #aa3 8,then the devil leaveth him1 and1 behold1 angels came and ministered 71 diekonoun7 unto him40 ,this ,greek word1 we deem1 would be a good translation of this word from ,hebrew into ,greek4 ,this word is used in ,num4 iii4 #f3 8,that they may minister unto him40 #ca3 8,wherewith they may minister unto it40 iv4 #ab3 8,and they shall take all the instruments of ministry wherewith they minister40 #ad3 8,wherewith they minister about it40 xviii4 #b3 8,that they may be joined unto thee and minister unto thee40 #a ,kings i4 #d3 8,and the damsel was very fair1 and cherished the king and ministered to him40 #ae3 8,the ,shunammite ministered unto the king40 ,if the word ebed had been used1 it would have shown that she was a slave4 ,the same word is continued to be used to mean minister4 ,in #a ,sam4 ii4 #aa3 8,and the child did minister unto the ,lord before ,eli40 #ah3 8,but ,samuel ministered before the ,lord1 being a child40 iii4 #a3 8,and the child ,samuel ministered unto the ,lord before ,eli40 #b ,sam4 xiii4 #ag3 8,then he called his servant 7 his young man7 that ministered unto him40 ,now1 had the ebed been here used instead of this word1 as a verb1 in the required mood and tense1 c41 it would have been proof that the young man was a slave4 ,but1 in case the word ebed1 as a noun1 had been used1 instead of nar1 then this word might have been used as it is1 without affecting the slave character of the servant4 #a ,kings x4 #e3 8,and the sitting of his servants1 7 slaves17 and the attendance of his ministers10 4 ,this passage shows with great distinctness the different use and meaning of the words ebed and shereth1 between those who ministered unto him1 and those who did slave-labour1 between the minister and the slave and so we ever find the distinct uses and meanings of these words4 ,see ,exod4 xxviii4 #dc3 8,or when they come near unto the altar to minister in the holy place40 ,deut4 x4 #h3 8,to stand before the ,lord to minister unto him40 xviii4 #e3 8,for the ,lord thy ,god hath chosen him out of all thy tribes to stand to minister in the name of the ,lord1 him and his sons for ever40 #a ,kings viii4 #aa3 8,so that the priests could not stand to minister because of the cloud40 #b ,kings xxv4 #ad3 8,and all the vessels of brass wherewith they ministered1 1 took they away40 #b ,chron4 xxiv4 #ad3 8 ,even vessels to minister10 4 ,neh4 x4 #cf 7the #bgth of the ,hebrew text73 8,unto the priests that minister in the house of ,god40 #ci 7the #djth of the ,hebrew text73 8,and the priests that minister10 4 ,isa4 lx4 #g3 8,the rams of ,nebaioth shall minister unto thee40 ,let it be noticed that the word strangers is translated from the word nechar4 ,the word is of ,arabic derivation from eker1 and has a privative sense1 as nescivit1 abrogavit1 improbavit4 ,hence1 the ,hebrews used it to mean strange1 foreign1 and sometimes false1 as in ,deut4 xxxii4 #ab3 8,no strange 7false7 ,god with him40 ,mal4 ii4 #aa3 8,the daughter of a strange 7false7 ,god40 ,and this word was used to mean the strangers1 idolaters1 and rejected people1 out of whom the ,hebrews were allowed to make slaves1 and therefore it was used in ,gen4 xvii4 #ab3 8,or bought with thy money of any stranger 7 neker7 which is not of thy seed40 ,and therefore the propriety of the use of this word in the description of those who should be their drudges and slates1 is beautifully expressed by the idea of building up their walls1 as here expressed by the prophet4 ,but the idea of the kings ministering1 is as before1 from the root1 shereth4 ,many more examples of the use of this word might be quoted2 but we trust the foregoing are sufficient to establish its meaning to be altogether different and distinct from any use of the word ebed4 ,yet1 there are in the received translation of the holy books1 a few instances where this word is translated erroneously1 as though it were a synonyme of the word ebed4 ,in ,num4 xi4 #bh1 8,and ,joshua the son of ,nun1 the servant of ,moses10 the word servant is translated from 1 and should have been the minister of ,moses4 ,in ,exod4 xxiv4 #ac3 8,moses rose up and ,joshua his minister0 4 ,in this last quotation1 minister is correctly translated from the word as above1 proving the error in ,numbers4 ,a similar error occurs also in ,ezek4 xx4 #cb2 it reads thus3 8,and that which cometh into your mind shall not be at all that ye say1 ,we will be as the heathen1 as the families of the country to serve wood and stone40 ,serve is translated from as above1 and should have been to minister unto wood and stone4 ,a like error occurs in ,exod4 xxxiii4 #aa3 8,but his servant ,joshua10 should have been rendered1 8his minister ,joshua40 ,so1 also1 in ,num4 iv4 #dg1 the word ebed is translated as a synonyme of sherath4 ,the passage reads thus3 8,from thirty years old and upward1 even unto fifty years old1 every one that comes to do the service of the ministry1 and the service of the burden in the tabernacle of the congregation40 ,in this passage1 the word ebed1 with affixes1 is used four times consecutively1 and immediately followed by the word massa1 which we have before seen means labour1 with the idea of the burden of labour altogether predominating4 ,in the translation1 it is plain to see that one of these words is totally left out1 which1 we suppose1 no one will pretend is not an error4 ,the translation made of these five words at the ,theological ,college at ,andover1 is far more correct than the received version4 ,it is thus3 8to perform the business of the service and the business of the burden10 c4 ,yet this is not the language of the original1 which reads thus3 4 ,if our proposition is correct1 that the word ebed is never used in ,hebrew expression unassociated with the idea of slavery1 then this passage from ,numbers should read3 8,from thirty years old and upwards1 even to fifty years old1 every one that comes to slave in the slavery of the slave labour1 and in the slavery of the burdens of the tabernacle of the congregation40 ,we agree that the passage is somewhat difficult to render into ,english but because we may find some difficulty in making good ,english1 we are not to translate from other words of different meaning from the ones used4 ,the holy penmen said what they meant1 and surely meant what they said3 there was no double dealing in the spirit of ,jehovah1 who dictated to them4 ,but that translators should have1 in some few instances1 mistaken or confounded the use of one word1 is not to be thought strange4 ,taking into view the volume of the holy books1 it is truly wonderful that greater errors were not committed4 ,and we take occasion here to remark1 that1 of all the ideas1 qualities1 and actions1 given in definition of the word ebed1 unassociated with the idea of slavery1 upon examination of the language1 we shall find graphic symbols representing their phonetic signs1 distinct from the idea of slavery1 as we have these already examined4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,v4 ,to show more clearly that the word ebed is never used in ,hebrew expression unassociated with the idea of slavery1 we now propose to examine that word as used by the ,hebrew writers in the holy books4 ,our words ,,servant1 servitude1 service1 c4 are all derived from the ,roman word ,,servus1 which meant a ,,slave2 and our word servant1 when first introduced into our language1 as absolutely meant a slave as now does that term itself1 and even now fully retains that meaning1 where the ,english language and slavery coexist4 ,the oriental scholar 7and let him be invited to examine7 will perceive that the word ebed was common to all the ,shemitic tribes1 and almost with the same phonetic particulars2 but as their figures representing the same phonetic power were quite dissimilar1 we think it a proof1 almost demonstration1 that the word ebed was used as a phonetic symbol by them long before any of those languages were written4 ,this circumstance shows the extreme antiquity of the word2 and if we succeed to establish the fact1 that this word meant nothing but what is now meant by the word slave1 we shall also have established the extreme antiquity of the thing itself4 ,a word means nothing1 until it is by some means agreed what it shall represent1 what idea1 or association of ideas it shall excite in the mind4 ,hence1 it not unfrequently occurs that a thing may be better described by paraphrasis than by the expression of a single term4 ,in ,gen4 xii4 #e3 8,and ,abram took ,sarai his wife1 and ,lot his brother's son1 and their substance that they had gathered1 and the souls that they had gotten in ,haran40 ,the latter clause of this sentence is from this ,hebrew expression1 1 which is correctly translated in the ,andover lexicon1 8,the souls they had acquired in ,haran40 ,every one knows that the things here meant are slaves4 ,but1 when the scholar comes to examine the power of the language of this ,hebrew paraphrasis1 he will discover three incident attendants4 hannephesh1 translated souls1 also carries with it the idea a living soul1 to have life1 the life itself1 the living principle1 and is so translated in many places4 ,a slave1 therefore1 must have life3 when dead1 the condition ceases4 ,in the same way1 the sentence expresses the idea of acquiring property by purchase1 or any other way in which property may be acquired so as to be property4 ,the three incidents then are life1 a capacity of being acquired1 and1 when so acquired1 property4 ,all this could not have been expressed by the single term ebed1 only as it is made the representative of this complex idea3 and ,god has no doubt caused this passage to be on record at this early period1 that these incidents should finally come to the knowledge of all men4 ,a somewhat similar expression is used in ,rev4 xviii4 #ac4 ,every one knows that ,babylon had been a great slave-market4 ,st4 ,john1 after naming the various articles of her merchandise1 adds 1 1 kai ton smatn1 kai tn psuchn1 which is translated1 8slaves and souls of men30 does not mean slaves1 but a dead body1 and is so used by ,homer1 ,xenophon1 and by the ,new ,testament itself2 but1 when united with 1 means slaves alone4 ,the phrase 8souls of men10 therefore1 in the translation1 is surplusage4 ,but the xii4 #af of ,genesis is more particular in giving the different kinds of property and their appropriate names4 8,and he had sheep and oxen1 and he-asses1 and men-servants 7 abadim71 and maid-servants1 and she-asses1 and camels40 ,the word men-servants is translated from the plural of ebed4 ,here we find the conventional term expressing the complex idea1 previously expressed by the phrase 8 souls gotten10 persons in life1 subject to be purchased1 and when purchased1 property1 as were sheep and oxen1 and he-asses and she-asses1 and camels4 ,in ,gen4 xvii4 #i-ac1 we begin to find the law influencing the conduct of ,abraham in the management of this property3 8,and ,god said unto ,abram1 thou shalt10 c4 #ab3 8,and he that is eight days old shall be circumcised10 c43 8,he that is born in thy house1 or bought with money of any stranger which is not of thy seed40 #ac3 8,he that is born in thy house1 and he that is bought with thy money1 must needs be circumcised40 ,and let it here be remembered that ,god recognises the possession of this property1 by giving directions with his own voice concerning its government4 ,and in ,gen4 xx4 #ad1 we have some account of the origin of ,abraham's title to some portion of this property3 8,and ,abimelech took sheep and oxen and men-servants 7 ebedim1 the plural of ebed71 and gave them to ,abraham40 xxiv4 #ce3 8,and the ,lord hath blessed my master greatly1 and he is become great2 and he hath given him flocks and herds1 and silver and gold1 and men-servants and maid-servants1 and camels and asses40 ,here the plural of ebed is also used4 ,such is the title by which he possessed this property1 described as given to him by the ,lord4 ,but ,god had promised that he would bless ,abraham1 ,gen4 xvii4 #a3 8,the ,lord appeared unto ,abraham1 and said unto him1 ,i am the ,almighty ,god40 #b3 8,and ,i will make my covenant between me and thee40 #g3 8,and ,i will establish my covenant between me and thee1 and thy seed after thee in their generations1 for an everlasting covenant40 #aj3 8,this is my covenant40 7,this covenant extends from the beginning of the #ajth to the end of the #adth verse47 ,one part of this covenant was1 that these ebeds1 translated men-servants1 whether born in his house or bought with his money of any stranger1 should be circumcised4 ,wherefore1 the possession of these ebeds as property became agreeable to the terms of the covenant1 a part of the covenant itself--a covenant first proposed and promulgated by the great ,jehovah2 as he styles himself in the covenant1 the ,almighty ,god6 ,gen4 xxvi4 #b3 8,and the ,lord appeared unto him 7,isaac71 and said1 ,go not down into ,egypt3 dwell in the land which ,i shall tell thee of3 sojourn in this land1 and ,i will be with thee1 and will bless thee40 #d3 8,and ,i will make thy seed to multiply as the stars of heaven1 and ,i will give unto thy seed all these countries2 and in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed40 #ac3 8,and the man 7,isaac7 waxed great1 and went forward and grew until he became very great40 #ad3 8,for he had possession of flocks1 and possession of herds1 and great store of servants 7 abuddah1 slaves1 a plural formation of ebed71 and the ,philistines envied him40666 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vi4 ,gen4 xxvii4 #bi3 8,let people serve thee 7 be slaves to thee71 be lord over thy brethren1 and let thy mother's sons bow down to thee2 cursed be every one that curseth thee1 and blessed be he that blesseth thee40 ,let us notice the conformity of this passage with ,gen4 xxv4 #bc3 8,and the ,lord said unto her1 two nations are in thy womb1 and two manner of people shall be separated from thy bowels1 and the one people shall be stronger than the other people1 and the elder shall serve 7 be a slave to7 the younger40 ,gen4 xxx4 #dc3 8,and the man 7,jacob7 increased exceedingly1 and had much cattle1 and maid-servants1 and men-servants 7 the plural of ebed71 and camels and asses40 ,exod4 xx4 #a1 #b1 #i1 #aj1 #ag3 8,and ,god spake all these words1 saying10 #b3 8,i am the ,lord thy ,god1 which have brought thee out of the land of ,egypt1 out of the house of bondage0 7 out of slavery73 #e3 8,thou shalt not bow down 7 worship them7 thyself to them1 nor serve 7 be a slave to them7 them40 #i3 8,six days shalt thou labour 7 slave thyself1 or do ,,slave-,,labour7 and do 7oso1 labour or do work7 all thy work10 7 all thy accustomed labours47 ,this command embraces all classes1 the slave as well as the most elevated4 ,all men1 by the fall of ,adam1 had become subject to slave-labour4 #aj3 8,but the seventh day is the sabbath of the ,lord thy ,god1 in it thou shalt not do any work1 thou1 nor thy son1 nor thy daughter1 thy man-servant 7 thy slave71 this commandment we are directed not to covet any thing that is our neighbour's1 including his man-servant and maid-servant4 ,here the same word is also used4 ,exod4 xxi4 #a3 8,now these are the judgments which thou shalt set before them40 #b3 8,if thou buy a ,hebrew servant 7 ebed71 7 shall slave himself710 #e3 8,and if the servant 7 ha ebed1 slave7 shall plainly say1 ,i love10 c4 ,exod4 xxi4 #g3 8,she shall not go out as the men-servants do40 7 the plural is here used47 #bj3 8,if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod1 and he die under his hand1 he shall be surely punished3 for he is his money40 #bf3 8,if a man smite the eye of his servant10 4 #bg3 8 ,if he smite out his man-servant's tooth10 4 #cb 8,if the ox shall push the man-servant or maid-servant1 he shall give unto their master thirty shekels of silver1 and the ox shall be stoned40 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd3 8,both thy bond-men and thy bond-maids which thou shalt have1 shall be of the heathen that are round about you1 of them shall ye buy bond-men10 7 ebed47 #de3 8,moreover1 of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you1 of them shall ye buy1 and of their families that are with you1 which they beget in your land1 and they shall be your possession40 #df3 8,and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you1 to inherit them for a possession they shall be your bond-men for ever40 ,deut4 v4 #ad3 8,but the seventh day is the sabbath of the ,lord thy ,god2 in it thou shalt not do any work1 thou1 nor thy son1 nor thy daughter1 nor thy man-servant 1 nor thy maid-servant1 that thy man-servant and thy maid-servant may rest as well as thou40 #ae3 8,and remember that thou wast a servant 7 ebed7 in the land of ,egypt40 #ba 7#ahth of ,hebrew text73 8,neither shalt thou covet thy neighbour's house1 his field1 or his man-servant 1 or his maid-servant40 ,deut4 xii4 #ab3 8,and ye shall rejoice before the ,lord your ,god1 ye1 and your sons1 and your daughters1 and your men-servants 7 a plural form of ebed71 thy son1 and thy daughter1 and thy man-servant10 4 ,deut4 xv4 #ab3 8,if thy brother1 a ,hebrew man1 or a ,hebrew woman1 be sold unto thee1 and serve thee six years40 #ae3 8,and thou shalt remember that thou wast a bond-man 7 ebed7 in the land of ,egypt40 #ag3 8,and he shall be thy servant 7 ebed7 for ever40 ,deut4 xvi4 #aa3 8,and thou shalt rejoice before the ,lord thy ,god1 thou1 and thy son1 and thy daughter1 and thy man-servant 1 and thy maid-servant1 and the ,levite that is within thy gates1 and the stranger1 and the fatherless1 and the widow1 that are among you40 #ab3 8,and thou shalt remember that thou wast a bond-man 7 ebed7 in ,egypt40 #ad3 8,and thou shalt rejoice in thy feast1 thou1 and thy son1 and thy daughter1 and thy man-servant 1 and thy maid-servant1 and the ,levite1 the stranger1 and the fatherless1 and the widow40 ,deut4 xx4 #aj3 8,when thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it1 then proclaim peace unto it40 #aa3 8,and it shall be if it make thee an answer of peace and open unto thee1 then it shall be1 that all the people found therein shall be tributaries 7 lamas1 afflicted1 cast down1 to pay tribute1 c471 and they shall serve 7 be thy slaves7 thee40 ,deut4 xxiii4 #i-ag contains certain laws to be observed in time of war with their enemies1 c41 one of which is1 that a slave escaped to them from the enemy should not be restored1 c4 ,deut4 xxiii4 #af 7#aeth of the ,english text73 8,thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant10 7 ebed1 slave47 xxiv4 #ah3 8,but thou shalt remember that thou wast a bond-man10 7 ebed1 slave47 wast a bond-man10 ,gen4 ix4 #be3 8,and he said1 ,cursed be ,canaan1 a servant of servants 7ebed-ebedim7 shall he be unto his brethren40 #bf3 8,and he said1 ,blessed be the ,lord ,god of ,shem1 and ,canaan shall be his servant10 7 ebed47 ,many more instances of a similar use of this word might be selected from the holy books2 some of which we hope to notice in the progress of our study4 ,such1 then1 was the ,hebrew use of the word1 to mean slave1 a person purchased or otherwise acquired1 and the unquestionable property of the master4 ,such then being the condition of the ebed1 slave1 it is evident that he could not be contented and happy1 in case he had ambition to gratify1 with hopes and prospects before him adverse from those of his master2 his whole earthly felicities are bound up in his master's welfare and prosperity2 like an individual of an army1 he feels that the elevation1 the brilliancy of the commander is reflected upon him2 and with a ,christian spirit1 he obeys his master in all things1 8not with eye-service1 but with singleness of heart1 fearing ,god40 ,see ,col4 iii4 #bb4 ,in such a state of mind1 the slave finds no unhappiness in his condition1 but joy and gladness2 and with the slave of ,abraham1 he implores ,jehovah3 8,o ,lord ,god of my master ,abraham6 ,i pray thee send me good speed this day1 and show kindness unto my master ,abraham3 ,blessed be the ,lord ,god of my master ,abraham1 who hath not left destitute my master of his mercy and truth40 ,gen4 xxiv4 #ab and #bg4 ,expressive of a character of perfect devotedness1 humility1 and obedience4 ,the term ebed might well be borrowed to express the earnest devotion of a worshipper of ,jehovah1 and is so often used in connection with the patriarchs1 ,moses1 ,david1 and the prophets4 ,the term thus used expresses the quality of their devotedness and obedience1 and not necessarily the quality of the individual4 ,in this sense1 the apostles style themselves the 71 douloi7 slaves of ,jesus ,christ2 not that they were personally douloi1 but in their devotion and obedience to him1 they were what the doulos was or should be to his master4 ,it is probable that1 in some sense1 all men feel that in the hand of ,god they are as clay in the hands of the potter2 that the great ,jehovah overrules and governs all things2 that1 as existences1 they are from and dependent on him3 under such a sense1 we sometimes find the term ebed applied1 as in the name ,obadiah1 ,obadyahu1 the slave of ,god1 and used as a proper noun4 ,but such compound words are dependent for their meaning upon the complex ideas of what their primitives signified2 and1 in a somewhat analogous sense1 the term ebed is applied to ,nebuchadnezzar1 lie being in the hands of the ,almighty1 as clay in the hands of the potter1 the mere instrument1 the fabrication of his hand4 ,there is1 however1 in the books of ,ezra1 ,nehemiah1 and ,daniel1 a use of this word peculiar to them2 but we should recollect that they were educated in the ,persian capital and employed in high stations by the ,persian monarch4 ,we may therefore well expect some variation in their dialect4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,vii4 ,and we may well bring to mind the fact that there are two distinctly marked eras in the ,hebrew language4 ,the first ends at the ,babylonish captivity4 ,the ,pentateuch and older prophets1 ,ruth1 ,samuel1 ,kings1 ,psalms1 and ,proverbs1 come within this era4 ,the second commences with the return of the ,israelites from that captivity1 and extends to the introduction of ,greek into ,palestine1 subsequent to the conquests of ,alexander4 ,the first period may be emphatically called ancient ,hebrew2 and the latter1 more modern4 ,the ,hebrew of this period is strongly marked by an approximation to the ,chaldee and ,persian4 ,to this period of the language belong the books of ,nehemiah1 ,ezra1 ,daniel1 ,esther1 ,jonah1 ,haggai1 ,malachi1 ,ecclesiastes1 and a part of the ,psalms2 and these works will ever be regarded by the oriental scholar as inferior in classical literature to those of earlier date1 notwithstanding their other merits of high excellence4 ,but some of the peculiarities of the writings of the second period are not to be regarded as recent alterations1 but as the phonetic1 unwritten ,hebrew of the more remote districts of ,palestine itself4 ,the variations of this more modern from the ancient ,hebrew are extremely numerous1 both as to the substitution of one word for another1 but also as to a change of meaning of the same word2 as1 for instance1 the more ancient would have used the word malak to signify a king1 to rule1 c42 but the more modern have used a word1 which1 from its strong phonetic relation1 has evidently been derived from it1 shalat1 to mean to rule1 c41 and so used ,ps4 cxix4 #acc1 ,eccl4 ii4 #ai1 ,esther ix4 #a1 ,neh4 v4 #ae1 ,dan4 ii4 #ci1 and in many other places4 ,so also the ancient would use the word amar1 to signify to speak1 to say2 but the more modern uses the same word to signify to command4 ,what we say is1 that we cannot always learn the original meaning of a word from the more modern use of it4 ,we will now notice the use of the ancient word ebed in this more modern dialect of the ,hebrews4 ,in ,ezra iv4 #ai1 we find1 8,and that rebellion and sedition have been made therein0 is translated from mithabed4 ,let us examine the circumstances under which this sentence was written4 ,rehum had written to the monarch ,artaxerxes in opposition to the building of the walls of ,jerusalem1 informing him that it had ever been a rebellious city1 hurtful to kings1 c42 in answer to which1 the king writes1 8that the records have been examined1 and it is found that this city of old time hath made insurrection against kings1 and that rebellion and sedition hath been made therein40 ,the ,persian monarchs were all absolute2 they regarded those whom they conquered as slaves2 and when they rebelled1 they used this word to signify that it was slaves who rebelled4 ,our word servile is somewhat analogous1 and might very properly be substituted for it in the foregoing text1 thus3 8,and it is found1 this city of old time hath made insurrection against kings1 and that there hath been servile rebellion and sedition therein40 ,when we speak of insurrection1 sedition1 rebellion1 or war with slaves1 we call it servile1 as ,artaxerxes did in this case1 to show the fact that the war was with slaves4 ,ezra iv4 #bd1 this word is translated work4 ,so in v4 #h1 work1 vi4 #g1 work1 to show that the labour was done by slaves1 or1 figuratively1 that the labour was intense1 devoted1 and obedient1 as of slaves4 vi4 #h3 8,ye shall do40 #ab3 8,let it be done with speed40 #ac3 8,so they did speedily40 vii4 #ah3 8,that do after the will of your ,god40 and 8,to do with the rest of the silver and gold40 #ba3 8,it be done speedily40 #bc3 8,let it be diligently done40 #bf3 8,will not do40 8,let judgment be executed speedily40 ,these instances of the use of monarch of ,persia is speaking1 who regarded not only the ,jews1 but all his subjects1 as slaves4 ,it was the court manner of the eastern monarchs in such decrees to throw in occasionally an exclamation of the nature of an imperative interjection1 such as1 ,slave1 attend6 ,pay attention1 slaves6 ,listen1 slaves6 c41 all in substance meaning that those to whom the decree is issued should perform it quickly and without further notice4 ,and we find the same custom existing among them even at this day1 and such is the true sense in which the term is here used4 ,let us exemplify it4 ,ezra vi4 #ab3 8,i1 ,darius1 have made a decree20 then follows the ,persian adverb asepporna1 which means quickly1 speedily1 diligently1 c42 then the word in question1 as before noticed3 8quickly1 slaves10 is therefore the literal meaning1 i4 e4 what he had decreed they should instantly perform4 ,we do not pretend to say that translating it to do1 c4 gives a substantially wrong sense2 but it seems it may have led lexicographers to an erroneous conception of the meaning of the word4 ,jer4 x4 #aa3 8,the gods that have not made the heavens and the earth30 made is translated from 4 ,if this word is the correct reading1 the idea of the prophet had regard to the power1 not to the act of a creator1--the gods that have not subjected1 have not placed in subjection1 as if in slavery to1 whose laws do not govern the heavens and the earth4 ,the gods who could not do these things are not gods1 and they shall perish4 ,this was the idea of the prophet4 ,but this word is marked in all the best copies with a keri1 showing that this reading was suspected by the ,jewish scholars to be bad2 and they supply in the margin the words 1 which is at least some proof that they thought its use in this instance unusual2 and ,kennecott and ,de ,rossi found these words used instead of in some copies4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,viii4 ,but we have a sure method by which we may discover what meaning ,ezra did affix to this word--by examining his use of it in those cases where its meaning cannot be doubtful4 ,see ,ezra iv4 #aa3 8,thy servants10 4 v4 #aa3 8,we are the servants10 1 having relevance to their devotedness to ,god4 vi4 #af commences with the word 1 which is omitted in our translation4 ,the sentence should commence thus3 8,and the slaves1 the children of ,israel1 the priests10 c4 ix4 #i3 8,for we were bondmen 1 yet our ,god hath not forsaken us in our bondage10 4 ,these instances clearly show how ,ezra understood this word3 notwithstanding his writings were touched with the ,persian and ,chaldee idioms4 ,a similar result will be found upon the examination of ,nehemiah and ,daniel4 ,neh4 ii4 #aj and #ai3 8,and ,tobiah the servant 1 the ,ammonite heard of it0--8,and ,tobiah the servant 1 the ,ammonite40 v4 #e3 8,yet now our flesh is as the flesh of our brethren1 our children as their children3 and lo1 we bring into bondage 7 kovshim7 sons and our daughters to be servants 7 slaves71 and some of our daughters are brought into bondage 7 subjections1 not necessarily slavery7 already10 7 kovash47 ,the root from which these two words are formed in no sense means slavery1 but to reduce1 to subdue1 to humble2 and in this sense is used in ,esther vii4 #h1 and translated 8force40 ,but this word aids very much in showing what idea was affixed to the word ebed2 and we ask to compare this passage of ,nehemiah with ,jer4 xxxiv4 #h-af3 8,this is the word that came unto ,jeremiah from the ,lord1 after that king ,zedekiah had made a covenant with all the people which were at ,jerusalem1 to proclaim liberty unto them2 99 99 99 that every man should let his man-servant1 7 male slave17 and every man his maid-servant 1 being a ,hebrew or ,hebrewess1 go free2 that none should serve 7 slave7 himself of them1 to wit1 of a ,jew his brother4 ,now1 when all the princes1 and all the people which had entered into the covenant1 heard that every one should let his man-servant 7 male slave71 and every one his maid-servant1 go free1 that none serve themselves 7 slave themselves71 of them any more1 then they obeyed and let them go4 ,but afterwards they turned and caused the servants 7 ha abadim1 slaves71 and the hand-maids1 whom they had let go free1 to return4 ,therefore the word of the ,lord came to ,jeremiah1 from the ,lord1 saying1 ,thus saith the ,lord1 the ,god of ,israel1 ,i made a covenant with your fathers in the day that ,i brought them forth out of the land of ,egypt1 out of the house of bond-men 7 ebedim1 slaves71 saying1 ,at the end of seven years1 let go every man his brother a ,hebrew1 which hath been sold unto thee2 and when he hath served thee 7 slaved for thee7 six years1 thou shalt let him go free from thee2 but your fathers hearkened not unto me1 neither inclined their ear4 ,and ye were now turned1 and had done right in my sight1 in proclaiming liberty every man to his neighbour2 and ye had made a covenant before me in the house which is called by my name4 ,but ye turned and polluted my name1 and caused every man his servant1 7 ebeddo1 slave17 and every man his hand-maid1 whom he had set at liberty at their pleasure1 to return1 and brought them into subjection 77 to be unto you for servants 7 for slaves71 and for hand-maids40 ,the comparison of these passages proves the fact that ,nehemiah and ,jeremiah used the word ebed to mean a slave1 without any variation of meaning4 ,nor will we hold ,nehemiah responsible for his word kavash1 subjection1 being translated bondage4 ,neh4 vii4 #ff1 #fg1 gives an account of the captive ,israelites that returned from ,susa and ,babylon to ,jerusalem4 8,and the whole congregation together was forty and two thousand three hundred and threescore4 ,besides their man-servants 7 male slaves71 and their maid-servants1 of whom there were seven thousand three hundred and thirty score40 ,we trust that so varied1 particular1 and descriptive are the records left in the holy books through which we may search out what the ,hebrews meant by their use of the word ebed 771 that its certainty and definiteness must place the inquiry beyond doubt4 ,but as in this instance the word kavash has been translated bondage1 it may be well to give a few examples of its use in the holy books1 that all may see and know that its meaning is totally distinct from that of slavery4 ,gen4 i4 #bh3 8,multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it10 4 ,num4 xxxii4 #bb3 8,and the land be subdued before the ,lord40 #bi3 8,and the land shall be subdued before you40 ,josh4 xviii4 #a3 8,and the land was subdued before them40 #b ,sam4 viii4 #a3 8,which he subdued10 4 #b ,chron4 ix4 #ah3 8,with a footstool10 because a footstool was in the place of subjection4 ,zech4 ix4 #ae3 8,and subdue with sling-stones40 ,micah vii4 #ai3 8,he will subdue our iniquities40 ,the foregoing examples1 we trust1 are sufficient to disabuse the mind of the idea of any synonyme of meaning of these two words4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,ix4 ,,we propose to examine the ,hebrew use of the word ebed in the #eth and #aeth of the second chapter of ,genesis3 8,in that day the ,lord ,god made the earth1 and the heavens1 and every plant of the field before it grew2 for the ,lord ,god had not caused it to rain upon the earth1 and there was not a man to till the ground40 ,to till is here translated from this word ebed1 with the affix of the preposition 4 ,this is the first instance in which the word is used in the holy book2 and it may seem extremely strange that the writers of these books found its use necessary in their description of events even before the creation of man4 ,it is not our business to draw out theological doctrine unconnected with the subject of our present inquiry2 but we suppose it will not be disputed that the great ,jehovah as well knew1 before he created the heavens and the earth1 and man upon the earth1 all and every particular of what would happen1 as at any subsequent time3 with him1 a day is as a thousand years1 and a thousand years as one day4 ,we may behold the birth1 maturity1 and death of some animalcula1 in a day or in an hour4 ,but1 with him the succession of generations1 of the animal life of a thousand years1 pass in instantaneous and present view4 ,time appertains alone to mortals4 ,he saw the most ultimate condition of man2 and the earth and the herb were made to suit it4 ,but from the manner of the expression of the text1 may we not conclude that the herb1 although made1 would not grow until man was created1 and in the condition to till 7 to slave7 the ground8 ,the support of the animal world1 independent of man1 is spontaneously presented before them3 not so with man in his fallen state4 8,he sendeth the springs into the valley1 which run among the hills4 ,they give drink to every beast of the field3 the wild asses quench their thirst4 ,by them shall the fowls of heaven have their habitation1 which sing among the branches4 ,he watereth the hills from his chambers2 the earth is satisfied with the fruit of thy works4 ,he causeth the grass to grow for the cattle1 and herb for the service 7 for the slavery7 of man3 that he may bring forth food out of the earth10 ,ps4 civ4 #aj-ad4 ,the second instance in which this word is used is in ,gen4 ii4 #ae3 8,and the ,lord ,god took the man and put him into the garden of ,eden to dress it1 and to keep it40 ,to dress it is translated from this word 4 ,there is certainly much obscurity in the use of the word in this instance4 ,professor ,stuart1 of ,andover1 supposes that it inculcates the doctrine that labour was imposed on man in the paradisiacal state2 consequently1 that labour was no part of the curse which followed the apostacy4 7,see his ,chreestomathy1 page #aje47 ,this view excludes the idea that the word1 as here used1 is associated with the idea of slavery1 and that1 if1 in the interchange of language1 although the idea of labour may predominate1 nevertheless1 it must be slave labour4 ,our mind does not yield its assent to his position4 ,we had associated with our idea of this paradise the most perfect heaven1 the dwelling-place of ,jehovah66 and that the generations of man1 when guided and governed by ,divine mercy in such a manner that we could be happy therein1 that it would yet become our ultimate home1--78,he that hath an ear1 let him hear what the ,spirit saith unto the churches2 ,to him that overcometh will ,i give to eat of the tree of life1 which is in the midst of the paradise of ,god10 ,rev4 ii4 #g17--;and that the humble worshipper of ,jehovah while in a state of progressive preparedness1 would therefore cry out with the ,psalmist1 8,unto thee ,i lift mine eyes1 ,o thou that dwellest in the heavens6 ,behold1 as the eyes of servants 7 male slaves7 look unto the hand of their master2 and as the eyes of a maiden 7 shiphhah1 female slave7 unto the hand of her mistress1 so our eyes wait upon the ,lord our ,god until he have mercy upon us40 ,ps4 cxxiii4 #a1 #b4 ,if then the paradise of old was the type of the paradise eternal1 it would seem that the labour of the ebed was excluded therefrom3 8,because the creature itself also shall be delivered from the bondage 71 slavery7 of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of ,god40 ,rom4 viii4 #ba4 ,and for this very good reason1 that slavery1 the consequent of sin1 could never find entrance there3 regeneration is therefore indispensable4 8,it strikes me that the use of the verb 7 abad1 presents no difficulty that calls for explanation4 ,the language of inspiration is man's language1 though employed by ,god4 ,the events1 facts1 things1 acts1 that preceded man's creation1 must still be described by language and terms that had come into use after man's creation4 ,man must first exist before there could be words to be used in conveying knowledge to man4 ,a word implying slavery might therefore most reasonably be found in a description of things prior to the existence of man1 or of slavery1 which description was written long afterwards by ,moses1 and in language which was in use amongst the men for whom he wrote4 ,when ,moses wrote1 when ,god inspired him1 ebed was a familiar word40 ,extract from manuscript letter of the ,rev4 ,j4,b4 ,stratton to the author4 ,but in the pursuance of the chain of thought that first was impressed on our mind1 we have to remark that the word ,eden meant pleasure1 happiness4 ,it seems to have been derived from or cognate with the ,arabic word aden1 and means softness1 gentleness1 mildness1 tenderness1 and daintiness1 in that language4 ,the ,hebrews had also another word from this same root1 adi1 to mean ornaments1 c41 and adain1 to mean luxuriousness and delicate4 ,the word1 as used in the text before1 is applied to a district of country1 and confers the adjective qualities to said district1 i4 e4 a district of country of great pleasure and delight4 ,the general boundaries are given and described by the naming of its rivers4 ,it was of considerable extent1 embracing1 perhaps1 more than the whole of the ancient ,armenia4 8,and a garden was planted eastward in ,eden40 ,garden is translated from gan4 ,the word is derived from ganan4 ,the word means1 to protect1 protection1 a thing protected4 ,the idea expressed by it is not confined to a single walled area2 but the two words are often used together1 as if it was intended to convey the idea of the fact that the protection extended to the whole of ,eden4 ,and it may be well conceived that innocency was its protection4 ,here cunning art never wove its web for the entanglement of its victim4 ,here no crocodile tears enticed sympathy within the reach of harm4 ,here no vile wretch ever betrayed a brother's confidence4 ,here the lion and the lamb might have couched together1 and the infant have played with the tiger's paw4 ,we are aware that some modern scholars consider the description of the garden of ,eden by ,moses a mere picture of the mind4 ,rosenmaeler says that it is on a par with ,virgil's description of the ,elysian fields4 ,this class of philosophers consider the whole as a fiction3 but man had his commencement somewhere1 and it is a fact that four large rivers1 answering to the outlines of the general description of ,moses1 do flow from fountain-heads not more than thirty or forty miles apart1 in the central and most elevated region of ,armenia4 ,these streams meander through the same countries described by him1 and exhibit the same mineral productions3 nor would it be any thing remarkable1 if investigation should yet prove that they were all indebted to one and the same source4 ,let us consider then1 whether it was not a fact that the garden of ,eden was not confined to a little plat of ground1 but included a whole district of country1 embracing the visible sources of the rivers named3 a district of country1 from the mildness of its climate1 fruitfulness1 and other causes of pleasure and delight1 exceedingly well adapted to the early residence of man4 ,we have therefore no well founded reason to believe that the account given by ,moses of the garden of ,eden was a fiction1 independent of ,divine authority4 ,but his account must be understood so as to be consistent with itself1 and with the facts now existing of which it speaks4 ,we are not under the necessity of supposing that the felicity of our first parents was confined to the locality named3 a paradise was to them anywhere4 ,it was their innocence1 not the location1 that made it so2 and thus they were driven out of paradise1 perhaps1 without a change of location4 ,the use of the word ebed 1 in ii4 #ae of ,genesis1 might then well be of the same foreshadowing import as in the first instance of its use1 even before the creation of man4 ,for1 who must not conclude1 when man was first placed in paradise1 that ,god did not as clearly see his apostasy then1 as now8 ,by his wisdom1 power1 and mercy1 all nature was ready-prepared for the change1 and poor fallen man1 without change of habitation1 found that habitation no longer heaven1 and commenced his first act of slavery by the vain attempt to hide himself from ,god and his own contempt4 ,and here1 let us remark1 we find the true commencement of slavery4 8,and ,jesus answered them1 ,verily1 verily1 ,i say unto you1 whosoever committeth sin is the servant 71 slave7 of sin40 ,john viii4 #cd4 ,force1 disease1 ruin1 and death were now introduced to man4 ,for1 8,a4 servant 7 slave7 will not be corrected by words40 ,prov4 xxix4 #ai4 ,god had mercifully contrived that he should be forced to action4 8,he that tilleth 7 slaveth7 of bread2 but he that followeth after vain persons shall have poverty enough40 ,prov4 xxviii4 #ai4 ,when ,god made 8every plant of the field before it was in the earth1 and every herb of the field before it grew10 foreseeing the apostasy of man--its poisonous effect upon his moral and physical condition--its direct influence to produce immediate ruin and death1 he also provided1 ordained1 and decreed a relation1 a law between man and his mental and physical wants1 which must cleave unto him1 upon his apostasy1 and be of the utmost value and efficacy in alleviating1 removing1 and preventing the final evils incident to his poisoned condition4 ,this relation1 law1 institution1 was the ebeduth1 the institution of slavery1 as expressed in ,ezra ix4 #h1 #i3 8,and give us a little reviving in our bondage 7 ebeduthenu1 slavery74 ,for we were bond-men 7 abedim1 slaves71 and yet our ,god hath not forsaken us in our bondage10 4 ,so in #b ,chron4 xii4 #h3 8,nevertheless1 ye shall be his servants 7 le-obedim1 his slaves71 that they may know my service 7 slavery71 and the service 7 and the slavery7 of the kingdoms of the countries40 ,so in ,esther vii4 #d3 8,for we are sold1 ,i and my people1 to be destroyed1 to be slain1 and to perish4 ,but if we had been sold for bond-men 7 7 and bond-women1 ,i had held my tongue40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,x4 ,towards the close of the book of ,deuteronomy1 ,moses1 having delivered to the children of ,israel such of the laws of the ,almighty as were then deemed necessary for their government and guidance1 proceeds to inform them of the consequences of disobedience2 and boldly informs them1 xxviii4 #ae1 8,but1 if it shall come to pass if thou wilt not hearken unto the voice of the ,lord thy ,god1 to observe and to do all his commandments1 and his statutes which ,i command thee this day1 that all these curses shall come upon thee and overtake thee4 #af3 ,cursed shalt thou be in the city1 and cursed shalt thou be in the field4 #ag3 ,cursed shall be thy basket and thy store4 #ah3 ,cursed shall be the fruit of thy body and the fruit of thy land1 the increase of thy kine1 and the flocks of thy sheep4 #ai3 ,cursed shalt thou be when thou comest in1 and cursed shalt thou be when thou goest out4 #bj3 ,the ,lord shall send upon thee cursing1 vexation1 and rebuke1 in all thou settest thy hand unto for to do1 until thou be destroyed1 and until thou perish quickly1 because of the wickedness of thy doings whereby thou hast forsaken me40 8,and the ,lord shall bring thee into ,egypt again with ships1 by the way whereof ,i spake unto thee4 ,thou shalt see it no more again1 and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bond-men 77 for slaves71 and bond-women1 and no man shall buy you40 ,they should be so trifling and worthless that no one would wish to buy them4 ,josh4 ix4 #bc-bg3 8,now1 therefore1 ye are cursed1 and there shall none of you be freed from being bond-men 7 slaves71 and hewers of wood and drawers of water10 c4 8,and ,joshua made them that day hewers of wood and drawers of water1 for the congregation1 and for the altar of the ,lord1 even unto this day40 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xi4 ,before closing this subject we offer a few more examples of the ,hebrew use of this word4 8,who is ,david8 and who is the son of ,jesse8 ,there be many servants 7 slaves7 now-a-days that break away every man from his master40 #a ,sam4 xxv4 #aj4 ,nabal pretended in his drunkenness1 that he might be a runaway slave4 #a ,kings ii4 #bi1 #dj3 8,and it came to pass at the end of three years1 that two of the servants 7ebedim1 slaves7 of ,shimei ran away unto ,achish1 son of ,maachah king of ,gath2 and they told ,shimei1 saying1 ,behold thy servants 7 slaves7 be in ,gath4 ,and ,shimei arose and saddled his ass1 and went to ,gath to ,achish to seek his servants 7 slaves71 and ,shimei went and brought his servants 7 slaves7 from ,gath40 #a ,kings ix4 #bj1 #ba1 and #bb3 8,and all the people that were left of the ,amorites1 ,hittites1 ,perizzites1 ,hivites1 and ,jebuzites1 which were not of the children of ,israel1 their children that were left after them in the land1 whom the children of ,israel also were not able utterly to destroy1 upon these did ,solomon levy a tribute of bond-service 7 obed1 slavery7 unto this day4 ,but of the children of ,israel did ,solomon make no bond-men10 7 ebed1 slaves47 #b ,chron4 viii4 #i3 8,but of the children of ,israel did ,solomon make no servants 7 la ebedim1 no slaves7 for his work1 7 his works1 labours47 ,but they were men of war1 and chief of his captains1 and captains of his chariots and horsemen40 #b ,kings iv4 #a3 8,now there cried a certain woman of the wives of the sons of the prophets unto ,elisha1 saying1 ,thy servant1 my husband1 is dead1 and thou knowest that thy servant did fear the ,lord1 and the creditor is come to take unto him my two sons to be bond-men10 7 la ebedim1 for slaves47 ,in #a ,chron4 xxvii4 #bf1 this word is used in a sense quite analogous to slave-labour1 thus3 8,and over them that did the work 7meleketh1 i4e4 the particular work or labour7 of the field for tillage 7 slave-labour7 of the ground1 was ,ezra1 the son of ,chelub40 ,job i4 #b1 #c3 8,and there were born unto him seven sons and three daughters4 ,his substance also was seven thousand sheep1 and three thousand camels1 and five thousand yoke of oxen1 and five hundred she-asses1 and a very great household40 ,the word 8household0 is here translated from a body of slaves1 i4 e4 a large family of slaves4 ,job iii4 #ai3 8,the small and the great are there1 and the servant 7 ve ebed1 master40 ,job xxxi4 #ac3 8,if ,i did despise 7 misjudge7 the cause of my man-servant10 7 my slave47 ,job xxxix4 #i3 8,will the unicorn be willing to serve thee80 7 be a slave to thee47 ,ps4 cxvi4 #af3 8,o ,lord1 truly ,i am thy servant 7 obedeka1 slave72 ,i am thy servant 7 slave71 and the son of thy hand-maid 7 amatheka1 female slave73 thou hast loosed my bonds40 ,it is a little remarkable how similar is this sentiment of ,david to one expressed by ,st4 ,paul4 ,prov4 xii4 #i3 8,he that is despised and hath a servant 7 ebed1 slave7 is better than he that honoureth himself and lacketh bread40 ,prov4 xvii4 #b3 8,a wise servant 7 ebed1 slave71 shall rule over a son that causeth shame1 and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren40 ,prov4 xxx4 #ba1 #bb1 #bc3 8,for three things is the earth disquieted1 and for four which it cannot bear3 ,for a servant 7 ebed1 slave7 when he reigneth 7 imlok71 and a fool when he is filled with meat4 ,for an odious woman when she is married1 and a hand-maid 7 female slave7 that is heir to her mistress40 ,eccl4 ii4 #g4 8,i got me 7 kanithi1 ,i purchased7 servants 7 male slaves7 and maidens 7 female slaves71 and had servants born in my house40 ,eccl4 vii4 #ba3 8,also take no heed unto all words that are spoken1 lest thou hear thy servant 7 slave7 curse thee40 ,jer4 ii4 #ad3 8,is ,israel a servant 7 slave78 is he a home-born slave8 why is he spoiled80 ,in the latter part of this quotation1 the word ebed is not expressed in ,hebrew1 but understood1 as is often the case in ,english3 yet ,king ,james's translators did not hesitate to supply it in ,english with the word slave1 giving indisputable proof of what they understood the word ebed to mean1 and also1 that they used the ,english word servant as a synonyme of the word slave4 ,the omission to express the word ebed in ,hebrew1 in this instance1 has the effect to make the idea conveyed by the prophet more emphatic2 and hence the translators seem to have felt the necessity of using the most forcible synonyme1 in order that they might truly and beyond doubt convey the full import of the prophet's meaning4 ,mal4 i4 #f3 8,a son honoureth his father1 and a servant 7 slave7 his master40 ,this passage is a connecting link in a chain of reasoning1 and the prophet continues thus3 8,if then ,i be a father1 where is my honour8 ,if ,i be a master1 where is my fear8 saith the ,lord of hosts unto you1 ,o priests that despise my name4 ,and ye say1 ,wherein have we despised thy name80 ,as though they were astonished at the accusation6 ,and this is the answer--#g3 8,ye offer polluted bread upon mine altar40 ,a figure1 to show that they had become wholly disobedient1 and held in disregard the law of ,god4 ,by their disobedience1 they were degenerating from the condition of the son to that of the ebed4 ,instead of being influenced by love1 they were about to be operated upon by fear1 and hence the prophet continues1 ii4 #a3 8,and now1 ,o ye priests1 this commandment is for you4 ,if ye will not hear1 and if ye will not lay it to heart1 to give glory unto my name1 saith the ,lord of hosts1 ,i will even send a curse upon you1 and ,i will curse your blessings1 yea1 ,i have cursed them already1 because ye do not lay it to heart4 #c3 ,behold1 ,i will corrupt your seed1 and spread dung upon your faces40 ,he would curse them with the hateful curse of ,cain4 ,and we beg to notice this scriptural glancing at the doctrine that a course of sin does produce some change upon the physical man1--some change of countenance1 which is continued1 degenerating and deteriorating the succeeding generations1--and ask1 is not such a doctrine alluded to in ,ezek4 xviii4 #b1 8,the fathers have eaten sour grapes1 and the children's teeth are set on edge40 ,and1 again1 in ,ps4 lviii4 #b1 #c3 8,the wicked are estranged from the womb3 they go astray as soon as they are born1 speaking lies4 ,their poison is like the poison of a serpent40 ,again1 in ,jer4 vii4 #ai3 8,do they provoke me to anger8 saith the ,lord4 ,do they not provoke themselves to the confusion of their own faces80 ,and1 in ,isa4 iii4 #i3 8,the show of their countenance doth witness against them1 and they declare their sin as ,sodom4 ,they hide it not4 ,wo unto their soul6 for they have rewarded evil unto themselves40 ,jer4 xiii4 #bb3 8,if thou say in thy heart1 wherefore have these things come upon me8 for the greatness of thine iniquities are thy skirts discovered and thy heels made bare40 ,and ii4 #bb3 8,for though thou wash thee with nitre1 and take thee much soap1 yet thine iniquity is marked before me1 saith the ,lord ,god40 ,we will not enter into the examination of this doctrine at present1 but hasten to close our view of the ,hebrew use of the word ebed4 ,in ,joel iii4 #b 7ii4 #bith of the ,english text7 is this remarkable passage3 8,and also upon the servants 7 ha ebedim1 the male slaves7 and upon the hand-maids 7 hashshephahoth1 the female slaves7 in those days will ,i pour out my ,spirit40 ,this passage was translated at ,jerusalem by ,st4 ,peter1 into ,greek4 ,see ,acts ii4 #ah3 8,and on my servants1 and on my hand-maids 7 71 will ,i pour out in those days my ,spirit10--using those ,greek words that most unconditionally mean a slave1 and showing as effectually as language can show1 and proving as distinctly as language can prove1 that ,st4 ,peter well understood these words of ,joel to mean male and female slaves4 ,he translates the passage1 referring to it1 and quoting it4 ,there can have been no mistake4 ,besides1 the passage is rendered definite by its particularity2 for the preceding sentence avers that his ,spirit should be poured out 8upon all flesh10 and goes on to particularize1 8your sons0 and 8daughters10 8your old men10 8your young men10 and then in this passage includes the slaves1 thus explaining whom he means by 8all flesh40 ,it was on the day of ,pentecost1 when the disciples of ,jesus ,christ 8were all with one accord in one place1 and suddenly there came a sound from heaven as of a rushing mighty wind1 and it filled all the house where they were sitting2 and there appeared upon them cloven tongues like as of fire1 and it sat upon each of them1 and they were all filled with the ,holy ,ghost40 ,acts ii4 #a1 #b1 #c4 ,such were the circumstances under which this translation was made--just after the death of ,jesus ,christ4 ,circumstances more solemn1 more imposing1 more awful to the human mind cannot well be conceived4 ,in the immediate presence of ,god the ,father1 and the ,holy ,ghost operating upon the mind of ,st4 ,peter66 ,should any one1 timorous1 decline to believe men1 or mortals1 permit us1 in the name of that ,jehovah whose work we all are1 to call their reflection on what may be the nature of that sin which contemns1 denies1 or treats as untruth the very language of the ,holy ,ghost4 ------------------ ,,lesson ,,xii4 ,the ,hebrew noun ebed belongs to the declension of factitious1 euphonic segholate nouns of two syllables1 with the tone on the penult and a furtive vowel on the final3 ,singular absolute4 ,construct state4 or ,with light suffix4 ,grave suffix4 ,plural absolute4 ,construct state4 ,with light suffix4 ,grave suffix4#a ----- ,footnote #a3 ,termed grave1 because they always have the tone accent4 ----- ,declined with the personal pronoun1 thus3 ,absolute singular1 a slave4 ,suff4 #a4 my slave4 #b4 m4 thy slave4 #b4 f4 thy slave4 #c4 m4 his slave4 #c4 f4 her slave4 #a4 7plur47 our slave4 #b4 m4 your slave4 #b4 f4 your slave4 #c4 m4 their slave4 #c4 f4 their slave4 ,absolute plural1 slaves4 ,suff4 #a4 my slaves4 #b4 m4 thy slaves4 #b4 f4 thy slaves4 #c4 m4 his slaves4 #c4 f4 her slaves4 #a4 7plur47 our slaves4 #b4 m4 your slaves4 #b4 f4 your slaves4 #c4 m4 their slaves4 #c4 f4 their slaves4 ,prefixed by a preposition1 it will stand thus3 in1 at1 with1 c4 a slave2 or with thus1 to1 at1 in1 towards1 till1 until1 c4 a slave2 or1 when the word is used as a verb1 it will stand in place of our infinitive mood1 thus1 to slave1 as in ,num4 iv4 #dg4 ,so this word or any form of it may be prefixed by as a contraction of 1 a preposition of various meanings or applications1 as from1 apart from1 of1 out of1 by1 c4 c42 and so it may be prefixed by any of the letters forming the word heemanti1 each prefixed letter giving to the root word some shade of meaning1 emphasis1 or adjective quality4 ,so1 also1 it may be prefixed by 1 used both as a preposition1 and as a conjunction1 thus1 as1 so1 according to1 after1 about1 nearly1 almost1 c4 c4 a slave4 ,hebrew nouns may also be prefixed by particles of old obsolete words1 varying their form1 and exceedingly so their phonetic representation2 as for example1 ,shelomah was the son and successor of ,king ,david4 ,now 1 as the particle of some ancient word1 and followed by 1 becomes the sign of the possessive case2 but when the word begins with these two letters1 they then will be duplicated1 as in ,canticles iii4 #g1 mittatho shellishlomoh1 ,solomon's bed1 c4 ,prepositions1 sometimes two or more1 are1 or seem to be1 compounded1 yet used in the sense of the last in the compound1 thus3 and used thus1 for 1 or for 1 c4 c4 ,the noun ebed may also be prefixed by a conjunction1 thus1 and a slave1 c4 c4 ,it may also often be compounded with other nouns4 ,thus1 the slave of ,god4 ,in this manner the composition of significant terms1 and their conversion into proper names1 is unlimited3 thus1 the judgment1 or government of a slave1 and made the name of a city4 ,see ,josh4 ii4 #cj2 also #a ,chron4 i4 #ei1 the #gdth of the ,english text2 and hence the word abaddon has been used by some to signify a place of punishment4 ,we can give but a mere sketch of the grammatical formations and variations of the word ebed2 aware that even such sketch1 can be considered of value only by a few1 we refrain from even a glimpse of its phonetic variations and peculiarities1 deeming them only interesting to the advanced and more critical of the proficients in the language2 but we cannot refrain from giving a sketch of its declension as a verb1 for the benefit of the ,greek and ,roman scholar4 ,conjugation of the word as a verb1 to slave1 c4 ,,in ,,kal4 ,praet4 #c4 p4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #c4 7plur47 #b4 m4 ,infinitive absolute1 ,construct state1 ,future1 #c4 m4 #b4 m4 #c4 7plur47 #c4 f4 ,imperative1 #b4 p4 m4 #b4 f4 ,participle1 act4 pass4 ,,niphal4 ,praet4 #c4 m4 #b4 m4 ,infinitive1 ,future1 ,imperative1 ,participle1 ,,piel1 7poel1 polel47 ,praet4 ,infinitive1 ,future1 ,participle1 ,,pual1 7poal1 polal47 ,praet4 ,infinitive1 ,future1 ,participle1 ,,hiphil4 ,praet4 #b4 m4 ,infinitive1 ,future1 ,participle1 ,,hophal4 ,praet4 ,infinitive1 ,future1 ,participle1 ,,hithpael4 ,praet4 ,infinitive1 ,future1 ,participle1 ,the unusual conjugations sometimes found in the form of some ,hebrew words1 hothpaal1 pilel1 pulal1 hithpalel1 and the ,arabic iq-talla1 pealal1 pilpel1 and the ,aramaen tiphel1 and the ,syriac shaphel1 are not known to the writer to have an example in the ,hebrew ,scriptures in the word 1 and are therefore not exemplified4 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,kal4 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive absolute1 ,infinitive construct1 ,imperative1 singular1 m4 f4 ,plural1 m4 f4 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,pres4 apocope1 ,participle1 active1 passive1 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,niphal4 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive1 ,imperative1 singular1 m4 f4 ,plural1 m4 f4 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,participle1 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,pihel or piel1 7poel1 polel47 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive1 ,imperative1 singular1 m4 f4 ,plural1 m4 f4 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,participle1 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,puhal1 7pual1 poal1 polal47 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive1 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,participle1 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,hiphil4 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive1 ,imperative1 singular1 m4 f4 ,plural1 m4 f4 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,pres4 apocope1 ,participle1 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,hophal4 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive1 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,participle1 ,paradigm of the verb to slave1 as a #a4 guttural in ,,hithpael4 ,praeter1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,plural1 #c4 com4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,infinitive1 ,imperative1 singular1 m4 f4 ,plural1 m4 f4 ,present1 singular1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,present1 plural1 #c4 m4 #c4 f4 #b4 m4 #b4 f4 #a4 com4 ,participle1 ,in close1 it may be remarked that there is perhaps no ,hebrew verb found in all the forms of conjugation in the ,holy ,books4 ,,the ,,end4 ----------------------- ,transcriber's ,note ,errors which are readily attributed to printer's lapses have been corrected1 as noted below4 ,there are a number of lapses in the punctuation of quoted matter1 which have been rectified as described in the table below4 ,spelling has been retained1 except where the printer seems most likely to be at fault4 ,greek words are sometimes given without diacritical marks including in quoted passages1 or the marks are incorrect1 based upon what we now have for the ,greek sources4 ,the ,greek is given here as printed4 ,the ,greek #8ou' ligature is represented here using the ,latin version #8'4 ,likewise1 the typesetting of ,hebrew is problematic in many places1 particularly with the use of cantillation marks 7tropes74 ,in most cases1 cantillation for single words or phrases are moot1 but the author frequently includes them1 not always accurately4 ,where modern fonts are unable to represent the printed characters1 or where the typesetting was faulty1 the text will follow the currently accepted forms4 ,vowel marks are sometimes omitted in the original1 and are given here as printed4 span class'htmlonly',the combination hataf-patah is frequently reversed1 and has been corrected everywhere with no further notice4 ,likewise1 the printer seems to have frequently confused the trope merkha with the vowel point meteg1 i4e4 for 4 ,the standard ,hebrew has been followed here1 as noted below4_/span span class'epubonly',in this version1 bidirectional text cannot be reliably rendered4 ,the author provided a transliteration of most of the ,hebrew words and phrases2 however a separate transliteration has been included here based on the scheme provided by the ,society of ,biblical ,literature4 ,these appear in bold as yrt4 ,these transliterations necessarily lose the cantillation marks4 7,the same has been done for the ,arabic and ,syriac words1 which are also printed right-to-left47_/span ,on p4 #dfa1 the ,hebrew word requires the vav as printed be a shuruk 77 to be read as a vowel ''4 ,the character was printed without the dot1 and is corrected here4 ,arabic1 ,coptic1 and ,syriac scripts are rendered using the available ,unicode characters4 ,the script used by the author frequently could not be confirmed to match either the stated translations or the transliterations he provided4 ,the ,syriac script seems to be the so-called ,western script4 ,the ,unicode characters follow the ,estrangela1 which was most widely used4 ,many of the ,arabic words were either unrecognizable1 did not match the transliterations given by the author1 or both4 ,best guesses of the author's intent are provided in the text4 ,on p4 #cij1 the ,arabic word which appears to be il arabicmetsuad#cij4;jpg_/1 seems incorrect4 ,the most likely word is 1 which has the meaning given by the author4 ,this has been substituted4 ,on p4 #eib1 the maqqef 77 in is misplaced4 ,the word1 from #a4 ,samuel i4 #af1 should be 1 and has been corrected4 ,on p4 #fbj1 the ,arabic does not exist2 the author may have intended either which means ,eden or 1 which means languor1 softness1 limpness4 etc4 ,the former was used here4 ,problematic cases with the original images and their replication here1 are given below3 ,on p4 #ie1 the quoted phrase from ,ephesians #f3e1 #8,and ye masters1 do the same things unto them2'1 is missing the closing single quotation mark4 ,the words which follow the semicolon seem to be a paraphrase4 ,the punctuation has been added4 ,on p4 #ada1 the paragraph beginning #8,in ,judg4 iii4 #g1 #h1 we have as follows3' has an unclosed double quotation4 ,it is not clear where the citation ends1 and the text has been given here as printed4 ,on p4 #dhf1 the citation of ,jeremiah li4 #ee is misprinted as verse #ae4 ,immediately following1 the first of two citations of ,isaiah li4 #ac should have been to verse #ae4 ,these have been corrected4 ,the second reference to verse #ac is correct4 ,in ,lesson ,,iv of ,study ,,vii 7pp4 #eaf-ecf71 the punctuation of the extracts is inconsistent1 and1 with just a few exceptions noted below1 has been retained as printed4 ,on p4 #fcj1 the ,praet4 #b m4 conjugation of is printed as 1 which is an invalid combination of vowel marks on the leading ayin4 ,either or would be valid4 p4 #aj ,acorimus sic4 ,acosimus 7p4 #ccb74 p4 #af legislator ,added4 p4 #aag and heal his servant 71 ,added4 slave470 8,and he called his ten servants ,added4 71 slaves710 c4 ,ye shall be made free80 ,added4 p4 #aai commom_/nwealth ,corrected4 p4 #abb com_/nformity ,corrected4 p4 #abe 8,and when the hand of thy ,god ,opening quote added4 p4 #acj 8,for10 says ,olybius ,missing quotation mark added4 p4 #aca multitiutudes ,removed4 p4 #ada the hand of ,chusan ,rishathaim1 ,added4 7 70 p4 #aea of four of_/r five years old ,corrected4 p4 #ahc property is an exclusive right40 ,added4 p4 #ahd to the former40 ,added4 p4 #bja 8,is_/t is the great appointed ,corrected4 trial p4 #bea 8,their visage is blacker than a ,corrected4 coal4'_/0 p4 #bfg shows the 8sentence ,removed4 p4 #cij should be ,corrected4 p4 #dje 8the spiritual power10 ,added4 p4 #dcf 8,he should be a fugitive and a ,added4 vagabond40 p4 #dcg become black4'_/0 ,corrected4 p4 #dci ,egyptai_/ians ,transposed4 p4 #dea dic_/stinct ,corrected4 p4 #def offered infants and young children sic4 #8as' a sacrifice4 missing8 p4 #dfe 7 ,mitsrith7 a ,removed4 descendant of ,misraim17 p4 #dge should be ,corrected4 p4 #dhd congnisance ,removed4 p4 #dhe stus sic4 strus8 castus8 p4 #dhf li4 #ae_/ee 8,when her waves do roar ,corrected4 ,isa4 li4 #ac_/ae3 8,but ,i am the ,corrected4 ,lord444 p4 #dhg ,jer4 xliv_/xlvi4 ,corrected4 p4 #ecj 8,such the slave's nature1 but this ,corrected4 favours thee4'_/0 p4 #eic ,le_/am4iii4 #ac4 ,corrected4 p4 #eig sic4 ,words are reversed4 p4 #fjj ,ps4 lxxxi4 #gj3 8,i delivered #8#j' removed4 thee40 p4 #fjb should be ,corrected4 p4 #faj should be ,corrected4