,,the ,,philosophy ,,of ,,history2 ,,in ,a ,,course ,,of ,,lectures1 ,,delivered ,,at ,,vienna1 ,,by ,,frederick ,,von ,,schlegel4 ,,translated ,,from ,,the ,,german1 ,,with ,a ,,memoir ,,of ,,the ,,author1 ,,by ,,james ,,burton ,,robertson1 ,,esq4 ,,in ,,two ,,volumes4 ,,vol4 ,,ii4 ,,london ,,saunders ,,and ,,otley1 ,,conduit ,,street4 ,,mdcccxxxv4 ,b4 ,,bensley1 ,,printer4 ,,contents ,,of ,,vol4 ,,ii4 ,,lecture ,x4 ,on the ,christian point of view in the ,philosophy of ,history4--,the origin of ,christianity1 considered in reference to the political world4--,decline of the ,roman ,empire4 #a ,,lecture ,,xi4 ,of the ancient ,germans1 and of the invasion of the ,northern tribes4--,the march of ,nature in the historical development of ,nations4--,further diffusion and internal consolidation of ,christianity4--,great corruption of the world4--,rise of ,mahometanism4 #dj ,,lecture ,,xii4 ,sketch of ,mahomet and his religion4--,establishment of the ,saracenic ,empire4--,new organization of the ,european ,west1 and ,restoration of the ,christian ,empire4 #gh ,,lecture ,,xiii4 ,on the formation and consolidation of the ,christian ,government in modern times4--,on the principle which led to the establishment of the old ,german ,empire4 #aag ,,lecture ,,xiv4 ,on the struggles of the ,guelfs and ,ghibellines4--,spirit of the ,ghibelline age4--,origin of romantic poetry and art4--,character of the scholastic science and the old jurisprudence4--,anarchical state of ,western ,europe4 #aeb ,,lecture ,,xv4 ,general observations on the ,philosophy of ,history4 ,on the corrupt state of society in the fifteenth century4--,origin of ,protestantism1 and character of the times of the ,reformation4 #aid ,,lecture ,,xvi4 ,further development and extension of protestantism1 in the period of the religious wars1 and subsequently thereto4--,on the different results of those wars in the principal ,european countries4 #bbh ,,lecture ,,xvii4 ,parallel between the religious peace of ,germany and that of the other countries of ,europe4--,the political system of the ,balance of ,power1 and the principle of false ,illuminism prevalent in the eighteenth century4 #bfh ,,lecture ,,xviii4 ,on the general spirit of the age1 and on the universal ,regeneration of ,society4 #cjj ,,philosophy ,,of ,,history4 ,,lecture ,x4 ,on the ,christian point of view in the ,philosophy of ,history4--,the origin of ,christianity1 considered in reference to the political world4--,decline of the ,roman ,empire4 ,a regular history of the life of our ,saviour1 recounted like any other historical occurrence1 would in my opinion be out of place in a philosophy of history4 ,the subject is either too vast for profane history1 or in its first beginnings too obscure1 whether we consider its internal importance1 or in a mere historical point of view1 its outward appearance4 ,a thinking1 and in his way well-thinking ,roman1 when he had obtained a more accurate knowledge of the life of our ,saviour from the accounts of the ,roman ,procurator1 or other ,roman dignitaries in ,palestine1 might have expressed himself respecting the whole transaction in the following terms3 ,this is a very extraordinary man1 endued with wonderful and divine power1 for such vague and general admiration might well be indulged in by a ,heathen1 who yet adhered to the fundamental doctrines of his ancestral faith1--a man1 who1 he would continue to say1 has produced a great moral revolution in minds1 and was1 according to the most credible testimony1 of the purest character and most rigid morals1 who taught much that was sublime on the immortality of the soul and the secrets of futurity2 but who was accused by his enemies1 and delivered over to death by his own people4 ,such1 perhaps1 would have been the judgment of a ,tacitus1 had he drawn his information from better and less polluted sources4 ,so long however as all these transactions were confined to the small province of ,judea1 the soundest and best constituted ,roman mind could have scarcely felt a more than passing regret at the perpetration of so signal an act of private injustice2 and would1 in other respects1 have not regarded it as an event which could1 in a ,roman point of view1 be termed historical1 or worthy to occupy a place in the more extended circle of his own world4 ,it was only when ,christianity had become a power in the world--the principle of a new life1 and of a new form of life totally differing from all preceding forms of existence1 that it began to attract the attention of the ,romans1 as a remarkable historical occurrence4 ,how perfectly unintelligible1 strange and mysterious this mighty event at its origin1 and for a long time afterwards1 appeared to the ,romans2 how erroneous and absurd were their opinions and conduct in regard to the ,christian religion1 we have already shewn by some characteristic examples4 ,on the other hand1 when we view the whole transaction with the eye of faith--when we consider all that has since grown up in the world out of beginnings apparently so small--the case changes its aspect in our regard2 and we are then inclined to believe that the mysteries and miracles of our ,saviour's life and death1 nay1 the whole system of his doctrine1 which is intimately connected with those mysteries and miracles1 and is itself the greatest mystery and miracle1 should be abandoned exclusively to religion1 and1 as they transcend the ordinary sphere of history1 would be misplaced in a work of this nature4 ,i will therefore pre-suppose a knowledge of these sacred mysteries1 and1 without entering into any examination of them1 will endeavour to describe the state of the world1 and the aspect of society1 when the ,christian religion first made its appearance4 ,a notice of some particular points of doctrine1 connected with politics and history1 either in respect to the past or to the future1 is by no means incompatible with my plan2 but a complete examination of the whole system of ,christian doctrines1 as of any other great system of doctrine or philosophy1 would1 for the reason ,i have alleged1 be quite misplaced in a work of this description4 ,i will in the next place endeavour to shew the historical influence which this divine power has exerted1 and point out how from its very origin1 and still more in its progress1 it entirely renovated the face of the world4 ,doubtless the philosophy of history forms an essential part of the science of divine and human things--things which in the mode of conceiving or treating them1 should be rarely and even never entirely separated4 ,for how is it possible to attain to a just and correct knowledge of human things1 in any department of life and science1 unless they be viewed in relation to and connection with the divine principle1 which animates or directs them8 ,a certain medium1 however1 is to be observed1 and the limits must be clearly and accurately traced between divine and human things1 lest the one department should be confounded with the other4 ,for as it is very prejudicial to religion to make it merely a matter of learned historical research2 so it is inconsistent with the object of historical philosophy to transform it into a mere series of religious meditations4 ,undoubtedly historical philosophy can and ought to assume the divine principle in man--the divine image implanted in the human breast--as the great pivot of human destiny1 the main and essential point in universal history1 and the restoration of that ,image as the proper purpose of mankind4 ,thus the philosophic historian may endeavour1 as ,i have attempted1 to point out the divine truth contained in the primitive revelation1 the original word which was current among the nations of the primitive age3 in the second period of the world--the decisive crisis between ancient and modern times--he will discover in the ,christian religion1 the sole principle of the subsequent progress of mankind2 and the distinctive character and intellectual importance of the third or last epoch of the world1 he will find only in that light1 which1 emerging from the primitive revelation1 and the religion of love established by the ,redeemer1 has shone ever clearer and brighter with the progress of ages1 and has changed and regenerated not only government and science1 but the whole system of human life4 ,here is the principle which furnishes the plan of classification for all the great epochs of history4 ,from this philosophic survey of history1 the historian1 in the accomplishment of his task1 may with great propriety point out and illustrate the ways and views of divine ,providence in the conduct of particular nations and ages1 and in the destiny of remarkable personages1 or historical characters1 when those views and ways are strikingly perceptible to our feelings4 ,yet it is better that this train of observations should not be too systematically prosecuted1 but should be introduced occasionally only1 and as it were episodically1 in those passages of history1 where such reflections naturally present themselves2 and they should ever be confined within the limits of a modest suggestion2 for all these reflections are only the esoteric spirit--the internal religious idea of history4 ,otherwise the historian will be exposed to the danger of introducing a system of ,providential designs prematurely formed according to human insight and human sagacity1 into the yet unfinished drama of the world's history1 whose comprehensive vastness and hidden mysteries1 besides1 far exceed the narrow limits of all that man can conceive1 judge and know with certainty4 ,and this is a defect which many writers have not entirely avoided in their otherwise very religious meditations on universal history4 ,so far1 however1 as the historian confines his train of reflections within the modest limits of a mere partial explanation1 and does not prematurely anticipate the general scheme of divine polity1 or plunge too deeply1 and with presumptuous confidence into its details2 he will find much and obvious matter for such considerations1 in the visible selection of particular individuals1 and particular nations and even ages for the accomplishment of certain ends1 for the attainment on their part of prosperity1 glory1 or some high object in some particular sphere4 ,but this power thus allotted to particular individuals or to particular nations1 exerts even at the time a general influence on the fate of mankind1 and evidently accomplishes the designs of ,providence with regard to the world at large2 forms a point of transition from past ages1 or opens a passage to some manifestation of divine power1 with respect to the future4 ,in the progress of human civilisation1 such designs are frequently manifest4 ,nay1 on the great question of the permission of evil1 when it exerts a widely destructive influence in the moral and physical world1 and on the views of ,god in that permission2 the enlightened historian may sometimes succeed1 if not in penetrating into the hidden decrees of divine wisdom1 yet at least in uplifting a corner of the mysterious veil which covers them4 ,in particular phenomena of history--such for example as the destruction of a whole nation1 the ,jews for instance2 or in the overwhelming calamities1 the general miseries inflicted on a corrupt age1 manifesting1 clearly as they do1 the retributive justice of ,god--calamities which1 when regarded from this point of view 7and it is only from this point of view they can be rightly judged71 appear like a partial judgment of the world--in all such historical phenomena1 a modest reference to the final causes of such events may be exceedingly appropriate4 ,this idea of divine justice1 and of ,god's judgments on the world exemplified in history1 belongs undoubtedly to the province of historical philosophy2 and1 as man's resemblance to his ,maker constitutes the first foundation-stone of history1 this more practical principle1 relating as it does1 to real life and all its mighty phenomena1 forms the second4 ,but the ,mystery of grace in the divine ,redemption of mankind1 transcends the sphere of profane history4 ,the ,christian philosophy of history must indeed tacitly pre-suppose the truth of that mystery1 and assume it as known1 and indeed as self-evident to all well-thinking persons--it must even1 under the inspiration of this faith1 refer to it very many1 the greater part1 indeed almost all1 of the facts and phenomena of history--but it should forbear to introduce it into its own province1 and should leave it to the sanctuary of religion4 ,in the same way1 whenever philosophy attempts to incorporate and rank this mystery with her own speculative conceptions1 the consequence must ever be hurtful to religion2 for1 as philosophy thus attempts to explain and1 as it were1 deduce this mystery from her own speculations1 the mystery of ,redemption ceases to be a divine fact1 and it is only as such that it is and can be the true and eternal foundation of religion4 ,i wish here expressly to do away with an opinion which is completely unhistorical1 and even subversive of all history4 ,i cannot more truly and succintly designate this opinion1 than by stating it as follows3--,christ1 to say it in one word1 was a ,jewish ,socrates2 and this purest1 noblest1 and sublimest of all ethical teachers 7according to the rationalists' interpretation of his history7 met with a fate no less deplorable for mankind than that which befel the ,athenian philosopher1 and the wisest of all the ,grecian sages4 ,in reply to this1 one observation only need be made--,if ,christ were not more than a ,socrates1 then a ,socrates ,he was not4#a ,but this opinion is not only unhistorical1 or1 to speak more properly1 anti-historical1 because it is in utter opposition to all covenants1 testimonies1 authentic records1 and even ,christ's express declarations2 but fully as much1 and even still more on this account1 that if we once remove this divine keystone in the arch of universal history1 the whole fabric of the world's history falls to ruin--for its only foundation is this new manifestation of ,god's power in the crisis of time--this hope in ,god abiding unto the end4 ,for1 although ,i do not consider a formal demonstration of the truth of the ,christian religion as falling within the province of profane history2 yet the belief of its truth--a faith in its dogmas1 is the only clue in such investigations4 ,without this faith1 the whole history of the world would be nought else than an insoluble enigma--an inextricable labyrinth--a huge pile of the blocks and fragments of an unfinished edifice--and the great tragedy of humanity would remain devoid of all proper result4 ,confining myself within those limits which the very nature of the subject1 and the force of circumstances prescribe1 and which ,i have here thought it necessary to mark out with exactness1 ,i shall now1 in order to see under what circumstances ,christianity first arose in the world1 and appeared on the domain of history1 direct your attention more immediately to the ,jewish state4 ,dependant at first on the ,grecian dynasty of ,egypt1 and at a subsequent period subdued by the ,soverigns of the new ,syrian monarchy1 which sprang out of the dismemberment of the ,macedonian empire1 the more virtuous portion of the ,hebrew people evinced under the religious persecution they had to sustain from the latter monarchs1 much constancy in the old faith of their fathers2 for which indeed several of the heroic family of the ,maccabees had the courage to lay down their lives4 ,from these rulers they were rescued by the ,romans1 who took them under their powerful protection1 which1 with the ,jews1 as with all other nations1 was soon transformed into a systematic and very oppressive domination4 ,the ,jewish people were so far involved in the civil war between ,csar and ,pompey1 that each party favoured that aspirant to the throne of ,judea1 most favourable to its own designs4 ,under the monarchy of ,augustus1 ,herod1 who was created tributary sovereign of ,palestine about forty years before the ,christian ra1 was the last who had been promoted to sovereignty amid this conflict of parties4 ,the temple of ,jerusalem1 that had been rebuilt with the permission of ,cyrus1 still remained in all its pomp and grandeur4 ,if a profane curiosity had tempted ,crassus and ,pompey to intrude within its sanctuary1 on the other hand1 the munificence of ,herod had added to its size and increased its decorations4 ,although ,herod ever retained a partiality for ,roman customs1 and still more for ,grecian opinions1 yet the temple of ,jerusalem considered1 not as the august sanctuary of ,heaven's revelations to the chosen people1 but as the centre of attraction for the ,jewish nation1 situated as it was in the midst of a great commercial city1 7one of the largest in all ,western ,asia71 and forming at once the treasury1 and by its close proximity to the citadel1 the rampart1 of the city and of the state1 must have been regarded by ,herod as the seat of his power1 and the nearest object of his ambition4 ,there were at that period among the ,jews two parties1 which1 like those of the ,patricians and ,plebeians in the civil wars of ,rome1 bear some resemblance to the parties that at present divide the world3 although in their relative position towards each other1 as well as in their internal character and tendency1 there are many important points which distinguish them from the parties at present existing4 ,though from the predominant spirit and peculiar constitution of the ,jewish people1 the subjects of contention between the two parties related chiefly or more immediately to matters of religion2 yet politics were not entirely excluded from their disputes1 which embraced in general the whole of human life and its various relations4 ,the ,pharisees were the chief scribes and doctors of the law1 and in the state1 the honoured ,patricians of the ,hebrews1 who sought to maintain the ancient faith and ancient constitution of their country with its rights and jurisprudence1 adhering indeed with a rigid scupulosity1 and a contentious subtilty to the letter of the old law1 while they had long forgotten its divine spirit1 and were notorious for their attachment to their own interests1 their selfish feelings1 and false and contracted views4 ,as they acknowledged1 and respected with the most scrupulous fidelity all existing laws1 they sided1 apparently at least1 with the ,romans2 though they never entertained a cordial attachment for those conquerors2 and indeed they ever cherished the hope of being able to ensnare the great ,teacher1 so beloved by the ,jewish people1 into a declaration against the ,roman rule1 as in their limited views they conceived ,he must1 sooner or later1 be necessarily driven to that expedient in order to sustain his popularity4 ,but it cannot be doubted that the cause which the ,pharisees defended was1 on the whole1 the legitimate cause of the ,hebrews of that period1 since our ,saviour himself expressly acknowledged this1 when he said of the ,pharisees1--,they sit in the chair of ,moses1 and whatsoever they command you1 that do ye4 ,it was precisely because they had made the old law1 and the cause of ,god1 their own cause1 that so much was exacted of them2 and that they were judged with so much severity by our ,saviour1 apparently with greater severity than were the ,sadducees themselves1 who by an ,epicurean philosophy1 and a latitudinarian system of morals1 had fallen almost entirely from the faith1 had affixed a mere human interpretation to ,scripture1 and had even called in question the doctrine of the immortality of the soul4 ,if in this sect there were individuals entertaining purer and more exalted notions of the truth1 we must regard them rather as happy and honorable exceptions4 ,we must not1 besides1 forget that the severe judgments on the ,pharisees1 which occur in ,scripture1 refer only to the more degenerate among them1--a great portion1 doubtless1 perhaps the greater part2 but by no means include the whole sect or body1 among whom were many worthy individuals4 ,we ought also to recollect that the apostle ,paul was a ,pharisee1 and though a well-intentioned1 yet a very zealous1 one1 for all his writings shew the man who had sat at the feet of ,gamaliel3 the latter again was the grandson of the illustrious ,hillel1 who is named as one of the last great doctors of the ,hebrews1 who was profoundly versed in their sacred traditions1 and was indeed one of the last pillars of the ,synagogue4 ,the ,jewish history or tradition mentions seven species of false ,pharisees1 to whom all the reproaches of our ,saviour are perfectly applicable4 ,many other ,pharisees1 besides the apostle ,paul1 are mentioned with honour in ,holy ,writ1 as friends and disciples of our ,redeemer1 though they had not the courage openly to declare themselves his followers4 ,whenever1 in the history of mankind1 we arrive at some epoch of great crisis1 or momentous collision1 we find invariably1 and in all countries1 two contending parties like these1 appearing at once on the historical arena1 though in forms or positions variously modified4 ,the party defending antiquity1 often adheres only to the dead letter of rigid law1 forgetting its inward sense and living spirit2 while the opposite party1 which has a strong conviction that the world stands in need of a new legislation1 and that the epoch of a new legislation approaches1 is not entirely in the wrong4 ,but when the members of the latter party have lost all faith in the sacred traditions of the past1 and have consequently forgotten that the great work of regeneration can emanate from ,god only2 they conceive that it is in their power to accomplish this work1 nay1 they fancy they have already succeeded in their enterprise1 while all their futile attempts can accomplish nought but a total revolution in the past--a revolution brought about either by external violence1 or1 in its best and mildest form1 by the internal ruin of moral principle and feeling4 ,between these extreme and conflicting parties1 individuals are often found who fly from the field of contention1 and seek out a higher asylum1 at least for themselves4 ,such were those small communities of holy contemplatives that then existed among the ,jews1 the ,essenians in ,palestine1 and the ,therapunt in ,egypt2 but these ascetics1 limited in number1 formed a trifling exception by the side of the two great predominant sects4 ,it was between these two leading parties--on one hand1 the narrow-minded and selfish ,jewish legitimatists--stiff adherents to the letter of the law1--and1 on the other hand1 the liberal illumins2--between the old promises and expectations of the ,hebrews1 and the ,roman dominion1 now become and acknowledged to be legitimate1 that our ,saviour had to steer2 and it required a more than human prudence to traverse this critical period1 unaffected by the spirit of contending factions4 ,give unto ,csar what belongs to ,csar1 was his simple declaration1 when men sought to entrap him by their worldly cunning3 and this declaration has remained a fundamental precept of ,christianity1 and will continue unchanged to the end of time4 ,so will that other oracle1 ,thou art a rock1 and upon this rock ,i will build my church2 in this there is a clear and distinct precept how ,christians were to treat those ,pagan pretensions of the ,romans which regarded acts of political idolatry1 such as the sacrifice before the image of the ,emperor1 and acts of a similar kind2 and how1 as witnesses of the truth1 against all the powers of earth1 they were to seal their testimony with their blood4 ,the capital error of the ,jews lay in this1 that in the ,deliverer1 promised to them of old1 they now generally expected an earthly liberator destined to emancipate them from the oppressive yoke of the ,romans1 and to restore their national empire to its highest glory and splendour4 ,and1 indeed1 had they not carried their notions on this point to such extreme lengths1 and with such unyielding obstinacy1 much might have been alleged in their excuse4 ,according to the usual character of prophetic speech1 the portrait of a spiritual ,deliverer1 invested with real glory and pomp1 had been drawn in such vivid colours in those ancient prophecies1 that the description might1 in many passages at least1 be easily mistaken for one of an earthly monarch4 ,or1 to express my meaning with greater accuracy and precision1 as it is the peculiar character of sacred prophecy to represent events about to follow1 in immediate contact with the ultimate objects to which they tend1 there are often in those prophetic descriptions of the future prosperity of the chosen people1 many passages on the remote period of the last ages of the world1 and on the universal triumph of ,christianity throughout the earth at the end of time2 there are often1 we say1 many of those passages which also refer and indeed contain the closest allusions to the commencement of the ,christian redemption4 ,in the same way1 although in a different sort of subject1 we see our ,saviour himself foretell the impending ruin of ,jerusalem and of the ,jewish nation1 while his lamentations are closely linked1 and almost confounded with1 prophetic warnings respecting the awful and terrific scenes of latter times1 and the approaching day of general account2 although both these events1 the ruin of the temporal ,jerusalem1 and the last glorious transformation of nature1 when creation shall be consummated1 and a new heaven and a new earth shall spring into existence1 are to be strictly regarded as real and historical4 ,so close an attention1 and so great a power of discrimination are requisite to distinguish between parts1 to combine the whole1 and place each particular fact in its proper point of view4 ,but the best excuse that can be offered for the ,jews1 in this respect1 is the fact1 as the scripture clearly showeth1 that all the followers of our ,saviour1 and his most trusty disciples1 were at first under the same delusion1 and for a long time believed that1 though the right moment had not yet arrived1 still their master would certainly appear as the earthly ,deliverer and ,monarch of his nation2 and indeed the idea of his sufferings and death was so abhorrent to their feelings1 that they even dared to express their disapprobation1 and upbraid their ,saviour for entertaining such thoughts2 for it was only at a much later period the bandage fell from their eyes4 ,and the great reproach which we are to make the ,jews is that they should have adhered with such obstinacy to an error1 very excusable under certain circumstances1 and that after all they had heard1 seen and experienced1 they should have still closed their eyes against the light4 ,the conduct of our ,saviour towards the ,jews is often represented in a manner little conformable to historic truth1 and to the spirit and character of this mighty revolution1 when it is said that he entirely abrogated the whole system of the ,mosaic law4 ,the outward scaffolding was indeed removed1 when it had ceased to be necessary2 such were all those laws which applied only to that state of strict separation from ,heathen nations1 which at an earlier period had been of such absolute importance4 ,very many things were still retained2 and all now received in the fulfilment a higher spiritual signification2 and this was natural1 when we consider that in ,judaism itself every thing which had not been designed merely for local and temporary wants1 from the very commencement of that dispensation1 was typical of ,christianity4 ,the twelve apostles1 as well as the first seventy-two disciples1 were taken exclusively from the chosen people1 and even1 in this respect1 the divine promises were completely fulfilled1 and literally observed4 ,the constitution of the ancient hierarchy has very evidently furnished the pattern for that of the ,christian priesthood2 though this of course has been adapted to the wider circle of a higher and more spiritual system4 ,the expression1 ,my kingdom is not of this world1 does not imply that it was not to be in this world a real and effective power1 with a form and organization clearly defined4 ,many have read so much1 or inferred so much1 from this declaration1 that they could not adopt an easier or more polite method of shutting out this divine empire of truth from the world4 ,in the hours of the greatest solemnity1 the divine ,master revealed to his disciples the hidden sense of the ancient revelation in all the plenitude of its mysteries4 ,as the ,saviour himself said that every word and syllable of the old law must be literally fulfilled2 as in general the spiritual interpretation of the divine oracles is by no means inconsistent with their literal truth and inviolable sanctity2 so the same remark will apply to the new revelation1 in which every word and every syllable of prophecy will receive a full and practical accomplishment before the consummation of time4 ,even in another point of view1 particularly worthy the consideration of the historian1 ,christianity must be regarded only as a divine continuation1 a higher and more expansive form1 or spiritual renovation1 of the ,mosaic institution2 and was so intended by its divine ,founder2 namely in those aspirations after futurity1 which now so exclusively directed the whole of human life1 and its various views4 ,that law of divine wisdom1 by which earthly existence is to be looked upon only as a state of expectation1 of preparation1 and of struggle--a view of life alone accordant with human nature--that law has retained its full force in the new covenant4 ,for the primitive ,christians1 death was what the ,saviour said of himself1 a return1 a passing unto the ,father1 but life was one ceaseless struggle4 ,for him who unto the end fought steadfast in this struggle1 the angel of death was divested of his terrors2 he was a celestial messenger of peace1 that brought to the ,christian the bright garland of victory1 and the crown of eternal life2 in this faith and in these sentiments1 did the ,saints live1 and the martyrs die4 ,and as every human soul is conducted to the realms above by the gentle hand of its divine guardian2 so the ,saviour himself has announced to all mankind1 in many prophetic passages1 that when the period of the dissolution of the world shall approach1 he himself will return to the earth1 will renovate the face of all things1 and bring them to a close4 ,so lively an assurance had the first ,christians of the immediate presence of their invisible lord and guide1 so vivid a hope did they entertain of his speedy return to the earth2 that1 in order to check the aspirations of a zeal that would accelerate the period of consummation so ardently desired1 divine ,providence judged it necessary that the ,prophet of the ,new ,testament should close the volume of eternal revelation with that long succession of ages that were to witness the progressive struggle of humanity--all those centuries of ,christianity that mankind was yet to traverse1 before the promise should be fulfilled1 and in the fulness of time the final and universal triumph of ,christianity throughout the earth should be accomplished1 for all mankind must be gathered into one fold1 and under one ,shepherd4 ,according to the spirit and precept of the ,christian religion1 man must at every moment be prepared2 but he must not1 in a presumptuous ardour1 accelerate the term of existence fixed by the wisdom of ,almighty ,god4 ,thus all those ,christians who1 during the times of the most violent persecution of the church under the ,romans1 courted the danger1 and would not await the honour of martyrdom1 were warned that such conduct was by no means conformable to the will of ,god2 as it often happened that those who1 by such an overweening confidence in their own strength1 had wantonly rushed to the field of danger1 succumbed under their torments1 and fell from the faith4 ,had the ,jews but opened their eyes in the right time2 had they acknowledged the divine fulfilment of ancient promises in the mission of ,christ1 which was in fact far more exalted and more splendid than any thing they had expected2 and had all1 or even the greater part1 of the nation embraced ,christianity2 they would have become the mighty stem--the great foundation--the central point of all modern history1 and all modern life4 ,but as they did not correspond to this call of divine ,providence1 a call fully justified by their circumstances1 their early history1 and the prerogatives which the ,almighty had once accorded to them above all other nations2 the justice of ,god required that they should now receive a signal chastisement1 that they should be deprived of their national existence1 dispersed among all the nations of the earth2 and that1 in this state of ruin and dispersion1 they should serve as a memorable example to the world4 ,but this humiliation of the ,jews1 which was calculated to draw down the contempt of the ,heathen1 who looked only to outward things1 should have never given rise to oppression or ill-treatment among ,christian nations2 and the more so1 as it is still a problem whether any other people placed in a similar situation1 and warped by selfish prejudices1 and old and deep rooted errors1 would have done better2 or whether mankind in general1 subjected to a similar trial1 would have come off more successfully4 ,the old temple of the holy city was not1 like the idolatrous temples of the ,heathens1 a mere magnificent monument of national glory1 adorned with all the splendour of art2 but the idea and plan of the whole structure1 its minutest parts1 every stone1 and every cipher1 were clearly indicative and profoundly symbolical of that invisible temple1 that mighty city1 that divine kingdom of peace1 which ,christ was to establish on earth1 and which he had now at length come to establish4 ,even the name of ,jerusalem1 according to the ,hebrew signification of the word1 has the emblematic sense of revelation and foundation1 or city of peace1 by which is understood not a mere earthly and transitory peace1 but that higher and divine peace which forms the subject of all the promises made unto the chosen people4 ,this prophetic sense and typical design of the holy city is so closely connected with the origin and whole idea of the city1 that in some passages of the ,old ,testament such figurative expressions are used1 as if the whole business1 nay the whole life1 of man had no other object than to build up the walls of ,jerusalem2 in the same sense as if a ,christian moralist were to say2 the proper end and ultimate object of mankind1 and of the history of all nations and ages1 is the kingdom of ,god1 that is to say1 the ever wider diffusion and firmer consolidation of ,christian truth and ,christian perfection throughout the world4 ,when the spiritual and internal sense of this mighty and historical hieroglyph of the ,jewish people was no longer understood2 when the mighty truths which it embodied1 at the very moment they were about to receive their full explanation and perfect development1 were misunderstood and rejected2 what was more natural than that the emblem1 which had lost its meaning1 should be effaced1 the temple destroyed1 and the city itself levelled and razed by the arm of divine justice8 ,this is the view which the ,christian historian must take of that mighty and fearful catastrophe which now befell ,jerusalem1 and the whole ,jewish people under ,vespasian2 and indeed the impression which this event made on the ,jews1 though somewhat diversified by national sentiments1 is in all essential points conformable to our own feelings4 ,that in every such widely destructive disaster1 which by divine permission may afflict any portion of the human race1 the loving wisdom of ,god will know how to take each individual soul under its special protection1 and will guard and spare it1 at least1 in its immortal part1 is a truth so evident to every religious mind1 that it is unnecessary to enforce it at any length4 ,if1 as the ,scripture saith1 the hairs on a man's head are numbered1 so will each day1 nay each hour1 each pulsation of human existence be counted2 yea1 every heartfelt tear the eye of sorrow shall shed1 will be reckoned by the guardian spirit of eternal love4 ,but this religious regard for the fate of individuals1 and this humane sympathy with their misfortunes1 must be kept within its proper sphere in historical disquisitions1 where the principal design is to study and observe1 as far as the limited perception of man will permit1 the mighty course of divine justice1 through all ages of the world4 ,when the ,jews were disappointed in the hope they had entertained of a liberator1 who was to be sent from above1 armed with divine power to deliver them from the stern yoke of ,roman domination2 exasperated by the ever increasing tyranny of their masters1 after several partial insurrections1 the whole nation1 three and thirty years after the death of our ,lord1 broke out into open rebellion2 and the whole country1 torn by infuriated factions1 which fanatic hate inspired with the courage of despair1 exhibited all the horrors of the most terrific revolution4 ,the savage warfare of the ,romans in such a deadly struggle1 we have already learned from the example of ,carthage2 for however mild and benevolent might be the personal character of ,titus1 it was out of his power to introduce any change in the system of war2 and the number of men that perished in the siege and ravage of the holy city is estimated at #a1cjj1jjj2 including the small number that were led away captives1 or reserved to grace the triumph of the conqueror4 ,the ,emperor ,hadrian rebuilt the city1 which had been totally destroyed1 under the new and ,pagan name of lia ,capitolina1 and even erected within it a temple to ,jupiter3 but no ,jew was permitted to enter within its walls4 ,at a later period the ,emperor ,julian had intended to re-establish the ,jews in their ancient city1 and in all probability it was his hostility to ,christianity which had inspired him with the design2 but unexpected events and physical obstacles#b opposed the execution of this plan4 ,the ,jewish covenant and the old revelation of the ,hebrews formed the chief corner-stone on which ,christianity was founded2 and the first apostles of the new religion were all chosen from among that people4 ,the scriptures of the new covenant were composed in the ,greek tongue1 and the first apologies1 and other expositions of faith1 or books of instruction by the primitive fathers1 were mostly written in the same language4 ,we may therefore consider this language as forming the second foundation-stone of the ,christian edifice4 ,though the political consequences of the ,macedonian conquests in ,asia were not of any permanence1 yet the influence which these conquests have exerted on the intellectual character of nations1 the ascendancy which they gave to the ,greeks over the whole civilized world of that period1 were by no means unimportant4 ,it was by means of these conquests that the philosophy and literature of the ,greeks became1 along with their language1 predominant in ,egypt and the ,western countries of ,asia2 and hence this language was adopted as the original tongue of ,christianity2 because no other at that period had attained such intellectual refinement1 or such general diffusion4 ,as in human society every class and condition of life1 nay1 every individual1 by the peculiar rights and advantages which each exclusively enjoys1 still serves the community1 and contributes to the weal of others1 unconsciously and without precisely wishing it2 so in the history of the world1 and in the progress of nations1 all things are closely interlinked1 and one serves as the instrument1 auxiliary1 or bond of union to the other2 and it was not one of the least important results of the ,greek science and language1 that the two points wherein that nation had risen to the greatest eminence1 and was endowed with the greatest power1 should both have been so nearly allied with the cause of ,christianity1 even from its origin4 ,the ,roman empire was the third foundation-stone of the ,christian religion2 for its vast extent facilitated in a singular manner the early and very rapid diffusion of ,christianity1 and formed indeed the ground-work on which the fabric of the new church was first constructed4 ,in the history of the primitive church1 historians are wont to separate the different branches of their subject1 which form so many different parts of a single whole1 and thus to describe separately the dogmas and doctrines of the church1 its holy rites and sacraments1 its liturgies and festivals1 and next its moral condition and external relations2 and this division of the subject may1 no doubt1 very well answer the special design of such ecclesiastical histories4 ,but if we wish to take a more general view of the subject1 to seize the spirit of ,christianity1 and form a just1 true and lively conception of the primitive church1 we must be particularly careful not to forget in the investigation of those several heads1 that they formed one undivided and living whole in the eyes of the first ,christians1 amid the overflowing fulness of a new moral life2 and of this spirit of unity1 as well as of the wonderful energy of faith and love which was its never-failing source1 it is almost impossible for us to form a full and adequate notion4 ,christianity in its primitive influence1 was like an electric stroke1 which traversed the world with the rapidity of lightning--like a magnetic fluid of life1 which united even the most distant members of humanity in one animating pulsation4 ,public prayer and the sacred mysteries formed a stronger and closer bond of love among men1 than the still sacred ties of kindred and earthly affection4 ,some persons have affected to compare the secret assemblies of the primitive ,christians with the pagan ,mysteries2 and undoubtedly it was only in secret1 and in the retired and obscure oratory1 that the first followers of ,christ could gather together amid the fury of general persecution4 ,but1 from a competent knowledge which we possess of the import of those pagan ,mysteries1 they had about as much resemblance to the religious assemblies of the primitive ,christians1 as the divine sacrifice of holy commemoration1 and the chalice consecrated with the blood of the eternal ,covenant1 bore to the human sacrifices of the ,cainites4 ,the ,christians saw and felt the presence of their invisible ,king and eternal ,lord2 and when their souls overflowed with the plenitude of spiritual and heavenly life1 how could they value earthly existence1 and how must they not have been willing to sacrifice it in the struggle against the powers of darkness2 for that struggle formed the whole and proper business of their lives8--,hence we can understand the reason of the otherwise incredibly rapid diffusion of ,christianity through all the provinces1 and even sometimes beyond the limits1 of the vast empire of ,rome2--like a heavenly flame1 it ran through all life1 kindling1 where it found congenial sympathy1 all that it touched into a kindred fervour4 ,hence1 along with that mighty spirit of love which produced so rapid a spread of the ,christian religion1 and which united in the closest bonds the first ,christian communities1 that energy of faith which inspired such heroic fortitude under the dreadful and oft renewed persecutions of the ,romans4 ,the first persecution under ,nero was only a momentary freak of blood-thirsty tyranny--a passing trait of that monster's cruelty4 ,the first regular edict against the ,christians in the ,roman empire was passed by ,domitian in the #hgth year of our era1 and1 according to a custom which had been borrowed from the ,jews1 he assimilated the offence of dissent from the national religion to the crime of high treason4 ,the better ,nerva softened the rigour of this law1 and declared that the denunciations of slaves against their masters were not to be received1 but1 on the contrary1 such informers were to be severely punished4 ,trajan also1 on the before-mentioned report of the younger ,pliny1 decided1 in the #abjth year of our era1 that the ,christians1 who were then uncommonly numerous1 were not to be sought after1 but that1 when denounced1 they should be punished according to the law existing against such religious associations and communities4 ,but notwithstanding all these apparent mitigations of severity introduced by the better emperors1 the criminal jurisprudence of the ,romans1 like their foreign warfare1 ever remained most atrocious2 and the passages and allusions which are to be found in ancient historians1 concur with the general voice of ,christian tradition in stating the prodigious cruelties inflicted on the ,christians in those persecutions4 ,in general ,hadrian pursued that milder and middle course of policy which ,trajan had commenced before him2 he approved of legal and judicial persecutions against the ,christians1 but he strictly prohibited those tumultuary attacks which were the mere ebullitions of popular hatred4 ,with many vicissitudes1 ,christianity remained in this state until the reign of ,diocletian1 who1 pursuing a far more systematic plan than most of his predecessors1 attempted entirely to root it out2 but this was no longer possible1 and the growing church received its first formal edict of pacification at the hands of the emperor ,constantine4 ,the pagan enthusiast ,julian attempted a second time to subvert it1 but it was now too late4 ,in the struggle against pagan cruelty and ,roman persecution1 ,christianity had come off victorious2 in bondage1 and under every species of suffering1 it had proved the invincible might of the divine arm2--and1 next to the apostles1 the martyrs1 so highly revered by the gratitude of ,christians1 must occupy the second place among those who were instrumental in bringing about this mighty renovation of society1 and who sealed their efforts with their blood4 ,but we must not imagine that the martyrs1 as mere men1 and by their unassisted strength1 could have endured such dreadful torments with such unshaken constancy2 or1 again1 that they were the mere unconscious instruments of a divine fatality1 without the co-operation of their free1 clear and steadfast will4 ,by the side of those who were constant1 many individuals were found that were not so1--many1 who1 overcome by suffering1 delivered up the holy scriptures1 or entirely apostatized from the faith and sacrificed to idols2 so that it was afterwards a matter of dispute1 how far the lapsed could be pardoned and received again into the church4 ,after that period was past which had witnessed the reign of those inhuman tyrants that immediately succeeded ,augustus1 several of the more virtuous emperors sought by various expedients to bring about the moral regeneration of the people and empire of ,rome4 ,trajan1 who possessed much of the rectitude and old martial virtues that belonged to the elder and better period of ,rome1 sought to introduce these again2 and1 though the effects of his policy were transient1 they were still beneficial4 ,hadrian endeavoured to reanimate paganism1 and to make it once more the basis of the empire and of public life2 for this purpose1 he had recourse especially to the more profound and austere ,theology of ,egypt2 and that new ,egyptian style1 which characterizes the later monuments of ,roman art1 was connected with the emperor's predilection for the old religion of ,egypt4 ,but the healthy vigour1 the moral regeneration1 of public life1 and of the empire itself1 could not now be obtained by the maintenance1 or firmer consolidation1 of the pagan religion2 on the contrary1 it is in the erroneous nature of the primitive paganism of ,rome that we must seek for the principal cause why1 even in that elder period now so highly extolled1 and which certainly was at least better1 a true1 pure1 and stable system of morals and politics could never take root and flourish4 ,under the two ,antonines1 the severe morality of ,stoicism was regarded as the vital principle of moral regeneration1 and political reform1 and a practical application of its principles was sought for on all sides4 ,and certainly if the stoical philosophy1 with its mere dead letter of rigid justice1 and correct morality1 unsupported by the divine maxims of right faith1 and that spirit of exalted love which true faith alone can impart1 could have accomplished this high design2--if it had possessed within itself this mighty source1 this creative energy of moral and social life2 the serious determination and personal virtues of those imperial stoics might indeed have promised to the declining age of ,rome the fulfilment of the last hope to which ,paganism yet clung4 ,but that which doth not rest on the basis of truth can receive no life from any external cause2 and it can impart no life to any thing without1 because it is decayed within1 and when the illusive bloom of first youth has fled1 it sinks inevitably into its native corruption4 ,when the ,lord doth not build the house1 saith the ,psalmist1 those who would build it labour in vain4 ,to the better times that had witnessed the rule of the three or four great monarchs we have mentioned1 the reign of a ,commodus succeeded2 and thus the ,empire1 down to the time of ,diocletian1 beheld a constant mutation of rulers1 sometimes benevolent1 or at least comparatively good1 whose reigns however were often but of short duration1 sometimes weak and spiritless1 and sometimes again tyrants of the most abject and atrocious cast4 ,among these latter ,sovereigns1 however1 who in cruelty and arbitrary caprice1 resembled the first successors of ,augustus1 there were no characters possessed of that strong ,roman sense which distinguished ,tiberius2 and the empire in their hands assumed daily more and more a thoroughly effeminate and oriental complexion4 ,nothing was more subject to chance than the right of succession in the ,roman empire1 where the arbitrary application of the ,roman principle of adoption opened a wide field to the contention of parties2 without including the frequent recurrence of conspiraces in a military empire1 which1 as it was formed by a military conspiracy1 ever retained the stamp of its origin4 ,augustus had employed his whole life1 not without apparent success1 for a time at least1 in endeavouring to give to authority1 acquired by force of arms1 the colour and forms of legitimacy4 ,but how could it be ever forgotten that he1 as well as ,csar1 had been raised to the ,imperial throne by the army1 and amid the struggles of factions1 conspiracies1 and civil wars4 ,the soldiers knew this1 and recollected but too well the source whence the supreme power in the state had emanated4 ,the influence of the ,prtorians1 especially1 was1 from their origin1 very considerable1 as they surrounded the ,emperor1 and formed his body-guard4 ,by virtue of his office the leader of the ,prtorians had a sort of negative and controlling power1 like that of the ,censor and popular ,tribune in the ancient republic1 except that this functionary wielded the sword1--a power in some degree acknowledged by the ,emperor himself1 as it was accounted one of the highest merits of ,trajan1 that to the chief of that troop which defended the person1 and often decided the fate1 of the ,emperor1 he delivered the sword with these words3 ,for me1 if ,i govern well--against me1 if ,i should become a tyrant4 ,thus the empire was entirely abandoned to chance and caprice1 and as its origin was military1 it remained unto the end essentially a military despotism4 ,the more powerful legions that were quartered in the most important provinces1 especially in those of the frontiers1 soon began to feel that they were far superior in numbers and strength to the effeminate ,prtorians of the capital4 ,several emperors were elected and proclaimed by these legions2 and in the number1 such even as were not ,romans1 and were of barbarian extraction2 for it happened that1 in the provincial legions1 many foreigners1 especially ,germans1 were engaged in the ,roman service in the provinces on the ,north-western frontier4 ,several of the emperors thus chosen by the legions1 continued to reside where the centre of their power existed--in the station1 or in some provincial capital conveniently situated4 ,the ,senate had long been but a mere shadow of its former greatness2 even the capital began to lose much of its importance4 ,at the same time the repeated incursions of the ,northern nations ever rendered a general invasion more imminent1 and the disaster1 which men had foreseen from afar1 appeared ever nearer its accomplishment4 ,already the first irruption of the ,cimbri and ,teutones1 when not merely an army for the sake of booty1 or to plant a military colony1 but a whole tribe with wives and children had migrated into the ,roman territory1 threw ,rome into consternation during the civil wars1 when she was at the very height of her military prowess4 ,csar had spared no exertion to reduce ,gaul to complete subjection1 and this country had ever since adopted more and more the language and customs of ,rome4 ,he experienced from no people such vigorous resistance1 as from the ,germanic tribes2 and to protect against these nations the safety of the empire1 by strongly fortifying the banks of the ,rhine and ,danube1 constituted afterwards the first concern of the ,roman ,emperors4 ,what a shock ,augustus received from the defeat of ,varus1 by the ,german ,arminius in his native woods6 ,even under the martial ,trajan1 who was almost the last conqueror in the line of ,roman ,emperors1 men began to entertain serious apprehensions of the invasion of the ,germanic tribes4 ,the first great irruption was that of the ,alemanni1 who1 under ,marcus ,aurelius burst into the ,rhtian provinces1 while similar movements occurred in ,noricum and eastward towards ,pannonia4 ,however1 ,marcus ,aurelius1 by an energetic and successful resistance1 repelled this first attempt1 and thus was the means of deterring the barbarians for a long time from similar enterprises2 and a hundred years elapsed before ,aurelian drove them again from ,italy1 over the ,alps as far as the ,lech4 ,among the ,german nations1 the ,goths1 who from the ,scandinavian ,isles had penetrated far into the interior of ,germany1 particularly towards the eastern1 as afterwards towards the western1 parts of that country1 were pre-eminent in power4 ,they could not be prevented from obtaining a firm footing in the ,north-eastern provinces1 by the ,black ,sea4 ,the ,emperor ,decius perished in the war against this people2 and the ,romans were obliged to surrender to them by a formal treaty1 the further ,dacia4 ,constantine1 indeed1 was victorious in the war he waged against them2 but he preferred to conclude an advantageous peace1 to gain their friendship1 and enlist their youth in the service of the ,roman armies4 ,of the later reigns that of ,diocletian displayed the greatest energy2 but his cruel persecution of the ,christians was1 even to judge from the mere external state of society1 as little adapted to the spirit of the age as it was reprehensible in itself1 and hence his design remained unaccomplished4 ,although1 after his abdication1 ,diocletian showed himself a thorough ,roman in private life1 yet1 while he swayed the sceptre1 he deemed it expedient to surround the throne with all the pomp and forms of ,asiatic homage4 ,the division of the empire among several sovereigns appeared then1 as afterwards1 under ,constantine and his successors1 an unavoidable and necessary evil2 or1 in other words1 the several parts and members of the vast body of the ,roman ,empire1 which approached nearer and nearer to its dissolution1 began to fall to pieces1 and that division itself accelerated again the destruction of the state1 as it became the occasion of internal discord1 and universal convulsion in the ,roman world4 ,the revolution accomplished by ,constantine1 indeed1 might have become a real1 and by far the most comprehensive1 regeneration of the ,roman state1 as it substituted for its originally defective1 and now completely rotten1 foundation of ,paganism1 a new principle of life1 a higher and more potent energy of divine truth and eternal justice4 ,but ,christianity had not yet near become the universal religion of the people1 and ,empire of ,rome--otherwise the great re-action1 which took place under ,julian1 had not been possible4 ,the peasantry1 in particular1 continued for a long time yet attached to the old idolatry2 and hence the name of ,pagans was derived4#c ,even ,constantine1 though he publicly declared himself a convert to ,christianity1 still did not dare to receive baptism immediately1 and thus enter fully into the great community of ,christians4 ,the administration of the ,roman state was so completely interwoven with ,pagan rites and ,pagan doctrines1 that1 from an act of this public nature1 dangerous collisions might have at first easily ensued4 ,on the whole1 the old ,roman maxims and principles of state-policy continued to prevail1 even for a long time after the reign of ,constantine2 and the period had not yet arrived when ,christianity was to work a fundamental reform throughout the whole political world1--and a ,christian government1 if ,i may so speak1 was to be established and organized on that eternal basis1 and to strike deep root and grow into the faith and life of the people1 and into their habits and their feelings2 but this great revolution was reserved for another and a later period4 #a ,in confirmation of this pithy sentence of ,schlegel's1 ,i may cite a remarkable passage from the celebrated ,lessing1 which1 as coming from an ,infidel1 may perhaps have more weight with the ,unitarian4 ,if ,christ1 he says1 is not truly ,god1 then ,mohammedanism was an undoubted improvement on the ,christian religion3 ,mahomet1 on such a supposition1 would indisputably have been a greater man than ,christ1 as he would have been far more veracious1 more circumspect1 and more zealous for the honour of ,god1 since ,christ1 by his expressions1 would have given dangerous occasion for idolatry2 while1 on the other hand1 not a single expression of the kind can be laid to the charge of ,mahomet4--,lessing's ,beitrge zur ,geschichte und ,litteratur4 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #daj4--,trans4 #b ,by this expression1 ,schlegel does not mean to question the supernatural agency that produced those obstacles4--,trans #c ,from the ,latin word ,pagus1 a rural district4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,x4 ,,lecture ,,xi4 ,of the ancient ,germans1 and of the invasion of the ,northern tribes4--,the march of ,nature in the historical development of ,nations4--,further diffusion and internal consolidation of ,christianity4--,great corruption of the world4--,rise of ,mahometanism4 ,the idolatry of the ancient ,germans1 like the less poetical1 less artificial1 and less elaborate ,paganism of all primitive nations1 consisted in a simple adoration of ,nature1 such as existed among the ,persians1 with whom they had a very close affinity in race and in language4 ,thus the objects of their worship were the stars1 the sun and the moon1 the celestial spirits1 the various powers and elements of ,nature1 and in particular the mother earth1 under the name of the goddess ,hertha4 ,in the ,german and ,english names for the days of the week1 the names of the gods1 ,thun1 ,wodan1 ,thor1 and ,freya1 are still preserved2 and these in the ,germanic mythology correspond to the planets1 most clearly visible from our globe--,mars1 ,mercury1 ,jupiter1 and ,venus2 as it is also from these the ,romanic languages have taken the names of the weekdays4 ,it does not appear1 indeed1 that there existed in ,germany quite so powerful1 influential1 and well-organized a body of priests1 as the ,druids composed in ,gaul2 and we can only discover the existence of certain secret rites and mysteries of a very primitive simplicity2 as1 for instance1 the human sacrifice which was offered to the lake ,hertha1 in the ,isle of ,rugen1 when a young man and maiden were thrown into its solitary waters4 ,it was in the obscurity of woods1 under the sacred oak1 or by the ,linden1 the tree of ,northern enchantment1 and on the mountaintops1 they celebrated their rites1 festivals1 and entertainments1 or arranged the ,runic sticks to search into futurity2 and as1 among the ,greeks1 the ,delphic oracle in moments of general danger was consulted1 and gave its advice on the most important concerns of the nation2 so the prophetesses and sybils of the ,north1 like the ,velleda mentioned by the ,romans1 exerted a very decisive influence on the public councils4 ,old poetical traditions of gods1 heroes1 giants1 and spirits 7in many respects like those of ,persia71 formed the keystone of the sacred recollections and national existence of the ,germanic nations4 ,their original descent from ,asia remained ever strong and lively in their remembrance1 and allusions to it were interwoven into the whole body of their traditionary poetry2 and as in the ,persian traditions1 the ,arii are celebrated as the most generous and heroic nation of the primitive ages1 so the ,asae occupy the most distinguished place in the ,northern mythology4 ,in the ,scandinavian ,north1 which remained ,pagan for many centuries after ,germany had become ,christian1 there are still extant many monuments and songs of a similar purport and strain2 and of these1 indeed1 abundant vestiges are to be found every-where4 ,these old historical traditions and this hereditary poetry had often a very powerful influence on real life1 and on the martial enterprises and achievements of the tribes2 and as in the heroic ages of the ,greeks1 according to the ,homeric description1 so in those times the bard1 proclaiming the history of gods and heroes1 and attending on the person of the prince or general of the army1 was by no means an unimportant personage4 ,a monarchy of such wide extent1 as the ancient kingdom of ,persia1 did not exist in ,germany4 ,the constitution1 if we can apply such a term to the wild freedom of those early ages1 was more like that of ,greece in the heroic times1 when she was governed by her noble families1 and her territory was divided into a number of petty kingdoms1 which only rarely united in a great league for a common enterprise4 ,this primitive ,germanic constitution was a very simple and free aristocracy of ,nature4 ,the tribe that composed the nation was an union or confederacy of freemen and nobles under an hereditary tribe-prince1 or chosen leader2 and it was only at a later period that among some of the ,germanic nations1 this confederacy gave way to a regular regal government4 ,every freeman1 and every man having a right to bear arms1 was a member of the ,hermannia1 which was afterwards called the arriere-ban2 and it was this ancient ,hermannia that gave rise to the ,roman name for ,germany4 ,the land was cultivated by bondsmen and slaves1 who had been either purchased1 or taken prisoners in war1 or were the conquered remnant of the ancient inhabitants of the country1 or even men who for some crime had forfeited their freedom and nobility4 ,when the ,romans became better acquainted with the ,germanic nations1 the latter had partly become an agricultural people2 and they observed that very primitive custom of letting their fields lie alternately in fallow--a custom which has been so long retained in the ,north of ,germany1 under the name of dreyfelder-wirthschaft4 ,private property in land itself was not yet marked out nor enclosed within any exact limits--there was still much common land1 and this was naturally an inducement for the different tribes1 whenever they had a favourable opportunity1 to change their abode and migrate4 ,but this infant agriculture was still held subordinate to the occupations of the chace and of the pastoral life1 which furnished the principal means of subsistence4 ,the different forests that still exist in ,germany are merely the remaining fragments of the one1 vast1 boundless ,hercynian forest1 that once extended through the whole interior of the country4 ,from the quantity of wood that yet remained1 the soil of ,germany was much more marshy1 and its atmosphere incomparably colder1 than at the present day4 ,the buffalo and the elk1 which at present are so very rarely to be met with in ,germany1 were then animals indigenous to our country4 ,that this condition of the soil1 and this unsettled mode of life1 in a growing population are circumstances quite sufficient to account for a partial1 though 7without other co-operating causes7 not perhaps for the general1 emigration of a whole tribe1 must be evident to every person4 ,internal factions and wars are quite adequate causes for the emigration of a whole tribe1 or1 at least1 of a considerable portion4 ,in the early ages it was customary1 when the population became too numerous1 for the younger brothers1 or a certain number of youths chosen by lot1 to quit their country under the guidance of a leader of their choice1 or of one marked out by ,fame1 and1 proceeding on an expedition of adventure1 conquer other homes for themselves1 and seek out their fortunes towards the east1 or towards the west1 or beneath the fairer sky of a southern region4 ,even in a more advanced1 nay in the most advanced1 stage of civilization1 every state and nation is necessitated by nature1 if ,i may so speak1 to disburthen itself of a redundant population1 and to extend itself in new settlements--in one word1 to found colonies1 and to possess colonies4 ,this is the standing law1--the fundamental rule of health in the progressive development of nations2 and where this necessity does not exist in an equal degree1 we must consider it only a case of exception1 and we shall be sure to find that some special cause precludes the operation of this principle for a time3 for1 sooner or later1 nature will force us to this expedient4 ,the commercial colonies of the ,phoenicians and ,greeks were in part founded1 and certainly at least defended1 extended and consolidated by force of arms2 and it is only by similar means1 that in modern times1 ,mexico and ,peru have become colonies of ,spain4 ,but in those early ages1 and among those northern1 warlike children of nature1 this natural necessity of emigration could take no other course1 nor have any other object but a military settlement4 ,such was the result of the first irruption of the northern nations1 mentioned in history--the expedition of the ,gauls into ,thrace1 which was soon succeeded by a second of a similar kind under ,brennus2 when that ,gallic general marched at the head of his troops into ,macedon and ,greece1 and became master of the rich temple of ,apollo at ,delphi1 and of all its accumulated treasures4 ,a remnant of these troops finally fixed their abode in ,asia ,minor1 and established a ,gallic settlement in a province which from them received the name of ,galatia4 ,in this first great expedition1 or irruption of the northern nations1 the names of almost all the tribes and their leaders are ,celtic2 still some few ,german names are found amongst them2 and this may be easily accounted for1 when we recollect that the ,gauls1 who were then widely spread1 and inhabited even the ,north of ,italy1 were undoubtedly in possession of most of the ,alpine countries1 and thus may easily have engaged in their service some ,german tribes4 ,who knows but what some marvellous tradition1 and fabulous account of the lovely climate and delicious fruits of the ,southern regions1 together with recollections of their original descent from the ,southern nations of ,asia1 may have contributed to bring the ,cimbri and ,teutones from the islands of ,scandinavia to the plains of ,italy8 ,had the ,romans not dreaded the dangerous precedent1 and had they but allotted lands to these nations1 they might easily have kept terms of peace with them1 and enlisted their most valiant youth in the service of their legions2 as1 indeed1 under the later emperors1 the flower of their troops was selected from the ,gothic tribes4 ,but the case was widely different when the relations of peace and war1 the proximity of frontiers1 and the occupation of the ,german territory1 brought the ,romans in closer contact with the ,germanic nations2 as1 for instance1 in the campaigns which ,csar conducted against the chief of the ,suevi1 ,ariovistus2 ,tiberius against ,maroboduus1 king of the ,marcomanni2 and the general of ,augustus against the ,saxon prince1 ,hermann4 ,here both parties diligently studied and observed each other's excellencies and defects1 and mixed in the most various intercourse4 ,thus ,hermann's father lived among the ,romans2 his brother bore a ,roman name2 and his nephew was educated at ,rome4 ,maroboduus himself repaired thither1 desirous like a prudent foe1 to examine with his own eyes the capital of ,roman greatness and power4 ,among the ,german tribes and their leaders1 factions were sometimes formed even against ,hermann and ,maroboduus2 and at a later period1 these divisions had no inconsiderable influence on the relations of the ,germanic nations with the ,romans1 and on their foreign enterprizes4 ,the ,roman frontier on the banks of the ,rhine and the ,danube1 fortified by a long line of castles1 fortresses1 and cities1 lay for the most part within the ,german territory1 and was inhabited by some ,german tribes1 or ,german settlers that had been attracted thither4 ,here the nations of ,germany saw their brethren of a kindred race1 living indeed under the controul of ,roman laws1 which those1 who still retained their freedom1 sought to repel by force of arms2 but on the other hand1 they observed the high cultivation of a country1 blest with all the advantages of civilization1 and adorned with so many of the arts of life1 with the culture of the vine1 and a variety of the most exquisite fruits4 ,and when1 in the course of the almost incessant wars waged on the frontier1 they either encountered a feeble resistance1 or observed some defect in the mode of ,roman defence1 the desire to prosecute their fortune1 and penetrate into those beautiful countries1 must have considerably augmented4 ,as1 three centuries ago1 the fabulous accounts of treasures of gold1 and rich ores of silver1 to be found in ,america1 drew hosts of ,spanish and other ,european adventurers over the ,atlantic to the shores of the newly-discovered continent2 so the charms of a southern sky1 the rich fruits1 the vineyards1 the blooming gardens of a warm1 lovely and highly cultivated region1 wrought powerfully on the imaginations of the ,northerns1 and were often the motive of their expeditions and armed migrations4 ,the first irruptions of the ,alemanni in the reign of ,marcus ,aurelius1 and subsequent to it1 appear to have arisen immediately and naturally1 7as ,i have said17 out of the perpetual wars waged on the frontier1 on the first advantage which those barbarians obtained over the ,romans1 and on the first defect or weakness which they espied in the defensive operations of their enemies4 ,that the warfare on the frontier was perpetuated almost without intermission1 it is the more natural to suppose1 since the ,germanic nations by two armed confederacies of their tribes1 had on their side opposed to the fortifications of the ,roman boundaries a living frontier-wall4 ,the name of the ,marcomanni served to designate not a particular tribe1 but an armed confederation for the defence of the whole nation2 and the same remark holds good of the ,alemanni4 ,in the descriptions which the ,romans have given of ,germany1 they were occasionally led1 by their ignorance of the language1 to mistake a league for a people1 and to apply to a tribe the denomination intended to denote a district or a custom4 ,but in these accounts it is very easy to trace the three or four leading nations of ,germany1 that figure afterwards in its history1 and which1 on the dissolution of the ,roman empire1 possessed themselves of its provinces1 spread through the different ,romanic countries1 and in the course of time became the founders of the modern ,european states4 ,these three principal nations of ,germany 7and such they were considered by the ,romans17 were the ,suevi1 the ,saxons1 and the ,goths1 who may be best distinguished by the course of the rivers1 which flowed through the countries they inhabited4 ,the whole of that extensive country1 afterwards called ,ancient ,saxony1 and which lay along the course and embouchures of the ,elbe1 the ,eyder1 the ,ems and the ,weser1 including the whole sea-coast with ,jutland and ,denmark1 all the ,rhenish ,netherlands with the ,batavian shores1 was inhabited by the ,saxons2 a people 7for it was only later their name was explained from a peculiar national weapon1 or species of sword17 attached to the soil1 and who were of all the ,germanic tribes the least prone to emigration2 for1 as mariners1 they kept to the sea-coasts1 and the banks of rivers4 ,it was only at the period when the tide of emigration had reached its highest point that the ,saxons1 issuing from their native seat1 not only possessed themselves of1 but as it were1 peopled anew1 the great ,british ,isle2 and it is very possible that this not widely dispersed1 but closely connected low-,german race1 then out-numbered all the other nations of ,germany4 ,it was on the banks of the ,upper ,rhine and the ,upper ,danube that lay the original seat of the ,suevi1 a race perhaps more mixed1 who occur in history under the name of the ,alemanni1 and were distinguished for a restless spirit of adventure and migratory enterprize4 ,the name of the ,franks1 a people occupying so important a place in later history1 denoted originally rather a league than a particular nation2 and as their geographical seat lay between those of the ,suevi and the ,saxons1 they were akin in character and by descent to both those nations4 ,in their manners and mode of government they resembled the ,alemanni2 while in race and language they were originally more nearly allied to the ,saxons4 ,if the ,franks are to be considered a distinct nation1 it is the ancient ,catti or ,hessians 7who have ever been included among that people7 that we must regard as the main stock of the whole race4 ,but the second great primitive and leading race among the ,germanic nations were the ,goths1 a people whose territory spread from the ,scandinavian ,peninsula1 and the shores of the ,baltic1 along the whole course of the ,vistula1 as far as the ,black ,sea4 ,their language1 as it exists in the yet extant ,gothic bible of ,ulphilas1 is what we would now call the high ,dutch dialect2 though its form is more ancient1 and is distinguished for a certain purity of structure1 not without its peculiar charm4 ,this ,gothic dialect is1 in tone and form1 less akin to the ,saxon and ,scandinavian languages1 except in so far as the branches of a stem1 the nearer we approach the roots1 reveal more clearly their common origin4 ,in the ,scandinavian ,north1 the territories of these two principal ,germanic races1 the ,goths and the ,saxons1 were contiguous2 and1 proceeding from this common source1 the two nations branched out into separate and various streams4 ,of a similar1 or at least of a kindred1 race to the ,goths1 were the ,burgundians and ,vandals1 who afterwards founded the kingdoms of that name in ,gaul and ,spain4 ,hereditary monarchy attained to a more settled form among the ,goths than among any other of the ,germanic nations2 and1 divided between two different dynasties1 the ,ostro-,goths were subject to the heroic family of the ,amali1 and the ,visi-,goths to that of the ,balti4 ,the ,roman historians of that age often speak of their martial courage and magnanimity1 as well as of their lofty and commanding stature4 ,the real emigration of the ,northern tribes originated solely and immediately with the ,goths2 and1 in the first period1 was not produced by any commotion among the ,asiatic nations1 as was afterwards the case4 ,as early as the third century1 the ,goths took possession of the countries situated on the ,northern coast of the ,euxine1 and penetrated into ,greece as far as ,athens4 ,the ,emperor ,decius fell in the war against them1 and in the peace which they concluded with ,aurelian1 they retained the further ,dacia which had been previously surrendered4 ,they now became allies of the ,romans1 who were happy enough to cultivate the relations of peace with them1 and to recruit their legions with the ,gothic youth4 ,a hundred years later1 the ,goths on the death of their king ,hermanric1 were disturbed in their settlements near the ,black ,sea by the ,huns3 a people who1 according to the ,chinese annals1 originally inhabited the ,northern frontier of ,china towards the ,eastern parts of the ,middle ,asia1 and who afterwards1 bearing down westward1 took up their abode for a long time on the ,eastern shores of the ,caspian1 till at last they forced their way into the ,caucasian regions1 and the territory of the ,goths on the borders of the ,black ,sea4 ,it was only now1 when the minds of the ,german tribes of the ,west were at the same time rising to a higher and higher pitch of excitement1 and the old ,empire of ,rome was on every side crumbling into ruins1 that the tide of ,northern emigration burst out in all its full and fearful violence4 ,in the first irruptions1 the names of the different tribes1 as well as of their leaders1 were almost all without exception ,german2 but now we meet with many foreign names1 which discover not only the ,asiatic ,huns1 but the ,sclavonian1 and even perhaps1 occasionally1 the ,finnish tribes1 that were undoubtedly then intermingled with the ,goths in the vast empire of the latter4 ,for fifty years after the first invasion1 the ,huns remained at peace in their new settlements between the ,theiss and the ,danube1 nor did they disturb the ,roman ,empire till the time of ,attila4 ,the ,goths offered to defend the frontier against these barbarians1 and received in return the province to the south of the ,danube4 ,the ,goths readily embraced ,christianity2 but they received it in the ,arian form2 for at the time when religious instructors and the ,gothic bishop ,ulphilas were sent from ,constantinople1 the ,arian party had the ascendancy in that capital4 ,this circumstance had afterwards the most fatal influence on the destinies of the ,roman ,empire2 for one of the chief causes of its downfal was this new contest in religious matters4 ,it was on this very account the second conquest of ,rome by the ,vandal ,king ,genseric was attended with far more devastation than the first under the ,visi-,goth ,king ,alaric2 for the former persecuted the ,catholic church with all the animosity of an ,arian4 ,the ,goths were not animated by feelings of hostility towards the ,romans2 but were rather disposed to admire the excellence and superiority of their civilization4 ,when the ,emperor ,valens perished in the ,gothic war1 which ,roman treachery had occasioned1 ,theodosius contrived to conclude an advantageous peace with this people1 when they stood at the very gates of ,constantinople1 took forty thousand of their troops into his pay1 and renewed the armed confederacy of the ,goths which ,constantine had formed4 ,when the ,gothic prince ,athanaric had contemplated with astonishment the pomp and splendour of ,constantinople1 and had conceived sentiments of respect for the personal character of ,theodosius2 the ,goths1 moved by the representations of their prince1 declared to ,theodosius that as long as he lived1 they wished to have no other king but himself4 ,but the case was altered under the sons of ,theodosius2 and1 to defend themselves from this people1 these princes knew no other expedient than to let loose on ,italy these barbarians1 and to divert and point the storm of invasion towards that quarter4 ,this policy produced the expedition of the ,visi-,goth ,king ,alaric to ,rome1 and the first conquest of the eternal and seven-hilled city4 ,the disputes between ,rome and the new ,byzantine court did not a little contribute to the downfal of the ,roman ,empire2 and the dexterity1 or rather craftiness1 which the politicians of ,constantinople displayed on this1 as on many other occasions1 was often attended with consequences the most ruinous to ,italy4 ,as the universal empire of ,rome had grown out of civil war1 so it was undermined and ruined more by internal discord and corruption1 than by the power of the ,goths2 a nation with whom the ,romans might easily have contracted relations of amity1 and induced to fraternize1 and become by degrees one people with themselves2 and indeed1 at various periods1 the policy of the better ,emperors had prepared the way for such an union4 ,as1 of all the ,germanic nations1 the ,goths were the most powerful2 and as their assistance would have enabled the ,romans to resist all the other tribes2 such an alliance1 as ,i here speak of1 would have accomplished by pacific means the purpose of the great ,northern migration1 namely1 the union of the sound1 vigorous1 native spirit of the ,germans with the civilization of the ,romans 7then indeed sunk to the lowest state of debasement71 and whose polity and public life ,christianity itself was unable totally to regenerate4 ,and thus a long intermediate period of conflict and confusion would have been rendered unnecessary4 ,during the troubles which followed the first conquest of ,rome by ,alaric1 the ,romans invoked from ,africa the aid of ,genseric1 ,king of the ,vandals1--a prince who both as a warrior1 and as a ruler1 was far more cruel than ,alaric1 and who every where spread terror on his march4 ,jealous and suspicious of the ,goths1 he invited into ,italy ,attila1 with all the nations which his martial prowess had subjected or attached to his authority1 and occasioned the expedition of the latter into the ,west1 where1 in the great battle on the banks of the ,marna1 the ,goths constituted the main portion of both the contending armies4 ,the ,huns and some other of the invading nations were still ,pagans2 and the history of that age amply demonstrated that wars are ever more destructive in proportion as the armies are more numerous1 the throng of armed multitudes more dense1 and the nations composing them more various and dissimilar4 ,still the general oppression1 anarchy1 desolation1 and misery1 in those times1 are not to be traced solely to wars and battles2 for1 during the most flourishing and civilized ages of ancient ,rome1 wars were almost perpetually waged1 and were generally more1 and certainly not less1 bloody and destructive than the present4 ,the ,bishop of ,rome contrived to avert the torrent of hostilities from his capital1 and the city was spared4 ,on the death of ,attila1 the ,huns ceased to be formidable2 for the power of that prince1 which depended far less on their numbers1 than on his own military prowess and glory1 perished at once with him4 ,odoacer1 ,prince of the ,heruli and ,rugians1 7nations also ,gothic7 was called to the ,empire of ,rome from the banks of the ,danube4 ,from his conquest dates the downfal of the ,western ,empire1 and the last ,roman youth who was yet dignified with the name of emperor1 was called ,romulus1 #abbh years after the first ,romulus1--the founder of the eternal city--a city which after it had lost its outward and political power1 became the centre of a vast sacerdotal dominion1 and again occupied in succeeding times a mighty and important place in history4 ,when the sway of the ,heruli became an object of detestation in ,rome and ,italy1 the ,greek ,emperor ,zeno1 in a formal document1 conferred on the ,ostro-,goth ,king ,theodoric1 who had been educated at ,constantinople1 the dominion of ,italy2 and the latter1 after his victory over ,odoacer1 assumed the ,roman purple1 in lieu of the ,gothic dress4 ,he was highly esteemed in ,rome1 and by all the ,germanic nations2 his name1 like that of ,charlemagne after him1 was celebrated in the heroic songs of the ,germans1 while political writers and historical critics commend alike his talents and his virtues4 ,his rule was generous and noble2 he loved and honoured the arts and sciences which his age still possessed1 and the last of ,roman writers1 ,cassiodorius and ,boethius1 were the ornaments of his reign4 ,factions which arose on the death of this great prince1 and a crime perpetrated on the relics of his house1#d afforded the active ,emperor of the ,east1 ,justinian1 an opportunity to re-establish the ,greek sway in ,italy1 by means of his successful ,general1 ,belisarius4 ,military commanders like ,belisarius1 and some worthier and more enterprizing princes on the throne of ,byzantium1 as well as that systematic course of policy ,i have before described1 maintained the ,byzantine ,empire2 while ,rome itself was ruined1 and ,italy fell under the dominion of the ,lombards1 who succeeded the ,goths1 and were succeeded in their turn by the ,franks--under whom the ,roman ,empire of ,germany was re-established1 and ,rome became1 and continued1 united with that empire during the middle ages1 though for the most part only in name4 ,this rapid but faithful sketch of the migration of the ,northern nations seemed necessary to enable us to form a right opinion on this subject4 ,for this period1 which laid the mighty foundation on which the whole ,teutonico--,romanic structure of the institutions1 laws1 manners1 languages1 opinions1 and even the peculiar imaginative character of modern ,european nations1 has been raised1 has not always been fully understood1 or justly appreciated by many writers1 either led away by a partial enthusiasm for the antique1 or enthralled by modern opinions and prejudices--writers who wish to trace in all parts of creation1 and even in universal history1 the same dead uniformity and monotony of plan4 ,it is by no means common to meet with an ,historical inquirer1 possessing a flexibility of fancy1 a justness of feeling1 and a soundness and correctness of judgment1 capable of transporting him into the remote ages of history1 and the mythic antiquity of nations4 ,but in the present instance1 and throughout the whole of this chaotic epoch1 when the old fictions of the ,titanic wars appear to be actually realized1 and when the marvellous of events and sentiments is to be found in the obscure and meagre chronicles of that age1 which often unite fragments of popular mythology and ,pagan tradition1 with real historic incidents2 it is perhaps still more difficult to form an accurate judgment1 and to discriminate between the elements of truth and falsehood4 ,as we cannot figure to ourselves such a state of anarchy1 we are unable to comprehend it4 ,we should bear in mind how often in nature the fairest bloom of vegetation1 and the richest fullness of organic life1 spring out of a state of confusion and chaos1 when the elemental powers1 after a long strife and conflict1 settle at last into a state of harmonious equipoise1 unite and fructify1 and in some creative moment1 when the struggle of labour is over1 give birth to new and more beautiful forms of existence4 ,ancient ,egypt was indebted for its fertility to the periodic inundations of the ,nile1 which1 had they not been provided against by mounds and dams1 would have occasioned the utmost desolation4 ,nay1 doth not this earth we inhabit1 and which nourishes us1 with all that fair and blooming vegetation spread over its surface1 with all that boundless wealth and variety of animal life1 and with all the civility and refinement of man's existence1 whose abode it constitutes2 doth not this earth1 ,i say1 teeming as it doth with fertility and life1 rest on the gigantic remains of a primitive world submerged by the old floods1 and which was often torn1 convulsed and rent asunder by the eruptions of subterraneous fire8 ,well1 the migration of the ,northern nations brought about a sort of chaotic struggle between the various elements of society--it was a new ,ogygean inundation of nations in the historical ages--but it laid the fruitful soil--the historical foundation of a new moral and intellectual form of life4 ,this vast flux and reflux of nations1 rolling in incessant waves from the ,east to the ,west1 and from the ,north to the ,south1 and back again to the ,east and to the ,north1 this emission of immense armies issuing in all directions from a common centre1 and returning again to that centre from every side--all this vast movement must be looked upon as a strife and contention between the elemental powers of human society4 ,the first effect1 indeed1 of such a strife of nature's elements let loose is to destroy1 or at least1 to impair all existing organic forms2 and it must be confessed1 this wild and protracted state of confusion and anarchy does not present the most pleasing and auspicious aspect to the eye of the historical observer4 ,with respect to the latter circumstance1 we must recollect that the extremely slow progress1 and often unexpected delays1 in the advancement of human society1 correspond not always1 and indeed rarely1 to our wishes and expectations2 while1 on the other hand1 there are epochs in history1 when we are amazed by the sudden out-burst of the most extraordinary events1 and when a great splendour of moral and intellectual life surprises us of a sudden1 like a bright morning in ,spring4 ,in other words1 there is a strong1 wise and ,fatherly hand which guides and conducts the destinies of individuals1 as well as the march of society1 and the course of ages2 or as the ,scripture1 with touching simplicity1 saith1 the ,father hath reserved times unto himself2 and ,time in his march keepeth not pace with the rapidity of our desires1 nor moveth according to our views and hopes4 ,but whatever may be1 if ,i may so speak1 the fearful tardiness1 wherewith the views of ,providence over the destinies of the human race are accomplished2--a tardiness1 whereof man has to bear the greatest blame2 or whatever may be1 if ,i may so say1 the long delays of divine justice--the procrastination of the period of grace2--it cannot be doubted that the general result of the great ,northern migration was most salutary1 and that that mixture of the ,germanic tribes with the degenerate population of ,rome--that alliance between the healthy1 vigorous1 and native intellectual energy of ,germany1 and the rapidly decaying civilization of ,rome1 were productive of the mightiest and most beneficial consequences4 ,whoever doubts the truth of this observation1 may cure his scepticism by comparing the splendour1 activity and variety in the political and intellectual existence of the modern ,european states1 that have sprung out of this union of the ,germanic and ,romanic nations1 with the dull monotony1 the thorough moral and intellectual stupor which prevailed in the later ,byzantine ,empire4 ,but ,i have more than once observed that1 independently of that progressive power of reason1 inherent in all the forms and departments of human activity2 and independently of the operations of ,divine ,providence1 which form that high mysterious chain of unity which links together the different periods of man's social progress2 independently1 ,i say1 of all these1 there is a law of nature--a high1 and secret principle of nature1 presiding over the life and growth of human society--which1 if kept in due subordination to the higher principle of ,providence1 will not be found incompatible with it4 ,the prevalence of this law of nature may be clearly traced in the history of mankind1 and even in that of particular nations1 when their social progress is not impeded or interrupted by violent or irregular causes4 ,and in following the current of events in ,history1 the historical observer can accurately distinguish the different periods of national developement--the first period of artless1 yet marvellous1 childhood--the next of the first bloom and flush of youth--later1 the maturer vigour and activity of manhood--and at last the symptoms of approaching age1 a state of general decay1 and second childishness4 ,this energy of nature1 which1 together with the other1 higher and divine principle of human destiny1 is inherent in mankind1 displays itself even in the sphere of intellect1 and particularly in the flourishing eras of art and science4 ,it is even still more1 or at least quite as1 perceptible in those creative moments already described1 of a new1 though perhaps1 at first1 a chaotic epoch of human society3 so far1 at least1 as those plastic1 eventful moments are not the mere offspring and counterfeit production of revolutionary violence--but have issued from the very well-spring of nature4 ,when the latter is the case1 it will be found that the whole tendency of these periods of extraordinary ferment in society is conducive to the extension of the divine principle1 and to the promotion of the views of ,providence1 as was eminently the case in the era of the great ,northern migrations2 an era1 when a catastrophe1 at first the most appalling1 led to the further triumph of ,christianity1 which conferred on those robust1 ,northern children of nature the high consecration of an empire1 which thereby1 in its ulterior progress1 far outshone the ,roman1 or any other old ,pagan domination4 ,but unquestionably the two conflicting elements in that eventful period1 which contained the first germs of all modern civilization--the free-born energy of ,germanic nature1 and the ,romanic refinement1 science1 and language1 were happily blended and harmonized by the ,christian religion only1 which on that account must be regarded as the all-connecting bond--the one all-animating principle of social life in modern ages4 ,but without that new element of vital power furnished by the ,northern emigrations1 ,christianity alone would not have regenerated the degraded people of ,rome1 nor have restored its intellectual energy1 then sunk to too low a state of debasement4 ,above all1 the primitive1 innate1 and deeply rooted corruption of the ,roman government was beyond the power of remedy1 and could only be removed by time4 ,the evils of the age were indeed1 universal2 for1 even in the bosom of ,christianity1 discord had broken out2 and where even faith was preserved in its purity1 there1 to use the expression of ,holy ,writ1 much of first love was gone4 ,but for this1 the influence of ,christianity on the ,roman empire1 and the ,roman world1 would have been far more extensive2 and a miraculous cure would have been wrought on the moral distempers of society1 as on the physical diseases of individuals4 ,and as holy hermits were often able to command the elements of nature and the savage beasts of the desert2 so a divine power1 by its mild1 conciliating1 prompt and effective influence would in the first moment have allayed the wild jar and strife of the social elements4 ,but these effects were accomplished only by slow degrees1 by the soothing influence of time1 and by the gradual infusion of the spirit of ,christianity into the human mind4 ,the progressive corruption and ever growing disorders of the ,roman world were productive of consequences in some degree important to ,christianity1 particularly in relation to after-ages4 ,to forsake and renounce that world of cruelty and vice1 that kingdom of dissimulation1 that age of confusion and barbarism1 and to seek by preference an abode and asylum in the wilderness1 in the neighbourhood of lions and other savage animals of the desert1 required no extraordinary impulse of ,christian feeling1 and scarcely more than a high effort of human courage4 ,and thus in that convulsed period of the ,roman ,empire1 and under the accurst domination of its last tyrants1 ,christian anchorets peopled the solitudes of ,thebais1--those solitudes where the old pyramids and other monuments of hoar antiquity still speak in mute signs to the traveller1 their grave and earnest language4 ,self-contemplation did not shut up these ,christian anchorites within a narrow and egotistical sphere of thought1 as is the case with the ,indian recluse1 who1 to outward appearance1 leads the same mode of life4 ,as the primitive ,christians evinced the power of faith and charity by deeds and in sufferings1 in words and in works of manifold kinds2 so prayer was to these solitaries the inward porch of a new and invisible world--a real business of life1 and a bond of the closest and tenderest connection1 whereby1 though separated from the world1 they remained1 even at the remotest distance1 intimately united with all who1 like themselves1 were firmly united to ,god4 ,thus it was that the ,primitive ,christians displayed the power of divine ,hope1 and ardent ,charity1 not only in their heroic constancy under assaults1 persecutions1 sufferings and torments of all1 even the most exquisite1 kinds2 but in their renunciation of society and of all earthly enjoyments1 in their contempt and abandonment of a world1 which seemed in truth eternally distracted and irretrievably undone4 ,in the eremitical life1 a simple handicraft was ordinarily coupled with the duty of spiritual contemplation4 ,these first ,christian ,anchorites of ,egypt were the original and model of all later monastic institutes2 although1 conformably to the living and quite practical spirit of ,christianity1 these institutes have generally admitted into their rules other useful and salutary exercises adapted either to the general circumstances of the age1 or to the wants of individuals--such as the education of youth--the cultivation of the sciences--the relief of the poor--the care of the infirm--and the practice of other works of charity4 ,the ,anchorites1 who lead a purely contemplative life1 constitute a comparatively small and rare exception in the ,christian church2 and they are tolerated only because the ways of human nature are so infinitely diversified1 and often so strange and so singular4 ,to resist their internal foes1 to withstand the assaults of the fiend--the spirit of discord and corruption1 and to preserve inviolate the purity of morals1 as well as of faith1 the ,primitive ,christians as much needed the divine assistance1 as to enable them to endure outwardly the torments of martyrdom1 or to renounce in holy solitude the pleasures of the world4 ,in this respect three different kinds of heresy1 which were so many trials the ,christian religion had to sustain1 are well worthy of our attention4 ,from the very birth of ,christianity1 the ,gnostics gave loose to the ardour of an ,oriental fancy1 indulged in a variety of ,theosophistic speculations1 and with their systems of ,divine ,emanations1 ,eradiations1 ,incarnations1 and ,persons1 formed an almost mythological concatenation of ideas2 so that had it been possible for this sect to become predominant1 and for ,christianity to swerve into such a labyrinth of doctrines1 our divine religion would have degenerated into a system of metaphysical fictions1 not unlike the philosophic mythology and poetical creed of ,india4 ,happily these sects of ,gnostics were not numerous1 nor in general of long duration2 and they were extremely divided among themselves2 for a truly inventive fancy ever strikes out a path of enquiry for itself4 ,but1 when considered in an intellectual point of view1 these sectaries1 amid all their strange and whimsical errors1 must ever command the attention of mankind4 ,it would seem from all appearance1 7and indeed the nature of things would sufficiently warrant the inference7 that many of these sects combined with their own peculiar notions1 the opinions of other oriental sects1 totally alien from ,christianity4 ,as the march of error is infinitely progressive1 and as1 from its very nature1 false opinion is sure to branch out into a variety of ramifications1 it is often difficult to determine with exactness whether some of these ,gnostic sects1 that spread through ,central ,asia1 and were lost in a multitude of others1 were or not of a ,christian origin4 ,of all the sects belonging to the ,gnostic family1 the ,manichans alone appear to have had a longer existence2 and during the middle ages1 they secretly germinated in ,europe4 ,the second corruption of ,christianity was from ,arianism1 which corresponds to what in modern times is termed ,rationalism2 though the former appeared in another and more ,christian form4 ,that the dispute with ,arianism was no mere verbal dispute--that it involved a capital article of faith--a question of life or death for ,christianity--a question whether the real ,foundation--the essential ,corner-stone--and ,beginning of our faith were really1 truly1 and in very deed divine1 and from ,god1 and equal with ,god1 or merely in a certain sense like to ,god--7an opinion which the ,platonic1 or any other system of philosophy might have included among its tenets7--that the dispute with ,arianism was no mere verbal dispute1 must be evident to every upright1 ingenuous1 and unprejudiced mind4 ,no sect has ever been so widely diffused1 nor has ever taken such deep root2 and1 by the arts and evasions of a prodigious subitlty it maintained its principles under the mask of apparent submission4 ,it was now that for the first time1 the importance and power of a general council became apparent1 in order to oppose to the many-shaped1 subtle1 and intangible spirit of error1 a brief1 but clear1 and definite formulary of that faith which animated the bosom1 and was rooted in the conviction1 of every ,christian4 ,this destructive rationalism of the early ages of ,christianity was at last repressed1 and became finally extinct2 though the last ramifications of this sect have continued down to our times among the ,eutychians of ,armenia1 and the ,nestorians of ,ethiopia4 ,how much the unhappy disputes of ,arianism contributed in this period of general decline1 towards the downfal of the ,roman ,empire1 ,i have already had occasion to notice4 ,but that passion for dispute1 which1 if not innate in man1 has at least become his second nature1 and is1 as it were1 the original sin of human intellect1 displays itself in a more striking degree in certain sects1 that did not question any article of faith1 but merely some subordinate matters of opinion1 or the rights of ecclesiastical authority1 and who conducted their disputes with the most unyielding obstinacy--such a passion1 ,i say1 displays itself more strikingly in these sects than in others1 that called in question points of faith1 and who1 so far as they were conscientious in their errors1 appear entitled to our respect and forbearance4 ,among the former class of disputants1 must be ranked some of the smaller1 less diffused1 and obscurer sects of the first ages of the church1 like the ,montanists and ,donatists2--sects1 whose influence was on that account by no means unimportant1 and who occupy no insignificant place in the history of their times2 for their errors constitute the third form of deviation from universal ,christianity4 ,in the same category must we place the great schism of a later period1 which severed the ,greek from the ,western church2 for this unhappy separation1 as is well known1 had no relation to any important dogma of ,christianity4 ,as the general councils of that period prove the self-preserving and self-sustaining power of ,christianity1 so the energy of ,christian faith and ,christian intellect displays its life1 activity and scientific progress in the numberless and manifold productions of those first doctors of the church1 so highly revered by all succeeding ages4 ,the style and language of these works must be estimated by the standard of their age2 and it would be absurd to expect them to possess1 in a like degree1 the attic simplicity of a ,xenophon1 or the full and elaborate periods of a ,livy4 ,but with this single exception1 these writings display the most varied talents for oratory and philosophy1 united with extensive learning1 the purest feelings of religious love1 and the most correct views in religion4 ,and1 to cite but one or two examples out of the multitude of ecclesiastical writers1 ,st4 ,augustine1 by the extent of his historical information1 by a philosophy zealous in its enquiries after truth1 but still irresolute1 presents the image of a ,christian ,cicero1 in a language somewhat altered indeed1 but distinguished for a similar employment of rhetoric4 ,nor was this great man destitute of political discernment and penetration2 and he certainly possessed a much more decided talent for speculative enquiry1 than the old ,roman who flourished in the last age of the ,republic4 ,there was next that learned and holy recluse1 ,st4 ,jerome1 who was as well versed in classical literature as in the oriental languages1 and who was gifted with a depth of critical discernment1 and an original power of thought and expression1 equalled by very few orators and thinkers in any age4 ,the dread of a false ,gnosis was at that period1 as often in subsequent ages1 an obstacle to the progress of a profound ,christian philosophy4 ,the leaning of the great ecclesiastical writer1 ,origen1 particularly in his youth1 to some opinions of the ,gnostics1 excited long after his death many doubts and controversies respecting some points of his belief1 and tended at least to impair the reverence with which his philosophical genius was otherwise regarded4 ,this was particularly the case when the ,arians made use of some doubtful opinions of this great man for the support of their system2 as indeed it often happens that an elevated system of philosophy if not completed in its parts1 or at least that the individual errors it may contain are seized upon by the dull1 innovating spirit of a superficial1 and half-doubting faith1 and debased to a quite alien and inferior sphere of speculation4 ,there is also another error1 or rather illusion1 which deserves to be noticed1 as it is a characteristic incident in the history of those early ages of the church2 for it was no regular system of error1 nor did its partisans constitute a sect2 but it was merely the exaggerated opinion of some individuals in the bosom of the church1 who were animated by no intentions hostile to ,christianity4 ,i allude to the 7so called7 ,millenarian doctrine1 which1 as it refers to the future historical destiny of ,christianity1 possesses a high historical interest4 ,though the ,prophet of the ,new ,testament marked out the period of a thousand years for the duration of the triumph of the church1 he expressly intimated thereby that that period could not be discovered nor determined by human penetration1 for1 as the scripture saith1 a thousand years are as one day with the ,lord1 and one day as a thousand years2 and though the inspired writer expressly added1 that as the great combat1 which man is doomed to on the earth and in earthly life1 can never be completely terminated1 a last combat awaited humanity at the close of those thousand years2 many virtuous and praiseworthy men were still found1 who depicted this kingdom of a thousand years in the most sensual colours of earthly felicity1 and thus destroyed all faith in that prophetic warning1 so necessary for man and for all ages--all belief in the ideal conception of the kingdom of divine truth3 or1 with reckless precipitancy equally misapplied the words of the prophet1 and 7as has often been the case in succeeding times7 very unseasonably alarmed themselves and others2 though that long series of ages marked out by the ,apostle for the progress of ,christianity might have opened their eyes1 and taught them differently4 ,but the principal cause which opposed1 and must ever oppose an insurmountable difficulty to the ,millenarian system of that and of all succeeding ages1 is the limit assigned to the judgment of ,christians in all that relates to the inscrutable decrees of ,divine ,providence2 whether those decrees regard individuals or mankind in general4 ,surely nothing could be conceived more disquieting1 more fatal to human life1 than for every individual to know beforehand with the utmost certainty from his birth the day and hour of his death2 and no greater calamity could happen to any man than a revelation of such a kind4 ,the same remark is equally applicable to the world in general1 where such fore-knowledge would only produce the utmost disorder and confusion4 ,as in the case of a sick man reduced to imminent danger from the increasing symptoms of dissolution2 though no man1 not even the physician1 can positively know and determine with certainty the course of events1 which is known to ,god alone1 still every friend would wish that the patient should examine his interior1 unite his thoughts to ,god1 and set his house in order2 so cases may be imagined1 when this comparison would apply to mankind at large4 ,thus then on the ,roman soil1 and amid that world once so brilliant1 ,christianity had grown up1 like a tender1 luminous plant1 whose seed had come down from ,heaven4 ,for the further expansion of that heavenly seed1 for the formation of the ,christian state1 and the political organization of ,christian nations1 we must allow that the all-wise and powerful ,hand1 which guides the destinies of men and of nations1 the march of ages1 and the course of events1 found it necessary to employ at first very violent1 and 7if we may borrow a term of the medical art7 almost heroic remedies4 ,the cause of this undoubtedly must be sought for in the fact1 that although many great and holy men are to be found in the first ages of the church1 mankind on the whole had very imperfectly corresponded to that mighty and divine impulse which ,christianity had imparted to the world2 and had very soon and very quickly fallen into the most fearful disputes4 ,scarce had that inundation of the ,northern nations burst in upon the blooming garden of the ,christian ,west1 7and beneficial to mankind as have been the remote consequences and final results of that revolution1 and defensible therefore as it may be in a historical ,theodicea1 still we cannot deny that its immediate effects were most terrible and destructive27--scarce1 we say1 had this inundation of the ,northern nations occurred1 when1 in the opposite quarter of the ,east1 there broke out among the nations of ,asia1 that mighty ,arabian conflagration1 whose flames were scattered over the terrified globe1 by the sons of the desert1 guided by their new prophet of unbelief1 and animated themselves with all the enthusiasm of destruction4 ,i am at a loss to conceive how some could have regarded it as a peculiar merit of this religion of empty arrogance and senseless pride1 that it maintains and inculcates with purity a belief in one ,almighty ,deity4 ,this1 as the ,scripture says1 the demons themselves1 in their realms of eternal darkness1 believe1 without being on that account at all the better2 and it is only a profound ignorance of the world and himself that could ever make man forget and obliterate from his bosom that first foundation of all faith4 ,all the elements of salvation1 reconciliation1 mercy1 love1 and happiness for mankind1 to be found in eternal truth1 and a belief in that truth1 all these are wanting in the religion of ,mahomet4 ,there is not a more decided contrast than that presented by the silent progress of the new and divine light of truth in the primitive church1 amid oppression and persecution1 in meek submission to every existing law1 and1 except in matters of faith1 in a patient1 unwearied1 and cheerful submission to the hostile1 but still legitimate1 powers of the earth2 and1 on the other hand1 that fanatic thirst of conquest inspired by ,mahomet--that express precept to propagate by fire and sword throughout the four quarters of the globe the new ,unitarian faith of ,arabia4 ,if some writers instead of studying the history of modern ,europe1 in order to deduce from their researches new matter and occasion for reviving the old contests about the respective rights and limits of the secular and ecclesiastical powers1 would only examine with attention the history of the ancient ,caliphate1 they would soon satisfy themselves of the fearful character of that ,institution1 of the infernal spirit that produced that anti-,christian combination of spiritual and temporal authority1 and of the horrible state of moral degradation to which it has reduced mankind in every country where it has prevailed4 ,it was with the rapidity of a destructive fire that this mighty mischief spread over the countries of ,asia1 and a large portion of ,africa1 till it soon menaced the ,southern extremities of ,europe4 ,when ,mahomet died1 he was master of ,arabia1 a country that from the earliest antiquity had remained in a state of absolute seclusion from the rest of the world2 and consequently if this great revolution had remained confined within the limits of this region1 the religion of ,mahomet would never have exerted so mighty an historical influence on other nations and kingdoms4 ,but only a few score years from his decease1 and under his immediate successors1 the whole ,western ,asia between the ,tigris and ,euphrates1 as far as the ,mediterranean1 ,syria1 and ,palestine1 down to ,mount ,taurus and the frontiers of ,asia ,minor1 and soon again the whole ,northern coast of ,africa1 down to the opposite shores of ,spain1 were subdued by the disciples of the ,koran2 while at the same moment the ,roman ,west and the ,empire of ,persia were menaced by the arms of these formidable invaders4 ,it was a general principle with the ,mahometan conquerors to extirpate all recollection of antiquity in the countries which they subdued1 to give them an entirely new form and aspect--or1 in other words1 to destroy and obliterate every vestige of the higher and better civilization that had adorned those once flourishing regions4 #d ,schlegel alludes to the murder of ,amalasontha1 daughter of ,theodoric1 and to the usurpation of ,theodatus4--,trans4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xi4 ,,lecture ,,xii4 ,sketch of ,mahomet and his religion4--,establishment of the ,saracenic ,empire4--,new organization of the ,european ,west1 and ,restoration of the ,christian ,empire4 ,from the earliest period1 the pastoral tribes of ,arabia have lived under their ,emirs1 in all the wild independence of ,nomade nations2 they were not however without cities1 as these were created and rendered necessary by the trade of the caravan1 which in its journies through the wilderness1 and in its passage from one inhabited province to another1 required these points of rest4 ,a few of the frontier-districts and maritime coasts were indeed possessed by some of the more ancient ,egyptian ,pharaohs2 but the entire country was never subdued or conquered either by the ,assyrians1 the ,persians1 or the ,macedonian conquerors4 ,nor were the ,romans more successful2 and it was only in the reign of ,trajan1 the last of ,roman emperors1 who meditated schemes of conquest1 that a small frontier tract of ,arabia ,petra was taken possession of1 and annexed to1 the ,roman ,empire4 ,immediately on the death of ,trajan1 the ,roman government recurred to the pacific policy of ,augustus1 who had considered it dangerous to enlarge the empire by any new conquests3 and in consequence1 this province of ,arabia was abandoned by the ,romans1 and left to the enjoyment of its ancient freedom4 ,this long-established liberty and total independence on all foreign conquerors and rulers has not a little contributed to exalt among the ,arabs a strong self-consciousness4 ,their origin1 which is very nearly akin to that of the ,hebrews1 they deduce as descendants of ,yoktan from ,heber1 who was an ancestor of ,abraham1 or from ,ishmael1 the son of ,abraham1 that was born in the desert4 ,among these free and warlike pastoral nations1 the feelings of clanship1 the pride of noble descent1 and the glory of an ancient and renowned race1 and again the mutual hostility of tribes transmitted from one generation to another1 the never-to-be-cancelled debt of blood1 form the ruling and animating principle1 nay1 the almost exclusive purport of existence4 ,this tribe-spirit of the ,arabians has had a mighty influence on the origin and first developement of the ,mahometan religion1 and has stamped on it a peculiar character4 ,and among the ,nomade nations in a similar stage of social advancement1 and who combine the freedom of the pastoral life with the commerce of caravans1 and are not total strangers to the refinement of cities1 the faith of ,mahomet has not only obtained the easiest access1 but has struck the deepest roots1 and finds1 as it were1 its most natural disciples4 ,for the ,tartar nations in the interior parts of ,asia1 and the tribes of ,berbers1 who are the original inhabitants of the ,north of ,africa1 lead the same mode of life1 though they cannot boast of the ancient origin and high descent ascribed to the ,arabs4 ,compared with ,roman degeneracy1 with the corruption of the ,byzantine court1 with ,assyrian effeminacy1 and the immorality of the great ,asiatic cities1 this tribe-character of the ,arabians1 as preserved in its purity during their ancient freedom1 appears undoubtedly to be of a less corrupt1 more moral and more generous nature4 ,doubtless the ,arabs possessed in the first ages of their history1 a great moral energy of will and strength of character1 and1 even in the period of their decline1 these qualities are still perceptible4 ,on the other hand in this tribe-character1 and in those feelings of clanship1 which determine all the social relations among that people2 pride1 party-animosities1 and the spirit of revenge1 are the ruling elements of life1 and the passions to which all things are made subservient1 or are sacrificed4 ,the moral corruption of the human race1 the profound disorder of man's whole being1 is proved as well by the constant proneness of civilized nations towards a soft voluptuousness of morals1 or by the innate disposition of politer classes and ages to a spirit of speculative contention1 as by the rude pride and animosities of tribes1 which considered in a natural point of view1 appear to be purer and less corrupt in their morals1 or to possess greater strength and generosity of character4 ,those tribe-feelings and passions of pride and hatred1 anger and revenge1 so prevalent among the ,arabians1 are displayed in their ancient poetry1 and even constitute its essential spirit and purport2 for except those parables1 riddles1 and proverbial sayings in which the ,orientals so much delight1 this poetry has no mythological fictions1 like that of the ,indians and the ,greeks1 nor with the exception of a certain enthusiasm of passion1 does it evince any truly fertile and inventive power of imagination4 ,the old ,arabians never possessed1 like the ,indians1 ,egyptians1 and ,greeks1 a poetical1 high-wrought1 and scientifically arranged system of ,polytheism4 ,the historical traditions of their different races had much analogy with those of the ,hebrews1 and coincided with them in a variety of points2 for as they were of the ,semitic race1 they deduced their origin from ,abraham and the other holy ,patriarchs of the primitive world4 ,hence the tradition of a purer faith1 and the simple1 patriarchal worship of the ,deity1 appear to have never been totally extinguished among the ,arabs2 though indeed the veracious ,herodotus asserts1 that they adored the ,assyrian ,venus under the name of ,alilath4 ,but such a mixture of religious doctrines and practices is by no means incredible1 when we reflect on those periods in the history of the ,hebrews1 when though that people were in possession of the ,mosaic revelation and code of laws1 and though their whole arrangment of life were founded thereon2 though mighty and zealous prophets perpetually arose to warn them of their errors2 they still went after ,baal1 and still sacrificed their children to ,moloch4 ,in the age of ,mahomet1 and shortly before his time1 various kinds of idolatry had found their way among the ,arabs from the neighbouring nations1 who if not now1 had formerly been plunged in the errors of ,paganism4 ,at the same time several ,jewish tribes existed in ,arabia1 and even some ,christian communities1 belonging mostly to the ,oriental sects1 mingled with the rest of the population4 ,the neighbouring ,christian monarch1 or ,negus of thiopia1 also exerted considerable influence on the different tribes and communities of ,arabia4 ,mahomet felt the most decided aversion to all ,pagan idolatry1 and even to all veneration of images2 and it is very possible1 according to the opinion of a great historian1 who on the whole does not judge the ,arabian prophet unfavourably1 that the expectation which the ,jews still entertained of the future coming of a ,deliverer and ,prophet1 should have operated very powerfully on the mind and imagination of ,mahomet4 ,in the same way as the ,jews1 then incomparably more active than afterwards1 still expected ,him who had long since come2 so certain ,christian sects1 totally misunderstanding the ,scriptures1 which they interpreted according to their own arbitrary sense1 believed that the ,holy ,ghost and the divine ,paraclete whom the ,saviour had promised1 was yet to come2 although the ,saviour had promised that the ,holy ,spirit should come down upon his disciples1 immediatly after his ascension1 and had added1 that the same spirit should for ever abide with them4 ,now every one who professed himself a ,christian1 knew very well from the ,holy ,scriptures1 that a supernatural light had descended on the ,apostles in the first assembly they held1 and when1 as they thought1 their ,lord and ,master had abandoned them2 and that this light had transformed the disciples1 till then weak1 wavering1 and trembling before the world1 into apostolic men filled with the spirit of ,god1 into prophets of eternal truth and divine love1 humble1 but energetic1 and no less heroic than enlightened4 ,that ,assister and ,comforter1 or that guiding ,paraclete promised by ,god to his disciples1 which in the ,apostles had proved itself a spirit of knowledge1 of illumination1 and of insight into the mysteries of faith--in the martyrs1 a spirit of divine power and of heroic constancy under sufferings1 was now in the great doctors of the church1 and in the general councils the guiding spirit of wisdom1 rightly discerning and steadfastly adhering to the truths of revelation4 ,but this truth did not prevent many leaders of those sects from regarding themselves in their own conceit as the ,comforter and the ,paraclete promised by ,god for the consolation of succeeding ages1 or even from permitting themselves to be so considered by their own disciples4 ,the supposition of the great historian just now cited1 that these ,judo-,christian expectations of the future coming of an earthly ,deliverer1 ,redeemer and ,teacher1 or ,prophet of the world1 may have exerted no inconsiderable influence on the mind of ,mahomet1 and may have awakened similar conceptions and imaginations in his own head1 is confirmed by the fact1 that the ,koran itself contains no very obscure allusions and references to the notion of the ,paraclete1 and to a supernatural and divine power and force under the very denomination used among the later ,hebrews1 and according to the very word sanctioned for that peculiar object4 ,in the time of ,mahomet1 and shortly before him1 the ,caaba at ,mecca constituted the great sanctuary of ,arabian worship4 ,this1 if we may so designate it1 was a simple chapel of ,pagan pilgrimage1 which contained the black stone1 the object of the religious devotion of the ,arabs from a very ancient period4 ,the idolatrous worship of such shapeless or conical blocks of stone was by no means unknown to the wayward genius of ancient ,polytheism4 ,we meet with a similar form of idolatry in the mythology of the ,greeks1 though set off and embellished by the peculiar fancy of that people2 and instances of a like kind were to be found in the worship which the neighbouring people of ,syria paid to ,belus or ,baal4 ,those stones which are frequently mentioned by ancient historians as having fallen from ,heaven1 may probably have given rise to this peculiar species of idolatry2 and the fact itself 7as now indeed is often the case with the general traditions of antiquity7 is sufficently proved by the existence of those well-known meteor-stones1 whose origin1 though they have undergone chemical analysis1 and mineralogical investigation1 still remains1 even in the present advanced state of modern science1 a problem of no small difficulty4 ,the ,arabian tribe from which ,mahomet was sprung1 had long been intrusted with the care and custody of the ,caaba and the black stone1 and placed its highest glory in this its allotted dignity4 ,according to the ,arabian tradition1 ,abraham had first erected the ,caaba1 and the ,amalecites had afterwards repaired it4 ,when the tribe of ,koreish1 who were invested with this high charge1 had to rebuild this temple2 they were at a loss to know how the sacred black stone should be fixed in the walls1 and what hand should touch the consecrated piece1 when quite unexpectedly1 this honour fell to the lot of ,mahomet1 then a stripling of fifteen4 ,for this reason we may well suppose that this ancient seat of ,arabian worship--the ,caaba--produced one of those youthful impressions that determined the future destiny of this extraordinary man4 ,even in the religious system which he afterwards founded1 this ancient sanctuary with its magical stone1 has remained in every age a high object of veneration2 and it is only in our times that the temple of ,mecca has been exposed to the rage of the ,wechabites1 who though their religious fury has taken an opposite course1 exhibit the old ,arabian character in all its fanatical violence4 ,but this old black stone-idol is a very remarkable feature in the history of ,mahomet and of his religion4 ,in the holy temple of the ,caaba were kept and suspended the seven most remarkable poems which had won the prize over the other tribe-songs of the ,arabs1--a species of poetry peculiar to this people1 and breathing all the enthusiasm of pride and hatred4 ,in these compositions1 ,mahomet held a very distinguished rank1 and long before he announced himself as a prophet1 his poetry1 which far outshone that of his competitors1 had raised him to a high degree of honour and consideration4 ,it was only in the fortieth or forty-second year of his age1 and after a long and solitary abode in a cavern during what the ,mahometans term1 the night of divine decrees1 that ,mahomet formed the first determination1 and thought he felt the first inward calling to the mission of a prophet4 ,the first person that believed in this mission1 and acknowledged him for a prophet1 was his own wife ,cadijah1 who1 though a rich widow1 had bestowed her hand on ,mahomet1 when his sole patrimony consisted of five camels and an ,ethiopian maid-servant1 and had thus raised him to a station of wealth and independence4 ,it is worthy of notice1 that it is only in the epileptic fits to which he was subject1 that he is represented as having mysterious colloquies with the angel ,gabriel4 ,others represent him as a lunatic2 and in connection with this charge ,i may mention the story1 that he wished to pass with his disciples as a person transfigured in a supernatural light1 and that the credulity of his followers saw the moon1 or the moon's light descend upon him1 pierce his garments1 and replenish him4 ,that veneration for the moon1 which still forms a national or rather religious characteristic of the ,mahometans1 may perhaps have its foundation in the elder superstition1 or ,pagan idolatry of the ,arabs4 ,modern historians have often complained of the difficulty of ascertaining the precise truth in the history of ,mahomet1 from the severity of his opponents on the one hand1 and the enthusiastic admiration of his ,eastern partisans1 on the other4 ,if we think proper to follow those writers only1 who by their acquaintaince with the language have copied from ,arabic authorities1 we shall find that their narratives are much distorted by fanaticism1 and rendered almost unintelligible by an absurd exaggeration4 ,independently of the evident traces in this religion of a demoniacal influence and operation2 undoubted historical facts will furnish us with sufficient data for forming a clear and definitive opinion on the character of ,mahomet and the nature of his religion4 ,although the ,arabs of that age1 like other nations of that time1 and the ancient ,hebrews1 universally thought that supernatural works were to be expected from a prophet2 and that the high power of miracles was necessary to prove a divine mission2 yet ,mahomet found it more fitting or convenient to declare1 that he could dispense with the aid of miracles1 as he came not to found a new religion1 but to restore the purity of the old--the faith of ,abraham1 and the other ,patriarchs4 ,even though we had not such clear and positive historical proofs and testimonies1 respecting the nature of that presentient faith of ,abraham1 and the other ,patriarchs of the ,old ,testament--a faith which pointed to all the mysteries of futurity--still to suppose that the religion of those pious ,fathers of hoar antiquity1 were nothing more than that system of 7so called7 pure1 but in reality shallow1 and meaningless1 ,theism1 which the pretended ,arabian ,reformer has announced to the world1 would be little consonant with probability1 and little conformable to the nature and march of the human mind4 ,considered in its true internal spirit1 and divested of its outward garb of oriental customs and symbolical language1 the religion of ,mahomet on a closer investigation will be found rather to bear a stronger affinity to the inane and superficial philosophy of the eighteenth century2 and if that philosophy were honest and consistent1 it would not hesitate loudly to proclaim and openly to revere ,mahomet1 if not as a prophet1 still as a real ,reformer of mankind1 the first promulgator and mighty teacher of truth1 and the founder of the pure religion of reason4 ,such a dead empty ,theism1 such a mere negative ,unitarian faith1 is little adapted for the true purposes of a religion1 though it may form the basis of some scholastic system of ,rationalist ,theology4 ,regarded as a religious system1 the creed of ,mahomet is neither old nor new2 but is in part perfectly void and meaningless1 and in part composed of very mixed materials4 ,the part in it which is new1 is that fanatic spirit of conquest it has inculcated and diffused through the world2 and that part in it which is old1 is copied from the ,hebrew traditions and the ,christian revelation1 or contains allusions to the one or to the other1 including some old ,arabian customs and usages which this religion has still retained4 ,in the first infancy of the ,mahometan faith1 and during the first disputes and wars which occurred about that religion1 a number of ,mahomet's followers were obliged to seek refuge in thiopia1 when the ,christian monarch of that country asked them whether they were ,christians4 ,they cited in reply several passages from the sayings and poems of their prophet1 relating to the ,saviour1 to his birth1 and to the ,virgin ,mary4 ,in these the ,prophet spoke of the birth and origin of our ,saviour1 as of a ,gnostic eradiation or emanation of divine power2 and though such language was by no means consonant with the ,christian doctrine of the divinity of ,christ1 yet it was calculated to produce on the minds of some of the ,eastern sectaries a very false and deceitful impression4 ,favourable to ,christianity as some of these expressions might at first sight appear to the ignorant2 there was much again that betrayed a spirit of the most decided hostility towards the ,christian religion4 ,even the prohibition of wine was perhaps not so much intended for a moral precept1 which1 considered in that point of view1 would be far too severe1 as for answering a religious design of the founder2 for he might hope that the express condemnation of a liquid which forms an essential element of the ,christian sacrifice1 would necessarily recoil on that sacrifice itself1 and thus raise an insuperable barrier between his creed1 and the religion of ,christ4 ,the peculiar spirit and true character of any religious system1 must be judged not so much by the letter of its professed doctrines1 as by its practice and prevailing usages4 ,and thus that established custom is extremely remarkable1 which makes it imperative on every ,jew1 who may wish to become a ,mahometan1 previously to receive the rite of baptism4 ,thus did ,mahomet think to stand upon the basis of ,christianity2 and while addressing the ,arabs1 he appealed solely to the religion of their first ancestor1 and of the other ,patriarchs1 he assigned in his graduated scale of revelation1 the first degree to ,judaism1 the second to ,christianity1 and the third and highest to his own ,islam4 ,that he was a mere fanatic1 and entirely devoid of all ambitious or political views1 ,i cannot admit2 and although he himself had even been more unconscious of a deliberate hostility towards the mysteries of the true religion1 another may have inspired him with that subtle design4 ,such then was this new1 or as the founder himself styled it1 this pure old doctrine of all-conquering ,islam and of all-surpassing faith1 which this pretended restorer of the religion of ,abraham--this false ,paraclete of misconceived promise and idle phantasy1 brought and announced to the world3--a prophet without miracles--a faith without mysteries--and a morality without love1 which has encouraged the thirst of blood1 and which began and terminated in the most unbounded sensuality4 ,supposing even1 that one of the leading points in this system of morals1 the re-establishment of polygamy to such a wide extent1 and at a period of the world when this institution was formally abolished among many nations1 and among others had fallen into disuse1 could be in some measure excused by the customs of ,asia1 the wants of climate1 and the general prejudices of the nation1 or other like cause2--what must we think of a code of morals professing to be divine1 which in opposition to the ,christian doctrine of the pure happiness enjoyed by the celestial spirits in the intuition of ,god1 and to which man must even in this life1 aspire by vigilant preparation1 if he wishes to render himself worthy of that state--can form no other ideal of supreme felicity--can devise no other expedient to fill up the immense void which this religion has left in the supernatural world1 than a boundless ,harem--a paradise of lust1 portrayed in the most glowing colours of sensuality6 ,that part of the ,mussulman morality relating to our fellow-beings1 the precept of alms-deeds which it prescribes1 is the only part entitled to praise1 which we willingly accord2 and we sincerely trust1 that not merely the commandment1 but the custom and practice of charity among ,christians may never prove inferior4 ,but in every other respect1 this religion permits not only hatred and vengeance1 in opposition to that ,christian precept so repeatedly inculcated1 and so deeply engraven on our minds--the pardon of our enemies2 but it encourages1 and even commands irreconcileable hostility1 eternal warfare1 eternal slaughter1 to propagate thoughout the world a belief in this blood-stained prophet of pride and lust4 ,perhaps all the ,heathen nations put together1 in the long series of ages1 have not offered to their false gods so many human victims1 as in this new ,arabian idolatry have been sacrificed to this highly extolled1 anti-,christian prophet4 ,for the essence of idolatry is not in names or in words1 in rites or in sacrifices2 but in the nature of things1 in the actual transactions of life1 in unchristian customs1 and anti-christian sentiments2 and there is even that old black stone-idol1 of which ,i said before in a figurative sense1 that it has ever remained firmly fixed in the religion of ,mahomet4 ,the commencement of this religion was not marked by any contest about mysteries of faith1 or points of doctrine2 but by combats of another kind more congenial to the spirit of the ,arabs1 by a war which broke out between the party of ,mahomet1 and the hostile tribe which refused to acknowledge him for a prophet1 and whose refusal occasioned his flight from ,mecca4 ,in this contest he drew the sword1 fought courageously against the unbelievers1 and by overpowering by force of arms all who refused to recognize him as a prophet1 thought to prove his divine mission4 ,he met however with much resistance1 and had many factions to overcome1 before he succeeded in subduing the various tribes of his nation4 ,this contest lasted for ten years1 up to the very moment of his death1 when he died master of all ,arabia4 ,shortly before that event1 he wrote very insolent letters to the ,emperor ,heraclius1 and to the great king of ,persia1 summoning them to acknowledge him for a ,prophet1 and to believe in his mission4 ,both gave rather evasive replies1 than positive refusals2--so great was the terror which this new power of ,hell had already struck into the world4 ,immediately on the death of ,mahomet1 a great contest arose among his disciples4 ,on one side ,ali1 his son-in-law1 by marriage with his daughter ,fatima1 and on the other ,abubeker1 his father-in-law1 whose daughter ,ayesha was the surviving widow of the ,prophet1 and who was afterwards succeeded by ,omar1 contended with all the might of their respective adherents for superiority and dominion2 and this bloody family-quarrel1 which distracted the very infancy of the ,arabian ,empire1 has produced among ,mahometan nations a long and protracted religious schism1 which has continued down to the present day4 ,this was originally a mere personal dispute1 and not a dogmatic controversy as among ,christian sects2 for the religion of ,mahomet furnishes no matter for such controversies1 as in reality it contains little of a doctrinal nature1 and recognizes no dogmas but the two contained in the seven ,arabic words of the well-known symbol of ,islam3--,there is no ,god but ,god1 and ,mahomet is the ,apostle of ,god4 ,the one of these is a declaration of the self-evident tenet of the unity of ,god1 but levelled indirectly against the ,christian dogma of the ,trinity2 while the other expresses the divine mission of ,mahomet1 and by calling forth a veneration that leads to the contempt and rejection of all things besides1 has in a practical point of view1 really established a new species of idolatry4 ,abubeker and ,omar asserted that they alone were the legitimate ,caliphs and successors of ,mahomet2 and as the ,partisans of ,ali rejected the supplement founded on oral tradition1 to the poems and maxims of the ,prophet1 they were stigmatized as schismatics by the opposite party4 ,in ,persia1 the sect of ,ali has remained predominant down to the present day2 and as in that country1 the ancient traditions and old national poetry have been partly preserved1 and have been combined in a very peculiar manner with the tenets of ,mahometanism1 many bolder1 freer1 and less contracted notions have found their way among this people4 ,hence it is very possible that on a closer investigation1 we could discover a great difference in the intellectual character of these two sects1 not so much perhaps in religious doctrines1 about which there is here little room for enquiry1 as in moral feelings and views of life4 ,the progress of the ,arabian conquests was not checked by these internal disputes4 ,five years after the death of ,mahomet1 and fifteen from the commencement of the ,hegira1 the city of ,jerusalem was conquered by the arms of the ,arabs2 and in the eighteenth year of the same era1 ,egypt became a ,mussulman province4 ,the thirtieth year of the ,hegira was not yet terminated1 before the whole ,empire of ,persia was subdued1 and its last monarch of the race of the ,sassanides1 ,yezdegerd had perished in foreign parts1 a suppliant and a fugitive4 ,in the fiftieth year of the ,hegira1 ,arabian vessels menaced and beseiged ,constantinople1 which was indebted for its deliverance chiefly to the use of the ,greek fire4 ,in the ninetieth year of the same era1 while on one side the ,arabs extended their victorious arms over ,india1 they subverted on the other the ,visigoth kingdom in ,spain and ,portugal1 and became masters of the whole ,hesperian ,peninsula1 as far as those inaccessible mountains1 in whose fastnesses a fugitive remnant of the ruling ,goths1 and of the old inhabitants of the country had intrenched themselves1 thence to carry on that struggle for freedom1 which till the final conquest of ,granada1 and the complete expulsion of the ,moors from ,spain1 lasted for a period of eight hundred years4 ,after the downfal of the first dynasty of ,caliphs of the house of ,ommiyah1 and the subsequent accession of the ,abbassides to the empire1 a separate and independent ,caliphate was established in ,mussulman ,spain1 and lasted there for several ages4 ,the ,arabs had scarce achieved the conquest of ,spain1 when they aspired to the possession of the ,visi-,goth and ,burgundian provinces of ,france4 ,but a term was at last put to the progress of their arms1 by the mighty victory which the ,frank hero1 ,charles ,martel1 gained between ,tours and ,poitiers1 over their ,general ,abderame1 who fell on the field with the flower of his troops1 in the twentieth year after the conquest of ,spain1 and in the hundred and tenth year of the ,hegira4 ,thus did the arm of ,charles ,martel save and deliver the ,christian nations of the ,west1 from the deadly grasp of all-destroying ,islam4 ,in ,asia the universal dominion of the ,arabs was more and more firmly consolidated1 and the second of the ,abbassides1 ,almansor1 erected the city of ,bagdad1 or the new ,babylon1 not far from the country where the old was situated1 and which was thenceforth the vast metropolis of an immense empire4#e ,the new religion and conquests of the ,arabs may be considered in the light of a new migration of nations1 as no inconsiderable portion of the ,moorish population passed into ,spain2 and this ,arabian migration has exerted in ,asia in ,africa1 a far more extensive influence on empire1 language1 manners1 political institutions1 and intellectual cultivation1 than the invasion of the ,germanic tribes has exercised in ,europe4 ,when we compare the immigrations of the ,germanic tribes with those of the ,arabs1 and consider the violence which characterized the latter1 the pernicious influence they have exerted on the human mind1 and on civilization1 and the despotism they have invariably introduced into political and domestic society1 we may look upon the migrating tribes of ,germany1 almost as ,colonies1 which though originally they partook of a warlike character1 yet inclined more and more and to a peaceful nature1 and ultimately assumed that spirit1 when the tumult of intermediate anarchy had subsided1 and ,christianity had more intimately blended and finally incorporated the new settlers and the old inhabitants4 ,as the divine author of ,christianity had promised his disciples1 that the high power of ,god should ever abide with them1 should guide and defend them2 and that the assisting and counselling ,spirit of truth1 of peaceful order1 and of active zeal should never be removed from them2 the efficay of this divine promise was now manifested during this intermediate period of anarchy2 and though in a different form from what it appeared in the earlier ages of the church1 yet was it perfectly adapted to the exigencies of the time4 ,the great problem of the age was first in this new agglomeration of nations1 to endeavour to allay the agitated elements of society1 till after that agitation had subsided1 they should grow and strengthen into organic life and form2 and next1 to preserve the heritage of ,european science and letters1 and thus sow the seeds of a richer and more flourishing harvest for future ages4 ,and to effect this by the mild and genial influence of ,christianity1 was the object1 the task1 and the work of the distinguished ecclesiastics1 bishops1 dignitaries1 and other apostolic men of those ages4 ,the two great popes1 ,leo and ,gregory1 shone conspicuous above all their contemporaries1 and were in that period of anarchy1 a pillar of strength and a shield of safety to afflicted ,rome and ,italy--the guardians of ,european society and of ,christian science4 ,both by their practical and instructive writings1 are considered as the last of the ancient fathers2 and ,leo even is remarkable for great purity of diction and force of eloquence4 ,in point of science and learning1 the succeeding bishops and dignitaries of the church cannot indeed be compared with the ancient fathers2 but on the other hand1 they united with a true ,christian piety a practical sense that never failed to discern everywhere what was fitting for the emergency of the moment4 ,the ,monastic schools founded by ,st4 ,benedict were indeed of a very different nature from the primitive eremitical institutes of ,egypt2 and entirely adapted to the exigencies of ,europe in that age1 they were the asylums and seminaries of learning and philosophic contemplation2 and while they promoted the interests of education1 they were equally conducive to the progress of agriculture4 ,a number of works have sufficiently shewn how much the influence of the ,benedictine order1 which for many centuries extended over all the countries of the ,west1 has advanced the intellectual civilization of modern ,europe1 and indeed sown its first seeds4 ,by ,bishop ,boniface the ,christian religion was established and widely diffused in the interior of ,germany4 ,at an earlier period1 other holy men animated with an apostolic zeal1 forty of whom were sent by ,pope ,gregory the ,great1 carried the light of the gospel into ,britain2 where it was received with peculiar avidity by the ,picts and ,scots1 and the old inhabitants of ,erin1 as well as by the ,anglo-,saxons4 ,in true ,christian piety1 and in such knowledge and science as the age possessed1 ,england during this ,saxon period1 prior and down to the reign of ,alfred1 maintained nearly a pre-eminence above the other kingdoms of the ,west4 ,even that apostle of the ,germans1 ,boniface1 originally named ,winfried1 came from ,england2 and among the writers of the age1 ,alcuin asserted the intellectual superiority of the ,anglo-,saxon ,christians4 ,limited as was the knowledge of the ,western world in those ages1 and narrow the circle of ,european science and learning1 still we find in those times1 but almost only in the ,west1 writers of very original powers1 and peculiar turn of mind1 whose writings1 composed either in a barbarous ,latin1 or in a half-formed ,romanic vernacular tongue1 are the faithful and instructive mirrors of the spirit of the times4 ,on the other hand1 the later ,byzantine writers1 though they possessed incomparably greater resources1 and much more extensive philological acquirements1 have produced nothing but learned compilations4 ,now there arose in the ,west1 ,christian kings1 heroes and legislators1 both among the ,franks and the ,saxons1 such as ,charlemagne and ,alfred1 who as men were not indeed faultless1 but who should be judged and appreciated according to the character of their times2 a knowledge of which is necessary for rightly understanding the spirit of these extraordinary men4 ,in peace and in war they endeavoured firmly to establish a new model society on ,christian principles and maxims2 and they restored the ,western in the form of a great ,christian ,empire1 destined to defend and protect all ,christian states--all the civilized nations of the ,european ,confederacy against ,barbarian invasion and internal anarchy4 ,if we compare these ,frank and ,saxon ,kings and ,emperors1 valiant and chivalrous as they were1 thirsting for glory1 yet seeking and establishing peace1 honouring justice1 and founding or restoring laws1 on one hand with those ,saracen rulers and caliphs1 ever burning with a rage for conquest and destruction1 and on the other hand1 with that ,byzantine court1 presenting almost always the uniform picture of corruption1 and ruling over an empire pining in hopeless decay--if we contrast those flashes of genius which distinguished the writings of the ,western nations1 with the dead1 spiritless monotony pervading all the productions of the ,byzantine intellect1 superior as the ,greeks were to the rest of ,europe in erudition1 science and literary stores2 we shall find in this comparison1 7taking into consideration the imperfection of all human things1 and actions1 and persons1 for even in this period of the world1 errors and defects are to be found in the conduct of individuals mixed up with the most praiseworthy qualities17 we shall find1 ,i say1 in this comparison1 the best vindication and the highest eulogium of the ,catholic ,west and its earlier history4 ,the misrepresentation of that history formerly so frequently made by the passion1 the exaggerations1 and the prejudices of party1 has still an injurious influence1 but is with us no longer in season2 for the moment has arrived1 when fixed in the right centre1 we must now begin to take a more complete and comprehensive survey of the primitive world1 and classical antiquity1 next of the history of the middle age1 and of modern times1 down to the present day1 and to that approaching futurity still in the crisis of its formation2 and when we must judge them with more correctness in all their details1 and understand them better by examining their relative position in the great plan of history1 and estimate them all by the standard given to us by ,god1 which is the only true one4 ,then we shall judge these particulars without predilection1 and without aversion1 sine odio et sine dilectione1 which is somewhat more than that excellent and greatest of all ancient historians1 who gave utterance to this saying1 really accomplished1 or was indeed in his time and with his principles capable of accomplishing4 ,for it is only the knowledge and complete comprehension of the great scheme of history1 which can enable us to rise above the particular transactions of our own1 or of a foreign nation1 of the present times or of past ages2 and it is this knowledge which can alone clearly and safely determine the feeling with which we should regard particular historical facts4 ,but for that end1 the ancient historian1 as well as all antiquity1 wanted the clue which ,christianity alone has given us1 to the internal connexion of the world's history1 and which they who seek for it elsewhere but in this religion1 will certainly seek in vain4 ,in this period of anarchy1 and during the sway of the ,lombards1 the circumstances of the times gave to the ,popes a paramount authority in the internal administration of the city and district of ,rome2 as well as a general political influence over all ,italy2--an influence which was for the most part very salutary1 and tended effectually to ensure the public peace and prosperity4 ,i must here observe that this political position and power of the ,popes1 so naturally adapted to the circumstances of the times1 and to the general situation of the ,western world1 was first put in a clear and correct point of view by writers not belonging to the ,catholic church4 ,for the political historians on the ,catholic side have1 in almost every country1 retained too lively a recollection of the warm disputes as to the respective limits and rights of the ecclesiastical and secular power1 not to be swayed by such feelings in their conception and accounts of an age long gone by2 and this has certainly weakened the impartiality becoming the tribunal of history4 ,after the subversion of the ,ostro-,goth dominion in ,italy1 the disgrace or even dissatisfaction of the ,byzantine ,general1 ,narses1 provoked the incursion of the ,lombards into ,italy4 ,this people were not so exclusively devoted to the ,arian party1 as a portion of them1 and several among their kings1 professed the ,catholic religion2 but they were far from possessing the mild1 generous character of the ,goths1 and their sway often proved oppressive in ,italy4 ,yet every thing appeared more desirable and more tolerable in the opinion of many otherwise unprejudiced historians1 than the impending danger of ,byzantine rule4 ,when in the middle of the seventh century1 the ,greek ,emperor ,constans ,,ii4 waged war in ,italy against the ,lombards1 and in the course of the war conquered ,rome1 the plunder1 especially of the treasures of ancient art1 was so immense1 that compared with these ,greek devastations1 all the earlier and destructive ravages of the ,goths appeared to be nothing4 ,the ships which were conveying to ,constantinople all these plundered treasures of art1 fell into the hands of the ,arabs1 and were destroyed1 so that it was never known what became of their valuable freight4 ,so true it is1 that ,rome perished solely and entirely by her own hand1 by internal discord1 and the weight of her own corruption1 and not by the hands of ,germans or of ,goths4 ,when at the commencement of the eighth century1 the dominion of the rude ,lombards became oppressive1 and the ,greek sway under the ,iconoclast ,leo was still more detested1 and all the cities and provinces of ,italy had revolted against it2 ,pope ,gregory ,,ii4 without any previous concert1 and by unanimous consent1 was placed at the head of the ,italian league1 and declared its chief2 but he warned his countrymen against the dangers of precipitation1 exhorted them to the maintenance of peace1 and ever cherished the hope of obtaining a friendly reconciliation with the ,byzantine ,emperor4 ,the rigid prohibition of the religious use of images was proper in those cases only1 where the use of them was not confined to a mere devotional respect1 but was likely to degenerate into a real adoration and idolatry1 and where a strict separation from ,pagan nations and their rites was a matter of primary importance1 as was the case in the ,jewish dispensation of old4 ,but now that the ,mahomedan proscription1 and scornful rejection of all holy emblems and images of devotion1 arose from a decidedly anti-christian spirit1 that displayed itself either in open violence or secret machination against the ,christian religion2 this ,byzantine attack on images1 and this furious war against all symbols of piety1 which in its ulterior consequences might and must have proceeded to much greater lengths1 can be regarded only as a mad contagion of the moral disease of the age4 ,this disorder and phrenzy indeed subsided2 and the ,greeks of the ,byzantine ,empire in their religious rites1 as well as dogmas1 have remained ,christians1 and faithful to the old ,christian traditions4 ,yet this controversy on the use of images1 and the animosites and jealousies which it enkindled between the ,christians of the ,east and ,west1 did not a little contribute to that perfectly groundless1 irrational1 and unhappy schism which has severed the ,greeks from the universal church4 ,the protracted contest between the kings of ,lombardy and the ,greek ,exarchs of ,ravenna1 7during whose disputes the ,popes felt the calling and inclination1 but had not the power1 to exercise the high functions of ,protectors to oppressed ,italy17 naturally provoked the arbitration of the ,franks1 led to the establishment of their ,protectorate over ,italy1 and was thus the first occasion of the restoration of the ,western ,empire1 and of the foundation of the great ,christian imperial monarchy4 ,the sublime idea of such an empire sprang solely and entirely out of circumstances and events1 as they arose1 and had not by any individual been fully anticipated1 much less clearly understood4 ,hence we cannot attribute to any persons the blame or entire merit of events that really took place of themselves1 by the mere force of circumstances1 the spirit of the times1 and the happy impulse of a lofty inspiration4 ,nor can we at this remote distance of time1 and under circumstances so totally dissimilar1 institute a formal discussion 7in the manner of the ,jurists7 on the lawfulness or unlawfulness of any particular measure in this great series of public acts4 ,no country besides was oppressed by so many and such contending rulers1 as that ,italy which had once bowed all nations beneath her yoke4 ,sicily1 which had been conquered by the ,arabs1 laboured under the most cruel oppression2 and it was the tyrannical conduct of the ,greek governors that had paved the way for the conquest of that island4 ,in the third century1 the ,franks had already migrated into ,gaul2 their rulers were from the origin of their empire most devoted to ,christianity2 and had besides in their conduct towards kindred or neighbouring nations1 evinced a more judicious1 prudent1 and systematic policy1 than had been shewn by any other ,germanic or ,gothic tribe1 in the invasion and subsequent government of the ,roman provinces4 ,this nation1 which from its origin had ever been warmly attached to the ,catholic church1 which had subdued the ,visi-,goth kingdom in ,gaul1 had become masters of the ,burgundian provinces1 while it perpetually strove to extend and consolidate its dominion in the interior of ,germany2 was now1 after its splendid victory over the ,saracens1 and the general protection which this victory had ensured to all ,christendom1 called into ,italy1 less by the ,pope and the ,romans1 than by the state of affairs1 and the urgency of times and circumstances1 there to terminate anarchy1 and re-establish the ancient order of things1 or one better adapted to the exigencies of the age4 ,the ,empire of the ,franks was henceforward the most powerful state in the ,west1 and was indeed the great centre of the civilized world2 as afterwards became1 though on a higher and more extended scale1 the great ,christian ,empire of the middle age in ,germany and in ,italy4 ,here we find that high clue in human history to which we should ever adhere--on one side1 the luminous trace of the more immediate providence of ,god--and on the other1 the gradual unfolding of the human mind1 evinced in science as in language1 in feelings as in modes of thinking--an intellectual developement1 which though often concealed1 and1 as it were1 buried beneath the agitated surface of external events1 forms 7together with the conduct of divine providence17 the real and essential matter and purport in the history and progress of human communities4 ,in this respect1 if we regard either of the then two great rival powers in the ,east1 we shall find that neither the dead monotony of the ,byzantine ,empire1 sinking ever lower in the scale of moral1 political and intellectual degradation1 nor the more hasty growth and the internal distraction of the ,saracenic ,empire1 7presenting1 as it does1 in its long series of political catastrophes1 military revolutions1 and frequent changes of dynasty1 the same tedious uniformity of despotism17 will furnish much matter of interest or of moment to the philosophic historian4 ,it is in this period of the world1 the gradual organization of the ,christian state1 as in a later age1 the developement of ,christian science1 which chiefly commands our regard1 naturally so curious after all that relates to the concerns and destinies of mankind1 and fixes our attention exclusively1 or more particularly1 on that ,european ,west1 where all now displayed a fuller life1 and a more constant movement and activity4 ,the territorial partitions1 and the various feuds and dissensions which occurred between the ,frank kings1 possess but little1 or at best a subordinate interest1 amid the great events of the times--it is the leading idea of the age1 the progressive march of society at this period1 which offers matter of instruction to the historian4 ,many faults and errors1 however1 stained the first execution of this grand plan of a ,christian ,empire2--such for instance1 were those wars which ,charlemagne waged against the ,saxons1 as well as similar wars under his predecessors in the preceding age2 for the propagation of the ,christian religion by such means of coercion1 can scarcely ever be excused1 and in no case entirely justified4 ,the best excuse is perhaps in the fact1 that all wars between tribes nearly allied1 are like family disputes1 usually conducted with greater stubbornness and animosity4 ,however1 in the year #ghd1 ,charlemagne concluded with the ,saxons a peace which was very advantageous to the latter2 and the extremely prosperous and flourishing condition of the empire1 and even of the countries in the ,north of ,germany1 under ,henry the first king of the ,saxon race1 proves at least that the evil was confined within very narrow limits1 and had not been productive of such wide-spread and protracted desolation4 ,in the transition from the ,carlovingian1 to the ,capetian dynasty1 we should not forget that the monarchy was not strictly hereditary in any ,german state1 but was for the most part merely elective2 and it was only he1 who had proved himself a valiant1 prudent1 and powerful defender of his nation1 that became the man of the public choice4 ,royalty was then considered more in the light of an office1 a charge1 a peculiar calling1 than of an inheritance or patrimony4 ,the general idea of the ,christian ,empire1 was a universal protectorate over all ,christian nations and countries--a mighty central dominion founded on justice1 while the great connecting and pervading power of the whole system was supposed to reside in the perfect unity of religious principles4 ,when this religious unity was destroyed1 the whole political edifice fell to pieces2 and in the struggles of later times1 the artificial relations founded on a mere mechanical balance of power1 on a republican equality of states1 without the foundation of ,christian or any other solid principles1 have furnished1 as experience has shewn1 but a very bad substitute for that old ,christian brotherhood of the ,european states and nations2 and have in the general subversion of ,christian morality1 produced a sort of polite disorder and refined anarchy4 ,in the partition of the ,carlovingian ,empire--a partition which was only in accordance with those principles of descent which regulated the inheritance of the great families--we can trace an almost heroic1 and if we might use the expression1 a nave patriarchal confidence in the duration of that religious unity2 for it was only on such a basis that men deemed it possible to combine the advantage of the domestic1 internal government of a country limited in extent1 with the controul of one general superintending monarchy4 ,when a man of such consummate prudence1 such long foresight1 and powerful understanding as ,charlemagne deemed such a scheme not impracticable1 and thought it possible to maintain the political unity of his empire1 under the joint dominion of his sons1 and by their subordination to their eldest brother2 we should learn not to judge the plan with too much precipitation1 and according to the notions of our times1 and our present systems of policy4 ,this first partition which ,charlemagne had designed1 was prevented by the hand of death4 ,the entire division of the whole ,carlovingian ,empire into three distinct portions1 was first effected by ,lewis the ,pious2 but the perpetual family dissensions which occurred under his successors1 the weakness or violence of their characters1 and the various factions which arose1 rendered totally impossible the maintenance of that union1 which was originally sought to be perpetuated in the empire1 and led to the final dismemberment and total dissolution of the old ,empire of the ,franks1 when another dynasty succeeded to the imperial crown4 ,in the primitive monarchy of the ,germans1 however1 the existence of the four great national dutchies1 which were subordinate to the imperial crown1 far more happily accomplished this union of a local1 domestic1 and paternal government with the controul of one powerful and superintending monarchy2 so long at least as internal union subsisted1 and discord had not obtained the supremacy4 ,there then existed1 though mostly in a different form than afterwards1 a division of powers in the state as well as in the church2 but unity in this division1 or with this division1 was sought for only in ,christian and ,national sentiments2 and as long as these subsisted in their integrity1 the body politic remained unimpaired4 ,at no time has a political constitution or mode of government been devised1 which could permanently supply the place of principle4 ,in the national meetings of the great and smaller states of that age1 in their assembled councils of dukes and princes1 bishops1 counts and lords1 nobles and freemen 7to whom were added the ,commons of the cities1 when by their rights and privileges they began to obtain importance71 we must look for the first germ of all the succeeding parliaments and states-general of the ,european nations1 and of the rights of the different orders of society1 and the privileges and corporate immunities of the cities4 ,all these rights and liberties were purely local--they grew up on the root of national customs--they were founded on no speculative theory of universal equality1 but on positive usage1 and special laws4 ,the union and stability of an empire was then sought for not in the balance of artificial forms1 but in the holy heritage of ancient customs1 in principle in short4 ,on this basis1 first of ,christian1 then of national sentiments1 do all ,christian states repose2 and when this foundation is destroyed1 those states are undone4 ,ecclesiastical power had then a real and substantial weight1 and a very extended circle of operation2 although its limits and relations with secular authority were not so rigidly circumscribed as afterwards4 ,to be sensible that this division of power will not necessarily impair the unity of strength and spirit in the social frame1 as long as principle remains pure1 and religious concord is preserved2 we need only call to our recollection the fact1 that all ,christian states and kingdoms have sprung from this happy agreement between secular and ecclesiastical authority1 and that this union was the sure foundation of their stability4 ,and so long as both powers remained in harmonious accord1 the times were prosperous1 peace and justice ever increased1 and the condition of nations was flourishing and happy4 ,christianity1 says a great historian1 who manifests a greater predilection for antiquity1 and even for the oriental world1 but whose comprehensive intellect often rightly appreciates the benign influence of this religion1 which with us must have the priority2 ,christianity was the electric spark which first roused the warlike nations of the ,north1 rendered them susceptible of a higher civilization1 stamped the peculiar character1 and founded the political institutions of modern nations1 which have sprung out of such heterogeneous elements4 ,and we may add1 ,christianity was the connecting power which linked together the great community of ,european nations1 not only in the moral and political relations of life1 but in science and modes of thinking4 ,the church was like the all-embracing vault of heaven1 beneath whose kindly shelter1 those warlike nations began to settle in peace1 and gradually to frame their laws and institutions4 ,even the office of instruction1 the heritage of ancient knowledge1 the promotion of science1 and of all that tended to advance the progress of the human mind1 devolved to the care of the church1 and were exclusively confined to the ,christian schools4 ,if science was then of a very limited range1 it was still quite proportioned to the exigencies and intellectual cultivation of the age2 for mankind cannot transcend all the degrees of civilization by a single bound1 but must mount slowly and in succession its various grades2 and at any rate1 science was not at that time unprofitably buried in libraries and in the closets of the learned1 as was afterwards the case in ,europe1 and even partly then among the ,byzantines4 ,the little knowledge which was then possessed1 was by the more active spirit1 and the sound understanding and practical sense of the ,european nations1 and their better priesthood1 applied with general advantage to the interests of society4 ,science was not then1 as in the later period of its proud ascendancy1 in open hostility with the pure dictates of faith and the institutions of life4 ,on that world so variously excited in peace1 as in war1 and by the different pursuits of art and industry1 useful knowledge and wholesome speculation descended1 not like a violent flood1 but like the soft distillations of the refreshing dew1 or the gentle drops of fertilizing rain1 from the ,heaven of faith which overarched the whole4 #e ,it may not perhaps be uninteresting to the reader to compare with ,schlegel's account of ,mohammedanism1 an admirable1 though briefer sketch of the same religion by the hand of another great master--the illustrious ,goerres4 ,in the ,synopsis which he has published of the ,lectures on ,universal ,history1 that he has been for several years delivering at ,munich1 we find the following remarkable passage on the ,mohammedan religion4 ,the author after speaking of the various trials which the ,christian church had to endure1 says ,hence the young church must wrestle with all the forms of error in the ,gnostic doctrines and in the other heresies2 one after the other she remains the triumphant conqueress over all1 and maintains against every attack her well-balanced equilibrium4 ,at length1 when the contest has raged for centuries1 the enemy combines in one focus all the scattered rays of error2 and the ,prophet of ,mecca knows how to balance himself therein4 ,the rigid ,monotheism of his doctrine1 which by denying the ,trinity1 and with it all personal manifestation of the ,deity1 limits its idea to the depths of ,eternity1 without admitting any true or living communication of the ,god-head with what appertains to time1 naturally allures the metaphysical pride which in this abstraction hath made itself its own ,god4 ,the ethical ,pantheism which this religion professes1 while it furnishes a pretext1 a motive and a palliation to all the pretensions of the mighty1 to the ambition of usurpers1 the violence of pride1 and the arrogance of tyranny1 and at the same time consoles and disarms the injured and the oppressed1 by the inevitableness of destiny1 must draw to its preacher the men of the sword1 of violence1 and of blood1 and link those once bound indissolubly to him4 ,the sensual ,eudaimonism1 to which his creed opens so free a scope both in this world and the next1 must rally round the apostle of lust1 the multitude that burns with all the passionate glow of that fervid zone1 and place under his controul all the wild fiery energies of that region4 ,and thus do the cold doctrine1 the cutting steel1 and the destroying flame go before him as his missionaries2 and the ,south and the ,east1 and soon even a part of the ,european ,west1 are bowed under the yoke of his religion3 and while in the ,caliphate he founds for it a new spiritual and secular empire1 the modern world between ,christianity and ,mohammedanism becomes divided into night and day4--,goerres ,uber die ,grundlage der ,weltgeschicte1 page #ii-ajj4 ,breslaw1 #ahcj4--,trans4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xii4 ,,lecture ,,xiii4 ,on the formation and consolidation of the ,christian ,government in modern times4--,on the principle which led to the establishment of the old ,german ,empire4 ,the first three centuries of the ,christian era and of modern history compose the epoch when1 by a second fiat of creation1 the light of ,christianity spread through the whole ,roman world1 and when after undergoing long persecutions1 the religion of ,christ under ,constantine came victorious out of the struggle4 ,the second epoch or the succeeding five centuries comprehend that chaotic and intermediate state in the history of mankind1 or the transition from declining antiquity to modern times1 growing out of the ruins of the ancient world--the fermenting mixture of many and various elements of social life4 ,but when at last the tempest had disburthened itself of its fury1 the clouds had broken asunder1 and the pure firmament of ,christian faith had stretched out its ample vault to shelter the rise of new communities2 when the wild waters of that mighty inundation of nations had begun gradually to flow off2 then the ,germanic tribes incorporated with the ,romanic nations1 laid the deep firm soil on which modern ,european society was to spring up and flourish4 ,for it was ,charlemagne who laid the sure foundation for ,christian government1 and all the improvements of its subsequent superstructure4 ,on this basis of ,christian government1 and ,christian manners1 and under the cover and vivifying influence of the luminous firmament of ,christian faith1 sprang human science out of the small fragments of ancient art and learning1 which had survived all these mighty devastations1 till at last it expanded into a fuller bloom1 and grew into a more heavenly and ,christian form4 ,this new progress of social man under the ,christian form of government1 and this progress of the human mind in ,christian science1 mark the third epoch of modern history1 or the seven centuries which elapsed from the reign of ,charlemagne1 to the discovery of the ,new ,world1 and the commencement of the ,reformation4 ,it may naturally be supposed that these seven centuries which witnessed the progressive civilization of modern nations1 and the vigorous growth and wide spread of ,christian principles1 were at the same time a period of struggle both in the state and in science1 and that in each of these departments1 the spirit of ,christianity was intermixed with1 and most injuriously and fatally thwarted and opposed by1 many unchristian elements4 ,and indeed1 to discover and discriminate between these conflicting elements1 to comprehend and determine their mutual bearings one towards the other1 is the fit problem for historical philosophy4 ,the progress of the ,christian state and the advancement of ,christian science1 form during this period the main subject of an universal history1 when this is not a mere collection of special or national histories1 but truly universal1 in the philosophic sense of the term2 treating solely of those subjects common to all mankind1 or which illustrate the general march of humanity4 ,hence all other historical views1 dictated by a predilection for one's own country--inquiries into the political institutions of one1 or several1 or all existing states--a review of the circle of mercantile operations1 and their gradual extension1 and of the progress of the mechanical arts--and lastly1 curious and erudite dissertations on literature1 philology and the fine arts 7however interesting1 instructive1 and in many respects useful1 such special dissertations may be in themselves7--all these must be either entirely excluded from general history1 or must at least occupy a place very subordinate to1 and are deserving of notice only as far as they illustrate1 what must ever constitute the main subject of the ,philosophy of ,history4 ,in the first ages of the world1 it is often difficult to obtain satisfactory information1 and a competent degree of certainty on the subjects which are alone1 or at least chiefly1 worthy of attention4 ,but in modern times1 it is a far more arduous task to select out of the immense multitude and variety of facts susceptible of historical proof1 those which are of a general interest for mankind1 and amid the crowd of details steadily to preserve the general outline of history4 ,it would be a great error to refer to the ,christian constitution of the state and of science1 every remarkable or important incident in the history of government and of science1 merely because such incidents have occurred in the middle age1 or among ,christian nations of later times4 ,we must strive to form a loftier idea of the ,christian model both in science and in government1 so that the highest and noblest monuments in either1 should from human infirmity be considered but faint approximations1 ,i do not say1 to the unattainable standard of an imaginary perfection1 but to the sober reality of ,christian truth4 ,although it is not possible rigidly to separate public life from public opinions1 on account of the intimate union between both1 and the mutual influence which government and science exercise over one another2 yet as the state is the groundwork for the cultivation of science1 and the former must precede the latter1 ,i shall follow this historical order1 and commence with the constitution of the ,christian state4 ,as here the question is not as to the ,beau ,ideal of supreme perfection1 or as to a precise1 rigid1 and scientific theory of the ,christian state1 7for which here at least1 if not for the present age1 the time may not have arrived7--but merely as to a general outline of such a theory--,i shall only observe1 that the ,christian state must rest on the basis of religious feelings4 ,for without feeling its relation to religion cannot be conceived--and such a mere relation1 considered in itself1 would lose its religious character4 ,but the government which is founded on ,christianity1 is on that account limited1 and is consequently in its very nature abhorrent either from absolute despotism1 or the uncontrolled tyranny of popular factions4 ,in the next place1 the government founded on religion1 is one in which sentiment1 personal spirit1 and personal character are the primary and ruling elements1 and not the dead letter1 and the written formula of a mere artificial constitution4 ,in this last respect one may say1 that the ,christian government inclines very strongly towards monarchy2 for in monarchy1 it is the sacred person of the king1 the character of the ruler1 the spirit of his administration1 confidence in his person1 and attachment to the hereditary dynasty1 which form the basis1 the animating spirit1 and vivifying principle of the social system4 ,in a republic it is not the person1 but the law which governs2 nay1 the written word of the law is there of the utmost importance2 and thus the dead letter of the constitution is in a republic almost as sacred1 as in a monarchy the person called and consecrated to the functions of government by divine right4 ,but more than this we should not say--namely1 that the ,christian government1 founded as it is on personality and on sentiment1 inclines on the whole strongly towards the monarchical form--a leaning which is by no means incompatible with many ,republican usages and ,republican ,institutions of a subordinate kind4 ,still less should we exaggerate this idea so far1 as to maintain that the ,christian government is entirely and necessarily monarchical1 even in its outward form2 and that a ,republic is objectionable at all times and under all circumstances without distinction4 ,such absolutism in the doctrines of public law1 and in the theory of government1 is very remote from true ,christian principles4 ,the unhistorical government of mere ,reason--the destructive principle of revolution--is indeed totally incompatible with ,christianity2 principally because the ,christian religion tolerates and recognizes all legal institutions1 such as they are1 without enquiring into their origin2 7as the gospel not only left inviolate1 but even respected the legality of the ,roman dominion in the conquered and incorporated countries27 and also because the ,christian notion of right1 like the ,christian system of government1 is by no means absolute1 but is ever qualified by circumstances4 ,a ,republican government1 which is founded not so much on the abstract or rationalist principle of absolute freedom and equality1 but on ancient customs and hereditary rights1 on freedom of sentiment and generosity of character1 consequently on personality1 is by no means essentially opposed to the true spirit of monarchy2 still less is it inconsistent with the ,christian theory of government4 ,but a despotism1 illegitimate not perhaps in its origin1 but in its abuse of power1 strikes at the first principles of the ,christian state1 whose mild1 temperate1 and historical character is as abhorrent from absolutism1 as from the opposite principle of unqualified freedom and universal equality--the revolutionary principle1 which involves the overthrow of all existing rights4 ,as in the ,christian's estimation1 the worth and excellence of an individual is not to be judged by his outward appearance or by the observance of certain forms1 but by the sincerity of his inward sentiments2 so the same observation will apply to states4 ,it is the spirit and purpose of an action1 the nature of a deed1 the personal conduct displayed in a public measure2 and not any outward form1 which proves or determines the good or evil tendency of any important act1 which may be the subject of history4 ,that ,christian tone and spirit which belongs to the government of the illustrious1 but not immaculate ,charlemagne1 does not proceed from the circumstance1 that he1 like ,alfred after him1 solicited the counsels and co-operation of his ,bishops in framing laws for the various provinces of his empire1 7for many of these laws contained moral injunctions17 or that at ,rome the ,pope placed the ,imperial crown upon his head4 ,but the ,christian spirit of his government is evinced by that lofty idea which filled up the whole of his active life--by his conception of the relations of church and state1 and of the utility of science for the civilization of nations--by his project of an universal empire destined to embrace and protect all civilized nations--the noble fabric of modern ,christendom1 of which he laid the first foundation-stone1 and which reveals his enlarged views1 comprehending alike his own age and succeeding times4 ,but whenever we meet in history with a government which independently of outward forms1 is founded on the love of divine justice--on a principle of self-devotion whereby rulers are ready to sacrifice their own interest and even their own existence in the cause of justice and of social order--these1 we may be sure are the certain and indubitable marks of the realization of the ,christian theory of law and government4 ,on the other hand1 wherever we perceive despotism or violence1 or what we feel to be absolute wrong1 though they be veiled under the sanction of spiritual or temporal power1 then we may be sure the whole enterprise is unchristian1 as the principle is unchristian4 ,of all the different forms of this political disease1 of the manifold kinds of tyranny1 whether ecclesiastical or secular1 military or commercial1 domestic or municipal1 academic or aristocratic1 the despotism of popular licentiousness is the most reprehensible in principle1 and the most destructive in its effects4 ,with the usages and institutions of the ,germanic nations1 this peculiar temper of the ,christian religion perfectly harmonized2 incomparably better at least1 than with the arbitrary government of the ,roman state1 which even after the conversion of ,constantine1 still retained in all essential points a ,pagan character4 ,in the old ,german states1 the system of hereditary monarchy mostly prevailed2--but it was quite alien from absolutism1 and was intermixed with many ,republican institutions1 laws1 and customs4 ,the whole system of those governments was founded on the historical basis of ancient usages--on the pure1 free and generous sentiment of honour--on personal glory and personal character and talents4 ,as soon as this natural moral energy of the ,germanic nations had received a religious consecration from ,christianity1 and those energetic1 heroic souls had imbibed with fervour1 simplicity1 and humility1 the maxims of the religion of love2 all the elements of a truly ,christian government1 and ,christian system of policy were then offered to mankind4 ,the political history of those ancient times has been mostly represented in a too systematic point of view1 for the purpose of favouring some particular object1 or interest1 or some favourite opinion of modern times2 since historians employ all their ingenuity in tracing step by step1 and disclosing to our view the first rise and gradual growth of any particular form of government1 or principle of right--such as the establishment of royalty on the one hand1 and that of the constitution of the three orders on the other4 ,but they remain quite unconcerned about every more exalted principle in society4 ,to judge and appreciate not according to the standard of our own or any other age1 but according to the dictates of eternal truth1 the manners1 the modes of thinking1 the tone of society1 the spirit and views which animated men1 whatever was good or evil1 christian or anti-christian in their sentiments1 is with these writers a matter of the utmost indifference4 ,if there is any exception from the truth of this remark1 it is when they meet with some singular trait of manners or character--some historical paradox calculated to stimulate interest1 and which they then never fail to sever from its general connexion with the age1 to tear up from its natural roots1 and exhibit to the curiosity of the beholder4 ,and yet in such individual traits of character in the middle age1 though they be at first remarked only from their singularity1 and be not even fully understood1 more traces of historical life and truth are to be found1 than in those systematic representations of history1 drawn up with some specific political view1 and which aim at an elaborate dissection and violent disrupture of institutions1 which in those early times1 were inseparably united in the life of ,christian nations4 ,if the best and most praiseworthy measures adopted in that first period of ,christian polity1 for the settlement and further improvement of the ,christian state1 and for the establishment and application of christian maxims and principles of government1 were nothing more but a generous effort1 a good intention1 a rude design--a feeble1 imperfect approximation towards a divine term--yet we must consider them as peculiar historical phenomena1 leave them in their individual bearings1 and not prematurely force them into any systematic connexion1 or attach them to any fixed or formal principle of right2 for in the ,christian government1 feeling and personality are the most essential things4 ,if ,i could overstep the narrow limits of this work1 confined as it is to a rapid sketch of the main and essential facts in the historical progress of mankind1 ,i should prefer to draw a portrait of the mode of government and prevalent opinions of that age1 out of the many characteristic traits in the lives of its distinguished rulers1 its great and virtuous kings and emperors1 knights and heroes3--such as that ,charlemagne1 who would rightly open the series1 that pious ,king ,alfred1 who in a far more contracted sphere1 was equally great1 those first ,saxon ,kings and ,emperors of ,germany--princes distinguished for their religious and virtuous sentiments1 their great and upright character1 and whose reigns exhibiting as they do1 the paramount influence of religion on public life1 constitute the happiest era1 and the truly golden period of our annals4 ,the peculiar nature and constitution1 the internal spirit and essence of the ,christian state1 would be much more clearly and vividly represented by the examples of these great characters1 who to the pure will of their energetic1 heroic souls1 united a practical knowledge of life1 and a natural insight into the principles of ,christian policy4 ,such a course ,i would prefer to entangling myself in the usual disputes about the respective relations of the spiritual and temporal powers1 and all the contentious points involved in that matter2 or to entering upon any dissertation respecting the decisive era in the developement of royalty and its rights1 or in the progress of the constitution of the three estates1 and of various municipal corporations2 however useful and instructive such enquiries may be in the special history of particular countries4 ,and even in the latter respect1 those glorious names form a mighty epoch2 and in the history of almost all the great ,european countries1 we meet with some holy and magnanimous monarch1 who laid the solid foundations of his country's constitution1 or introduced a higher civility and refinement in life and manners4 ,such were in ,hungary the holy ,king ,stephen1 and in ,france1 the great ,st4 ,lewis1 who in more unquiet times restored a better spirit1 and for a while retarded the progress of corruption4 ,there were also other kings1 heroes and emperors1 like ,rodolph of ,hapsburgh1 who without being honoured with the title of saints1 were truly pious1 chivalric and equitable monarchs1 and may be esteemed and revered as the ,christian regenerators of their age1 and the founders of a true and religious system of government and manners4 ,a lively sketch of such men and rulers1 who acted and governed well and greatly according to ,christian principles and views1 would1 ,i think1 furnish a far more complete idea of the true nature of the ,christian state in this its first period of developement1 than any laboured or artificial definition4 ,there are along with these individual characters1 individual and transient periods of prosperity1 which break out for one generation or more in the history of those early times2 periods which can only be considered as historical exceptions from the general order of things4 ,even those more comprehensive1 and so far more general political institutions1 evidently peculiar to those ,christian ages1 and nowhere else to be found--like the truce of ,god1 which repressed within certain limits the hereditary spirit of feud--or the spiritual chivalry in the orders of the ,templars and of the ,knights of ,st4 ,john1 consecrated to warfare in the cause of ,god1 and opening as they did1 in the time of the crusades1 to the same spirit of chivalrous feud a higher path and a more noble career--all these political institutions1 ,i say1 springing out of the nature and exigencies of their age1 can be understood only by a reference to the circumstances and prevailing spirit of the times1 and must therefore be judged as historical peculiarities4 ,as they often sprang up suddenly without a visible or apparent cause1 and as if by some high mysterious impulse1 so they often sank again as rapidly2 and the pure spirit--the true import of such institutions appeared but for a moment1 like a silvery gleam2 then they degenerated1 or were transformed into something totally different4 ,and we must not be astonished at this1 since what is best and noblest in man--feeling and its divine quality1 is most easily and rapidly impaired1 and may sometimes indeed preserve an external vigour1 when it has undergone an internal change1 and assumed a direction opposed to ,god and all goodness4 ,there were also particular rulers possessed of an energetic will and a comprehensive understanding1 who exercised a wide and commanding1 but pernicious influence on their age1 and the world2 and among these1 the most noted were ,barbarossa and that secret friend of the ,saracens1 the emperor ,frederick the ,second2 princes who with some others1 must be regarded as the first authors of the great dissension4 ,after this dissension had broken out in the fearful struggle of the ,guelphs and ,ghibellines1 and ,christendom was divided into two parties2 discord became general1 pursued its resistless course1 and acting in those distracted times like some new destroying law of nature1 absorbed all personality and its influence in the general abyss of error1 or made it at least less conspicuous4 ,i will now endeavour to give a short sketch of the general progress of ,european society in this its first period of developement1 and to point out the then peculiar nature and constitution of the ,christian state2--from that epoch when ,charlemagne laid the first solid foundation for a permanent system of christian government and christian manners1 down to the moment when an anti-christian spirit of discord broke out with incurable violence1 and became universally predominant4 ,i will at the same time endeavour to take an historical survey of the whole ,christian ,west1 as it has remained the theatre of the subsequent progress of society1 and of the great transactions of the world down to our times4 ,in the blame so commonly lavished1 7and not unreasonably1 when we consider the historical consequences17 on the customary divisions in the ,frankish or ,carlovingian ,empire1 and the other ,german states1 men forget that according to the old ,germanic idea1 a kingdom was nothing more than any other great family estate1 or princely inheritance1 and governed1 like these1 by the same law of descent4 ,this was so from the earliest times among both the principal races of the ,germans4 ,in this manner we find the nation of the ,goths divided into two kingdoms2 and as the ,saxons were with difficulty united under one head in their own ancestral country on the ,northern coast of ,germany2 so in the ,england which they had conquered and newly peopled1 we find seven principalities or petty kingdoms of ,anglo-,saxons co-existent with one another2 and these were only by accident reduced to a less number1 and but for a time blended into one sovereignty4 ,we often ascribe to the men1 and to the spirit of those times1 pretensions quite inappropriate1 inapplicable1 and perfectly modern4 ,so possessed are we with the notion of our times as to the natural and eternal boundaries of this or that country1 of the predestination of a people to political unity1 or of the necessary national unity of every state--notions or prejudices which are held as so many mathematical axioms1 in which we make the highest idea of policy to consist1 to which we ascribe an inviolable sanctity1 and which in our reverence1 and in some cases1 we might almost say--idolatry1 we exalt above every thing else1 and would make every thing else subservient to4 ,to the simplicity of those ancient times1 the excellence and advantages of a mild1 domestic1 paternal1 national sovereignty for the more convenient administration of smaller states1 appeared great1 and superior to every other consideration4 ,thus those who had to decide of themselves1 and without the imperious call of duty--without the feeling of a strong necessity for undertaking1 even at the sacrifice of a part at least of their own national welfare1 the heavy burden of the imperial office1 in that ,christian empire evidently established by divine ,providence for the protection of the church1 and all the nations belonging to it2--without this strong feeling of duty1 ,i say1 they never would have deviated from the good old simple usage of dividing the royal patrimony4 ,the more so indeed as the glory they sought was rather of a chivalrous kind1 consequently purely personal2 and that favourite idol of modern times--national vanity1 was perfectly unknown to them4 ,their institution1 certainly1 would not be adapted to our times2 nor was it even suited to those immediately succeeding2 but an age to be judged aright and duly appreciated1 must be estimated by its own standard1 and the opinions proper to it4 ,that even a division of sovereignty and partition of kingdoms is not incompatible with the external union of the body politic for one general design1 so long as the potentates are animated by a ,christian and brotherly feeling1 and a spirit of union as to this one object--the all-uniting bond of confederacy2 is a truth which may be proved by many pleasing and glorious examples from the history of the earlier middle age1 and from that of ,germany especially4 ,if on the one hand we would lay it down as a general historical law1 and axiom of state1 that separated or divided kingdoms and countries can never combine for one common object1 nor remain permanently united in feeling nor ,christian equity--so on the other hand1 we must remember that the division of nations according to certain natural boundaries1 which we would fain regard as the only perfect and absolutely right one1 is like the quadrature of the circle1 a problem eluding all calculation1 and remaining for ever insoluble1 since each one1 according to his peculiar political position1 or national prejudices1 views those eternal boundaries in a different light1 and determines them differently4 ,thus in order to put an end to all discord and to the injurious system of partition1 nothing would remain but the vulgar resource of an universal monarchy and military dominion--a resource which as often as it has been tried1 has been as little justified or recommended by its historical results1 as that custom of partition which prevailed in the ,german ancestral kingdoms of the earlier middle age4 ,the dangers of a bitter family feud1 or of the mutual jealousies of the heirs to the several kingdoms as to their respective portions1 when these grew to any considerable extent1 were early enough perceived4 ,it is to be observed that in the first division of the great ,carlovingian empire into three parts1 designed by ,charlemagne himself1 but accomplished only under his feebler successor2 the inheritance assigned to the eldest and imperial brother--,lothaire1 was together with ,rome and ,italy1 the ,rhenish district situate between ,france on the one side1 and the interior of ,germany on the other1 and extending from ,switzerland to the sea--a district where the ,romans had planted many and most flourishing colonies1 and which for many ages back had been far superior in civilization and refinement to the countries on either side4 ,with the same prospective care1 ,charlemagne had already fixed his residence at ,aix-la-,chapelle1 preferring the ,rhenish province as the then true seat of civilization4 ,but in the family quarrel and dissensions which ensued1 this measure of ,charlemagne as far as it was intended1 had no other permanent effect than to cause amid the partitions of countries and changes of dynasty1 the continuance down to very modern times1 of ,lorraine as an independent kingdom or dutchy4 ,the ,rhenish district long preserved its pre-eminence in refinement above the rest of ,germany2 and with some external changes1 was long the seat of empire4 ,in that dark old world of the ,north1 on which ,christianity was just beginning to dawn1 no monarch after ,charlemagne1 shone so conspicuously as the virtuous ,alfred1 ,king of the ,west ,saxons in ,england4 ,and the same remark is applicable not only to him1 but to ,england in general1 which during this first ,christian period of modern history1 far outshone all other countries in literature and science1 as well as in religion1 piety1 and virtue4 ,the great ,pope1 ,st4 ,gregory1 as ,i have already mentioned1 laid the foundations of ,christianity and intellectual refinement in ,england1 whither he sent forty ,missionaries2 and so active was their zeal and efficacious their influence1 that in the succeeding age1 this first school of ,christianity in ,england sent forth to other countries the most eminent men of their time4 ,such were the ,german apostle and bishop1 ,st4 ,boniface1 and ,alcuin1 the learned friend and confidant of ,charlemagne4 ,besides many ,latin writers produced by this yet flourishing ,english school1 the great ,christian ,philosopher ,scotus ,erigena1 lived in ,england in the time of ,alfred2 and though this philosopher was perhaps not quite free from speculative error1 he was far superior to his own age1 and in the depth and originality of his conceptions1 was not equalled1 and certainly not surpassed for many succeeding centuries4 ,king ,alfred1 who though a bard and a writer in his own native speech1 prized equally the ,latin literature1 and who defended his country against the ,danes with the most perseverant valour1 was the first founder of the ,english constitution2 for with the wisdom and pacific spirit of a lawgiver1 he restored the old ,saxon rights and privileges1 and the regulations relating to the cities and the different orders of the state4 ,it was his virtuous courage1 which in the most trying adversity1 ever remained cool and collected1 that alone rescued the isle of freedom from the fierce1 impetuous power of the ,danes4 ,the successful naval expeditions of the ,normans to all the coasts of ,europe1 as far as ,sicily and even beyond it1 and the incursion of the ,magiars into ,europe1 where they received the name of ,hungarians1 form in the ninth century the close1 and are1 as it were1 the last reverberation1 of the great immigration of the ,northern nations1 and must on that account not be entirely passed over in silence4 ,this last maritime migration from the ,north began with a powerful and enterprizing ruler of ,norway1 the fair-haired ,harold2 and these naval expeditions which were undertaken1 not merely from motives of vulgar piracy1 or of martial adventure1 but for the foundation and permanent settlement of new states1 soon scoured all the coasts and regions of the ,northern ocean1 as well as of the ,mediterranean sea4 ,the province in ,france which these freebooters conquered1 the ,french acknowledged by the title of duchy of ,normandy2 and they were glad enough thus to bind it to their king by the homage of fealty1 and to attach it to1 if not to incorporate it with1 their kingdom4 ,called to ,naples and ,sicily by the ,greeks1 who demanded their aid against the ,saracens1 the ,normans there founded for themselves a kingdom of long duration4 ,after ,christianity had introduced into ,denmark a better system of government and legislation1 the powerful ,danish monarch1 ,canute the ,great1 ruled over ,england during this period of the ,norman sway2 till at last1 after a short interval of contest1 another ,norman1 ,william the ,conqueror1 issuing from ,france1 founded a new dynasty in ,england1 and established on the basis of the old free ,saxon constitution1 a high chivalrous aristocracy4 ,from the remotest part of ,eastern ,asia1 situate between the ,uzi and the ,patzinacites1 an emigration of nations took a ,westward course towards the country of the ,chazars1 and at last led the nation of the ,magiars from their original seat to ,pannonia1 where1 according to the testimony of contemporary writers1 the ,avars1 the descendants of the ancient ,huns1 still lived under their ,chagan4 ,once excited into tumultuous activity1 these ,hungarians 7who were still ,pagans7 roved as far as the ,north of ,italy1 and down to ,thessalonica in ,greece1 and to the very neighbourhood of ,constantinople2 they then advanced westward in large squadrons far into the interior of ,germany1 even to ,saxony4 ,it was here that the noble ,king ,henry the ,first1 opposed a vigorous resistance to their incursions1 and ,otho the ,great put a final term to the progress of their arms by the victory on the banks of the ,lech4 ,christianity1 which was introduced into ,hungary under ,geisa1 the father of ,king ,stephen1 established a milder system of manners and of legislation2 a system which ,st4 ,stephen by a close union with ,germany1 brought to full maturity4 ,at the same period1 ,poland under the happy influence of the ,christian religion1 which introduced here a better system of manners and legislation1 was incorporated into the civilized community of the ,european nations1 and with ,germany in particular1 formed a very close political connexion4 ,it is particularly pleasing to observe the very beneficial influence of ,christianity in the promotion of agriculture1 and in the advancement of intellectual refinement in the ,northern vallies of ,sweden1 during the reigns of ,olaus and ,st4 ,eric2 when the old ,hall of ,odin at ,upsal was finally destroyed1 and the new religion obtained the victory4 ,during the period of the ,norman glory1 the ,russians 7a populous and widely spread ,sclavonian nation1 inhabiting the vast and ancient ,sarmatia1 formerly governed by the ,goths7 called to their assistance the ,varangians1 who established a new dynasty at ,novogorod4 ,either from this circumstance1 or from the former dominion of the ,goths1 the country was by the neighbouring ,finnish tribes afterwards called ,gothland4 ,russia received ,christianity at the hands of the ,byzantines--and thus in its remote ,north1 remained a stranger to the ,catholic ,west--the more so1 indeed1 as the country1 invaded and desolated by the ,moguls1 long groaned under the oppressive yoke of these barbarians--till at length1 in very recent times1 and in the very struggle of regeneration1 it has grown up into a mighty power4 ,thus the whole circuit of the ,christian ,west1 and all the kingdoms it included1 was now tolerably well filled up2 and it then consisted of ten principal countries or nations2 but in forming this estimate we must not attend to minuter subdivisions or mere national varieties1 or to the frequent partitions of kingdoms1 and alterations of territory1 amid various conflicting or successive dynasties2 but we should keep in view only the general and permanent outline of the ,european states4 ,germany and ,italy1 which were respectively the seats of the ,christian empire and the ,papal dignity1 formed the centre of ,europe4 ,along with these two states1 ,france and ,england were the most active1 the most powerful1 and the most influential members of the ,european commonwealth2 while ,spain was principally occupied with her own domestic contests against the ,saracens4 ,the ,scandinavian countries were somewhat connected with the ,germanic ,empire1 and ,poland and ,hungary1 after they had embraced ,christianity1 were united with that empire in the closest bonds4 ,lastly1 in the far ,northern and ,eastern extremities of ,europe1 the ,byzantine ,empire and the kingdom of the ,muscovites1 7closely connected by the ties of religion17 formed the extreme and remotest members of the ,christian ,republic4 ,such was the geographical extent1 and such the historical situation of ,christendom at that period4 ,after the downfal of the ,carlovingian family1 the empire was restored to its pristine vigour by the election of the noble ,conrad1 ,duke of the ,franconians4 ,this pious1 chivalrous1 wise and valiant monarch had to contend with many difficulties1 and fortune did not always smile upon his efforts4 ,but he terminated his royal career with a deed1 which alone exalts him far above other celebrated conquerors and rulers1 and was attended with more important consequences to after-times1 than have resulted from many brilliant reigns2 and this single deed1 which forms the brightest jewel in the crown of glory that adorns those ages1 so clearly reveals the true nature of ,christian principles of government1 and the ,christian idea of political power1 that ,i may be permitted to notice it briefly4 ,when he felt his end approaching1 and perceived that of the four principal ,german nations1 the ,saxons alone by their superior power1 were capable of bringing to a successful issue the mighty struggle in which all ,europe was at that critical period involved1 he bade his brother carry to ,henry ,duke of ,saxony1 hitherto the rival of his house1 and who was as magnanimous as fortunate1 the holy lance and consecrated sword of the ancient kings1 with all the other imperial insignia4 ,he thus pointed him out as the successor of his own choice1 and in his regard for the general weal1 and in his anxiety to maintain a great pacific power capable of defending the common interests of ,christendom1 he disregarded the suggestions of national vanity1 and sacrificed even the glory of his own house4 ,so wise and judicious1 as well as heroic a sacrifice of all selfish glory1 for what the interests of society1 and the necessities of the times evidently demand1 is that principle which forms the very foundation1 and constitutes the true spirit of all ,christian government4 ,and by this very deed ,conrad became after ,charlemagne1 the second restorer of the ,western ,empire1 and the real founder of the ,german nation2 for it was this noble resolve of his great soul which alone saved the ,germanic body from a complete dismemberment4 ,the event fully justified his choice4 ,the new ,king ,henry1 victorious on every side1 laboured to build a great number of cities1 to restore the reign of peace and justice1 and to maintain the purity of ,christian manners and ,christian institutions2 and prepared for his mightier son1 the great ,otho1 the ,restoration of the ,christian ,empire in ,italy1 whither the latter was loudly and unanimously called4 ,this first age of the ,saxon ,emperors was the happy period wherein ,germany possessed the greatest power and resources1 and enjoyed great internal peace and prosperity4 ,it is in this period1 too1 that we trace the first beginnings of mental refinement1 in many excellent and remarkable productions of the ,latin school1 which were soon succeeded by the successful cultivation of the vernacular tongue4 ,quite as unhistorical1 and even still more absurd than the reproaches urged against the ,carlovingians for their impolitic partition of the ,empire1 are those repeated lamentations and eternal regrets in which modern historians indulge1 whenever they have occasion to notice the frequent expeditions of the ,german ,kings and ,emperors to ,rome and ,italy1 and the connection which subsisted between the ,german nation and the ,christian ,imperial ,dignity--a connection which these writers consider a great misfortune4 ,they do not enter into the true idea of this dignity--they do not comprehend the urgent need of those times for an universal ,protectorate1 which might1 like a bulwark1 defend ,europe against internal anarchy1 and the invasions of barbarous nations2 and which might prevent the light of ,christianity from being perhaps extinguished in a second night of universal barbarism4 ,the modern critics of those ancient times cannot understand that high ,christian feeling--that exalted principle of self-devotion1 whereby a nation from its internal strength and natural situation1 was called by the general voice to take on itself this burden for the common weal1 and to be the firm sustaining centre of the ,european system--a calling which must necessarily occasion a mighty loss and heavy sacrifice of repose and prosperity to the nation so undertaking the momentous charge4 ,without this firm central power1 which held together the ,european nations1 they would1 yielding at the first shock1 have succumbed under the attacks of the ,mahometans or ,moguls4 ,without this central power1 ,europe would have been broken up into a multitude of petty states1 and have sunk into eternal and irremediable anarchy2 whereas now1 great as might be at times the confusion1 and fearfully wild the spirit of warfare1 there was always a resource and a remedy against such calamities4 ,as the religious vow of the knight dignified his duties into a sort of ecclesiastical warfare2 so the high functions of the ,emperor were considered as partly ecclesiastical1 and he was looked on as the sworn liegeman of ,almighty ,god1 intrusted with the high sword of universal justice4 ,it was the exalted idea of this arduous and momentous charge1 far more than schemes of selfish ambition and idle glory1 that filled up the lives of the most active and powerful of those ancient emperors4 ,hence this common regard for the general welfare of ,christendom1 which the obligations of their respective stations imposed upon them1 produced a very intimate union between the heads of the spiritual and temporal authority in ,europe1 and placed them in a state of mutual dependance4 ,when the mighty emperor1 ,otho the ,great1 had been called into ,italy1 and had witnessed with his own eyes the state of general corruption and degeneracy at ,rome1 where among the baronial factions which surrounded the ,papal chair1 one of the more powerful families sought by the most culpable intrigues to obtain a lasting1 and as it were1 hereditary possession of the holy see2 he exerted his imperial authority1 and deposed the ,pope1 who by means so unlawful had obtained his dignity1 and on whom the general voice of the age had long pronounced a sentence of condemnation1 causing a worthier ,pontiff to be elected in his room4 ,there still existed among those of the same mind in ,christendom1 an unerring feeling1 whereby the righteousness or unrighteousness of any action1 its real spirit and purpose1 were easily and promptly determined without any anxious regard to mere outward forms4 ,but when that uniformity of feeling had disappeared1 and with it feeling itself had ceased to be a ruling principle of public and political life1 the standard of political estimation rested almost exclusively on outward forms1 and the contentious point of law involved in those forms2 and as in every historical fact men saw but a precedent fertile of application1 or even dangerous in its consequences1 they no longer formed a pure historical judgment on the general spirit of any great action1 and they almost lost the very notion of such a thing4 ,the whole world at that time was unanimous in justifying the conduct of the great ,otho in that affair4 ,when however the clergy of ,rome1 in their first feelings of gratitude and admiration at their deliverance from intolerable anarchy1 and the toils of an unworthy family1 conferred on the emperor the future and permanent power of choosing the ,pope1 it might have been easily foreseen that so extended a prerogative1 little compatible as it was with the independence of the church1 would in the sequel provoke a strong reaction4 ,this accordingly took place about a hundred years later1 when a man of great energy of character1 ,pope ,gregory ,,vii4 arose to reform the church1 and achieve its independence against the many unlawful encroachments of the secular power4 ,and when a prince1 distinguished indeed for his warlike qualities1 but utterly characterless and animated with an unquiet spirit1 who1 according to the unanimous testimony of his contemporaries1 had incurred many and most serious charges2 when this prince first attacked and deposed the ,pope1 and the latter laid him under an excommunication1 the conduct of the ,pontiff was not only in strict accordance with the general opinion of the age as to the mischievous rule of this secular potentate2 but was quite conformable to the then prevailing doctrine of public law1 which sanctioned the responsibility and accountability of the temporal power4 ,hence1 ,henry ,,iv4 found it more expedient to loose himself from this excommunication by a feint submission1 than to impugn it by open force2 although he never afterwards ceased persecuting the ,pope1 whose constancy was proved in adversity and persecution4 ,in our own times1 justice has been at last rendered to the great qualities of this ,pontiff1 and it has been allowed he was perfectly free from all selfish views1 and that the austere and decisive energy of his character sprang from no other motive than a burning zeal for the reform of the church and of mankind4 ,the ,german historians in particular1 and in truth those on the ,protestant side1 have been the first to perform this act of justice2 and the name of ,gregory ,,vii4 who lived in times so different from our own1 has long ceased to be with the ,germans a watch-word for party strife4 ,but on the matter at issue1 or rather on the opinion the world then entertained respecting it1 it will be necessary to say a few words4 ,that the ,sovereign is in no way responsible seems in modern times to be considered an immutable axiom1 or rather the first of all axioms in the science of government2 and whenever a monarch in the history of the middle ages1 however vicious he may be and however forgetful of his dignity1 meets with the treatment of the ,emperor ,henry ,,iv41 political indignation is raised to the highest pitch4 ,no one can have the slightest intention of questioning the perfect justness of the above state-axiom1 under certain given circumstances4 ,but1 if the question be a parallel between the middle ages and modern times1 we may oppose to the scandal of the ecclesiastical excommunication pronounced against this prince during the former period1 the still more fatal example which has occurred within the last three centuries1 of the public execution of several monarchs1 and of the assassination of many others4 ,thus1 in this respect1 the history of the middle age stands purer2 and this warns us to decide with less precipitancy on the superiority of our own standard of political morality1 and on the greater perfection of modern principles of state-policy4#f ,according to the feeling of right1 and the prevailing maxims of public law in that age1 a mutual controul and responsibility subsisted between church and state1 and between the heads of either4 ,in the most esteemed constitutions of modern states1 there is also a mutual dependence and possible controul4 ,thus the prince may dissolve the parliament1 or resist its enactments by his veto2 and1 on the other hand1 the parliament1 by withholding its sanction to the imposition of taxes1 or refusing the grant of subsidies1 may weaken the sinews of government1 and summon1 not indeed the king1 who seems to be regarded as a mere cipher1 but the ministry to a most severe reckoning4 ,the government loses all stay and support1 when the ,opposition obtains a permanent and decided majority4 ,whether this mutual dependence and controul in the modern theory of government be less dangerous than in the ancient system1 is a question which it is not so easy to decide4 ,as all the institutions of the middle age had a religious spirit and character1 it cannot excite our surprise that this opposition between the spiritual and temporal power1 and this mutual dependence of the heads of church and state should have been founded in religion1 and in the religious character and purpose of the ,imperial1 as well as of the ,papal1 dignity4 ,it was only by the excesses of passion and violence1 by the exaggerated proceedings of both the spiritual and temporal powers1 as well as by unfortunate accidents and a human imperfection1 by no means inherent in the nature of the thing itself1 that the dispute between church and state grew to such a fearful magnitude1 was so prolonged1 and often became almost incurable4 ,but how easily1 even then1 peace might be restored between the spiritual and temporal powers by the wisdom1 the prudence1 the good-will1 and conciliatory temper of both1 is proved by the peaceable termination of the quarrel respecting investiture under the successor of ,henry ,,iv4 ,in the sequel1 indeed1 the harsh1 stern1 inflexible character of the ,ghibelline ,emperors1 especially ,barbarossa1 again perplexed this question2 when from the contest growing more and more violent betwixt the ,guelfs and ,ghibellines1 the political schism became wider and wider1 and discord seemed to be again the mistress of the world4 #f ,in confirmation of what ,schlegel asserts in the text1 ,i shall cite a few passages from some distinguished ,protestant ,historians of ,germany4 ,to shew my readers the enlarged1 liberal and enlightened views taken by the ,protestant writers of that country on the political influence of the ,papacy in the middle age1 and on the services which at that momentous period the hierarchy rendered to the cause of social order1 liberty and civilization1 it were easy to transcribe matter more than sufficient to fill a volume4 ,let a few examples suffice4--,the ,northern nations1 says the celebrated historian of ,switzerland1 ,john ,muller1 rushing in upon the most beautiful countries of ,europe1 trampling under foot1 or disturbing and convulsing all social institutions1 menaced the whole ,western world with a barbarism similar to that which1 under the ,ottoman sceptre1 has obliterated every thing good1 great and beautiful that ancient ,greece and ,asia had produced4 ,yet the ,bishops and other ,dignitaries 7,versteher7 of the church1 strong in their authority1 contrived to impose a restraint on those giants of the ,north who1 as regards intelligence1 were but children4 ,they would not have been more successful than the ,greek prelates1 had they been subject to four different ,patriarchs4 ,the ,popes of ,rome1 7whose primitive history is as obscure and defective as that of the ancient ,roman ,republic1 since we know little of the first ,popes1 except that they devoted their lives for the faith1 as ,decius had done for his country17 the ,popes1 we say1 employed their authority with the same address which we admire in the ancient ,senate1 to render their see independent1 subject to its immediate action the whole ,western hierarchy1 and establish its sway1 far beyond the boundaries of the ancient empire1 on the ruins of the ,northern religions4 ,thus whoever refused to honour the ,christ1 trembled before the ,pope2 and one faith and one church were preserved in ,europe1 amid the breaking up and subdivision of the newly-founded kingdoms into a thousand petty principalities4 ,we know what ,pope made ,charlemagne the first ,emperor2 but who made the first ,pope8 ,the ,pope1 they say1 was only a ,bishop2 yes1 but at the same time1 the ,holy ,father1 the ,sovereign ,pontiff1 the great ,caliph1 7as he was called by ,ho-,albufreda1 ,prince of ,hamath7 of all the kingdoms and principalities1 of all the lordships and cities of the ,west4 ,it is he who controuled by the fear of ,god the stormy youth of our modern states4 ,at present even1 when his authority is no longer formidable1 he is still very puissant by the benedictions which he showers2 he is still an object of veneration to innumerable hearts1 honoured by the kings who honour the nations1 invested with a power1 before which in the long succession of ages1 from the ,csars to the ,house of ,hapsburg1 a host of nations and all their great names have vanished4 ,we declaim against the ,pope6 as if it were such a misfortune that there should exist an authority to superintend the practice of ,christian morality1 and to say to ambition and to despotism1 ,halt6--so far1 and no further6 ,bisher1 und nicht weiter6 ,so speaks the illustrious ,john ,muller4 ,the celebrated ,herder allows that without the hierarchy1 ,europe in all probability had become the prey of tyrants1 the theatre of eternal wars1 or even a desert4 ,the hierarchy1 says ,beck1 opposed the progress of despotism in ,europe1 preserved the elements of civilization1 and upheld in the recollection of men what is so easily effaced--the ties which bind earth to ,heaven4 ,those ignorant men1 as we affect to call them1 have settled almost all the countries of ,europe4 ,the fruits of that time are the formation of the third estate1 whence dates the true existence of nations--and the establishment of cities1 wherein social life and true liberty were developed4--,beck on the ,middle ,age1 page #ac4 ,leipzick1 #ahbd4 ,the weak1 says ,ruhs1 in his ,manual of the ,history of the ,middle ,age1 then found in spiritual authority a better protection against the encroachments of the powerful than afterwards in the balance of power--a system which1 as it was a thing purely abstract1 devoid of all external guarantee1 must soon have lost all influence4 ,the ,pope was always present to terminate the wars which had broken out among ,christian princes1 and to protect the people against the injustice and tyranny of their rulers4 ,the ,clergy therefore every where showed themselves opposed to the power of kings1 when the latter wished to become perfectly absolute--they wished not to domineer over them1 but confine them within the legitimate bounds of their authority4 ,the ,priesthood was consequently always for princes1 when powerful vassals attacked the rights of the ,sovereign--they were the natural and constant guardians of the rights and liberty of all classes4--,manual of the ,history of the ,middle ,age4 #ahaf4--,trans4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xiii4 ,,lecture ,,xiv4 ,on the struggles of the ,guelfs and ,ghibellines4--,spirit of the ,ghibelline age4--,origin of romantic poetry and art4--,character of the scholastic science and the old jurisprudence4--,anarchical state of ,western ,europe4 ,the most rapid sketch of the history of the middle age1 if it contained but a few lively1 characteristic and faithful traits on a subject inexhaustible in itself1 would suffice to convince any reasonable man that great characters1 7abounding almost more than in any other period of history17 important interests1 mighty motives1 and lofty feelings and ideas were there in mutual collision2 and that in what is called the anarchy of the middle age we find an active and stirring life1 the most splendid feats of heroism1 and many luminous traces of a higher power4 ,the most careful consideration and profound investigation of the history of those ages1 invariably discovers that all that was then great and good in the state1 as well as in the church1 proceeded from ,christianity1 and from the wonderful efficacy of religious principles4 ,whatever was imperfect1 defective1 and hurtful1 belonged not to that moral principle which animated society1 and which was itself the best1 the noblest1 and the soundest2 but was in the character of men1 we might almost say1 in the character of the age itself1 which1 though perhaps not originally and purposely selfish1 had yet become so in the violence of the conflict4 ,and by selfishness1 ,i do not precisely understand a vulgar self-interest1 or an ordinary ambition1 but that absolute will or conduct which springs from some unalterable resolution1 which1 hurrying from one extreme to another1 is sure to produce a perpetual alternation of extreme measures4 ,in some cases this conduct proceeded from a want of penetration1 prudence1 and steadiness1 which did not always accompany the deeds of heroic enthusiasm1 the astonishing energy of will and strength of character which distinguished the men of those ages4 ,the principle then really bad1 the principle hostile to good1 must be ascribed to that inclination to discord1 innate in man1 or which at least has become his second nature--an inclination which1 when united with those other mighty qualities of the age1 assumed indeed the most formidable shape4 ,the whole middle age1 however1 must not by any means be depicted as a period of universal anarchy2 as1 from the great difference of times1 and the fact that much in the manners and political institutions of those ages is now scarcely intelligible1 modern writers are but too apt to indulge in this strain of censure4 ,above all1 we must be careful to distinguish in the history of the middle ages the variety of epochs4 ,as long as those religious principles on which church and state depended1 were maintained in their unity and intregrity1 the social stability of that first and happier period is indeed remarkable1 and forms a striking contrast with the succeeding age4 ,for private feuds1 restrained within certain bounds by the manners of chivalry and the laws of honour1 or the more protracted1 and frequently renewed struggles of a warlike nation to repel the inroads of barbarians1 or the aggressions of turbulent neighbours1 are no adequate proofs of general anarchy4 ,but a full knowledge and just appreciation of the power of principle1 which during that better period was the ,christian foundation of the state1 is of so much more importance to our age1 as in these times when principle has given way to the mutable opinion of the moment1 and the latter exerts so mighty an influence on public life2 though men have the power to throw off this ursurped dominion1 they will not return to that unity and stabilty of principle1 however strongly they may feel the necessity of restoring its saving influence4 ,no parallel could be more profitable and instructive than the comparison between an age and a state1 where principle was predominant1 and another where opinion was paramount4 ,all that was great and good in the history of the middle age1 as ,i observed at the commencement of this lecture1 existed only in fragments1 and this has very much contributed to heighten the appearance of anarchy throughout the whole of this great period of human history4 ,of this the blame must be sought for in a combination of many injurious causes1 and in the resistance of many opposing elements4 ,that wonderful power of regeneration1 by which the whole of ,western ,christendom1 after every mighty destruction1 and reign of confusion in church and state1 has1 in a form somewhat modified1 sprung up anew1 renovated and exalted1 can be ascribed only to that religion which was in ,christian countries the first1 and for so many centuries the apparently almost indestructible support of the social edifice4 ,in many and memorable periods of regeneration1 down to our own times1 this truth has been repeatedly manifested2 unless perhaps this self-renovating power conspicuous in the progress of ,christian ,europe1 as well as of the particular nations composing it1 languishing and decaying by degrees1 become at last utterly extinct4 ,among the characteristic1 remarkable1 and peculiarly ,christian institutions of the middle age1 we ought especially to mention that ecclesiastical truce1 or peace of ,god1 which towards the commencement of the eleventh century1 opposed a powerful barrier to the growing and restless spirit of private warfare4 ,without its being possible to specify exactly1 how or where this institution first arose1 it was at once proclaimed in several places1 and generally received with pious faith1 as a voice of reconciliation from above1 an immediate revelation and benign dispensation of divine ,providence2 and every week the tolling of the bell announced the sacred truce from ,wednesday evening to ,monday morning1 during which time all feuds were to subside1 and all hostilities to cease4 ,it may indeed here be asked in the spirit of modern times1 why were only four1 and not the whole seven days of the week fixed upon1 for the cessation of disorder8 and it may be further said that a severe criminal code1 and a prompt1 vigorous and enlightened administration of the law1 would have rendered such expedients unnecessary4 ,and it is thus that men speak and reason without any knowledge of that age2 for many feuds1 troubles1 and contests then existed1 as in all ages have existed and still exist1 which no criminal legislation can reach3 and who will not deem it the part of prudence and a real gain1 when peace is not attainable1 to obtain at least a safe and honourable armistice1 or to subtract from the principle of war four sevenths of its baneful influence and actual duration8 ,and how happy would men have accounted themselves1 if1 in other and later times of disorder1 when nought was reverenced or respected1 and every thing sacred was an object of hatred and persecution1 they could1 amid the general confusion1 have found shelter under such a wall of safety1 or been blessed with such a holiday of peace1 though only at particular times of the week6 ,we should rather admire the power of religion1 whereby such a prohibition without the aid of external force1 or secular authority1 and running directly counter to the ruling passion of the age1 was received with such pious faith1 and followed with such humble docility4 ,in the first crusade1 religious feeling and enthusiasm was the great spring of action2 and in the outset1 at least1 it was far more the glowing eloquence of ,peter the hermit1 his affecting description of the ,holy ,land1 and of the holy places groaning under the ,saracen yoke1 which contributed to bring about this memorable expedition1 than the pretended policy of the ,popes for causing the depression of regal power1 and the promotion of popular freedom4 ,these mighty consequences1 though in fact historically true1 became apparent only at a much later period1 and so far from being pre-concerted1 were then not even foreseen4 ,as the first ,crusade occurred in the most brilliant period of ,norman glory1 the ,norman heroes1 especially those from ,france1 took a very active and prominent part in it4 ,the warfare which the ,saracens waged against ,christendom was considered 7and then perhaps not without reason17 as a state of permanent and universal hostility4 ,the chivalrous and defensive wars of ,christian nations against the unbelievers were looked upon in the same light2 and if we may judge from posterior events1 ,jerusalem and ,egypt1 in that long and memorable contest between ,europe and ,asia1 could very well be regarded1 both in a military and political point of view1 as the bulwarks of ,christendom4 ,feats of prodigious1 and almost incredible1 heroism were achieved in the ,holy ,land2 and1 at the close of the eleventh century1 the victorious cross was planted in the holy city1 and the pious ,christian hero1 ,godfrey1 proclaimed ,king of ,jerusalem1 though this title1 as suited only to the divine ,son of ,david1 he with all humility renounced4 ,in this holy city the first two spiritual orders of chivalry sprang up2 the knights of ,st4 ,john1 who took up arms for the defence of pilgrimage1 and in their vows combined the care of the sick pilgrims with the management of the sword2 and the ,templars1 so called after the temple of ,solomon1 and from a recollection of the remarkable secrets connected with that edifice4 ,chivalrous institutions of this kind1 wherein ,christianity contrived to blend the most opposite qualities and inclinations of human nature1 could not have sprung up under a mathematical government of reason1 or in a state where every thing is reduced to the level of a dead uniformity1 and general equality1 and where all feeling and personality are effaced4 ,but the voice of ages has decided completely in favour of these marvellous institutes1 and even in our own times1 amid all the changes and fluctuations of opinion1 they have preserved the respect1 and obtained the forbearance1 of mankind4 ,even in the second ,crusade which took place about fifty years later1 when the new progress of the ,saracen arms appeared to threaten the safety of the holy city1 it was far more the pious eloquence of ,st4 ,bernard than any scheme or calculation of policy1 which set the whole ,european world in motion4 ,the number of warriors and armed pilgrims who1 under the guidance of the ,emperor ,conrad1 and the ,king of ,france1 poured in upon the ,holy ,land1 is computed at more than half a million4 ,the religious enthusiasm and chivalric heroism which formed the sole and animating principle of the whole enterprise1 were not always accompanied with sufficient prudence1 wisdom and circumspection4 ,the want of these qualities at least1 as regarded the influences of climate1 the physical wants of so vast an army1 and a geographical knowledge of localities1 is too often apparent2 and in default of this necessary foresight and preparatory information1 many thousands perished in the second as well as in the first ,crusade2 a fate which indeed is not unfrequent in wars1 where great bodies of people are exposed to toil and hardship in a foreign climate4 ,these expeditions were indeed like new migrations of nations1 which took an opposite direction from the first1 and rolled backward from ,europe towards ancient ,asia4 ,the great multitude of men engaged1 would sufficiently account for these memorable expeditions1 as it proves the redundance of population in ,europe1 which sought on this occasion1 and by means of this kind1 to disburden itself of its surplus numbers4 ,and if this numerous population may have given rise to1 or afforded materials for1 turbulence and anarchy1 still on the other hand1 it furnishes a proof that that anarchy was not of so destructive and depopulating a nature1 as the descriptions of modern historians would sometimes lead us to suppose4 ,the real point of transition in ,german history from good to evil1--from those ,christian principles which were ever predominant in the earlier period1 to the unappeasable contests of the ,guelfs and ,ghibellines in the later middle age1 must be fixed in the reign of the ,emperor ,frederick the ,first4 ,the hostile treatment of the old ,saxon race1 the destruction of that first and greatest of the old national dutchies of the ,germans1 was occasioned by the jealousy of the ,east ,franconians under the dynasty of that race2 and this measure1 begun during the reign1 7in every respect so mischievous7 of ,henry the ,fourth1 who thus became chargeable with this mighty injustice towards the whole ,german nation1 was now brought to a head by the ,emperor ,barbarossa4 ,and thus1 with the most signal ingratitude1 was cut off by the root that noble stem whence ,german glory and ,german power had sprung2 for the reigns of the great ,saxon ,emperors form precisely the most prosperous and most brilliant period of ,german history1 such indeed as has never been again witnessed4 ,with the same unrelenting severity and atrocious cruelty1 this ,ghibelline ,emperor destroyed the confederate cities of ,lombardy1 and with them crushed the fair plant of ,italian civilization just then beginning to blossom4 ,these two great historical parties--the ,guelfs and ,ghibellines1 are the same which we meet with in other periods of history1 and even in our own times1 though under other names1 often in a form very different from that of the present day1 and not always in the same relative position towards each other2 but in the middle age they appeared in the larger and more gigantic proportions of the vigorous1 heroic character belonging to that epoch4 ,there is ever the one party aspiring after greater freedom1 and the other immovably attached to the ancient faith1 and to the principles it inculcates4 ,that the liberal principles of innovation should1 according to the peculiar complexion which these opinions take in every age1 have emanated even from imperial power1 and should have sought to establish their dominion in the world by force of arms1 is not improbable in itself2 and examples of a like kind are not wanting in history4 ,and in this shape we find these principles in the middle age1 where for a long while they exerted the greatest influence1 and at last became almost predominant4 ,on the other hand the legitimate attachment to the old permanent principle of faith appeared here in the form of an ecclesiastical opposition to secular ascendancy4 ,but in the time of ,barbarossa1 the solemn reconciliation which took place between this ,emperor and the ,pope1 restored harmony between the heads of church and state1 and at last composed the long feud4 ,this powerful ,emperor1 accompanied by the ,king of ,france1 and the lion-hearted ,richard1 undertook a new crusade1 in order to deliver ,jerusalem which had been wrested from the ,christians by ,saladin2 but before he could accomplish his design1 death terminated his active career4 ,although the last ,ghibelline ,emperor ,frederick the ,second1 had been educated by ,pope ,innocent ,,iii41 a ,pontiff distinguished by his enlarged views1 and great intellectual endowments1 and who had undertaken the care and guardianship of the ,emperor's childhood2 yet the old dispute broke out again under this monarch with more violence and more implacable animosity than ever4 ,this quarrel was never more appeased1 at least during the sway of ,frederick ,,ii4 and his family2 and it terminated only with the downfal of the ,hohenstaufen1 the most powerful of all the princely houses of the middle age4 ,yet the ,ghibelline name1 heretofore stamped in characters of blood upon the earth1 subsisted a long while yet2 and for ages after1 the ,ghibelline spirit continued to be the prevailing one in ,europe4 ,although the later ,swabian ,princes and ,emperors of this house1 such as ,henry ,,vi4 and others1 were the patrons of poetry1 and of the ,provenal minstrels and ,german ,minnesingers2 yet they all resembled one another in an unbending sternness of character4 ,henry ,,vi4 perpetrated the most enormous cruelties at ,naples2 the blood-thirsty ,ezzelin1 while ,governor of ,lombardy under ,frederick the ,second1 has left behind him so fearful a recollection in ,italy1 such a character in the pages of history1 that his very name need only be mentioned1 and will dispense with all minuter historical details4 ,the last of this family1 ,conradin1 was an innocent victim of the public hatred borne to his ancestors1 and he perished on a scaffold at ,naples by the hands of ,charles of ,anjou1 the brother of ,st4 ,lewis1 who had seized on the kingdom of the two ,sicilies1 the lawful patrimony of the royal youth4 ,the ,emperor ,frederick the ,second--a prince who for his times had received a most polite education1 and was endowed with the greatest and most original powers of mind1--was not only accused by the ,pope in the excommunication he pronounced against him of a secret but decided enmity to the ,christian religion2 but in the general opinion of the world1 laboured under the same suspicion4 ,however1 by a prudent peace1 which this prince concluded with the ,sultan of ,egypt1 he terminated his crusade more successfully than his grandfather had done his own2 for by this he won back the holy places1 and placed the crown of ,jerusalem on his head4 ,he was the first who brought into ,europe the ,arabic translation of ,aristotle's works2 and as at this period a mighty change took place in the science and philosophy of the middle age1 and as even the art and poetry of ,european nations began to display new life and energy1 it may not be amiss to give here a rapid sketch of these important changes1 as they serve to characterize the times4 ,chivalry was in itself the poetry of life2 what wonder then that that life of imagination1 should have opened a new fountain of poesy in the traditional songs1 the fairy lays1 the varied minstrelsy1 and knightly narratives of ,germany and ,france1 ,spain and ,england1 since in these countries1 chivalry was the ruling element of society1 and had made the greatest progress8--,for the more immediate object of this ,philosophy of ,history1--and in order to contemplate the progress of mankind in matters more serious and important1 ,i have thought the moral principles of men in the middle age1 and their political doctrines1 as they were founded on religion1 or on the system of opposition to religion1 to be of far greater moment and importance than the mere sthetic part of those ages2 for sentimentalists may indulge in a certain vague1 superficial love and predilection for the times of chivalry1 for the romantic spirit of the chivalrous life1 and of the chivalrous poetry1 and of the whole system of modern art which has thence emanated2 and nevertheless all the deeper problems of life involved in that momentous epoch may remain unexamined1 unsolved1 or even misunderstood4 ,on the nature of this romantic tendency1 inasmuch as it exerted a mighty influence on life1 and was a motive of vast and undoubted weight in many of the most important historical events of those ages1 ,i shall merely say a word by way of psychological illustration2 for this is applicable to the prevailing forms of mind1 the peculiar intellectual bearings of whole nations and ages1 as to those of individuals4 ,as where opinion is the ruling principle of life--it is very soon broken1 divided1 parcelled out and lost in a chaos of heterogeneous theories1 and the age--the world--life itself are involved in interminable disputes2 so when religious feeling constitutes the primary principle of life2 and it hath been dismembered1 and torn from its right centre1 been driven to some extreme2 and opinions flowing from this source have been carried into action2 then all the great transactions of public life exhibit that overruling influence of imagination1 perceptible not in the earlier1 but in the later periods of the middle age1 especially from the great epoch of the ,crusades4 ,although these and other like great historical events of that period bear many noble traces of the high religious source whence they sprang2 yet such a paramount influence of imagination over real life1 must in this partial excess be regarded as the consequence of the dismemberment of man's psychological powers--a symptom of the dissolution of that internal harmony which can never subsist in society1 unless it be previously established in consciousness4 ,the radical vice of the middle age--that is to say1 the one most prevalent in its later period from the time of the ,ghibellines--if one may venture to characterize it with such psychological generality--is discernible in the productions of the poetry1 art and science of that age4 ,and the relations which these bore to society--the distinctive character--the peculiar spirit of this critical period in the progress of ,christian nations1 are matters of the highest interest and greatest moment4 ,this vice consisted in that disposition to extremes--that leaning towards the absolute ,i have already spoken of1 as manifested in will1 in determination1 in rule--or in science1 speculation1 and poetry4 ,the first germ1 or at least the first disposition to this fault1 lies in the very origin of modern nations1 especially those five whose political existence sprang out of the union of the ,germanic constitution1 manners1 and character1 with the ,latin civilization1 literature1 and language in the ,romanic countries2 or which at least were formed by a very strong infusion of the ,roman spirit--,i mean the ,german and ,english1 the ,french1 ,spanish1 and ,italian nations4 ,where the character of the ,german tribes1 the free1 heroic energy of ,germanic nature was blended and incorporated with the strong worldly sense of the ,romans by the influence of ,christian principles and religious love2 there sprang out of that happy union those great and mild characters1 to which ,i have already drawn your attention1 and which flourished during the first period of the ,german ,empire and of the middle age4 ,but as soon as the influence of the ,christian religion began to decline1 and its power was enfeebled1 clouded or obscured1 the two elements1 which had been united in the human race1 fell asunder2 and on one side was to be seen nothing but mere ,roman astuteness 7as is often enough the case in the later history of ,france and ,italy72 and on the side of the ,germanic nations1 nothing but a rude martial impetuosity and chivalric pride1 uncontrolled and unsoftened by the principle of religion4 ,or when again the rigid principles of that old worldly sense and instinct of dominion1 which belonged to the ,romans1 were conjoined with the heroic energy of the ,north1 without however the healing and conciliatory influence of the religion of love2 this combination1 which is conspicuous in the vehement but fearful characters engaged in the ,ghibelline contests1 was indeed the most unfortunate of all4 ,how the tendency towards the absolute--that abyss to mankind1 which along with love1 confounds and swallows up all life--then hurried the political world from one extreme to another1 we have already mentioned1 so far as was necessary for our object4 ,but even in the art and poetry1 as well as the science of the middle age1 this leaning towards the absolute is equally apparent1 and the more so1 as both reached their full maturity at that period only when this had become the ruling spirit of the age4 ,as1 on one hand1 the chivalrous poetry1 especially in its origin1 was excessively fantastical1 until later it was fashioned into a form of milder symmetry1 and made to pour forth the touching1 heart-felt tones of romantic art2 so on the other hand the scholastic philosophy was bewildered in a maze of subtleties not so much metaphysical as merely logical1 and often quite destitute of sense4 ,the singular manner1 indeed1 in which the ,italian poet ,dante1 has in his mighty poem of visions1 wherein he displays the most masterly and classical condensation of language1 and the profoundest poetical art1 contrived to sustain in his progress through the three regions of the invisible world that fantastic spirit1 7which was not confined to the chivalrous poetry1 but was common to every department of imagination in that age17 next the stern maxims of the ,ghibelline state-policy1 and a congenial worship of ,roman antiquity1 and has managed to unite all these qualities with the subtle distinctions of the scholastic philosophy2 this singular manner1 indeed1 has never been an object of general imitation1 nor has it opened a path to the subsequent labours of art4 ,but this work will ever remain an extraordinary1 wonderful1 and characteristic monument1 wherein the peculiar spirit of this first scholastico-romantic epoch of ,european art and science is displayed in a most remarkable manner4 ,in this spirit there were many heterogeneous elements1 not confined to their separate and distinct spheres1 but often in the strangest juxta-position1 or rather confusion4 ,and thus a regular scholastic science of love1 with all the borrowed forms of the philosophy of the day1 formed often the purport of the most tender romantic lays or devices2 and logical antitheses1 syllogisms1 and subtleties were solved in rhyme and verse1 with a most charming play of fancy4 ,it is these vagaries 7and so they are in many respects7 which so captivate our feelings in the poetry of ,petrarch--one of the restorers of ancient literature and of modern learning4 ,more strongly still than in its poetry1 the richness of an inventive imagination displayed itself in the wonderful architecture of the middle age1 as so many splendid monuments in ,germany1 ,england1 a part of ,france1 and in the ,north of ,italy and ,venice can attest4 ,the style of the ,byzantine churches was the first and principal model of this ,gothic architecture2 though a fantastic monument of ,arabic architecture may here and there perhaps have had some influence in its formation4 ,the elaborate and ornate style1 and the fantastic singularity of this architecture1 breathe the true spirit of the ,german middle age4 ,at this time1 painting1 too1 began to make some progress in ,italy and ,germany2 though its progress was incomparably slower than that of architecture1 and the art reached its perfection only in the fifteenth century2 but devoted entirely to religious subjects1 and consecrated to the use of churches or private devotion1 painting remained1 down to the time of ,raphael1 an art peculiarly ,christian1 and displayed the profoundest import1 and the most masterly power4 ,from this period1 renouncing1 for the most part1 the religious character of the elder ,christian painting1 art began to be affected by that enthusiasm for the ,pagan antique1 which indeed was not limited to the fine arts1 but was the prevailing character of literature and science in this second period of ,european culture4 ,and ,i have made these few remarks1 not so much for the sake of art itself1 which would require a separate investigation1 but as tending to elucidate the various epochs and stages in the progress of modern civilization4 ,it was an ill-boding gift that the ,ghibelline ,emperor made to ,europe when he brought from the ,east the works of ,aristotle1 translated1 or rather burlesqued1 into ,arabic1 and thence turned again into ,latin1 till at last they became often perfectly unintelligible4 ,the elder ,christian philosophers belonging to the first period of the middle age1 such as in ,england 7which still retained a high pre-eminence in ,latin literature and ,christian science17 a ,scotus ,erigena1 the contemporary of ,alfred1--a ,st4 ,anselm1 so highly revered in theology1--and afterwards in ,france1 an ,abelard1 and also a ,st4 ,bernard1 in whose eloquence there runs so pure a vein of piety--and so charming a mysticism of feeling--all these elder ,christian philosophers1 both in thought and language were incomparably clearer and more precise than the schoolmen of succeeding times1 and were for the most part entirely free from that interminable play of an idle logic1 and those empty metaphysical subtleties4 ,the natural sciences were then in too low and feeble a state to form any distinct branch of human inquiry2 and this very circumstance contributed1 as was then indeed perfectly natural1 to knit closer the ties which connected philosophy with theology4 ,but independently of the peculiar circumstances of those times1 it is evident that ,christian philosophy can be founded on religion only1 and not on any theory1 wherein nature occupies the first and highest place--not on any doctrine1 which contains the germ of a ,pagan worship of nature1 renewed under a scientific form4 ,as little can a ,christian philosophy rest on the principle of ,individualism--a reason which submits not humbly to ,god and his revelation1 but which1 all concentrated in itself1 aspires to be all-sufficing and all-creative4 ,in either respect1 the ,stagyrite1 when studied even in the original1 and thoroughly understood1 would have been a guide very unsafe1 very likely to mislead1 as well in natural philosophy as in the higher problems of ,metaphysics4 ,the best and most instructive of his writings1 his ethical or political works1 could not even be understood by those scholastic admirers of the ,grecian sage2 for the profound allusions they contained to the customs and political history of ,greece made the knowledge of these1 and a complete investigation of the original sources of information1 absolutely necessary to their comprehension4 ,even his logical and rhetorical books derive their chief and liveliest interest from the fact that they were intended to remedy the dialectic malady of ,grecian intellect1 and to oppose the all-usurping influence of a false rhetoric among the ,greeks4 ,lastly1 to comprehend fully1 rightly appreciate1 and turn to advantage1 as our times are enabled to do1 the most solid works of the profound ancient--those on mixed physics and natural history1 the schoolmen were entirely destitute of the necessary aids and preparatory information4 ,if the ,christian philosophers of the middle age1 instead of adopting the ,aristotelian system1 had built and improved on the philosophy of those first great original thinkers of ,christian ,europe already mentioned1 or on the philosophy of the primitive fathers1 even those of the ,latin church1 for by them also the ,platonic doctrines 7the only doctrines of antiquity at all reconcileable with a philosophy of revelation17 had long been planted and naturalized on the ,christian soil2--if this had been the case1 the edifice of ,christian philosophy would have been raised with far greater ease and rapidity1 and been wrought into a much more beautiful structure4 ,or if even the ,greek originals had been deemed absolutely indispensable towards such an object1 it had been better that1 instead of waiting till the destruction of ,constantinople1 the powerful ,emperors and ,potentates1 who patronized art and science1 had1 during the short duration of the ,latin ,empire at ,constantinople1 brought away with them those philological treasures1 instead of the works of ,aristotle so absurdly disfigured in the ,arabic1 and in the still more unintelligible ,latin version4 ,it was1 on one hand1 the inclination of the age to absolute modes of thinking1 to the art of logical tournaments1 and on the other1 a hope1 secretly entertained1 that by the pretended magical power of these logical devices1 one might learn and obtain the mastery of many profound secrets of nature 7which by the way should have been sought anywhere but in the real ,aristotle72 finally1 the unquenchable thirst after a fruit of knowledge1 deemed forbidden--it was all these circumstances1 which created now that universal and irresistible rage for ,aristotle1 reputed as he was to contain the very essence of all liberal science and philosophy4 ,the whole foundation of the scholastic philosophy was thoroughly and essentially false2 and it had the most prejudicial and injurious influence1 not only on theology1 but on the whole spirit and modes of thinking of this age4 ,when however the evil appeared nearly incurable1 and the false current of opinion was too strong to be resisted1 a mighty service was rendered to mankind1 when acute and sagacious theologians1 endowed with philosophical talents and discernment1 like a ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 adopting the common1 but erroneous1 basis of this old ,aristotelian rationalism1 founded on it a system in which they attempted to reconcile this philosophy with the dictates of faith1 and thus1 in this respect at least1 avert from their age the dangerous consequences of this false direction of the human mind4 ,yet1 on the whole1 this was but an apparent reconciliation2 and the scholastic philosophy1 or in other words1 the rationalism of the middle age1 broke out often afterwards into a haughty and violent opposition to the doctrines of revelation4 ,this scholastic spirit of the now degenerate middle age exerted its pernicious influence on life itself1 and on the sciences more immediately connected with life1 particularly jurisprudence4 ,for when the first ,ghibelline ,frederick1 on the plains of ,roncaglia1 gave his solemn sanction to the ,roman law1 and to all those absolute rights and prerogatives of the crown which were thence to be deduced1 he thereby opened a door to an intricate scholastic jurisprudence1 to all the learned subtlety of processes1 and the interminable logic of law2 and conferred on mankind a boon as little propitious as the ,arabic ,aristotle1 which his descendant1 the second ,frederick1 afterwards brought into ,europe4 ,the vast pandects of ,justinian were already the recognized code of laws1 under the ,eastern ,franconian ,emperors1 long before the ,german ,jurist ,irnerius opened his school of civil law in the ,university of ,bologna4 ,those old ,roman ,formulas of universal dominion which are occasionally to be found in the ,corpus ,juris1 suited perfectly the spirit and policy of the ,ghibelline ,emperors1 who1 in particular cases1 alleged them against the ,greek ,emperors and other ,potentates1 as clear proofs of the universal monarchy which appertained to them4 ,but it was particularly from the ,ghibelline period that the ,roman law became a favourite science1 and its study a new mania among the ,european nations1 especially on account of the leaning to absolute principles in that system of jurisprudence1 whose artificial forms of rigid law were indeed little congenial to the spirit of ,christianity1 to modern society1 and ,german manners4 ,the true problem for the legal science of ,christian ,europe to solve would have been this--to adopt the forms of the old ,roman jurisprudence1 so highly wrought and finished in its way1 and to reform its spirit by the doctrines and principles of ,christian justice2 and at the same time to employ the many excellent materials to be found in the native laws of ,european nations1 and in all the old ,germanic codes4 ,these laws were indeed of a very local nature1 adapted mostly to infant communities and the simple manners of warlike tribes1 and by no means appropriate to a more advanced stage of civilization2 yet they contained the solid substance of genuine freedom and exalted equity4 ,but this task ought to have been accomplished in that earlier period when ,christianity1 which had united and harmonized so many discordant elements1 had still retained all its influence--an influence which was afterwards wanting4 ,those ages1 however1 which were so thoroughly ,christian1 and on that very account of such political importance1 were deficient in science2 and hence1 as ,i have already observed1 it was not so much deliberate selfishness1 or hostile opposition1 but the real want of knowledge and foresight which occasioned the civil and political institutions of ,christian states to be left imperfect4 ,it is only in very recent times that an attempt has been made to solve the problem which earlier ages had left unexecuted1 or to supply this old deficiency of a ,christian system of jurisprudence4 ,and if hitherto this task has never been adequately1 or completely1 accomplished1 though all the conditions have long existed for the solution of this necessary problem of ,european society2 it would not be right to defer again the execution of the work1 and thus lose once more the seasonable moment4 ,how1 after the struggle of parties had become more general1 and an absolute mode of thinking the ruling character of the age1 the violent contests between church and state1 between the ,secular and ,ecclesiastical authorities tended to promote their mutual injury and destruction1 ,i shall now endeavour briefly to state4 ,after the last excommunication pronounced against ,frederick ,,ii41 one anti-emperor had followed another in succession2 and ,german princes1 a prince of the royal household of ,england1 and a king of ,castile1 had filled successively the imperial throne2 none were generally and legally recognized1 and it was the reign of universal anarchy and savage club-law4 ,it was a dark interregnum in social order1 as if the sun of justice and of peace had withdrawn its light from a world of corruption and irreconcilable hate2 and for a whole generation this state of wild disorder1 and fear of still greater calamities1 lasted4 ,the loss of ,jerusalem and all the ,holy ,land to the ,christians1 which now took place1 added to the general gloom of the times4 ,in vain had ,st4 ,lewis in his last ,crusade against ,egypt1 once more exerted all his energies for the deliverance and preservation of the ,christian possessions in the ,east2 possessions1 which had they been retained1 might in the end have formed a rampart and a barrier against the inroads of the ,mussulman power into the adjoining provinces of ,europe4 ,still the danger from this quarter was not so imminent2 for it was not till a hundred years later that the ,turks burst from ,asia ,minor into ,europe1 conquered the ,northern provinces of the ,byzantine ,empire1 and began to menace the ,christian kingdoms of the ,west4 ,but there was a nearer and mightier danger rolling on against ,europe--the formidable power of the ,moguls1 which surprised it in this period of the great interregnum4 ,as if the hostile spirit of destruction had anticipated or known that the power of ,christendom could be subverted only by internal discord2 an old sage or priest of the still ,pagan ,moguls1 had1 about a generation before1 announced to the youth1 who was afterwards called ,zingis ,khan1 7that is to say lord of the world1 and who is known by this name in history17 that in a vision1 he had seen the ,great ,spirit1 seated on his flaming throne1 judge the nations of the earth1 and that1 by his decision1 the dominion of the world had been allotted to the young ,khan of the ,moguls4 ,filled with this spirit1 ,zingis traversed the world with his countless hosts2 conquered ,china1 ,thibet and ,japan1 subdued the ,mussulman ,empire of ,carizme1 and penetrated as far as the ,caspian ,sea4 ,the conqueror's four sons continued the work which he had commenced1 and divided the earth into four parts for their task of desolation4 ,the one to whom was assigned the ,western portion of the earth invaded ,christendom with his innumerable squadrons2 the throne of ,rurick1 the greatest ,christian potentate in the ,north1 was overturned2 and for several centuries1 ,russia1 incorporated with the government of ,kipzak1 groaned under the oppressive yoke of the ,mogul sway4 ,poland was overrun by the all-wasting hosts of ,moguls2 the ,king of ,hungary was defeated1 and forced to flee his country2 ,silesia was laid waste1 and the bloody discomfiture of the ,christian army at ,lignitz filled the whole ,western world with consternation4 ,happily the destroyers penetrated no further into ,europe2 and the stream of their conquests1 as if diverted by a protecting hand1 took its course first towards the ,arabian ,caliphate of ,bagdad1 which they put an end to2 and afterwards towards ,india1 and other ,asiatic and ,mahometan countries4 ,this was a passing1 but awful1 warning to ,christendom1 how much she needed the strong arm of a powerful ,protector1 and that union alone would enable her to resist the assaults and inroads of barbarous nations4 ,it was the strong feeling of such a necessity which had first inspired the idea of the ,western ,empire4 ,in the ,german ,empire order was first restored by ,rodolph of ,hapsburgh1 who1 notwithstanding his earldom of ,alsace and his other hereditary demesnes in the ,alps1 had not yet so much power as many other aspirants to the imperial crown2 but his chivalrous virtues ranked him high in the estimation of many of the princes4 ,a happy and singular coincidence of accidental circumstances occasioned his unexpected election to the empire1 which appeared to him1 as to many others1 a calling from above4 ,being on the most peaceful understanding with the ,pope1 he yet abandoned his expedition to ,rome2 for he was1 above all things1 anxious to put an end to anarchy1 to establish the public tranquillity on a solid basis1 and1 as far as was then possible1 to restore the reign of justice4 ,the high services which by this he rendered to his country in those distracted times1 ,history has not been backward to acknowledge2 and1 as the ,patriarch of the imperial house of ,hapsburgh1 he has been the founder of a power which1 in succeeding ages1 has ever proved a pillar of strength and security to ,germany and even ,europe4 ,but often again did anarchy rear her head1 and often did disorder obtain the ascendant in ,germany1 as well as in other ,european states4 ,nations felt the want of one mighty1 independent1 and protecting power--they lamented the decline of those ,christian principles which had knit so closely all the ties of public and private life2 and they saw with regret the gradual approach of the general dissolution and mighty ruin of ,european society4 ,under ,rodolph's successors1 down to ,maximilian and ,charles the ,fifth1 the ,emperors were confined in their sphere of action to ,germany and its internal affairs1 which do not here immediately concern us4 ,the expeditions to ,rome tended1 indeed1 to keep alive the remembrance of the old imperial rights and claims2 but they were productive of no permanent advantage1 nor real extension of power4 ,it was only in the summoning of general councils 7the want of which was soon so urgently felt for the well-being of the church and of ,christendom71 that the imperial power was really exerted in favour of the general interests of ,europe4 ,but the evils which ensued to the church and its head1 from its unhappy conflict with the temporal power1 were far more extensive and fatal in their consequences4 ,in the mighty contests between the ,popes and ,emperors1 it was actual right which was the subject of dispute2 and1 in truth1 the first basis and highest principle of all right in ,christian states1 and indeed in all human society2 and however much of error the exaggerations of later times may have infused into these disputes1 it was a sublime idea which animated either party4 ,in ,france1 which now took up that attitude of hostility towards the head of the church which the ,emperors had once assumed1 an entirely new era in ,european policy1 which had now ceased to be ,christian1 commenced with the reign of ,philip-le-bel4 ,in the place of those great motives and lofty ideas which animated a ,gregory ,,vii41 on the one hand1 and a ,conrad or ,barbarossa1 on the other1 we meet with a vulgar policy1 a selfish cupidity1 and an unworthy cunning4 ,in every point of view1 ,philip the ,fair may be considered as the worthy predecessor of ,louis ,,xi4 ,even his conduct towards the whole order of ,templars1 their execution1 or rather judicial murder1 for the purpose of confiscation1 was a deed of violence which nothing could justify2 even had the suspicion entertained against the more corrupt portion of the order1 of having introduced from the ,east certain unchristian tenets1 rites and practices1 been not entirely destitute of foundation4 ,but yet this suspicion did not affect the whole body1 nor even the then worthy grandmaster1 as was shortly afterwards acknowledged by the ,king of ,portugal and the ,pope himself2 and1 in any case1 an ecclesiastical affair of so much importance ought to have been investigated and determined by a mode of procedure very different from this arbitrary and despotic course4 ,the untimely exaggerations and absolute pretensions of ,boniface ,,viii41 which1 though ,papal1 may almost be termed ,ghibelline 7in the same sense that we have applied that term to the acts of preceding emperors71 must have proved very welcome to ,philip the ,fair4 ,he found in the conduct of the ,pope1 a pretext for enticing him into ,france1 in order1 on the first vacancy in the ,holy ,see1 to promote the election of a ,pope favourable to his views1 and fix him at ,avignon4 ,it was a deep-laid plan of policy on his part1 to fix the residence of the ,popes for ever within his territories1 in order more easily to extort their consent to all his selfish projects1 as in the case of the ,templars2 a policy by which the ,popes1 during seventy years1 were kept in a state of absolute dependance on the court of ,france4 ,and when at last one of the ,popes succeeded in rescuing the chair of ,peter from this ,babylonish captivity1 and placing it again at ,rome1 ,popes were elected one against the other at ,rome and ,avignon2 and a schism broke out in the church which lasted for forty years1 till it was finally quelled by the general council of ,constance4 ,a deeper wound could not have been inflicted on ,christianity than this division in the church1 which led minds astray1 and introduced an indescribable confusion in all the relations of public and private life4 ,as1 without the all-protecting and all-connecting authority of the first ,christian ,emperors1 ,europe in general1 and ,germany in particular1 would much sooner have been split and dismembered1 and been deprived of all power of permanent resistance against foreign aggression1 and barbarian inroads2 so1 without the ,papal power1 which was founded on1 and adapted for1 unity1 and which held together the fabric of the church1 ,christianity would very soon have been lost and extinguished in a multitude of particular sects1 petty congregations1 and opposite parties1 even where totally dissimilar systems of religion did not spring up4 ,the maintenance of orthodoxy in the ,greek church1 where the ,patriarch does not possess the same spiritual power1 nor the same extensive influence on society1 as the ,pope during the middle ages1 cannot be fairly adduced as an objection to the truth of this observation4 ,for it would be absurd to expect from the active1 stirring1 restless1 and animated spirit of the ,western nations1 moving on as they did through a series of rapid1 incessant1 and progressive changes1 that innate monotony of thought even in faith1 which was natural to the dead1 torpid ,byzantine mind4 ,when the ,western church had been weakened and convulsed by the conflict with the secular power1 the prejudicial and fatal effects of this contest became apparent in religion itself and the internal region of faith4 ,at first1 indeed1 there arose a mighty moral power of resistance against the growing corruption and the impending evil--a great spiritual remedy1 which sprang out of religion1 and was perfectly conformable to its spirit4 ,it was here again apparent how that strengthening ,spirit of aid and counsel--that ,paraclete promised to the church by its divine ,founder1 knows at every period1 and on every new occurrence of danger1 to employ the remedies the best and most fitting for the exigences of the time2 remedies of which the high origin is clearly discernible1 though in the hands of men they no longer retain their primitive character1 and do not accomplish all the good they might have effected1 or even become at last more and more perverted4 ,the great wealth of the church was not the sole1 but one of the principal subjects of dispute with the secular power1 and was even a stumbling-block to many1 especially among the people4 ,it was this wealth1 indeed1 which had furnished the means of cultivating and fertilizing the soil of ,europe1 and sowing the seeds of science on the soil of human intellect2 for the existence of the clergy had been founded on landed property1 and by this means they had become naturalized and domiciliated in the state1 and among the nation2 till the splendid endowments which they received from the liberality of religious zeal1 made the abbots1 bishops1 and the whole of the higher clergy1 wealthy lords1 senators1 and princes4 ,this wealth and this power1 the clergy1 especially in the earlier times1 generally employed in a manner the most praiseworthy1 and the most conducive to the welfare of the community4 ,the annals of modern ,europe1 and the history of every great and petty state within it1 are full of the high political services which the excellent churchmen of the middle age rendered to the public weal4 ,this was universally acknowledged1 and any sudden separation of the higher clergy from the state--any degradation of that body from the exalted station which they occupied therein1 would have been a most serious loss to society4 ,in the contests of the emperors and other princes with the church and its head1 the immediate and original object of dispute was not ecclesiastical property1 which no one ever dreamed of attacking2 but the jurisdiction over that property1 and the acknowledgment of that jurisdiction4 ,it is easy to conceive that all the members of the higher clergy had not rendered services equally eminent1 and that the employment of their riches had not been equally laudable and blameless4 ,but1 independently of individual abuses and scandals1 the great wealth of the dignified clergy1 the eminent and splendid rank they occupied in the state and in society1 were ever a stumbling-block to the people1 and even to some ecclesiastics1 and seemed in contradiction with the original rule and evangelical poverty of the primitive ,christians4 ,this was the first cause1 the principal subject1 and1 as it were1 the favourite text of that popular opposition which now1 after the example had been set by princes and potentates1 began to unfurl its banners against the church4 ,nothing therefore could be better adapted to the exigences of the age than that1 in opposition to the too great worldly pomp of many of the high though meritorious and virtuous dignitaries of that time1 communities of men1 animated by the sincerest piety1 and the most austere spirit of humility and self-denial1 should have arisen to make themselves all in all to the people1 and set the example of perfect evangelical poverty2 or to devote their undivided zeal to popular instruction and the office of preaching4 ,men of real sanctity1 and the most humble piety1 and gifted with wonderful powers1 entered on this new path of religious zeal2 and many amongst them1 with a truly high-minded freedom1 reprehended the abuses and the moral corruption then existing in church and state1 and among all orders of society4 ,they met with contradiction and opposition1 and even at an early period incurred much blame2 but here we must be careful to distinguish human infirmity and partial degeneracy from the holy origin of those establishments--from that spark of divine inspiration which called these1 and all other ecclesiastical institutes1 into existence4 ,and thus that tide of popular opposition to the church1 which had received its first impulse from the secular power1 and the contests of the ,ghibelline ,emperors1 rolled on with an ever increasing force1 swell1 and violence4 ,scarce had the ,waldenses disappeared1 when a religious sect still more numerous1 the ,albigenses--broke out in the ,south of ,france1 and not content with displaying the usual popular opposition to the riches and real abuses of the church1 broached many errors and doctrines of the ,eastern sects1 which during the ,crusades may have found their way into that country4 ,for this reason it was thought justifiable to proclaim against them a formal ,crusade1 and1 by a most atrocious war of extermination1 wherein the remedy appears no less reprehensible than the evil itself1 princes put down this popular sect1 which they regarded as rebellious not only against the church1 but the state itself4 ,wickliffe in ,england was the first single bold ,reformer that appeared1 and he was succeeded soon afterwards by an ,innovator1 whose enterprise was attended with far more important consequences--,john ,huss in ,bohemia4 ,their writings1 abounding not only in the wonted condemnation of real abuses1 but in many fanciful doctrines1 unfounded assertions1 and germs of heresy1 their cause as well as the general state of affairs1 and the problem of the age1 became more complicated and perilous4 ,john ,huss was summoned before the council of ,constance1 which had terminated so successfully the schism in the ,papacy2 but there1 without any regard to the imperial safe-conduct which he had received1 he was condemned1 and delivered over to capital punishment4 ,as one injustice1 one act of bloody severity1 is sure to bring on another1 a few years afterwards the ,senators of ,prague were precipitated from a window4 ,this was the signal for a general rising of the people2 ,ziska1 at the head of his infuriated troops1 ravaged ,bohemia1 burst into the neighbouring provinces of ,germany1 and1 with a ,hussite army of seventy thousand men spread terror every where on his march4 ,this insurrection was indeed suppressed1 but ,europe grew every day more and more ripe for a ,revolution4 ,a new and pressing danger1 which had been long foreseen1 now threatened ,europe from an opposite quarter4 ,the ,turks1 who for almost a century had been in possession of the ,northern provinces of the ,byzantine ,empire1 became now masters of ,constantinople1 and the old church of ,st4 ,sophia was converted into a ,mosque4 ,that portion of ,europe which stood in most immediate danger1--,germany1 ,austria1 ,hungary and ,poland--was now compelled to make1 for the space of more than two centuries1 resistance to the progress of the ,turkish power the object of its most assiduous attention2 and this was a circumstance which tended to impede the emperors in all their other enterprises1 to divert their efforts1 and consume their best energies1 and so far1 in the then existing embarrassments in church and state1 exerted a very fatal influence on the whole system of ,european society4 ,the immediate effects of the siege and fall of ,constantinople were highly favourable to literature and science in the last half of the fifteenth century2 when the ,greek fugitives1 by the rich and long-lost treasures of classical knowledge which they brought1 created a new and brilliant era in letters and science2 in ,italy in the first instance1 then in ,germany 7at that time so closely connected with ,italy71 and lastly in the rest of ,europe4 ,the knowledge of their classical tongue and ancient literature had never been totally extinguished among the ,greek scholars and ecclesiastics2 but in their hands this knowledge remained a mere dead treasure1 which was only afterwards turned to profitable account1 and to the service of society1 by the more active spirit of the ,europeans4 ,the better of the late ,byzantine ,emperors1 particularly some of the ,palologi1 had cultivated the sciences1 and1 by their love and encouragement of learning1 had given a new life to literature4 ,even in the period immediately preceding the fall and conquest of ,constantinople1 many ,greeks had taken refuge in ,italy1 particularly during the various attempts made to bring about the re-union of the ,greek with the ,roman church2--attempts1 however1 which with the exception of a small number of individuals who went over to the ,catholic church1 were not attended with any general success4 ,in ,italy the ,greek fugitives established schools for their own language and literature1 and founded libraries2 and if in the time of ,petrarch few ,italians could be named that were conversant with that language and literature1 7and among these zealous promoters of ,greek learning1 ,boccaccio must be included with himself17 ,florence now under the ,medici1 the first ,cosmo1 and ,lorenzo the ,great1 became a flourishing seminary of ,grecian letters and erudition2 and at ,rome also1 the house of ,cardinal ,bessarion was a true ,platonic academy of science4 ,even the study of the ancient ,roman writers received a new stimulus1 and was prosecuted with a more classical taste and spirit4 ,courtly literati1 and ,latin poets formed on the old classical models--political writers in the ,latin tongue1 which was still the language of diplomacy--statesmen and politicians of the greatest influence1 trained up in the school of ,greek and ,roman history and politics--and polite dilettanti of ,pagan antiquity1--all now gave the tone to this new and second epoch in the intellectual culture of ,europe4 ,but the ruling spirit and tone of the age proceeded mainly from the revival of the ancient literature and learning of the ,greeks4 ,natural philosophy1 whatever extension it may have received from the improvements in astronomy1 and a more comprehensive knowledge of the globe obtained by the discovery of the ,new ,world1 had not yet been wrought into a scientific form1 capable of exerting1 as it did afterwards1 an effective influence on the ,european mind1 or of giving it a new direction4 ,in this period of the restoration of science1 some individuals1 like ,picus ,mirandola1 and above all1 the ,german ,reuchlin1 followed a ,platonic track in search of a more profound philosophy2 or1 like ,bessarion1 ,marsilius ,ficinus and others1 illustrated and diffused the philosophy of ,plato4 ,but these were partial exceptions1 and these first attempts were not always faultless4 ,yet it must ever be a matter of regret that the beginning then made towards a better and more profound philosophy should have been left unfinished4 ,to this the old scholastic philosophy was then a powerful obstacle1 and the spirit of anarchy1 which the religious contests of the following age called into existence1 struck at the root of all lofty speculation2 and even in the flourishing age of the ,medici1 it was the sthetic part of ancient literature1 and the political application of classical knowledge1 which formed the main and almost exclusive object of pursuit4 ,thus this regeneration1 as it was called1 was very imperfect and incomplete2 and1 in a general sense1 was really not such2--even in science itself1 the advantages which mankind had obtained1 and which they were so eager to display1 were more like a passing blossom1 than a sound and vigorous root4 ,many of those classical spirits were more conversant and more at home in ancient ,rome and ,athens1 in the manners1 history1 politics of antiquity1 or even in its mythology 7then investigated with peculiar fondness and enthusiasm71 than in their own age1 in the existing relations of society1 or in the doctrines and principles of ,christianity4 ,the prevailing character of this new epoch of intellectual cultivation1 which succeeded to the scholastico-romantic period of ,european art and science1 was by those modes of thinking and those modes of life1 which1 with more or less modification and variety1 it diffused over all the ,european countries2 at the best a very partial enthusiasm for ,pagan antiquity1 not merely in the department of art1 but in the whole compass of literature1 nay even in history1 politics1 and morals also4 ,if we compare with the fearful commotions of the following age this classical enthusiasm1 often so ill suited to the existing relations of society2 its influence on the world will appear like an enchanting draught1 which intoxicated for a while the ,european nations1 drew them after objects totally foreign1 made them forget themselves in an illusive consciousness of their intellectual refinement1 and lulling them into a false security1 blinded them to their own corruption1 and the greatness of the impending danger--the yawning abyss on whose verge they then stood4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xiv4 ,,lecture ,,xv4 ,general observations on the ,philosophy of ,history4--,on the corrupt state of society in the fifteenth century4--,origin of ,protestantism1 and character of the times of the ,reformation4 ,the ,philosophy of ,history--that is to say1 the right comprehension of its wonderful course1 the solution and illustration of its mighty problems1 and of the complex enigmas of humanity1 and its destiny in the lapse of ages--is not to be found in isolated events1 or detached historical facts1 but in the principles of social progress4 ,historical particulars can only serve to characterize the inward motives1 the prevailing opinions1 the decisive moments1 the critical points in the progress of human society2 and thus place more vividly before our eyes the peculiar character of every age--each step of mankind in intellectual refinement and moral improvement4 ,to this end1 historical details are indispensable2 for the ruling principles of social developement are of a more exalted kind1 and not mere organic laws of nature1 from which as in physiology1 when the first principle of the disorder is well understood1 we can accurately deduce and partly at least determine beforehand1 the nature of the different phenomena and symptoms1 the rule of health1 the diagnostic of the disease1 as well as the method of cure1 the approach of the crisis1 and its natural declension1 without being obliged to go through the labyrinth of all the different cases that may have ever existed4 ,again1 it is not in the history of man1 as in natural history1 where the structure of the various plants and animals forms by close analogy one connected system of species and genera2 and where the growth1 bloom1 decay and extinction of individuals follow in an uniform order1 like day and night1 or like the change of the seasons4 ,but in the sphere of human freedom2 as man is a natural creature1 but a natural creature endowed with free-will1 that is to say1 with the faculty of moral determination between the good or heavenly impulse1 and the wicked or hostile principle2 all these organic laws of nature form only the physical basis of his progress and history4 ,and hardly do they form this--but rather a mere disposition of which the direction depends on man1 or on the use he makes of his own freedom4 ,it is only when that higher principle of man's free-will has been weakened1 debased1 obscured1 extinguished1 and utterly confounded1 that those laws of nature can hold good in history4 ,then indeed the symptoms of a diseased age1 the organic vices of a nation1 the prognostics of a general crisis of the world may be determined to a certain extent with the precision of medical science4 ,though the general feelings of mankind clearly declare the soul to be endowed with the faculty of free-will2 yet to reason1 this freedom is an almost inextricable enigma1 the solution of which must be furnished by faith4 ,or rather this is a mystery1 of which the key and explanation must be sought for in ,god and his ,revelation2 and the same will apply to every higher principle1 that transcends nature1 and nature's laws4 ,along with the principle of man's free-will which rises above necessity1 that law of nature--there is another higher and divine principle in the historical progress of nations2 and this is the visible guidance of an all-loving and all-ruling ,providence displayed in the course of history1 and the march of human destiny1 whether in things great or small4 ,but the power of evil is something more than a mere power of nature1 and in comparison with this1 it is a power of a higher and more spiritual kind4 ,it is that power whose influence is not only felt in the sensual inclinations of nature1 but which under the mask of a false liberty1 unceasingly labours to rob man of his true freedom4 ,thus ,providence is not a mere vague notion1 a formula of belief1 or a feeling of virtuous anticipation--a mere pious conjecture--but it is the real1 effective1 historical1 redeeming power of ,god1 which restores to man1 and the whole human race their lost freedom1 and with it the effectual power of good4 ,the problem of human existence consists in this1 that man in the great stage of history1 as in the little details of private life1 has to choose and determine between a true heavenly freedom1 ever faithful and steadfast to ,god1 and the false1 rebellious freedom of a will separated from ,god4 ,the mere licence of passion or of sensual appetite is no liberty1 but a stern bondage under the yoke of nature4 ,but as that false and criminal freedom is spiritual1 so it is superior to nature2 and it is strictly conformable to truth1 to regard him as the first author of this false liberty1 whom revelation represents as the mightiest1 the most potent1 and the most intellectual egotist among all created beings either in the visible or invisible world4 ,without this freedom of choice innate in man or imparted to him1--this faculty of determining between the divine impulse and the suggestions of the spirit of evil1 there would be no history1 and without a faith in such a principle1 there could be no ,philosophy of ,history4 ,if free-will were a mere psychological illusion2 if consequently man were incapable of sentiment or deliberate action2 if all in life were predetermined by necessity1 and subject1 like nature1 to a blind1 immutable destiny2 in that case1 what we call history1 or the description of mankind1 would merely constitute a branch of natural science4 ,but such notions are utterly repugnant to the general belief and the most intimate feelings of mankind1 according to which1 it is precisely the conflict between the good or divine principle on the one hand1 and the evil or adverse principle on the other1 which forms the purport of human life and human history1 from the beginning to the end of time4 ,without the idea of a ,god-head regulating the course of human destiny1 of an all-ruling ,providence1 and the saving and redeeming power of ,god2 the history of the world would be a labyrinth without an outlet--a confused pile of ages buried upon ages--a mighty tragedy without a right beginning1 or a proper ending2 and this melancholy and tragical impression is produced on our minds by several of the great ancient historians1 particularly the profoundest of them all1--,tacitus1 who towards the close of antiquity1 glances so dark a retrospect upon the past4 ,but the greatest historical mystery--the deepest and most complicated enigma of the world1 is the permission of evil on the part of ,god1 which can find its explanation and solution only in the unfettered freedom of man1 in the destination of the latter for a state of struggle1 exposed to the influences of two contending powers1 and which commences with the first earthly mission of ,adam4 ,this is nothing else but the real and entire exercise1--the divinely ordained trial of the faculty of freedom1 imparted to the firstling of the new creation1--the image of ,god1 in the conflict and the victory over temptation1 and all hostile spirits4 ,that man only who recognizes the permission of ,god given to evil in its at first inconceivably wide extent--the whole magnitude of the power permitted to the wicked principle1 according to the inscrutable decrees of ,god1 from the curse of ,cain--and the sign of that curse--its unimpeded transmission through all the labyrinths of error1 and truth grossly disfigured--through all the false religions of ,heathenism1--all the ages of extreme moral corruption1 and eternally repeated1 and ever increasing crime1 down to the period when the anti-christian principle--the spirit of evil shall usurp entire dominion of the world2 when mankind sufficiently prepared1 shall be summoned to the last decisive trial--the last great conflict with the enemy in all the fulness of his power3--that man only we say1 is capable of understanding the great phenomena of universal history in their often strange and dark complexity1 as far at least as human eye can penetrate into those hidden and mysterious ways of ,providence4 ,but he who regards every thing in humanity1 and the progress of humanity1 in a mere natural or rationalist point of view1 and will explain everything by such views2 who though perhaps not without a certain instinctive feeling of an all-ruling ,providence--a certain pious deference for its secret ways and high designs1 yet is devoid of a full knowledge of1 and deep insight into1 the conduct of ,providence--he to whom the power of evil is not clear1 evident1 and fully intelligible2 he will ever rest on the surface of events and historical facts1 and satisfied with the outward appearance of things1 neither comprehend the meaning of the whole1 nor understand the import of any part4 ,but the matter of greatest moment is to watch the ,spirit of ,god1 revealing itself in history1 enlightening and directing the judgments of men1 saving and conducting mankind1 and even here below admonishing1 judging and chastising nations and generations2 to watch this ,spirit in its progress through all ages1 and discern the fiery marks and traces of its footsteps4 ,this three-fold law of the world--these three mighty principles in the historical progress of mankind--the hidden ways of a ,providence delivering and emancipating the human race--next the free-will of man1 doomed to a decisive choice in the struggle of life1 and every action and sentiment springing from that freedom--lastly the power permitted by ,god to the evil principle1 cannot be deduced as things absolutely necessary1 like the phenomena of nature1 or the laws of human reason4 ,such a general deduction would by no means answer the object intended2 but it is in the characteristic marks of particular events and historical facts1 that the visible traces of invisible power and design1 or of high and hidden wisdom must be sought for4 ,and hence the ,philosophy of ,history is not a theory standing apart and separated from history--but its results must be drawn out of the multitude of historical facts--from the faithful records of ages1 and must spring up1 as it were1 of themselves1 from bare observation4 ,and here an unprejudiced mind will discern the motive1 and also1 the justification of the course we have pursued2 for in the ,philosophy of ,history1 we have not to do with any system--any series of abstract notions1 positions1 and conclusions1 as in the construction of a mere theory--but with the general principles only of historical investigation and historical judgment4 ,in the multitude1 however1 of historical phenomena1 all things1 especially in times of great party-conflicts1 are of a mixed nature1 where in the selection of characteristic traits1 we should rather avoid than seek for any rude and violent contrasts4 ,for while on the one hand1 in any great historical contest1 we are bound to recognize the full justice of the true cause1 yet on the other1 we shall often find some flaw--some stain--some weak point connected with that cause--not inherent in the cause itself1 but chargeable solely on human infirmity4 ,or when we must condemn the ,revolution of any period1 as pernicious in its general relations1 and reprehensible in itself1 we shall often see some motive lie concealed in its origin--in its first proceedings1 which taken in itself1 and abstractedly of subsequent errors1 and the false consequences thence deduced1 comprises some important indications of right--some lofty aspirations after truth4 ,every general assertion must be restricted by exceptions1 and qualified by various modifications2 and as in historical events1 so in historical narration and speculation1 nothing is so hurtful and unprofitable as an absolute mode of reflection1 enquiry1 and decision4 ,this remark we may apply by anticipation to the whole period of latter ages1 and as inculcating the necessity of that conciliatory spirit1 which true philosophy cannot fail of adopting for its rule4 ,it is only when we have gone very deeply into the varied and complex nature of the circumstances of any age1 and examined in their manifold bearings those historical phenomena which attend or produce the critical turning-points1 the decisive eras of history1 that we can clearly discover the spiritual elements--the great ideas which lie at the bottom of a mighty revolution in society4 ,in every other abstract science1 an exception from the rule appears a contradiction--but in the science of history1 every real exception serves but the better to make us comprehend and judge the rest4 ,such an exception ,i have now to point out in reference to my remarks on the intellectual progress of ,europe1 in those two epochs of its mental cultivation1 one of which ,i designated as the scholastico-romantic era1 the other as the era of enthusiasm for the ,pagan antique2 the former being inadequate to the wants of that age1 as well as of posterity1 and the other secretly destructive of the old ,christian order of things4 ,but on the whole1 from the tone prevalent in either period1 ,i do not know ,i could have otherwise characterized the spirit peculiar to those two epochs4 ,yet even in those periods1 and in the sphere of philosophic and religious meditation1 the spirit of ,christianity showed itself independent of1 and superior to the temper of the times2 and between these opposite eras1 we meet with works displaying a clear and beautiful simplicity of expression1 united with the utmost purity and depth of ascetic feelings4 ,among several others1 ,i need only cite the ,german ,thomas a ,kempis1 whose most celebrated work has become a manual of devotion for all the ,european nations1 while those who know the philosophic spirit which reigns in his other writings1 can well recognize in this the same clear masterly mind1 which throwing off the abstruse forms of the school1 pours itself forth in a most lovely simplicity of diction4 ,i may be permitted to cite this glorious exception of a mind1 that amid the degenerate science of that age1 rose into the pure atmosphere of ,christian philosophy1 inasmuch as it serves to throw a light on the general spirit of the times4 ,had that mild light of moral truth and divine charity not been then so rare an exception2 had that spirit of ,christian morality been somewhat more widely diffused2 the violent commotions in the following generation would not have occurred2 for they would have had no motive1 nor object1 nor any possible source of existence4 ,but in direct opposition to that pious ,fleming1 there was a great ,italian writer1 who gave the tone to the moral and political opinions of his age1 and exerted the mightiest influence on his times1 both as a moralist and as a politician4 ,i allude to ,machiavelli1 who may serve as a proof1 that the maxims and principles of ,pagan antiquity1 with which the scholars of that age were imbued1 were not confined to the departments of art and of imagination1 or of mere erudition1 but had a very powerful influence on politics3 and however much one may attempt to excuse1 or explain away the design of one of his works1#g still all his other political writings clearly and evidently shew that he was actuated by no other maxims of state-policy than the old ,roman and ,pagan principle1 of grasping1 inexorable1 and selfish cunning4 ,this writer announced only with greater clearness and precision what were already the prevailing principles of his times1 and was thus the means of bringing those principles to fulness and maturity4 ,when the ,christian bond of union between the ,european states and nations had been so completely dissevered1 policy1 together with all moral principle1 became for the most part ,pagan1 came to consider all means as lawful for its ends1 respected not the sacredness of any institution1 and was guided in all its projects by selfishness1 cupidity1 or ambition4 ,animated with this spirit1 and guided by these views1 ,lewis ,,xi4 consolidated the absolute authority of the crown in the interior of his dominions1 with the same inflexible perseverance of character1 and the same consummate political art1 which in his endeavours to maintain his power against the ,duke of ,burgundy and other neighbours1 characterized his foreign policy4 ,in ,ferdinand the ,catholic1 ,king of ,spain1 who permanently united the two kingdoms of ,arragon and ,castile1 put an end to the ,arab dominion by the conquest of ,granada1 and came into possession of the golden mines of ,america2 the arbitrary principles of policy and of government1 which were then so generally prevalent1 are particularly perceptible4 ,the barbarous persecution1 and the expulsion of the ,jews from ,spain1 was certainly prejudicial to the welfare of the country1 was in itself an act of reprehensible severity1 and was1 above all1 a dangerous precedent for the further extension and application of the same oppressive policy towards the ,arabian population 7still very numerous in many provinces of ,spain71 and towards the peaceable descendants of the old ,mahomedan conquerors4 ,from the contests carried on in ,spain itself1 with the ,mahomedans for the space of eight centuries1 a religious war almost entered into the system of national policy4 ,the wisdom of a great and lenient monarch1 like ,charles the ,fifth1 might indeed mitigate the evils of the times1 and as long as he lived1 and as far as circumstances permitted1 might oppose a check to the torrent of the new opinions in ,germany4 ,but with all his pacific endeavours he was unable either to prevent the rupture and separation of a part of ,germany1 or to stop the progress of arbitrary principles of government1 which under his successor on the ,spanish throne1 became perfectly irresistible4 ,the intermixture of political and ecclesiastical affairs and institutions existed more or less everywhere1 and in truth had a deep historical foundation in the peculiar circumstances of place2 and unless we deeply investigate all the particulars of those local circumstances1 and accurately discriminate their several peculiarities1 it would be difficult1 and indeed rash to pronounce a general opinion respecting them--as so sweeping a judgment would give a false and erroneous turn to a censure apparently well-founded1 and often just in itself4 ,the ,inquisition in ,spain for instance1 was from the very peculiar character which it took in that country1 far more a political than an ecclesiastical institute4 ,if the secular power had been guilty of arbitrary and violent encroachments on ecclesiastical jurisdiction1 ecclesiastical power in its turn had from the spirit of the times become in many respects too secular4 ,when the ,popes had returned to ,rome from the captivity of ,avignon1 experience taught them how necessary to their dignity and independence was the possession of a sovereign principality1 which however inconsiderable1 should be at least free from foreign controul4 ,nay1 since the ,german ,empire had become really extinct1 or existed only in name1 it was the interest of the secular powers themselves1 that the political authority of the ,pope within the ecclesiastical states should rest on a firm and secure foundation1 and should thus afford them a guarantee that the sovereign ,pontiff would not again be in a state of exclusive dependance on any one of the different powers--divided as they now all were in interests1 and animated by mutual jealousy4 ,without taking into account the personal scandals of ,alexander ,,vi41 the mode in which some ,popes1 especially of the ,borgia family1 sought to consolidate their power within the ecclesiastical territory1 must have appeared very revolting in the spiritual heads of ,christendom4 ,and although ,julius ,,ii4 possessed many great and princely qualities2 still an injurious impression must have been produced on the public and popular mind1 when the chief ecclesiastic1 and a prince of peace girded on the sword1 and put on the martial cuirass4 ,the name of the ,medicean ,pope1 ,leo ,x41 is one celebrated in the history of art and science1 and serves to denote its most brilliant era2 he possessed perhaps all the qualities most calculated to shed lustre round the throne of a secular monarch2 but he was not the ,pontiff to discern the fearful dangers and urgent necessities of the church in that age1 to avert those dangers by his foresight1 or to surmount them by conciliation4 ,a succession of such ,pontiffs immediately prior to the breaking out of the ,reformation1 is of no slight historical importance4 ,it would really appear as if the church were destined1 by the losses it experienced1 to learn the greatness of the danger to which its too worldly policy exposed it1 and to be brought back by misfortune to its true1 proper1 and essential destination4 ,indeed at that time1 the materials of political combustion were by no means wanting in ,italy4 ,even in the absence of the ,popes1 a political fanatic1 ,rienzi1 had excited a ,revolution for the purpose of restoring the ancient ,republic2 and the internal feuds and civil wars of ,florence were the effects of factions1 almost inseparable from a state constituted like the ,florentine ,republic4 ,in the last period of civil disorder1 shortly after ,lorenzo's death1 a religious fanatic1 the ,dominican ,savanarola--appeared at the head of a political ,revolution2 and his revolutionary principles were strangely mixed up with his religious tenets4 ,here evidently is a fact not undeserving of attention1 if we would wish to form a right estimate of the state and circumstances of that age--it is that the very origin of this new species of fanaticism or heresy1 and not its ulterior progress 7as in the case of the ,hussites17 was marked and accompanied by political commotions1 and crimes against the state4 ,when that bond of religious unity--that high fellowship of ,christian feeling which had united the various states of ,christendom1 was in a great measure dissolved1 the different powers of ,europe 7as is usually the case among neighbouring independent nations1 when directed by separate views of policy7 the different powers of ,europe engaged in a system of alliances subject to various fluctuations1 but all formed on the principle of a mere dynamical equilibrium--just as if government and social power1 even under the influence of ,christianity1 were nought but a mere material weight--a mere lever of physical force4 ,ever since the expedition of ,charles ,,viii4 into ,italy had provoked resistance1 and occasioned a re-action1 the dominion of that country1 for which ,spain and ,france contended with all their might1 was a peculiar subject of jealousy between those states1 and gave rise to many wars4 ,the other powers that took an active part in this game of political alliances--this system of the balance of power1--were ,venice1 the ,emperor ,maximilian1 and the ,pope4 ,how very much an active participation in affairs of so worldly a nature was unbefitting the last-named potentate1 ,i need not stop to observe4 ,that conduct gave occasion afterwards to a great public scandal4 ,for instance1 when the ,pope had formed an alliance with the ,king of ,france against ,charles ,v42 and to resent this1 the ,emperor's ,german army 7among whom were a great many entertaining the opinions of ,luther71 had proceeded to the conquest of ,rome2 this was a fresh and mighty source of scandal at that momentous epoch4 ,nay1 the great dissatisfaction of the ,emperor with the conduct of some ,popes 7though this referred merely to their political acts71 when coupled with his conciliatory conduct towards the ,german ,protestants1 induced many to question the sincerity of his attachment to the ,catholic faith4 ,however false and unfounded such a surmise might be1 still all things contributed to foster the belief1 and on all sides there was a concurrence of circumstances to lead the public mind more and more astray4 ,the good and high-minded ,emperor1 ,maximilian1 who had meditated1 and might have accomplished many other noble projects and important enterprises1 was compelled to labour during his whole life1 though in vain1 to discover in the total absence of all physical resources1 some counterpoise to the power of ,france1 and some barrier and security against the encroachments of ,turkish ambition4 ,but when fortune had placed on the head of ,charles ,v4 the united crowns of ,spain and ,burgundy1 the necessity of choosing an ,emperor1 who like those of earlier ages1 might be capable of coping with all the dangers of the times1 was universally felt2 and this feeling led to the election of ,charles4 ,but for this choice1 the system of ,european states would have fallen to pieces1 and ,christendom become a prey as well to foreign conquest as to internal anarchy4 ,the mind of ,charles was entirely occupied with the old idea of an universal ,christian ,empire1 and a religious feeling was at the bottom of all his political schemes and enterprises4 ,but whatever might be the extent of the countries over which he reigned1 and whatever the apparent greatness of his power1 yet amid the various designs he had to prosecute1 and in the struggle he had to maintain against the combined array of so many hostile elements1 he felt the want of those real resources which are to be found in a compact and well-united monarchy4 ,to the ,spanish crown he imparted great splendour1 and even in ,italy remained the master2 but he met with very imperfect success in his efforts against ,mohammedan power--a power from whose oppressions1 and still further encroachments1 it was the first duty of the ,emperor1 as the armed ,protector of ,christendom1 to defend the ,european states4 ,his conciliatory policy towards the ,german ,protestants did not attain its object1 for amid the general ferment of the age1 the torrent of religious opinions bore down all before it4 ,his wish to re-establish order in church and state by means of a general council1 and thereby to consolidate anew the old foundations of faith1 was fully accomplished only after his death4 ,in all that regards the origin and first breaking out of the ,reformation1 ,i wish to premise that all controversy on points of dogma1 all controversy on the merits or demerits of individuals1 the worthiness or unworthiness of persons1 does not enter into the plan of this work4 ,my object is particularly to describe the various manner in which the religious revolution commenced in the three or four countries over which it exerted the most remarkable influence2 as well as the dissimilar form which it finally assumed in each of those countries4 ,i wish particularly to trace the influence of the reformation on the progress of ,christian states1 and on ,european literature and science2 two things which constitute the main subject of the last chapters of this ,philosophy of ,history4 ,but we must notice briefly1 and as far as is necessary to the elucidation of the subject1 the point of connection existing between persons and doctrines1 and the historical event which alone is the subject of our enquiries4 ,in the first place1 it is evident of itself1 that a man who accomplished so mighty a ,revolution in the human mind1 and in his age1 could have been endowed with no common powers of intellect1 and no ordinary strength of character4 ,even his writings display an astonishing boldness and energy of thought and language1 united with a spirit of impetuous1 passionate1 and convulsive enthusiasm4 ,the latter qualities are not indeed very compatible with a prudent1 enlightened1 and dispassionate judgment4 ,the opinion as to the use which was made of those high powers of genius must of course vary with the religious principles of each individual2 but the extent of those intellectual endowments themselves1 and the strength and perseverance of character with which they were united1 must be universally admitted4 ,many who did not adhere afterwards to the new opinions1 still thought at the commencement of the ,reformation1 that ,luther was the real man for his age1 who had received a high vocation to accomplish the great work of regeneration1 the strong necessity of which was then universally felt2 for no well-thinking man then dreamed of a subversion of the ancient faith4 ,if at this great distance of time1 we pick out of the writings of this individual1 many very harsh expressions1 nay particular words1 which are not only coarse1 but absolutely gross1 nothing of any moment can be proved or determined by such selections4 ,indeed the age in general1 not only in ,germany1 but in other very highly civilized countries1 was characterized by a certain coarseness in manners and language1 and by a total absence of all excessive polish and over-refinement of character4 ,but this coarseness would have been productive of no very destructive effects2 for intelligent men well knew that the wounds of old abuses lay deep1 and were ulcerated in their very roots2 and no one was therefore shocked if the knife1 destined to amputate abuses1 cut somewhat deep4 ,luther acquired1 too1 the respect of princes1 even of those opposed to him4 ,thus when shortly after the commencement of the ,reformation1 a general insurrection of peasants broke out1 which renewed all the excesses of the ,hussites2 ,luther so far from exciting the rebels1 like some of the new ,gospellers1 opposed them with all the powers of his commanding eloquence1 and all the weight of his high authority2 for he was by no means in politics an advocate for democracy1 like ,zuinglius and ,calvin1 but he asserted the absolute power of princes1 though he made his advocacy subservient to his own religious views and projects4 ,it was by such conduct1 and the influence which he thereby acquired1 as well as by the sanction of the civil power1 that the ,reformation was promoted and consolidated4 ,without this1 ,protestantism would have sunk into the lawless anarchy which marked the proceedings of the ,hussites1 and to which the war of the peasants rapidly tended2 and it would inevitably have been suppressed1 like all the earlier popular commotions--for under the latter form1 ,protestantism may be said to have sprung up several centuries before4 ,and besides1 none of the other heads and leaders of the new religious party had the power1 or were in a situation to uphold the ,protestant religion--its present existence is solely and entirely the work and the deed of one man1 unique in his way1 and who holds unquestionably a conspicuous place in the history of the world4 ,much was staked on the soul of that man1 and this was in every respect a mighty and critical moment in the annals of mankind1 and the march of time4 ,the real problem for the age would have been to terminate this unhappy confusion of doctrines1 that is to say1 that disorder and not unfrequent confusion in the relations of the ecclesiastical and civil powers1 7occasioned by the general state of things in ,europe1 and by the circumstances which first promoted the political and intellectual civilization of the ,west7--in a word1 to compose the old dispute between church and state1 and bring it to a just ,christian settlement by a peaceful and amicable arrangement4 ,then the many existing1 though scattered1 rays of true ,christian piety1 humility1 and self-denial1 as well as the new discoveries in science would have acquired a more intense and more extended power--an event which was now entirely prevented by a great civil war between two religious parties1 and was not brought to a full accomplishment till a much later period4 ,but the total rejection of the traditions of the past 7and here was the capital vice and error of this ,revolution71 rendered the evil incurable1 and even for ,biblical learning and philology now so highly valued1 the true key of interpretation1 which sacred tradition alone can furnish1 was irretrievably lost1 as the sequel has but too well proved4 ,and even if this were not the case1 how could mere learned institutes of ,biblical philology1 united with popular schools of morality1 constitute the spirit and essence of a religion8 ,this is no where so fully understood1 and so deeply felt1 as in ,protestant ,germany at the present day--,germany1 where lies the root of ,protestantism1 its mighty centre1 its all-ruling spirit1 its vital power1 and its life-blood--,germany1 where to supply the want of the true spirit of religion1 a remedy is sought sometimes in the external forms of liturgy1#h sometimes in the pompous apparatus of ,biblical philology and research1 destitute of the true key of interpretation#i2 sometimes in the empty philosophy of ,rationalism1 and sometimes in the mazes of a mere interior ,pietism4 ,undoubtedly even within the pale of ,catholicism1 we meet occasionally with individuals who adopt the same1 or at least very similar systems1 who either give in to the principle of ,rationalism1 or to a false theological illuminism 7as in the recent period of ,neology71 or like some of the ,jansenists1 indulge in the unsafe and illusive suggestions of a sentimental mysticism4 ,for the contests of two hostile parties will not always prevent the imitation of defects1 and the contagion of errors2 and this is only an additional reason1 why in a work of this kind1 we should abstain from entering more closely and minutely into the nature of these controversies4 ,in contemplating the first steps of this great ,revolution2 in considering the circumstances of that period1 we experience a feeling of regret1 that the great problem of that age1 the arduous task which devolved on it1 of accomplishing an universal regeneration and real ,reformation of the world1 should have remained unexecuted1 from the very revolutionary turn which affairs took--nay1 that this task should not even have been understood or felt by any of the leading characters of the time4 ,the earlier disputes between the spiritual and temporal powers had related to the dominion over certain territories1 or over ,ecclesiastical property in general1 and especially to the jurisdiction of the state over the latter species of property4 ,the allurements which the confiscation of church property held out to cupidity1 must be ranked among the main causes which contributed to the diffusion of ,protestantism4 ,thus1 for instance1 ,prussia1 the country of the ,teutonic order1 was now converted into a secular dutchy2 and in the interior of ,germany1 a celebrated knight1#aj led away by the spirit of that age of feud1 invaded one of the ,ecclesiastical electorates1 thinking no doubt1 that that state1 like every other ,ecclesiastical domain1 was the lawful booty of the first comer4 ,but independently of these partial changes and minor transactions1 7and in many ,protestant countries1 such as ,england and ,sweden1 church property remained inviolate1 and even ,episcopacy was retained17 the hostility of the ,german ,reformers to the church was of a different and more spiritual nature2 and it was the religious dignity of the priesthood which was more especially the object of their destructive efforts4 ,and this is the point1 where doctrinal controversy enters within the province of history2 for the priesthood stands or falls with faith in the sacred mysteries4 ,the rejection of these mysteries1 by one half of the ,protestant body in ,switzerland1 ,france1 ,england1 and the ,netherlands1 ,luther not only discountenanced1 but strenuously reprobated2 yet it was only by a subtle distinction he attempted to separate those mysteries from the functions of the priesthood2 and it was not difficult to foresee that together with faith in the sacred mysteries1 respect for the clergy must sooner or later be destroyed1 as indeed experience has sufficiently demonstrated4 ,for that great mystery of religion1 on which the whole dignity of the ,christian priesthood depends1 forms the simple1 but very deep internal keystone of all ,christian doctrines2 and thus the rejection1 or even the infringement of this dogma1 shakes the foundations of religion1 and leads to its total overthrow4 ,the pacific conferences of learned and well-meaning men of both parties1 though often renewed1 were not attended with real and ultimate success2 although sometimes1 in looking at the language of such a man as the mild ,melancthon1 we are almost perplexed to discover the few points which do not coincide with the old ,catholic doctrines--so nearly akin1 and almost identical do the two religious systems appear1 when we merely consider their separate parts4 ,equally fruitless were all those honest attempts at pacification1 incessantly made by the ,emperor ,charles1 who sought by his interim to create delay1 while he indulged a secret hope1 that the agitated waves of anarchy1--all that mighty tempest of opinion1 would be allayed by time1 and would finally be stilled4 ,but that interim has been of longer duration than was at first calculated1 and it still awaits the judgment of ,god for its great day of termination4 ,when we consider ,luther's original powers of mind1 independently of the use and employment which he made of those extraordinary powers1 7for even the greatest comet1 though it should cover half the heavens with the splendour of its light1 can never possess1 or be supposed to possess1 the sun's genial warmth27--when ,i say1 we consider the intellectual endowments of this extraordinary man solely in themselves2 the boldness of his speculations and the vigour of his eloquence will be found to form an epoch1 not only 7as is universally acknowledged7 in the history of the ,german language1 but in the progress of ,european science and ,european culture4 ,after the first period in the intellectual history of ,europe1 which ,i denominated the scholastico-romantic epoch1 and after the second1 which ,i termed the epoch of enthusiasm for ,pagan ,antiquity1 and in which a ,christian simplicity of eloquence and a depth of scientific enquiry appear as only happy and occasional exceptions2 a third epoch now arose1 which from the general spirit of the age1 and the tone of the writings1 which exerted a commanding influence over the times1 cannot be otherwise designated than as the era of a polemico-barbarous eloquence4 ,this rude polemic spirit which had its origin in the ,reformation1 and in that concussion of faith1 and consequently of all thought and all science which ,protestantism occasioned1 continued1 down to the end of the seventeenth century1 to prevail in the controversial writings and philosophic speculations both of ,germany and ,england4 ,this spirit was not incompatible with a sort of deep mystical sensibility1 and a certain original boldness of thought and expression1 such1 for instance1 as ,luther's writings display2 yet we cannot at all regard in a favourable light the general spirit of that intellectual epoch1 or consider it as one by any means adapted to the intellectual exigencies of that age4 ,but with respect to the language and literature of ,germany1 so far as these are of general interest1 ,i should wish to make one observation4 ,besides ,thomas ,kempis1 whom ,i have already mentioned1 ,i might cite several other religious writers of the fifteenth century and even of an earlier period1 who though less known1 were distinguished by a similar spirit1 partly among those who made use of the ,latin language1 then universally current1 and partly among those who1 like ,taulerus1 for example1 made the ,german the vehicle of their thoughts4 ,and indeed were we to compare the gentle simplicity1 the charming clearness of thought and expression which reign in the works of these writers1 with the productions of the following age of barbarous polemic strife1 we should then be furnished with the best criterion for duly appreciating the earlier and the later period4 ,with respect to those institutes of the church1 which had early devoted themselves to the task of the propagation of the gospel1 or of the defence and support of religion1 and made this spiritual conflict and holy engagement the business of their lives2 it now happened1 as it had often occurred before1 that the proper defenders of the church arose at that moment1 and adopted that course and mode of defence which the circumstances of the church precisely required4 ,the powerful prelates of the old ,episcopal sees1 who had rendered such high and imperishable services to the cause of ,european civilization1 though they might not be unfaithful to the original spirit of their calling1 and might be no strangers to science1 were1 however1 much too dependant on government1 and mixed up in affairs of state4 ,the more popular and mendicant orders1 from their very nature and character1 and their peculiar habits of life and modes of speech1 were not always calculated to exert due influence on government and the upper classes of society1 while their ardent zeal1 unmindful of times and circumstances1 often transgressed the bounds of moderation4 ,the great want of the age was a religious order1 which established in opposition to ,protestantism1 should not be dependant on the state1 but devoted exclusively to the interests of the church2 a religious order1 which well equipped with modern learning1 science and accomplishment1 possessing a knowledge of the world1 acquainted with the spirit of the times1 and pursuing the course which expediency dictated1 with prudence and circumspection1 should undertake the defence of the ,catholic religion1 and the propagation of the gospel in foreign countries1 and worthily and successfully prosecute this twofold object4 ,such an order was the society of the ,jesuits in its first institution2 and that among the founders and first members of this order1 there were men of undoubted piety and eminent sanctity1 men animated by the sublimest principles of ,christian self-denial1 possessed of great intellectual endowments1 and favoured by ,god with high preternatural powers1 no unprejudiced historical enquirer will deny4 ,whether the reproaches which have been made to many members of this order1 of having exerted an undue political influence1 and displayed a spirit of intrigue and ambition in the history of this period1 be well-founded or not1 ,i shall not stop to enquire2 because such charges at best can affect individuals only1 and not the society1 whose very name indeed has become in our times the watch-word of party strife and contention4 ,the severest condemnation of the ,jesuits proceeds from a quarter where we clearly discern the most implacable hostility to ,christianity and to all religion2 and this circumstance ought to furnish the ,jesuits with an additional claim to our good opinion2 but any judgment on the merits of this society1 as this is a question which more immediately regards the present age1 is quite foreign to the purpose of the present work4 ,if some members of the order adopted at this period those absolute maxims and principles of policy and government1 which in general characterized that age2 and if the writings of others were distinguished by that rude polemic tone and spirit spoken of above1 and which was equally characteristic of those times2 it would be unjust to lay to the charge of the order1 or even of particular members1 failings and defects which were common to the age1 and a perfect exemption from which is the most rare of human excellencies4 ,a violent insurrection can be put down only by forcible means2 but every system of terror1 of whatsoever nature1 is sure to provoke1 sooner or later1 a re-action equally terrible4 ,and if the dangerous disease be checked by means merely external1 and no healing remedy be applied to the root and principle of the disorder1 nor used to renovate the impaired organs of life--if the fire be smothered in its own flames--it will lie concealed beneath the ashes1 and will burn in secret1 till the first casual and unlucky spark shall kindle it anew into a fiercer blaze4 ,such1 in my opinion1 are the plain and obvious principles which the historian should bear in mind1 while passing in review periods of revolution like the one under consideration2 principles1 which even now are susceptible of no very remote application4 ,in that first period of ferment which marked the birth of the reformation1 the revolt of the peasants had been put down with amazing promptitude and vigour4 ,it was but ten years later1 when in the north of ,germany1 a new insurrection broke out1 which from its religious complexion1 seemed still more revolting1 whose adherents sought to establish on earth the invisible empire of ,god by fire and sword1 and whose new spiritual monarch1 ,john of ,leyden1 made his triumphant entry into ,munster1 amid many and dreadful excesses2 till at last this savage fanaticism was crushed1 and 7as invariably happens in similar cases71 met with a bloody end4 ,but the most singular phenomenon at this momentous epoch was ,henry ,,viii4 of ,england3 a prince who while he adhered to the ,catholic doctrines1 and zealously asserted them against ,luther1 yet severed his kingdom from the church1 declared himself its spiritual head1 and by that monstrous and unchristian combination of the two powers1 appeared in the midst of ,christendom1 like the ,caliph of ,england4 ,when1 too1 we take into consideration the private life of this ,prince1 his endless series of divorces1 and the execution of his ,queens2 his conduct was a greater scandal to his contemporaries1 and fixes a deeper stain on the history of his age1 than any other earlier example in ,italy1 or elsewhere1 several of which have been already mentioned4 ,the executions on account of religion which took place under ,henry1 and which1 as he was opposed to both ,catholics and ,protestants1 affected the two parties alike1 were of a peculiarly odious and blood-thirsty character4 ,on this subject ,i wish to make one observation4 ,from the connection which then subsisted between church and state1 a case might easily arise1 where a religious error would become a political crime4 ,when an insurrection originating in a religious cause1 breaks out and threatens the peace of society1 like the religious war of the ,hussites1 and the revolt of the ,german peasants1 no other resource remains but to put down force by force4 ,but when the first violence has subsided1 another and a better and a truly moral remedy should1 if possible1 be applied to the evil2 and this remedy was not always administered in a right1 benign1 and truly ,christian form4 ,strange and fanciful have been1 in all times and places1 the offsprings of human error4 ,thus even in the most modern times1 and in a peaceful and civilized country1 examples still occur1 where religious errors lead their unhappy dupes to violent attempts on their own lives1 or the lives of others2 and a wise legislation and humane judicature should rather treat these errors as mental diseases1 than judge them according to the rigid letter of criminal law4 ,how much more should not this be the case1 when religious error is confined to the sphere of speculation1 and is not attended with any practical consequences4 ,it is often perhaps not easy to draw the line of demarcation between measures of wise precaution against the assaults of a dangerous fanaticism1 and unchristian modes of punishment4 ,but certainly the criminal process of ,ecclesiastical tribunals at that period1 was not only opposed to the spirit of ,christianity1 but at utter variance with the express and ancient canons of the church1 and urgent admonitions of the ,fathers1 that the church should strenuously avoid the shedding of blood4 ,men sought to evade this wise and beautiful law1 by abandoning all executions to the secular arm2 but except in the punishment of actual crimes1 and in the necessary defence against open insurrection1 we must admit that the spirit of this law was grievously violated4 ,a vindictive criminal jurisprudence1 which was then dictated by the mutual rage of contending parties1 and which was made still more revolting to ,christian feelings by the religious colouring it assumed1 remains a stigma on that age2 for it was the work not of one1 but of both religious parties1 or to speak more properly1 of members of both parties4 ,the commencement1 indeed1 of this great disorder--of this great departure from the law of love--is to be found in the middle age1 during the strife of exasperated factions2 but how small are those beginnings when compared with the excesses of subsequent times4 ,when we hear the middle age called barbarous1 we should remember that that epithet applies with far greater force to the truly barbarous era of the ,reformation1 and of the religious wars which that event produced1 and which continued down to the period when a sort of moral and political pacification was re-established1 apparently at least1 in society and in the human mind4 #g ,the ,prince4 #h ,schlegel here alludes to the ,ordinances promulgated a few years ago by the ,king of ,prussia1 for the reform of the ,protestant ,liturgy4 #i ,the author here refers to that mania for ,biblical criticism1 long prevalent in ,protestant ,germany1 and which however it may inform our reason1 and gratify a laudable curiosity1 is in itself no guide to the knowledge of religious truth4--,trans4 #aj ,schlegel here alludes to ,prince ,albert of ,brandenburgh4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xv4 ,,lecture ,,xvi4 ,further developement and extension of ,protestantism1 in the period of the religious wars1 and subsequently thereto4--,on the different results of those wars in the principal ,european countries4 ,the true ,reformation1 loudly demanded in the fifteenth century as the most urgent want of the times1 not only by the capricious voice of the multitude1 but by the first and most legitimate organs of opinion in church and state1 and the nature of which had been long before clearly stated1 and fully and generally understood1--ought to have been a divine ,reformation4 ,then would it have carried with it its own high sanction--it would have proved it by the fact--and at no time and under no condition would it have severed itself from the sacred centre and venerable basis of ,christian tradition1 in order1 reckless of all legitimate decisions1 preceding as well as actual1 to perpetuate discord1 and seek in negation itself a new and peculiar basis for the edifice of schismatic opinion4 ,such a vast1 extensive1 deep1 and effectual ,reform1 which while it kept within the limits of ancient faith1 and steadily adhered to its divine centre1 would at the same time renovate and revivify the church1 was not then accomplished4 ,the disciplinary canons of the council of ,trent undoubtedly contained many wise1 excellent and wholesome regulations1 whose efficacy has been proved by the experience of the different ,catholic countries1 and whose reception has been determined by the local circumstances of each2 for these regulations intended for the correction and removal of abuses1 and for the revival of ancient discipline1 were not adopted without modification1 nor received to a like extent in all ,catholic countries4 ,on the other hand1 with respect to the ,protestants1 the decrees of the council of ,trent1 from the very nature of things1 could be only of a defensive character4 ,instead of the desired ,reformation1 ,protestantism early enough announced itself as a new and peculiar religion1 and still more was it constituted as such2 but the rupture was already consummated--the evil had become incurable1 before the remedy was applied4 ,protestantism was the work of man2 and it appears in no other light even in the history which its own disciples have drawn of its origin4 ,the ,partisans of the ,reformation proclaimed indeed at the outset1 that if it were more than a human work1 it would endure1 and that its duration would serve as a proof of its divine origin4 ,but surely no one will consider this an adequate proof1 when he reflects that the great ,mohammedan heresy1 which more than any other destroys and obliterates the divine image stamped on the human soul1 has stood its ground for full twelve hundred years2 though this religion1 if it proceed from no worse source1 is at best a human work4 ,but even as the mere work of man1 the ,reformation was unquestionably a mighty1 extraordinary1 and momentous revolution1 which when once it had been outwardly established in the world1 7though inwardly it remained in a state of perpetual agitation17 has thenceforward mostly directed the march of modern times1 influenced the legislation and policy of the ,european states1 and stamped the character of modern science1 down to our own days1 when though its influence has not been so exclusive and undivided1 as at an earlier period1 it has been still the main and stirring cause of all the great political changes1 and all the new and astonishing events of our age4 ,we must endeavour to view this great ,revolution with the impartial eye of the historian1 and labour duly to comprehend and judge it in all its manifold bearings1 and in all its remote consequences2 and if we should feel inclined to lament and deplore the long continuance of this unhappy division in the great ,european family1 we should remember that such a feeling of regret1 however innocent and natural in our own bosoms1 and in our own conviction1 can furnish no adequate criterion for an historical decision4 ,at any rate1 we should in no case immoderately repine at such an event1 and murmur against ,destiny1 that is to say1 the ruling ,providence which permits the occurrence of such evils4 ,the permission by ,god of a mere human1 unsanctioned enterprise1 nay1 of a mighty1 general1 protracted1 and incurable division among mankind--a system of opposition with all its unhappy consequences1 its moral impediments1 and its political disasters2 such a permission forms1 as ,i have already observed1 the great enigma of history--the wonderful secret of the divine decrees in the conduct of mankind1 as well as in the conduct of individuals4 ,perhaps this great enigma will then only be perfectly unravelled1 and the mystery which hangs over this subject1 then only be perfectly dispelled1 when this mighty ,revolution shall have been terminated1 and brought to a close4 ,even now1 the experience we have acquired1 however imperfect and limited it may be1 makes one thing evident2 namely1 that the influence of ,protestantism has not been confined to those states and countries where it became predominant1 and where it received a public and legal establishment4 ,far greater was the danger1 far more fatal were the consequences1 when an open rupture1 a formal separation from the church did not take place1 or had1 if a temporary1 at least no permanent existence--but where ,protestantism1 that is to say1 the spirit of ,protestantism1 a like or a kindred set of opinions1 was infused into the moral system of countries externally ,catholic1 and secretly instilled into the veins of the body politic1 gradually corroded its vitals2 till at last1 amid a false and apparent repose1 the long suppressed element of revolutionary innovation infected with its deadly virus1 opinion1 science1 and lastly1 government and society4 ,the conscience in its enquiries after religious truth1 to whatever decision it may come1 only looks to the determination of a point of faith as the sole clue of its investigations4 ,but in historical enquiries1 this rigid intersecting line of faith forms no adequate rule of judgment4 ,the experience of our own times1 or that of the last generation has proved1 that innovations in faith1 politics and philosophy ingrafted on a ,catholic nation1 are far more fatal to its repose1 and that of its neighbours1 than a system of ,protestantism which has settled into a state of permanent peace and stability4 ,hence for instance1 the policy and political interests of ,england1 which is a state more than any other essentially ,protestant1 have often been in perfect accordance with the political system of an old leading ,catholic power4 ,and ,i would ask1 has the ,atheism of the eighteenth century been productive of fewer commotions and less convulsion in the world1 than ,protestantism in the first period of its existence1 or in the era of religious wars2 although the infidel party in the last century by no means constituted a distinct and separate sect1 but was like a deadly contagion of the spirit of the times1 infecting all beside and around1 above and below it1 whithersoever the wind of chance1 or the breath of fanatic zeal might carry it4 ,according to my own personal conviction1 the theological point of view is to be preferred in historical enquiries as the best and final rule of investigation4 ,but in these latter times1 when religious opinion is so divided1 and where the juridical view of things1 in which each party struggles to make out a favourable case for itself1 leads only to endless disputes2 the historian is compelled to view the diseased state of society with the eye of a pathologist4 ,in medicine it is considered far better and more advantageous1 that a dangerous disease should be got rid of in a decisive but happily terminated struggle for life or death1 than that by any sudden check given to the crisis1 the disorder should fall on any internal part1 and thus attack and corrode the vital powers4 ,this principle1 which the history of particular countries has shewn to be equally applicable to man's moral existence1 may be applied to the general state of ,europe at that period4 ,if ,protestantism had then been outwardly suppressed and put down1 would it not have raged inwardly1 that is to say1 would not the most essential part of ,protestantism1 the spirit of ,revolutionary innovation1 the spirit of destructive negation1 rationalism1 in a word1 have secretly remained8 ,and may we not conclude from the examples of a partial experience1 that that secret and inward working of the disease would have been far more dangerous and fatal8--,i should wish that these and other like expressions before made use of1 should not be taken as so many categorical assertions2 for the question of doctrine1 lying as it does beyond the reach of doubt1 does not fall within the limits of my plan1 and the perfect reconciliation of minds is not in the power of man1 but can come only from ,god4 ,but these expressions are merely meant to convey a conciliatory view of things in history1 7and1 as is the proper duty of the philosophic historian17 to vindicate the ways of providence4 ,undoubtedly this great religious contest1 this long protracted struggle has tended to excite the emulation of both parties in the pursuits of learning1 and the labours of science1 to stir up a mutual vigilance in the moral conduct of individuals1 as well as in the administration of states1 and thus to keep both parties in a state of salutary watchfulness and activity4 ,even from the collision of these two conflicting elements1 there has sprung up in some countries a new and third element1 which though not such as could be desired1 nor entirely conformable to ,christianity1 has still been productive of important and remarkable consequences4 ,of the eight or nine countries1 in which ,protestantism has obtained a firm footing1 and acquired a permanent existence1 there are three in particular1 where it has been attended with mighty historical effects1 and where the originally destructive conflict of hostile elements has given birth to three new and momentous phenomena in the history of mankind4 ,these are1 in ,germany the religious pacification1 which forms the basis of her future prosperity1 stamps the peculiar character of the ,german nation1 and designates its future moral destiny3 in ,england1 the highly valued1 or as it is there called1 the glorious ,constitution of #afhh1 whose mere outward form1 or dead letter1 has been an object of desire to so many other nations3--lastly in ,france1 the ,revolution in philosophy1 produced by the indirect influence of ,protestantism1 and the combination of so many ,protestant1 or semi-protestant elements1 and which gave birth to a frightful political ,revolution1 which after a short intervenient period of military despotism1 has been succeeded in its turn by a mighty epoch of moral and social regeneration--a regeneration which indeed has not yet been consummated1 which is still in a state of precarious and convulsive labour1 but is even on that account the more entitled to the historian's attention4 ,of the countries immediately contiguous to ,germany1 the home and cradle of ,protestantism1 ,switzerland was at the commencement of the ,reformation1 the theatre of a fierce civil war1 in which the ,swiss ,reformer fell fighting on the field of battle4 ,but the strong federal spirit of the ,swiss1 the necessity of mutual defence1 and the nearly equal numbers and strength of both religious parties1 produced at an early period a religious pacification4 ,the indirect ,protestant influence which ,french ,switzerland has exerted over ,france1 has continued very great and powerful from ,calvin to ,rousseau4 ,after the ,german treaty of ,westphalia1 the ,austrian ,emperors established in ,hungary1 which was already half subdued by the ,turks1 and still more exposed to their ravages1 the principle of religious toleration--a principle that became a received maxim of state1 and was incorporated into the very constitution of the country4 ,in the last half of the sixteenth century1 there penetrated into ,poland the sect of ,socinus1 which professed tenets distinct from those of the primitive ,reformers1 and which with the usually rapid march of religious innovation1 and schismatic dissent1 had now rejected along with the great ,mystery of devotion1 the fundamental article of ,christian theology1 the doctrine of the ,trinity4 ,as long as the ,socinians formed a distinct and separate body of religionists1 they were not very numerous in ,poland1 or elsewhere2 but during the prevailing infidelity of the eighteenth century1 they acquired many more disciples1 and in many countries have become almost the predominant sect4--,how ,prussia1 the land of the ,teutonic order was transformed into a secular duchy1 which for about a century remained connected with ,poland1 ,i have already had occasion to observe4 ,into no country of ,europe was ,christianity introduced so late as into ,lithuania1 where the faith was planted only towards the end of the fourteenth century4 ,in the ancient ,russian provinces of ,poland1 as well as in ,hungary and other neighbouring countries1 a large portion of the population belonged to the ,greek church4 ,in the great struggle of the following age1 and in the perpetual wars which ,poland had to sustain against ,turkey1 ,sweden and ,russia1 all these hostile and heterogeneous elements of which ,i have spoken1 and to which may be added the real or apparent attachment of the religious ,dissenters to ,sweden1 increased the general ferment and confusion in the ,polish state1 down to the final dissolution and dismemberment of the kingdom4 ,russia1 which towards the end of the fifteenth century had been restored to a high degree of power and splendour by ,wassili ,ivanowitch1 7who entertained the most friendly relations with the ,emperor ,maximilian1 and who had established in his ,empire the ,german ,hanseatic league71 ,russia still remained totally separated from the ,european community1 and was exempt from the influence of ,protestantism1 like ,spain and ,italy at the opposite extremity of ,europe4 ,the ,scandinavian countries at the commencement of the fifteenth century1 had been incorporated into one state1 and considered merely in a geographical point of view1 they might have formed a great and lasting power in the ,north2 and under many vicissitudes1 they remained united till the sixteenth century4 ,yet the voice and feelings of the two nations were against the ,union2 and ,gustavus ,vasa effected at once the total and definitive separation of ,sweden from ,denmark1 the establishment of his own monarchical sway in the former country1 and the introduction of ,protestantism1 which was brought into ,sweden1 not as in other countries1 by the torrent of popular opinion1 but by the arm of power--by the authority of a sovereign who knew how to conduct the enterprise with steady perseverance1 and slow1 patient and consummate skill4 ,in ,sweden1 however1 ,episcopacy was retained4 ,by its situation betwixt ,prussia and ,poland1 and by the ,protestant influence in ,germany1 ,sweden became for a time in the seventeenth century a great ,european power2 and to this political eminence the personal qualities of ,gustavus ,adolphus1 as well as of several other ,swedish monarchs principally contributed4 ,in ,sweden1 ,protestantism did not give rise to any events of a new and peculiar character1 or of great historical moment1 as in ,england and ,germany4 ,the ,reformation was established in ,denmark1 chiefly though not exclusively as in ,sweden1 by sovereign power2 in ,iceland1 its establishment was almost the work of violence4 ,in those still regions of the ,north1 the real abuses and scandals existing in the ,catholic church were neither so great nor numerous as in the ,southern countries4 ,there was greater simplicity of manners2 and corruption was much less diffused1 much less generally known than even in ,germany2 and thus the ancient faith had struck deeper roots in the minds of men1 and could not be eradicated but with difficulty4 ,to that old ,revolutionary spirit of the ,swedes1 which in their earlier history had often displayed itself in the party-contests of their high aristocracy1 a wider field was now opened by the ,reformation introduced by the court2 and armed in the ,protestant cause1 this spirit found fuller scope in the troubles of ,poland1 in its connection with ,prussia and other states1 and above all1 in the great religious war of ,germany4 ,when at a later period1 and after the ,swedish ascendancy in ,europe had passed away1 this spirit became compressed within narrower limits1 and was thrown back upon itself1 it then broke out into many violent internal commotions4 ,it was only under the successor of the despotic ,henry that ,protestantism was really introduced into ,england2 but it there appeared under two different forms1 and with two parties in a state of mutual and violent hostility4 ,in ,england ,episcopacy was retained2 but in ,scotland1 the ,puritans1 the ,methodists of those days1 had the ascendant4 ,but under ,queen ,mary1 the wife of ,philip ,,ii41 ,king of ,spain1 a ,catholic re-action took place2 and this again was succeeded by a ,protestant re-action under ,elizabeth1 whose steady and inflexible policy alone consolidated the establishment of ,protestantism--a policy at whose shrine the head of the unhappy ,mary ,stuart fell a sacrifice4 ,thus things proceeded from one extremity to another--from the execution of ,king ,charles ,i4 to the establishment of a ,republic1 and the absolute sway of a ,protector--till amid the various disputes of the ,scotch and ,english ,protestants1 and the various struggles of national rivalry1 the court fell back upon ,catholicism4 ,at last1 ,king ,william from ,holland1 a century before the breaking out of the ,french ,revolution1 gave the final triumph to ,protestantism1 and brought to maturity the glorious constitution of that island1 which has been so repeatedly transplanted1 imitated and modified on the ,continent and in other parts of the world4 ,on this basis1 a thorough ,protestant policy was established1 which affected even the public and international law of ,europe--a policy which has so eminently characterized ,england in modern times1 particularly during the period of her great power1 and which was followed1 or even accompanied by a ,protestant philosophy4 ,i should premise that this ,protestantism in philosophy should not by any means be confounded with1 but should carefully be distinguished from1 the ,revolutionary philosophy--from an unbridled anarchy in science and speculation1 though the former in its corruption may easily degenerate into the latter4 ,for the modern ,paganism--the avowed ,atheism of the eighteenth century acquired many more partisans and assumed a far bolder attitude on the ,continent1 than in the ,constitutional island1 which even in philosophy oscillates in a sort of artificial equipoise between truth and error4 ,in the ,netherlands1 ,protestantism was indeed a strong co-operative cause1 but not the only cause of the rupture with ,spain2 for even in earlier times the ,burgundian spirit had been prone to turbulence1 and the arbitrary rule of the ,spaniards had excited in other countries also general dissatisfaction1 aversion1 and resistance4 ,when the ,protestant half of the ,netherlands had separated from ,spain1 and had established the sovereign and independent state of ,holland1 the latter ever exerted a powerful influence on ,england in all religious and political matters1 in the same way as ,belgium has ever exercised a marked influence over ,france4 ,but in ,holland1 ,protestantism did not give rise1 as in ,germany and ,england1 to any events of a new and peculiar character1 if we except the general toleration of religious sects1 which was there carried to a further extent than in any other state4 ,in her own interior1 ,spain had an arduous problem to solve--she had to overcome the old energetic resistance of a whole people1--the tolerably numerous descendants of the former lords and conquerors of the country1 who still adhered to the ,arabian manners and language1 and even in part professed the doctrines of ,mohammedanism4 ,this struggle1 which commenced under ,philip ,,ii4 by very severe laws against the ,moriscoes1 terminated under ,philip the ,third1 with the barbarous expulsion of the whole ,moorish population to the coasts of ,africa4 ,that from the intimate and manifold relations which existed between ,spain and ,germany under ,charles ,v41 the armies of the ,emperor may have introduced into ,spain the opinions of the new ,german gospellers to a greater extent perhaps than can be now stated with certainty1 or than is now susceptible of minute and accurate proof1 is by no means improbable2 and this fact would serve to explain1 though not entirely to justify many acts of the ,spanish government4 ,at any rate1 the ,spanish mind and character1 in other repects so generous and upright1 so little prone to selfish cunning or fickle frivolity1 became in the long strife and animosities of a fierce religious war1 more and more partial and exclusive1 arbitrary and violent4 ,there yet lingered1 however1 many chivalrous virtues peculiar to this high-minded nation--many extraordinary and lofty effusions of religious genius1 such as are displayed in the wonderful writings of ,st4 ,theresa1 whose holy meditations are couched in language of such inimitable beauty4 ,among no other people did the spirit and character of the middle age1 in its most beautiful and dignified form1 so long continue and survive in manners1 ways of thinking1 intellectual culture1 and works of imagination and poetry1 as among the ,spaniards2 and it is not the mere effect of chance1 but it is a very remarkable and characteristic fact1 that in ,spain alone1 the peculiar poetry of the middle age attained to its utmost perfection1 and reached its last exquisite bloom4 ,in ,italy1 too1 art and poetry flourished in her beautiful language2 and classical erudition made considerable progress1 and even arrived to a very advanced state1 during that troubled period when the rest of ,europe was involved in religious disputes and civil wars4 ,but the fair and flourishing ,italian literature of that age may be compared to a blooming garden1 situated on a volcanic soil4 ,no immediate danger then threatened ,italy1 though we are not to estimate private opinions by the standard of those which publicly prevailed2 there were at least no public examples of that excessive partiality and passionate enthusiasm for ,pagan antiquity1 which occurred in that earlier and brilliant period of moral ferment and false security--the fifteenth century4 ,on the contrary1 in some individual instances the real progress of science was impeded1 and on the whole its march retarded by a dread of the danger of its abuse2 and hence the old scholasticism remained longer than was right in hereditary possession of its exclusive empire1 although that contentious and partly negative ,rationalism of the middle age was ill calculated to supply the place of a truly ,christian philosophy1 which the circumstances of the church then so imperiously demanded4 ,it should then have been borne in mind1 that every new error--every new shape which the old ,proteus may assume in the changing spirit of time1 requires1 not indeed a new philosophy 7for philosophy itself1 which is1 as the ancients said1 the science of divine and human things1 is in the sanctuary of its highest subjects and problems an edifice unchangeable through all ages1 and built on the everlasting foundation of divine truth71 but a new form and direction given to philosophy1 a new resuscitation of its powers4 ,indeed the venerable ,bishop and holy man of ,god1 ,st4 ,charles ,borromeo1 had in his ,manual of ,religion furnished an example1 in which we see the utmost profundity of ascetic science united with a beautiful lucidness of expression1 and the greatest simplicity and purity of taste4 ,but the regular philosophy of the schools remained for a long time yet much too scholastic2 and it was prejudicial1 or at least disadvantageous to the ,catholic cause1 that the first foundations of a better philosophy1 of one at least more faithful to its high vocation1 and of an enlarged and improved science1 should have been laid by men1 like ,bacon and ,leibnitz1 who belonged to the opposite party4 ,protestantism had penetrated into ,france from ,french ,switzerland1 as the very name of ,hugonots indicates4 ,the religious wars in ,france broke out much later than in ,germany2 and the religious disputes in that country had this distinctive character2 that the ,princes and noble leaders of the ,opposition1 the factious among the high aristocracy1 and the contending parties at ,court1 made the ,protestants 7who formed indeed only the minority among the people1 and still more in the state1 but yet a very important and powerful minority71 the tools and instruments of their own political designs and intrigues4 ,it is this peculiar combination of circumstances which has stamped the character of the ,french religious wars1 and which distinguishes them from those of ,germany4 ,the religious wars in the former country were not of such long and uninterrupted duration1 nor were they of so destructive and desolating a character as the thirty years' war4 ,on the other hand1 the treaties of religious pacification were of much shorter duration1 and were renewed even five or six times1 for they were ever followed by new insurrections4 ,even the edict of ,nantes1 which was destined to terminate this long anarchy1 did not prevent the recurrence of troubles after the assassination of ,henry ,,iv41 and was itself totally repealed at a subsequent period4 ,the various political intrigues of discontented nobles1 and of factious leaders of the ,opposition1 gave a very hateful complexion to the religious wars in ,france2 and that disposition to vindictive retaliation1 which swayed parties in the various alternations of power1 presented formidable1 and almost insurmountable obstacles to the establishment of a permanent religious peace4 ,that odious character in the religious wars of ,france1 appears in ,england under equally revolting colours in the despotism of the eighth ,henry1 in the crafty policy of ,elizabeth1 in the great anarchical and regicide rebellion1 and in the tyranny of ,cromwell1 and has been often and strongly pourtrayed by the national historians4 ,it is extremely worthy of remark1 as the fact serves to explain many posterior events in history1 that the struggle in ,france remained undecided1 partook from first to last of an uncertain and fluctuating character1 and led neither to the establishment of a free ,constitution1 as in ,england2 nor to the foundation of a firm1 lasting1 and irrevocable religious pacification1 as in ,germany4 ,but this struggle remained an unsolved problem of state-policy1 like the religious dispute itself--a dispute whose contagion infected the ,catholics themselves1 inoculated that portion of the population1 and continued to rage among their descendants4 ,in ,france1 the ,protestants were in a decided minority1 and it was by other and subordinate causes that they acquired a temporary power and importance in the first religious wars2 but in ,england they probably became the majority at a very early period1 though not such an overwhelming majority as they form at the present day4 ,the ,catholic and ,protestant parties then divided ,germany into two nearly equal portions1 as in point of numbers they do at the present day2 and although political power does not depend on numbers1 particularly when1 as was at that time the case1 so many heterogeneous elements were combined1 yet both the contending parties were sufficiently strong not to succumb easily in the contest4 ,it is this fact which ultimately established the necessity of a cordial and permanent religious peace1 and caused that necessity to be so universally acknowledged4 ,but this very equality of numbers1 and still more the active interference of almost all the great continental powers in the contest1 rendered it at first more obstinate and lasting4 ,never was there a religious war1 so widely extended and so complicated in its operations1 so protracted in duration1 and entailing misery on so many generations4 ,that period of thirty years' havoc1 in which the early civilization1 and the noblest energies of ,germany were destroyed1 forms in history the great wall of separation between the ancient ,germany1 which in the middle age was the most powerful1 flourishing1 and wealthy country in ,europe1 and the new ,germany of recent and happier times1 which is now gradually recovering from her long exhaustion and general desolation1 and rising again into light and life from the sepulchral darkness--the night of death1 to which her ancient disputes had consigned her4 ,we can be little astonished at the origin of this war--indeed it is almost a matter of surprise that hostilities did not break out sooner2 and the very fact that external warfare was so long suppressed1 may account for the violence and animosity of the first conflict4 ,the first religious peace was in reality a mere truce--another prolonged interim which still left many debateable points1 that with the most honest intentions in both parties it was extremely difficult1 and almost impossible to settle by a peaceful and equitable adjustment4 ,where so much combustible matter existed1 the merest accident might enkindle a conflagration4 ,this first occurred in ,bohemia1 where the old insurrection of the ,hussites had been put down by force--7the only way in which on its first outbreak1 it could have been suppressed7 but where as it now appeared that no vital remedy had been applied to the roots of the disorder1 much diseased and inflammable matter yet remained4 ,still the revolt of ,bohemia was not the only cause or subject of a war1 which some historians have considered rather as a complicated series of wars1 partially varying in their object4 ,the whole country--the age itself seemed involved in warfare2 and war appeared as the permanent policy1 the ruling spirit1 the inveterate habit1 and natural necessity of mankind4 ,as a masterly hand#aa has seized and pourtrayed many events and incidents--many scenes and acts of this great tragedy--the religious feelings1 and steadfast and inflexible character of the ,emperor ,ferdinand ,,ii4--the high military glory and conquests of the ,swedish monarch ,gustavus ,adolphus--and the genius and disastrous fate of the ,general ,wallenstein2--it is unnecessary to dwell at any length on these great historical recollections1 though the subject is inexhaustible in itself4 ,the peace which was the fruit of a high and imperious necessity1 is in the point of view we here take1 of far greater interest4 ,with respect to indemnities1 the treaty of ,westphalia did not differ from any other treaty of general peace1 in which lands and parcels of land are to be allotted1 and even secularized1 but where the number of claimants exceeds the portions of allotment4 ,considered1 too1 as a treaty which restored1 and fixed on a firm basis1 the peace of the ,german ,empire1 the treaty of ,westphalia did not depend in this1 as in other respects1 on the force of its own articles1 but on the general system of ,european policy--on the principle of the balance of power which regulated that policy--a principle which then1 and still more in later times1 this treaty has much contributed to diffuse and extend4 ,but it is as a solemn pact of religious peace1 that ,i wish here particularly to consider the treaty of ,westphalia--as the final conclusion of all religious wars 7and in this respect it has never been materially violated7--as a lasting covenant of religious freedom1 whose main principle continues deeply implanted in the ,german mind1 while the two other relations in which this treaty remained so incomplete1 have for the most part lost their practical interest4 ,when we contemplate1 too1 this treaty as a noble labour of equity--the successful work of unwearied industry1 it has no parallel among preceding treaties of peace2 and hence it has become the basis of the international law of ,europe1 and the textbook of diplomatic science in modern times even down to our own days4 ,hence its long1 undisturbed duration4 ,the nations--the age itself blessed it as the termination of their long calamities2 but far greater has been its influence on after-times4 ,the religious peace which it established1 has become in modern times a national habitude--a second nature to the ,german people2 for here and no where else must we look for its high historical destination4 ,it may be said that this1 like every other peace where the question of right remains the subject of dispute1 is only a truce--another mere interim--but it is a sacred and eternal truce--a divine interim--that is to say1 an intermediate state of peace to last till ,god shall pronounce his final and unfailing award4 ,of little moment to the philosopher1 who considers this religious peace in its vast bearings on the past1 the present1 and the momentous future1 is the reflection of the ,jurist how far1 and under what restrictions this treaty in the altered circumstances of recent times1 can be considered as really valid and politically binding4 ,for more than any other treaty1 has this solemn pact of religious peace been interwoven with life1 and become a reality4 ,and when we take a wide survey of the world1 and include the future in our prospective ken1 we may say1 that now that most of the separate articles of this treaty have lost their value1 and are no longer susceptible of execution1 the general spirit and object--the high import of this religious peace are much nearer their fulfilment than formerly1 when the practical application of this treaty to particular cases was solely considered4 ,for that outward1 but lasting covenant of religious peace--that holy truce and interim forms the prelude and introduction to another1 higher1 far more comprehensive1 spiritual and divine peace1 for which our age--the epoch of a mighty regeneration--is irrevocably destined4 ,for how can ,christianity1 that is to say1 eternal truth itself1 be for ever torn by divisions8 ,the solution of the great problem of the last three hundred years is by no means complicated1 if we understand it in this sense1 but extremely simple4 ,for1 if as it is the object of all true and elevated philosophy to prove1 faith and science are really and essentially one1 faith will be restored to its former unity1 and then the schism between faith and science will cease4 ,even as regards the political relations of the present times1 this great1 fundamental treaty of peace has become a new ,christian basis of international law2 for the spirit of ,christianity requires that where absolute justice1 which is rarely attainable1 cannot be found1 a system of peaceable and equitable compromise should before all things be preferred4 ,and hence this treaty has1 for all succeeding times1 stamped the pacific and conservative policy of the great ,german power of ,austria4 ,in ,france and ,england1 indeed1 religious wars afterwards occurred2 but they were merely the last agitations--the after-pains of that fearful period of convulsive labour4 ,these commotions were soon allayed2 and the example and precedent of this great religious pacification in ,germany1 highly and universally admired as it was1 caused the principle of religious toleration to be tacitly acknowledged as one which religion and necessity alike prescribed for the imitation of all ,europe4 ,among the last and most frightful consequences of the general revolution in the church1 was the calamitous execution of ,king ,charles the ,first1 which for the sake of order1 ,i have previously adverted to1 and which took place a year after the establishment of the great religious peace in ,germany1 and was followed forty years afterwards by the great national peace of ,england--the final settlement of the ,british constitution4 ,among the lamentable events which occurred at that period in ,france1 was the revocation of the ,edict of ,nantes1 the last1 and comparatively speaking1 the most solid and durable of the treaties of religious peace made in that country--a revocation which can by no means astonish us1 since this edict1 destitute of all internal and external guarantees1 and which emanated solely from absolute power1 could not offer the same security1 nor possess the same durability1 as the great1 fundamental treaty of ,westphalia4 ,yet both in ,france and abroad1 this measure1 so appalling to the whole ,european world1 was1 after so long an interval1 extremely unexpected4 ,one of the effects of this measure was a cruel war of extermination carried on in the mountains of the ,cevennes against the ,protestants1 who appear to have there derived a part of their tenets from some of the earlier sects of the middle age4 ,with respect to the revocation of the ,edict of ,nantes1 considering it merely as an act of authority1 and independently of the blow which it gave to the establishment of a permanent religious peace1 we can only say that such an abuse of power on the part of the majority1 7and it is to the influence of a preponderant majority this act was ascribed by public opinion17 such an abuse of power was a very dangerous precedent in the native land of all violent reactions2 and thus in our days the emigration of the ,french nobility has been the great historical counter-blow to the banishment of the ,hugonots4 ,this violent expulsion of the ,protestants could not even accomplish the immediate object of its authors2 for the spirit of ,protestantism had struck much too deep roots in ,france2 and the evil could not be removed by mere physical force1 and without the application of a moral remedy4 ,the ,protestant influence of ,french ,switzerland was not destroyed1 and indeed it became still more powerful in the sequel2 while a far deeper wound was inflicted on the ,catholic cause in ,france by the spread of ,jansenistical principles from the ,netherlands1 which1 supported as those principles were by great literary talents1 exerted then a mighty influence over the ,french nation4 ,the essence of ,jansenism was the ,rationalism of ,calvin1 combined with feelings of pietism1 and covered over with a deep varnish of ,catholicism4 ,it was not the small party of the ,jansenists of ,utrecht1 excluded as they were from the church1 and completely separated from the two great religious parties of ,europe1 that could injure the ,catholic cause in ,france2 but it was that modified or disguised ,jansenism which had crept into the very bosom of the ,gallican church1 and there grew up in secret1 that was most to be feared4 ,all these partial or disguised influences of the spirit of ,protestantism derived their full sanction from the theory of a ,gallican church1 such as it was proclaimed by the supreme authority in the state4 ,in the ,protestant constitution of ,england1 indeed1 the principle of a ,national church1 like the ,anglican1 7however such a principle may be opposed to the very essence and fundamental maxims of ,christianity71 is not inconsistent with the origin and general doctrines of that church4 ,but in the ,catholic church1 where the principle of national dissent is not admissible to a like extent1 such a system is perfectly absurd1 and carries with it its own refutation4 ,the older theory of a ,germanic church cannot be here adduced as an historical precedent2 for that theory was started with a view to regulate the external relations of the church1 or to fix with more precision the limits of the ,papal and ,imperial power1 but did not refer to matters of doctrine1 or to the internal discipline of the church4 ,yet with this system of a ,germanic church1 in the period of the ,ghibelline ascendancy1 many errors were mixed up--the first germs of the schism afterwards consummated4 ,but this disguised1 half-schism of the ,gallican church1 not less fatal in its historical effects than the open schism of the ,greeks1 has contributed very materially towards the decline of religion in ,france1 down to the period of the ,restoration4 ,it was not only the dispute with ,rome1 which ,louis ,,xiv4 carried to such fearful extremes2 but the alliances he so frequently renewed with the ,swedish conqueror1 and with the ,turkish power 7still so formidable to the whole of ,christendom71 which must1 as coming from a ,catholic quarter1 have given much scandal to the age2 and we must at least allow that the foreign policy of ,lewis ,,xiv4 was scarcely in any respect ,christian1 and that it prepared the way for that relaxation of moral and religious principles which took place in ,france under his feebler successors4 ,lewis ,,xiv4 undoubtedly well knew how to strengthen his regal prerogative1 and render it more absolute1 and in this work1 like several of his predecessors1 evinced the most systematic art1 and the greatest determination of character4 ,but all the great problems of that age--all the religious questions which then divided the world1 which forming as they did the highest object of all practical reflection and conduct were then so warmly agitated1 could not be brought to a permanent1 adequate1 and generally satisfactory solution by the capricious mandates of power1 or the partial adjudications of regal authority4 ,and if in this establishment of absolute power in the interior1 no regard is paid to the lawful rights either of ,foreign nations1 or of the people at home1 what security is there that such a system will or can endure8 ,the splendour of the then ,french literature is one of the main pillars on which the glory of that reign and century depends--this literature which attained so high a degree of perfection1 contains however to some extent the germs of that political scepticism1 and those religious errors1 which led to the disasters of subsequent times4 ,an sthetic cristicism of pure art1 falls not within the limits of the plan ,i have traced out to myself1 and ,i can notice subjects of this nature only inasmuch as they serve to denote the character of particular ages and nations4 ,as in no country was the spirit of the middle age--the scholastico-romantic character of the first period of ,european cultivation1 both in the tone of feeling and the mode of expression so long preserved1 nor raised to such a state of high refinement and beautiful perfection1 as in ,spain2 so we may say that the peculiar characteristic of the ,french mind in the age of ,lewis ,,xiv4 consisted in a studious and minute avoidance of the two principal defects in the intellectual productions of the middle age--the scholastic vagueness and obscurity in works of speculation on the one hand1 and the fantastic wildness in works of imagination on the other4 ,that choice and exquisite taste which prevails in all those models of secular and clerical1 historical1 poetical1 and philosophic eloquence1 which that age produced in such abundance1 originated in this species of precision averse from all excess and obscurity4 ,and it was by the clearness and lightness it owed to this principle that the ,french language became1 in the eighteenth century1 the universal model and most convenient medium1 not only of conversation1 but of epistolary communication1 among the polite classes of all ,european nations4 ,but in a comprehensive survey of general literature1 this standard of a pleasing style must not be considered as universally applicable1 or higher than any other2 and without wishing to compare objects totally dissimilar in themselves1 ,i may observe that although among all the classical writers and orators of that age1 ,bossuet is the greatest in point of style1 and at the same time the most solid and intellectual1 yet the naive loquacity and infantine simplicity which distinguish the incorrect1 old ,french diction of ,st4 ,francis of ,sales1 are peculiarly graceful and attractive in themselves2 while in the depth and clearness of the ascetic spirit1 the ,saint far surpasses the former writer more celebrated in the world4 ,in the regular philosophy of the schools1 the ,latin was mostly the prevailing language during the seventeenth century4 ,in this the system of ,descartes then formed an epoch2 or at least obtained very general credit4 ,his fanciful vortices in nature1 as well as his rigid demonstration by reason1 of that principle which is exalted above all reason1 comprise rather the first germ of the various errors in the physics and metaphysics of the succeeding age1 than a sound basis of true science1 and a ,christian philosophy of the human mind4 ,spinoza was the immediate disciple of ,descartes1 but it is in ,germany alone that his rationalist system of pantheism1 expressed as it is in the forms of mathematical demonstration1 and embellished by a morality pure and noble1 7at least in appearance and in its general outline17 has been justly appreciated in its true metaphysical import1 and has found philosophic critics and imitators4 ,but in its negative bearings1 the philosophy of ,spinoza1 together with other writings by that inquirer and others on and against revelation1 had a very extensive influence in those times2 and that philosophy forms the notable point of transition to the metaphysical speculations of our own age4 ,socinus had directed his attacks against the great mystery in the existence of the living ,god--the ,christian dogma of the ,trinity4 ,in the system of ,spinoza1 philosophic ,protestantism1 or the progressive spirit of negation1 advanced one step further2 for he denied the personal existence1 or the living personality of ,god1 and endeavoured to substitute for the notion of the ,god-head the empty idea of the ,infinite4 ,on the other hand1 the systems of ,bacon and ,leibnitz were two different foundations laid in that age for a higher and a better philosophy--systems which by a more extensive developement and harmonious combination of their parts might have been moulded into a frame of phylosophy thoroughly ,christian4 ,almost all the scientific labours of ,leibnitz were directed to this point1 namely1 the demonstration1 confirmation1 and exemplification of the truths of ,christianity1 by the aid of science4 ,the vast system of spiritualism1 exalted far above all ideas of nature1 which was propounded1 or rather sketched out by ,leibnitz1 7with the exception of some peculiar opinions and mere hypotheses17 agrees perfectly with that purer ,platonism which all the ,christian writers and fathers of the first ages inculcated4 ,and the fundamental principles of such a philosophy1 if exposed in their native clearness and simplicity and without adventitious alloy1 are the same which in their general spirit are to be clearly traced1 or are tacitly implied in the sacred ,scriptures1 whose lofty purposes1 however1 rise far above the narrow forms and limited sphere of philosophic investigation4 ,how well ,leibnitz understood and appreciated1 and how far he subscribed to the truth of the ,catholic religion1 has been brought to light in a singular manner in our own days2#ab and if we except some oversights1 very pardonable under all circumstances1 his philosophic sketch of the ,catholic system of theology1 is in its masterly brevity one of the boldest and happiest expositions of that religion1 at least for the general purposes of the world4 ,the other great celebrated philosophical system of modern times1 was based in the principles of the philosophy of experience--a system which has tended to enlarge almost immeasurably the field of natural discoveries4 ,as the founder of the philosophy of experience--,bacon had conceived it1 that philosophy1 if we except some particular defects and individual errors1 is by no means at variance with the ,christian philosophy of ,revelation2 for the latter is in itself a philosophy of experience1 though of another1 higher1 and spiritual kind4 ,and it is the more necessary to keep this in view1 as otherwise the ordinary abyss of rationalism can scarcely be avoided4 ,the case is widely different when the principles of the empirical philosophy1 as in ,locke and his followers1 are directed against everything exalted1 supernatural and spiritual in man and his consciousness4 ,by this important distinction1 ,bacon is an ,european philosopher1 like ,leibnitz2 but ,locke is a mere ,english philosopher2 as it was in ,england this ,protestant philosophy sprang up and kept pace with the ,protestantism of state1 engendered and nurtured by the ,constitution of #afhh4 ,however1 in ,england1 the ,protestant philosophy1 true to its character1 kept within the limits of a mitigated scepticism1 and did not plunge into the same wild1 revolutionary excesses as the ,french philosophy of the eighteenth century1 that started with the same principles4 ,the high intellectual cultivation of the ,english is by no means confined to this negative philosophy1 but is of a very peculiar character1 and like the ,british ,constitution1 combines in the most singular manner the most heterogeneous elements4 ,for although the ,british ,constitution is generally considered as the fashionable model for our times1 and in one respect may indeed be so considered2 yet a powerful aristocracy and many parts of the feudal constitution of the middle age1 are there established in a sort of harmony1 or at least permanent equipoise with the more modern elements of commerce and democracy4 ,the heroic spirit of chivalry1 and the whole moral character of the middle age were long paramount in ,england2 and hence in the poetry of no country1 if we except the ,spanish1 is that spirit so conspicuous4 ,the struggles between the houses of ,york and ,lancaster during the fifteenth century1 which in the rugged and almost savage sternness of those heroic characters1 bear no little resemblance to the contests of the ,guelfs and ,ghibellines1 form the heroic and traditionary1 though not very remote era of ,british history--an era which witnessed1 too1 the high military glory that ,england acquired in the many battles and chivalrous engagements fought on the ,french soil4 ,the great national poet of ,england1 who has taken the subject of many of his dramas from that glorious period of his country's annals1 maintains a sort of sceptical medium--a kind of poetical balance between the romantic enthusiasm of elder times1 and the clear-sighted penetration of modern2 and it is in this peculiar combination of qualities1 that the originality of his genius1 his unfathomable depth and high intellectual charm partly consist4 ,as the ,constitution of ,england--that is1 the balance of her social institutions--sprang out of the old and mighty struggles which had convulsed that country2 we must not be surprised at finding in her higher poetry1 which is only the image and reflection of life1 the same artificial union and combination of the conflicting elements existing in her political organization4 ,a profound analysis of art1 conducted exclusively with this view1 and towards which the ,german mind has a strong and perhaps excessive inclination1 would be foreign to my present plan4 ,to point out the traits of analogy existing between the productions of intellect1 and the ages and nations to which they severally belong1 may serve to throw a clearer and more vivid light on important periods and momentous epochs of history2 and it is with this view ,i have indulged now1 as formerly1 in short parallels of this kind4 ,down to the most recent times1 this marked predilection for the romantic world of the middle ages1 and the chivalrous days1 as well as the bold genius of poets bursting through all vulgar trammels1 have been the distinctive character of ,english poetry1 and have partly tended to make it so great a favourite with all the nations of ,europe4 ,on the other hand1 the negative philosophy of the ,english remains true to its character1 in as far as carefully shunning all objects of a higher nature1 it has for the most part made it a principle to limit its views entirely to man1 without attempting to dive and penetrate into the profound mysteries of the ,deity1 or into the internal secrets of nature4 ,to this a high philosophy will object1 man is no isolated being2 but as he was originally placed by his ,creator in nature1 it is only in that connexion with ,god and ,nature1 that the mysteries of his inward being1 and the history of his outward progress can be fully understood and explained4 ,in historical researches and narrations1 when these are confined to special subjects and particular eras1 and do not attempt the more comprehensive plan of the ,philosophy of ,history1 that confined spirit of philosophic investigation which limits its views exclusively to man1 is not prejudicial2 for on the other hand1 the flexible powers of poetical genius 7unless their activity be cramped by the sceptical influence of a ,protestant philosophy71 keep the mind alive to all high and generous qualities1 characteristic peculiarities1 and original greatness in men and events4 ,hence that department of ,british literature which embraces historic research and narrative1 is peculiarly fertile1 and has met with a general and ,european success4 ,the ,protestantism of state1 which was brought to maturity by the ,english ,constitution1 was during the eighteenth century1 when ,england held generally the foremost rank among the nations1 extended and applied in the system of the balance of power1 to the whole ,continent of ,europe4 ,but the ,protestantism of science which originated there1 formed together with the system of religious peace1 the first foundation of ,illuminism2 and denotes the whole period of its history from the commencement of the eighteenth century down to the ,french ,revolution4 #aa ,the author here alludes to the history of the ,thirty years' war by ,schiller4--,trans4 #ab ,the author alludes to the ,systema ,theologicum of ,leibnitz1 first published in ,paris in the year #ahai1 from the manuscript sent by the court of ,prussia to that of ,france4 ,it was published by the ,abbe ,emery1 who accompanied the ,latin original with a ,french translation4--,trans4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xvi4 ,,lecture ,,xvii4 ,parallel between the religious peace of ,germany and that of the other countries of ,europe4--,the political system of the ,balance of ,power1 and the principle of false ,illuminism prevalent in the eighteenth century4 ,the great benefits of the religious peace of ,germany1 which founded upon1 and springing out of a great historical necessity1 has struck such deep roots in the public mind1 and at last become a second nature to the ,germans1 may be best appreciated by a comparison with the state of religious liberty such as it now exists1 or did recently exist among other nations--and those in truth which are in every other respect the most civilized of modern ,europe4 ,in ,germany1 indeed1 the strict and vigilant maintenance of that religious peace1 on which her whole political existence depends1 and without which she would fall into an anarchic struggle of parties2 has received in recent times a new confirmation2 and this religious peace1 which has been revived1 not indeed in its old forms1 but in its general spirit and essential import1 has become only the more necessary1 as by the recent partitions of territories1 a great intermixture of religions has been introduced into states where formerly one religion only prevailed4 ,thus in that state1#ac which was originally the greatest of all the ,protestant states of ,germany1 and is now even still more powerful than formerly1 a full half of the population is ,catholic4 ,nearly to the same extent1 the same observation will apply1 though inversely1 to that ,catholic state#ad in ,germany1 which next to the ,imperial state itself1 is the greatest4 ,so strongly has this ,magna ,charta#ae of the religious liberty of ,germany1 7which scarcely needs any external securities1 now that most of those securities no longer exist1 or at least have been very materially altered in the forms under which they formerly existed in the ,confederation and in the ,imperial courts of ,judicature71 so strongly1 ,i say1 has this ,magna ,charta taken root both in the public mind and state-policy of ,germany1 that the principle of religious freedom no longer depends on the degree of population1 or the relation of numbers4 ,thus1 for example1 in the ,german ,catholic provinces of the ,austrian ,empire1 the ,protestants1 though compared with the rest of the population they form so very small a minority1 have been long in possession of the most unlimited religious freedom2 and in the country#af which was the very cradle of ,protestantism1 the fact that the royal dynasty and a very small minority of the nation profess the ,catholic religion1 has been no obstacle to the most cordial1 deep1 and solid attachment on the part of the people to their old hereditary rulers--an attachment which has been evinced in the most unequivocal and affecting manner by all classes of the nation at every period of misfortune4 ,if now we look to the other great states and civilized countries of ,europe1 which like ,germany were involved for a century and more in the turmoil of religious wars1 and consider what issue these wars have had1 what results they have produced1 we shall find that in ,england civil war indeed no longer rages4 ,but how the relations between the ,anglican church on the one hand1 which force alone maintains in its political privileges and ascendancy1 and the ,protestant dissenters 7who have a different character from those in ,germany1 or elsewhere1 and are distinguished by a very violent sectarian spirit7 and the ,catholic population of ,ireland1 on the other2 how these relations1 ,i say1 can be said to exhibit a state of religious peace1 ,i am at a loss to understand2 for at no very remote period the latter country was the theatre of a bloody civil war4 ,we must at least allow that a solid and permanent internal peace1 a perfect conciliation of minds1 and an equitable adjustment of the respective rights and claims of both parties1 have apparently not yet been brought to a quiet and satisfactory issue4 ,nay1 to judge from those great parliamentary discussions in ,england1 wherein not unfrequently and from passages the most obscure1 and the least observed by the superficial eye1 the most secret motives1 the deepest springs of policy1 and the most hidden thoughts and disquietudes of the statesman come to light in that wonderful stage of public life2 it would appear that great self-apprehension reigned in the minds of ,english politicians2--a fear which is the more likely to arise on every serious retrospect that people take of the old abyss of their civil contests2 for more than any other nation1 they are conversant with their own annals1 and have them ever before their eyes1 and live in the past with all the intense feelings of the present4 ,hence every individual among them knows full well that the fearful and fermenting elements of their great old civil commotion have never been perfectly appeased1 and finally allayed1 but have been merely repressed from time to time1 and prevented from breaking out anew by means of a ,constitution1 which on that account is reputed glorious4 ,and must not every ,englishman ask himself the peremptory question1 how a country can be1 or be termed free1 when its ,catholic inhabitants1 amounting to a third part of its entire population1 are doomed to undergo indescribable tyranny1 and are in fact treated like a conquered nation8#ag ,in ,france there prevails on matters of religion an indifference of feeling1 rather than any party contentions1 or violent animosities1 at least among the greater part of the nation2 and so long as the matter is not mixed up with political considerations1 this feeling of indifference will bend to one opinion or to the other4 ,even in former times the religious wars1 though violent enough1 were not of so long and uninterrupted a duration and so widely destructive a nature1 as in ,germany1 and comparatively speaking at least1 were not attended with such frightful circumstances1 as in ,england4 ,but on the other hand1 they did not lead to those mighty1 definite and permanent results1 such as in ,germany1 a religious pacification--and in ,england1 the establishment of a free ,constitution4 ,and in the revocation of the edict of ,nantes1 accomplished in defiance of all antecedent promises1 stipulations and rights1 the victory of the ,catholic majority of the nation1 unjust in itself1 was merely apparent and illusive1 for all the great problems of moral life remained unsolved1 and the hostile and fermenting elements of ,protestantism or a species of semi-protestantism retained their full force2 till a hundred years after this arbitrary proceeding1 an immense and formidable reaction occurred in the breaking out of the great ,revolution4 ,that grand conflict of the ,european nations which sprang out of this ,revolution1 and attended its whole course1 must be looked upon in no other light than as a religious war2 for a formal separation not only from the church1 but from all ,christianity--a total abolition of the ,christian religion was an object of this ,revolution which lasted nine years1 before a sort of religious peace was established1 by which it seemed to be acknowledged1 that religion1 for a time at least1 was not an absolutely superfluous want of the people2 for the attempt of theophilanthropy1 or the public and legal establishment of a pure rationalist religion had no success4 ,but as respected persons1 this peace was not of long duration1 as was but too soon apparent in the ill-treatment and imprisonment of the head of the church4 ,the drama of the old ,ghibelline times was renewed1 and ,ghibelline principles and maxims of policy were openly avowed4 ,if the military success of the ,french had been of longer continuance1 these principles would have made incomparably greater progress1 and would have been more clearly unfolded1 as there was a secret inclination to a certain ,mahometan junction of civil and ecclesiastical power in the hands of the same person4 ,it could not1 however1 have escaped the keen perception of ,buonaparte1 how much the feelings and opinions of ,europe1 7whatever indifference it may manifest about religion1 and however easily it may give its sanction to encroachments on spiritual power1 from want of knowledge or of interest in those matters17 are ever adverse to a complete and anti-christian fusion of secular and ecclesiastical authority4 ,that fanatic and destructive character which distinguished the ,revolutionary struggle in its origin1 remained the same1 though somewhat modified in its form during the time of the ,imperial conquests2 and the general resistance of the nations of ,europe1 down to the final triumph of the ,allies1 retained to the last the character of a religious war1 carried on in defence of all that was most sacred to humanity4 ,thus that great struggle must be considered as a five-and-twenty years' religious war1 or rather perhaps in its origin1 a war of irreligion1 though it is not worth while to dispute about a word4 ,for this reason1 in the country where this mighty ,revolution had its birth1 the restoration of monarchy is inseparably connected with that of religion2 and it is by a religious regeneration1 that the statesmen of that kingdom1 who are well-wishers to their country1 and have in view its permanent well-being1 and not the idle and transient splendour of military glory1 should endeavour to secure the future destinies of ,france4 ,this universal and convulsive crisis of the world in latter times1 now that it has happily and entirely passed by1 has created a mighty chasm1 and thrown up a wall of separation between the present age and the eighteenth century4 ,now that the conflict is over1 and all the illusions incident to that state of struggle have passed away1 the eighteenth century1 which bore that great ,revolution in its womb1 and at last brought it into life1 can be judged with greater impartiality and historic freedom1 and better understood1 and more duly appreciated in all its comprehensive bearings4 ,for during the existence of any struggle1 it is apparently given to few mortals to form respecting passing events a judgment which can be truly termed historical2 as in general1 a certain distance of time is requisite to the formation of just and accurate opinions4 ,in this last section of universal history1 it would be idle and superfluous to enter into a minute detail of facts so generally known4 ,it is on that account the more important for the due illustration and philosophic investigation of a period so near to us1 briefly to point out amid the multitude of well-known facts1 the leading and determining causes of all the events which occurred4 ,the leading and stirring principles of all occurrences and enterprises in the eighteenth century1 as the history of that age abundantly proves1 may be traced on the one hand1 to the system of the ,balance of ,power in the internal government and outward relations of states2 and on the other1 to the principle of illuminism in the department of morals1 though this principle was not confined to the sphere of mind1 but exerted a great practical influence on real life1 and finally brought about a total revolution in the state4 ,both these principles--the system of the balance of power1 which was the protestantism of state--and the principle of illuminism1 which from its negative character1 agreed in the main with the ,protestantism of philosophy1 and was only a natural consequence of that philosophy1--had their origin chiefly in ,england1 and there first1 or more than elsewhere1 reached their development4 ,for from the commencement of the eighteenth century down to the mighty ,revolution which closed it1 ,england was the state that took the lead in every occurrence and transaction1 gave the tone to the age1 and formed the strong central lever to the system of the ,balance of ,power4 ,the plan of such a system had indeed been openly avowed several centuries before1 and had been acted upon as a principle in many political enterprises and negotiations2 but the then existing circumstances of the world1 which required and admitted of a far higher law of adjudication1 confined the operation of this principle within very narrow limits4 ,thus it was a far higher principle of ,christian equity1 which constituted the basis of the holy ,roman ,empire of ,germany in the middle age2 and it was only when that empire had been weakened and undermined by various shocks1 external and internal1 that the system of the ,balance of ,power began towards the latter part of the fifteenth century1 to exert a commanding influence4 ,italy was in general the theatre and arena for the workings of that policy2 ,spain1 ,france1 and ,austria1 next ,venice1 the ,pope1 and ,switzerland1 the active agents in that changeful struggle2 and ,naples and ,lombardy the subject of dispute1 and the prize of contention4 ,but when the progress and success of the ,turkish arms from without1 and the formidable1 growing and fermenting elements of religious strife from within1 had threatened ,europe with total ruin1 or at least with the most formidable danger1 the new1 inferior principle of policy was compelled to yield to the urgent necessities of the times1 and to old opinions not yet totally extinct4 ,men felt the absolute want of an ,emperor and general ,protector of ,christendom1 invested as in ancient times1 with power really adequate to his dignity2 and this was the motive which led to the election of the ,emperor ,charles ,v4 ,the extent of his empire1 however1 made his power appear greater than it was in reality4 ,if a decided and formidable preponderance of power existed any where1 we must look for it on the side of the ,turks1 whose triumphant arms brought them ever nearer towards ,europe1 and whose progress ,charles was little able to arrest4 ,france1 situated as she was in the centre of ,europe1 had nothing to apprehend from the ,turks1 while she was sufficiently strong and powerful to disregard danger from any quarter4 ,her rivalry with ,spain1 and her perpetual wars with the ,emperor1 were exceedingly injurious to ,europe1 as they cramped and impeded all the operations of the emperor in behalf of ,christendom1 and all his exertions for providing for its external and internal security4 ,but to no country were those wars more hurtful than to ,france herself1 which had need of all her energies for the maintenance of internal tranquillity1 in order by her undivided activity1 to be able to allay and settle the various elements of religious strife1 which afterwards broke out with such fearful violence4 ,at that period1 and even during the seventeenth century1 the wars of ,turkey were generally considered as religious wars1 partly from the dreadful consequences which ensued to the ,christian religion in the conquered countries1 where if it were not entirely extirpated1 it was at least doomed to the severest oppression2 and partly from the fanatic and sanguinary character of those wars themselves4 ,the alliances which ,france during the religious wars of the seventeenth century1 and contrary to the interests of her own creed1 entered into with ,sweden and ,turkey1 under pretence of maintaining the ,balance of ,power1 were more than anything else prejudicial to the ,catholic cause1 inflicted a deep wound on ,christian principles1 and contributed much to mislead the opinion of the age4 ,the final result of this policy was the establishment of a decided preponderance on the part of ,france1 towards the end of the seventeenth century--a preponderance which then at least must be ascribed to ,lewis ,,xiv4 only4 ,now that the religious wars were terminated1 this appeared the period proper for the establishment of the system of the ,balance of ,power--a system which must ever be called into action1 when every higher principle of international adjudication has ceased to be applicable--and which1 as it was the source whence had emanated the whole moral and intellectual culture of the eighteenth century1 attained now a more systematic form1 and held a more brilliant and dignified place1 than at any former period of history4 ,england was the strong1 central prop of the great lever for the ,european ,balance of ,power1 while ,austria1 which in every age has been true to a pacific system of policy1 7although her moral existence depended on far higher principles of religion71 formed on the ,continent the other main stay to the system of the ,balance of ,power1 now become the universal principle of international policy4 ,and this firm alliance between the two powers was in general1 the external basis of this system1 independently of the many fluctuations which were inherent to its very nature4 ,we must not however confound this principle of policy with a conservative and pacific system1 acting according to existing and acknowledged rights2 for although the former system be much akin to the latter1 and both may easily and naturally co-operate in a common resistance to an overgrown power1 regardless of all right2 still they are far from being one and the same2 and differ widely in many characteristic properties1 nay in their very nature4 ,the fundamental law of the conservative and pacific policy is ,right--not an abstract notion and pure ideal of absolute justice1 by which the international policy of states is to be fashioned and regulated2 but rather 7if for the sake of greater clearness ,i may be allowed the use of a mathematical phrase7 an applied right1 that is to say1 an existing and acknowledged right4 ,for if we seek the first origin and ultimate foundation of all right and all justice1 we must seek it in ,god alone1 who is the eternal arbiter of the world1 of states and nations as well as of individuals1 and who well knows how to requite every great political injustice on his appointed day of retribution1 to visit it with unexpected punishment1 and to reduce it to its own nothingness by an often fearful award4 ,but so soon as man1 or any earthly power presumes to lay its hand upon this work--to propose to itself absolute justice1 to judge and regulate all things by that standard1 and to model the world in conformity to it--the consequence is a total ,revolution in all the relations of society--an entire subversion of all existing order2 and it is this false idea which is the principle or the pretext of all those fanatic attempts at universal conquest1 and of every ,revolution not directed to the attainment of specific rights1 but aiming at sweeping1 unqualified and universal change4 ,it is only when in the general system of existing and positive international rights1 some occurrence has produced a chasm--some interstice appears--some particular question remains1 or becomes anew1 open and debateable ground--that a pacific policy acting on the principle ,i have mentioned1 can and will in such special cases1 revert to the original1 pure and eternal justice of ,god4 ,but in the material system of the ,balance of ,power1 right and wrong are not the ultimate object1 nor the sole criterion of political estimation1 nor the sole rule of political negociations2 but the great object is the prevention or removal of any ascendancy which endangers or even threatens danger to the general interests of the powers4 ,both systems of policy may very well concur in their effects1 and in most cases really do concur1 for the establishment of political ascendancy is generally founded on the violation of existing rights1 or may easily lead thereto4 ,but this is not absolutely necessary2 cases may easily be conceived where right is clearly on the side of ascendant might1 as was once the case in the middle of the eighteenth century1 and as happened in another way towards the beginning of the same age1 when the cause of justice was espoused by preponderant power only4 ,and in such cases1 with a total disregard to justice1 this system of the material ,balance of ,power will fling its weight into the opposing scale1 in order to impede the progress of overgrown dominion4 ,in another respect1 also1 the character and ordinary tendency of this system differ widely from that pacific policy1 which aims at the preservation of all existing and acknowledged rights4 ,in the latter system1 it is only the actual disturbance and real violation of the general peace of nations1 which can lead to the declaration of war4 ,but on the contrary1 in the former system it is merely a formidable preponderance of power--a mere possibility of its abuse--a dread of future danger1 which is deemed a sufficient motive for engaging in hostilities--a motive by which a state1 where this is the exclusive principle of policy1 is undoubtedly1 as has often been objected to ,england1 more easily and more quickly determined1 than any other3 and such a motive may operate the more easily in a country like ,england1 where those inducements for entering into war with more haste than is expedient or desirable1 are strengthened by the fact1 that an insular and naval state1 concentrated within itself1 can carry on hostilities with all the advantages of peace1 and with the wonted activity of trade4 ,england during the eighteenth century acquired the highest glory1 and in general made a very beneficial use of her great power1 in contributing to the general aid1 security and freedom of ,europe2 and in what is here said1 it is by no means intended to cast a slur on1 or to undervalue the old and well-acquired power of ,great ,britain1 as such a censure would be futile in itself1 and extremely misplaced here4 ,but for the right understanding of the peculiar political character and tendencies of an age1 like the eighteenth century1 so near to our own times1 it is necessary to observe that the system of the ,balance of ,power is either merely the substitute for a higher principle1 where the latter is no longer susceptible of application1 or in those cases where the latter hath really force1 the system of the ,balance of ,power must be considered a mere supplement--a subordinate auxiliary for the settlement of incidental questions4 ,but with the great ,revolution which closed the eighteenth century1 there commenced an epoch of intellectual as well as political barbarism and desolation1 to which the mere negative principle of an equilibrium of power1 however it might be adequate to the ordinary relations of civilized states1 was no longer applicable2 for now a higher principle of moral and social reparation was needed4 ,in no department of human activity can the positive power of evil be overcome by a mere negative principle of resistance1 but solely by a principle of a homogeneous1 though loftier nature--a divine power acting within the same circle4 ,a mighty religious war1 which has shaken all moral existence to its centre1 and convulsed it in all its depths1 can be completely terminated only by a true religious peace4 ,but such a peace depends on the moral force of principle1 and not on the exact measurement of any physical equilibrium4 ,as during the late frightful ,revolution1 the political relations of every state have been changed1 and the whole ,balance of ,power in ,europe been disturbed1 no force can now easily alter or replace what has thus been established4 ,of this1 ,england herself may afford us an example4 ,certainly that great country in ,southern ,asia--the richest of all the countries in the world--and which ,great ,britain has annexed to her sway1 by means of a navy that gives her the empire of the seas1 and whose population five or six times exceeds that of the ocean-queen1 and equals in numbers the best half of ,europe2 has brought an accession of strength to ,england1 which can not possibly be measured1 judged1 or condemned according to the old narrow rules of the system of the ,balance of ,power2 since so many vast and important results have accrued1 and in all probability will yet accrue to ,europe and ,india herself from this most singular1 and in the history of the world1 quite unprecedented connection2 and since in other respects1 not only the internal administration of ,hindostan1 but the entire conduct of the ,english in those transactions1 has been at once so wise and glorious4 ,as the shallow1 superficial notion of illuminism1 which during the greater part of the eighteenth century was considered the all-ruling principle and highest object of all science and speculation1 is no longer adequate to the present views of philosophy2 in like manner the system of the ,balance of ,power has ceased to be any longer applicable to the state of ,europe in the late general warfare1 or to that state of things which it has given rise to2 and it is not from this system we can expect the final settlement and adjustment of things1 and the solution of the ,gordian knot--the great enigma of the world in our times4 ,after the system of the ,balance of ,power1 the next leading and characteristic principle in the history of the eighteenth century1 is the notion of illuminism1 which exercised on the internal civilization of all ,european nations the same influence which the former system exerted on their external relations4 ,people are so accustomed to confound the principle of enlightenment with the abuse and false application made of it during the last century1 that in order to represent this great epoch in all its historical bearings1 ,i shall endeavour to shew that to an impartial judge and observer1 it offers many and diverse points for consideration4 ,for we must remember that there was a true enlightenment by the side of a false one1 and that enlightenment was not every where of a negative character1 precipitate in its progress1 and destructive in its effects4 ,in its first obscure beginnings1 it had a solid1 irreproachable1 and very beneficial character and tendency4 ,during the public calamities1 and general anarchy of the seventeenth century1 the natural sciences in all their various branches1 made silent but very extraordinary progress2 and numberless were the advantages of these new discoveries to all the useful arts and sciences1 especially in those commercial and maritime states where such knowledge was mostly needed4 ,a bold1 enterprising genius1#ah heir to the most splendid throne in the ,north1 had as an apprentice and artisan appropriated on the spot all these advantages of modern civilization1 and turned them to full account in navigation1 in the various mechanic arts1 in the foundation of cities1 and in the general civilization of his subjects2 and thus he became the founder of the present greatness of ,russia2--a greatness which is built on a species of enlightenment1 that so far from being of a futile and rash nature1 and of a destructive tendency1 has exerted a gradual but beneficial influence over the whole extent of an empire1 which stretches far into two continents of the globe4 ,it was only by that true and genuine improvement and civilization1 which commenced under ,peter the ,great1 that ,russia acquired the knowledge and mastery of her own resources1 and thus rose to a high and permanent grade in the scale of nations4 ,the separation of the ,russian church from the authority of the ,greek patriarch1 who had now fallen under ,turkish dependance1 appeared a necessary condition for opening a door in ,russia to the moral and intellectual civilization of ,europe2 nor when we consider that such a step was but the continuation of an original schism1 can we deem it a subject of blame4 ,it does not appear1 however1 that the system of a national church1 which has sprung out of this separation1 has been here as much abused as in the ,anglican church1 or in that system of anti-papal opposition nearly akin to it1 adopted in one or more ,catholic countries of ,europe4 ,the very system1 however1 of an exclusively national religion1 must ever be an object of the greatest solicitude1 for it is but too easily susceptible of an extension most fatal to ,christian government1 which nothing so much impairs and undermines as any leaning to the ,mahometan confusion of spiritual and temporal power in the hands of the same person4 ,men have often blamed that harsh junction of opposites observable in the sudden and artificial civilization of ,russia2 that is to say1 the contrast which there exists between the highest intellectual luxury1 and the most exquisite and fashionable refinement in thought and manners among the higher classes1 at the court and in the capital1 and the very low grade of civilization1 the state of utter or at least semi-barbarism1 to which so large a portion of the population are reduced4 ,but no very prejudicial effects have resulted to society in ,russia1 from this conjunction of elements1 and from the obstacles which so many vast masses have opposed to the progress of civilization2 and even that hurry and precipitancy in the career of enlightenment1 which was the great fault of almost all other ,european countries1 was by this means avoided1 or rather prevented by the very nature of things4 ,the only thing here to be apprehended and guarded against was this1 that in copying the civilization of ,europe1 ,russia should not introduce along with it those negative and destructive principles--those maxims of liberalism and irreligion which were almost exclusively prevalent in ,european literature and science during the eighteenth century2 in a word that ,protestantism1 7in the wide and comprehensive signification of that term17 should not become too predominant in the public mind4 ,the first ground-work of the modern civilization of ,russia1 as laid down by ,peter the ,great1 was of a thoroughly practical nature1 directed in part to objects of commercial utility1 after the manner of the ,dutch and ,english4 ,the moral corruption occasioned by the ,french philosophy introduced under ,catherine ,,ii41 was confined to a small circle2 and in the course of succeeding times1 this philosophy came to be considered as an exotic element of destruction1 which so far from being adequate to the exigencies of the age1 struck at the very root of society4 ,in a more recent period1 liberal and ,revolutionary theories of government1 copied from constitutional countries1 may at most have led to a criminal enterprise2 but have not exercised any the least permanent influence on the bulk of the nation4 ,but the great and essential point for this ,european and ,asiatic ,empire1--the seat of a progressive enlightenment1--as well as for the rest of ,europe1 is still this--that this enlightenment1 which is the basis on which this empire is founded1 should never take an irreligious course1 but should ever maintain a decidedly religious character4 ,and in this respect more than any other1 a generous monarch#ai who became great in the school of adversity1 must be considered as the second founder of ,russian greatness1 because he has stamped on this empire a strong1 permanent religious impress4 ,i do not allude here of course to any fanatic measure of coercion1 but to the moral influence of religion--to its firm establishment as the general principle of ,european government in the present times4 ,the principle of illuminism1 when properly conceived1 has nothing at all reprehensible in itself1 or at variance with the ,christian religion4 ,in the same way that ,christianity1 if not only its dogmas were developed1 but its general influence extended1 and made triumphant in the world1 would soon supplant the existing human ,reformation1 and be the true1 the divine reformation of mankind1 of the world1 and even of the visible creation2 so it is itself the true illumination1 whereof ,holy ,writ speaketh3 it is that light of eternal light1 which was in the beginning1 and which was the life of men1 7as the words from the mouth of eternal ,truth declare17 and in which men are once more to find their life4 ,but to descend from this lofty idea into the world of historical experience1 we should carefully distinguish between a true1 lasting1 and vivifying illumination1 and a false1 mimic1 and illusive species of enlightenment4 ,one thing is the warm1 genial light of the sun returning to the new-born spring1 or the fresh glow of morning after the lengthened night--and another the transient glimmer of a bonfire1 which after exciting a false alarm1 sinks rapidly again into darkness4 ,one thing is the solitary midnight lamp of silent meditation--and another the lightning which flashes athwart the gloomy heavens1 or the dark lantern of the murderer stealing his way along in the night1 or the torchlight in the robbers' cave1 where the spoil is divided1 and new misdeeds are concerted4 ,for all these various significations of true and false illumination1 the eighteenth century in its real or pretended enlightenment may furnish us with historical proofs4 ,thus without misapprehending or disowning that true and divine light visible even in the progress of science1 or without rejecting1 or contracting in too narrow bounds the salutary and necessary light of human reason1 still we must be careful to distinguish from the former the light which is illusive1 or changeable1 as well as that which is spurious1 and counterfeited by the powers of darkness4 ,in this consists the sign of a false enlightenment--if not merely in its origin1 and in its outward effects1 but in its own nature as well as undeviating course1 it retains a negative character1 and is therefore hollow and superficial4 ,but any system which is originally destitute of a firm and solid foundation1 may easily be driven into an irregular and devious1 and ultimately into a most fatal course4 ,this is in short the essential distinction observable in the progress of a genuine and a spurious species of enlightenment4 ,this illuminism exercised so general an influence in the eighteenth century on church and state1 on science and on social life1 on the relations of policy and the course of public events1 that even ,spain and the ,papal territories were not exempt from its influence--an influence which was perceptible on the one hand1 in many useful reforms in the internal administration of those states--and on the other hand1 in the expulsion of the ,jesuits1 which was first commenced by ,portugal and ,spain1 and to which the jealousy of other religious orders had contributed4 ,but the whole transaction must be ascribed to a destructive party of ,illuminati1 that had secretly grown up in those countries1 and now expanded to public view1 and appeared in full power4 ,to such a party those religious orders which had fallen into a state of real degeneracy1 inactivity1 and ignorance1 so far from being objects of hatred1 were exceedingly welcome for the promotion of their secret views4 ,but not so an order1 which was distinguished for its zeal and activity1 its devotion to the interests of the church1 its scientific acquirements1 and knowledge of the world4 ,a critical enquiry into the truth or falsehood of the several charges and accusations against the ,jesuits1 must be reserved to a special history of those countries ,i have named1 or to a particular history of the order4 ,but their expulsion is here mentioned1 as it is a very characteristic circumstance in the history of that age of pretended illumination4 ,it may be generally thought that the determination which ,pope ,ganganelli at last came to for the suppression of the order1 was extorted from him by the overruling influence of the secular powers4 ,but if such a supposition be really admissible1 it is evident on the other hand1 that the restoration of the order was effected by the virtuous ,pontiff who ruled the church in the late period of oppression1 at the very moment when the iron yoke of military despotism weighed heaviest on the nations of ,europe4 ,the true progress of ,christian enlightenment in the pursuits of philosophy and science1 ,i shall have occasion to mention afterwards4 ,the principle of toleration1 which was solidly established by the ,german treaty of religious peace1 became an essential element of social illumination4 ,by degrees this principle was admitted throughout almost all ,europe--yet we must observe that its adoption cannot be determined by one uniform1 invariable rule in all countries1 but that local circumstances1 respecting which it is often difficult for the distant observer to come to a right judgment1 must and ought to produce numerous modifications in the application of the principle4 ,that wide toleration which in ,holland and ,north ,america has for a long time incorporated into the state a multitude of petty sects1 would not be practicable or expedient in other countries4 ,the religious liberty which in the ,russian ,empire is extended even to ,mahometans1 and to certain tribes of ,buddhists and ,pagans1 would not apply to the circumstances of most other civilized countries4 ,there are in the deep-rooted habits of nations1 and in the constitution of individual states1 very peculiar1 and often apparently singular1 circumstances and combinations1 which no man should judge of hastily1 and according to abstract principles1 until he has obtained a close1 accurate1 and deep insight into the historical condition and situation of a country4 ,thus while ,england is intolerant in her ,constitution at home1 she gives the fullest latitude in ,canada to the ,north ,american principle of religious freedom2 and the whole ,british ,empire in ,india is founded on toleration--that is to say1 on the principle of governing the ,indians according to their own laws1 manners1 customs1 and opinions4 ,by this policy the ,english have become almost complete masters of this great and fertile country2 and their enlightened rule forms a strong contrast to the earlier tyranny of the ,mahometans1 who hold the ,indian idolatry in the utmost abhorrence2 although that idolatry1 amid a chaos of errors and fables1 contains many better and higher vestiges of ancient truth1 than the mere negative and fanatic superstition of ,mahomet4 ,even the ,french1 when they had a firm footing in ,india1 committed a capital fault in forming alliances more with the ,mahometans than with the native ,indian powers4 ,in ,europe1 ,norway alone1 among the ,protestant states1 has maintained down to our times laws of severe exclusion against every religion differing from the established one--an exclusion which extends as well to ,jews as to ,catholics2 while ,spain and ,portugal only1 among ,catholic countries1 offer an example of similar intolerance4 ,to abolish suddenly without urgent and overpowering reasons1 or some new historical emergency1 laws which have thus grown out of the general circumstances of a country1 which have existed for ages1 and have taken deep root in the manners and habits of life1 provokes suspicion1 and may occasion danger4 ,but we must not suppose that a severe and exclusive system of legislation1 like that existing in ,spain1 can always counteract the occult and far more dangerous opposition of secret sects and societies4 ,this might be proved1 or rendered probable by many facts in the history of those countries during the eighteenth century4 ,in ,italy this rigid and exclusive legislation was never carried to the same unqualified extent4 ,intolerance there never extended to the ,jews1 nor to the ,greek schismatics1 and in recent times it does not1 as formerly1 affect the ,protestants4 ,in ,germany1 toleration was legally established by the treaty of ,westphalia1 and there the cause of toleration stood in no need of the modern principle of illuminism--the all-stirring and animating principle of the eighteenth century4 ,but here illuminism in its first negative period was directed against prejudices and abuses of another kind4 ,in certain ,protestant countries in the ,north of ,germany1 this period of illumination dates from the abolition of trials for witchcraft4 ,and against so modest a beginning not the slightest objection could be urged2 for in general the criminal law which the later and already degenerate middle age bequeathed to modern times1 afforded ample scope for amelioration1 and contained many barbarous edicts that deserved to be abolished4 ,the use of torture1 and of un-christian and excruciating modes of execution1 were next the objects of ,reform4 ,the total abolition of capital punishment1 which this legal ,reform soon aimed at in its ulterior progress1 the experience of mankind has not yet found to be either possible or practicable4 ,who will be disposed to deny that the many abuses which were now corrected1 and the many vulgar prejudices which were refuted or done away with1 were especially at the outset1 in a great measure such as were truly deserving of that name1 and that very many of those reforms were useful and necessary1 just and wholesome4 ,it appears1 however1 sometimes1 that barbarous abuses thus hastily and precipitately removed1 soon reappear under other forms and denominations4 ,this may easily be the case1 where those useful and necessary reforms are confined to the outward surface1 and do not penetrate to the roots1 and internal essence of things4--,it is worthy of remark1 that in the absence of solid and positive principles1 the mere removal of abuses--a mere negative course of conduct1 will never alone attain the desired end1 nor is it in itself always safe and certain4 ,soon a rash and passionate precipitancy will be apparent in the conduct of affairs--the standard and real term of our exertions will be lost sight of1 and things will fall into a ruinous course2 and such is the character of that period of transition from the age of illuminism to the time of the ,french ,revolution4 ,was there a single object1 not only in the questions relating to humanity1 but in the whole department of public life and general belief1 in religion and in government1 which was not soon regarded as a prejudice or an abuse8 ,in ,germany1 when the ,empress ,maria ,theresa ascended the ,imperial throne1 the long established peace of the empire1 which it had once cost such efforts to secure and preserve1 appeared to the new school of philosophy1 a ridiculous prejudice of unenlightened1 pedantic ,burghers of state4 ,but fifty years afterwards1 during the atheistic and revolutionary period of the ,french philosophy1 immediately prior to the ,french ,revolution1 as well as at its commencement1 ,christianity1 and in fact all religion1 was considered as a mere prejudice of the infancy of the human mind1 totally destitute of foundation in truth1 and no longer adapted to the spirit of the age2 monarchy and the whole civilization of modern ,europe as abuses no longer to be tolerated4 ,it was only when men had reached this extreme term of their boasted enlightenment1 that a re-action took place4 ,but prior to this1 towards the middle of the eighteenth century1 and in the ten years immediatedly subsequent1 the spirit of the age bore all before it in its irresistible progress4 ,as in ancient times1 monarchs had competed for the title of ,most ,christian1 or ,most ,catholic1 so now the potentates pre-eminent for power and understanding1 were flattered by the title of enlightened4 ,it is not without a great shock to our feelings1 we contemplate the close intimacy which subsisted between a monarch grown grey in the toils of war and the cares of state1 a powerful ,empress of a ,northern court1 and the most depraved champions of ,french infidelity4 ,with respect to the third of those eminent potentates of the age of illuminism1 ,joseph ,,ii41 it has never been denied by those most competent to form a correct opinion on this subject1 that among the various measures and regulations passed in the short reign of that active emperor1 although some are not entitled to the same praise1 yet many were really adapted to the exigencies of the age1 and have been attended with the most beneficial consequences to industry and to intellectual cultivation4 ,but the serious turn which things afterwards took1 the universal convulsion1 and remodelling of the world1 have long fully demonstrated1 that not one or two only1 but many of the most active and enlightened sovereigns of that age1 yielded far too much to the prevailing principles of the time1 and followed too readily the spirit of that age in its wild1 rapid1 and all-destructive career4 ,to the many elements of internal ferment already existing in ,france1 the imitation of ,english manners under the ,regent1 which was soon succeeded by an imitation of ,english literature and philosophy1 added a source of equal danger4 ,for to maintain within certain prescribed limits this ,english philosophy that reduces everything to the experience of sensation1 the ,french wanted that sense of equilibrium innate in the ,english1 and which their constitution had rendered almost instinctive to them2 and by means of which in philosophy1 as in their internal government1 and in their relations with ,foreign states1 they can keep within bounds2 and with them a philosophy1 however unspiritual and ungodly1 does not so rapidly rush into a headlong and destructive course1 as it did in ,france and in ,europe during the atheistical and revolutionary period of literature and science2 for the deadly influence of this spirit was not confined to ,france--the land of its birth--but spread over every country4 ,this is the important and essential distinction between the philosophy of ,locke or of ,hume for example1 which ,i before designated as the ,protestantism of philosophy1 in opposition to the thoroughly revolutionary philosophy of ,french atheism--for though the former by its opposition to all spiritual ideas is of a negative character1 yet most of its partisans and champions contrive to make some sort of capitulation with divine faith1 and to preserve a kind of belief in moral feeling4 ,the ,french philosophy was in fact a new ,pagan idolatry of nature1 and even the most splendid discoveries of natural science1 which might and ought to have pointed to a higher principle1 were not contemplated in their true spirit1 nor employed to proper advantage1 but were even made the instruments of a fanatic hostility towards the ,deity4 ,even among the comparatively better natural philosophers of ,france1 materialism was too generally the basis of their science1 and a sensual enthusiasm for nature too much the prevailing tone of their writings4 ,the more brilliant the talents which led the way in this new impious and ,revolutionary career of the ,european mind1 the more generally pernicious was the result4 ,such was the case with that scoffer1 whose genius could adapt itself to all the forms1 moods1 and styles of the old ,french literature1 and who wielding1 as he did1 with so masterly a hand the weapon of a lawless wit1 directed it without intermission during his whole life against everything holy and venerable1 of what nature and kind soever4 ,as those errors are the most dangerous1 which as containing a portion of truth1 carry with them a greater power of conviction2 so ,rousseau has perhaps exercised a more fatal influence than that other spirit1 who with his mockery polluted all things4 ,we cannot precisely term him un-christian--at least such an epithet cannot be applied to him in the same unqualified and universal extent--and when compared with the ,atomical philosophy and the ,atheistical idolatry of nature1 his fanatic worship of nature will be found of a more spiritual cast4 ,the great eloquence of this man entitles him perhaps as clearly to the first rank among the orators of his nation during the eighteenth century1 as ,bossuet with very different religious principles holds in his own age4 ,eloquence less powerful than ,rousseau's could not well have sufficed to draw his age into an admiration for that savage equality which he preached up--to have excited its enthusiasm for the state of the ,caribees and the ,iroquois1 which1 looking back with regret to man's original happiness in the pure freedom of nature1 he represented as his proper destiny1 utterly marred as he was1 by ,european civilization4 ,this was not a mere idle freak of imagination1 such as any false enchantment of romance might display--but ,rousseau endeavoured to demonstrate with all the rigid deductions of mathematical proof1 the happy equality of the savage state2 and with the most earnest conviction and blind fanaticism1 his system was applied to the actual relations of life4 ,the result was that period of godless freedom--freedom separated from ,god and from every divine principle whether of conduct or belief1 and which1 as usual1 was soon succeeded by the false unity of a crushing despotism1 equally hostile to every heavenly and exalted motive of human action4 ,but such has been the frightfully accelerated march of events in these latter times1 that the former stages of the ,revolutionary course in ancient ,rome--the attempt of the elder ,brutus--the establishment of a ,republic--the wars with the rival ,carthage--the rapid career of military conquests--and the transition to despotism1 down to ,tiberius or ,dioclesian--have been here traversed in the short period of scarcely one generation4 ,it would be unjust always to term this the ,french ,revolution1 or to consider it exclusively as such--it was a general political malady--an universal epidemic of the age4 ,in ,holland and ,belgium a ,revolution had previously broken out--the ,polish ,revolution occurred about the same time2 but though the ,belgian1 and more particularly the ,polish ,revolutions were of a totally different character from the ,french1 they still presented to the turbulent spirit of the age1 one example more of political commotion4 ,but ,north ,america had been to ,france and the rest of ,europe1 the real school and nursery of all these ,revolutionary principles4 ,natural contagion1 or wilful propagation spread this disorder over many other countries--but ,france continued to be the centre and general focus of ,revolution4 ,even when the whole power of the ,revolution had been concentrated in the person of a single man1 its general march was not materially changed4 ,with respect to ,foreign states and countries1 the ,french ,revolution produced a protracted religious war of twenty-one years2 for it was such not only from its origin1 but from its ,revolutionary and destructive character1 and from its fanatic opposition to everything holy4 ,there was a fixed principle at the bottom of this modern ,paganism4 ,it was political idolatry--and it matters little what may be the immediate object of this idolatry--what the idol of the day1 whether a ,republic and the goddess of reason--the grande nation--or the lust of conquest and the glory of arms4 ,it is still the same demon of political destruction--the same anti-,christian spirit of government1 which wishes to mislead the age1 and control the world4 ,the great religious war1 which has desolated all ,europe1 can be finally terminated only by a new and general religious peace3--but the great gulph of perdition to our age is that political idolatry1 whatever shape it may assume--whatever name it may bear4 ,until that idolatry be abolished1 until that abyss of ruin be closed up1 the house of the ,lord1 where peace and righteousness embrace each other1 can never be founded on a renovated earth4 #ac ,prussia4 #ad ,bavaria4 #ae ,the ,treaty of ,westphalia4 #af ,saxony4 #ag ,the passing of the ,catholic ,relief ,bill has happily rendered this observation obsolete4--,trans4 #ah ,peter the ,great4 #ai ,the late ,emperor ,alexander4 ,,end ,,of ,,lecture ,,xvii4 ,,lecture ,,xviii4 ,on the general spirit of the age1 and on the universal ,regeneration of ,society4 ,i come soon1 and will renew all things4 ,there are in the history of the eighteenth century1 many phenomena which occurred so suddenly1 so instantaneously1 so contrary to all expectation1 that although on deeper consideration we may discover their efficient causes in the past1 in the natural state of things1 and in the general situation of the world1 yet are there many circumstances which prove that there was a deliberate1 though secret1 preparation of events1 as1 indeed1 in many instances has been actually demonstrated4 ,i must now say a few words on this secret and mysterious branch of ,illuminism1 and on the progress it made during the period of its sway1 in order to complete the sketch of that period1 and to shew the influence of this principle1 both in regard to the origin and general spirit of the ,revolution1 7which in its fanaticism believed itself a regeneration of the world71 and in regard to the true restoration of society founded on the basis of ,christian justice4 ,but there is this peculiar circumstance in this historical enquiry1 that those who as eye-witnesses could best speak from their personal experience1 cannot always be considered the most credible vouchers2 for we never know1 or can know what their particular views and interests may lead them to say or conceal1 to suppress wholly or in part4 ,however it has so happened1 that in the universal convulsion and overthrow of society1 many things have come to light on this mysterious and esoteric clue in modern history--things which when combined together1 furnish us with a not incorrect1 and a tolerably complete idea of this mighty element of the ,revolution1 and of ,illuminism both true and false1 which has exercised so evident and various an influence on the world4 ,and it is only on such historical grounds 7which are quite sufficient for our purpose1 and can alone be made the matter of consideration here71 ,i am at all competent to pronounce an opinion on this subject1 or1 as ,i should rather say1 to give an account of this event2 and it is from historical sources1 references and facts alone1 that the following sketch has been taken4 ,as to the origin of this esoteric influence1 the impartial historical enquirer cannot doubt 7whatever motives or views some may have to deny the fact1 or throw doubt on its authenticity71 that the order of ,templars was the channel by which this society in its ancient and long preserved form was introduced into the ,west4 ,the religious ,masonic symbols may be accounted for by the ,solomonian traditions connected with the very foundation of the order of ,templars2 and indeed the occasion of these symbols may be traced in other passages of ,holy ,writ1 and in other parts of sacred history1 and they may very well admit of a ,christian interpretation4 ,traces of these symbols may be found in the monuments of the old ,german architecture of the middle age4 ,any secret spiritual association1 however1 diffused at once among ,christians and ,mahometans1 cannot be of a very ,christian nature1 nor long continue so4 ,nay the very idea of an esoteric society for the propagation of any secret doctrines is not compatible with the very principle of ,christianity itself2 for ,christianity is a divine mystery1 which according to the intention of its divine ,founder1 lies open to all1 and is daily exposed on every altar4 ,for this reason1 in a ,revelation imparted to all alike1 there can be no secrecy1 as in the ,pagan mysteries1 where by the side of the popular mythology and the public religion of the state1 certain esoteric doctrines were inculcated to the initiated only4 ,this would be to constitute a church within a church--a measure to be as little tolerated or justified1 as an ,imperium in ,imperio2 and in an age where worldly interests and public or secret views of policy have far greater ascendancy than religious opinions or sentiments1 such a secret parasitical church would unquestionably1 as experience has already proved1 be very soon transformed into a secret directory for political changes and ,revolutions4 ,that in this society the un-christian principles of a negative ,illuminism1 veiled as they often were in sentiments of universal philanthropy1 were of a date tolerably modern1 all historical analogies would lead us to suppose4 ,on the other hand1 the ,christian opinions which survived in this order1 7though in our times1 amid the innumerable factions which have agitated this society by their contests1 the adherents to ,christian principles form a small minority of its members17 the ,christian opinions surviving in this order partook1 conformably to the historical origin ,i have assigned1 more of an oriental and ,gnostic character4 ,the great1 or at least1 not inconsiderable influence which this society exercises in politics1 we may discover in those ,revolutions1 which after having convulsed our quarter of the globe1 have rolled onwards to the new world1 where the two principal ,revolutionary factions in one of those ,south ,american states1 whose troubles are not yet terminated1 are called the ,scots and the ,yorkists1 from the two parties which divide the ,english ,masonic lodges4 ,who does not know1 or who does not remember1 that the ruler of the world in the period just passed1 made use of this vehicle in all the countries he conquered1 to delude and deceive the nations with false hopes4 ,and on this account he was styled by his partisans the man of his age1 and in fact he was a slave to the spirit of his age4 ,a society1 from whose bosom1 as from the secret laboratory of ,revolution1 the ,illumins1 the ,jacobins1 and the ,carbonari1 have successively proceeded1 cannot possibly be termed1 or be in fact very beneficial to mankind1 politically sound1 or truly ,christian in its views and tendency4 ,still ,i must here observe1 that it has been the fate of the oldest of all secret societies1 that its venerable forms which are known to all the initiated1 should serve as a cloak to every new conspiracy4 ,in the next place1 we must not forget that this order itself appears to be split and divided into a multitude of different sects and factions2 and that on this account we must not suppose that all those fearful aberrations1 and wild excesses of impiety1 all those openly destructive or secretly undermining principles of ,revolution were universally approved of by this society4 ,on the contrary1 such a supposition would be utterly false1 or at least1 very exaggerated4 ,the mere notice of all the highly estimable characters1 mistaken but on this point--of most distinguished and illustrious personages in the eighteenth century1 members of this association1--would suffice to annul1 or at least materially modify1 this sweeping censure4 ,from many indications1 we may consider it certain1 or at least extremely probable1 that in no country did this esoteric society so well harmonize with the state and the whole established order of things1 as in that country where all the conflicting elements of morals and society are brought into a sort of strange and artificial equipoise--,i mean ,england4 ,if now we turn our view to the ,continent of ,europe1 and even to those countries which were the chief theatre of the ,revolution1 we shall see that there1 among many other factions1 a ,christian party had sprung up in this society--a party which1 though it formed a very small minority in point of numbers1 possessed by its profounder doctrines1 and the interesting fragments of ancient tradition it had preserved1 a great moral ascendancy2 and this many historical facts1 and many written documents1 which have since obtained publicity1 place beyond the shadow of a doubt4 ,instead of bringing forward the names of some ,german writers less generally known1 ,i prefer to allege1 in confirmation of what ,i have said1 the example of a ,french writer1 who well denotes the internal and more hidden character of the ,revolution4 ,the ,christian theosophist1 ,st4 ,martin1 who was a disciple of this school1 stands in his age quite apart from the other organs of the then prevailing ,atheistical philosophy4 ,he was however a most decided ,revolutionist1 7but a disinterested fanatic1 guided entirely in his conduct by high and moral motives71 from his utter contempt and abhorrence for the whole moral and political system of ,europe1 as it then stood--a contempt in which1 if we cannot entirely agree with him1 we cannot in many instances withhold from him at least a sort of negative approbation--and1 secondly1 he was a ,revolutionist by his enthusiastic hope of a complete ,christian regeneration of society1 conceived indeed according to his own views1 or the views of his party4 ,among the ,french writers of the ,restoration1 none have so thoroughly understood this remarkable philosopher1 and so well known how to appreciate him in all the depths of his errors1 as well as in the many excellent things which his writings contain1 and to apply to him the necessary corrections1 as ,count ,maistre4 ,this secret clue in the history of the ,revolution must not be overlooked1 if we would wish to form a due estimate of its character2 for it greatly contributed to the illusion of many1 by no means ill-intentioned persons1 who saw or wished to see in the ,revolution but the inevitable1 necessary1 though in its origin1 harsh and severe1 regeneration of ,christian states and nations1 then so widely gone off from their original destination4 ,this illusive notion of a false restoration of society was particularly prevalent during the ,imperial sway of that extraordinary man1 whose true biography--,i mean the high moral law of his destiny1 or the theological key to his life--seems still to exceed the critical powers of our age4 ,seven years were allotted him for the growth of his power--for fourteen years the world was delivered over into his hands2 and seven years were left him for solitary reflection1 the first of which he misemployed in embroiling the world anew4 ,on the use he made of the extraordinary power that had been imparted to him---of that formidable dominion which had fallen to his lot1 history has long pronounced her sentence4 ,never is such power permitted but in the period of1 and with a view to1 some awful reckoning1 and a still more fearful probation of mankind4 ,but if his ,restoration--that is to say1 the ,restoration which his infatuated partisans attributed to him1 was most certainly a false one2--the question naturally occurs1 whether the ,restoration attempted by his successors has been perfectly sound1 or at least quite complete2 and what may be the defects in the new system1 and how they may be supplied8 ,a mere treaty of territorial arrangements could not and can never constitute a great religious and international pacification for the whole of ,europe4 ,the re-establishment of subverted thrones--the ,restoration of exiled sovereigns and dynasties1 will not in themselves have any security nor permanence1 unless based on moral principles and maxims4 ,after the severe unexpected lesson again inflicted on ,europe1 religion was at last made the basis of ,european policy2 and we must not make it a matter of reproach1 that this principle still retained so indefinite a character2 for this was necessary at the beginning at least1 in order to remove any misconception1 or any possible suspicion of interested views4 ,and not only doth the stability and future existence of the whole ,christian and civilized world depend on this bond of religious confederacy1--which we can only hope may be ever more and more firmly knit--but every great power in particular is more especially called upon to take a part therein4 ,that the moral strength and stability of the ,russian ,empire mainly depends on religion--that every departure from its sacred spirit must have the most fatal effects on its whole system1 has already been declared by her late monarch1 distinguished alike in adverse and in prosperous fortune1 an axiom of state-policy1 and can scarcely ever be again forgotten4 ,but in that country1 where the elements of ,protestantism 7to use that word in its most comprehensive signification7 obtained such weight in the outset of its literary refinement1 and are so incorporated with the whole political system of the state1 the toleration extended to every form of worship1 should not be withheld from that church1 which is the mother-church of the rest of ,europe1 and of ,poland inclusively2#bj nor should the religious liberty of individuals be in that respect at all restricted4 ,it is equally evident that in that country of ,europe where monarchy has been restored1 the restoration of religion must go hand in hand with that of monarchy1 and that the latter would lose all security were the former removed4 ,in the pacific monarchy1#ba unchangeably attached as she is to her ancient principles1 religion has ever been1 more than any other principle1 the recognised basis of her existence4 ,as to the fifth#bb ,germanico-,european monarchy recently created1 the solid maintenance of religion is the only means to allay the disquiet incident to such a state1 and to secure its future existence4 ,any act of even indirect hostility towards the ,catholic body--one half of the nation#bc--;any infringement on the liberty of individuals in that sacred concern--a liberty which must be guaranteed not only by the letter of the law1 but by real1 effective and practical measures--would not only be in utter opposition to those religious principles1 rapidly spreading as they are in all ,europe1 and particularly in ,germany2 but would violate and render insecure the great fundamental and long established principle of toleration2 as has hitherto been acknowledged4 ,it is only in ,england that ,anglicanism has raised her doubts as to the utility of a religious fraternity among the ,christian states and nations--doubts which are connected with the still exclusively ,protestant character of the ,english ,constitution1 and which on many occasions may lead ,england to a sort of schismatical rupture with the rest of ,europe4 ,on several occasions we must contemplate with regret1 how that mighty ,england1 in the eighteenth century so brilliant and so powerful by the sway she exerted over the whole ,european mind1 no longer seems to feel herself at home in the nineteenth century1 nor to know where to find her place in the new order of things4 ,but as respects ,europe at large1 the maxims and principles of liberalism are only a partial return to the ,revolution--they can have no other tendency but to ,revolution4 ,liberalism will never obtain a majority among the well-thinking persons of any of the ,european states1 except by some gross error--some singular degeneracy in that party1 which really does not constitute a party1 and ought not to be called such--,i mean the men who in politics are attached to monarchy1 and in religion to ,christianity4 ,the mere principle of a mechanical ,balance of ,power to serve as a negative check on overgrown dominion--a system which emanated from ,england1 and was in the eighteenth century universally received--has ceased to be applicable1 or to be of service to the existing state of things in ,europe2 for all the remedies which it can offer1 tend only to aggravate the evil when it has once occurred4 ,in religion alone are to be found the remedies and the safeguards1 the emancipation and consolidation of the whole civilized world1 as well as of every particular state4 ,the most imminent danger to our age1 and the possible abuse of religion itself1 are the excesses of the absolute4 ,great is the danger1 when in a vindictive spirit of re-action1 a revolutionary conduct is adopted by the party of legitimacy2 when passion itself is consecrated into a maxim of reason1 and held up as the only valid and just mode of proceeding2 and when1 the sacredness of religion itself is hawked about as some fashionable opinion2 as if the world-redeeming power of faith and truth consisted in the mere dead letter1 and in the recited formula4 ,true life can spring only from the vivifying spirit of eternal truth4 ,in science the absolute is the abyss which swallows up the living truth1 and leaves behind only the hollow idea1 and the dead formula4 ,in the political world the absolute in conduct and speculation is that false spirit of time1 opposed to all good and to the fulness of divine truth1 which in a great measure rules the world1 and may entirely rule it1 and lead it for ever to its final ruin4 ,as errors would not be dangerous or deceptive1 and would have little effect1 unless they contained a portion or appearance of truth2 this false spirit of time which successively assumes all forms of destruction1 since it has abandoned the path of eternal truth1 consists in this--it withdraws particular facts from their historical connection1 and holds them up as the centre and term of a system1 without any limitation1 and without any regard to historical circumstances4 ,the true foundation1 and the right term of things1 in the history of society as in the lives of individuals1 cannot be thus severed from their historical connection1 and their place in the natural order of events4 ,in any speculation or enterprise conducted by this passionate spirit of exaggeration1 the living spirit must evaporate1 and only the dead and deadening formula survive4 ,what idols may successively be worshipped by the changing spirit of time which easily bounds from one extreme to another1 cannot be determined before-hand4 ,it is even possible that for a while eternal truth itself may be profaned and perverted to such an idol of the day--,i mean the counterfeit form of truth2--for the spirit of time1 however it may assume the garb1 can never attain the inward essence and living energy of truth4 ,whatever may be the alternate idol1 and the reigning object of its worship1 or of its passionate rhetoric1 it still remains essentially the same--that is to say1 the absolute1 alike deadening to intellect1 and destructive to life4 ,in science1 the absolute is the idol of vain and empty systems1 of dead and abstract reason4 ,the ,christian faith has the living ,god and his revelation for its object1 and is itself that revelation2 hence every doctrine taken from this source is something real and positive4 ,the defence of truth against error will then only be attended with permanent success1 when the divine doctrine1 in whatever department it may be1 is represented with intellectual energy as a living principle2 and at the same time placed in its historical connection1 with a due regard to every other historical reality4 ,this calm1 historical judgment of things--this acute insight into subjects1 whether they be real facts or intellectual phenomena--is the invariable concomitant of truth1 and the indispensable condition to the full knowledge of truth4 ,this is the more so1 indeed1 as religion1 which forms the basis of all truth1 and of all knowledge1 naturally traces with attentive eye the mysterious clue of ,divine ,providence and ,divine permission through the long labyrinth of human errors and human follies1 be they of a practical or a speculative nature4 ,error1 on the other hand1 is always unhistorical2 the spirit of time almost always passionate2 and both consequently untrue4 ,the conflict against error cannot be brought to a prompter and more successful issue1 than by separating in every system of moral and speculative error1 and according to the standard of divine truth1 the absolute1 which is the basis of such systems1 into its two component parts of truth and falsehood4 ,for when we acknowledge and point out the truth to be found in those systems1 there only remains error1 whose inanity it requires little labour1 little cost of talent1 or time to expose and make evident to every eye4 ,but in real life the struggle of parties often ceases to be purely intellectual--their physical energy is displayed in violent commotions2 and in proportion as all parties become absolute1 so their struggle becomes one of violent and mutual destruction--a circumstance which most fatally impedes the great work of religious regeneration--the mighty problem of our age1 which so far from being brought to a satisfactory termination1 is not yet even solved4 ,in this respect it is no doubt a critical fact1 that in certain quarters of ,european life1 nay even in some entire countries1 parties and governments should be more and more carried away by the spirit of absolutism4 ,for this is not a question of names1 and it is very evident that not those parties1 which are called1 or call themselves absolute1 are the most so in reality2 since now1 as in all periods of violent party struggles1 a whimsical mistake in names1 a great disorder of ideas1 and a ,babel confusion of tongues1 occur even in those languages otherwise distinguished for their clearness and precision4 ,fixedness of principle1 consistency in reasoning1 firmness of character1 and the severe1 dogmatic precision of faith1 as these are the qualities which form the best test of man in the intercourse of life1 so they ought by no means to be confounded with absolutism either in conduct or speculation2 for all these qualities are very compatible with the calm historical judgment of things1 and a conscientious regard for all historical circumstances4 ,among the ,french writers of recent times who have devoted themselves to the task of the religious regeneration of the public mind1 no one possesses the above-named qualities in a higher1 or in so remarkable a degree1 as ,count ,maistre2 and yet of all the writers of this class1 he is the least open to the charge of promoting a passionate spirit of reaction2 and in my own opinion1 he must be entirely acquitted of such an imputation4 ,some more rhetorical defenders1 however1 of religion in ,france1 cannot certainly be entirely absolved from the charge of favouring this absolute and exaggerated spirit of re-action2 and so they unquestionably1 even more than their opponents1 injure the cause which they wish to defend4 ,but many imputations of this sort which party spirit has alleged1 are entirely without foundation2 as when the opposition in the country ,i speak of1 extends to the government1 and to all the different ministries since the ,restoration1 the charge of political absolutism1 and of a spirit of re-action2 every one must clearly see that no cause has really been given for such imputations4 ,and that in a country where the most hostile parties and all conceivable opinions are tolerated1 a small number of ,jesuits should partake of the general toleration1 is a circumstance that can excite blame1 jealousy and hypocritical alarm1 only in the breasts of men animated by the unjust and vindictive spirit of faction4 ,to the distant and impartial observer1 the greatest and most imminent danger to ,france appears to be a relapse to ,revolution by means of liberalism4#bd ,the dogmatic decision and definiteness of ,catholic faith on the one hand1 and the firmly rooted private convictions of ,protestantism on the other1 are very compatible with an historical judgment of historical events4 ,difficult as this may appear to the absolute spirit of our age1 it is this very historical impartiality which must prepare the way for the complete triumph of truth1 and the consummate glory of ,christianity4 ,and it is in this consists the great distinction between true toleration and the fatal indifferentism of our age1 and of the age immediately preceding4 ,true toleration is founded on the humble and consequently religious principle and firm hope1 that while one leaves in quiet what has already an historical existence1 ,god will conduct and arrange all things1 and bring them to their appointed end4 ,this is widely remote from that pretended equality of all religions1 provided they inculcate but a good morality--a system which strikes at the root of all religion4 ,intolerance1 on the other hand1 is grounded in the proud1 and therefore impious opinion1 that it can mould all things to what it fancies they ought to be1 without any regard to the limits of human weakness--and without reflecting that what is put down by outward force1 not unfrequently grows up in secret in an altered1 though still more dangerous1 form4 ,of this truth1 it would not be difficult to adduce many historical proofs4 ,in the absolute spirit of our age1 and in the absolute character of its factions1 there is a deep-rooted intellectual pride1 which is not so much personal or individual1 as social1 for it refers to the historical destiny of mankind1 and of this age in particular4 ,actuated by this pride1 a spirit exalted by moral energy1 or invested with external power1 fancies it can give a real existence to that which can only be the work of ,god3 as from him alone proceed all those mighty1 and real regenerations of the world1 among which ,christianity--a revolution in the high and divine sense of the word--occupies the first place2 and in these plastic moments1 every thing is possible that man can wish or dare to hope1 if in what he adds on his own part1 he mars not much in what the bounteous monarch of the universe1 from the overflowings of his ineffable love1 outpours upon his earth4 ,for the last three hundred years this human pride has been at work--a pride that wishes to originate events1 instead of humbly awaiting them1 and of resting contented with the place assigned to it among those events1 and of making the best and most charitable use of those circumstances which ,providence has decreed4 ,what ,i said before with regard to the ,reformation may be equally applied to the principle and period of ,illuminism4 ,the idea itself is perfectly blameless1 and it is unfair to pronounce on it an indiscriminate censure1 and to treat it as an unqualified abuse4 ,it was indeed but a very small portion of this illuminism of the eighteenth century1 that was really derived from the truths of ,christianity1 and the pure light of ,revelation4 ,the rest was the mere work of man1 consequently vain and empty1 or at least defective1 corrupt in parts1 and1 on the whole1 destitute of a solid foundation1 and therefore devoid of all permanent strength and duration4 ,but when once1 after the complete victory of truth1 the divine ,reformation shall appear2--then that human ,reformation1 which till now hath existed1 will sink to the ground1 and disappear from the world4 ,then by the universal triumph of ,christianity1 and the thorough religious regeneration of the age1 of the world1 and of governments themselves1 will dawn the era of a true ,christian ,illuminism4 ,this period is not perhaps so remote from our own1 as the natural indolence of the human mind1 which after every great occurrence1 loves to sink again into the death-sleep of ordinary life1 would be disposed to believe4 ,yet must this exalted religious hope--this high historical expectation be coupled with great apprehension1 as to the full display of divine justice in the world4 ,for how is such a religious regeneration possible1 until every species1 form1 and denomination of political idolatry be eradicated1 and entirely extirpated from the earth8 ,never was there a period that pointed so strongly1 so clearly1 so generally towards the future1 as our own4 ,on this account we should endeavour clearly and accurately to distinguish between what on the one hand man may by slow1 progressive1 but unweared exertions--by the pacific adjustment of all disputed points--and by the cultivation of his intellectual qualities1 contribute towards the great work of the religious regeneration of government and science--and what on the other hand he should look for in silent awe from a higher ,providence--from the new creative fiat of a last period of consummation1 unable as he is to produce or call it forth4 ,we are directed much more towards the future than towards the past2--but in order to comprehend in all its magnitude the problem of our age1 it sufficeth not that we should seek this social regeneration in the eighteenth century--an age in no respect entitled to praise--or in the reign of ,lewis the ,fourteenth1 and his times of false national glory4 ,the birth of ,christianity must be the great point of survey to which we must recur1 not to bring back1 or counterfeit the forms of ages past1 which are no longer applicable to our own2 but clearly to examine what has remained incomplete1 what has not yet been attained4 ,for unquestionably1 all that has been neglected in the earlier periods and stages of ,christian civilization1 must be made good in this true1 consummate regeneration of society4 ,if truth is to obtain a complete victory--if ,christianity is really to triumph on the earth--then must the state become ,christian1 and science become ,christian4 ,but these two objects have never been generally1 nor completely realized2 although during the many ages mankind have been ,christian1 they have struggled for the attainment of both2 and though this political struggle and this intellectual aspiration form the purport of modern history4 ,the ,roman ,empire1 even after the true religion had become predominant1 was too thoroughly and radically corrupt1 ever to form a truly ,christian state4 ,the sound1 unvitiated natural energy of the ,germanic nations1 seemed far better fitted for such a destiny1 after they had received from ,christianity a high religious consecration for this purpose4 ,there was1 if we may so speak1 in the interior of each state1 as well as in the general system of ,christendom1 a most magnificent foundation laid for a truly ,christian structure of government4 ,but this ground-work remained unfinished1 after the internal divisions in the state1 then the divisions between church and state1 and lastly1 the divisions in the church and in religion itself1 had interrupted the successful beginnings of a most glorious work4 ,the ecclesiastical writers of the first ages furnish a solid foundation for all the future labours of ,christian science2 but their science does not comprehend all the branches of human knowledge4 ,in the middle age1 undoubtedly1 this foundation of a ,christian science1 laid down by the early fathers1 was slowly prosecuted and in detail2 but on the whole1 many hurtful influences of the time had reduced science and speculation to a very low ebb1 when suddenly in the fifteenth century all the literary treasures of ancient ,greece1 and all the new discoveries in geography and physics1 were offered to philosophy4 ,scarcely had philosophy begun to examine these mighty stores of ancient and modern science1 in order to give them a ,christian form1 and to appropriate them to the use of religion and modern society1 when the world again broke out into disputes2 and this noble beginning of a ,christian philosophy was interrupted1 and has since remained an unfinished fragment for a later and a happier period4 ,such then is the two-fold problem of a real and complete regeneration which our age is called upon to solve2--on one hand1 the further extension of ,christian government1 and of ,catholic principles of legislation1 in opposition to the ,revolutionary spirit of the age1 and to the anti-,christian principle of government hitherto so exclusively prevalent2 and on the other hand the establishment of a ,christian philosophy1 or ,catholic science4 ,as ,i before characterized the political spirit of the eighteenth century by the term--,protestantism of state 7taking that word in a purely philosophic sense1 and not as a religious designation7--a system which found its one main support in an old ,catholic ,empire2#be and as ,i characterized the intellectual spirit of the same age by the term ,protestantism of science2--a science which made the greatest progress and exerted the widest influence in another#bf great ,catholic country2 systems in which nothing irreligious was originally intended1 but which became so by their too exclusive or negative bearing3 so ,i may here permit myself to say1 in like manner1 that the destiny of this age--the peculiar want of the nineteenth century1 is the establishment of those ,catholic principles of government1 and the general construction of a ,catholic system of science4 ,this expression is used in a mere scientific sense1 and refers to all that is positively and completely religious in thought and feeling4 ,in the certain conviction that this cannot be misunderstood in an exclusive or polemical sense1 ,i will expressly add that this foundation of ,catholic legislation for the future political existence of ,europe may be laid by one1 or more than one1 non-catholic power2 and that ,i even cherish the hope1 that it is our own ,germany1 one half whereof is ,protestant1 which more than any other country is destined to complete the fabric of ,catholic science1 and of a true ,christian philosophy in all the departments of human knowledge4 ,the religious hope of a true and complete regeneration of the age1 by a ,christian system of government and a ,christian system of science1 forms the conclusion to this ,philosophy of ,history4 ,the bond of a religious union between all the ,european states will be more closely knit1 and be more comprehensive1 in proportion as each nation advances in the work of its own religious regeneration1 and carefully avoids all relapse to the old revolutionary spirit--all worship of the false idols of mistaken freedom1 or illusive glory1 and rejects every other new form or species of political idolatry4 ,for it is the very nature of political idolatry to lead to the mutual destruction of parties1 and consequently it can never possess the elements of stability4 ,philosophy1 as it is the vivifying centre of all other sciences1 must be the principal concern and the highest object of the labours of ,christian science4 ,yet history1 which is so closely and so variously connected with religion1 must by no means be forgotten1 nor must historical research be separated from philosophic speculation4 ,on the contrary1 it is the religious spirit and views already pervading the combined efforts of historical learning and philosophic speculation1 that chiefly distinguish this new era of a better intellectual culture1 or as ,i should rather express myself1 this first stage of a return to the great religious restoration4 ,and ,i may venture to assert that this spirit1 at least in the present century1 has become ever more and more the prevailing characteristic of ,german science1 and on this science1 in its relation to the moral wants1 and spiritual calling of the nineteenth century1 ,i have now a few observations to make4 ,like an image reflected in a mirror1 or like those symptoms which precede and announce a crisis in human events1 the centre-point of all government1 or the religious basis of legislation1 is sure to be reflected in the whole mental culture1 or in the most remarkable intellectual productions of a nation4 ,in ,england1 the equilibrium of a constitution that combines in itself so many conflicting elements1 is reflected in its philosophy4 ,the revolutionary spirit was prevalent in the ,french literature of the eighteenth century long before it broke out in real life2 and the struggle is still very animated between the intellectual defenders and champions of the monarchical and religious ,restoration1 and of the newly awakened liberal opposition4 ,in like manner1 as the ,german people were1 and still are1 half ,catholic and half ,protestant1 it is religious peace which in all literature1 and particularly in philosophy1 forms the basis of their modern intellectual culture4 ,the mere sthetic part of ,german letters1 as regards art and poetry1--that artist-like enthusiasm peculiar to our nation--the struggles which convulsed the infancy of our literature--the successive imitation and rejection of the ,french and ,english models--the very general diffusion of classical learning--the newly enkindled love for our native speech1 and for the early history of our country1 and its elder monuments of art--all these are subjects of minor interest in the ,european point of view we here take1 and form but the prelude and introduction to that higher ,german science and philosophy1 which is now more immediately the subject of our enquiries4 ,historical research should never be separated from any philosophy1 still less from the ,german2 as historical erudition is the most effectual counterpoise to that absolute spirit1 so prevalent in ,german science and ,german speculation4 ,art and poetry constitute that department of intellect wherein every nation should mostly follow the impulse of its own spirit1 its own feelings1 and its own turn of fancy2 and we must regard it as an exception when the poetry of any particular nation1 7such1 for instance1 as that of the ,english at the present day71 is felt and received by other nations as an ,european poetry4 ,on the other hand1 history is a sort of intellectual common open to all ,european nations4 ,the ,english1 who in this department were ever so active and distinguished1 have1 in very recent times1 produced works on their own national history1 which really merit the name of classical monuments of the new religious restoration4 ,science in general1 and philosophy in particular1 should never be exclusive or national--should never be called ,english or ,german--but should be general and ,european4 ,and if this is not so entirely the case as in the nature of things it ought to be--we must ascribe it to the defects of particular forms4 ,of this truth the example of the ,french language may convince us2 for no one will deny the metaphysical profundity of ,count ,maistre1 or the dialectic perspicacity of the ,viscount ,de ,bonald4 ,although those absolute principles which appear to characterize the ,european nations at this time1 have much less influence on real life and on the social relations in ,germany than in any other country2 yet the false spirit of the absolute seems to be quite native to ,german science and philosophy2 and for a long period1 has been the principal cause which has cramped the religious spirit and feelings so natural to the ,german character1 or at least has given them a false direction4 ,with regard to religious opinions1 ,protestantism in ,germany has not been split into a multitude of new1 various1 and jarring sects1 as in other countries1 such as ,england1 ,holland1 and ,north ,america1 where it was exclusively or for the most part predominant2 for even the ,hernhutters were not properly a sect4 ,it is only very recently the ,pietists have formed themselves into a party opposed to the ,rationalists--but their doctrines are not sufficiently precise and determinate to constitute them a sect1 according to the proper signification of that word4 ,pietism consists rather in a deep1 though vague1 sentiment of religion1 and in a fusion of various and opposite religious views and doctrines4 ,undoubtedly this moral fusion of opinions1 as well as that outward complication of the interests and doctrines of ,catholicism and ,protestantism1 and of so many private views in matters of religion1 produced many wild and fanciful abortions peculiar to the age2 many pure idiosyncrasies among the ,protestants1 whether they made half advances towards the ,catholic church1 or pursued the opposite path of absolute individualism--or among the ,catholics still more monstrous amalgamations--,protestant or semi-,protestant innovations in doctrine aimed at by individuals--innovations which originated in the principles of ,illuminism1 and were countenanced by the well-known policy of certain sovereigns4 ,much as we may feel disposed1 or are even bound to oppose with all our might1 such moral abortions1 when the question regards their practical operation--yet ,i do not think we ought to pronounce an absolutely unfavourable judgment on their general intellectual tendency4 ,the real primary evil of the eighteenth century--an utter indifference for all religious doctrines and concerns1--the dangerous spirit of complete indifferentism1 from whose contagion many purely ,catholic countries did not escape1 took less strong hold in ,germany1 and obtained less general diffusion than in any other country4 ,a deep1 indelible religious feeling still continued to characterize the ,german nation1 and to give a tone to its philosophical speculations4 ,we should not pay too much attention to some transient and partial paradoxes3--,i well recollect the words of an old1 very experienced1 pious1 and enlightened ecclesiastic1 who well understood the ,german character1 and who used to say2 ,if we don't give a religion to the ,germans1 they will make one out for themselves4 ,even in the greatest errors of their philosophy1 a certain religious bearing and tendency can easily be pointed out4 ,however in a country like ,germany1 where religious opinions and interests are so various and so intermixed1 a long time must elapse before a profound philosophy1 which would satisfy these yearnings of religious desire1 can attain its full moral developement1 or assume a clear outward tangible form4 ,if ,i before said of the ,english1 in reference to the struggle going on between the conflicting elements of their government--a struggle which in one form or other every great ,european nation has to settle in its own interior1 and to bring to a successful issue--that it would appear by many expressions in their parliamentary proceedings1 from those in particular at the head of affairs1 and who are best acquainted with them1 that a secret self-apprehension besets the minds of ,english politicians2--so ,i may now say of our ,german nation1 among whom the conflict lies principally1 or more immediately in the sphere of religion and philosophy2 that more than all other nations the ,germans are destitute of self-knowledge and of mutual concord2 and the cause of this must be sought for in the unfulfilment of their religious and philosophical destiny1 and in the yet unallayed discord between opposite elements of faith and various systems of science4 ,in the first period of ,german literature1 the ,protestants had quite the preponderance2 but since then1 the balance1 at least in science1 has been completely restored4 ,i speak here of internal religious principles1 and not of outward confessions of faith1 which cannot be made the criterion for a philosophic classification4 ,for otherwise by descending into details1 ,i might cite1 among the few quite irreligious organs of ,german philosophy1 some writers 7happily rare exceptions7 who belonged to ,catholic ,germany2 and on the other hand1 among those foremost and most distinguished in reviving the pure ,platonic philosophy1 and whose profound religious conceptions have given quite a ,christian form to natural philosophy itself1 ,i might adduce the names of men who were members of the ,protestant church4 ,philosophy itself has not to determine1 nor to illustrate religious dogmas1 nor does it stand in immediate connection with them4 ,the main point to which ,i wish to direct attention1 and which is necessary to render philosophy ,christian2 is that an internal harmony or unison should be preserved between faith and science2 next that the principle of divine revelation should be regarded as the basis1 not only of theology but of every other science2 and lastly1 that even nature herself should be studied and investigated by this high religious light1 and thus made to receive from science a new and transparent lustre4 ,the modern ,german philosophy even in its infancy1 when it was yet pretty closely allied to the ,english school1 and mostly started with the same problems 7though it gave to these a deeper and a wider solution71 aimed at this harmony between faith and science4 ,it understood both indeed in the very limited sense of a mere faith of reason and science of reason1 influenced as it was by the ,rationalism then so generally diffused1 not only in ,protestant but even in ,catholic countries1 and notably in ,catholic ,germany4 ,but at the same time other profound thinkers sought another and higher foundation for philosophy in the idea of revelation2 a revelation which some understood in a mere general and speculative1 though not irreligious1 sense--and others in the ,christian sense of positive faith and pious feeling4 ,the capital vice of ,german philosophy is the absolute--the philosophic reflection of the general vice of the spirit of the age1 which exerts an absolute influence on life itself--whether this vice of ,german philosophy assume the form of the absolute ego1#bg or that of the ,pantheistic naturalism1#bh or that of absolute reason4#bi ,it is this which originally gave to the natural philosophy of the ,germans a false ,pantheistic direction1 for the real materialism which has found so many advocates among the ,french ,naturalists1 has from the very ideal tendency of the ,german mind1 experienced little favour in ,germany4 ,yet this foreign influence was not of long continuance--,german physics became deeply imbued with a religious spirit1 and the ,german natural philosophy is now in the hands of its first representatives decidedly ,christian4 ,and this progress in the great work of the religious regeneration of science1 ,i must consider as the noblest triumph of genius1 for it is precisely in the department of physics the problem was the most difficult2 and all that rich and boundless treasure of new discoveries in nature1 which are ever better understood when viewed in connection with the high truths of religion1 must be looked upon as the property of ,christian science4 ,the various systems of philosophic ,rationalism1 mutually subversive1 as they are1 of each other1 will fall to the ground1 and the vulgar ,rationalism which is but an emanation of the higher1 and which still prevails in some particular schools1 and in many of the lower walks of ,german literature1 will finally disappear2 in proportion as ,german philosophy becomes imbued with the spirit of religion1 and ,german science becomes thoroughly ,christian1 or ,catholic4 ,in the firm hope that this will certainly happen1 ,i have given publicity to these first essays of a philosophy ,i had long in secret prepared2 and of which the first part1 the ,philosophy of ,life1 treats of consciousness1 or of the inward man3 the second1 this ,philosophy of ,history1 which ,i now have here brought to a close1 considers the outward man1 or the progress of states and nations through all ages of the world4 ,that in this progress of mankind1 a divine ,hand and conducting ,providence are clearly discernible2 that earthly and visible power has not alone co-operated in this progress1 and in the opposition which has impeded it2 but that the struggle has been in part carried on under divine1 and against invisible might2--is a truth1 ,i trust1 which if not proved to mathematical evidence1 7an evidence here neither appropriate nor applicable71 has still been substantiated on firm and solid grounds4 ,we may conclude our work1 by a retrospective view of society1 considered in reference to that invisible world and higher region1 from which the operations of this visible world proceed1 in which its great destinies have their root1 and which is the ultimate and highest term of all its movements4 ,christianity is the emancipation of the human race from the bondage of that inimical spirit1 who denies ,god1 and1 as far as in him lies1 leads all created intelligences astray4 ,hence the ,scripture styles him1 the ,prince of this world2 and so he was in fact1 but in ancient history only1 when among all the nations of the earth1 and amid the pomp of martial glory1 and the splendour of ,pagan life1 he had established the throne of his domination4 ,since this divine era in the history of man1 since the commencement of his emancipation in modern times1 this spirit can no longer be called the prince of this world1 but the spirit of time1 the spirit opposed to divine influence1 and to the ,christian religion1 apparent in those who consider and estimate time and all things temporal1 not by the law and feeling of eternity1 but for temporal interests or from temporal motives1 change1 or undervalue1 and forget the thoughts and faith of eternity4 ,in the first ages of the ,christian church1 this spirit of time appeared as a beguiling sectarian spirit4 ,this spirit obtained its highest triumph in the new and false faith of a fanatic ,unitarianism1 utterly opposed to the religion of love1 and which severed from ,christianity so large a portion of the ,eastern church1 and whole regions of ,asia4 ,in the middle ages this spirit displayed itself1 not so much in hostile sects1 as in scholastic disputes1 in divisions between church and state1 and in the internal disorders of both4 ,at the commencement of the new era of the world1 the spirit of time claimed as an urgent want of mankind1 full freedom of faith2 a claim of which the immediate consequence was only a bloody warfare1 and a fatal struggle of life and death protracted beyond a century4 ,when this struggle was terminated1 or rather appeased1 it was succeeded by an utter indifference for all religions1 provided only their morality were good2 and the spirit of time proclaimed religious indifferentism1 as the order of the day4 ,this apparent calm was followed by the revolutionary tempest1 and now that this has passed away1 the spirit of time has in our days become absolute--that is to say1 it has perverted reason to party--passion1 or exalted passion1 to the place of reason2 and this is the existing form and last metamorphosis of the old evil spirit of time4 ,turning now to that ,divine aid which has supported mankind in their ever-enduring struggle against their own infirmities1 against all the obstacles of nature1 and natural circumstances1 and against the opposition of the evil spirit2 ,i have endeavoured to shew1 that in the first thousand years of ,primitive ,history1 ,divine ,revelation1 although preserved in its native purity but in the one original source1 still flowed in copious streams through the religious traditions of the other great nations of that pristine epoch2 and that troubled as the current might be by the admixture of many errors1 yet was it easy to trace it in the midst of this slime and pollution1 to its pure and sacred source4 ,and with such a belief must commence every religious view of universal history4 ,and it is only with this religious belief1 and perception of the traces of divine revelation1 we can rightly comprehend and judge this primitive epoch of history4 ,we shall prize with deeper1 more earnest1 and more solid affection1 the great and divine era of man's redemption and emancipation 7occurring as it does in the middle-point of human history71 the more accurately we discriminate between what is essentially divine and unchangeably eternal in this revelation of love1 and the elements of destruction which man has opposed thereto1 or intermingled therewith4 ,and it is only in the spirit of love1 the history of ,christian times can be rightly understood and accurately judged4 ,in later ages1 when the spirit of discord has triumphed over love1 historical hope is our only remaining clue in the labyrinth of history4 ,it is only with sentiments of grateful admiration1 of amazement1 and awe1 we trace in the special dispensations of providence1 for the advancement of ,christianity and the progress of modern society1 the wonderful concurrence of events towards the single object of divine love1 or the unexpected exercise of divine justice long delayed2 such as ,i have in the proper places endeavoured to point out4 ,with this faith in ,primitive ,revelation1 and in the glorious consummation of ,christian love1 ,i cannot better conclude this ,philosophy of ,history1 than with the religious hope ,i have more than once expressed1 and which is more particularly applicable to these times--the dawn of an approaching era3--that by the thorough religious regeneration of the state1 and of science1 the cause of ,god and ,christianity may obtain a complete triumph on the earth4 #bj ,what a melancholy foreboding is contained in these words6--,trans4 #ba ,austria4 #bb ,prussia4 #bc ,schlegel here conveys an indirect censure on the ,prussian government1 for some acts of an intolerant nature towards its ,catholic subjects4--,trans4 #bd ,this was spoken exactly two years before the ,french ,revolution of ,july1 #ahcj4--,trans4 #be ,austria4 #bf ,france4 #bg ,schlegel alludes to the philosophy of ,fichte1 which was an ideal subjective ,pantheism4 #bh ,the author here alludes to the philosophy of ,schelling1 which was more a material and objective ,pantheism1 not unlike the system of ,spinoza4 #bi ,this last expression contains1 ,i believe1 an allusion to the philosophy of ,hegel4--,trans4 ,,finis4 ,b4 ,,bensley1 ,,printer4 ,transcriber's ,note3 ,footnotes were renumbered sequentially and moved to the end of the lecture in which the related anchor appears4 ,words in italics are surrounded by underscores1 like this4 ,the items listed below were considered printer's errors and were corrected as noted4 ,obsolete and archaic words and other spelling errors were not changed4 ,unprinted periods were added at end of sentences and abbreviations4 deleted duplicate 'being' 444 hope of being able 444 ',seuvi' to ',suevi' 444 those of the ,suevi and the ,saxons1444 'vegetion' to 'vegetation' 444 and blooming vegetation spread 444 ',asyrian' to ',assyrian' 444 the ,assyrian ,venus 444 'decended' to 'descended' 444 light had descended 444 capitalized ',latin' 444 barbarous ,latin1444 'and' to 'a' 444 firmly to establish a new model society 444 moved comma inside close parenthesis 444 of despotism17 will 444 'goverment' to 'government' 444 the ,christian government 444 two instances of ',charlemange' to ',charlemagne' 'constition' to 'constitution' 444peculiar nature and constitution 444 'aud' to 'and' 444 and so active was their 444 ',christain' to ',christian' 444 manners and ,christian institutions2444 removed hyphen from 'party-strife' 444 a watch-word for party strife 444 'ecclesiastal' to ecclesiastical' 444 ecclesiastical excommunication 444 'althongh' to 'although' 444 although that idolatry1444 'inteterests' to 'interests' 444 complication of the interests 444 'harmouy' to 'harmony' 444 aimed at this harmony between 444 ,footnote #f1 added open quote to beginning of second paragraph4 capitalized ',systema' 444 ,systema ,theologicum of ,leibnitz1444