,,transcriber',s ,,note ,this is ,volume #c of a #c-volume set4 ,the other two volumes are also ,italic text is denoted by underscores4 ,obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources4 ,more detail can be found at the end of the book4 ,the ,,works ,of ,,benjamin ,,franklin1 ,l4,l4,d4 ,,vol4 #c4 ,illustration3 7,stalker ,sculptor47 ,,printed1 for ,longman1 ,hurst1 ,rees ,orme1 ,paternoster ,row1 ,london4 ,,the ,,complete ,,works1 ,,in ,,philosophy1 ,,politics1 ,,and ,,morals1 ,,of ,,the ,,late ,,dr4 ,,benjamin ,,franklin1 ,,now ,,first ,,collected ,,and ,,arranged3 ,,with ,,memoirs ,,of ,,his ,,early ,,life1 ,,written ,,by ,,himself4 ,,in ,,three ,,volumes4 ,,vol4 ,,iii4 ,london3 ,,printed ,,for ,j4 ,,johnson1 ,,st4 ,,paul',s ,,church-,,yard2 ,,and ,,longman1 ,,hurst1 ,,rees1 ,,and ,,orme1 ,,paternoster-,,row4 #ahjf4 ,,james ,,cundee1 ,,printer1 ,,london4 ,,contents4 ,,vol4 ,,iii4 ,,papers ,,on ,,american ,,subjects ,,before ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,troubles4 ,page4 ,albany papers2 containing1 ,i4 reasons and motives on which the plan of union for the colonies was formed2--,,ii4 reasons against partial unions2--,,iii4 and the plan of union drawn by ,b4 ,f4 and unanimously agreed to by the commissioners from ,new ,hampshire1 ,massachusett's ,bay1 ,rhode ,island1 ,new ,jersey1 ,maryland1 and ,pensylvania1 met in congress at ,albany1 in ,july #aged1 to consider of the best means of defending the king's dominions in ,america1 c4 a war being then apprehended2 with the reasons or motives for each article of the plan #c ,albany papers continued4 ,i4 letter to ,governor ,shirley1 concerning the imposition of direct taxes upon the colonies1 without their consent #cj ,,ii4 ,letter to the same2 concerning direct taxes in the colonies imposed without consent1 indirect taxes1 and the ,albany plan of union #ca ,,iii4 ,letter to the same1 on the subject of uniting the colonies more intimately with ,great ,britain1 by allowing them representatives in parliament #cg ,plan for settling two ,western colonies in ,north ,america1 with reasons for the plan1 #aged #da ,report of the committee of aggrievances of the assembly of ,pensylvania1 dated ,feb4 #bb1 #ageg #ej ,an historical review of the constitution and government of ,pensylvania1 from its origin2 so far as regards the several points of controversy which have1 from time to time1 arisen between the several governors of that province1 and their several assemblies4 ,founded on authentic documents #ei ,the interest of ,great ,britain considered1 with regard to her colonies1 and the acquisitions of ,canada and ,guadaloupe #hi ,remarks and facts relative to the ,american paper-money #add ,to the freemen of ,pensylvania1 on the subject of a particular militia-bill1 rejected by the proprietor's deputy or governor #aeg ,preface by a member of the ,pensylvanian assembly 7,dr4 ,franklin7 to the speech of ,joseph ,galloway1 ,esq4 one of the members for ,philadelphia county2 in answer to the speech of ,john ,dickinson1 ,esq4 delivered in the house of the assembly of the province of ,pensylvania1 ,may #bd1 #agfd1 on occasion of a petition drawn up by order1 and then under the consideration of the house1 praying his majesty for a royal1 in lieu of a proprietary government #afc ,remarks on a late protest against the appointment of ,mr4 ,franklin as agent for this province 7of ,pensylvania7 #bjc ,remarks on a plan for the future management of ,indian affairs #baf ,,papers ,,on ,,american ,,subjects ,,during ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,troubles4 ,causes of the ,american discontents before #agfh #bbe ,letter concerning the gratitude of ,america1 and the probability and effects of an union with ,great ,britain2 and concerning the repeal or suspension of the stamp act #bci ,letter from ,governor ,pownall to ,dr4 ,franklin1 concerning an equal communication of rights1 privileges1 c4 to ,america by ,great ,britain #bdc ,minutes to the foregoing1 by ,dr4 ,franklin #bdd ,the examination of ,dr4 ,franklin before the ,english house of commons1 in ,february1 #agff1 relative to the repeal of the ,american stamp act #bde ,attempts of ,dr4 ,franklin for conciliation of ,great ,britain with the colonies #bhf ,queries from ,mr4 ,strahan #bhg ,answer to the preceding queries #bij ,state of the constitution of the colonies1 by ,governor ,pownall2 with remarks by ,dr4 ,franklin #bii ,concerning the dissentions between ,england and ,america #caj ,a ,prussian edict1 assuming claims over ,britain #caa ,preface by the ,british editor 7,dr4 ,franklin7 to ,the votes and proceedings of the freeholders1 and other inhabitants of the town of ,boston1 in town-meeting assembled according to law 7published by order of the town71 c4 #cag ,account of governor ,hutchinson's letters #cbb ,rules for reducing a great empire to a small one1 presented to a late minister1 when he entered upon his administration #ccd ,state of ,america on ,dr4 ,franklin's arrival there #cdf ,proposed vindication and offer from congress to parliament1 in #agge #cdg ,reprobation of ,mr4 ,strahan's parliamentary conduct #ced ,conciliation hopeless from the conduct of ,great ,britain to ,america #cee ,account of the first campaign made by the ,british forces in ,america #ceg ,probability of a separation #ceh ,letter to ,monsieur ,dumas1 urging him to sound the several courts of ,europe1 by means of their ambassadors at the ,hague1 as to any assistance they may be disposed to afford ,america in her struggle for independence #cfj ,letter from ,lord ,howe to ,dr4 ,franklin #cfe ,dr4 ,franklin's answer to ,lord ,howe #cfg ,comparison of ,great ,britain and ,america as to credit1 in #aggg #cgb ,,papers1 ,,descriptive ,,of ,,america1 ,,or ,,relating ,,to ,,that ,,country1 ,,written ,,subsequent ,,to ,,the ,,revolution4 ,remarks concerning the savages of ,north ,america #chc ,the internal state of ,america2 being a true description of the interest and policy of that vast continent #cia ,information to those who would remove to ,america #cih ,concerning new settlements in ,america #dji ,a comparison of the conduct of the ancient ,jews1 and of the ,antifederalists in the ,united ,states of ,america #daj ,final speech of ,dr4 ,franklin in the late federal convention #daf ,,papers ,,on ,,moral ,,subjects ,,and ,,the ,,economy ,,of ,,life4 ,the busy-body #dba ,the way to wealth1 as clearly shown in the preface of an old ,pensylvania almanack1 intitled1 ,poor ,richard ,improved #dec ,advice to a young tradesman #dfc ,necessary hints to those that would be rich #dff ,the way to make money plenty in every man's pocket #dfg ,new mode of lending money #dfh ,an economical project #dfi ,on early marriages #dge ,effect of early impressions on the mind #dgh ,the whistle #dhj ,a petition to those who have the superintendency of education #dhc ,the handsome and deformed leg #dhe ,morals of chess #dhh ,the art of procuring pleasant dreams #dic ,dialogue between ,franklin and the gout #dii ,on the death of relatives #ejg ,the ephemera an emblem of human life #ejh ,,appendix1 ,,no4 ,i4--,,containing ,,papers ,,proper ,,for ,,insertion1 ,,but ,,omitted ,,in ,,the ,,preceding ,,volumes4 ,letter to ,sir ,hans ,sloane #eac ,letter to ,michael ,collinson1 ,esq4 #ead ,letter respecting captain ,cook #eae ,an address to the public1 from the ,pensylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery1 and the relief of free negroes1 unlawfully held in bondage #eag ,plan for improving the condition of the free blacks #eai ,paper3 a poem #ebc ,plain truth2 or1 serious considerations on the present state of the city of ,philadelphia1 and province of ,pensylvania #ebd ,four letters to ,mr4 ,whetley #edc99 ,,appendix1 ,,no4 ,,ii4--,,containing ,,letters ,,by ,,several ,,eminent ,,persons1 ,,illustrative ,,of ,,dr4 ,,franklin',s ,,manners ,,and ,,character4 ,letter from the late ,dr4 ,price to a gentleman in ,america #edc ,letter from ,mr4 ,thomas ,jefferson to the late ,dr4 ,william ,smith1 of ,philadelphia #ede ,letter from the late ,dr4 ,joseph ,priestly #edg ,,errata4 ,page4 ,line4 #bd #h from the bottom3 for ,,day1 read ,,lay4 #ci #f1 for iuppose1 read suppose4 #fj #e from the bottom3 for ,cruger1 read ,stuber4 #ddi #g from the bottom3 for ,,pleiads1 read ,,pleiades4 ,,papers ,,on ,,american ,,subjects ,,before ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,troubles4 ,the papers under the present head1 of ,american ,politics before the ,troubles1 in the volume of ,dr4 ,franklin's works1 printed for ,johnson in #agii1 from which they are nearly all taken1 were divided into two parts1 as if distinct from each other1 viz4 ,papers on ,american ,subjects before the ,troubles2 and ,papers on ,subjects of ,provincial ,politics4 ,as we can see no grounds for this distinction1 we have brought them together1 and have placed them in the order of their dates1 conceiving such to be the natural order of papers furnishing materials for history4 ,,papers ,,on ,,american ,,subjects1 ,,before ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,troubles4 ,,albany ,,papers4 ,containing1 ,i4 ,reasons and ,motives on which the ,,plan of ,,union for the ,,colonies was formed2--,,ii4 ,reasons against partial ,unions2--,,iii4 ,and the ,plan of ,union drawn by ,b4 ,f4 and unanimously agreed to by the ,commissioners from ,new ,hampshire1 ,massachusett's ,bay1 ,rhode ,island1 ,new ,jersey1 ,maryland1 and ,pensylvania#a1 met in ,congress at ,albany1 in ,july #aged1 to consider of the best ,means of defending the ,king's ,dominions in ,america1 c4 a ,war being then apprehended2 with the ,reasons or ,motives for each ,article of the ,plan4 ,b4 ,f4 was one of the four commissioners from ,pensylvania#b4 ,i4 ,reasons and ,motives on which the ,plan of ,union was formed4 ,the commissioners from a number of the northern colonies being met at ,albany1 and considering the difficulties that have always attended the most necessary general measures for the common defence1 or for the annoyance of the enemy1 when they were to be carried through the several particular assemblies of all the colonies2 some assemblies being before at variance with their governors or councils1 and the several branches of the government not on terms of doing business with each other2 others taking the opportunity1 when their concurrence is wanted1 to push for favourite laws1 powers1 or points1 that they think could not at other times be obtained1 and so creating disputes and quarrels2 one assembly waiting to see what another will do1 being afraid of doing more than its share1 or desirous of doing less2 or refusing to do any thing1 because its country is not at present so much exposed as others1 or because another will reap more immediate advantage2 from one or other of which causes1 the assemblies of six 7out of seven7 colonies applied to1 had granted no assistance to ,virginia1 when lately invaded by the ,french1 though purposely convened1 and the importance of the occasion earnestly urged upon them2 considering moreover1 that one principal encouragement to the ,french1 in invading and insulting the ,british ,american dominions1 was their knowledge of our disunited state1 and of our weakness arising from such want of union2 and that from hence different colonies were1 at different times1 extremely harassed1 and put to great expence both of blood and treasure1 who would have remained in peace1 if the enemy had had cause to fear the drawing on themselves the resentment and power of the whole2 the said commissioners1 considering also the present incroachments of the ,french1 and the mischievous consequences that may be expected from them1 if not opposed with our force1 came to an unanimous resolution1--,that an union of the colonies is absolutely necessary for their preservation4 ,the manner of forming and establishing this union was the next point4 ,when it was considered1 that the colonies were seldom all in equal danger at the same time1 or equally near the danger1 or equally sensible of it2 that some of them had particular interests to manage1 with which an union might interfere2 and that they were extremely jealous of each other2 it was thought impracticable to obtain a joint agreement of all the colonies to an union1 in which the expence and burthen of defending any of them should be divided among them all2 and if ever acts of assembly in all the colonies could be obtained for that purpose1 yet as any colony1 on the least dissatisfaction1 might repeal its own act and thereby withdraw itself from the union1 it would not be a stable one1 or such as could be depended on3 for if only one colony should1 on any disgust withdraw itself1 others might think it unjust and unequal that they1 by continuing in the union1 should be at the expence of defending a colony1 which refused to bear its proportionable part1 and would therefore one after another1 withdraw1 till the whole crumbled into its original parts4 ,therefore the commissioners came to another previous resolution1 viz4 ,that it was necessary the union should be established by act of parliament4 ,they then proceeded to sketch out a plan of union1 which they did in a plain and concise manner1 just sufficient to show their sentiments of the kind of union that would best suit the circumstances of the colonies1 be most agreeable to the people1 and most effectually promote his majesty's service and the general interest of the ,british empire4 ,this was respectfully sent to the assemblies of the several colonies for their consideration1 and to receive such alterations and improvements as they should think fit and necessary2 after which it was proposed to be transmitted to ,england to be perfected1 and the establishment of it there humbly solicited4 ,this was as much as the commissioners could do#c4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,ii4 ,reasons against partial ,unions4 ,it was proposed by some of the commissioners1 to form the colonies into two or three distinct unions2 but for these reasons that proposal was dropped even by those that made it3 viz4 #a4 ,in all cases where the strength of the whole was necessary to be used against the enemy1 there would be the same difficulty in degree1 to bring the several unions to unite together1 as now the several colonies2 and consequently the same delays on our part and advantage to the enemy4 #b4 ,each union would separately be weaker than when joined by the whole1 obliged to exert more force1 be oppressed by the expence1 and the enemy less deterred from attacking it4 #c4 ,where particular colonies have selfish views1 as ,new ,york with regard to ,indian trade and lands2 or are less exposed1 being covered by others1 as ,new ,jersey1 ,rhode ,island1 ,connecticut1 ,maryland2 or have particular whims and prejudices against warlike measures in general1 as ,pensylvania1 where the ,quakers predominate2 such colonies would have more weight in a partial union1 and be better able to oppose and obstruct the measures necessary for the general good1 than where they are swallowed up in the general union4 #d4 ,the ,indian trade would be better regulated by the union of the whole than by partial unions4 ,and as ,canada is chiefly supported by that trade1 if it could be drawn into the hands of the ,english 7as it might be if the ,indians were supplied on moderate terms1 and by honest traders appointed by and acting for the public7 that alone would contribute greatly to the weakening of our enemies4 #e4 ,the establishing of new colonies westward on the ,ohio and the lakes 7a matter of considerable importance to the increase of ,british trade and power1 to the breaking that of the ,french1 and to the protection and security of our present colonies17 would best be carried on by a joint union4 #f4 ,it was also thought1 that by the frequent meetings-together of commissioners or representatives from all the colonies1 the circumstances of the whole would be better known1 and the good of the whole better provided for2 and that the colonies would by this connection learn to consider themselves1 not as so many independent states1 but as members of the same body2 and thence be more ready to afford assistance and support to each other1 and to make diversions in favour even of the most distant1 and to join cordially in any expedition for the benefit of all against the common enemy4 ,these were the principal reasons and motives for forming the plan of union as it stands4 ,to which may be added this1 that as the union of the 99999999999999 ,the remainder of this article is lost4 ,,iii4 ,plan of a proposed ,union of the several ,colonies of ,massachusett's ,bay1 ,new ,hampshire1 ,connecticut1 ,rhode ,island1 ,new ,york1 ,new ,jersey1 ,pensylvania1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 and ,south ,carolina1 for their mutual ,defence and ,security1 and for extending the ,british ,settlements in ,north ,america1 with the ,reasons and ,motives for each ,article of the ,plan as far as could be remembered4 ,it is proposed--,that humble application be made for an act of parliament of ,great ,britain1 by virtue of which one general government may be formed in ,america1 including all the said colonies1 within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution1 except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act1 as hereafter follows#d4 ,,president ,,general1 ,,and ,,grand ,,council4 ,that the said general government be administered by a president general1 to be appointed and supported by the crown2 and a grand council1 to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies met in their respective assemblies4 ,it was thought that it would be best the president general should be supported as well as appointed by the crown2 that so all disputes between him and the grand council concerning his salary might be prevented2 as such disputes have been frequently of mischievous consequence in particular colonies1 especially in time of public danger4 ,the quit-rents of crown-lands in ,america might in a short time be sufficient for this purpose4--,the choice of members for the grand council is placed in the house of representatives of each government1 in order to give the people a share in this new general government1 as the crown has its share by the appointment of the president-general4 ,but it being proposed by the gentlemen of the council of ,new ,york1 and some other counsellors among the ,commissioners1 to alter the plan in this particular1 and to give the governors and council of the several provinces a share in the choice of the grand council1 or at least a power of approving and confirming or of disallowing the choice made by the house of representatives1 it was said3 ,that the government or constitution proposed to be formed by the plan1 consists of two branches2 a president general appointed by the crown1 and a council chosen by the people1 or by the people's representatives1 which is the same thing4 ,that by a subsequent article1 the council chosen by the people can effect nothing without the consent of the president general appointed by the crown2 the crown possesses therefore full one half of the power of this constitution4 ,that in the ,british constitution1 the crown is supposed to possess but one third1 the lords having their share4 ,that this constitution seemed rather more favorable for the crown4 ,that it is essential1 to ,english liberty1 that the subject should not be taxed but by his own consent1 or the consent of his elected representatives4 ,that taxes to be laid and levied by this proposed constitution will be proposed and agreed to by the representatives of the people1 if the plan in this particular be preserved3 ,but if the proposed alteration should take place1 it seemed as if matters may be so managed1 as that the crown shall finally have the appointment not only of the president general1 but of a majority of the grand council2 for seven out of eleven governors and councils are appointed by the crown3 ,and so the people in all the colonies would in effect be taxed by their governors4 ,it was therefore apprehended1 that such alterations of the plan would give great dissatisfaction1 and that the colonies could not be easy under such a power in governors1 and such an infringement of what they take to be ,english liberty4 ,besides1 the giving a share in the choice of the grand council would not be equal with respect to all the colonies1 as their constitutions differ4 ,in some1 both governor and council are appointed by the crown4 ,in others1 they are both appointed by the proprietors4 ,in some1 the people have a share in the choice of the council2 in others1 both government and council are wholly chosen by the people4 ,but the house of representatives is every where chosen by the people2 and therefore1 placing the right of choosing the grand council in the representatives is equal with respect to all4 ,that the grand council is intended to represent all the several houses of representatives of the colonies1 as a house of representatives doth the several towns or counties of a colony4 ,could all the people of a colony be consulted and unite in public measures1 a house of representatives would be needless3 and could all the assemblies conveniently consult and unite in general measures1 the grand council would be unnecessary4 ,that a house of commons or the house of representatives1 and the grand council1 are thus alike in their nature and intention4 ,and as it would seem improper that the king or house of lords should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the house of commons2--so likewise1 that a governor and council appointed by the crown should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the grand council 7who1 in this constitution1 are to be the representatives of the people47 ,if the governors and councils therefore were to have a share in the choice of any that are to conduct this general government1 it should seem more proper that they chose the president-general4 ,but this being an office of great trust and importance to the nation1 it was thought better to be filled by the immediate appointment of the crown4 ,the power proposed to be given by the plan to the grand council is only a concentration of the powers of the several assemblies in certain points for the general welfare2 as the power of the president general1 is of the powers of the several governors in the same points4 ,and as the choice therefore of the grand council by the representatives of the people1 neither gives the people any new powers1 nor diminishes the power of the crown1 it was thought and hoped the crown would not disapprove of it4 ,upon the whole1 the commissioners were of opinion1 that the choice was most properly placed in the representatives of the people4 ,,election ,,of ,,members4 ,that within months after the passing such act1 the house of representatives1 that happen to be sitting within that time1 or that shall be especially for that purpose convened1 may and shall choose members for the grand council1 in the following proportion1 that is to say1 ,massachussett's ,bay #g ,new ,hampshire #b ,connecticut #e ,rhode ,island #b ,new ,york #d ,new ,jerseys #c ,pennsylvania #f ,maryland #d ,virginia #g ,north ,carolina #d ,south ,carolina #d ---- #dh ,it was thought1 that if the least colony was allowed two1 and the others in proportion1 the number would be very great and the expence heavy2 and that less than two would not be convenient1 as a single person1 being by any accident prevented appearing at the meeting1 the colony he ought to appear for would not be represented4 ,that as the choice was not immediately popular1 they would be generally men of good abilities for business1 and men of reputation for integrity2 and that forty-eight such men might be a number sufficient4 ,but1 though it was thought reasonable1 that each colony should have a share in the representative body in some degree1 according to the proportion it contributed to the general treasury3 yet the proportion of wealth or power of the colonies is not to be judged by the proportion here fixed2 because it was at first agreed1 that the greatest colony should not have more than seven members1 nor the least less than two3 and the settling these proportions between these two extremes was not nicely attended to1 as it would find itself1 after the first election from the sums brought into the treasury1 as by a subsequent article4 ,,place ,,of ,,first ,,meeting4 --who shall meet for the first time at the city of ,philadelphia ,pensylvania1 being called by the president-general as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment4 ,philadelphia was named as being the nearer the centre of the colonies1 where the commissioners would be well and cheaply accommodated4 ,the high-roads1 through the whole extent1 are for the most part very good1 in which forty or fifty miles a day may very well be and frequently are travelled4 ,great part of the way may likewise he gone by water4 ,in summer time1 the passages are frequently performed in a week from ,charles ,town to ,philadelphia and ,new ,york2 and from ,rhode ,island to ,new ,york through the ,sound1 in two or three days2 and from ,new ,york to ,philadelphia1 by water and land1 in two days1 by stage boats and wheel-carriages that set out every other day4 ,the journey from ,charles ,town to ,philadelphia may likewise be facilitated by boats running up ,chesapeak ,bay three hundred miles4 ,but if the whole journey be performed on horseback1 the most distant members 7viz4 the two from ,new ,hampshire and from ,south ,carolina7 may probably render themselves at ,philadelphia in fifteen or twenty days2 the majority may be there in much less time4 ,,new ,,election4 ,that there shall be a new election of the members of the grand council every three years2 and on the death or resignation of any member1 his place shall be supplied by a new choice at the next silting of the assembly of the colony he represented4 ,some colonies have annual assemblies1 some continue during a governor's pleasure2 three years was thought a reasonable medium1 as affording a new member time to improve himself in the business1 and to act after such improvement2 and yet giving opportunities1 frequent enough1 to change him1 if he has misbehaved4 ,,proportion ,,of ,,members ,,after ,,the ,,first ,,three ,,years4 ,that after the first three years1 when the proportion of money arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be known1 the number of members to be chosen for each colony shall from time to time1 in all ensuing elections1 be regulated by that proportion 7yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more than seven1 nor less than two47 ,by a subsequent article it is proposed1 that the general council shall lay and levy such general duties1 as to them may appear most equal and least burthensome1 c4 ,suppose1 for instance1 they lay a small duty or excise on some commodity imported into or made in the colonies1 and pretty generally and equally used in all of them2 as rum perhaps1 or wine2 the yearly produce of this duty or excise1 if fairly collected1 would be in some colonies greater1 in others less1 as the colonies are greater or smaller4 ,when the collector's accounts are brought in1 the proportions will appear2 and from them it is proposed to regulate the proportion of representatives to be chosen at the next general election1 within the limits however of seven and two4 ,these numbers may therefore vary in course of years1 as the colonies may in the growth and increase of people4 ,and thus the quota of tax from each colony would naturally vary with its circumstances2 thereby preventing all disputes and dissatisfactions about the just proportions due from each2 which might otherwise produce pernicious consequences1 and destroy the harmony and good agreement that ought to subsist between the several parts of the union4 ,,meetings ,,of ,,the ,,grand ,,council1 ,,and ,,call4 ,that the grand council shall meet once in every year1 and oftener if occasion require1 at such time and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceding meeting1 or as they shall be called to meet at by the president general on any emergency2 he having first obtained in writing the consent of seven of the members to such call1 and sent due and timely notice to the whole4 ,it was thought1 in establishing and governing new colonies or settlements1 regulating ,indian trade1 ,indian treaties1 c4 there would be every year sufficient business arise to require at least one meeting1 and at such meeting many things might be suggested for the benefit of all the colonies4 ,this annual meeting may either be at a time or place certain1 to be fixed by the president general and grand council at their first meeting2 or left at liberty1 to be at such time and place as they shall adjourn to1 or be called to meet at by the president general4 ,in time of war it seems convenient1 that the meeting should be in that colony1 which is nearest the seat of action4 ,the power of calling them on any emergency seemed necessary to be vested in the president general2 but that such power might not be wantonly used to harass the members1 and oblige them to make frequent long journies to little purpose1 the consent of seven at least to such call was supposed a convenient guard4 ,,continuance4 ,that the grand council have power to choose their speaker2 and shall neither be dissolved1 prorogued1 nor continued sitting longer than six weeks at one time1 without their own consent or the special command of the crown4 ,the speaker should be presented for approbation2 it being convenient1 to prevent misunderstandings and disgusts1 that the mouth of the council should be a person agreeable1 if possible1 both to the council and president general4 ,governors have sometimes wantonly exercised the power of proroguing or continuing the sessions of assemblies1 merely to harass the members and compel a compliance2 and sometimes dissolve them on slight disgusts4 ,this it was feared might be done by the president general1 if not provided against3 and the inconvenience and hardship would be greater in the general government than in particular colonies1 in proportion to the distance the members must be from home1 during sittings1 and the long journies some of them must necessarily take4 ,,members' ,,allowance4 ,that the members of the grand council shall be allowed for their service ten shillings sterling per diem1 during their session and journey to and from the place of meeting2 twenty miles to be reckoned a day's journey4 ,it was thought proper to allow some wages1 lest the expence might deter some suitable persons from the service2--and not to allow too great wages1 lest unsuitable persons should be tempted to cabal for the employment1 for the sake of gain4 ,twenty miles was set down as a day's journey1 to allow for accidental hinderances on the road1 and the greater expences of travelling than residing at the place of meeting4 ,,assent ,,of ,,president ,,general ,,and ,,his ,,duty4 ,that the assent of the president general be requisite to all acts of the grand council2 and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution4 ,the assent of the president general1 to all acts of the grand council was made necessary1 in order to give the crown its due share of influence in this government1 and connect it with that of ,great ,britain4 ,the president general1 besides one half of the legislative power1 hath in his hands the whole executive power4 ,,power ,,of ,,president ,,general ,,and ,,grand ,,council4 ,,treaties ,,of ,,peace ,,and ,,war4 ,that the president general1 with the advice of the grand council1 hold or direct all ,indian treaties in which the general interest of the colonies may be concerned2 and make peace or declare war with ,indian nations4 ,the power of making peace or war with ,indian nations is at present supposed to be in every colony1 and is expressly granted to some by charter1 so that no new power is hereby intended to be granted to the colonies4 ,but as1 in consequence of this power1 one colony might make peace with a nation that another was justly engaged in war with2 or make war on slight occasions without the concurrence or approbation of neighbouring colonies1 greatly endangered by it2 or make particular treaties of neutrality in case of a general war1 to their own private advantage in trade1 by supplying the common enemy2 of all which there have been instances--it was thought better1 to have all treaties of a general nature under a general direction2 that so the good of the whole may be consulted and provided for4 ,,indian ,,trade4 ,that they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all ,indian trade4 ,many quarrels and wars have arisen between the colonies and ,indian nations1 through the bad conduct of traders1 who cheat the ,indians after making them drunk1 c4 to the great expence of the colonies both in blood and treasure4 ,particular colonies are so interested in the trade as not to be willing to admit such a regulation as might be best for the whole2 and therefore it was thought best under a general direction4 ,,indian ,,purchases4 ,that they make all purchases1 from ,indians for the crown1 of lands not now within the bounds of particular colonies1 or that shall not be within their bounds when some of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions4 ,purchases from the ,indians1 made by private persons1 have been attended with many inconveniences4 ,they have frequently interfered1 and occasioned uncertainty of titles1 many disputes and expensive law-suits1 and hindered the settlement of the land so disputed4 ,then the ,indians have been cheated by such private purchases1 and discontent and wars have been the consequence4 ,these would be prevented by public fair purchases4 ,several of the colony charters in ,america extend their bounds to the ,south ,sea1 which may be perhaps three or four thousand miles in length to one or two hundred miles in breadth4 ,it is supposed they must in time be reduced to dimensions more convenient for the common purposes of government#e4 ,very little of the land in those grants is yet purchased of the ,indians4 ,it is much cheaper to purchase of them1 than to take and maintain the possession by force3 for they are generally very reasonable in their demands for land#f2 and the expence of guarding a large frontier against their incursions is vastly great2 because all must be guarded1 and always guarded1 as we know not where or when to expect them#g4 ,,new ,,settlements4 ,that they make new settlements on such purchases1 by granting lands in the king's name1 reserving a quit-rent to the crown for the use of the general treasury4 ,it is supposed better that there should be one purchaser than many2 and that the crown should be that purchaser1 or the union in the name of the crown4 ,by this means the bargains may be more easily made1 the price not inhanced by numerous bidders1 future disputes about private ,indian purchases1 and monopolies of vast tracts to particular persons 7which are prejudicial to the settlement and peopling of country7 prevented2 and the land being again granted in small tracts to the settlers1 the quit-rents reserved may in time become a fund for support of government1 for defence of the country1 ease of taxes1 c4 ,strong forts on the lakes1 the ,ohio1 c4 may1 at the same time they secure our present frontiers1 serve to defend new colonies settled under their protection2 and such colonies would also mutually defend and support such forts1 and better secure the friendship of the far ,indians4 ,a particular colony has scarce strength enough to extend itself by new settlements1 at so great a distance from the old3 but the joint force of the union might suddenly establish a new colony or two in those parts1 or extend an old colony to particular passes1 greatly to the security of our present frontiers1 increase of trade and people1 breaking off the ,french communication between ,canada and ,louisiana1 and speedy settlement of the intermediate lands4 ,the power of settling new colonies is therefore thought a valuable part of the plan1 and what cannot so well be executed by two unions as by one4 ,,laws ,,to ,,govern ,,them4 ,that they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements1 till the crown shall think fit to form them into particular governments4 ,the making of laws suitable for the new colonies1 it was thought1 would be properly vested in the president general and grand council2 under whose protection they will at first necessarily be1 and who would be well acquainted with their circumstances1 as having settled them4 ,when they are become sufficiently populous1 they may by the crown be formed into complete and distinct governments4 ,the appointment of a sub-president by the crown1 to take place in case of the death or absence of the president general1 would perhaps be an improvement of the plan2 and if all the governors of particular provinces were to be formed into a standing council of state1 for the advice and assistance of the president general1 it might be another considerable improvement4 ,,raise ,,soldiers ,,and ,,equip ,,vessels1 ,c4 ,that they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the colonies1 and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean1 lakes#h1 or great rivers2 but they shall not impress men in any colony1 without the consent of the legislature4 ,it was thought1 that quotas of men1 to be raised and paid by the several colonies1 and joined for any public service1 could not always be got together with the necessary expedition4 ,for instance1 suppose one thousand men should be wanted in ,new ,hampshire on any emergency2 to fetch them by fifties and hundreds out of every colony1 as far as ,south ,carolina1 would be inconvenient1 the transportation chargeable and the occasion perhaps passed before they could be assembled2 and therefore1 that it would be best to raise them 7by offering bounty-money and pay7 near the place where they would be wanted1 to be discharged again when the service should be over4 ,particular colonies are at present backward to build forts at their own expence1 which they say will be equally useful to their neighbouring colonies2 who refuse to join1 on a presumption that such forts will be built and kept up1 though they contribute nothing4 ,this unjust conduct weakens the whole2 but the forts being for the good of the whole1 it was thought best they should be built and maintained by the whole1 out of the common treasury4 ,in the time of war1 small vessels of force are sometimes necessary in the colonies to scour the coast of small privateers4 ,these being provided by the union will be an advantage in turn to the colonies which are situated on the sea1 and whose frontiers on the land-side1 being covered by other colonies1 reap but little immediate benefit from the advanced forts4 ,,power ,,to ,,make ,,laws1 ,,lay ,,duties1 ,c4 ,that for these purposes they have power to make laws1 and lay and levy such general duties1 imports1 or taxes1 as to them shall appear most equal and just 7considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies17 and such as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people2 rather discouraging luxury1 than loading industry with unnecessary burthens4 ,the laws which the president general and grand council are impowered to make are such only as shall be necessary for the government of the settlements2 the raising1 regulating1 and paying soldiers for the general service2 the regulating of ,indian trade2 and laying and collecting the general duties and taxes4 7,they should also have a power to restrain the exportation of provisions to the enemy from any of the colonies1 on particular occasions1 in time of war47 ,but is it not intended that they may interfere with the constitution and government of the particular colonies2 who are to be left to their own laws1 and to lay1 levy1 and apply their own taxes as before4 ,,general ,,treasurer ,,and ,,particular ,,treasurer4 ,that they may appoint a general treasurer and particular treasurer in each government when necessary2 and from time to time may order the sums in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury2 or draw on them for special payments1 as they find most convenient4 ,the treasurers here meant are only for the general funds1 and not for the particular funds of each colony1 which remain in the hands of their own treasurers at their own disposal4 ,,money ,,how ,,to ,,issue4 ,yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the president general and grand council2 except where sums have been appropriated to particular purposes1 and the president general is previously impowered by an act to draw for such sums4 ,to prevent misapplication of the money1 or even application that might be dissatisfactory to the crown or the people1 it was thought necessary1 to join the president general and grand council in all issues of money4 ,,accounts4 ,that the general accounts shall be yearly settled and reported to the several assemblies4 ,by communicating the accounts yearly to each assembly1 they will be satisfied of the prudent and honest conduct of their representatives in the grand council4 ,,quorum4 ,that a quorum of the grand council1 impowered to act with the president general1 do consist of twenty-five members2 among whom there shall be one or more from a majority of the colonies4 ,the quorum seems large1 but it was thought it would not be satisfactory to the colonies in general1 to have matters of importance to the whole transacted by a smaller number1 or even by this number of twenty-five1 unless there were among them one at least from a majority of the colonies2 because otherwise1 the whole quorum being made up of members from three or four colonies at one end of the union1 something might be done that would not be equal with respect to the rest1 and thence dissatisfactions and discords might rise to the prejudice of the whole4 ,,laws ,,to ,,be ,,transmitted4 ,that the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant1 but1 as near as may be1 agreeable to the laws of ,england1 and shall be transmitted to the king in council for approbation as soon as may be after their passing2 and if not disapproved within three years after presentation1 to remain in force4 ,this was thought necessary for the satisfaction of the crown1 to preserve the connection of the parts of the ,british empire with the whole1 of the members with the head1 and to induce greater care and circumspection in making of the laws1 that they be good in themselves and for the general benefit4 ,,death ,,of ,,the ,,president ,,general4 ,that in case of the death of the president general1 the speaker of the grand council for the time being shall succeed1 and be vested with the same powers and authorities1 to continue till the king's pleasure be known4 ,it might be better1 perhaps1 as was said before1 if the crown appointed a vice president1 to take place on the death or absence of the president general2 for so we should be more sure of a suitable person at the head of the colonies4 ,on the death or absence of both1 the speaker to take place 7or rather the eldest king's-governor7 till his majesty's pleasure be known4 ,,officers ,,how ,,appointed4 ,that all military commission officers1 whether for land or sea-service1 to act under this general constitution1 shall be nominated by the president general2 but the approbation of the grand council is to be obtained1 before they receive their commissions4 ,and all civil officers are to be nominated by the grand council1 and to receive the president general's approbation before they officiate4 ,it was thought it might be very prejudicial to the service1 to have officers appointed unknown to the people1 or unacceptable1 the generality of ,americans serving willingly under officers they know3 and not caring to engage in the service under strangers1 or such as are often appointed by governors through favour or interest4 ,the service here meant1 is not the stated settled service in standing troops2 but any sudden and short service1 either for defence of our own colonies1 or invading the enemies country2 7such as1 the expedition to ,cape ,breton in the last war2 in which many substantial farmers and tradesmen engaged as common soldiers under officers of their own country1 for whom they had an esteem and affection2 who would not have engaged in a standing army1 or under officers from ,england47--,it was therefore thought best1 to give the council the power of approving the officers1 which the people will look upon as a great security of their being good men4 ,and without some such provision as this1 it was thought the expence of engaging men in the service on any emergency would be much greater1 and the number who could be induced to engage much less2 and that therefore it would be most for the king's service and general benefit of the nation1 that the prerogative should relax a little in this particular throughout all the colonies in ,america2 as it had already done much more in the charters of some particular colonies1 viz4 ,connecticut and ,rhode ,island4 ,the civil officers will be chiefly treasurers and collectors of taxes2 and the suitable persons are most likely to be known by the council4 ,,vacancies ,,how ,,supplied4 ,but in case of vacancy by death1 or removal of any officer civil or military under this constitution1 the governor of the province in which such vacancy happens may appoint1 till the pleasure of the president general and grand council can be known4 ,the vacancies were thought best supplied by the governors in each province1 till a new appointment can be regularly made2 otherwise the service might suffer before the meeting of the president general and grand council4 ,,each ,,colony ,,may ,,defend ,,itself ,,on ,,emergency1 ,c4 ,that the particular military as well as civil establishments in each colony remain in their present state1 the general constitution notwithstanding2 and that on sudden emergencies any colony may defend itself1 and lay the accounts of expence thence arising before the president general and general council1 who may allow and order payment of the same1 as far as they judge such accounts just and reasonable4 ,otherwise the union of the whole would weaken the parts1 contrary to the design of the union4 ,the accounts are to be judged of by the president general and grand council1 and allowed if found reasonable3 this was thought necessary to encourage colonies to defend themselves1 as the expence would be light when borne by the whole2 and also to check imprudent and lavish expence in such defences4#i ,,footnotes3 #a ,the reader must be informed here1 that this plan was intended for all the colonies2 but1 commissioners from some of them not attending 7from causes which ,i cannot specify7 their consent to it was not1 in this respect1 universally expressed4 ,governor ,pownall1 however1 says1 ,that he had an opportunity of conversing with1 and knowing the sentiments of the commissioners appointed by their respective provinces1 to attend this congress1 to which they were called by the crown2 of learning from their experience and judgment1 the actual state of the ,american business and interest2 and of hearing amongst them1 the grounds and reasons of that ,american union1 which they then had under deliberation1 and transmitted the plan of to ,england2 and he adds1 in another place1 that the sentiments of our colonies were collected in an authentic manner on this subject in the plan proposed by ,dr4 ,franklin1 and unanimously agreed to in congress4 ,see ,governor ,pownall's ,administration of the ,british ,colonies4 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #ac4 ,edit4 #d1 #aggd1 and ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #hf4 ,b4 ,v4 #b ,mr4 since ,governor ,hutchinson was one of the commissioners for ,massachusetts ,bay4 ,governor ,pownall as above1 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #add4 ,thomas ,pownall1 ,esq42 brother to ,john ,pownall1 ,esq42 one of the secretaries to the board of trade1 and afterwards ,governor of the ,massachusetts1 was upon the spot4 ,history of the ,british ,empire in ,north ,america1 p4 #be4 ,b4 ,v4 #c ,dr4 ,davenant was so well convinced of the expediency of an union of the colonies1 that he recites1 at full length1 a plan contrived1 as he says1 with good judgment for the purpose4 ,davenant1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #dj1 #da1 of ,sir ,c4 ,whitworth's ,edition4 ,b4 ,v4 #d ,the reader may perceive1 by the difference of the type1 which is the text of the plan1 and which the reasons and motives mentioned in the title4 ,they are thus consolidated for his convenience4 ,the editor has taken one or two farther liberties in transposing these ,albany papers2 but the sense remains as before4 ,b4 ,v4 #e ,mr4 ,baron ,m----1 in page #bjj of his account of the ,proceedings at ,quebec1 for obtaining an ,assembly1 has the following hint3 ,the vast enlargement of the province of ,quebec by adding to it a new territory that contains1 according to ,lord ,hillsborough's estimation1 of it1 five hundred and eleven millions of acres 7that is1 more land than ,spain1 ,italy1 ,france1 and ,germany put together1 and most of it good land7 is a measure that would require an ample discussion4----,that the reader may not suspect that these dimensions were convenient for uncommon purposes of government1 ,i shall quote the motives assigned upon this occasion by the act regulating the government of ,quebec4 ,by the arrangements made by the royal proclamation1 a very large extent of outlying country1 within which there were several colonies and settlements of the subjects of ,france1 who claimed to remain therein under the faith of the said treaty1 was left without any provision being made for the administration of civil government therein3 i4 e4 a few ,indian traders were a pretext for this appropriation of a tract of country1 which1 according to the minister's estimate1 was more than thirteen times larger than ,england and ,wales united1 nearly one hundred and twenty eight times larger than ,jamaica1 almost one-eighth part of ,europe1 and considerably more than one-thirty-eighth part of the whole habitable earth 7comparing it with the several calculations in ,the ,political ,survey of ,great ,britain1 by ,dr4 ,campbell1 and in that of ,jamaica1 by ,mr4 ,long47 ,now all the inhabitants of the province of ,quebec1 says this very act1 amounted at the conquest to above sixty-five thousand only1 professing the religion of the church of ,rome1 and enjoying an established form of constitution and system of laws4 ,b4,v4 #f ,dr4 ,franklin 7says ,mr4 ,kalm the ,swede17 and several other gentlemen1 frequently told me1 that a powerful ,indian1 who possessed ,rhode ,island1 had sold it to the ,english for a pair of spectacles3 it is large enough for a prince's domain1 and makes a peculiar government at present4 ,this ,indian knew how to set a true value upon a pair of spectacles3 for undoubtedly if those glasses were not so plentiful1 and only a few of them could be found1 they would1 on account of their great use1 bear the same price with diamonds4 ,see ,kalm's ,travels into ,north ,america1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #chf1 #chg4 ,at the time when the ,swedes first arrived1 they bought land at a very inconsiderable price4 ,for a piece of baize1 or a pot full of brandy1 or the like1 they could get a piece of ground1 which at present would be worth more than #bijl4 sterling4 ,ib4 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #aah4--,the truth is1 that the ,indians considered their lands as mere hunting-manors1 and not as farms4 ,b4 ,v4 #g ,to guard against the incursions of the ,indians1 a plan was sent over to ,america 7and1 as ,i think1 by authority7 suggesting the expediency of clearing away the woods and bushes from a tract of land1 a mile in breadth1 and extending along the back of the colonies4 ,unfortunately1 besides the large expence of this undertaking 7which1 if one acre cost #bl4 sterling1 and six hundred and forty acres make a square mile1 is #abh1jjjl4 first cost for every #ajj miles7 it was forgotten1 that the ,indians1 like other people1 knew the difference between day and night1 and that a mile of advance and another of retreat were nothing to the celerity of such an enemy4--,this plan1 it is said1 was the work of ,dean ,tucker2 and possibly might contain many other particulars4 ,the plans of ,doctor ,franklin and ,governor ,pownall appear much more feasible4 ,b4 ,v4 #h ,according to a plan which had been proposed by ,governor ,pownall1 and approved of by congress4--,administration of the ,colonies1 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #adc4 ,b4 ,v4 #i ,this plan of union1 it will appear from the next page1 was rejected2 and another proposed to be substituted by the ,english minister1 which had for its chief object1 the taking power from the people in the colonies in order to give it to the crown4 ,b4 ,v4 ,,albany ,,papers ,,continued4 ,i4 ,,letter to ,governor ,shirley1 concerning the ,imposition of direct ,taxes upon the ,colonies1 without their ,consent4#aj ,tuesday ,morning4 ,,sir1 ,i return you the loose ,sheets of the plan1 with thanks to your excellency for communicating them4 ,i apprehend1 that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council will give extreme dissatisfaction2 as well as the taxing them by act of parliament1 where they have no representation4 ,it is very possible1 that this general government might be as well and faithfully administered without the people1 as with them2 but where heavy burdens are to be laid upon them1 it has been found useful1 to make it as much as possible their own act2 for they bear better1 when they have1 or think they have1 some share in the direction2 and when any public measures are generally grievous1 or even distasteful1 to the people1 the wheels of government move more heavily4 ,,footnote3 #aj ,these letters to ,governor ,shirley first appeared in the ,london ,chronicle for ,feb4 #f-h1 #agff1 with an introduction signed ,a ,lover of ,britain4 ,in the beginning of the year #aggf1 they were republished in ,almon's ,remembrancer1 with an additional prefatory piece1 under the signature of ,a ,mourner over our ,calamities4--,i shall explain the subject of them in the words of one of these writers4 ,the ,albany ,plan of ,union was sent to the government here for approbation3 had it been approved and established by authority from hence1 ,english ,america thought itself sufficiently able to cope with the ,french1 without other assistance2 several of the colonies having alone1 in former wars1 withstood the whole power of the enemy1 unassisted not only by the mother-country1 but by any of the neighbouring provinces4--,the plan1 however1 was not approved here2 but a ,new one was formed instead of it2 by which it was proposed1 that 'the governors of all the colonies1 attended by one or two members of their respective councils1 should assemble1 and concert measures for the defence of the whole1 erect forts where they judged proper1 and raise what troops they thought necessary1 with power to draw on the treasury here for the sums that should be wanted1 and the treasury to be reimbursed by a tax laid on the colonies by act of parliament4'--,this ,new plan being communicated by ,governor ,shirley to a gentleman of ,philadelphia 7,dr4 ,franklin7 then in ,boston 7who hath very eminently distinguished himself1 before and since that time1 in the literary world1 and whose judgment1 penetration1 and candor1 as well as his readiness and ability to suggest1 forward1 or carry into execution1 every scheme of public utility1 hath most deservedly endeared him1 not only to our fellow-subjects throughout the continent of ,north ,america1 but to his numberless friends on this side the ,atlantic7 occasioned the following remarks from him1 which perhaps may contribute in some degree to its being laid aside4 ,as they very particularly show the then sentiments of the ,americans on the subject of a parliamentary tax1 before the ,french power in that country was subjected1 and before the late restraints on their commerce2 they satisfy me1 and ,i hope they will convince your readers 7contrary to what has been advanced by some of your correspondents7 that those particulars have had no share in producing the present opposition to such a tax1 nor in disturbances occasioned by it1 which these papers indeed do almost prophetically foretel4 ,for this purpose1 having accidentally fallen into my hands1 they are communicated to you by one who is1 not partially1 but in the most enlarged sense1 ,a ,,lover ,,of ,,britain4 ,b4 ,v4 ,,ii4 ,,letter to the same2 concerning direct ,taxes in the ,colonies imposed without ,consent1 indirect ,taxes1 and the ,albany ,plan of ,union4 ,wednesday ,morning4 ,,sir1 ,i mentioned it yesterday to your excellency as my opinion1 that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council would probably give extreme dissatisfaction1 as well as the taxing them by act of parliament1 where they have no representation4 ,in matters of general concern to the people1 and especially where burdens are to be laid upon them2 it is of use to consider1 as well what they will be apt to think and say1 as what they ought to think3 ,i shall therefore1 as your excellency requires it of me1 briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion4 ,first1 they will say1 and perhaps with justice1 that the body of the people in the colonies are as loyal1 and as firmly attached to the present constitution1 and reigning family1 as any subjects in the king's dominions4 ,that there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives they may choose1 to grant from time to time such supplies for the defence of the country1 as shall be judged necessary1 so far as their abilities will allow4 ,that the people in the colonies1 who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion and conquest by an enemy1 in the loss of their estates1 lives1 and liberties1 are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces necessary to be raised and maintained1 forts to be built and supported1 and of their own abilities to bear the expence than the parliament of ,england1 at so great a distance4 ,that governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes1 with which they intend to return to ,britain2 are not always men of the best abilities or integrity2 have many of them no estates here1 nor any natural connections with us1 that should make them heartily concerned for our welfare2 and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more forces than necessary1 from the profits accruing to themselves1 and to make provision for their friends and dependents4 ,that the counsellors in most of the colonies1 being appointed by the crown1 on the recommendation of governors1 are often persons of small estates1 frequently dependent on the governors for offices1 and therefore too much under influence4 ,that there is therefore great reason to be jealous of a power1 in such governors and councils1 to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary1 by drafts on the lords of the treasury1 to be afterwards laid on the colonies by act of parliament1 and paid by the people here2 since they might abuse it1 by projecting useless expeditions1 harassing the people1 and taking them from their labour to execute such projects1 merely to create offices and employments1 and gratify their dependents1 and divide profits4 ,that the parliament of ,england is at a great distance1 subject to be misinformed and misled by such governors and councils1 whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence4 ,that it is supposed an undoubted right of ,englishmen1 not to be taxed but by their own consent1 given through their representatives3 ,that the colonies have no representatives in parliament4 ,that to propose taxing them by parliament1 and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council1 to meet in the colonies1 and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax1 and the quantum1 shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the crown1 or of their regard for their country1 or of their common sense and understanding2 which they have not deserved4 ,that compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent1 would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country1 than taxing of ,englishmen for their own public benefit4 ,that it would be treating them as a conquered people1 and not as true ,british subjects4 ,that a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might be easily lessened as the occasions should lessen2 but1 being once laid by parliament under the influence of the representations made by governors1 would probably be kept up1 and continued for the benefit of governors2 to the grievous burthen and discontentment of the colonies1 and prevention of their growth and increase4 ,that a power in governors1 to march the inhabitants from one end of the ,british and ,french colonies to the other1 being a country of at least one thousand five hundred miles long1 without the approbation or the consent of their representatives first obtained to such expeditions1 might be grievous and ruinous to the people1 and would put them upon a footing with the subjects of ,france in ,canada1 that now groan under such oppression from their governor1 who for two years past has harrassed them with long and destructive marches to ,ohio4 ,that if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown1 without representatives2 particular colonies may as well1 or better be so governed2 a tax may be laid upon them all by act of parliament for support of government2 and their assemblies may be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution4 ,that the powers proposed by the ,albany plan of union1 to be vested in a grand council representative of the people1 even with regard to military matters1 are not so great1 as those which the colonies of ,rhode ,island and ,connecticut are entrusted with by their charters1 and have never abused2 for by this plan1 the president general is appointed by the crown1 and controls all by his negative2 but in those governments1 the people choose the governor1 and yet allow him no negative4 ,that the ,british colonies bordering on the ,french are properly frontiers of the ,british empire2 and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire3--it would now be thought hard by act of parliament to oblige the ,cinque ports or sea coasts of ,britain1 to maintain the whole navy1 because they are more immediately defended by it1 not allowing them at the same time a vote in choosing members of the parliament2 and1 as the frontiers of ,america bear the expence of their own defence1 it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money1 judging of the necessity and sum1 or advising the measures4 ,that besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers1 the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother-country unnoticed3--for #a4 ,taxes paid in ,britain by the landholder or artificer must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land and manufactures made of it2 and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies1 who thereby pay a considerable part of the ,british taxes4 #b4 ,we are restrained in our trade with foreign nations2 and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them1 but must buy the same dearer from ,britain1 the difference of price is a clear tax to ,britain4 #c4 ,we are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to ,britain2 and where the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter1 or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets1 the difference is a tax paid to ,britain4 #d4 ,some manufactures we could make1 but are forbidden1 and must take them of ,british merchants3 the whole price is a tax paid to ,britain4 #e4 ,by our greatly encreasing the demand and consumption of ,british manufactures1 their price is considerably raised of late years2 the advantage is clear profit to ,britain1 and enables its people better to pay great taxes2 and much of it being paid by us1 is clear tax to ,britain4 #f4 ,in short1 as we are not suffered to regulate our trade1 and restrain the importation and consumption of ,british superfluities 7as ,britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities7 our whole wealth centers finally amongst the merchants and inhabitants of ,britain2 and if we make them richer1 and enable them better to pay their taxes1 it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves1 and equally beneficial to the crown4 ,these kind of secondary taxes1 however1 we do not complain of1 though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them3 but to pay immediate heavy taxes1 in the laying1 appropriation1 and disposition of which1 we have no part1 and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous1 must seem hard measure to ,englishmen1 who cannot conceive1 that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and settling new countries1 extending the dominion1 and increasing the commerce of the mother-nation1 they have forfeited the native rights of ,britons2 which they think ought rather to be given to them1 as due to such merit1 if they had been before in a state of slavery4 -- -- -- ,these1 and such kinds of things as these1 ,i apprehend1 will be thought and said by the people1 if the proposed alteration of the ,albany plan should take place4 ,then the administration of the board of governors and council so appointed1 not having the representative body of the people to approve and unite in its measures1 and conciliate the minds of the people to them1 will probably become suspected and odious2 dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed2 and every thing go into confusion4 ,perhaps ,i am too apprehensive in this matter2 but having freely given my opinion and reasons1 your excellency can judge better than ,i1 whether there be any weight in them1 and the shortness of the time allowed me will ,i hope in some degree excuse the imperfections of this scrawl4 ,with the greatest respect and fidelity1 ,i have the honour to be your excellency's most obedient1 and most humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,iii4 ,,letter to the same1 on the ,subject of uniting the ,colonies more intimately with ,great ,britain1 by allowing them ,representatives in ,parliament4 ,boston1 ,dec4 #bb1 #aged4 ,,sir1 ,since the conversation your excellency was pleased to honour me with1 on the subject of uniting the colonies more intimately with ,great ,britain1 by allowing them representatives in parliament1 ,i have something further considered that matter1 and am of opinion1 that such an union would be very acceptable to the colonies1 provided they had a reasonable number of representatives allowed them2 and that all the old acts of parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of the colonies be at the same time repealed1 and the ,british subjects on this side the water put1 in those respects1 on the same footing with those in ,great ,britain1 till the new parliament1 representing the whole1 shall think it for the interest of the whole to re-enact some or all of them3 it is not that ,i imagine so many representatives will be allowed the colonies1 as to have any great weight by their numbers2 but ,i think there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more impartially considered1 and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty corporation1 or of any particular set of artificers or traders in ,england1 who heretofore seem1 in some instances1 to have been more regarded than all the colonies1 or than was consistent with the general interest1 or best natural good4 ,i think too1 that the government of the colonies by a parliament1 in which they are fairly represented1 would be vastly more agreeable to the people1 than the method lately attempted to be introduced by royal instruction2 as well as more agreeable to the nature of an ,english constitution1 and to ,english liberty2 and that such laws1 as now seem to bear hard on the colonies1 would 7when judged by such a parliament for the best interest of the whole7 be more cheerfully submitted to1 and more easily executed4 ,i should hope too1 that by such an union1 the people of ,great ,britain1 and the people of the colonies1 would learn to consider themselves1 as not belonging to different communities with different interest1 but to one community with one interest2 which ,i imagine would contribute to strengthen the whole1 and greatly lessen the danger of future separations4 ,it is1 ,i suppose1 agreed to be the general interest of any state1 that its people be numerous and rich2 men enow to fight in its defence1 and enow to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge2 for these circumstances tend to the security of the state1 and its protection from foreign power4 ,but it seems not of so much importance1 whether the fighting be done by ,john or ,thomas1 or the tax paid by ,william or ,charles4 ,the iron manufacture employs and enriches ,british subjects1 but is it of any importance to the state1 whether the manufacturer lives at ,birmingham or ,sheffield1 or both2 since they are still within its bounds1 and their wealth and persons still at its command8 ,could the ,goodwin ,sands be laid dry by banks1 and land equal to a large country thereby gained to ,england1 and presently filled with ,english inhabitants1 would it be right to deprive such inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other ,englishmen1 the right of vending their produce in the same ports1 or of making their own shoes2 because a merchant or a shoemaker1 living on the old land1 might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make shoes for them8 ,would this be right1 even if the land were gained at the expence of the state8 ,and would it not seem less right1 if the charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to ,britain had been borne by the settlers themselves8 and would not the hardship appear yet greater1 if the people of the new country should be allowed no representatives in the parliament enacting such impositions8 ,now ,i look on the colonies as so many countries gained to ,great ,britain1 and more advantageous to it1 than if they had been gained out of the seas around its coasts1 and joined to its lands2 for being in different climates1 they afford greater variety of produce1 and materials for more manufactures2 and being separated by the ocean1 they increase much more its shipping and seamen3 and1 since they are all included in the ,british empire1 which has only extended itself by their means2 and the strength and wealth of the parts is the strength and wealth of the whole2 what imports it to the general state1 whether a merchant1 a smith1 or a hatter1 grow rich in ,old or ,new ,england8 and if1 through increase of people1 two smiths are wanted for one employed before1 why may not the new smith be allowed to live and thrive in the new country1 as well as the old one in the old8 ,in fine1 why should the countenance of a state be partially afforded to its people1 unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit8 and if there be any difference1 those who have most contributed to enlarge ,britain's empire and commerce1 increase her strength1 her wealth1 and the numbers of her people1 at the risque of their own lives and private fortunes in new and strange countries1 methinks ought rather to expect some preference4 ,with the greatest respect and esteem1 ,i have the honour to be ,your ,excellency's most obedient and humble ,servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,plan for settling two ,western ,colonies in ,north ,america1 with ,reasons for the ,plan1 #agedaa4 ,the great country back of the ,apalachian mountains1 on both sides the ,ohio1 and between that river and the lakes is now well known1 both to the ,english and ,french1 to be one of the finest in ,north ,america1 for the extreme richness and fertility of the land2 the healthy temperature of the air1 and mildness of the climate2 the plenty of hunting1 fishing1 and fowling2 the facility of trade with the ,indians2 and the vast convenience of inland navigation or water-carriage by the lakes and great rivers1 many hundred of leagues around4 ,from these natural advantages it must undoubtedly 7perhaps in less than another century7 become a populous and powerful dominion2 and a great accession of power1 either to ,england or ,france4 ,the ,french are now making open encroachments on these territories1 in defiance of our known rights2 and1 if we longer delay to settle that country1 and suffer them to possess it1--these inconveniences and mischiefs will probably follow3 #a4 ,our people1 being confined to the country between the sea and the mountains1 cannot much more increase in number2 people increasing in proportion to their room and means of subsistence4 7,see the ,observations on the ,increase of ,mankind1 c4 ,vol4 ,,ii47 #b4 ,the ,french will increase much more1 by that acquired room and plenty of subsistence1 and become a great people behind us4 #c4 ,many of our debtors1 and loose ,english people1 our ,german servants1 and slaves1 will probably desert to them1 and increase their numbers and strength1 to the lessening and weakening of ours4 #d4 ,they will cut us off from all commerce and alliance with the western ,indians1 to the great prejudice of ,britain1 by preventing the sale and consumption of its manufactures4 #e4 ,they will both in time of peace and war 7as they have always done against ,new ,england7 set the ,indians on to harrass our frontiers1 kill and scalp our people1 and drive in the advanced settlers2 and so1 in preventing our obtaining more subsistence by cultivating of new lands1 they discourage our marriages1 and keep our people from increasing2 thus 7if the expression may be allowed7 killing thousands of our children before they are born4 -- -- -- ,if two strong colonies of ,english were settled between the ,ohio and lake ,erie1 in the places hereafter to be mentioned1--these advantages might be expected3 #a4 ,they would be a great security to the frontiers of our other colonies2 by preventing the incursions of the ,french and ,french ,indians of ,canada1 on the back parts of ,pensylvania1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 and the ,carolinas2 and the frontiers of such new colonies would be much more easily defended1 than those of the colonies last mentioned now can be1 as will appear hereafter4 #b4 ,the dreaded junction of the ,french settlements in ,canada with those of ,louisiana would be prevented4 #c4 ,in case of a war1 it would be easy1 from those new colonies1 to annoy ,louisiana1 by going down the ,ohio and ,mississippi2 and the southern part of ,canada1 by sailing over the lakes2 and thereby confine the ,french within narrower limits4 #d4 ,we should secure the friendship and trade of the ,miamis or ,twigtwees 7a numerous people1 consisting of many tribes1 inhabiting the country between the west end of lake ,erie1 and the south end of lake ,hurons1 and the ,ohio7 who are at present dissatisfied with the ,french1 and fond of the ,english1 and would gladly encourage and protect an infant ,english settlement in or near their country1 as some of their chiefs have declared to the writer of this memoir4 ,further1 by means of the lakes1 the ,ohio1 and the ,mississippi1 our trade might be extended through a vast country1 among many numerous and distant nations1 greatly to the benefit of ,britain4 #e4 ,the settlement of all the intermediate lands1 between the present frontiers of our colonies on one side1 and the lakes and ,mississippi on the other1 would be facilitated and speedily executed1 to the great increase of ,englishmen1 ,english trade1 and ,english power4 ,the grants to most of the colonies are of long narrow slips of land1 extending west from the ,atlantic to the ,south ,sea4 ,they are much too long for their breadth2 the extremes at too great a distance2 and therefore unfit to be continued under their present dimensions4 ,several of the old colonies may conveniently be limited westward by the ,allegeny or ,apalachian mountains2 and new colonies formed west of those mountains4 ,a single old colony does not seem strong enough to extend itself otherwise than inch by inch3 it cannot venture a settlement far distant from the main body1 being unable to support it3 but if the colonies were united under one governor-general and grand council1 agreeable to the ,albany plan1 they might easily1 by their joint force1 establish one or more new colonies1 whenever they should judge it necessary or advantageous to the interest of the whole4 ,but if such union should not take place1 it is proposed that two charters be granted1 each for some considerable part of the lands west of ,pensylvania and the ,virginian mountains1 to a number of the nobility and gentry of ,britain2 with such ,americans as shall join them in contributing to the settlement of those lands1 either by paying a proportion of the expence of making such settlements1 or by actually going thither in person1 and settling themselves and families4 ,that by such charters it be granted1 that every actual settler be intitled to a tract of acres for himself1 and acres for every poll in the family he carries with him2 and that every contributor of guineas be intitled to a quantity of acres1 equal to the share of a single settler1 for every such sum of guineas contributed and paid to the colony treasurer2 a contributor for shares to have an additional share gratis2 that settlers may likewise be contributors1 and have right of land in both capacities4 ,that as many and as great privileges and powers of government be granted to the contributors and settlers1 as his majesty in his wisdom shall think most fit for their benefit and encouragement1 consistent with the general good of the ,british empire2 for extraordinary privileges and liberties1 with lands on easy terms1 are strong inducements to people to hazard their persons and fortunes in settling new countries2 and such powers of government as 7though suitable to the circumstances1 and fit to be trusted with an infant colony7 might be judged unfit1 when it becomes populous and powerful2 these might be granted for a term only2 as the choice of their own governor for ninety-nine years2 the support of government in the colonies of ,connecticut and ,rhode ,island 7which now enjoy that and other like privileges7 being much less expensive1 than in the colonies under the immediate government of the crown1 and the constitution more inviting4 ,that the first contributors to the amount of guineas be empowered to choose a treasurer to receive the contribution4 ,that no contributions be paid till the sum of thousand guineas be subscribed4 ,that the money thus raised be applied to the purchase of the lands from the ,six ,nations and other ,indians1 and of provisions1 stores1 arms1 ammunition1 carriages1 c4 for the settlers2 who1 after having entered their names with the treasurer1 or person by him appointed to receive and enter them1 are1 upon public notice given for that purpose1 to rendezvous at a place to be appointed1 and march in a body to the place destined for their settlement1 under the charge of the government to be established over them4 ,such rendezvous and march however not to directed1 till the number of names of settlers entered1 capable of bearing arms1 amount at least to thousand4 -- -- -- ,it is apprehended1 that a great sum of money might be raised in ,america on such a scheme as this2 for there are many who would be glad of any opportunity1 by advancing a small sum at present1 to secure land for their children1 which might in a few years become very valuable2 and a great number it is thought of actual settlers might likewise be engaged 7some from each of our present colonies7 sufficient to carry it into full execution by their strength and numbers2 provided only1 that the crown would be at the expence of removing the little forts the ,french have erected in their incroachments on his majesty's territories1 and supporting a strong one near the falls of ,niagara1 with a few small armed vessels1 or half-galleys to cruize on the lakes4 99 99 99 99 99 -- -- -- ,for the security of this colony in its infancy1 a small fort might be erected and for some time maintained at ,buffalonic on the ,ohio1 above the settlement2 and another at the mouth of the ,hioaga1 on the south side of lake ,erie1 where a port should be formed1 and a town erected1 for the trade of the lakes4--,the colonists for this settlement might march by land through ,pensylvania4 -- -- -- ,the river ,siotha1 which runs into the ,ohio about two hundred miles below ,logs ,town1 is supposed the fittest seat for the other colony2 there being for forty miles on each side of it and quite up to its heads a body of all rich land2 the finest spot of its bigness in all ,north ,america1 and has the particular advantage of sea-coal in plenty 7even above ground in two places7 for fuel1 when the woods shall be destroyed4 ,this colony would have the trade of the ,miamis or ,twigtwees2 and should1 at first1 have a small fort near ,hock-kockin1 at the head of the river2 and another near the mouth of ,wabash4 ,sandoski1 a ,french fort near the lake ,erie1 should also be taken2 and all the little ,french forts south and west of the lakes1 quite to the ,mississippi1 be removed1 or taken and garrisoned by the ,english4--,the colonists for this settlement might assemble near the heads of the rivers in ,virginia1 and march over land to the navigable branches of the ,kanhawa1 where they might embark with all their baggage and provisions1 and fall into the ,ohio1 not far above the mouth of ,siotha4 ,or they might rendezvous at ,will's ,creek1 and go down the ,mohingahela to the ,ohio4 ,the fort and armed vessels at the strait of ,niagara would be a vast security to the frontiers of these new colonies against any attempts of the ,french from ,canada4 ,the fort at the mouth of the ,wabash would guard that river1 the ,ohio1 and ,cutava river1 in case of any attempt from the ,french of ,mississippi4 7,every fort should have a small settlement round it2 as the fort would protect the settlers1 and the settlers defend the fort and supply it with provisions47 -- -- -- ,the difficulty of settling the first ,english colonies in ,america1 at so great a distance from ,england1 must have been vastly greater1 than the settling these proposed new colonies3 for it would be the interest and advantage of all the present colonies to support these new ones2 as they would cover their frontiers1 and prevent the growth of the ,french power behind or near their present settlements2 and the new country is nearly at equal distance from all the old colonies1 and could easily be assisted from all of them4 ,and as there are already in the old colonies many thousands of families that are ready to swarm1 wanting more land2 the richness and natural advantage of the ,ohio country would draw most of them thither1 were there but a tolerable prospect of a safe settlement4 ,so that the new colonies would soon be full of people2 and from the advantage of their situation1 become much more terrible to the ,french settlements1 than those are now to us4 ,the gaining of the back ,indian trade from the ,french1 by the navigation of the lakes1 c4 would of itself greatly weaken our enemies3--it being now their principal support1 it seems highly probable1 that in time they must be subjected to the ,british crown1 or driven out of the country4 ,such settlements may better be made now1 than fifty years hence1 because it is easier to settle ourselves1 and thereby prevent the ,french settling there as they seem now to intend1 than to remove them when strongly settled4 ,if these settlements are postponed1 then more forts and stronger1 and more numerous and expensive garrisons must be established1 to secure the country1 prevent their settling1 and secure our present frontiers2 the charge of which may probably exceed the charge of the proposed settlements1 and the advantage nothing near so great4 ,the fort at ,oswego should likewise be strengthened1 and some armed half-gallies1 or other small vessels1 kept there to cruise on lake ,ontario1 as proposed by ,mr4 ,pownall in his paper laid before the commissioners at the ,albany treaty#ab4 ,if a fort was also built at ,tirondequat on lake ,ontario and a settlement made there near the lake side1 where the lands are said to be good1 7much better than at ,oswego27 the people of such settlements would help to defend both forts on any emergency#ac ,,footnotes3 #aa ,for the occasion which produced this plan1 see what follows4 ,i apprehend it was given to ,governor ,pownall1 #aged1 for the purpose of being inserted in his memorial2 but this point of anecdote ,i cannot sufficiently ascertain4 ,extract of a ,memorial drawn up by ,order of1 and presented to his ,royal ,highness the ,duke of ,cumberland1 #agef1 by ,t4 ,pownall4 ,in other parts of our frontier1 that are not the immediate residence and country of ,indians1 some other species of barrier should be thought of1 of which nothing can be more effectual than a barrier colony3 but even this cannot be carried 444 into execution and effect1 without the previous measure of entrepts in the country between us and the enemy4444 ,all mankind must know1 that no body of men1 whether as an army1 or as an emigration of colonists1 can march from one country to another1 through an inhospitable wilderness1 without magazines2 nor with any safety1 without posts communicating among each other by practicable roads1 to which to retire in case of accidents1 repulse1 or delay4 ,it is a fact1 which experience evinces the truth of1 that we have always been able to outsettle the ,french2 and have driven the ,indians out of the country more by settling than fighting2 and that whenever our settlements have been wisely and completely made1 the ,french1 neither by themselves nor their dogs of war1 the ,indians1 have been able to remove us4 ,it is upon this fact ,i found the propriety of the measure of settling a barrier colony in those parts of our frontiers1 which are not the immediate residence or hunting-grounds of our ,indians4 ,this is a measure that will be effectual2 and will not only in time pay its expence1 but make as great returns as any of our present colonies do2 will give a strength and unity to our dominions in ,north ,america2 and give us possession of the country1 as well as settlement in it4 ,but above all this1 the state and circumstances of our settlements render such a measure not only proper and eligible1 but absolutely necessary4 ,the ,english settlements1 as they are at present circumstanced1 are absolutely at a stand2 they are settled up to the mountains3 and in the mountains there is no where together land sufficient for a settlement large enough to subsist by itself1 and to defend itself1 and preserve a communication with the present settlements4 ,if the ,english would advance one step further1 or cover themselves where they are1 it must be at once1 by one large step over the mountains1 with a numerous and military colony4 ,where such should be settled1 ,i do not take upon me to say3 at present ,i shall only point out the measure and the nature of it1 by inserting two schemes1 one of ,mr4 ,franklin's1 the other of your memorialist2 and if ,i might indulge myself with scheming1 ,i should imagine that two such were sufficient1 and only requisite and proper3 one at the back of ,virginia1 filling up the vacant space between the five nations and southern confederacy1 and connecting1 into one system1 our barrier2 the other somewhere in the ,cohass or ,connecticut river1 or wherever best adapted to cover the ,new ,england colonies4 ,these1 with the little settlements mentioned above in the ,indian countries1 complete my idea of this branch4 ,see ,governor ,pownall's ,administration of the ,colonies4 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #bbh-bca1 #eth edition4 ,the reader must carry along with him a distinction between the plans of ,dr4 ,franklin and ,governor ,pownall here referred to4 ,the first 7which is before him7 is particular1 and proposes a plan for two settlements in the unlocated lands to the westward of ,pensylvania and the ,virginian mountains1 and is totally silent with respect to a settlement in ,new ,england3 the other treats of the mode of settling new colonies in ,north ,america in general1 leaving the precise situation to be in some measure pointed out by the foregoing extract4 ,the copy from which this paper is printed1 has appearances of being rather incorrectly taken from the original4 ,b4 ,v4 #ab ,see his work above quoted1 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #bcd4 et seq4 and p4 #agi4 et seq4 ,b4 ,v4 #ac ,this whole proposal was neglected1 though the ,french thought a considerable settlement very practicable1 in order to get at the ,ohio4 ,see ,governor ,pownall1 ,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #bcf4 ,dr4 ,franklin also failed in another proposal for settling to the south of the ,ohio4 ,b4 ,v4 ,report of the ,committee of ,aggrievances of the ,assembly of ,pensylvania1 dated ,feb4 #bb1 #agegad4 ,in obedience to the order of the house1 we have drawn up the heads of the most important aggrievances that occur to us1 which the people of this province with great difficulty labour under2 the many infractions of the constitution 7in manifest violation of the royal grant1 the proprietary charter1 the laws of this province1 and of the laws1 usages1 and customs of our mother-country7 and other matters2 which we apprehend call aloud for redress4 ,they are as follow3 ,first1 ,by the royal charter 7which has ever been1 ought to be1 and truly is1 the principal and invariable fundamental of this constitution7 ,king ,charles the ,second did give and grant unto ,william ,penn1 his heirs and assigns1 the province of ,pensylvania2 and also to him and his heirs1 and his or their deputies or lieutenants1 free1 full1 and absolute power1 for the good and happy government thereof1 to make and enact any laws1 according to their best discretion2 by and with the advice1 assent1 and approbation of the freemen of the said country1 or of their delegates or deputies2 for the raising of money1 or any other end appertaining to the public state1 peace1 or safety of the said country4 ,by the words of this grant1 it is evident1 that full powers are granted to the deputies and lieutenants of ,william ,penn and his heirs1 to concur with the people in framing laws for their protection and the safety of the province1 according to their best discretion2 independent of any instructions or directions they should receive from their principals4 ,and it is equally obvious to your committee1 that the people of this province and their representatives were interested in this royal grant2 and by virtue thereof have an original right of legislation inherent in them2 which neither the proprietors nor any other person whatsoever can divest them of1 restrain1 or abridge1 without manifestly violating and destroying the letter1 spirit1 and design of this grant4 ,nevertheless we unfortunately find1 that the proprietaries of this province1 regardless of this sacred fundamental of our rights and liberties1 have so abridged and restricted their late and present governor's discretion in matters of legislation1 by their illegal1 impracticable1 and unconstitutional instructions and prohibitions2 that no bill for granting aids and supplies to our most gracious sovereign 7be it ever so reasonable1 expedient1 and necessary for the defence of this his majesty's colony1 and safety of his people7 unless it be agreeable thereto1 can meet with his approbation3 by means whereof the many considerable sums of money which have been offered for those purposes1 by the assemblies of this province 7ever anxious to maintain his honour and rights17 have been rejected2 to the great encouragement of his majesty's enemies1 and the imminent danger of the loss of this colony4 ,secondly1 ,the representatives of the people in general assembly met1 by virtue of the said royal grant1 and the charter of privileges granted by the said ,william ,penn1 and a law of this province1 have right to1 and ought to enjoy all the powers and privileges of an assembly1 according to the rights of the free-born subjects of ,england1 and as is usual in any of the plantations in ,america3 also it is an indubitable and now an incontested right of the commons of ,england1 to grant aids and supplies to his majesty in any manner they think most easy to themselves and the people2 and they also are the sole judges of the measure1 manner and time of granting and raising the same4 ,nevertheless the proprietaries of this province1 in contempt of the said royal grant1 proprietary charter1 and law of their colony1 designing to subvert the fundamentals of this constitution1 to deprive the assembly and people of their rights and privileges1 and to assume an arbitrary and tyrannical power over the liberties and properties of his majesty's liege subjects1 have so restrained their governors by the despotic instructions 7which are not to be varied from1 and are particularly directory in the framing and passing of money-bills and supplies to his majesty1 as to the mode1 measure1 and time7 that it is impossible for the assembly1 should they lose all sense of their most essential rights1 and comply with those instructions1 to grant sufficient aids for the defence of this his majesty's province from the common enemy4 ,thirdly1 ,in pursuance of sundry acts of general assembly1 approved of by the crown1 and a natural right inherent in every man antecedent to all laws1 the assemblies of this province have had the power of disposing of the public monies1 that have been raised for the encouragement of trade and support of government1 by the interest money arising by the loan of the bills of credit and the excise4 ,no part of these monies was ever paid by the proprietaries1 or ever raised on their estates2 and therefore they can have no pretence of right to a voice in the disposition of them4 ,they have ever been applied with prudent frugality to the honour and advantage of the public1 and the king's immediate service1 to the general approbation of the people3 the credit of the government has been preserved1 and the debts of the public punctually discharged4 ,in short1 no inconveniencies1 but great and many advantages have accrued1 from the assembly's prudent care and management of these funds4 ,yet the proprietaries resolved to deprive the assemblies of the power and means of supporting an agent in ,england1 and of prosecuting their complaints and remonstrating their aggrievances1 when injured and oppressed1 to his majesty and his parliament3 and to rob them of this natural right 7which has been so often approved of by their gracious sovereign7 have1 by their said instructions1 prohibited their governor from giving his assent to any laws emitting or re-emitting any paper-currency or bills of credit1 or for raising money by excise or any other method2 unless the governor or commander in chief for the time being1 by clauses to be inserted therein1 has a negative in the disposition of the monies arising thereby2 let the languishing circumstances of our trade be ever so great1 and a further or greater medium be ever so necessary for its support4 ,fourthly1 ,by the laws and statutes of ,england1 the chief rents1 honours1 and castles of the crown are taxed1 and pay their proportion to the supplies that are granted to the king for the defence of the realm and support of government3 his majesty1 the nobility of the realm1 and all the ,british subjects1 do now actually contribute their proportion towards the defence of ,america in general1 and this province in particular3 and it is in a more especial manner the duty of the proprietaries to pay their proportion of a tax1 for the immediate preservation of their own estates1 in this province4 ,to exempt therefore any part of their estates from their reasonable part of this necessary burthen1 it is unjust as it is illegal1 and as new as it is arbitrary4 ,yet the proprietaries1 notwithstanding the general danger to which the nation and its colonies are exposed1 and great distress of this province in particular1 by their said instructions1 have prohibited their governors from passing laws for the raising supplies for its defence2 unless all their located1 unimproved1 and unoccupied lands1 quit-rents1 fines1 and purchase monies on interest 7the much greater part of their enormous estates in this colony7 are expressly exempted from paying any part of the tax4 ,fifthly1 ,by virtue of the said royal charter1 the proprietaries are invested with a power of doing every thing which unto a compleat establishment of justice1 unto courts and tribunals1 forms of judicature1 and manner of proceedings1 do belong4 ,it was certainly the import and design of this grant1 that the courts of judicature should be formed1 and the judges and officers thereof hold their commissions1 in a manner not repugnant1 but agreeable to the laws and customs of ,england3 that thereby they might remain free from the influence of persons in power1 the rights of the people might be preserved1 and their properties effectually secured4 ,that the guarantee1 ,william ,penn 7understanding the said grant in this light7 did1 by his original frame of government1 covenant and grant with the people1 that the judges and other officers should hold their commissions during their good behaviour1 and no longer4 ,notwithstanding which1 the governors of this province have1 for many years past1 granted all the commissions to the judges of the king's bench or supreme court of this province1 and to the judges of the court of common pleas of the several counties1 to be held during their will and pleasure2 by means whereof1 the said judges being subject to the influence and directions of the proprietaries and their governors1 their favourites and creatures1 the laws may not be duly administered or executed1 but often wrested from their true sense2 to serve particular purposes1 the foundation of justice may be liable to be destroyed2 and the lives1 laws1 liberties1 privileges1 and properties of the people thereby rendered precarious and altogether insecure2 to the great disgrace of our laws1 and the inconceivable injury of his majesty's subjects4 ,your committee further beg leave to add1 that besides these aggrievances1 there are other hardships the people of this province have experienced1 that call for redress4--,the inlistment of servants1 without the least satisfaction being made to the masters1 has not only prevented the cultivation of our lands1 and diminished the trade and commerce of the province1 but is a burthen extremely unequal and oppressive to individuals4 ,and should the practice continue1 the consequence must prove very discouraging to the further settlement of this colony1 and prejudicial to his majesty's future service4--,justice1 therefore1 demands1 that satisfaction should be made to the masters of such inlisted servants2 and that the right of masters to their servants be confirmed and settled4--,but as those servants have been inlisted into his majesty's service for the general defence of ,america1 and not of this province only1 but all the colonies1 and the nation in general1 have and will receive equal benefit from their service2 this satisfaction should be made at the expence of the nation1 and not of the province only4 ,that the people now labour under a burthen of taxes1 almost insupportable by so young a colony1 for the defence of its long-extended frontier1 of about two hundred miles from ,new ,jersey to ,maryland2 without either of those colonies1 or the three lower counties on ,delaware1 contributing their proportion thereto2 though their frontiers are in a great measure covered and protected by our forts4 ,and should the war continue1 and with it this unequal burthen1 many of his majesty's subjects in this province will be reduced to want1 and the province1 if not lost to the enemy1 involved in debt1 and sunk under its load4 ,that notwithstanding this weight of taxes1 the assemblies of this province have given to the general service of the nation1 five thousand pounds to purchase provisions for the troops under ,general ,braddock2 #b1ihel4 #js4 #aa;d4 for clearing a road by his orders2 #aj1eadl4 #ajs4 #a;d4 to ,general ,shirley1 for the purchasing provisions for the ,new ,england forces2 and expended the sum of #b1chel4 #js4 #b;d4 in supporting the inhabitants of ,nova ,scotia2 which likewise we conceive ought to be a national expence4 ,and that his majesty's subjects1 the merchants and insurers in ,england1 as well as the merchants here and elsewhere1 did during the last1 and will during the present war1 greatly suffer in their property1 trade1 and commerce1 by the enemy's privateers on this coast1 and at our capes1 unless some method be fallen on to prevent it4 ,wherefore your committee are of opinion1 ,that the commissioners intended to be sent to ,england#ae1 to solicit a memorial and redress of the many infractions and violations of the constitution2 should also have it in charge1 and be instructed to represent to our most gracious sovereign and his parliaments1 the several unequal burthens and hardships before-mentioned2--and endeavour to procure satisfaction to the masters of such servants as have been inlisted1 and the right of masters to their servants established and confirmed2--and obtain a repayment of the said several sums of money1 some assistance towards defending our extensive frontier1 and a vessel of war to protect the trade and commerce of this province4 ,submitted to the correction of the house4 ,feb4 #bb1 #ageg4 ,,footnotes3 #ad ,the ,english colony-governments seem to have been considered as of three sorts4 ,first1 provincial governments2 where the constitution originally depends on the king's commission1 and instructions given to his governors2 and the assemblies1 held under that authority1 have their share in making local ordinances not repugnant to ,english law4 ,next1 proprietary governments2 where a district of country is given by the crown to individuals1 attended with certain legislative powers in the nature of a fief2 with a provision for the sovereignty at home1 and also for the fulfilment of the terms and end of the grant4 ,lastly1 charter governments1 where the fundamentals of the government are previously prescribed and made known to the settlers1 being in no degree left subject to a governor's commission or proprietor's will4 7,see ,blackstone1 ,vol4 ,i4 ,introd4 #d47--;,good faith however to mankind seemed to require1 that the constitutions1 once begun under the provincial or proprietary governments1 should remain unaltered 7except for improvement7 to the respective settlers1 equally as in charter-governments4 ,b4 ,v4 #ae ,dr4 ,franklin was afterwards appointed to present this address1 as agent for the province of ,pensylvania1 and departed from ,america for the purpose in ,june #ageg4 ,see his life1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #acd4 ,while in ,england1 the more effectually to accomplish the business upon which he was sent1 he wrote the article that follows in the next page1 entitled ,an historical ,review1 c4 ,editor4 ,an historical ,review of the ,constitution and ,government of ,pensylvania1 from its ,origin2 so far as regards the several ,points of ,controversy which have1 from ,time to ,time1 arisen between the several ,governors of that ,province1 and their several ,assemblies4 ,founded on authentic ,documents4 ,those who would give up essential liberty1 to purchase a little temporary safety1 deserve neither liberty nor safety4 ,griffiths1 #ageiaf4 ,,dedication4 ,to the right honourable ,arthur ,onslow1 speaker of the honourable ,house of ,commons4 ,,sir1 ,the subject of the following sheets is an unhappy one3 the controversy between the proprietaries and successive assemblies of ,pensylvania3 a controversy which has often embarrassed1 if not endangered the public service3 a controversy which has been long depending1 and which still seems to be as far from an issue as ever4 ,our blessed saviour reproaches the ,pharisees with laying heavy burdens on men's shoulders1 which they themselves would not stir with a single finger4 ,our proprietaries1 sir1 have done the same2 and1 for the sake of the commonwealth1 the province has hitherto submitted to the imposition3 not indeed1 without the most strenuous endeavours to lay the load equally1 the fullest manifestations1 and the strongest protestations against the violence put upon them4 ,having been most injuriously misrepresented and traduced in print1 by the known agents and dependents of those gentlemen their fellow subjects1 they at last find themselves obliged to set forth an historical state of their case1 and to make their appeal to the public upon it4 ,with the public opinion in their favour1 they may with the more confidence lift up their eyes to the wisdom of parliament and the majesty of the crown1 from whence alone they can derive an effectual remedy4 ,to your hands1 sir1 these papers are most humbly presented1 for considerations so obvious1 that they scarce need any explanation4 ,the ,roman provinces did not stand more in need of patronage than ours3 and such clients as we are would have preferred the integrity of ,cato to the fortune of ,csar4 ,the cause we bring is in fact the cause of all the provinces in one3 it is the cause of every ,british subject in every part of the ,british dominions3 it is the cause of every man who deserves to be free every where4 ,the propriety1 therefore1 of addressing these papers to a gentleman1 who1 for so many successive parliaments1 with so much honour to himself and satisfaction to the public1 has been at the head of the commons of ,great ,britain1 cannot be called in question4 ,you will smile1 sir1 perhaps1 as you read the references of a provincial assembly to the rights and claims of parliament2 but we humbly conceive1 it will be without the least mixture of resentment2 those assemblies having nothing more in view1 than barely to establish their privileges on the most rational and solid basis they could find1 for the security and service of their constituents4 ,and you are humbly besought1 sir1 not to think the worse of this address1 because it has been made without your permission or privity4 ,nobody asks leave to pay a debt3 every ,briton is your debtor1 sir3 and all we have said1 or can say1 is but a poor composition for what we owe you4 ,you have conferred as much honour on the chair you fill1 as the chair has conferred on you4 ,probity and dignity are your characteristics4 ,may that seat always derive the same lustre from the same qualities6 ,this at least ought to be our prayer1 whether it is or not within our expectations4 ,for the province of ,pensylvania1 as well as in my own private capacity1 ,i have the honour to be1 with the most profound respect1 ,sir1 your most obedient humble servant1 ,,the ,,editor4 ,,introduction4 ,to obtain an infinite variety of purposes by a few plain principles is the characteristic of nature4 ,as the eye is affected so is the understanding3 objects at distance strike it according to their dimensions1 or the quantity of light thrown upon them2 near1 according to their novelty or familiarity as they are in motion or at rest4 ,it is the same with actions4 ,a battle is all motion2 a hero all glare3 while such images are before us1 we can attend to nothing else4 ,solon and ,lycurgus would make no figure in the same scene with the king of ,prussia2 and we are at present so lost in a military scramble on the continent next us1 in which it must be confessed we are deeply interested1 that we have scarce time to throw a glance towards ,america1 where we have also much at stake1 and where1 if any where1 our account must be made up at last4 ,we love to stare more than to reflect1 and to be indolently amused at our leisure1 than to commit the smallest trespass on our patience by winding a painful tedious maze1 which would pay us in nothing but knowledge4 ,but then as there are some eyes that can find nothing marvellous but what is marvellously great1 so there are others equally disposed to marvel at what is marvellously little2 and who can derive as much entertainment from this microscope in examining a mite1 as ,dr4 ---- in ascertaining the geography of the moon1 or measuring the tail of a comet4 ,let this serve as an excuse for the author of these sheets1 if he needs any1 for bestowing them on the transactions of a colony1 till of late hardly mentioned in our annals2 in point of establishment one of the last upon the ,british list1 and in point of rank one of the most subordinate1 as being not only subject1 in common with the rest1 to the crown1 but also to the claims of a proprietary1 who thinks he does them honour enough in governing them by deputy2 consequently so much further removed from the royal eye1 and so much the more exposed to the pressure of self-interested instructions4 ,considerable1 however1 as most of them1 for happiness of situation1 fertility of soil1 product of valuable commodities1 number of inhabitants1 shipping1 amount of exportations1 latitude of rights and privileges1 and every other requisite for the being and well-being of society1 and more considerable than any of them all for the celerity of its growth1 unassisted by any human help but the vigour and virtue of its own excellent constitution4 ,a father and his family1 the latter united by interest and affection1 the former to be revered for the wisdom of his institutions and the indulgent use of his authority1 was the form it was at first presented in4 ,those who were only ambitious of repose found it here2 and as none returned with an evil report of the land1 numbers followed3 all partook of the leaven they found3 the community still wore the same equal face3 nobody aspired3 nobody was oppressed3 industry was sure of profit1 knowledge of esteem1 and virtue of veneration4 ,an assuming landlord1 strongly disposed to convert free tenants into abject vassals1 and to reap what he did not sow1 countenanced and abetted by a few desperate and designing dependents1 on the one side2 and on the other1 all who have sense enough to know their rights1 and spirit enough to defend them1 combined as one man against the said landlord and his encroachment in the form it has since assumed4 ,and surely a nation born to liberty like this1 bound to leave it unimpaired as they received it from their fathers in perpetuity to their heirs1 and interested in the conservation of it in every appendix to the ,british empire1 the particulars of such a contest cannot be wholly indifferent4 ,on the contrary1 it is reasonable to think1 the first workings of power against liberty1 and the natural efforts of unbiassed men to secure themselves against the first approaches of oppression1 must have a captivating power over every man of sensibility and discernment amongst us4 ,liberty it seems thrives best in the woods4 ,america best cultivates what ,germany brought forth4 ,and were it not for certain ugly comparisons1 hard to be suppressed1 the pleasure arising from such a research would be without alloy4 ,in the feuds of ,florence recorded by ,machiavel1 we find more to lament and less to praise4 ,scarce can we believe the first citizens of the ancient republics had such pretensions to consideration1 though so highly celebrated in ancient story4 ,as to ourselves1 we need no longer have recourse to the late glorious stand of the ,french parliament to excite our emulation4 ,it is a known custom among farmers1 to change their corn from season to season1 for the sake of filling the bushel3 and in case the wisdom of the age should condescend to make the like experiment in another shape1 from hence we may learn1 whither to repair for the proper species4 ,it is not however to be presumed1 that such as have long been accustomed to consider the colonies in general as only so many dependencies on the council board1 the board of trade1 and the board of customs2 or1 as a hot-bed for causes1 jobs and other pecuniary emoluments1 and as formed as effectually by instructions as by laws1 can be prevailed on to consider those patriot rustics with any degree of respect4 ,but how contemptibly soever these gentlemen may talk of the colonies1 how cheap soever they may hold their assemblies1 or how insignificant the planters and traders who compose them1 truth will be truth1 and principle1 principle1 notwithstanding4 ,courage1 wisdom1 integrity1 and honour are not to be measured by the place assigned them to act in1 but by the trials they undergo and the vouchers they furnish3 and if so manifested1 need neither robes or titles to set them off4 ,,contents4 ,list of governors of ,pensylvania1 and dates of the several charters1 c4 of that province4 ,abstract of the charter granted to ,william ,penn4 ,certain conditions or concessions of ,mr4 ,penn to the first adventurers in1 and settlers of1 ,pensylvania4 ,mr4 ,penn's first frame of government4 ,his reservation of quit rents4 ,his second frame of government4 ,the province of ,pensylvania and the territory of the three lower counties united by his management4 ,remonstrance of a subsequent assembly against the said union4 ,motives of the planters1 assigned by the said assembly1 for accepting the second frame of government4 ,mr4 ,penn's return to ,england1 and appointment of commissioners to administer the government4 ,disorders which ensued during his absence4 ,captain ,blackwell's government4 ,the government assumed into the lands of the crown in #afic1 and administered by colonel ,fletcher1 governor of ,new ,york4 ,he declares the constitution of ,mr4 ,penn's government1 and that of their majesties1 to be directly opposite to each other4 ,he menaces the assembly with an annexion of their province to that of ,new ,york4 ,protestation against passing of bills1 amended by the governor and council1 without the previous assent of the assembly to those amendments1 and of money-bills before grievances have been redressed4 ,remonstrance to ,mr4 ,penn concerning this period4 ,the governor admits the principles of the quakers1 not to carry arms1 or levy money to make war2 and solicits a supply to feed the hungry and clothe the naked 7,indians74 ,the assembly insist on their right to appropriate as well as to raise money4 ,the government of ,william ,markham1 ,esq4 ,a new act of settlement or frame of government4 ,the government resumed by ,mr4 ,penn4 ,the province purged from the odium of favouring pirates1 and carrying on an illicit trade4 ,a new model of elections agreed to4 ,the assembly formed thereon dissolved4 ,another assembly called upon another model1 to meet at ,newcastle instead of ,philadelphia4 ,aids granted for the proprietary-governor1 in exchange for a conformation of property4 ,an aid of #cejl4 sterling to the crown on this account4 ,mr4 ,penn's plausible speech to a new assembly4 ,three of the requisitions they made to him1 with his answers and their replies4 ,a breach between the province and the territory4 ,the last charter of privileges1 which1 under the royal charter1 is now the rule of government4 ,it is unanimously rejected by the freemen of the territory4 ,mr4 ,penn's departure for ,england4 ,andrew ,hamilton1 ,esq4 deputy-governor1 in vain endeavours to unite the territory with the province4 ,john ,evans1 ,esq4 succeeds ,hamilton1 and makes the like endeavour1 also in vain4 ,controversy between him and the assembly concerning the bill to confirm the charter4 ,nine several heads of complaint entered in the minutes of the assembly1 as the ground of a representation to the proprietary2 being the representation several times before cited4 ,the remainder of that representation4 ,a copy of it demanded by the governor and refused by the assembly4 ,the latter make a merit of having forborne to make their representation public4 ,the governor obtains an assembly to his wish1 by undue practices4 ,animosities between ,lloyd1 speaker of the assembly1 and ,logan1 secretary to the governor and council4 ,the governor censures the proprietary's charter of property4 ,the draughtman's defence of it4 ,the governor declares the proprietary's high resentment of the assembly's representation4 ,the assembly's reply4 ,the governor refers to the charter of privileges as the only rule of government4 ,the assembly complains of infractions made in it4 ,their representation to the proprietary against the governor4 ,logan impeached by the assembly4 ,an unanimous vote of thanks to the proprietary for recalling ,evans4 ,general view of ,gookin's government4 ,assembly's character of themselves4 ,a proprietary-governor a wretched thing4 ,artful conduct of governor ,keith4 ,mr4 ,penn's death4 ,the province left in the hands of trustees4 ,logan1 one of those trustees1 obtains a majority in the council against the governor4 ,logan makes a voyage to ,england1 and returns with private instructions to ,keith1 which ,keith communicates to the assembly4 ,the governor and assembly in concert pay no regard to the said instructions4 ,a controversy in print1 between the governor and ,logan thereon4 ,a breach between the governor and speaker4 ,the province in a state of tranquillity for nine years under his administration4 ,a pathetic reflection on the melancholy case of governors recalled4 ,pensylvania easy to be governed1 if well governed4 ,private instructions from the proprietary in two several instances declared void4 ,the proprietary of ,pensylvania too inconsiderable here at home to be a patron to the province1 and too unsizeably great there4 ,the proprietaries the sole purchasers of ,indian lands3--the people at the sole expence of ,indian affairs3--treaties and purchases concomitant4 ,the quit-rents of ,pensylvania1 paid to the proprietary1 first demanded and granted to defray the charge of government4 ,notwithstanding which the people now pay taxes for that purpose1 and the proprietaries insist on holding their estates tax-free4 ,paper-money first issued in ,pensylvania4 ,precautions taken to secure it from depreciation4 ,mr4 ,penn's trustees averse to the said issue1 till a provision was made1 at the expence of the province1 to render his heirs gainers by it4 ,room left in the constitution of the province for self defence by force of arms1 though the use of arms was not consistent with the principles of quakers4 ,in consequence of complaints to parliament1 of the mischiefs arising from excessive issues of paper-money by the eastern governments 7that is to say those of ,new ,england7 a general instruction was sent to all the governors of ,north ,america1 not to give their assent to any farther bills of that nature1 without a suspending clause1 till his majesty's pleasure should be known4 ,the assembly grants money in aid of the expedition against ,carthagena4 ,the governor inlists indented servants upon that occasion2 and the assembly apply the money they had given to indemnify the masters4 ,they give #c1jjjl4 towards the public service1 to be applied as his majesty should direct4 ,also another sum of #d1jjjl4 to furnish necessaries to the troops in ,louisburgh4 ,and yet another sum of #e1jjjl4 towards the intended expedition against ,canada in the year #agdf1 by an addition of the like sum to their paper currency1 and notwithstanding the above instruction1 the governor gave his assent to the bill for that purpose4 ,the proprietaries of ,pensylvania oppose the bill brought into parliament for restraining the northern colonies from issuing paper bills of credit1 and make a merit of it in the province4 ,the assembly call upon the proprietaries to contribute to the expence of ,indian affairs1 which they decline4 ,the assembly's representation thereon4 ,a bill for increasing the provincial paper-currency in proportion to the increase of the province1 by an addition of #bj1jjjl4 thereto4 ,rejected by the governor for being unseasonably timed4 ,and petitioned by the inhabitants4 ,a message from the governor 7,hamilton7 preparing the house to expect incursions from the ,french among the ,indians in alliance with them1 and requiring assistance on their behalf4 ,the answer of the proprietaries to the representation of the assembly concerning the expence of ,indian affairs4 ,the assembly's message sent to the governor1 together with the currency-bill he had before rejected4 ,another message to him concerning ,indian affairs1 and notifying a present of condolence to the ,twigtwee tribe4 ,governor's message1 importing his assent to the currency-bill1 with a suspending clause4 ,resolution of the assembly not to accept this clause1 with their reasons4 ,a note of regret1 that some temperament had not been found out at home1 to prevent the controversy1 which was now on the point of breaking out4 ,remonstrance of the assembly against the said clause4 ,the governor's message of adherence thereto4 ,the assembly's reply4 ,their reply to the proprietary's answer to the representation on ,indian expences4 ,unanimous resolution of the assembly concerning the necessity of a remission of their paper-currency4 ,lord ,holdernesse's letter and other papers laid before them1 together with a written message from the governor thereon4 ,the assembly's answer1 accompanied with their currency-bill4 ,the governor rejects it2 but offers to pass a bill for striking a farther sum on a proper fund for sinking the same in a few years4 ,the assembly prudently avail themselves of the cautions in lord ,holdernesse's letter concerning undoubted limits1 to decline taking any part in the broil1 till the government of ,virginia1 as first concerned1 should set the first example4 ,the governor revives the old controversy concerning the paper-money instruction4 ,declares in another paper he had undoubted assurance1 that part of his majesty's dominions within his government was at that time invaded1 and demands supplies to arm the province1 c4 ,the assembly demur1 and desire a short adjournment4 ,the governor not only persists in his former declaration1 but maintains1 that the case was the same1 whether the invasion of the enemy was made in ,virginia or ,pensylvania4 ,the assembly adjourn to ,may #f1 and are assembled by the governor ,april #b1 in order to lay before them papers from governor ,dinwiddie2 and demand a supply4 ,debates in the assembly on the quantum1 and a new adjournment4 ,another session1 and a message from the governor1 accompanied with intelligence1 that the ,french were before the fort built by the ,virginians on the ,ohio2 with dispatches and a proposition from the governors of ,boston and ,new ,york1 for an union of the colonies1 c4 ,a joint bill for granting an aid of #aj1jjjl4 to the king1 and #bj1jjjl4 for replacing torn and ragged bills1 offered4 ,amendments proposed by the governor4 ,unanimously rejected by the assembly1 and for what reasons4 ,the governor's reply4 ,a reflection thereon4 ,resolutions of the assembly4 ,and message to the governor before their adjournment4 ,they are re-convened by special summons on the occasion of ,washington's defeat1 and required to form chearful and vigorous resolutions for dislodging the enemy1 in concurrence with ,virginia4 ,the proceedings of the commissioners at ,albany laid before them4 ,they prepare and present a bill for striking #ce1jjjl4 in bills of credit1 and the rest for replacing defective bills4 ,which the governor evades for want of sufficient powers to pass it4 ,governor ,morris's arrival at ,philadelphia1 and first speech to a new assembly4 ,the assembly's answer and adjournment4 ,being assembled again1 a letter from ,sir ,thomas ,robinson1 secretary of state1 is laid before them2 and the governor in his speech requires them to raise and keep up a considerable body of troops4 ,they present a bill for raising #dj1jjjl4 on the former plan2 half of this sum for the public service2 with a message1 expressing their concern at a paragraph in the secretary of state's letter1 by which it appeared their conduct had not been fairly represented at home4 ,the old instruction1 and an opinion of the attorney-general's1 pleaded by the governor in bar of his assent1 unless the money was raised in a five-years fund4 ,a letter from ,sir ,thomas ,robinson to the governor of ,pensylvania1 dispatched at the same time with others of similar tendency to the other governors of the northern colonies4 ,which the governor1 in his comment upon it1 endeavours to narrow the application of1 to ,pensylvania only4 ,a message from the assembly1 fully demonstrating1 that ,pensylvania was not comprehended in the instruction insisted upon2 and that in case it was1 the present emergency was one of those1 which1 according to the very letter of that instruction1 might be provided for notwithstanding3 also desiring a sight of the instructions he himself had received from his principals4 ,a second message1 in which they call upon the governor to give his assent to the bill1 as what would answer all the purposes recommended to them in ,sir ,thomas ,robinson's letter4 ,the governor's reply1 declining the bill as before2 because the supply might be otherwise raised1 and evading the communication of his instructions4 ,the assembly's rejoinder1 justifying the requisition they made of his instructions2 and intimating1 that an appeal to the crown was the only method left them of being continued in the use and benefit of their birthright1 and charter liberties4 ,the governor questions their right to have these instructions laid before them1 and endeavours to put them beside their point1 by magnifying the preparations of the ,french1 c4 ,the assembly order the papers which had passed between the proprietaries and them to be printed1 which till then they had avoided4 ,their unanimous resolutions concerning the proprietary instructions1 in which they declare it as their opinion1 that the said instructions were the principal if not the sole obstruction to their bill3 also the most essential points contained in their reply to the governor's charges against them4 ,a brief of the governor's sur-rejoinder4 ,some general remarks4 ,the assembly make their appeal to the crown1 inform the governor thereof1 signify their inclination to adjourn till ,may1 and give his instructions the coup de grace4 ,the governor's expostulatory message thereon4 ,he demands a copy of their minutes2 they order him one when the printed copies were finished1 and adjourn4 ,upon ,braddock's arrival in ,virginia1 they are re-assembled by special summons3 the demands made by message on that occasion4 ,the governor reprimands them for having published ,sir ,thomas ,robinson's letter in their minutes1 and for not delivering him a copy of those minutes so soon as he had required them4 ,the assembly's answer thereto4 ,orders and counter-orders to the printer of these minutes4 ,two messages from the governor2 one communicating a design of general ,shirley to build a fort within the limits of his majesty's territories near ,crown ,point1 to which the assembly is required to contribute2 and the other1 notifying first the arrival of ,braddock's forces1 and then the expectations entertained at home1 that the colonies would raise an additional number of forces1 furnish provisions1 c4 all terminated with a kind of menace of the resentment of his majesty and the parliament1 in case of a disappointment4 ,twenty five thousand pounds granted to the king's use1 to be raised by an emission of paper-bills to the same amount1 and to be sunk by an extension of the excise for ten years4 ,refused by the governor1 on the old pretence of a contrary instruction4 ,a provision demanded for the expence of an ,indian treaty4 ,a memorial to the assembly from ,mr4 ,quincy1 a commissioner from the government of ,massachusett's ,bay1 expressing both his concern1 that the governor could not be induced to pass the said money-bill1 and his acknowledgments of the chearfulness shown by them in granting #aj1jjjl4 for victualling the forces to be employed in ,new ,england2 being part of the money so granted2 and urging them to find out some other means of rendering their purpose effectual4 ,the assembly resolve to raise the said sum on the credit of the province4 ,another paper of acknowledgment from the said ,mr4 ,quincy4 ,the governor refuses to return the said bill to the assembly2 informs them the ,french had fitted out fifteen sail of the line1 with six thousand land forces1 and calls upon them to put the province into a state of defence1 as the enemy could not be ignorant how plentiful and defenceless it was2 yet advises a short adjournment4 ,they meet again1 and a squabble arising between them about a bill merely provincial1 he revives the former controversy4 ,the assembly's spirited answer to this captious message4 ,a remark thereon4 ,they are re-assembled4 ,a hardy assertion1 concerning the paper-money act passed by governor ,thomas1 refuted by a fact4 ,an acknowledgment from the officers of the regular forces of certain presents made to them by the assembly4 ,the governor's message to the assembly1 said to be founded on a representation of general ,braddock's1 requiring them to enable him to furnish the said general with provisions under proper convoys1 c4 c4 ,the assembly desire to have the general's letter laid before them1 which the governor declines1 and thereby occasions a new controversy4 ,the assembly send up two other bills2 one of #aj1jjjl4 for exchanging old bills1 and one of #ae1jjjl4 for the king's use1 on the model of that formerly passed by governor ,thomas1 and confirmed at home by the royal authority1 since the instruction so often cited had been sent to the said governor4 ,such amendments offered to it by the governor1 as he could not but be pre-convinced would not be allowed4 ,the assembly adjourn till ,september2 but are again convoked in ,july1 on occasion of ,braddock's defeat4 ,the governor's speech4 ,the assembly vote an aid of #ej1jjjl4 by a tax on all real and personal estates4 ,the governor makes a pompous offer in the proprietary's name1 of certain lands west of ,allegheny mountains1 to such adventurers as would fight for them1 and calls upon the assembly to afford some assistance to such as should accept the same4 ,a remonstrance which certain inhabitants of certain places were induced to present to the assembly4 ,the address of the assembly to the governor4 ,their #ej1jjjl4 money-bill returned1 with an amendment1 by which the ,,whole proprietary estate was to be exempted from tax4 ,the message of the assembly to the governor on that occasion1 desiring his reasons for that exemption4 ,the governor's reply1 containing four curious reasons4 ,the assembly's rejoinder1 refuting those reasons4 ,other papers which passed between them at the same crisis4 ,the residue of ,braddock's troops being recalled from the frontiers1 notwithstanding an application of the assembly to the governor requesting their continuance1 he calls upon the house to provide for the security of the ,back-inhabitants4 ,a remark thereon4 ,the governor alarms and embarrasses them with petitions from certain persons requiring to be armed2 intelligence of ,indians actually set out1 to fall upon their frontiers2 recommendations to provide by law against exporting provisions to the enemy1 as a requisite to facilitate the reduction of ,louisburgh2 and demands of all manner of things for the assistance of colonel ,dunbar1 who1 by orders from general ,shirley1 was again to proceed towards ,fort ,duquesne4 ,a proposal from certain gentlemen of ,philadelphia to subscribe #ejjl4 in lieu of the proprietary proportion of the tax in question1 and upon a presumption that the proprietaries would honourably reimburse them4 ,the assembly send up their bill to the governor again1 together with the said proposal1 as containing by implication an acknowledgment that the tax was founded in equity1 and also a farther security to the governor1 in case he should give his assent to the bill4 ,their message to the governor1 correcting his manner of stating the ,louisburgh point1 and observing1 that all required of them from ,new ,england was to prolong the excellent laws they had already made4 ,some seasonable remarks4 ,the governor's verbal answer to the assembly's message concerning the money-bill1 adhering to his amendment4 ,he contends for a militia4 ,the assembly order #a1jjjl4 if so much remain in their treasury1 to arm the ,back-inhabitants4 ,they signify their purpose to adjourn1 and refer the affair of a militia-bill to a new assembly4 ,their proceedings at the next meeting3 the governor demands an additional supply of provision to be sent to ,albany1 at the requisition of governor ,phipps1 for the use of the forces of ,massachusett's ,bay3 and another supply for the provisional troops of ,connecticut and ,rhode ,island1 which he was informed were raised in addition to those already employed in the reduction of ,crown-,point4 ,the assembly apply for a sight of ,phipps's letter1 which is refused4 ,the old controversy renewed4 ,a new one concerning the roads opened at the expence of the province for the convenience of the king's forces1 which is carried on with much acrimony on both sides4 ,as a last effort for the public service the assembly authorize by vote a loan1 or voluntary subscription1 of #aj1jjjl4 to be raised in a fortnight1 and refer the lenders to the next assembly for payment4 ,an apology for the length of this treatise2 and a brief state of the province at this period4 ,the new assembly1 after a session of four days1 suffered to adjourn themselves without proceeding to business1 for want of having the intelligence then in the governor's hands in due form imparted to them4 ,being re-convoked1 the governor informs them1 that a party of ,french and ,indians had passed the mountains1 and were encamped within eight miles of the capital1 and1 after a liberal intermixture of upbraidings and self-sufficiencies1 demands a supply2 premising1 that it might be raised by an emission of any sum in paper1 provided funds were found for sinking it in five years1 c4 ,a reference to the only act of parliament extant1 and that an ineffectual one1 to prevent the oppressions practised by provincial governors4 ,politics of various kinds1 and from various quarters1 presented to the assembly4 ,the assembly reduce and rectify the matter of alarm communicated by the governor2 and advise such measures as might reclaim the ,indians1 c4 ,a new message concerning the depredations of the ,indians4 ,sixty thousand pounds granted1 to be struck in bills of credit1 which were to be sunk by a tax of six-pence in the pound2 and a poll-tax of ten shillings a head1 yearly1 for four years2 which the governor refuses1 and talks of setting off for the back counties4 ,a new message1 reporting1 that the ,susquehanna ,indians had offered their service to the province1 provided it was accepted without delay4 ,two messages from the assembly to the governor2 the first concerning peace with the ,indians1 and the money bill2 the other an answer to his concerning the ,susquehanna ,indians4 ,they send up a bill for regulating the ,indian trade4 ,the famous ,kentish petition to the house of commons1 in #agja1 outdone by the mayor of ,philadelphia1 and one hundred and thirty three other inconsiderates1 in a demand on their assembly to constitute a militia forthwith4 ,a petition of certain of the people called ,quakers1 for peaceable measures4 ,progress of the controversy concerning the bill1 which the governor offers to pass with a suspending clause4 ,resolutions of the assembly hereupon4 ,message from the governor concerning another ,indian massacre1 and demanding an immediate supply1 c4 ,another from the assembly to him1 justifying their bill both in matter and manner4 ,they send him up a militia bill4 ,the governor's invective against their whole conduct4 ,he passes the militia bill1 under the specific declaration that it was an improper one4 ,he communicates to the assembly a discussion of ,indian affairs1 as prepared by his council2 calls upon them to provide for a swarm of ,french banished out of ,nova ,scotia2 and signifies1 that the proprietaries had sent an order upon their receiver-general1 for #ejjjl4 as a free gift to the public4 ,another remonstrance from the mayor of ,philadelphia and his posse4 ,the assembly's reply to the governor's invective1 which for the present they declined making use of4 ,the answer they did make use of4 ,parley between the speaker and twenty-nine petitioners1 or rather prescribers to the assembly4 ,unanimous resolutions concerning the right of granting supplies to the crown2 and a new money bill1 out of which the proprietary estate was excepted1 in consideration of the late grant of #ejjjl4 ,the assembly's message to the governor1 explaining the use and pressing the dispatch of the ,indian trade bill4 ,the governor's evasive answer4 ,his message desiring the advice of the house4 ,the assembly's answer4 ,their message relative to the complaint of the ,shawanese ,indians4 ,their resolution concerning the ,indian trade bill2 also concerning irregular and improper petitions4 ,they adjourn2 and two months after re-assemble by special summons4 ,the governor's message on that occasion4 ,the message of the assembly in regard to the inlisting purchased servants4 ,general ,shirley's letter of acknowledgment for a voluntary present of clothing sent by the province to his troops4 ,the assembly remind the governor of the ,indian trade bill4 ,he returns it with amendments2 as also their bill for extending the excise4 ,they adhere to their bills and assign their reasons4 ,the governor goes to ,newcastle and the assembly adjourn4 ,sir ,william ,johnson's treaty with the six nations laid before them at their next meeting4 ,the governor appearing strongly inclined to involve the province in a war with the ,delawares and ,shawanese1 some of the people called ,quakers petition for specific measures4 ,the governor on the other hand alarms the house with an account of a number of people coming in a body to make demands upon them4 ,their unanimity on that occasion4 ,the governor takes advantage of this incident to declare war against the said two ,indian nations4 ,he also demands farther supplies1 and intimates1 that certain ,indians1 long subsisted by the province1 were retiring in discontent1 c4 ,the assembly's answer4 ,the return made by the governor4 ,the resolutions of the assembly concerning a plan of military operations communicated to them by the governor4 ,they adjourn and are re-assembled4 ,the governor's message to them from a place called ,harris's ,ferry4 ,a petition of the association companies in ,philadelphia1 concerning the insufficiency of the militia law4 ,the reply of the assembly to the governor's message1 accompanied with a bill for prohibiting provisions4 ,another session1 and two other messages from the governor1 who was still posted at ,harris's ,ferry4 ,a money bill ordered1 but postponed on the receipt of intelligence from ,sir ,charles ,hardy and ,sir ,william ,johnson1 that the ,delawares and ,shawanese were disposed to renew their alliance4 ,the governor proclaims a suspension of arms4 ,the assemblies' message to him1 in which they again press him to pass the ,indian trade bill2 he promises to reconsider it2 and a second time calls upon them to make some 7additional7 provision for his support4 ,six members desire leave upon the adjournment to quit their seats1 and at the next session present a written paper to the house as a testimonial thereof4 ,the resignation accepted and new writs issued4 ,the governor's message notifying the appointment of ,lord ,loudoun to be commander in chief in ,america2 as also the act of parliament for raising a regiment of foreigners2 recommending particularly1 that the masters of such indented servants as should engage in the service might be indemnified2 and that1 as by the expiration of an act passed in the ,lower ,counties1 the ,pensylvanian act1 lately passed1 would expire also1 they would prepare a proper bill for continuing the embargo1 c4 ,the assembly's reply2 in which they show1 the governor had invalidated the acts of all the other colonies by the law he had passed in the ,lower ,counties4 ,their message concerning the excise and ,indian trade bills2 and his answer1 that he would not recede from his amendments because of his proprietary instruction4 ,the instruction itself4 ,a remark2 and the resolution of the house on the said instruction4 ,an act for emitting #djjjl4 in bills of credit1 on behalf of the proprietaries1 to supply so far the public occasions1 till their receiver-general should be enabled by his receipts to make good their order4 ,an act1 for striking and issuing the sum of #dj1jjjl4 for the king's use1 sent up to the governor4 ,his message concerning an attack to be apprehended from the ,indians about harvest time4 ,the assembly's answer4 ,a bill to permit the exportation of provisions for the king's service1 notwithstanding the act of prohibition4 ,the governor's evasive conduct in relation thereto4 ,the assembly apprise him1 ,july #e1 of their intention to adjourn till ,august #b2 and are told that he has no objection4 ,notwithstanding which1 he re-assembles them a fortnight afterwards1 in the midst of their harvest1 under the pretence of continuing the prohibition act4 ,petition of the merchants in relation to the embargo4 ,the assembly's answer to the governor's message4 ,another message to him concerning the preamble to the #djjjl4 bill on behalf of the proprietaries4 ,the governor's answer4 ,he sends down another preamble1 which is not relished2 refuses to pass the excise bill1 and expunges the clause in the #dj1jjjl4 bill for taxing the proprietary estate4 ,his message concerning ,indian affairs1 and the expence of conducting them4 ,the assembly's answer4 ,the governor's reply4 ,a parting compliment from general ,shirley to the province4 ,a new session1 and the governor's message thereon4 ,the assembly's answer4 ,governor ,morris is superseded by governor ,denny4 ,the governor complimented on his arrival4 ,the first speech a continuation of the old system4 ,the business of the assembly at a stand for a few days4 ,their address2 and message1 requesting copies of his proprietary instructions4 ,certain of the said instructions communicated4 ,a short comment upon them4 ,a message to the governor4 ,the governor's answer4 ,a bill prepared for striking the sum of #fj1jjjl4 for the king's use1 to be sunk by an excise4 ,a conference on the said bill4 ,the assembly's answer to the governor's objections4 ,the governor's answer1 signifying1 that he would not give his assent to it4 ,resolutions of the assembly after a protest against the instructions1 and a salvo for their own rights1 to prepare a new bill4 ,a new bill prepared and passed4 ,a brief apology for the conduct of the assembly on this occasion4 ,a remonstrance voted4 ,conclusion2 with a testimonial of commodore ,sprag in behalf of the assembly4 ,,an ,,appendix1 containing sundry original papers relative to the several points in controversy between the governors and assemblies of ,pensylvania1 viz4 #a4 ,the representation of the assembly to the proprietaries1 requesting them to bear a proportionable part of ,indian expences4 #b4 ,the proprietaries' answer2 and assembly's remarks thereon4 #c4 ,a message from governor ,morris1 containing his additional arguments to show the unreasonableness of taxing the proprietary estate for its defence1 and in support of the restrictions he was under in that respect4 #d4 ,the assembly's answer thereto4 #e4 ,the governor's reply4 #f4 ,the assembly's rejoinder4 ,note4 ,in the above four messages great part of the points in dispute between the proprietaries and people of the province are fully litigated2 and the perusal of them is necessary to those who would have a thorough knowledge of the controversy4 #g4 ,the speaker of the ,pensylvanian assembly's paper of authorities relating to the rights of the commons over money-bills1 and in support of the #ej1jjjl4 bills passed by the assembly1 so far as it relates to the taxing the proprietary estate within that province4 #h4 ,report of a committee of assembly on the proprietary instructions relative to money-bills2 clearly demonstrating1 that though the proprietaries would at length appear to be willing to have their estates taxed in common with other estates1 yet that were laws passed pursuant to these instructions1 much the greatest part of their estate would be exempted1 and that the sums necessary to be granted for his majesty's service in that province could not possibly be raised thereby1 c4 c4 ,a paper of importance4 #i4 ,mr4 ,thomas ,penn's estimate of the value of the proprietary estate in ,pensylvania1 upwards of twenty years ago2 with remarks thereon1 showing its prodigious increase since that time1 the profits arising to the ,,house ,,of ,,penn from their ,indian purchases1 and the huckstering manner in which they dispose of lands to the king's subjects in that province4 #aj4 ,a specimen of the anonymous abuses continually published against the inhabitants of ,pensylvania1 by the proprietaries and their agents1 with ,mr4 ,w4 ,franklin's refutation thereof4 #aa4 ,some remarks on the conduct of the last and present governor1 with regard to their employing the provincial forces as regulars1 rather than as rangers2 and showing the secret reason why that province is at present without a militia-law1 notwithstanding the several bills which have been lately passed by the assembly for that purpose4 #ab4 ,an account of sundry sums of money paid by the province for his majesty's service1 since the commencement of the present troubles in ,america4 #ac4 ,an extract from an original letter of ,mr4 ,logan1 containing1 among other things1 his opinion of the proprietary right to the government of the three ,delaware counties2 and which serves to account for the particular favour shown that government from time to time4 ,,footnote3 #af ,this is the title of an octavo volume1 consisting of nearly five hundred pages closely printed4 ,it was written1 as mentioned in the preceding note1 while ,dr4 ,franklin was in ,england as agent for the province of ,pensylvania1 to further the ends of his mission1 by removing the unfavourable impressions which had taken place to the prejudice of the ,pensylvanians3 and it must be confessed1 as a reviewer of the work observes1 they had in our author a most zealous and able advocate4 ,his sentiments are manly1 liberal1 and spirited2 his style close1 nervous1 and rhetorical4 ,by a forcible display of the oppressions his clients have sustained1 he inclines us to pity their condition2 by an enumeration of their virtues he endeavours to remove the idea1 which many have entertained1 of their unimportance1 and1 abstracted from their consideration in a political light1 they claim our regard by reason of their own personal merits4 ,interesting however as the controversy between the governors and the assembly of ,pensylvania may have been at the time1 it is too little so now to justify the insertion of so voluminous an account of it in the present collection1 and we shall content ourselves therefore with extracting the dedication1 preface1 and contents4 ,it is singular1 that neither the editor of ,dr4 ,franklin's works1 whom we have designated by the letters ,b4 ,v42 nor ,dr4 ,stuber1 the continuator of his life1 should have mentioned this publication4 ,the work is indeed anonymous1 but it is so well known to have been ,dr4 ,franklin's1 that in the common library catalogue of the ,british ,museum it is ranked under his name4 ,editor4 ,the ,interest of ,great ,britain considered1 with ,regard to her ,colonies1 and the ,acquisitions of ,canada and ,guadaloupe#ag4 ,i have perused with no small pleasure the ,letter addressed to ,two ,great ,men1 and the ,remarks on that letter4 ,it is not merely from the beauty1 the force and perspicuity of expression1 or the general elegance of manner conspicuous in both pamphlets1 that my pleasure chiefly arises2 it is rather from this1 that ,i have lived to see subjects of the greatest importance to this nation publicly discussed without party views1 or party heat1 with decency and politeness1 and with no other warmth1 than what a zeal for the honour and happiness of our king and country may inspire2 and this by writers1 whose understanding 7however they may differ from each other7 appears not unequal to their candour and the uprightness of their intention4 ,but1 as great abilities have not always the best information1 there are1 ,i apprehend1 in the ,remarks1 some opinions not well founded1 and some mistakes of so important a nature1 as to render a few observations on them necessary for the better information of the public4 ,the author of the ,letter1 who must be every way best able to support his own sentiments1 will1 ,i hope1 excuse me1 if ,i seem officiously to interfere2 when he considers1 that the spirit of patriotism1 like other qualities good and bad1 is catching2 and that his long silence since the ,remarks appeared has made us despair of seeing the subject farther discussed by his masterly hand4 ,the ingenious and candid remarker1 too1 who must have been misled himself before he employed his skill and address to mislead others1 will certainly1 since he declares he aims at no seduction#ah1 be disposed to excuse even the weakest effort to prevent it4 ,and surely1 if the general opinions that possess the minds of the people may possibly be of consequence in public affairs1 it must be fit to set those opinions right4 ,if there is danger1 as the remarker supposes1 that extravagant expectations may embarrass a virtuous and able ministry1 and render the negotiation for peace a work of infinite difficulty#ai2 there is no less danger that expectations too low1 through want of proper information1 may have a contrary effect1 may make even a virtuous and able ministry less anxious1 and less attentive to the obtaining points1 in which the honour and interest of the nation are essentially concerned2 and the people less hearty in supporting such a ministry and its measures4 ,the people of this nation are indeed respectable1 not for their numbers only1 but for their understanding and their public spirit3 they manifest the first1 by their universal approbation of the late prudent and vigorous measures1 and the confidence they so justly repose in a wise and good prince1 and an honest and able administration2 the latter they have demonstrated by the immense supplies granted in parliament unanimously1 and paid through the whole kingdom with chearfulness4 ,and since to this spirit and these supplies our victories and successes#bj have in great measure been owing1 is it quite right1 is it generous to say1 with the remarker1 that the people had no share in acquiring them8 ,the mere mob he cannot mean1 even where he speaks of the madness of the people2 for the madness of the mob must be too feeble and impotent1 armed as the government of this country at present is1 to overrule#ba1 even in the slightest instances1 the virtue and moderation of a firm and steady ministry4 ,while the war continues1 its final event is quite uncertain4 ,the victorious of this year may be the vanquished of the next4 ,it may therefore be too early to say1 what advantages we ought absolutely to insist on1 and make the sine quibus non of a peace4 ,if the necessity of our affairs should oblige us to accept of terms less advantageous than our present successes seem to promise us2 an intelligent people1 as ours is1 must see that necessity1 and will acquiesce4 ,but as a peace1 when it is made1 may be made hastily2 and as the unhappy continuance of the war affords us time to consider1 among several advantages gained or to be gained1 which of them may be most for our interest to retain1 if some and not all may possibly be retained2 ,i do not blame the public disquisition of these points1 as premature or useless4 ,light often arises from a collision of opinions1 as fire from flint and steel2 and if we can obtain the benefit of the light1 without danger from the heat sometimes produced by controversy1 why should we discourage it8 ,supposing then1 that heaven may still continue to bless his majesty's arms1 and that the event of this just war may put it in our power to retain some of our conquests at the making of a peace2 let us consider1 #a4 ,the security of a dominion1 a justifiable and prudent ground upon which to demand cessions from an enemy4 ,whether we are to confine ourselves to those possessions only that were the objects for which we began the war#bb4 ,this the remarker seems to think right1 when the question relates to ,canada1 properly so called2 it having never been mentioned as one of those objects1 in any of our memorials or declarations1 or in any national or public act whatsoever4 ,but the gentleman himself will probably agree1 that if the cession of ,canada would be a real advantage to us2 we may demand it under his second head1 as an indemnification for the charges incurred in recovering our just rights2 otherwise1 according to his own principles1 the demand of ,guadaloupe can have no foundation4--,that our claims before the war were large enough for possession and for security too#bc1 though it seems a clear point with the ingenious remarker1 is1 ,i own1 not so with me4 ,i am rather of the contrary opinion1 and shall presently give my reasons4 ,but first let me observe1 that we did not make those claims because they were large enough for security1 but because we could rightfully claim no more4 ,advantages gained in the course of this war may increase the extent of our rights4 ,our claims before the war contained some security2 but that is no reason why we should neglect acquiring more1 when the demand of more is become reasonable4 ,it may be reasonable in the case of ,america1 to ask for the security recommended by the author of the ,letter#bd1 though it would be preposterous to do it in many other cases4 ,his proposed demand is founded on the little value of ,canada to the ,french2 the right we have to ask1 and the power we may have to insist on an indemnification for our expences2 the difficulty the ,french themselves will be under of restraining their restless subjects in ,america from encroaching on our limits and disturbing our trade2 and the difficulty on our parts of preventing encroachments1 that may possibly exist many years without coming to our knowledge4 ,but the remarker does not see why the arguments1 employed concerning a security for a peaceable behaviour in ,canada1 would not be equally cogent for calling for the same security in ,europe#be4 ,on a little farther reflection1 he must ,i think be sensible1 that the circumstances of the two cases are widely different4--,here we are separated by the best and clearest of boundaries1 the ocean1 and we have people in or near every part of our territory4 ,any attempt to encroach upon us1 by building a fort even in the obscurest corner of these islands1 must therefore be known and prevented immediately4 ,the aggressors also must be known1 and the nation they belong to would be accountable for their aggression4 ,in ,america it is quite otherwise4 ,a vast wilderness1 thinly or scarce at all peopled1 conceals with ease the march of troops and workmen4 ,important passes may be seized within our limits1 and forts built in a month1 at a small expence1 that may cost us an age1 and a million1 to remove4 ,dear experience has taught this4 ,but what is still worse1 the wide extended forests between our settlements and theirs1 are inhabited by barbarous tribes of savages1 that delight in war1 and take pride in murder2 subjects properly neither of the ,french nor ,english1 but strongly attached to the former by the art and indefatigable industry of priests1 similarity of superstitions1 and frequent family alliances4 ,these are easily1 and have been continually1 instigated to fall upon and massacre our planters1 even in times of full peace between the two crowns2 to the certain diminution of our people and the contraction of our settlements#bf4 ,and though it is known they are supplied by the ,french1 and carry their prisoners to them1 we can1 by complaining1 obtain no redress2 as the governors of ,canada have a ready excuse1 that the ,indians are an independent people1 over whom they have no power1 and for whose actions they are therefore not accountable4 ,surely circumstances so widely different may reasonably authorise different demands of security in ,america1 from such as are usual or necessary in ,europe4 ,the remarker however thinks1 that our real dependance for keeping ,france or any other nation true to her engagements1 must not be in demanding securities which no nation whilst independent can give2 but on our own strength and our own vigilance#bg4 ,no nation that has carried on a war with disadvantage1 and is unable to continue it1 can be said1 under such circumstances1 to be independent2 and while either side thinks itself in a condition to demand an indemnification1 there is no man in his senses1 but will1 cteris paribus1 prefer an indemnification1 that is a cheaper and more effectual security than any other he can think of4 ,nations in this situation demand and cede countries by almost every treaty of peace that is made4 ,the ,french part of the island of ,st4 ,christophers was added to ,great ,britain in circumstances altogether similar to those in which a few months may probably place the country of ,canada4 ,farther security has always been deemed a motive with a conqueror to be less moderate2 and even the vanquished insist upon security as a reason for demanding what they acknowledge they could not otherwise properly ask4 ,the security of the frontier of ,france on the side of the ,netherlands was always considered in the negotiation1 that began at ,gertrudenburgh1 and ended with that war4 ,for the same reason they demanded and had ,cape ,breton4 ,but a war1 concluded to the advantage of ,france1 has always added something to the power1 either of ,france1 or the house of ,bourbon4 ,even that of #agcc1 which she commenced with declarations of her having no ambitious views1 and which finished by a treaty1 at which the ministers of ,france repeatedly declared1 that she desired nothing for herself1 in effect gained for her ,lorrain1 an indemnification ten times the value of all her ,north ,american possessions4 ,in short1 security and quiet of princes and states have ever been deemed sufficient reasons1 when supported by power1 for disposing of rights2 and such disposition has never been looked on as want of moderation4 ,it has always been the foundation of the most general treaties4 ,the security of ,germany was the argument for yielding considerable possessions there to the ,swedes3 and the security of ,europe divided the ,spanish monarchy by the partition-treaty1 made between powers who had no other right to dispose of any part of it4 ,there can be no cession that is not supposed at least1 to increase the power of the party to whom it is made4 ,it is enough that he has a right to ask it1 and that he does it not merely to serve the purposes of a dangerous ambition4 ,canada1 in the hands of ,britain1 will endanger the kingdom of ,france as little as any other cession2 and from its situation and circumstances cannot be hurtful to any other state4 ,rather1 if peace be an advantage1 this cession may be such to all ,europe4 ,the present war teaches us1 that disputes arising in ,america may be an occasion of embroiling nations2 who have no concerns there4 ,if the ,french remain in ,canada and ,louisiana1 fix the boundaries as you will between us and them1 we must border on each other for more than fifteen hundred miles4 ,the people that inhabit the frontiers are generally the refuse of both nations1 often of the worst morals and the least discretion2 remote from the eye1 the prudence1 and the restraint of government4 ,injuries are therefore frequently1 in some part or other of so long a frontier1 committed on both sides1 resentment provoked1 the colonies first engaged1 and then the mother countries4 ,and two great nations can scarce be at war in ,europe1 but some other prince or state thinks it a convenient opportunity to revive some ancient claim1 seize some advantage1 obtain some territory1 or enlarge some power at the expence of a neighbour4 ,the flames of war1 once kindled1 often spread far and wide1 and the mischief is infinite4 ,happy it proved to both nations1 that the ,dutch were prevailed on finally to cede the ,new ,netherlands 7now the province of ,new ,york7 to us at the peace of #afgd2 a peace that has ever since continued between us1 but must have been frequently disturbed1 if they had retained the possession of that country1 bordering several hundred miles on our colonies of ,pensylvania westward1 ,connecticut and the ,massachusetts eastward4 ,nor is it to be wondered at1 that people of different language1 religion1 and manners1 should in those remote parts engage in frequent quarrels2 when we find1 that even the people of our own colonies have frequently been so exasperated against each other1 in their disputes about boundaries1 as to proceed to open violence and bloodshed4 #b4 ,erecting forts in the back settlements1 almost in no instance a sufficient security against the ,indians and the ,french2 but the possession of ,canada implies every security1 and ought to be had1 while in our power4 ,but the remarker thinks we shall be sufficiently secure in ,america1 if we raise ,english forts at such passes as may at once make us respectable to the ,french and to the ,indian nations#bh4 ,the security desirable in ,america may be considered as of three kinds4 #a4 ,a security of possession1 that the ,french shall not drive us out of the country4 #b4 ,a security of our planters from the inroads of savages1 and the murders committed by them4 #c4 ,a security that the ,british nation shall not be obliged1 on every new war1 to repeat the immense expence occasioned by this1 to defend its possessions in ,america4 ,forts1 in the most important passes1 may1 ,i acknowledge1 be of use to obtain the first kind of security3 but as those situations are far advanced beyond the inhabitants1 the expence of maintaining and supplying the garrisons will be very great even in time of full peace1 and immense on every interruption of it2 as it is easy for skulking-parties of the enemy1 in such long roads through the woods1 to intercept and cut off our convoys1 unless guarded continually by great bodies of men4--,the second kind of security will not be obtained by such forts1 unless they were connected by a wall like that of ,china1 from one end of our settlements to the other4 ,if the ,indians1 when at war1 marched like the ,europeans1 with great armies1 heavy cannon1 baggage1 and carriages2 the passes through which alone such armies could penetrate our country1 or receive their supplies1 being secured1 all might be sufficiently secure2 but the case is widely different4 ,they go to war1 as they call it1 in small parties2 from fifty men down to five4 ,their hunting life has made them acquainted with the whole country1 and scarce any part of it is impracticable to such a party4 ,they can travel through the woods even by night1 and know how to conceal their tracks4 ,they pass easily between your forts undiscovered2 and privately approach the settlements of your frontier inhabitants4 ,they need no convoys of provisions to follow them2 for whether they are shifting from place to place in the woods1 or lying in wait for an opportunity to strike a blow1 every thicket and every stream furnishes so small a number with sufficient subsistence4 ,when they have surprised separately1 and murdered and scalped a dozen families1 they are gone with inconceivable expedition through unknown ways2 and it is very rare that pursuers have any chance of coming up with them#bi4 ,in short1 long experience has taught our planters1 that they cannot rely upon forts as a security against ,indians3 the inhabitants of ,hackney might as well rely upon the tower of ,london1 to secure them against highwaymen and housebreakers4--,as to the third kind of security1 that we shall not1 in a few years1 have all we have now done1 to do over again in ,america1 and be obliged to employ the same number of troops1 and ships1 at the same immense expence1 to defend our possessions there1 while we are in proportion weakened here3 such forts ,i think1 cannot prevent this4 ,during a peace1 it is not to be doubted the ,french1 who are adroit at fortifying1 will likewise erect forts in the most advantageous places of the country we leave them2 which will make it more difficult than ever to be reduced in case of another war4 ,we know by the experience of this war1 how extremely difficult it is to march an army through the ,american woods1 with its necessary cannon and stores1 sufficient to reduce a very slight fort4 ,the accounts at the treasury will tell you1 what amazing sums we have necessarily spent in the expeditions against two very trifling forts1 ,duquesne1 and ,crown ,point4 ,while the ,french retain their influence over the ,indians1 they can easily keep our long extended frontier in continual alarm1 by a very few of those people2 and with a small number of regulars and militia1 in such a country1 we find they can keep an army of ours in full employ for several years4 ,we therefore shall not need to be told by our colonies1 that if we leave ,canada1 however circumscribed1 to the ,french1 we have done nothing#cj2 we shall soon be made sensible ourselves of this truth1 and to our cost4 ,i would not be understood to deny1 that even if we subdue and retain ,canada1 some few forts may be of use to secure the goods of the traders1 and protect the commerce1 in case of any sudden misunderstanding with any tribe of ,indians3 but these forts will be best under the care of the colonies interested in the ,indian trade1 and garrisoned by their provincial forces1 and at their own expence4 ,their own interest will then induce the ,american governments to take care of such forts in proportion to their importance1 and see that the officers keep their corps full1 and mind their duty4 ,but any troops of ours placed there1 and accountable here1 would1 in such remote and obscure places1 and at so great a distance from the eye and inspection of superiors1 soon become of little consequence1 even though the ,french were left in possession of ,canada4 ,if the four independent companies1 maintained by the crown in ,new ,york more than forty years1 at a great expence1 consisted1 for most part of the time1 of faggots chiefly2 if their officers enjoyed their places as sinecures1 and were only1 as a writer#ca of that country styles them1 a kind of military monks2 if this was the state of troops posted in a populous country1 where the imposition could not be so well concealed2 what may we expect will be the case of those1 that shall be posted two1 three1 or four hundred miles from the inhabitants1 in such obscure and remote places as ,crown ,point1 ,oswego1 ,duquesne1 or ,niagara8 they would scarce be even faggots2 they would dwindle to mere names upon paper1 and appear no where but upon the muster-rolls4 ,now all the kinds of security we have mentioned are obtained by subduing and retaining ,canada4 ,our present possessions in ,america are secured2 our planters will no longer be massacred by the ,indians1 who1 depending absolutely on us for what are now become the necessaries of life to them 7guns1 powder1 hatchets1 knives1 and clothing7 and having no other ,europeans near1 that can either supply them1 or instigate them against us2 there is no doubt of their being always disposed1 if we treat them with common justice1 to live in perpetual peace with us4 ,and with regard to ,france1 she cannot1 in case of another war1 put us to the immense expence of defending that long extended frontier2 we shall then1 as it were1 have our backs against a wall in ,america2 the sea coast will be easily protected by our superior naval power3 and here our own watchfulness and our own strength will be properly1 and cannot but be successfully employed4 ,in this situation1 the force1 now employed in that part of the world1 may be spared for any other service here or elsewhere2 so that both the offensive and defensive strength of the ,british empire1 on the whole1 will be greatly increased4 ,but to leave the ,french in possession of ,canada1 when it is in our power to remove them1 and depend 7as the remarker proposes7 on our own strength and watchfulness#cb to prevent the mischiefs that may attend it1 seems neither safe nor prudent4 ,happy as we now are1 under the best of kings1 and in the prospect of a succession promising every felicity a nation was ever blessed with2 happy too in the wisdom and vigour of every part of the administration2 we cannot1 we ought not to promise ourselves the uninterrupted continuance of those blessings4 ,the safety of a considerable part of the state1 and the interest of the whole1 are not to be trusted to the wisdom and vigour of future administrations2 when a security is to be had more effectual1 more constant1 and much less expensive4 ,they1 who can be moved by the apprehension of dangers so remote1 as that of the future independence of our colonies 7a point ,i shall hereafter consider7 seem scarcely consistent with themselves1 when they suppose we may rely on the wisdom and vigour of an administration for their safety4--,i should indeed think it less material whether ,canada were ceded to us or not1 if ,i had in view only the security of possession in our colonies4 ,i entirely agree with the remarker1 that we are in ,north ,america a far greater continental as well as naval power2 and that only cowardice or ignorance can subject our colonies there to a ,french conquest4 ,but for the same reason ,i disagree with him widely upon another point4 #c4 ,the blood and treasure spent in the ,american wars1 not spent in the cause of the colonies alone4 ,i do not think1 that our blood and treasure has been expended1 as he intimates1 in the cause of the colonies1 and that we are making conquests for them#cc2 yet ,i believe this is too common an error4 ,i do not say1 they are altogether unconcerned in the event4 ,the inhabitants of them are1 in common with the other subjects of ,great ,britain1 anxious for the glory of her crown1 the extent of her power and commerce1 the welfare and future repose of the whole ,british people4 ,they could not therefore but take a large share in the affronts offered to ,britain2 and have been animated with a truly ,british spirit to exert themselves beyond their strength1 and against their evident interest4 ,yet so unfortunate have they been1 that their virtue has made against them2 for upon no better foundation than this have they been supposed the authors of a war1 carried on for their advantage only4 ,it is a great mistake to imagine1 that the ,american country in question between ,great ,britain and ,france is claimed as the property of any individuals or public body in ,america2 or that the possession of it by ,great ,britain is likely1 in any lucrative view1 to redound at all to the advantage of any person there4 ,on the other hand1 the bulk of the inhabitants of ,north ,america are land-owners1 whose lands are inferior in value to those of ,britain1 only by the want of an equal number of people4 ,it is true1 the accession of the large territory claimed before the war began 7especially if that be secured by the possession of ,canada7 will tend to the increase of the ,british subjects faster1 than if they had been confined within the mountains3 yet the increase within the mountains only would evidently make the comparative population equal to that of ,great ,britain much sooner than it can be expected1 when our people are spread over a country six times as large4 ,i think this is the only point of light in which this question is to be viewed1 and is the only one in which any of the colonies are concerned4--,no colony1 no possessor of lands in any colony1 therefore wishes for conquests1 or can be benefitted by them1 otherwise than as they may be a means of securing peace on their borders4 ,no considerable advantage has resulted to the colonies by the conquests of this war1 or can result from confirming them by the peace1 but what they must enjoy in common with the rest of the ,british people2 with this evident drawback from their share of these advantages1 that they will necessarily lessen1 or at least prevent the increase of the value of what makes the principal part of their private property their land4 ,a people1 spread through the whole tract of country on this side the ,mississippi1 and secured by ,canada in our hands1 would probably for some centuries find employment in agriculture1 and thereby free us at home effectually from our fears of ,american manufactures4 ,unprejudiced men well know1 that all the penal and prohibitory laws that ever were thought on will not be sufficient to prevent manufactures in a country1 whose inhabitants surpass the number that can subsist by the husbandry of it4 ,that this will be the case in ,america soon1 if our people remain confined within the mountains1 and almost as soon should it be unsafe for them to live beyond1 though the country be ceded to us1 no man acquainted with political and commercial history can doubt4 ,manufactures are founded in poverty3 it is the multitude of poor without land in a country1 and who must work for others at low wages or starve1 that enables undertakers to carry on a manufacture1 and afford it cheap enough to prevent the importation of the same kind from abroad1 and to bear the expence of its own exportation4--,but no man1 who can have a piece of land of his own1 sufficient by his labour to subsist his family in plenty1 is poor enough to be a manufacturer1 and work for a master4 ,hence1 while there is land enough in ,america for our people1 there can never be manufactures to any amount or value4 ,it is a striking observation of a very able pen#cd1 that the natural livelihood of the thin inhabitants of a forest country is hunting2 that of a greater number1 pasturage3 that of a middling population1 agriculture2 and that of the greatest1 manufactures2 which last must subsist the bulk of the people in a full country1 or they must be subsisted by charity1 or perish4 ,the extended population1 therefore1 that is most advantageous to ,great ,britain1 will be best effected1 because only effectually secured1 by our possession of ,canada4 ,so far as the being of our present colonies in ,north ,america is concerned1 ,i think indeed with the remarker1 that the ,french there are not an enemy to be apprehended#ce2--;but the expression is too vague to be applicable to the present1 or indeed to any other case4 ,algiers1 ,tunis1 and ,tripoli1 unequal as they are to this nation in power and numbers of people1 are enemies to be still apprehended2 and the ,highlanders of ,scotland have been so for many ages1 by the greatest princes of ,scotland and ,britain4 ,the wild ,irish were able to give a great deal of disturbance even to ,queen ,elizabeth1 and cost her more blood and treasure than her war with ,spain4 ,canada1 in the hands of ,france1 has always stinted the growth of our colonies1 in the course of this war1 and indeed before it1 has disturbed and vexed even the best and strongest of them2 has found means to murder thousands of their people1 and unsettle a great part of their country4 ,much more able will it be to starve the growth of an infant settlement4 ,canada has also found means to make this nation spend two or three millions a year in ,america2 and a people1 how small soever1 that in their present situation1 can do this as often as we have a war with them1 is1 methinks1 an enemy to be apprehended4 ,our ,north ,american colonies are to be considered as the frontier of the ,british empire on that side4 ,the frontier of any dominion being attacked1 it becomes not merely the cause of the people immediately attacked 7the inhabitants of that frontier7 but properly the cause of the whole body4 ,where the frontier people owe and pay obedience1 there they have a right to look for protection3 no political proposition is better established than this4 ,it is therefore invidious1 to represent the blood and treasure spent in this war1 as spent in the cause of the colonies only2 and that they are absurd and ungrateful1 if they think we have done nothing1 unless we make conquests for them1 and reduce ,canada to gratify their vain ambition1 c4 ,it will not be a conquest for them1 nor gratify any vain ambition of theirs4 ,it will be a conquest for the whole2 and all our people will1 in the increase of trade1 and the ease of taxes1 find the advantage of it4 ,should we be obliged at any time1 to make a war for the protection of our commerce1 and to secure the exportation of our manufactures1 would it be fair to represent such a war1 merely as blood and treasure spent in the cause of the weavers of ,yorkshire1 ,norwich1 or the ,west2 the cutlers of ,sheffield1 or the button-makers of ,birmingham8 ,i hope it will appear before ,i end these sheets1 that if ever there was a national war1 this is truly such a one3 a war in which the interest of the whole nation is directly and fundamentally concerned4 ,those1 who would be thought deeply skilled in human nature1 affect to discover self-interested views every where at the bottom of the fairest1 the most generous conduct4 ,suspicions and charges of this kind meet with ready reception and belief in the minds even of the multitude1 and therefore less acuteness and address1 than the remarker is possessed of1 would be sufficient to persuade the nation generally1 that all the zeal and spirit1 manifested and exerted by the colonies in this war1 was only in their own cause1 to make conquests for themselves1 to engage us to make more for them1 to gratify their own vain ambition4 ,but should they now humbly address the mother-country in the terms and the sentiments of the remarker2 return her their grateful acknowledgments for the blood and treasure she had spent in their cause2 confess that enough had not been done for them2 allow that ,english forts1 raised in proper passes1 will1 with the wisdom and vigour of her administration1 be a sufficient future protection2 express their desires that their people may be confined within the mountains1 lest if they are suffered to spread and extend themselves in the fertile and pleasant country on the other side1 they should increase infinitely from all causes1 live wholly on their own labour and become independent2 beg therefore that the ,french may be suffered to remain in possession of ,canada1 as their neighbourhood may be useful to prevent our increase1 and the removing them may in its consequences be even dangerous#cf3--;,i say1 should such an address from the colonies make its appearance here 7though1 according to the remarker1 it would be a most just and reasonable one7 would it not1 might it not with more justice be answered3--,we understand you1 gentlemen1 perfectly well3 you have only your own interest in view3 you want to have the people confined within your present limits1 that in a few years the lands you are possessed of may increase tenfold in value6 you want to reduce the price of labour1 by increasing numbers on the same territory1 that you may be able to set up manufactures and vie with your mother-country6 you would have your people kept in a body1 that you may be more able to dispute the commands of the crown1 and obtain an independency4 ,you would have the ,french left in ,canada1 to exercise your military virtue1 and make you a warlike people1 that you may have more confidence to embark in schemes of disobedience1 and greater ability to support them6 ,you have tasted too1 the sweets of ,,two ,,or ,,three ,,millions sterling per annum spent among you by our fleets and forces1 and you are unwilling to be without a pretence for kindling up another war1 and thereby occasioning a repetition of the same delightful doses6 ,but1 gentlemen1 allow us to understand our interest a little likewise3 we shall remove the ,french from ,canada1 that you may live in peace1 and we be no more drained by your quarrels4 ,you shall have land enough to cultivate1 that you may have neither necessity nor inclination to go into manufactures2 and we will manufacture for you1 and govern you4 ,a reader of the ,remarks may be apt to say1 if this writer would have us restore ,canada1 on principles of moderation1 how can we1 consistent with those principles1 retain ,guadaloupe1 which he represents of so much greater value6--,i will endeavour to explain this1 because by doing it ,i shall have an opportunity of showing the truth and good sense of the answer to the interested application ,i have just supposed3 ,the author then is only apparently and not really inconsistent with himself4 ,if we can obtain the credit of moderation by restoring ,canada1 it is well3 but we should1 however1 restore it at all events2 because it would not only be of no use to us2 but the possession of it 7in his opinion7 may in its consequences be dangerous#cg4 ,as how8 ,why1 plainly1 7at length it comes out7 if the ,french are not left there to check the growth of our colonies1 they will extend themselves almost without bounds into the inland parts1 and increase infinitely from all causes2 becoming a numerous1 hardy1 independent people2 possessed of a strong country1 communicating little or not at all with ,england1 living wholly on their own labour1 and in process of time knowing little and enquiring little about the mother-country4 ,in short1 according to this writer1 our present colonies are large enough and numerous enough2 and the ,french ought to be left in ,north ,america to prevent their increase1 lest they become not only useless1 but dangerous to ,britain4 ,i agree with the ,gentleman1 that with ,canada in our possession1 our people in ,america will increase amazingly4 ,i know1 that their common rate of increase1 where they are not molested by the enemy1 is doubling their numbers every twenty-five years1 by natural generation only2 exclusive of the accession of foreigners#ch4 ,i think this increase continuing would probably1 in a century more1 make the number of ,british subjects on that side the water more numerous than they now are on this2 ,but1 #d4 ,not necessary that the ,american colonies should cease being useful to the mother-country4 ,their preference over the ,west-,indian colonies stated4 ,i am far from entertaining on that account1 any fears of their becoming either useless or dangerous to us2 and ,i look on those fears to be merely imaginary1 and without any probable foundation4--,the remarker is reserved in giving his reasons2 as in his opinion this is not a fit subject for discussion4--,i shall give mine1 because ,i conceive it a subject necessary to be discussed2 and the rather1 as those fears1 how groundless and chimerical soever1 may1 by possessing the multitude1 possibly induce the ablest ministry to conform to them against their own judgment2 and thereby prevent the assuring to the ,british name and nation a stability and permanency1 that no man acquainted with history durst have hoped for1 till our ,american possessions opened the pleasing prospect4 ,the remarker thinks1 that our people in ,america1 finding no check from ,canada1 would extend themselves almost without bounds into the inland parts1 and increase infinitely from all causes4 ,the very reason he assigns for their so extending1 and which is indeed the true one 7their being invited to it by the pleasantness1 fertility1 and plenty of the country17 may satisfy us1 that this extension will continue to proceed1 as long as there remains any pleasant fertile country within their reach4 ,and if we even suppose them confined by the waters of the ,mississippi westward1 and by those of ,st4 ,laurence and the lakes to the northward2 yet still we shall leave them room enough to increase1 even in the manner of settling now practised there1 till they amount to perhaps a hundred millions of souls4 ,this must take some centuries to fulfil3 and in the mean time1 this nation must necessarily supply them with the manufactures they consume2 because the new settlers will be employed in agriculture2 and the new settlements will so continually draw off the spare hands from the old1 that our present colonies will not1 during the period we have mentioned1 find themselves in a condition to manufacture1 even for their own inhabitants1 to any considerable degree1 much less for those who are settling behind them4 ,thus our trade must1 till that country becomes as fully peopled as ,england 7that is for centuries to come7 be continually increasing1 and with it our naval power2 because the ocean is between us and them1 and our ships and seamen must increase as that trade increases4--,the human body and the political differ in this2 that the first is limited by nature to a certain stature1 which1 when attained1 it cannot ordinarily exceed3 the other1 by better government and more prudent police1 as well as by change of manners and other circumstances1 often takes fresh starts of growth1 after being long at a stand2 and may add tenfold to the dimensions it had for ages been confined to4 ,the mother1 being of full stature1 is in a few years equalled by a growing daughter3 but in the case of a mother-country and her colonies1 it is quite different4 ,the growth of the children tends to increase the growth of the mother1 and so the difference and superiority is longer preserved4 ,were the inhabitants of this island limited to their present number by any thing in nature1 or by unchangeable circumstances1 the equality of population between the two countries might indeed sooner come to pass3 but sure experience1 in those parts of the island where manufactures have been introduced1 teaches us2 that people increase and multiply in proportion as the means and facility of gaining a livelihood increase2 and that this island1 if they could be employed1 is capable of supporting ten times its present number of people4 ,in proportion1 therefore1 as the demand increases for the manufactures of ,britain1 by the increase of people in her colonies1 the number of her people at home will increase2 and with them1 the strength as well as the wealth of the nation4 ,for satisfaction in this point1 let the reader compare in his mind the number and force of our present fleets1 with our fleet in ,queen ,elizabeth's time#ci1 before we had colonies4 ,let him compare the ancient1 with the present state of our towns on or near our western coast 7,manchester1 ,liverpool1 ,kendal1 ,lancaster1 ,glasgow1 and the countries round them7 that trade with any manufacture for our colonies 7not to mention ,leeds1 ,halifax1 ,sheffield1 and ,birmingham17 and consider what a difference there is in the numbers of people1 buildings1 rents1 and the value of land and of the produce of land2 even if he goes back no farther than is within man's memory4 ,let him compare those countries with others on the same island1 where manufactures have not yet extended themselves2 observe the present difference1 and reflect how much greater our strength may be 7if numbers give strength7 when our manufacturers shall occupy every part of the island where they can possibly be subsisted4 ,but1 say the objectors1 there is a certain distance from the sea1 in ,america1 beyond which the expence of carriage will put a stop to the sale and consumption of your manufactures2 and this1 with the difficulty of making returns for them1 will oblige the inhabitants to manufacture for themselves2 of course1 if you suffer your people to extend their settlements beyond that distance1 your people become useless to you3 and this distance is limited by some to two hundred miles1 by others to the ,apalachian mountains4--,not to insist on a very plain truth1 that no part of a dominion1 from whence a government may on occasion draw supplies and aids both of men and money 7though at too great a distance to be supplied with manufactures from some other part7 is therefore to be deemed useless to the whole2 ,i shall endeavour to show1 that these imaginary limits of utility1 even in point of commerce1 are much too narrow4 ,the inland parts of the continent of ,europe are farther from the sea1 than the limits of settlement proposed for ,america4 ,germany is full of tradesmen and artificers of all kinds1 and the governments there are not all of them always favourable to the commerce of ,britain2 yet it is a well-known fact1 that our manufactures find their way even into the heart of ,germany4 ,ask the great manufacturers and merchants of the ,leeds1 ,sheffield1 ,birmingham1 ,manchester1 and ,norwich goods2 and they will tell you1 that some of them send their riders frequently through ,france or ,spain1 and ,italy1 up to ,vienna1 and back through the middle and northern parts of ,germany1 to show samples of their wares1 and collect orders1 which they receive by almost every mail1 to a vast amount4 ,whatever charges arise on the carriage of goods are added to the value1 and all paid by the consumer4 ,if these nations1 over whom we have no government1 over whose consumption we can have no influence1 but what arises from the cheapness and goodness of our wares1 whose trade1 manufactures1 or commercial connections are not subject to the control of our laws1 as those of our colonies certainly are in some degree2 ,i say1 if these nations purchase and consume such quantities of our goods1 notwithstanding the remoteness of their situation from the sea2 how much less likely is it1 that the settlers in ,america1 who must for ages be employed in agriculture chiefly1 should make cheaper for themselves the goods our manufacturers at present supply them with3 even if we suppose the carriage five1 six1 or seven hundred miles from the sea as difficult and expensive1 as the like distance into ,germany3 whereas in the latter1 the natural distances are frequently doubled by political obstructions2 ,i mean the intermixed territories and clashing interests of princes#dj4 ,but when we consider1 that the inland parts of ,america are penetrated by great navigable rivers2 that there are a number of great lakes1 communicating with each other1 with those rivers1 and with the sea1 very small portages here and there excepted#da2 that the sea-coasts 7if one may be allowed the expression7 of those lakes only amount at least to two thousand seven hundred miles1 exclusive of the rivers running into them 7many of which are navigable to a great extent for boats and canoes1 through vast tracts of country72 how little likely is it that the expence on the carriage of our goods into those countries should prevent the use of them4 ,if the poor ,indians in those remote parts are now able to pay for the linen1 woollen1 and iron wares they are at present furnished with by the ,french and ,english traders 7though ,indians have nothing but what they get by hunting1 and the goods are loaded with all the impositions fraud and knavery can contrive to inhance their value7 will not industrious ,english farmers1 hereafter settled in those countries1 be much better able to pay for what shall be brought them in the way of fair commerce8 ,if it is asked1 ,what can such farmers raise1 wherewith to pay for the manufactures they may want from us8 ,i answer1 that the inland parts of ,america in question are well known to be fitted for the production of hemp1 flax1 pot-ash1 and above all1 silk2 the southern parts may produce olive-oil1 raisins1 currants1 indigo1 and cochineal4 ,not to mention horses and black cattle1 which may easily be driven to the maritime markets1 and at the same time assist in conveying other commodities4 ,that the commodities first mentioned may easily1 by water and land-carriage1 be brought to the sea-ports from interior ,america1 will not seem incredible1 when we reflect1 that hemp formerly came from the ,ukraine and most southern parts of ,russia to ,wologda1 and down the ,dwina to ,archangel2 and thence1 by a perilous navigation1 round the ,north ,cape to ,england1 and other parts of ,europe4 ,it now comes from the same country up the ,dnieper1 and down the ,duna#db1 with much land-carriage4 ,great part of the ,russia iron1 no high-priced commodity1 is brought three hundred miles by land and water from the heart of ,siberia4 ,furs the produce too of ,america are brought to ,amsterdam from all parts of ,siberia1 even the most remote1 ,kamstchatka4 ,the same country furnishes me with another instance of extended inland commerce4 ,it is found worth while to keep up a mercantile communication between ,pekin in ,china1 and ,petersburgh4 ,and none of these instances of inland commerce exceed those of the courses by which1 at several periods1 the whole trade of the ,east was carried on4 ,before the prosperity of the ,mameluke dominion in ,egypt fixed the staple for the riches of the ,east at ,cairo and ,alexandria 7whither they were brought from the ,red ,sea7 great part of those commodities were carried to the cities of ,cashgar and ,balk4 7,this gave birth to those towns1 that still subsist upon the remains of their ancient opulence1 amidst a people and country equally wild47 ,from thence those goods were carried down the ,am 7the ancient ,oxus7 to the ,caspian ,sea1 and up the ,wolga to ,astrachan2 from whence they were carried over to1 and down the ,don1 to the mouth of that river2 and thence again the ,venetians directly1 and the ,genoese and ,venetians indirectly 7by way of ,kaffa and ,trebisonde7 dispersed them through the ,mediterranean and some other parts of ,europe4 ,another part of those goods was carried over-land from the ,wolga to the rivers ,duna and ,neva2 from both they were carried to the city of ,wisbuy in the ,baltic 7so eminent for its sea-laws72 and from the city of ,ladoga on the ,neva1 we are told they were even carried by the ,dwina to ,archangel2 and from thence round the ,north ,cape4--,if iron and hemp will bear the charge of carriage from this inland country1 other metals will1 as well as iron2 and certainly silk1 since #c;d4 per lb4 is not above #a per cent on the value1 and amounts to #bhl4 per ton4 ,if the growths of a country find their way out of it2 the manufactures of the country where they go will infallibly find their way into it4 ,they1 who understand the economy and principles of manufactures1 know1 that it is impossible to establish them in places not populous3 and even in those that are populous1 hardly possible to establish them to the prejudices of the places already in possession of them4 ,several attempts have been made in ,france and ,spain1 countenanced by the government1 to draw from us1 and establish in those countries1 our hard-ware and woollen manufactures2 but without success4 ,the reasons are various4 ,a manufacture is part of a great system of commerce1 which takes in conveniencies of various kinds2 methods of providing materials of all sorts1 machines for expediting and facilitating labour1 all the channels of correspondence for vending the wares1 the credit and confidence necessary to found and support this correspondence1 the mutual aid of different artizans1 and a thousand other particulars1 which time and long experience have gradually established4 ,a part of such a system cannot support itself without the whole3 and before the whole can be obtained the part perishes4 ,manufactures1 where they are in perfection1 are carried on by a multiplicity of hands1 each of which is expert only in his own part2 no one of them a master of the whole2 and1 if by any means spirited away to a foreign country1 he is lost without his fellows4 ,then it is a matter of the extremest difficulty to persuade a complete set of workmen1 skilled in all parts of a manufactory1 to leave their country together1 and settle in a foreign land4 ,some of the idle and drunken may be enticed away2 but these only disappoint their employers1 and serve to discourage the undertaking4 ,if by royal munificence1 and an expence that the profits of the trade alone would not bear1 a complete set of good and skilful hands are collected and carried over1 they find so much of the system imperfect1 so many things wanting to carry on the trade to advantage1 so many difficulties to overcome1 and the knot of hands so easily broken by death1 dissatisfaction1 and desertion2 that they and their employers are discouraged together1 and the project vanishes into smoke4 ,hence it happens1 that established manufactures are hardly ever lost1 but by foreign conquest1 or by some eminent interior fault in manners or government2 a bad police oppressing and discouraging the workmen1 or religious persecutions driving the sober and industrious out of the country4 ,there is1 in short1 scarce a single instance in history of the contrary1 where manufactures have once taken firm root4 ,they sometimes start up in a new place2 but are generally supported1 like exotic plants1 at more expence than they are worth for any thing but curiosity2 until these new seats become the refuge of the manufacturers driven from the old ones4 ,the conquest of ,constantinople1 and final reduction of the ,greek empire1 dispersed many curious manufacturers into different parts of ,christendom4 ,the former conquests of its provinces1 had before done the same4 ,the loss of liberty in ,verona1 ,milan1 ,florence1 ,pisa1 ,pistoia1 and other great cities of ,italy1 drove the manufacturers of woollen cloths into ,spain and ,flanders4 ,the latter first lost their trade and manufactures to ,antwerp and the cities of ,brabant2 from whence1 by persecution for religion1 they were sent into ,holland and ,england3 while the civil wars1 during the minority of ,charles the ,first of ,spain1 which ended in the loss of the liberty of their great towns1 ended too in the loss of the manufactures of ,toledo1 ,segovia1 ,salamanca1 ,medina del campo1 c4 ,the revocation of the edict of ,nantes communicated1 to all the protestant part of ,europe1 the paper1 silk1 and other valuable manufacturers of ,france2 almost peculiar at that time to that country1 and till then in vain attempted elsewhere4 ,to be convinced1 that it is not soil and climate1 or even freedom from taxes1 that determines the residence of manufacturers1 we need only turn our eyes on ,holland2 where a multitude of manufactures are still carried on 7perhaps more than on the same extent of territory any where in ,europe7 and sold on terms upon which they cannot be had in any other part of the world4 ,and this too is true of those growths1 which1 by their nature and the labour required to raise them1 come the nearest to manufactures4 ,as to the common-place objection to the ,north-,american settlements1 that they are in the same climate1 and their produce the same as that of ,england2--in the first place it is not true2 it is particularly not so of the countries now likely to be added to our settlements2 and of our present colonies1 the products1 lumber1 tobacco1 rice1 and indigo1 great articles of commerce1 do not interfere with the products of ,england3 in the next place1 a man must know very little of the trade of the world1 who does not know1 that the greater part of it is carried on between countries whose climate differs very little4 ,even the trade between the different parts of these ,british islands is greatly superior to that between ,england and all the ,west ,india ,islands put together4 ,if ,i have been successful in proving that a considerable commerce may and will subsist between us and our future most inland settlements in ,north ,america1 notwithstanding their distance2 ,i have more than half proved no other inconveniency will arise from their distance4 ,many men in such a country must know1 must think1 and must care about the country they chiefly trade with4 ,the juridical and other connections of government are yet a faster hold than even commercial ties1 and spread1 directly and indirectly1 far and wide4 ,business to be solicited and causes depending create a great intercourse1 even where private property is not divided in different countries2--yet this division will always subsist1 where different countries are ruled by the same government4 ,where a man has landed property both in the mother country and a province1 he will almost always live in the mother country3 this1 though there were no trade1 is singly a sufficient gain4 ,it is said1 that ,ireland pays near a million sterling annually to its absentees in ,england3 the balance of trade from ,spain1 or even ,portugal1 is scarcely equal to this4 ,let it not be said we have no absentees from ,north ,america4 ,there are many1 to the writer's knowledge2 and if there are at present but few of them1 that distinguish themselves here by great expence1 it is owing to the mediocrity of fortune among the inhabitants of the ,northern colonies1 and a more equal division of landed property1 than in the ,west ,india islands1 so that there are as yet but few large estates4 ,but if those1 who have such estates1 reside upon and take care of them themselves1 are they worse subjects than they would be if they lived idly in ,england8--,great merit is assumed for the gentlemen of the ,west ,indies1#dc on the score of their residing and spending their money in ,england4 ,i would not depreciate that merit2 it is considerable2 for they might1 if they pleased1 spend their money in ,france3 but the difference between their spending it here and at home is not so great4 ,what do they spend it in when they are here1 but the produce and manufactures of this country2--and would they not do the same if they were at home8 ,is it of any great importance to the ,english farmer1 whether the ,west ,india gentleman comes to ,london and eats his beef1 pork1 and tongues1 fresh2 or has them brought to him in the ,west ,indies salted8 whether he eats his ,english cheese and butter1 or drinks his ,english ale1 at ,london or in ,barbadoes8 ,is the clothier's1 or the mercer's1 or the cutler's1 or the toyman's profit less1 for their goods being worn and consumed by the same persons residing on the other side of the ocean8 ,would not the profits of the merchant and mariner be rather greater1 and some addition made to our navigation1 ships and seamen8 ,if the ,north ,american gentleman stays in his own country1 and lives there in that degree of luxury and expence with regard to the use of ,british manufactures1 that his fortune entitles him to2 may not his example 7from the imitation of superiors1 so natural to mankind7 spread the use of those manufactures among hundreds of families around him1 and occasion a much greater demand for them1 than it would do if he should remove and live in ,london8--,however this may be1 if in our views of immediate advantage1 it seems preferable1 that the gentlemen of large fortunes in ,north ,america should reside much in ,england2 it is what may surely be expected1 as fast as such fortunes are acquired there4 ,their having colleges of their own for the education of their youth1 will not prevent it3 a little knowledge and learning acquired increases the appetite for more1 and will make the conversation of the learned on this side the water more strongly desired4 ,ireland has its university likewise2 yet this does not prevent the immense pecuniary benefit we receive from that kingdom4 ,and there will always be1 in the conveniencies of life1 the politeness1 the pleasures1 the magnificence of the reigning country1 many other attractions besides those of learning1 to draw men of substance there1 where they can 7apparently at least7 have the best bargain of happiness for their money4 ,our trade to the ,west ,india islands is undoubtedly a valuable one3 but whatever is the amount of it1 it has long been at a stand4 ,limited as our sugar planters are by the scantiness of territory1 they cannot increase much beyond their present number2 and this is an evil1 as ,i shall show hereafter1 that will be little helped by our keeping ,guadaloupe4--,the trade to our ,northern ,colonies is not only greater1 but yearly increasing with the increase of people3 and even in a greater proportion1 as the people increase in wealth and the ability of spending1 as well as in numbers4#dd--;,i have already said1 that our people in the northern colonies double in about #be years1 exclusive of the accession of strangers4 ,that ,i speak within bounds1 ,i appeal to the authentic accounts frequently required by the board of trade1 and transmitted to that board by the respective governors2 of which accounts ,i shall select one as a sample1 being that from the colony of ,rhode-,island2#de a colony that of all the others receives the least addition from strangers4--,for the increase of our trade to those colonies1 ,i refer to the accounts frequently laid before ,parliament1 by the officers of the customs1 and to the custom-house books3 from which ,i have also selected one account1 that of the trade from ,england 7exclusive of ,scotland7 to ,pensylvania#df2 a colony most remarkable for the plain frugal manner of living of its inhabitants1 and the most suspected of carrying on manufactures1 on account of the number of ,german artizans1 who are known to have transplanted themselves into that country2 though even these1 in truth1 when they come there1 generally apply themselves to agriculture1 as the surest support and most advantageous employment4 ,by this account it appears1 that the exports to that province have in #bh years1 increased nearly in the proportion of #ag to #a2 whereas the people themselves1 who by other authentic accounts appear to double their numbers 7the strangers who settle there included7 in about #af years1 cannot in the #bh years have increased in a greater proportion than as #d to #a4 ,the additional demand then1 and consumption of goods from ,england1 of #ac parts in #ag more than the additional number would require1 must be owing to this2 that the people having by their industry mended their circumstances1 are enabled to indulge themselves in finer clothes1 better furniture1 and a more general use of all our manufactures than heretofore4 ,in fact1 the occasion for ,english goods in ,north ,america1 and the inclination to have and use them1 is1 and must be for ages to come1 much greater than the ability of the people to pay for them2 they must therefore1 as they now do1 deny themselves many things they would otherwise chuse to have1 or increase their industry to obtain them4 ,and thus1 if they should at any time manufacture some coarse article1 which on account of its bulk or some other circumstance1 cannot so well be brought to them from ,britain2 it only enables them the better to pay for finer goods1 that otherwise they could not indulge themselves in3 so that the exports thither are not diminished by such manufacture1 but rather increased4 ,the single article of manufacture in these colonies1 mentioned by the remarker1 is hats made in ,new-,england4 ,it is true1 there have been1 ever since the first settlement of that country1 a few hatters there2 drawn thither probably at first by the facility of getting beaver1 while the woods were but little cleared1 and there was plenty of those animals4 ,the case is greatly altered now4 ,the beaver skins are not now to be had in ,new-,england1 but from very remote places and at great prices4 ,the trade is accordingly declining there2 so that1 far from being able to make hats in any quantity for exportation1 they cannot supply their home demand2 and it is well known1 that some thousand dozens are sent thither yearly from ,london1 ,bristol1 and ,liverpool1 and sold there cheaper than the inhabitants can make them of equal goodness4 ,in fact1 the colonies are so little suited for establishing of manufactures1 that they are continually losing the few branches they accidentally gain4 ,the working brasiers1 cutlers1 and pewterers1 as well as hatters1 who have happened to go over from time to time and settle in the colonies1 gradually drop the working part of their business1 and import their respective goods from ,england1 whence they can have them cheaper and better than they can make them4 ,they continue their shops indeed1 in the same way of dealing2 but become sellers of brasiery1 cutlery1 pewter1 hats1 c4 brought from ,england1 instead of being makers of those goods4 #e4 ,the ,american colonies not dangerous in their nature to ,great ,britain4 ,thus much to the apprehension of our colonies becoming useless to us4 ,i shall next consider the other supposition1 that their growth may render them dangerous4--,of this1 ,i own1 ,i have not the least conception1 when ,i consider that we have already fourteen separate governments on the maritime coast of the continent2 and1 if we extend our settlements1 shall probably have as many more behind them on the inland side4 ,those we now have are not only under different governors1 but have different forms of government1 different laws1 different interests1 and some of them different religious persuasions and different manners4--,their jealousy of each other is so great1 that however necessary an union of the colonies has long been1 for their common defence and security against their enemies1 and how sensible soever each colony has been of that necessity2 yet they have never been able to effect such an union among themselves2 nor even to agree in requesting the mother country to establish it for them4 ,nothing but the immediate command of the crown has been able to produce even the imperfect union1 but lately seen there1 of the forces of some colonies4 ,if they could not agree to unite for their defence against the ,french and ,indians1 who were perpetually harassing their settlements1 burning their villages1 and murdering their people2 can it reasonably be supposed there is any danger of their uniting against their own nation1 which protects and encourages them1 with which they have so many connections and ties of blood1 interest and affection1 and which1 it is well known1 they all love much more than they love one another8 ,in short1 there are so many causes that must operate to prevent it1 that ,i will venture to say1 an union amongst them for such a purpose is not merely improbable1 it is impossible4 ,and if the union of the whole is impossible1 the attempt of a part must be madness2 as those colonies that did not join the rebellion would join the mother-country in suppressing it4 ,when ,i say such an union is impossible1 ,i mean1 without the most grievous tyranny and oppression4 ,people who have property in a country which they may lose1 and privileges which they may endanger1 are generally disposed to be quiet1 and even to bear much1 rather than hazard all4 ,while the government is mild and just1 while important civil and religious rights are secure1 such subjects will be dutiful and obedient4 ,the waves do not rise but when the winds blow4 ,what such an administration as the ,duke of ,alva's in the ,netherlands might produce1 ,i know not2 but this ,i think ,i have a right to deem impossible4 ,and yet there were two very manifest differences between that case1 and ours2 and both are in our favour4 ,the first1 that ,spain had already united the seventeen provinces under one visible government1 though the states continued independent3 the second1 that the inhabitants of those provinces were of a nation1 not only different from1 but utterly unlike the ,spaniards4 ,had the ,netherlands been peopled from ,spain1 the worst of oppression had probably not provoked them to wish a separation of government4 ,it might1 and probably would1 have ruined the country2 but would never have produced an independent sovereignty4 ,in fact1 neither the very worst of governments1 the worst of politics in the last century1 nor the total abolition of their remaining liberty1 in the provinces of ,spain itself1 in the present1 have produced any independency in ,spain that could be supported4 ,the same may be observed of ,france4 ,and let it not be said1 that the neighbourhood of these to the seat of government has prevented a separation4 ,while our strength at sea continues1 the banks of the ,ohio 7in point of easy and expeditious conveyance of troops7 are nearer to ,london1 than the remote parts of ,france and ,spain to their respective capitals2 and much nearer than ,connaught and ,ulster were in the days of ,queen ,elizabeth4 ,no body foretels the dissolution of the ,russian monarchy from its extent2 yet ,i will venture to say1 the eastern parts of it are already much more inaccessible from ,petersburgh1 than the country on the ,mississippi is from ,london2 ,i mean1 more men1 in less time1 might be conveyed the latter than the former distance4 ,the rivers ,oby1 ,jenesea1 and ,lena1 do not facilitate the communication half so well by their course1 nor are they half so practicable as the ,american rivers4 ,to this ,i shall only add the observation of ,machiavel1 in his ,prince2 that a government seldom long preserves its dominion over those who are foreigners to it2 who1 on the other hand1 fall with great ease1 and continue inseparably annexed to the government of their own nation3 which he proves by the fate of the ,english conquests in ,france4 ,yet with all these disadvantages1 so difficult is it to overturn an established government1 that it was not without the assistance of ,france and ,england1 that the ,united ,provinces supported themselves3 which teaches us1 that #f4 ,the ,french remaining in ,canada1 an encouragement to disaffections in the ,british ,colonies4--,if they prove a check1 that check of the most barbarous nature4 ,if the visionary danger of independence in our colonies is to be feared2 nothing is more likely to render it substantial1 than the neighbourhood of foreigners at enmity with the sovereign governments1 capable of giving either aid#dg1 or an asylum1 as the event shall require4 ,yet against even these disadvantages1 did ,spain preserve almost ten provinces1 merely through their want of union2 which indeed could never have taken place among the others1 but for causes1 some of which are in our case impossible1 and others it is impious to suppose possible4 ,the ,romans well understood that policy1 which teaches the security arising to the chief government from separate states among the governed2 when they restored the liberties of the states of ,greece 7oppressed but united under ,macedon7 by an edict1 that every state should live under its own laws4 ,they did not even name a governor4 ,independence of each other1 and separate interests 7though among a people united by common manners1 language1 and ,i may say religion2 inferior neither in wisdom1 bravery1 nor their love of liberty1 to the ,romans themselves27 was all the security the sovereigns wished for their sovereignty4 ,it is true1 they did not call themselves sovereigns2 they set no value on the title2 they were contented with possessing the thing4 ,and possess it they did1 even without a standing army3 7what can be a stronger proof of the security of their possession87 ,and yet by a policy1 similar to this throughout1 was the ,roman world subdued and held3 a world composed of above an hundred languages1 and sets of manners1 different from those of their masters4 ,yet this dominion was unshakeable1 till the loss of liberty and corruption of manners in the sovereign state overturned it4 ,but what is the prudent policy1 inculcated by the remarker to obtain this end1 security of dominion over our colonies8 ,it is1 to leave the ,french in ,canada1 to check their growth2 for otherwise1 our people may increase infinitely from all causes#dh4 ,we have already seen in what manner the ,french and their ,indians check the growth of our colonies4 ,it is a modest word1 this check1 for massacring men1 women1 and children4 ,the writer would1 if he could1 hide from himself as well as from the public1 the horror arising from such a proposal1 by couching it in general terms3 it is no wonder he thought it a subject not fit for discussion in his letter2 though he recommends it as a point that should be the constant object of the minister's attention6 ,but if ,canada is restored on this principle1 will not ,britain be guilty of all the blood to be shed1 all the murders to be committed1 in order to check this dreaded growth of our own people8 ,will not this be telling the ,french in plain terms1 that the horrid barbarities they perpetrate with their ,indians on our colonists are agreeable to us2 and that they need not apprehend the resentment of a government1 with whose views they so happily concur8 ,will not the colonies view it in this light8 ,will they have reason to consider themselves any longer as subjects and children1 when they find their cruel enemies hallooed upon them by the country from whence they sprung2 the government that owes them protection1 as it requires their obedience8 ,is not this the most likely means of driving them into the arms of the ,french1 who can invite them by an offer of that security1 their own government chuses not to afford them8 ,i would not be thought to insinuate1 that the remarker wants humanity4 ,i know how little many good-natured persons are affected by the distresses of people at a distance1 and whom they do not know4 ,there are even those1 who1 being present1 can sympathize sincerely with the grief of a lady on the sudden death of a favourite bird2 and yet can read of the sinking of a city in ,syria with very little concern4 ,if it be1 after all1 thought necessary to check the growth of our colonies1 give me leave to propose a method less cruel4 ,it is a method of which we have an example in scripture4 ,the murder of husbands1 of wives1 of brothers1 sisters and children1 whose pleasing society has been for some time enjoyed1 affects deeply the respective surviving relations2 but grief for the death of a child just born is short1 and easily supported4 ,the method ,i mean is that which was dictated by the ,egyptian policy1 when the infinite increase of the children of ,israel was apprehended as dangerous to the state#di4 ,let an act of parliament then be made1 enjoining the colony midwives to stifle in the birth every third or fourth child4 ,by this means you may keep the colonies to their present size4 ,and if they were under the hard alternative of submitting to one or the other of these schemes for checking their growth1 ,i dare answer for them1 they would prefer the latter4 ,but all this debate about the propriety or impropriety of keeping or restoring ,canada is possibly too early4 ,we have taken the capital indeed1 but the country is yet far from being in our possession2 and perhaps never will be3 for if our m----rs are persuaded by such counsellors as the remarker1 that the ,french there are not the worst of neighbours1 and that if we had conquered ,canada1 we ought1 for our own sakes1 to restore it1 as a check to the growth of our colonies2 ,i am then afraid we shall never take it4 ,for there are many ways of avoiding the completion of the conquest1 that will be less exceptionable and less odious than the giving it up4 #g4 ,canada easily peopled1 without draining ,great ,britain of any of its inhabitants4 ,the objection ,i have often heard1 that if we had ,canada we could not people it1 without draining ,britain of its inhabitants1 is founded on ignorance of the nature of population in new countries4 ,when we first began to colonize in ,america1 it was necessary to send people1 and to send seed-corn2 but it is not now necessary that we should furnish1 for a new colony1 either one or the other4 ,the annual increment alone of our present colonies1 without diminishing their numbers1 or requiring a man from hence1 is sufficient in ten years to fill ,canada with double the number of ,english that it now has of ,french inhabitants#ej4 ,those who are protestants among the ,french will probably choose to remain under the ,english government2 many will choose to remove1 if they can be allowed to sell their lands1 improvements1 and effects3 the rest in that thin-settled country will in less than half a century1 from the crowds of ,english settling round and among them1 be blended and incorporated with our people both in language and manners4 #h4 ,the merits of ,guadaloupe to ,great ,britain over-valued2 yet likely to be paid much dearer for1 than ,canada4 ,in ,guadaloupe the case is somewhat different2 and though ,i am far from thinking#ea we have sugar-land enough#eb1 ,i cannot think ,guadaloupe is so desirable an increase of it1 as other objects the enemy would probably be infinitely more ready to part with4 ,a country1 fully inhabited by any nation1 is no proper possession for another of different languages1 manners1 and religion4 ,it is hardly ever tenable at less expence than it is worth4 ,but the isle of ,cayenne1 and its appendix1 ,equinoctial-,france1 having but very few inhabitants1 and these therefore easily removed1 would indeed be an acquisition every way suitable to our situation and desires4 ,this would hold all that migrate from ,barbadoes1 the ,leeward ,islands1 or ,jamaica4 ,it would certainly recal into an ,english government 7in which there would be room for millions7 all who have before settled or purchased in ,martinico1 ,guadaloupe1 ,santa-,cruz1 or ,st4 ,john's2 except such as know not the value of an ,english government1 and such ,i am sure are not worth recalling4 ,but should we keep ,guadaloupe1 we are told it would enable us to export #cjj1jjjl4 in sugars4 ,admit it to be true1 though perhaps the amazing increase of ,english consumption might stop most of it here1--to whose profit is this to redound8 ,to the profit of the ,french inhabitants of the island3 except a small part1 that should fall to the share of the ,english purchasers1 but whose whole purchase-money must first be added to the wealth and circulation of ,france4 ,i grant1 however1 much of this #cjj1jjjl4 would be expended in ,british manufactures4 ,perhaps too1 a few of the land-owners of ,guadaloupe might dwell and spend their fortunes in ,britain 7though probably much fewer than of the inhabitants of ,north ,america47 ,i admit the advantage arising to us from these circumstances 7as far as they go7 in the case of ,guadaloupe1 as well as in that of our other ,west-,india settlements4 ,yet even this consumption is little better than that of an allied nation would be1 who should take our manufactures and supply us with sugar1 and put us to no great expence in defending the place of growth4 ,but though our own colonies expend among us almost the whole produce of our sugar#ec1 can we1 or ought we to promise ourselves this will be the case of ,guadaloupe8 ,one #ajj1jjjl4 will supply them with ,british manufactures2 and supposing we can effectually prevent the introduction of those of ,france 7which is morally impossible in a country used to them7 the other #bjj1jjjl4 will still be spent in ,france1 in the education of their children and support of themselves2 or else be laid up there1 where they will always think their home to be4 ,besides this consumption of ,british manufactures1 much is said of the benefit we shall have from the situation of ,guadaloupe2 and we are told of a trade to the ,caraccas and ,spanish ,main4 ,in what respect ,guadaloupe is better situated for this trade than ,jamaica1 or even any of our other islands1 ,i am at a loss to guess4 ,i believe it to be not so well situated for that of the windward coast1 as ,tobago and ,st4 ,lucia2 which in this1 as well as other respects1 would be more valuable possessions1 and which1 ,i doubt not1 the peace will secure to us4 ,nor is it nearly so well situated for that of the rest of the ,spanish ,main as ,jamaica4 ,as to the greater safety of our trade by the possession of ,guadaloupe1 experience has convinced us1 that in reducing a single island1 or even more1 we stop the privateering business but little4 ,privateers still subsist1 in equal if not greater numbers1 and carry the vessels into ,martinico1 which before it was more convenient to carry into ,guadaloupe4 ,had we all the ,caribbees1 it is true1 they would in those parts be without shelter4 ,yet1 upon the whole1 ,i suppose it to be a doubtful point1 and well worth consideration1 whether our obtaining possession of all the ,caribbees would be more than a temporary benefit2 as it would necessarily soon fill the ,french part of ,hispaniola with ,french inhabitants1 and thereby render it five times more valuable in time of peace1 and little less than impregnable in time of war1 and would probably end in a few years in the uniting the whole of that great and fertile island under a ,french government4 ,it is agreed on all hands1 that our conquest of ,st4 ,christopher's1 and driving the ,french from thence1 first furnished ,hispaniola with skilful and substantial planters1 and was consequently the first occasion of its present opulence4 ,on the other hand1 ,i will hazard an opinion1 that valuable as the ,french possessions in the ,west ,indies are1 and undeniable the advantages they derive from them1 there is somewhat to be weighed in the opposite scale4 ,they cannot at present make war with ,england1 without exposing those advantages1 while divided among the numerous islands they now have1 much more than they would1 were they possessed of ,st4 ,domingo only2 their own share of which would1 if well cultivated1 grow more sugar1 than is now grown in all their ,west-,india islands4 ,i have before said1 ,i do not deny the utility of the conquest1 or even of our future possession of ,guadaloupe1 if not bought too dear4 ,the trade of the ,west ,indies is one of our most valuable trades4 ,our possessions there deserve our greatest care and attention4 ,so do those of ,north ,america4 ,i shall not enter into the invidious task of comparing their due estimation4 ,it would be a very long1 and a very disagreeable one1 to run through every thing material on this head4 ,it is enough to our present point1 if ,i have shown1 that the value of ,north ,america is capable of an immense increase1 by an acquisition and measures1 that must necessarily have an effect the direct contrary of what we have been industriously taught to fear2 and that ,guadaloupe is1 in point of advantage1 but a very small addition to our ,west-,india possessions2 rendered many ways less valuable to us1 than it is to the ,french1 who will probably set more value upon it1 than upon a country ,canada that is much more valuable to us than to them4 ,there is a great deal more to be said on all the parts of these subjects2 but as it would carry me into a detail1 that ,i fear would tire the patience of my readers1 and which ,i am not without apprehensions ,i have done already1 ,i shall reserve what remains till ,i dare venture again on the indulgence of the public#ed4 ,,footnotes3 #ag ,in the year #agfj1 upon the prospect of a peace with ,france1 the late ,earl of ,bath addressed a ,letter to ,two ,great ,men 7,mr4 ,pitt and the ,duke of ,newcastle7 on the terms necessary to be insisted upon in the negociation4 ,he preferred the acquisition of ,canada1 to acquisitions in the ,west ,indies4 ,in the same year there appeared ,remarks on the letter addressed to two great men1 containing opposite opinions on this and other subjects4 ,at this moment a philosopher stepped into the controversy1 and wrote a pamphlet entitled1 ,the ,interest of ,great ,britain considered1 with ,regard to her ,colonies1 c4 ,the arguments he used1 appear to have carried weight with them at the courts of ,london and ,paris1 for ,canada was kept by the peace4 ,the editor thinks it necessary to add the following further explanations4--,the above piece 7which first came to his hands in the shape of a pamphlet1 printed for ,becket1 #agfa1 #b;d edit47 has none of the eight subdivisions it is now thrown into1 marked out by the author4 ,he conceived however that they might be useful1 and has taken the liberty of making them1 but guards it with this apology4 ,the better to suit his purpose1 the division of the paragraphs1 c4 and the italics of the original1 are not accurately adhered to4 ,it was impossible for him however to alter one word in the sense1 style1 or disposition1 of his author3 this was a liberty for which he could make no apology4 ,in the original1 the author has added his observations concerning the ,increase of ,mankind1 ,peopling of ,countries1 c4 printed in the #b;d ,vol4 of this work and introduced it with the following note4 ,in confirmation of the writer's opinion concerning population1 manufactures1 c4 he has thought it not amiss to add an extract from a piece written some years since in ,america1 where the facts must be well known1 on which the reasonings are founded4 ,it is entitled1 ,observations1 c4 ,with respect to the arguments used by the authors of the ,letter1 and of the ,remarks1 it is useless to repeat them here4 ,as far as they are necessary for the understanding of ,dr4 ,franklin1 they are to be collected from his own work4 ,b4 ,v4 #ah ,remarks1 p4 #f4 #ai ,ibid4 p4 #g4 #bj ,remarks1 p4 #g4 #ba ,ibid4 #bb ,remarks1 p4 #ai4 #bc ,ibid4 #bd ,page #cj1 of the ,letter1 and p4 #ba1 of the ,remarks4 #be ,remarks1 p4 #bh4 #bf ,a very intelligent writer of that country1 ,dr4 ,clark1 in his ,observations on the late and present ,conduct of the ,french1 c4 printed at ,boston1 #agee1 says1 ,the ,indians in the ,french interest are1 upon all proper opportunities1 instigated by their priests 7who have generally the chief management of their public councils7 to acts of hostility against the ,english1 even in time of profound peace between the two crowns4 ,of this there are many undeniable instances3 the war between the ,indians and the colonies of the ,massachusett's ,bay and ,new ,hampshire1 in #agbc1 by which those colonies suffered so much damage1 was begun by the instigation of the ,french3 their supplies were from them2 and there are now original letters of several ,jesuits to be produced1 whereby it evidently appears1 that they were continually animating the ,indians1 when almost tired with the war1 to a farther prosecution of it4 ,the ,french not only excited the ,indians1 and supported them1 but joined their own forces with them in all the late hostilities that have been committed within his majesty's province of ,nova ,scotia4 ,and from an intercepted letter this year from the ,jesuits at ,penobscot1 and from other information1 it is certain1 that they have been using their utmost endeavours to excite the ,indians to new acts of hostility against his majesty's colony of the ,massachusett's ,bay2 and some have been committed4 ,the ,french not only excite the ,indians to acts of hostility1 but reward them for it1 by buying the ,english prisoners of them3 for the ransom of each of which they afterwards demand of us the price that is usually given for a slave in these colonies4 ,they do this under the specious pretence of rescuing the poor prisoners from the cruelties and barbarities of the savages2 but in reality to encourage them to continue their depredations1 as they can by this means get more by hunting the ,english1 than by hunting wild-beasts2 and the ,french at the same time are thereby enabled to keep up a large body of ,indians1 entirely at the expence of the ,english4 #bg ,remarks1 p4 #be4 #bh ,remarks1 p4 #be4 #bi ,although the ,indians live scattered1 as a hunter's life requires1 they may be collected together from almost any distance2 as they can find their subsistence from their gun in their travelling4 ,but let the number of the ,indians be what it will1 they are not formidable merely on account of their numbers2 there are many other circumstances that give them a great advantage over the ,english4 ,the ,english inhabitants1 though numerous1 are extended over a large tract of land1 five hundred leagues in length on the sea shore2 and although some of their trading towns are thick settled1 their settlements in the country towns must be at a distance from each other3 besides1 that in a new country where lands are cheap1 people are fond of acquiring large tracts to themselves2 and therefore in the out-settlements1 they must be more remote3 and as the people that move out are generally poor1 they sit down either where they can easiest procure land1 or soonest raise a subsistence4 ,add to this1 that the ,english have fixed settled habitations1 the easiest and shortest passages to which the ,indians1 by constantly hunting in the woods1 are perfectly well acquainted with2 whereas the ,english know little or nothing of the ,indian country1 nor of the passages through the woods that lead to it4 ,the ,indian way of making war is by sudden attack upon exposed places2 and as soon as they have done mischief1 they retire1 and either go home by the same or some different route1 as they think safest2 or go to some other place at a distance1 to renew their stroke4 ,if a sufficient party should happily be ready to pursue them1 it is a great chance1 whether in a country consisting of woods and swamps1 which the ,english are not acquainted with1 the enemy do not lie in ambush for them in some convenient place1 and from thence destroy them4 ,if this should not be the case1 but the ,english should pursue them1 as soon as they have gained the rivers1 by means of their canoes 7to the use of which they are brought up from their infancy7 they presently get out of their reach3 further1 if a body of men were to march into their country1 to the place where they are settled1 they can1 upon the least notice1 without great disadvantage1 quit their present habitation1 and betake themselves to new ones4 ,clark's ,observations1 p4 #ac4 ,it has been already remarked1 that the tribes of the ,indians1 living upon the lakes and rivers that run upon the back of the ,english settlements in ,north ,america1 are very numerous1 and can furnish a great number of fighting men1 all perfectly well acquainted with the use of arms as soon as capable of carrying them1 as they get the whole of their subsistence from hunting2 and that this army1 large as it may be1 can be maintained by the ,french without any expence4 ,from their numbers1 their situation1 and the rivers that run into the ,english settlements1 it is easy to conceive1 that they can at any time make an attack upon1 and constantly annoy as many of the exposed ,english settlements as they please1 and those at any distance from each other4 ,the effects of such incursions have been too severely felt by many of the ,british colonies1 not to be very well known4 ,the entire breaking up places1 that had been for a considerable time settled at a great expence both of labour and money2 burning the houses1 destroying the flock1 killing and making prisoners great numbers of the inhabitants1 with all the cruel usage they meet with in their captivity1 is only a part of the scene4 ,all other places that are exposed are kept in continual terror2 the lands lie waste and uncultivated1 from the danger that attends those that shall presume to work upon them3 besides the immense charge the governments must be at in a very ineffectual manner to defend their extended frontiers2 and all this from the influence the ,french have had over1 but comparatively1 a few of the ,indians4 ,to the same or greater evils still will every one of the colonies be exposed1 whenever the same influence shall be extended to the whole body of them4 ,ibid4 p4 #bj4 #cj ,remarks1 p4 #bf4 #ca ,douglass4 #cb ,remarks1 p4 #be4 #cc ,remarks1 p4 #bf4 #cd ,this ,i believe is meant for ,dr4 ,adam ,smith1 who seems not at this time to have printed any of his political pieces4 ,b4 ,v4 #ce ,remarks1 p4 #bg4 #cf ,remarks1 p4 #ej1 #ea4 #cg ,remarks1 p4 #ej1 #ea4 #ch ,the reason of this greater increase in ,america than in ,europe is1 that in old settled countries1 all trades1 farms1 offices1 and employments are full2 and many people refrain marrying till they see an opening1 in which they can settle themselves1 with a reasonable prospect of maintaining a family3 but in ,america1 it being easy to obtain land1 which1 with moderate labour will afford subsistence and something to spare1 people marry more readily and earlier in life1 whence arises a numerous offspring and the swift population of those countries4 ,it is a common error1 that we cannot fill our provinces or increase the number of them1 without draining this nation of its people4 ,the increment alone of our present colonies is sufficient for both those purposes4 ,written in #agfj4 #ci ,viz4 forty sail1 none of more than forty guns4 #dj ,sir ,c4 ,whitworth has the following assertion3 ,each state in ,germany is jealous of its neighbours2 and hence1 rather than facilitate the export or transit of its neighbours' products or manufactures1 they have all recourse to strangers4 ,state of ,trade1 p4 xxiv4 ,b4 ,v4 #da ,from ,new ,york into lake ,ontario1 the land-carriage of the several portages altogether1 amounts to but about twenty-seven miles4 ,from lake ,ontario into lake ,erie1 the land-carriage at ,niagara is but about twelve miles4 ,all the lakes above ,niagara communicate by navigable straits1 so that no land-carriage is necessary1 to go out of one into another4 ,from ,presqu'isle on lake ,erie1 there are but fifteen miles land-carriage1 and that a good waggon-road1 to ,beef ,river1 a branch of the ,ohio2 which brings you into a navigation of many thousand miles inland1 if you take together the ,ohio1 the ,mississippi1 and all the great rivers and branches that run into them4 #db ,i beg pardon for attempting to remind the reader that he must not confound the river ,duna1 with the river ,dwina4--,the fork of the ,ohio is about four hundred miles distant from the sea1 and the fork of the ,mississippi about nine hundred3 it is four hundred miles from ,petersburgh to ,moscow1 and very considerably more than four thousand from ,petersburgh to ,pekin4 ,this is enough to justify ,dr4 ,franklin's positions in the page above1 without going into farther particulars4 ,b4 ,v4 #dc ,remarks1 p4 #dg1 #dh1 c4 #dd ,the writer has since obtained accounts of the exports to ,north ,america1 and the ,west ,india ,islands2 by which it appears1 that there has been some increase of trade to those islands as well as to ,north ,america1 though in a much less degree4 ,the following extract from these accounts will show the reader at one view the amount of the exports to each1 in two different terms of five years2 the terms taken at ten years distance from each other1 to show the increase1 viz4 ,first term1 from #agdd to #agdh1 inclusive4 ,northern ,colonies4 ,west ,india ,islands4 #agdd 4#fdj1aad #ab #d 4#gif1aab #ag #i #agde #ecd1caf #b #e #ejc1ffi #ai #i #agdf #ged1ide #d #c #dgb1iid #ai #g #agdg #gbf1fdh #e #e #hef1dfc #ah #f #agdh #hcj1bdc #af #i #gcd1jie #ae #c --------------- --------------- ,total1 4#c1dhf1bfa #a #b ,tot4 4#c1cfc1ccg #aj #aj ,difference1 #abb1icj #aj #d ------------- 4#c1dhf1bfh #a #b ,second term1 from #aged to #ageh1 inclusive4 ,northern ,colonies4 ,west ,india ,islands4 #aged #a1bdf1fae #a #aa #fhe1fge #c #j #agee #a1agg1hdh #f #aj #fid1ffg #ac #c #agef #a1dbh1gbj #ah #aj #gcc1deh #af #c #ageg #a1gbg1ibd #b #aj #ggf1dhh #j #f #ageh #a1hcb1idh #ac #aj #hgg1ega #ai #aa --------------- --------------- ,total1 4#g1dad1jeg #d #c ,tot4 4#c1gfg1hda #ab #aa ,difference1 #c1fdf1bae #aa #d --------------- 4#g1dad1jeg #d #c ,in the first term1 total of ,west ,india islands1 #c1cfc1ccg #aj #aj ,in the second term1 ditto #c1gfg1hda #ab #aa --------------- ,increase1 only 4#j1djd1ejd #b #a ,in the first term1 total for ,northern ,colonies1 #c1dhf1bfh #a #b ,in the second term1 ditto #g1dad1jeg #d #c --------------- ,increase1 4#c1ibg1ghi #c #a ,by these accounts it appears1 that the exports to the ,west ,india islands1 and to the northern colonies1 were in the first term nearly equal 7the difference being only #abb1icfl4 #ajs4 #d;d47 and in the second term1 the exports to those islands had only increased #djd1ejdl4 #bs4 #a;d4--,whereas the increase to the northern colonies is #c1ibg1ghil4 #cs4 #a;d4 almost four millions4 ,some part of this increased demand for ,english goods may be ascribed to the armies and fleets we have had both in ,north ,america and the ,west ,indies2 not so much for what is consumed by the soldiery2 their clothing1 stores1 ammunition1 c4 sent from hence on account of the government1 being 7as is supposed7 not included in these accounts of merchandize exported2 but1 as the war has occasioned a great plenty of money in ,america1 many of the inhabitants have increased their expence4 ,n4 ,b4 ,these accounts do not include any exports from ,scotland to ,america1 which are doubtless proportionally considerable2 nor the exports from ,ireland4 ,i shall carry on this calculation where ,dr4 ,franklin left it4 ,for four years1 from #aggj to #aggc inclusively1 the same average annual exports to the same ports of the ,west ,indies is #iid1dfcl41 and to the same ports of the ,north ,american plantations #b1iai1ffil4 ,but the annual averages of the first and second terms of the former were #fgb1ffhl4 and #gec1efhl43 of the latter1 #fig1bedl4 and #a1dhb1haal4 ,in ten years therefore 7taking the middle years of the terms7 the ,north ,american trade is found to have doubled the ,west ,indian3 in the next sixteen years it becomes greater by three-fold4--,with respect to itself1 the ,north ,american trade in #cb years 7taking the extremes of the terms7 has quadrupled2 while the ,west ,indian trade increased only one half2 of which increase ,i apprehend ,jamaica has given more than one-third1 chiefly in consequence of the quiet produced by the peace with the maroon negroes4--,had the ,west ,indian trade continued stationary1 the ,north ,american trade would have quadrupled with respect to it1 in #bf years2 and this1 notwithstanding the checks given to the latter1 by their non-importation agreements and the encouragement of their own manufactures4 ,there has been an accession to both these trades1 produced by the cessions at the treaty of ,paris1 not touched upon by ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,the average annual export-trade1 from #aggj to #aggc inclusively1 to the ceded ,west ,india islands1 amounted to #beh1biil43 to the ceded ,north ,american territory it has been #bhj1dbcl4 ,see ,sir ,charles ,whitworth's ,state of ,trade4 ,b4 ,v4 #de ,copy of the ,report of ,governor ,hopkins to the ,board of ,trade1 on the ,numbers of ,people in ,rhode-,island4 ,in obedience to your lordships' commands1 ,i have caused the within account to be taken by officers under oath4 ,by it there appears to be in this colony at this time #ce1ici white persons1 and #dfig blacks1 chiefly negroes4 ,in the year #agcj1 by order of the then lords commissioners of trade and plantations1 an account was taken of the number of people in this colony1 and then there appeared to be #ae1cjb white persons1 and #bfcc blacks4 ,again in the year #agdh1 by like order1 an account was taken of the number of people in this colony1 by which it appears there were at that time #bi1gee white persons1 and #dcgc blacks4 ,colony of ,rhode ,island1 ,dec4 #bd1 #agee4 ,,stephen ,,hopkins4 #df ,an ,account of the ,value of the ,exports from ,england to ,pensylvania1 in one ,year1 taken at different ,periods1 viz4 ,in #agbc they amounted only to 4 #ae1iib #ai #d #agcj they were #dh1eib #g #e #agcg #ef1fij #f #g #agdb #ge1bie #c #d #agdg #hb1djd #ag #g #ageb #bja1fff #ai #aa #ageg #bfh1dbf #f #f ,n4 ,b4 ,the accounts for #ageh and #agei1 are not yet completed2 but those acquainted with the ,north ,american trade know1 that the increase in those two years has been in a still greater proportion2 the last year being supposed to exceed any former year by a third2 and this owing to the increased ability of the people to spend1 from the greater quantities of money circulating among them by the war4 #dg ,the aid ,dr4 ,franklin alludes to must probably have consisted in early and full supplies of arms1 officers1 intelligence1 and trade of export and of import1 through the river ,st4 ,lawrence1 on risques both public and private2 in the encouragement of splendid promises and a great ally2 in the passage from ,canada to the back settlements1 being shut to the ,british forces2 in the quiet of the great body of ,indians2 in the support of emissaries and discontented citizens2 in loans and subsidies to congress1 in ways profitable to ,france2 in a refuge to be granted them in case of defeat1 in vacant lands1 as settlers2 in the probability of war commencing earlier between ,england and ,france1 at the gulph of ,st4 ,lawrence 7when the shipping taken1 were rightfully addressed to ,frenchmen7 than in the present case4 ,all this might have happened1 as soon as ,america's distaste of the sovereign had exceeded the fear of the foreigner2 a circumstance frequently seen possible in history1 and which our ministers took care should not be wanting4 ,this explanation would have required apology for its insertion1 were not the opinion pretty common in ,england1 that had not the ,french been removed from ,canada1 the revolt of ,america never would have taken place4 ,why then were the ,french not left in ,canada1 at the peace of #agfc8 ,or1 since they were not left there1 why was the ,american dispute begun8 ,yet in one sense1 perhaps this opinion is true2 for had the ,french been left in ,canada1 ministers would not only have sooner felt1 but sooner have seen1 the strange fatality of their plans4 ,b4 ,v4 #dh ,remarks1 p4 #ej1 #ea4 #di ,and ,pharoah said unto his people1 behold the people of the children of ,israel are more and mightier than we2 come on1 let us deal wisely with them1 lest they multiply1 and it come to pass1 that when there falleth out any war1 they join also unto our enemies and fight against us1 and so get them up out of the land4 ,and the king spake to the ,hebrew midwives1 c4 ,exodus1 chap4 #a4 #ej ,in fact1 there have not gone from ,britain itself to our colonies these twenty years past to settle there1 so many as ten families a year2 the new settlers are either the offspring of the old1 or emigrants from ,germany1 or the north of ,ireland4 #ea ,remarks1 p4 #cj1 #cd4 #eb ,it is often said we have plenty of sugar-land still unemployed in ,jamaica3 but those who are well acquainted with that island know1 that the remaining vacant land in it is generally situated among mountains1 rocks1 and gullies1 that make carriage impracticable1 so that no profitable use can be made of it2 unless the price of sugars should so greatly increase1 as to enable the planter to make very expensive roads1 by blowing up rocks1 erecting bridges1 c4 every two or three hundred yards4 ,our author was somewhat misinformed here4 ,b4 ,v4 #ec ,remarks1 p4 #dg4 #ed ,dr4 ,franklin has often been heard to say1 that in writing this pamphlet he received considerable assistance from a learned friend1 who was not willing to be named4 ,b4 ,v4 ,remarks and ,facts relative to the ,american ,paper-money4#ee ,in the ,report of the ,board of ,trade1 dated ,feb4 #i1 #agfd1 the following reasons are given for restraining the emission of paper-bills of credit in ,america1 as a legal tender4 #a4 ,that it carries the gold and silver out of the province1 and so ruins the country2 as experience has shewn1 in every colony where it has been practised in any great degree4 #b4 ,that the merchants trading to ,america have suffered and lost by it4 #c4 ,that the restriction of it has had a beneficial effect in ,new ,england4 #d4 ,that every medium of trade should have an intrinsic value1 which paper-money has not4 ,gold and silver are therefore the fittest for this medium1 as they are an equivalent2 which paper never can be4 #e4 ,that debtors in the assemblies make paper-money with fraudulent views4 #f4 ,that in the middle colonies1 where the credit of the paper-money has been best supported1 the bills have never kept to their nominal value in circulation2 but have constantly depreciated to a certain degree1 whenever the quantity has been increased4 ,to consider these reasons in their order2 the first is1 #a4 ,that paper-money carries the gold and silver out of the province1 and so ruins the country2 as experience has shewn1 in every colony where it has been practised in any great degree4--,this opinion1 of its ruining the country1 seems to be merely speculative1 or not otherwise founded than upon misinformation in the matter of fact4 ,the truth is1 that the balance of their trade with ,britain being greatly against them1 the gold and silver are drawn out to pay that balance2 and then the necessity of some medium of trade has induced the making of paper-money1 which could not be carried away4 ,thus1 if carrying out all the gold and silver ruins a country1 every colony was ruined before it made paper-money4--,but1 far from being ruined by it1 the colonies that have made use of paper-money have been1 and are all1 in a thriving condition4 ,the debt indeed to ,britain has increased1 because their numbers1 and of course their trade1 have increased2 for all trade having always a proportion of debt outstanding1 which is paid in its turn1 while fresh debt is contracted1 the proportion of debt naturally increases as the trade increases2 but the improvement and increase of estates in the colonies have been in a greater proportion than their debt4 ,new ,england1 particularly in #afif 7about the time they began the use of paper-money7 had in all its four provinces but #ahj churches or congregations2 in #agfj they were #ecj4 ,the number of farms and buildings there is increased in proportion to the numbers of people2 and the goods exported to them from ,england in #agej1 before the restraint took place1 were near five times as much as before they had paper-money4 ,pensylvania1 before it made any paper-money1 was totally stript of its gold and silver2 though they had from time to time1 like the neighbouring colonies1 agreed to take gold and silver coins at higher nominal values1 in hopes of drawing money into1 and retaining it1 for the internal uses of the province4 ,during that weak practice1 silver got up by degrees to #hs4 #i;d4 per ounce1 and ,english crowns were called six1 seven1 and eight-shilling pieces1 long before paper-money was made4 ,but this practice of increasing the denomination was found not to answer the end4 ,the balance of trade carried out the gold and silver as fast as they were brought in2 the merchants raising the price of their goods in proportion to the increased denomination of the money4 ,the difficulties for want of cash were accordingly very great1 the chief part of the trade being carried on by the extremely inconvenient method of barter2 when in #agbc paper-money was first made there2 which gave new life to business1 promoted greatly the settlement of new lands 7by lending small sums to beginners on easy interest1 to be repaid by instalments7 whereby the province has so greatly increased in inhabitants1 that the export from hence thither is now more than tenfold what it then was2 and by their trade with foreign colonies1 they have been able to obtain great quantities of gold and silver to remit hither in return for the manufactures of this country4 ,new ,york and ,new ,jersey have also increased greatly during the same period1 with the use of paper-money2 so that it does not appear to be of the ruinous nature ascribed to it4 ,and if the inhabitants of those countries are glad to have the use of paper among themselves1 that they may thereby be enabled to spare1 for remittances hither1 the gold and silver they obtain by their commerce with foreigners2 one would expect1 that no objection against their parting with it could arise here1 in the country that receives it4 ,the #b;d reason is1 ,that the merchants trading to ,america have suffered and lost by the paper-money4--,this may have been the case in particular instances1 at particular times and places3 as in ,south ,carolina1 about #eh years since2 when the colony was thought in danger of being destroyed by the ,indians and ,spaniards2 and the ,british merchants1 in fear of losing their whole effects there1 called precipitately for remittances2 and the inhabitants1 to get something lodged in safe countries1 gave any price in paper-money for bills of exchange2 whereby the paper1 as compared with bills1 or with produce1 or other effects fit for exportation1 was suddenly and greatly depreciated4 ,the unsettled state of government for a long time in that province had also its share in depreciating its bills4 ,but since that danger blew over1 and the colony has been in the hands of the crown2 their currency became fixed1 and has so remained to this day4 ,also in ,new ,england1 when much greater quantities were issued than were necessary for a medium of trade1 to defray the expedition against ,louisbourg2 and1 during the last war in ,virginia and ,north ,carolina1 when great sums were issued to pay the colony troops1 and the war made tobacco a poorer remittance1 from the higher price of freight and insurance3 in these cases1 the merchants trading to those colonies may sometimes have suffered by the sudden and unforeseen rise of exchange4 ,by slow and gradual rises1 they seldom suffer2 the goods being sold at proportionable prices4 ,but war is a common calamity in all countries1 and the merchants that deal with them cannot expect to avoid a share of the losses it sometimes occasions1 by affecting public credit4 ,it is hoped1 however1 that the profits of their subsequent commerce with those colonies may have made them some reparation4 ,and the merchants trading to the middle colonies 7,new ,york1 ,new ,jersey1 and ,pensylvania7 have never suffered by any rise of exchange2 it having ever been a constant rule there1 to consider ,british debts as payable in ,britain1 and not to be discharged but by as much paper 7whatever might be the rate of exchange7 as would purchase a bill for the full sterling sum4 ,on the contrary1 the merchants have been great gainers by the use of paper-money in those colonies2 as it enabled them to send much greater quantities of goods1 and the purchasers to pay more punctually for them4 ,and the people there make no complaint of any injury done them by paper-money1 with a legal tender2 they are sensible of its benefits2 and petition to have it so allowed4 ,the #c;d reason is1 ,that the restriction has had a beneficial effect in ,new ,england4 ,particular circumstances in the ,new ,england colonies made paper-money less necessary and less convenient to them4 ,they have great and valuable fisheries of whale and cod1 by which large remittances can be made4 ,they are four distinct governments2 but having much mutual intercourse of dealings1 the money of each used to pass current in all3 but the whole of this common currency not being under one common direction1 was not so easily kept within due bounds2 the prudent reserve of one colony in its emissions being rendered useless by excess in another4 ,the ,massachusets1 therefore1 were not dissatisfied with the restraint1 as it restrained their neighbours as well as themselves2 and perhaps they do not desire to have the act repealed4 ,they have not yet felt much inconvenience from it2 as they were enabled to abolish their paper-currency1 by a large sum in silver from ,britain to reimburse their expences in taking ,louisbourg1 which1 with the gold brought from ,portugal1 by means of their fish1 kept them supplied with a currency2 till the late war furnished them and all ,america with bills of exchange2 so that little cash was needed for remittance4 ,their fisheries too furnish them with remittance through ,spain and ,portugal to ,england2 which enables them the more easily to retain gold and silver in their country4 ,the middle colonies have not this advantage2 nor have they tobacco2 which in ,virginia and ,maryland answers the same purpose4 ,when colonies are so different in their circumstances1 a regulation1 that is not inconvenient to one or a few1 may be very much so to the rest4 ,but the pay is now become so indifferent in ,new ,england1 at least in some of its provinces1 through the want of currency1 that the trade thither is at present under great discouragement4 ,the #dth reason is1 ,that every medium of trade should have an intrinsic value2 which paper-money has not4 ,gold and silver are therefore the fittest for this medium1 as they are an equivalent2 which paper never can be4 ,however fit a particular thing may be for a particular purpose2 wherever that thing is not to be had1 or not to be had in sufficient quantity2 it becomes necessary to use something else1 the fittest that can be got1 in lieu of it4 ,gold and silver are not the produce of ,north ,america1 which has no mines2 and that which is brought thither cannot be kept there in sufficient quantity for a currency4 ,britain1 an independent great state1 when its inhabitants grow too fond of the expensive luxuries of foreign countries1 that draw away its money1 can1 and frequently does1 make laws to discourage or prohibit such importations2 and by that means can retain its cash4 ,the colonies are dependent governments2 and their people having naturally great respect for the sovereign country1 and being thence immoderately fond of its modes1 manufactures1 and superfluities1 cannot be restrained from purchasing them by any province law2 because such law1 if made1 would immediately be repealed here1 as prejudicial to the trade and interest of ,britain4 ,it seems hard therefore1 to draw all1 their real money from them1 and then refuse them the poor privilege of using paper instead of it4 ,bank bills and bankers notes are daily used here as a medium of trade1 and in large dealings perhaps the greater part is transacted by their means2 and yet they have no intrinsic value1 but rest on the credit of those that issue them2 as paper-bills in the colonies do on the credit of the respective governments there4 ,their being payable in cash upon sight by the drawer is indeed a circumstance that cannot attend the colony bills2 for the reasons just above-mentioned2 their cash being drawn from them by the ,british trade2 but the legal tender being substituted in its place is rather a greater advantage to the possessor2 since he need not be at the trouble of going to a particular bank or banker to demand the money1 finding 7wherever he has occasion to lay out money in the province7 a person that is obliged to take the bills4 ,so that even out of the province1 the knowledge1 that every man within that province is obliged to take its money1 gives the bills a credit among its neighbours1 nearly equal to what they have at home4 ,and were it not for the laws here1 that restrain or prohibit as much as possible all losing trades1 the cash of this country would soon be exported3 every merchant1 who had occasion to remit it1 would run to the bank with all its bills1 that came into his hands1 and take out his part of its treasure for that purpose2 so that in a short time1 it would be no more able to pay bills in money upon sight1 than it is now in the power of a colony treasury so to do4 ,and if government afterwards should have occasion for the credit of the bank1 it must of necessity make its bills a legal tender2 funding them however on taxes by which they may in time be paid off2 as has been the general practice in the colonies4--,at this very time1 even the silver-money in ,england is obliged to the legal tender for part of its value2 that part which is the difference between its real weight and its denomination4 ,great part of the shillings and sixpences now current are1 by wearing1 become five1 ten1 twenty1 and some of the sixpences even fifty per cent4 too light4 ,for this difference between the real and the nominal1 you have no intrinsic value2 you have not so much as paper1 you have nothing4 ,it is the legal tender1 with the knowledge that it can easily be repassed for the same value1 that makes three-pennyworth of silver pass for sixpence4 ,gold and silver have undoubtedly some properties that give them a fitness above paper1 as a medium of exchange2 particularly their universal estimation2 especially in cases where a country has occasion to carry its money abroad1 either as a stock to trade with1 or to purchase allies and foreign succours4 ,otherwise1 that very universal estimation is an inconvenience1 which paper-money is free from2 since it tends to deprive a country of even the quantity of currency that should be retained as a necessary instrument of its internal commerce1 and obliges it to be continually on its guard in making and executing1 at a great expence1 the laws that are to prevent the trade which exports it4 ,paper-money well funded has another great advantage over gold and silver2 its lightness of carriage1 and the little room that is occupied by a great sum2 whereby it is capable of being more easily1 and more safely1 because more privately1 conveyed from place to place4 ,gold and silver are not intrinsically of equal value with iron1 a metal in itself capable of many more beneficial uses to mankind4 ,their value rests chiefly in the estimation they happen to be in among the generality of nations1 and the credit given to the opinion1 that that estimation will continue4 ,otherwise a pound of gold would not be a real equivalent for even a bushel of wheat4 ,any other well-founded credit1 is as much an equivalent as gold and silver2 and in some cases more so1 or it would not be preferred by commercial people in different countries4 ,not to mention again our own bank bills2 ,holland1 which understands the value of cash as well as any people in the world1 would never part with gold and silver for credit 7as they do when they put it into their bank1 from whence little of it is ever afterwards drawn out7 if they did not think and find the credit a full equivalent4 ,the #eth reason is1 ,that debtors in the assemblies make paper-money with fraudulent views4 ,this is often said by the adversaries of paper-money1 and if it has been the case in any particular colony1 that colony should1 on proof of the fact1 be duly punished4 ,this1 however1 would be no reason for punishing other colonies1 who have not so abused their legislative powers4 ,to deprive all the colonies of the convenience of paper-money1 because it has been charged on some of them1 that they have made it an instrument of fraud1 is as if all the ,india1 ,bank1 and other stocks and trading companies were to be abolished1 because there have been1 once in an age1 ,mississippi and ,south-,sea schemes and bubbles4 ,the #fth and last reason is1 ,that in the middle colonies1 where the paper-money has been best supported1 the bills have never kept to their nominal value in circulation2 but have constantly depreciated to a certain degree1 whenever the quantity has been increased4 ,if the rising of the value of any particular commodity wanted for exportation1 is to be considered as a depreciation of the values of whatever remains in the country2 then the rising of silver above paper to that height of additional value1 which its capability of exportation only gave it1 may be called a depreciation of the paper4 ,even here1 as bullion has been wanted or not wanted for exportation1 its price has varied from #es4 #b;d4 to #es4 #h;d4 per ounce4 ,this is near #aj per cent4 ,but was it ever said or thought on such an occasion1 that all the bank bills1 and all the coined silver1 and all the gold in the kingdom1 were depreciated #aj per cent8 ,coined silver is now wanted here for change1 and #a per cent is given for it by some bankers3 are gold and bank notes therefore depreciated #a per cent48 ,the fact in the middle colonies is really this3 on the emission of the first paper-money1 a difference soon arose between that and silver2 the latter having a property the former had not1 a property always in demand in the colonies2 to wit1 its being fit for a remittance4 ,this property having soon found its value1 by the merchants bidding on one another for it1 and a dollar thereby coming to be rated at #hs4 in paper-money of ,new ,york1 and #gs4 #f;d4 in paper of ,pensylvania1 it has continued uniformly at those rates in both provinces now near forty years1 without any variation upon new emissions2 though1 in ,pensylvania1 the paper-currency has at times increased from #ae1jjjl4 the first sum1 to #fjj1jjjl4 or near it4 ,nor has any alteration been occasioned by the paper-money1 in the price of the necessaries of life1 when compared with silver3 they have been for the greatest part of the time no higher than before it was emitted2 varying only by plenty and scarcity1 or by a less or greater foreign demand4 ,it has indeed been usual with the adversaries of a paper-currency1 to call every rise of exchange with ,london1 a depreciation of the paper3 but this notion appears to be by no means just3 for if the paper purchases every thing but bills of exchange1 at the former rate1 and these bills are not above one-tenth of what is employed in purchases2 then it may be more properly and truly said1 that the exchange has risen1 than that the paper has depreciated4 ,and as a proof of this1 it is a certain fact1 that whenever in those colonies bills of exchange have been dearer1 the purchaser has been constantly obliged to give more in silver1 as well as in paper1 for them2 the silver having gone hand in hand with the paper at the rate above-mentioned2 and therefore it might as well have been said1 that the silver was depreciated4 ,there have been several different schemes for furnishing the colonies with paper-money1 that should not be a legal tender1 viz4 #a4 ,to form a bank1 in imitation of the bank of ,england1 with a sufficient stock of cash to pay the bills on sight4 ,this has been often proposed1 but appears impracticable1 under the present circumstances of the colony-trade2 which1 as is said above1 draws all the cash to ,britain1 and would soon strip the bank4 #b4 ,to raise a fund by some yearly tax1 securely lodged in the bank of ,england as it arises1 which should 7during the term of years for which the paper-bills are to be current7 accumulate to a sum sufficient to discharge them all at their original value4 ,this has been tried in ,maryland3 and the bills so funded were issued without being made a general legal tender4 ,the event was1 that as notes payable in time are naturally subject to a discount proportioned to the time3 so these bills fell at the beginning of the term so low1 as that twenty pounds of them became worth no more than twelve pounds in ,pensylvania1 the next neighbouring province2 though both had been struck near the same time at the same nominal value1 but the latter was supported by the general legal tender4 ,the ,maryland bills however began to rise as the term shortened1 and towards the end recovered their full value4 ,but1 as a depreciating currency injures creditors1 this injured debtors2 and by its continually changing value1 appears unfit for the purpose of money1 which should be as fixed as possible in its own value2 because it is to be the measure of the value of other things4 #c4 ,to make the bills carry an interest sufficient to support their value4 ,this too has been tried in some of the ,new ,england colonies2 but great inconveniencies were found to attend it4 ,the bills1 to fit them for a currency1 are made of various denominations1 and some very low1 for the sake of change2 there are of them from #ajl4 down to #c;d4 ,when they first come abroad1 they pass easily1 and answer the purpose well enough for a few months2 but as soon as the interest becomes worth computing1 the calculation of it on every little bill in a sum between the dealer and his customers1 in shops1 warehouses and markets1 takes up much time1 to the great hindrance of business4 ,this evil1 however1 soon gave place to a worse2 for the bills were in a short time gathered up and hoarded2 it being a very tempting advantage to have money bearing interest1 and the principal all the while in a man's power1 ready for bargains that may offer2 which money out on mortgage is not4 ,by this means numbers of people became usurers with small sums1 who could not have found persons to take such sums of them upon interest1 giving good security2 and would therefore not have thought of it2 but would rather have employed the money in some business1 if it had been money of the common kind4 ,thus trade1 instead of being increased by such bills1 is diminished2 and by their being shut up in chests1 the very end of making them 7viz4 to furnish a medium of commerce7 is in a great measure1 if not totally defeated4 ,on the whole1 no method has hitherto been formed to establish a medium of trade1 in lieu of money1 equal in all its advantages1 to bills of credit--funded on sufficient taxes for discharging it1 or on land-security of double the value for repaying it at the end of the term2 and in the mean time1 made a ,,general ,,legal ,,tender4 ,the experience of now near half a century in the middle colonies has convinced them of it among themselves2 by the great increase of their settlements1 numbers1 buildings1 improvements1 agriculture1 shipping1 and commerce4 ,and the same experience has satisfied the ,british merchants1 who trade thither1 that it has been greatly useful to them1 and not in a single instance prejudicial4 ,it is therefore hoped1 that securing the full discharge of ,british debts1 which are payable here1 and in all justice and reason ought to be fully discharged here in sterling money2 the restraint on the legal tender within the colonies will be taken off2 at least for those colonies that desire it1 and where the merchants trading to them make no objection to it#ef4 ,,footnotes3 #ee ,the best account ,i can give of the occasion of the ,report1 to which this paper is a reply1 is as follows4 ,during the war there had been a considerable and unusual trade to ,america1 in consequence of the great fleets and armies on foot there1 and the clandestine dealings with the enemy1 who were cut off from their own supplies4 ,this made great debts4 ,the briskness of the trade ceasing with the war1 the merchants were anxious for payment1 which occasioned some confusion in the colonies1 and stirred up a clamour here against paper-money4 ,the board of trade1 of which lord ,hilsborough was the chief1 joined in this opposition to paper-money1 as appears by the report4 ,dr4 ,franklin being asked to draw up an answer to their report1 wrote the paper given above4 ,b4 ,v4 #ef ,i understand that ,dr4 ,franklin is the friend who assisted governor ,pownall in drawing up a plan for a general paper-currency for ,america1 to be established by the ,british government4 ,see ,governor ,pownall's ,administration of the ,colonies1 #eth ,edition1 p4 #aii1 and #bjh4 ,b4 ,v4 ,to the ,freemen of ,pensylvania1 on the ,subject of a particular ,militia-,bill1 rejected by the ,proprietor's ,deputy or ,governor4 ,philadelphia1 ,sept4 #bh1 #agfd4 ,,gentlemen1 ,your desire of knowing how the militia-bill came to fail in the last assembly shall immediately be complied with4 ,as the governor pressed hard for a militia-law to secure the internal peace of the province1 and the people of this country had not been accustomed to militia service2 the house1 to make it more generally agreeable to the freeholders1 formed the bill so as that they might have some share in the election of the officers2 to secure them from having absolute strangers set over them1 or persons generally disagreeable4 ,this was no more1 than that every company should choose1 and recommend to the governor1 three persons for each office of captain1 lieutenant1 and ensign2 out of which three1 the governor was to commission one1 that he thought most proper1 or which he pleased1 to be the officer4 ,and that the captains1 lieutenants1 and ensigns1 so commissioned by the governor1 should1 in their respective regiments1 choose and recommend three persons for each office of colonel1 lieutenant-colonel1 and major2 out of which three the governor was to commission one1 whichever he pleased1 to each of the said offices4 ,the governor's amendment to the bill in this particular was1 to strike out wholly this privilege of the people1 and take to himself the sole appointment of all the officers4 ,the next amendment was to aggravate and enhance all the fines4 ,a fine1 that the assembly had made one hundred pounds1 and thought heavy enough1 the governor required to be three hundred pounds4 ,what they had made fifty pounds1 he required to be one hundred and fifty4 ,these were fines on the commissioned officers for disobedience to his commands2 but the non-commissioned officers1 or common soldiers1 whom1 for the same offence1 the assembly proposed to fine at ten pounds1 the governor insisted should be fined fifty pounds4 ,these fines1 and some others to be mentioned hereafter1 the assembly thought ruinously high3 but when1 in a subsequent amendment1 the governor would1 for offences among the militia1 take away the trial by jury in the common courts2 and required1 that the trial should be by a court-martial1 composed of officers of his own sole appointing1 who should have power of sentencing even to death2 the house could by no means consent thus to give up their constituents' liberty1 estate1 and life itself1 into the absolute power of a proprietary governor2 and so the bill failed4 ,that you may be assured ,i do not misrepresent this matter1 ,i shall give you the last-mentioned amendment 7so called7 at full length2 and for the truth and exactness of my copy ,i dare appeal to ,mr4 ,secretary ,shippen4 ,the words of the bill1 p4 #dc1 were1 ,every such person1 so offending1 being legally convicted thereof1 c4 ,by the words legally convicted1 was intended a conviction after legal trial1 in the common course of the laws of the land4 ,but the governor required this addition immediately to follow the words convicted thereof viz4 'by a court-martial1 shall suffer ,,death1 or such other punishment as such court1 by their sentence or decree1 shall think proper to inflict and pronounce4 ,and be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid1 ,that when and so often as it may be necessary1 the governor and commander in chief for the time being shall appoint and commissionate1 under the great seal of this province1 sixteen commissioned officers in each regiment2 with authority and power to them1 or any thirteen of them1 to hold courts-martial1 of whom a field-officer shall always be one1 and president of the said court2 and such courts-martial shall1 and are hereby impowered to administer an oath to any witness1 in order to the examination or trial of any of the offences which by this act are made cognizable in such courts1 and shall come before them4 ,provided always1 that in all trials by a court-martial by virtue of this act1 every officer present at such trial1 before any proceedings be had therein1 shall take an oath upon the holy evangelists1 before one justice of the peace in the county where such court is held1 who are hereby authorized to administer the same1 in the following words1 that is to say1 ,i ,a4 ,b4 do swear1 that ,i will duly administer justice according to evidence1 and to the directions of an act1 entitled1 ,an act for forming and regulating the militia of the province of ,pensylvania1 without partiality1 favour1 or affection2 and that ,i will not divulge the sentence of the court1 until it shall be approved of by the governor or commander in chief of this province for the time being2 neither will ,i1 upon any account1 at any time whatsoever1 disclose or discover the vote or opinion of any particular member of the court-martial4 ,so help me ,god4--,and no sentence of death1 or other sentence shall be given against any offender but by the concurrence of nine of the officers so sworn4 ,and no sentence1 passed against any offender by such court-martial1 shall be put in execution1 until report be made of the whole proceedings to the governor or commander in chief of this province for the time being1 and his directions signified thereupon4' ,it is observable here1 that by the common course of justice1 a man is to be tried by a jury of his neighbours and fellows2 impannelled by a sheriff1 in whose appointment the people have a choice3 the prisoner too has a right to challenge twenty of the pannel1 without giving a reason1 and as many more as he can give reasons for challenging2 and before he can be convicted1 the jury are to be unanimous2 they are all to agree that he is guilty1 and are therefore all accountable for their verdict4 ,but by this amendment1 the jury 7if they may be so called7 are all officers of the governor's sole appointing1 and not one of them can be challenged2 and though a common militia-man is to be tried1 no common militia-man shall be of that ,jury2 and so far from requiring all to agree1 a bare majority shall be sufficient to condemn you4 ,and lest that majority should be under any check or restraint1 from an apprehension of what the world might think or say of the severity or injustice of their sentence1 an oath is to be taken1 never to discover the vote or opinion of any particular member6 ,these are some of the chains attempted to be forged for you by the proprietary faction6 ,who advised the g----r is not difficult to know4 ,they are the very men1 who now clamour at the assembly for a proposal of bringing the trial of a particular murder to this county1 from another1 where it was not thought safe for any man to be either juryman or witness2 and call it disfranchising the people6 who are now bawling about the constitution1 and pretending vast concern for your liberties6 ,in refusing you the least means of recommending or expressing your regard for persons to be placed over you as officers1 and who were thus to be made your judges in life and estate2 they have not regarded the example of the king1 our wise1 as well as kind master1 who1 in all his requisitions made to the colonies1 of raising troops for their defence1 directed1 that the better to facilitate the important service1 the commissions should be given to such as from their weight and credit with the people may be best enabled to effectuate the levies#eg4 ,in establishing a militia for the defence of the province1 how could the weight and credit of men with the people be better discovered1 than by the mode that bill directed2 viz4 by a majority of those that were to be commanded nominating three for each office to the governor1 of which three he might take the one he liked best8 ,however1 the courts-martial being established1 and all of us thus put into his honour's absolute power1 the governor goes on to enhance the fines and penalties2 thus1 in page #di of the bill1 where the assembly had proposed the fine to be ten shillings1 the governor required it to be ten pounds3 in page #ej1 where a fine of five pounds was mentioned1 the governor's amendment required it to be made fifty pounds4 ,and in page #dd1 where the assembly had said1 shall forfeit and pay any sum not exceeding five pounds1 the governor's amendment says1 shall suffer ,,death1 or such other punishment1 as shall1 according to the nature of the offence1 be inflicted by the sentence of a court-martial6 ,the assembly's refusing to admit of these amendments in that bill is one of their offences against the ,lord ,proprietary2 for which that faction are now abusing them in both the languages#eh of the province1 with all the virulence that reverend malice can dictate2 enforced by numberless barefaced falshoods1 that only the most dishonest and base would dare to invent1 and none but the most weak and credulous can possibly believe4 ,,veritas4 ,,footnotes3 #eg ,see ,secretary of ,state's ,letters in the printed ,votes4 #eh ,it is hardly necessary to mention here1 that ,pensylvania was settled by a mixture of ,german and ,english4 ,b4 ,v4 ,preface by a ,member of the ,pensylvanian ,assembly 7,dr4 ,franklin7 to the ,speech of ,joseph ,galloway1 ,esq4 one of the ,members for ,philadelphia ,county2 in ,answer to the ,speech of ,john ,dickinson1 ,esq42 delivered in the ,house of the ,assembly of the ,province of ,pensylvania1 ,may #bd1 #agfd1 on ,occasion of a ,petition drawn up by ,order1 and then under the ,consideration of the ,house1 praying his ,majesty for a ,royal1 in lieu of a ,proprietary1 ,government#ei4 ,it is not merely because ,mr4 ,dickinson's speech was ushered into the world by a preface1 that one is made to this of ,mr4 ,galloway4 ,but as1 in that preface1 a number of aspersions were thrown on our assemblies1 and their proceedings grossly misrepresented1 it was thought necessary to wipe those aspersions off by some proper animadversions1 and by a true state of facts1 to rectify those misrepresentations4 ,the preface begins with saying1 ,that governor ,denny 7whose administration will never be mentioned but with disgrace in the annals of this province7 was induced1 by considerations to which the world is now no stranger1 to pass sundry acts1 c4 thus insinuating1 that by some unusual base bargain1 secretly made1 but afterwards discovered1 he was induced to pass them4 ,it is fit therefore1 without undertaking to justify all that governor's administration1 to show what those considerations were4 ,ever since the revenue of the quit-rents first1 and after that1 the revenue of tavern-licences1 were settled irrevocably on our proprietors and governors1 they have looked on those incomes as their proper estate1 for which they were under no obligations to the people3 and when they afterwards concurred in passing any useful laws1 they considered them as so many jobs1 for which they ought to be particularly paid4 ,hence arose the custom of presents twice a year to the governors1 at the close of each session in which laws were passed1 given at the time of passing3 they usually amounted to a thousand pounds per annum4 ,but when the governors and assemblies disagreed1 so that laws were not passed1 the presents were withheld4 ,when a disposition to agree ensued1 there sometimes still remained some diffidence4 ,the governors would not pass the laws that were wanted1 without being sure of the money1 even all that they called their arrears2 nor the assemblies give the money1 without being sure of the laws4 ,thence the necessity of some private conference1 in which mutual assurances of good faith might be received and given1 that the transactions should go hand in hand4 ,what name the impartial reader will give to this kind of commerce1 ,i cannot say3 to me it appears an extortion of more money from the people1 for that to which they had before an undoubted right1 both by the constitution and by purchase2 but there was no other shop they could go to for the commodity they wanted1 and they were obliged to comply4 ,time established the custom1 and made it seem honest2 so that our governors1 even those of the most undoubted honour1 have practised it4 ,governor ,thomas1 after a long misunderstanding with the assembly1 went more openly to work with them in managing this commerce1 and they with him4 ,the fact is curious1 as it stands recorded in the votes of #agdb-c4 ,sundry bills1 sent up to the governor for his assent1 had lain long in his hands1 without any answer4 ,jan4 #d1 the house ordered1 that ,thomas ,leech and ,edward ,warner wait upon the governor1 and acquaint him1 that the house had long waited for his result on the bills that lie before him1 and desire to know1 when they may expect it3 the gentlemen return1 and report1 that they waited upon the governor1 and delivered the message of the house according to order2 and that the governor was pleased to say1 he had had the bills long under consideration1 and waited the result of the house4 ,the house well understood this hint2 and immediately resolved into a committee of the whole house1 to take what was called the governor's support into consideration2 in which they made 7the minutes say7 some progress2 and the next morning it appears1 that that progress1 whatever it was1 had been communicated to him2 for he sent them down this message by his secretary3 ,mr4 ,speaker1 the governor commands me to acquaint you1 that as he has received assurances of a good disposition in the house1 he thinks it incumbent on him to show the like on his part2 and therefore sends down the bills which lay before him1 without any amendment4 ,as this message only showed a good disposition1 but contained no promise to pass the bills1 the house seem to have had their doubts2 and therefore1 ,february #b1 when they came to resolve1 on the report of the grand committee1 to give the money1 they guarded their resolves very cautiously1 viz4 ,resolved1 that on the passage of such bills as now lie before the governor1 7the naturalization bill1 and such other bills as may be presented to him during this sitting7 there be ,,paid him the sum of five hundred pounds4 ,resolved also1 that on the passage of such bills as now lie before the governor 7the naturalization bill1 and such other bills as may be presented to him this sitting7 there be ,,paid to the governor the further sum of one thousand pounds1 for the current year's support2 and that orders be drawn on the treasurer and trustees of the loan-office1 pursuant to these resolves4 ,the orders were accordingly drawn2 with which being acquainted1 he appointed a time to pass the bills2 which was done with one hand1 while he received the orders in the other3 and then with the utmost politeness he thanked the house for the fifteen hundred pounds1 as if it had been a pure free gift1 and a mere mark of their respect and affection4 ,i thank you1 gentlemen 7says he7 for this instance of your regard2 which ,i am the more pleased with1 as it gives an agreeable prospect of future harmony between me and the representatives of the people4 ,this1 reader1 is an exact counterpart of the transaction with governor ,denny2 except that ,denny sent word to the house1 that he would pass the bills before they voted the support4 ,and yet here was no proprietary clamour about bribery1 c4 ,and why so8 ,why at that time the proprietary family1 by virtue of a secret bond they had obtained of the governor at his appointment1 were to share with him the sums so obtained of the people6 ,this reservation of the proprietaries they were at that time a little ashamed of2 and therefore such bonds were then to be secrets4 ,but as1 in every kind of sinning1 frequent repetition lessens shame1 and increases boldness1 we find the proprietaries ten years afterwards openly insisting on these advantages to themselves1 over and above what was paid to their deputy3 ,wherefore 7say they7 on this occasion it is necessary that we should inform the people1 through yourselves their representatives1 that as by the constitution our consent is necessary to their laws1 at the same time that they have an undoubted right to such as are necessary for the defence and real service of the country2 so it will tend the better to facilitate the several matters which must be transacted with us1 for their representatives to show a regard to us and our interest4 ,this was in their answer to the representation of the assembly ,votes1 ,december1 #aged1 p4 #dh4 on the justice of their contributing to ,indian expences1 which they had refused4 ,and on this clause the committee make the following remark3 ,they tell us their consent is necessary to our laws1 and that it will tend the better to facilitate the matters which must be transacted with them1 for the representatives to show a regard to their interest3 that is 7as we understand it7 though the proprietaries have a deputy here1 supported by the province1 who is1 or ought to be1 fully impowered to pass all laws necessary for the service of the country2 yet1 before we can obtain such laws1 we must facilitate their passage by paying money for the proprietaries1 which they ought to pay2 or in some shape make it their particular interest to pass them4 ,we hope1 however1 that if this practice has ever been begun1 it will never be continued in this province2 and that since1 as this very paragraph allows1 we have an undoubted right to such laws1 we shall always be able to obtain them from the goodness of our sovereign1 without going to market for them to a subject4 ,time has shown1 that those hopes were vain2 they have been obliged to go to that market ever since1 directly or indirectly1 or go without their laws4 ,the practice has continued1 and will continue1 as long as the proprietary government subsists1 intervening between the crown and the people4 ,do not1 my courteous reader1 take pet at our proprietary constitution1 for these our bargain and sale proceedings in legislation4 ,it is a happy country where justice1 and what was your own before1 can be had for ready money4 ,it is another addition to the value of money1 and of course another spur to industry4 ,every land is not so blessed4 ,there are countries where the princely proprietor claims to be lord of all property2 where what is your own shall not only be wrested from you1 but the money you give to have it restored shall be kept with it2 and your offering so much1 being a sign of your being too rich1 you shall be plundered of every thing that remained4 ,these times are not come here yet3 your present proprietors have never been more unreasonable hitherto1 than barely to insist on your fighting in defence of their property1 and paying the expence yourselves2 or if their estates must ah6 must be taxed towards it1 that the best of their lands shall be taxed no higher than the worst of yours4 ,pardon this digression1 and ,i return to governor ,denny2 but first let me do governor ,hamilton the justice to observe1 that whether from the uprightness of his own disposition1 or from the odious light the practice had been set in on ,denny's account1 or from both2 he did not attempt these bargains1 but passed such laws as he thought fit to pass1 without any previous stipulation of pay for them4 ,but then1 when he saw the assembly tardy in the payment he expected1 and yet calling upon him still to pass more laws2 he openly put them in mind of the money1 as a debt due to him from custom4 ,in the course of the present year 7says he1 in his message of ,july #h1 #agfc7 a great deal of public business hath been transacted by me1 and ,i believe as many useful laws enacted1 as by any of my predecessors in the same space of time3 yet ,i have not understood that any allowance hath hitherto been made to me for my support1 as hath been customary in this province4 ,the house having then some bills in hand1 took the matter into immediate consideration1 and voted him five hundred pounds1 for which an order or certificate was accordingly drawn3 and on the same day the speaker1 after the house had been with the governor1 reported1 ,that his honour had been pleased to give his assent to the bills1 by enacting the same into laws4 ,and ,mr4 ,speaker farther reported1 ,that he had then1 in behalf of the house1 presented their certificate of five hundred pounds to the governor1 who was pleased to say1 he was obliged to the house for the same4 ,thus we see the practice of purchasing and paying for laws is interwoven with our proprietary constitution1 used in the best times1 and under the best governors4 ,and yet1 alas6 poor assembly6 how will you steer your brittle bark between these rocks8 ,if you pay ready money for your laws1 and those laws are not liked by the proprietaries1 you are charged with bribery and corruption3 if you wait a while before you pay1 you are accused of detaining the governor's customary right1 and dunned as a negligent or dishonest debtor1 that refuses to discharge a just debt6 ,but governor ,denny's case1 ,i shall be told1 differs from all these2 for the acts he was induced to pass were1 as the prefacer tell us1 contrary to his duty1 and to every tie of honour and justice4 ,such is the imperfection of our language1 and perhaps of all other languages1 that1 notwithstanding we are furnished with dictionaries innumerable1 we cannot precisely know the import of words1 unless we know of what party the man is that uses them4 ,in the mouth of an assembly-man1 or true ,pensylvanian1 contrary to his duty and to every tie of honour and justice would mean1 the governor's long refusal to pass laws1 however just and necessary1 for taxing the proprietary estate3 a refusal1 contrary to the trust reposed in the lieutenant-governor by the royal charter1 to the rights of the people1 whose welfare it was his duty to promote1 and to the nature of the contract made between the governor and the governed1 when the quit-rents and licence-fees were established1 which confirmed what the proprietaries call our undoubted right to necessary laws4 ,but in the mouth of the proprietaries1 or their creatures1 contrary to his duty1 and to every tie of justice and honour means1 his passing laws contrary to proprietary instructions1 and contrary to the bonds he had previously given to observe those instructions3 instructions however1 that were unjust and unconstitutional2 and bonds1 that were illegal and void from the beginning4 ,much has been said of the wickedness of governor ,denny in passing1 and of the assembly in prevailing with him to pass1 those acts4 ,by the prefacer's account of them1 you would think the laws1 so obtained1 were all bad2 for he speaks of but seven1 of which1 six1 he says1 were repealed1 and the seventh reported to be fundamentally wrong and unjust1 and ought to be repealed1 unless six certain amendments were made therein#fj4 ,whereas in fact there were nineteen of them1 and several of those must have been good laws1 for even the proprietaries did not object to them4 ,of the eleven that they opposed1 only six were repealed2 so that it seems1 these good gentlemen may themselves be sometimes as wrong in opposing1 as the assembly in enacting laws4 ,but the words1 fundamentally wrong and unjust1 are the great fund of triumph to the proprietaries and their partizans4 ,these1 their subsequent governors have unmercifully dinned in the ears of the assembly on all occasions ever since2 for they make a part of near a dozen of their messages4 ,they have rung the changes on those words1 till they worked them up to say1 that the law was fundamentally wrong and unjust in six several articles 7,governor's ,message1 ,may #ag1 #agfd7 instead of ought to be repealed1 unless six alterations or amendments could be made therein4 ,a law1 unjust in six several articles1 must be an unjust law indeed4 ,let us therefore1 once for all1 examine this unjust law1 article by article1 in order to see1 whether our assemblies have been such villains as they have been represented4 ,the first particular in which their lordships proposed the act should be amended was1 ,that the real estates to be taxed1 be defined with precision2 so as not to include the unsurveyed waste land belonging to the proprietaries4 ,this was at most but an obscurity to be cleared up4 ,and though the law might well appear to their lordships uncertain in that particular1 with us1 who better know our own customs1 and that the proprietaries waste unsurveyed land was never here considered among estates real1 subject to taxation2 there was not the least doubt or supposition1 that such lands were included in the words all estates1 real and personal4 ,the agents therefore1 knowing that the assembly had no intention to tax those lands1 might well suppose they would readily agree to remove the obscurity4 ,before we go farther1 let it be observed1 that the main design of the proprietaries in opposing this act was1 to prevent their estates being taxed at all4 ,but as they knew1 that the doctrine of proprietary exemption1 which they had endeavoured to enforce here1 could not be supported there#fa1 they bent their whole strength against the act on other principles to procure its repeal1 pretending great willingness to submit to an equitable tax2 but that the assembly 7out of mere malice1 because they had conscientiously quitted quakerism for the church67 were wickedly determined to ruin them1 to tax all their unsurveyed wilderness-lands1 and at the highest rates3 and by that means exempt themselves and the people1 and throw the whole burden of the war on the proprietary family4 ,how foreign these charges were from the truth1 need not be told to any man in ,pensylvania4 ,and as the proprietors knew1 that the hundred thousand pounds of paper-money1 struck for the defence of their enormous estates1 with others1 was actually issued1 spread through the country1 and in the hands of thousands of poor people1 who had given their labour for it2 how base1 cruel1 and inhuman it was to endeavour1 by a repeal of the act1 to strike the money dead in those hands at one blow1 and reduce it all to waste paper1 to the utter confusion of all trade and dealings1 and the ruin of multitudes1 merely to avoid paying their own just tax--,words may be wanting to express1--but minds will easily conceive1--and never without abhorrence6 ,the second amendment proposed by their lordships was1 ,that the located uncultivated lands1 belonging to the proprietaries1 shall not be assessed higher than the lowest rate1 at which any located uncultivated lands belonging to the inhabitants shall be assessed4 ,had there been any provision in the act1 that the proprietaries' lands1 and those of the people1 of the same value1 should be taxed differently1 the one high1 and the other low2 the act might well have been called in this particular fundamentally wrong and unjust4 ,but as there is no such clause1 this cannot be one of the particulars on which the charge is founded2 but1 like the first1 is merely a requisition to make the act clear1 by express directions therein1 that the proprietaries' estate should not be1 as they pretended to believe it would be1 taxed higher in proportion to its value than the estates of others4 ,as to their present claim1 founded on that article1 that the best and most valuable of their lands1 should be taxed no higher than the worst and least valuable of the people's1 it was not then thought of2 they made no such demand2 nor did any one dream that so iniquitous a claim would ever be made by men1 who had the least pretence to the characters of honourable and honest4 ,the third particular was1 ,that all lands1 not granted by the proprietaries within boroughs and towns1 be deemed located uncultivated lands1 and rated accordingly2 and not as lots4 ,the clause in the act that this relates to is1 ,and whereas many valuable lots of ground within the city of ,philadelphia1 and the several boroughs and towns within this province1 remain unimproved2 ,be it enacted1 c4 ,that all such unimproved lots of ground within the city and boroughs aforesaid1 shall be rated and assessed according to their situation and value for1 and towards raising the money hereby granted4 ,the reader will observe1 that the word is1 all unimproved lots2 and that all comprehends the lots belonging to the people1 as well as those of the proprietary4 ,there were many of the former2 and a number belonging even to members of the then assembly2 and considering the value1 the tax must be proportionably as grievous to them1 as the proprietary's to him4 ,is there among us a single man1 even a proprietary relation1 officer1 or dependant1 so insensible of the differences of right and wrong1 and so confused in his notions of just and unjust1 as to think and say1 that the act in this particular was fundamentally wrong and unjust8 ,i believe not one4 ,what then could their lordships mean by the proposed amendment8 ,their meaning is easily explained4 ,the proprietaries have considerable tracts of land within the bounds of boroughs and towns1 that have not yet been divided into lots3 they pretended to believe1 that by virtue of this clause an imaginary division would be made of those lands into lots1 and an extravagant value set on such imaginary lots1 greatly to their prejudice4 ,it was answered1 that no such thing was intended by the act3 and that by lots was meant only such ground as had been surveyed and divided into lots1 and not the open undivided lands4 ,if this only is intended1 say their lordships1 then let the act be amended1 so as clearly to express what is intended4 ,this is the full amount of the third particular4 ,how the act was understood here1 is well known by the execution of it before the dispute came on in ,england1 and therefore before their lordships' opinion on the point could be given1 of which full proof shall presently be made4 ,in the mean time it appears1 that the act was not on this account fundamentally wrong and unjust4 ,the fourth particular is1 ,that the governor's consent and approbation be made necessary to every issue and application of the money1 to be raised by virtue of such act4 ,the assembly intended this1 and thought they had done it in the act4 ,the words of the clause being1 ,that the commissioners named or the major part of them1 or of the survivors of them1 with the consent or approbation of the governor or commander in chief of this province for the time being1 shall order and appoint the disposition of the monies arising by virtue of this act1 for and towards paying and clothing two thousand seven hundred effective men1 c4 ,it was understood here1 that as the power of disposing was expressly to be with the consent and approbation of the governor1 the commissioners had no power to dispose of the money without that approbation3 but their lordships1 jealous 7as their station requires7 of this prerogative of the crown1 and being better acquainted with the force and weakness of law expression1 did not think the clause explicit enough1 unless the words1 and not otherwise1 were added1 or some other words equivalent4 ,this particular1 therefore1 was no more than another requisition of greater clearness and precision2 and by no means a foundation for the charge of fundamentally wrong and unjust4 ,the fifth particular was1 ,that provincial commissioners be named1 to hear and determine appeals1 brought on the part of the inhabitants1 as well as the proprietaries4 ,there was already subsisting a provision for the appointment of county commissioners of appeal2 by whom the act might be1 and actually has been 7as we shall presently show7 justly and impartially executed with regard to the proprietaries2 but provincial commissioners appointed in the act it was thought might be of use1 in regulating and equalizing the modes of assessment of different counties1 where they were unequal2 and by affording a second appeal1 tend more to the satisfaction both of the proprietaries and the people4--,this particular was therefore a mere proposed improvement of the act1 which could not be1 and was not1 in this respect1 denominated fundamentally wrong and unjust4 ,we have now gone through five of the six proposed amendments1 without discovering any thing on which that censure could be founded2 but the sixth remains2 which points at a part of the act wherein we must candidly acknowledge there is something1 that1 in their lordships' view of it1 must justify their judgment4 ,the words of the sixth article are1 ,that the payments by the tenants to the proprietaries of their rents1 shall be according to the terms of their respective grants1 as if such act had never been passed4 ,this relates to that clause of the act by which the paper-money was made a legal tender in discharge of all manner of debts1 rents1 sum and sums of money whatsoever1 c4 at the rates ascertained in the act of parliament made in the sixth of ,queen ,anne4 ,from the great injustice frequently done to creditors1 and complained of from the colonies1 by the vast depreciation of paper bills1 it was become a general fixed principle with the ministry1 that such bills 7whose value1 though fixed in the act1 could not be kept fixed by the act7 ought not to be made a legal tender in any colony at those rates4 ,the parliament had before passed an act1 to take that tender away in the four ,new ,england colonies1 and have since made the act general4 ,this was what their lordships would therefore have proposed for the amendment4 ,but it being represented1 ,that the chief support of the credit of the bills was the legal tender2 and that without it they would become of no value1 it was allowed generally to remain2 with an exception to the proprietaries' rents1 where#fb there was a special contract for payment in another coin4 ,it cannot be denied but that this was doing justice to the proprietaries2 and that1 had the requisition been in favour of all other creditors also1 the justice had been equal1 as being general4 ,we do not therefore presume to impeach their lordships' judgment1 that the act1 as it enforced the acceptance of bills for money at a value which they had only nominally1 and not really1 was in that respect fundamentally wrong and unjust4 ,and yet we believe the reader will not think the assembly so much to blame1 when he considers1 that the making paper-bills a legal tender had been the universal mode in ,america for more than threescore years2 that there was scarce a colony that had not practised that mode more or less2 that it had always been thought absolutely necessary1 in order to give the bills a credit1 and thereby obtain from them the uses of money2 that the inconveniences were therefore submitted to1 for the sake of the greater conveniences2 that acts innumerable of the like kind had been approved by the crown2 and that if the assembly made the bills a legal tender at those rates to the proprietaries1 they made them also a legal tender to themselves and all their constituents1 many of whom might suffer in their rents1 c4 as much in proportion to their estates as the proprietaries4 ,but if he cannot1 on these considerations1 quite excuse the assembly1 what will he think of those honourable proprietaries1 who1 when paper-money was issued in their colony1 for the common defence of their vast estates1 with those of the people1 and who must therefore reap at least equal advantages from those bills with the people1 could nevertheless wish to be exempted from their share of the unavoidable disadvantages4 ,is there upon earth a man besides1 with any conception of what is honest1 with any notion of honour1 with the least tincture in his veins of the gentleman1 but would have blushed at the thought2 but would have rejected with disdain such undue preference1 if it had been offered him8 ,much less would he have struggled for it1 moved heaven and earth to obtain it1 resolved to ruin thousands of his tenants by a repeal of the act1 rather than miss of it#fc2 and enforce it afterwards by an audaciously wicked instruction2 forbidding aids to his king1 and exposing the province to destruction1 unless it was complied with4 ,and yet1--,these are honourable men#fd4 ,here then we have a full view of the assembly's injustice2 about which there has been so much insolent triumph6 ,but let the proprietaries and their discreet deputies hereafter recollect and remember1 that the same august tribunal1 which censured some of the modes and circumstances of that act1 did at the same time establish and confirm the grand principle of the act1 viz4 ,that the proprietary estate ought1 with other estates1 to be taxed3 and thereby did in effect determine and pronounce1 that the opposition so long made in various shapes to that just principle1 by the proprietaries1 was fundamentally wrong and unjust4 ,an injustice they were not1 like the assembly1 under any necessity of committing for the public good1 or any other necessity but what was imposed on them by those base passions1 that act the tyrant in bad minds2 their selfishness1 their pride1 and their avarice4 ,i have frequently mentioned the equitable intentions of the house in those parts of the act1 that were supposed obscure1 and how they were understood here4 ,a clear proof thereof is found1 as ,i have already said1 in the actual execution of the act2 in the execution of it before the contest about it in ,england2 and therefore before their lordships' objections to it had a being4 ,when the report came over1 and was laid before the house1 one year's tax had been levied3 and the assembly1 conscious that no injustice had been intended to the proprietaries1 and willing to rectify it if any should appear1 appointed a committee of members from the several counties to examine into the state of the proprietaries' taxes through the province1 and nominated on that committee a gentleman of known attachment to the proprietaries1 and their chief justice1 ,mr4 ,allen2 to the end that the strictest inquiry might be made4 ,their report was as follows3 ,we1 the committee appointed to inquire into1 and consider the state of the proprietary taxation through the several counties1 and report the same to the house1 have1 in pursuance of the said appointment1 carefully examined the returns of property1 and compared them with the respective assessments thereon made through the whole province2 and find1 first1 ,that no part of the unsurveyed waste lands belonging to the proprietaries have1 in any instance1 been included in the estates taxed4 ,secondly1 ,that some of the located uncultivated lands belonging to the proprietaries in several counties remain unassessed2 and are not in any county assessed higher1 than the lands under like circumstances belonging to the inhabitants4 ,thirdly1 ,that all lands2 not granted by the proprietaries1 within boroughs and towns1 remain untaxed2 excepting in a few instances1 and in those they are rated as low1 as the lands which are granted in the said boroughs and towns4 ,the whole of the proprietary tax of eighteen pence in the pound amounts to #effl4 #ds4 #aj;d4 ,and the sum of the tax on the inhabitants for the same year amounts1 through the several counties1 to #bg1ajcl4 #abs4 #h;d4 ,and it is the opinion of your committee1 that there has not been any injustice done to the proprietaries1 or attempts made to rate or assess any part of their estates higher than the estates of the like kind belonging to the inhabitants are rated and assessed2 but1 on the contrary1 we find that their estates are rated1 in many instances1 below others4 ,thomas ,leech1 ,george ,ashbridge1 ,joseph ,fox1 ,emanuel ,carpenter1 ,samuel ,rhoads1 ,john ,blackburn1 ,abraham ,chapman1 ,william ,allen4 ,the house communicated this report to governor ,hamilton1 when he afterwards pressed them to make the stipulated act of amendment2 acquainting him at the same time1 that as in the execution of the act no injustice had hitherto been done to the proprietary1 so1 by a yearly inspection of the assessments1 they would take care that none should be done him2 for that if any should appear1 or the governor could at any time point out to them any that had been done1 they would immediately rectify it2 and therefore1 as the act was shortly to expire1 they did not think the amendments necessary4 ,thus that matter ended during that administration4 ,and had his successor1 governor ,penn1 permitted it still to sleep1 we are of opinion it had been more to the honour of the family1 and of his own discretion4 ,but he was pleased to found upon it a claim manifestly unjust1 and which he was totally destitute of reason to support4 ,a claim1 that the proprietaries best and most valuable located uncultivated lands1 should be taxed no higher than the worst and least valuable of those belonging to the inhabitants3 to enforce which1 as he thought the words of one of the stipulations seemed to give some countenance to it1 he insisted on using those very words as sacred2 from which he could neither in decency or in duty1 deviate2 though he had agreed to deviate from words in the same report1 and therefore equally sacred in every other instance4 ,a conduct which will 7as the prefacer says in governor ,denny's case7 for ever disgrace the annals of his administration#fe4 ,never did any administration open with a more promising prospect than this of governor ,penn4 ,he assured the people1 in his first speeches1 of the proprietaries' paternal regard for them1 and their sincere disposition to do every thing that might promote their happiness4 ,as the proprietaries had been pleased to appoint a son of the family to the government1 it was thought not unlikely1 that there might be something in these professions2 for that they would probably choose to have his administration made easy and agreeable2 and to that end might think it prudent to withdraw those harsh1 disagreeable1 and unjust instructions with which most of his predecessors had been hampered3 the assembly therefore believed fully1 and rejoiced sincerely4 ,they showed the new governor every mark of respect and regard that was in their power4 ,they readily and cheerfully went into every thing he recommended to them4 ,and when he and his authority were insulted and endangered by a lawless murdering mob1 they and their friends took arms at his call1 and formed themselves round him for his defence1 and the support of his government4 ,but when it was found1 that those mischievous instructions still subsisted1 and were even farther extended2 when the governor began1 unprovoked1 to send the house affronting messages1 seizing every imaginary occasion of reflecting on their conduct2 when every other symptom appeared of fixed deep-rooted family malice1 which could but a little while bear the unnatural covering that had been thrown over it1 what wonder is it1 if all the old wounds broke out and bled afresh8 if all the old grievances1 still unredressed1 were recollected2 if despair succeeded of seeing any peace with a family1 that could make such returns to all their overtures of kindness6 ,and when in the very proprietary council1 composed of staunch friends of the family1 and chosen for their attachment to it1 it was observed1 that the old men 7#a ,kings1 chap4 xii47 withdrew themselves1 finding their opinion slighted1 and that all measures were taken by the advice of two or three young men 7one of whom too denies his share in them7 is it any wonder1 since like causes produce like effects1 if the assembly1 notwithstanding all their veneration for the first proprietor1 should say1 with the children of ,israel1 under the same circumstances1 ,what portion have we in ,david1 or inheritance in the son of ,jesse8 ,to your tents1 ,o ,israel6 ,under these circumstances1 and a conviction that while so many natural sources of difference subsisted between proprietaries and people1 no harmony in government long subsist 7without which neither the commands of the crown could be executed1 nor the public good promoted7 the house resumed the consideration of a measure that had often been proposed in former assemblies2 a measure1 that every proprietary province in ,america had1 from the same causes1 found themselves obliged to take1 and had actually taken1 or were about to take2 and a measure1 that had happily succeeded1 wherever it was taken2 ,i mean the recourse to an immediate royal government4 ,they therefore1 after a thorough debate1 and making no less than twenty-five unanimous resolves1 expressing the many grievances this province had long laboured under1 through the proprietary government1 came to the following resolution1 viz4 ,resolved1 nemine contradicente1 ,that this house will adjourn1 in order to consult their constituents1 whether an humble address should be drawn up and transmitted to his ,majesty2 praying that he would be graciously pleased to take the people of this province under his immediate protection and government1 by completing the agreement heretofore made with the first proprietary for the sale of the government to the crown1 or otherwise as to his wisdom and goodness shall seem meet#ff4 ,this they ordered to be made public2 and it was published accordingly in all the newspapers3 the house then adjourned for no less than seven weeks1 to give their constituents time to consider the matter1 and themselves an opportunity of taking their opinion and advice4 ,could any thing be more deliberate1 more fair and open1 or more respectful to the people that chose them8--,during this recess1 the people1 in many places1 held little meetings with each other2 the result of which was1 that they would manifest their sentiments to their representatives1 by petitioning the crown directly of themselves1 and requesting the assembly to transmit and support those petitions4 ,at the next meeting many of these petitions were delivered to the house with that request2 they were signed by a very great#fg number of the most substantial inhabitants2 and not the least intimation was received by the assembly from any other of their constituents1 that the method was disapproved2 except in a petition from an obscure town-ship in ,lancaster county1 to which there were about forty names indeed1 but all evidently signed by three hands only4 ,what could the assembly infer from the expressed willingness of a part1 and silence of the rest2 but that the measure was universally agreeable6 ,they accordingly resumed the consideration of it2 and though a small1 very small opposition then appeared to it in the house2 yet as even that was founded not on the impropriety of the thing2 but on supposed unsuitableness of the time or the manner1 and a majority of nine tenths being still for it2 a petition was drawn agreeable to the former resolve1 and ordered to be transmitted to his majesty4 ,but the preface tells us1 that these petitioners for a change were a number of rash1 ignorant1 and inconsiderate people1 and generally of a low rank4 ,to be sure they were not of the proprietary officers1 dependents1 or expectants2 and those are chiefly the people of high rank among us2 but they were otherwise generally men of the best estates in the province1 and men of reputation4 ,the assembly1 who come from all parts of the country1 and therefore may be supposed to know them1 at least as well as the prefacer1 have given that testimony of them4 ,but what is the testimony of the assembly2 who in his opinion are equally rash1 ignorant1 and inconsiderate with the petitioners8 ,and if his judgment is right1 how imprudently and contrary to their charter1 have his three hundred thousand souls acted in their elections of assembly-men these twenty years past2 for the charter requires them to choose men of most note for virtue1 wisdom and ability6 ,but these are qualities engrossed1 it seems1 by the proprietary party4 ,for they say1 the wiser and better part of the province had far different notions of this measure3 they considered1 that the moment they put their hands to these petitions they might be surrendering up their birthright4 ,i felicitate them on the honour they have thus bestowed upon themselves2 on the sincere compliments thus given and accepted2 and on their having with such noble freedom discarded the snivelling pretence to modesty1 couched in that threadbare form of words1 though we say it1 that should not say it4 ,but is it not surprising1 that1 during the seven weeks recess of the assembly1 expressly to consult their constituents on the expediency of this measure1 and during the fourteen days the house sat deliberating on it after they met again1 these their wisdoms and betternesses should never be so kind as to communicate the least scrap of their prudence1 their knowledge1 or their consideration1 to their rash1 ignorant1 and inconsiderate representatives8 ,wisdom in the mind is not like money in the purse1 diminished by communication to others3 they might have lighted up our farthing candles for us1 without lessening the blaze of their own flambeaux4 ,but they suffered our representatives to go on in the dark till the fatal deed was done2 and the petition sent to the king1 praying him to take the government of this province into his immediate care3 whereby1 if it succeeds1 our glorious plan of public liberty and charter of privileges is to be bartered away1 and we are to be made slaves for ever6 ,cruel parsimony6 to refuse the charity of a little understanding1 when ,god had given you so much1 and the assembly begged it as an alms6 ,o that you had but for once remembered and observed the counsel of that wise poet ,pope1 where he says1 ,be niggards of advice on no pretence2 ,for the worst avarice is that of sense4 ,in the constitution of our government1 and in that of one more1 there still remains a particular thing that none of the other ,american governments have2 to wit1 the appointment of a governor by the proprietors1 instead of an appointment by the crown4 ,this particular in government has been found inconvenient2 attended with contentions and confusions wherever it existed2 and has therefore been gradually taken away from colony after colony1 and every where greatly to the satisfaction and happiness of the people4 ,our wise first proprietor and founder was fully sensible of this2 and being desirous of leaving his people happy1 and preventing the mischiefs that he foresaw must in time arise from that circumstance if it was continued1 he determined to take it away1 if possible1 during his own lifetime4 ,they accordingly entered into a contract for the sale of the proprietary right of government to the crown1 and actually received a sum in part of the consideration4 ,as he found himself likely to die before that contract 7and with it1 his plan for the happiness of his people7 could be completed1 he carefully made it a part of his last will and testament2 devising the right of the government to two noble lords1 in trust1 that they should release it to the crown4 ,unfortunately for us1 this has never yet been done4 ,and this is merely what the assembly now desire to have done4 ,surely he that formed our constitution1 must have understood it4 ,if he had imagined1 that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government2 will any one suppose1 that he would himself have meditated the change2 that he would have taken such effectual measures1 as he thought them1 to bring it about speedily1 whether he should live or die8 ,will any of those1 who now extol him so highly1 charge him at the same time with the baseness of endeavouring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and privileges he had promised them1 and by the most solemn charters and grants assured to them1 when he engaged them to assist him in the settlement of his province8 ,surely none can be so inconsistent6--,and yet this proprietary right of governing or appointing a governor has all of a sudden changed its nature2 and the preservation of it become of so much importance to the welfare of the province1 that the assembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed1 and the contract he entered into for the good of his people completed1 is stiled1 an attempt to violate the constitution for which our fathers planted a wilderness2 to barter away our glorious plan of public liberty and charter privileges2 a risquing of the whole constitution2 an offering up of our whole charter rights2 a wanton sporting with things sacred1 c4 ,pleasant surely it is to hear the proprietary partizans1 of all men1 bawling for the constitution1 and affecting a terrible concern for our liberties and privileges4 ,they1 who have been these twenty years cursing our constitution1 declaring that it was no constitution1 or worse than none2 and that things could never be well with us till it was new modelled1 and made exactly conformable to the ,british constitution3 they1 who have treated our distinguishing privileges as so many illegalities and absurdities2 who have solemnly declared in print1 that though such privileges might be proper in the infancy of a colony to encourage its settlement1 they became unfit for it in its grown state1 and ought to be taken away3 they1 who by numberless falshoods1 propagated with infinite industry in the mother country1 attempted to procure an act of parliament for the actual depriving a very great part of the people of their privileges3 they too1 who have already deprived the whole people of some of their most important rights1 and are daily endeavouring to deprive them of the rest3 are these become patriots and advocates for our constitution8 ,wonderful change6 astonishing conversion6 ,will the wolves then protect the sheep1 if they can but persuade them to give up their dogs8 ,yes2 the assembly would destroy all their own rights1 and those of the people2 and the proprietary partizans are become the champions for liberty6 ,let those who have faith now make use of it3 for if it is rightly defined1 the evidence of things not seen1 certainly never was there more occasion for such evidence1 the case being totally destitute of all other4 ,it has been long observed1 that men are with that party1 angels or demons1 just as they happen to concur with or oppose their measures4 ,and ,i mention it for the comfort of old sinners1 that in politics1 as well as in religion1 repentance and amendment1 though late1 shall obtain forgiveness1 and procure favour4 ,witness the late speaker1 ,mr4 ,norris2 a steady and constant opposer of all the proprietary encroachments2 and whom1 for thirty years past1 they have been therefore continually abusing1 allowing him no one virtue or good quality whatsoever3 but now1 as he shewed some unwillingness to engage in this present application to the crown1 he is become all at once the faithful servant2--but let me look at the text1 to avoid mistakes--and indeed ,i was mistaken--,i thought it had been faithful servant of the public1 but ,i find it is only of the house4 ,well chosen that expression1 and prudently guarded4 ,the former1 from a proprietary pen1 would have been praise too much1 only for disapproving the time of the application4 ,could you1 much respected ,mr4 ,norris1 go but a little farther1 and disapprove the application itself8 ,could you but say1 the proprietary government is a good one1 and ought to be continued2 then might all your political offences be done away1 and your scarlet sins become as snow and wool2 then might you end your course with 7proprietary7 honour4 ,p---- should preach your funeral sermon1 and ,s----1 the poisoner of other characters1 embalm your memory4 ,but those honours you will never receive2 for with returning health and strength you will be found in your old post1 firm for your country4 ,there is encouragement too for young sinners4 ,mr4 ,dickenson1 whose speech our prefacer has introduced to the world1 7though long hated by some1 and disregarded by the rest of the proprietary faction7 is at once1 for the same reason as in ,mr4 ,norris's case1 become a sage in the law1 and an oracle in matters relating to our constitution4 ,i shall not endeavour to pluck so much as a leaf from these the young gentleman's laurels4 ,i would only advise him carefully to preserve the panegyrics with which they have adorned him3 in time they may serve to console him1 by balancing the calumny they shall load him with1 when he does not go through with them in all their measures3 he will not probably do the one1 and they will then assuredly do the other4 ,there are mouths that can blow hot as well as cold1 and blast on your brows the bays their hands have placed there4 ,experto crede ,roberto4 ,let but the moon of proprietary favour withdraw its shine for a moment1 and that great number of the principal gentlemen of ,philadelphia1 who applied to you for the copy of your speech1 shall immediately despise and desert you4 ,those principal gentlemen6 ,what a pity it is that their names were not given us in the preface1 together with their admirable letter6 ,we should then have known1 where to run for advice on all occasions4 ,we should have known1 who to choose for our future representatives3 for undoubtedly these were they that are elsewhere called the wiser and better part of the province4 ,none but their wisdoms could have known before-hand1 that a speech which they never heard1 and a copy of which they had never seen1 but were then requesting to see1 was a spirited defence1 and of our charter privileges1 and that the publication of it would be of great utility1 and give general satisfaction4 ,no inferior sagacity could discover1 that the appointment of a governor by the proprietor was one of our charter privileges1 and that those who opposed the application for a royal government were therefore patriot members1 appearing on the side of our privileges and our charter6 ,utterly to confound the assembly1 and show the excellence of proprietary government1 the prefacer has extracted from their own votes1 the praises they have from time to time bestowed on the first proprietor1 in their addresses to his sons4 ,and though addresses are not generally the best repositories of historical truth1 we must not in this instance deny their authority4 99 99 99 99 99 ,what then avails it to the honour of the present proprietors1 that our founder and their father gave us privileges1 if they1 the sons1 will not permit the use of them1 or forcibly rend them from us8 ,david may have been a man after ,god's own heart1 and ,solomon the wisest of proprietors and governors2 but if ,rehoboam will be a tyrant and a ----1 who can secure him the affections of the people8 ,the virtue and merit of his ancestors may be very great1 but his presumption in depending upon those alone may be much greater4 ,i lamented1 a few pages ago1 that we were not acquainted with the names of those principal gentlemen1 the wiser and better part of the province4 ,i now rejoice that we are likely1 some time or other1 to know them2 for a copy of a petition to the king is now before me2 which1 from its similarity with their letter1 must be of their inditing1 and will probably be recommended to the people1 by their leading up the signing4 ,on this petition ,i shall take the liberty of making a few remarks1 as they will save me the necessity of following farther the preface2 the sentiments of this and that being nearly the same4 ,it begins with a formal quotation from the assembly's petition1 which they own they have not seen1 and of words that are not in it2 and after relating very imperfectly and unfairly the fact relating to their application for a copy of it1 which is of no importance1 proceeds to set forth1 that as we and all your ,american subjects must be governed by persons authorised and approved by your ,majesty1 on the best recommendation that can be obtained of them2 we cannot perceive our condition in this respect to be different from our fellow-subjects around us1 or that we are thereby less under your majesty's particular care and protection than they are2 since there can be no governors of this province without your majesty's immediate approbation and authority4 ,such a declaration from the wiser part of the province is really a little surprising4 ,what6 when disputes concerning matters of property are daily arising between you and your proprietaries1 cannot your wisdoms perceive the least difference between having the judges of those disputes appointed by a royal governor1 who has no interest in the cause1 and having them appointed by the proprietaries themselves1 the principal parties against you2 and during their pleasure too8 ,when supplies are necessary to be raised for your defence1 can you perceive no difference between having a royal governor1 free to promote his majesty's service by a ready assent to your laws2 and a proprietary governor1 shackled by instructions1 forbidding him to give that assent1 unless some private advantage is obtained1 some profit got1 or unequal exemption gained for their estate1 or some privilege wrested from you8 ,when prerogative1 that in other governments is only used for the good of the people1 is here strained to the extreme1 and used to their prejudice1 and the proprietaries benefit1 can you perceive no difference8 ,when the direct and immediate rays of majesty benignly and mildly shine on all around us1 but are transmitted and thrown upon us through the burning-glass of proprietary government1 can your sensibilities feel no difference8 ,sheltered perhaps in proprietary offices1 or benumbed with expectations1 it may be you cannot4 ,but surely you might have known better than to tell his majesty1 that there can be no governors of this province1 without his immediate approbation4 ,don't you know1 who know so much1 that by our blessed constitution the proprietors themselves1 whenever they please1 may govern us in person1 without such approbation8 ,the petition proceeds to tell his majesty1 that the particular mode of government which we enjoy1 under your majesty1 is held in the highest estimation by good men of all denominations among us2 and hath brought multitudes of industrious people from various parts of the world1 c4 ,really6 ,can this be from proprietary partizans8 ,that constitution1 which they were for ever censuring as defective in a legislative council1 defective in government powers1 too popular in many of its modes1 is it now become so excellent8 ,perhaps1 as they have been tinkering it these twenty years1 till they have stripped it of some of its most valuable privileges1 and almost spoiled it1 they now begin to like it4 ,but then it is not surely this present constitution1 that brought hither those multitudes4 ,they came before4 ,at least it was not that particular in our constitution 7the proprietary power of appointing a governor7 which attracted them1 that single particular1 which alone is now in question1 which our venerable founder first1 and now the assembly1 are endeavouring to change4 ,as to the remaining valuable part of our constitution1 the assembly have been equally full and strong in expressing their regard for it1 and perhaps stronger and fuller2 for their petition1 in that respect1 is in the nature of a petition of right3 it lays claim1 though modestly and humbly1 to those privileges on the foundation of royal grants1 on laws confirmed by the crown1 and on justice and equity1 as the grants were the consideration offered to induce them to settle1 and which they have in a manner purchased and paid for1 by executing that settlement without putting the crown to any expence4 ,whoever would know what our constitution was1 when it was so much admired1 let him peruse that elegant farewell speech of ,mr4 ,hamilton1 father of our late governor1 when1 as speaker1 he took his leave of the house1 and of public business1 in #agci2 and then let him compare that constitution with the present4 ,the power of appointing public officers by the representatives of the people1 which he so much extols1 where is it now8 ,even the bare naming to the governor in a bill1 a trivial officer to receive a light-house duty 7which could be considered as no more than a mere recommendation7 is1 in a late message1 styled1 an encroachment on the prerogative of the crown6 ,the sole power of raising and disposing of public money1 which he says was then lodged in the assembly1 that inestimable privilege1 what is become of it8 ,inch by inch they have been wrested from us in times of public distress2 and the rest are going the same way4 ,i remember to have seen1 when governor ,hamilton was engaged in a dispute with the assembly on some of those points1 a copy of that speech1 which then was intended to be reprinted1 with a dedication to that honourable gentleman1 and this motto from ,john ,rogers's verses in the ,primer3 ,we send you here a little book1 ,for you to look upon2 ,that you may see your father's face1 ,now he is dead and gone4 ,many a such little book has been sent by our assemblies to the present proprietaries3 but they do not like to see their father's face2 it puts their own out of countenance4 ,the petition proceeds to say1 that such disagreements as have arisen in this province1 we have beheld with sorrow2 but as others around us are not exempted from the like misfortunes1 we can by no means conceive them incident to the nature of our government1 which hath often been administered with remarkable harmony3 and your majesty1 before whom our late disputes have been laid1 can be at no loss1 in your great wisdom1 to discover1 whether they proceed from the above cause1 or should be ascribed to some others4 ,the disagreements in question are proprietary disagreements in government1 relating to proprietary private interests4 ,and are not the royal governments around us exempt from these misfortunes8 ,can you really1 gentlemen1 by no means conceive1 that proprietary government disagreements are incident to the nature of proprietary governments8 ,if your wisdoms are so hard to conceive1 ,i am afraid they will never bring forth4 ,but then our government hath often been administered with remarkable harmony4 ,very true2 as often as the assembly have been able and willing to purchase that harmony1 and pay for it1 the mode of which has already been shown4 ,and yet that word often seems a little unluckily chosen3 the flame that is often put out1 must be as often lit4 ,if our government hath often been administered with remarkable harmony1 it hath as often been administered with remarkable discord3 one often is as numerous as the other4 ,and his majesty1 if he should take the trouble of looking over our disputes 7to which the petitioners1 to save themselves a little pains1 modestly and decently refer him7 where will he1 for twenty years past1 find any but proprietary disputes concerning proprietary interests2 or disputes that have been connected with and arose from them8 ,the petition proceeds to assure his majesty1 that this province 7except from the ,indian ravages7 enjoys the most perfect internal tranquillity6--,amazing6 what6 the most perfect tranquillity6 when there have been three atrocious riots within a few months6 when in two of them1 horrid murders were committed on twenty innocent persons2 and in the third1 no less than one hundred and forty like murders were meditated1 and declared to be intended1 with as many more as should be occasioned by any opposition6 when we know that these rioters and murderers have none of them been punished1 have never been prosecuted1 have not even been apprehended6 when we are frequently told1 that they intend still to execute their purposes1 as soon as the protection of the king's forces is withdrawn6 ,is our tranquillity more perfect now1 than it was between the first riot and the second1 or between the second and the third8 ,and why except the ,indian ravages1 is a little intermission to be denominated the most perfect tranquillity8 ,for the ,indians too have been quiet lately4 ,almost as well might ships in an engagement talk of the most perfect tranquillity between two broadsides4 ,but a spirit of riot and violence is foreign to the general temper of the inhabitants4 ,i hope and believe it is2 the assembly have said nothing to the contrary4 ,and yet is there not too much of it8 ,are there not pamphlets continually written1 and daily sold in our streets1 to justify and encourage it8 ,are not the mad armed mob in those writings instigated to embrue their hands in the blood of their fellow-citizens1 by first applauding their murder of the ,indians1 and then representing the assembly and their friends as worse than ,indians1 as having privately stirred up the ,indians to murder the white people1 and armed and rewarded them for that purpose8 ,,lies1 gentlemen1 villanous as ever the malice of hell invented1 and which1 to do you justice1 not one of you believes1 though you would have the mob believe them4 ,but your petition proceeds to say1 that where such disturbances have happened1 they have been speedily quieted4 ,by whom were they quieted8 ,the two first1 if they can be said to be quieted1 were quieted only by the rioters themselves going home quietly 7that is1 without any interruption7 and remaining there till their next insurrection1 without any pursuit1 or attempt to apprehend any of them4 ,and the third1 was it quieted1 or was the mischief they intended prevented1 or could it have been prevented1 without the aid of the king's troops1 marched into the province for that purpose8--,the civil powers have been supported1 in some sort4 ,we all know how they were supported2 but have they been fully supported8 ,has the government sufficient strength1 even with all its supports1 to venture on the apprehending and punishment of those notorious offenders8 ,if it has not1 why are you angry at those who would strengthen its hands by a more immediate royal authority8 ,if it has1 why is not the thing done8 ,why will the government1 by its conduct1 strengthen the suspicions 7groundless no doubt7 that it has come to a private understanding with those murderers1 and that impunity for their past crimes is to be the reward of their future political services8--,o6 but says the petition1 there are perhaps cases in all governments where it may not be possible speedily to discover offenders4 ,probably2 but is there any case in any government where it is not possible to endeavour such a discovery8 ,there may be cases where it is not safe to do it3 and perhaps the best thing our government can say for itself is1 that that is our case4 ,the only objection to such an apology must be1 that it would justify that part of the assembly's petition to the crown1 which relates to the weakness of our present government4#fh ,still1 if there is any fault1 it must be in the assembly2 for1 says the petition1 if the executive part of our government should seem in any case too weak1 we conceive it is the duty of the assembly1 and in their power1 to strengthen it4 ,this weakness1 however1 you have just denied4 ,disturbances you say have been speedily quieted1 and the civil power supported1 and thereby you have deprived your insinuated charge against the assembly of its only support4 ,but is it not a fact known to you all1 that the assembly did endeavour to strengthen the hands of the government8 ,that1 at his honour's instance1 they prepared and passed in a few hours a bill for extending hither the act of parliament for dispersing rioters8 ,that they also passed and presented to him a militia bill1 which he refused1 unless powers were thereby given him over the lives and properties of the inhabitants1 which the public good did not require2 and which their duty to their constituents would not permit them to trust in the hands of any proprietary governor8 ,you know the points1 gentlemen3 they have been made public4 ,would you have had your representatives give up those points8 ,do you intend to give them up1 when at the next election you are made assemblymen8 ,if so1 tell it us honestly beforehand1 that we may know what we are to expect when we are about to choose you8 ,i come now to the last clause of your petition1 where1 with the same wonderful sagacity with which you in another case discovered the excellency of a speech you never heard1 you undertake to characterise a petition from the assembly you own you never saw2 and venture to assure his majesty1 that it is exceeding grievous in its nature1 that it by no means contains a proper representation of the state of this province1 and is repugnant to the general sense of his numerous and loyal subjects in it4 ,are then his majesty's numerous and loyal subjects in this province all as great wizards as yourselves1 and capable of knowing1 without seeing it1 that a petition is repugnant to their general sense8 ,but the inconsistence of your petition1 gentlemen1 is not so much to be wondered at2 the prayer of it is still more extraordinary1 ,we therefore most humbly pray1 that your majesty would be graciously pleased wholly to disregard the said petition of the assembly4 ,what6 without enquiry6 without examination6 without a hearing of what the assembly might say in support of it6 wholly disregard the petition of your representatives in assembly1 accompanied by other petitions1 signed by thousands of your fellow-subjects as loyal1 if not as wise and as good1 as yourselves6 ,would you wish to see your great and amiable prince act a part that could not become a dey of ,algiers8 ,do you1 who are ,americans1 pray for a precedent of such contempt in the treatment of an ,american assembly6 such total disregard of their humble applications to the throne8 ,surely your wisdoms here have overshot yourselves4--,but as wisdom shows itself not only in doing what is right1 but in confessing and amending what is wrong1 ,i recommend the latter particularly to your present attention2 being persuaded of this consequence1 that though you have been mad enough to sign such a petition1 you never will be fools enough to present it4 ,there is one thing mentioned in the preface1 which ,i find ,i omitted to take notice of as ,i came along1 the refusal of the house to enter ,mr4 ,dickinson's protest on their minutes4 ,this is mentioned in such a manner there and in the newspapers1 as to insinuate a charge of some partiality and injustice in the assembly4 ,but the reasons were merely these1 that though protesting may be a practice with the lords of parliament1 there is no instance of it in the house of commons1 whose proceedings are the model followed by the assemblies of ,america2 that there is no precedent of it on our votes1 from the beginning of our present constitution2 and that the introducing such a practice would be attended with inconveniences1 as the representatives in assembly are not1 like the lords in parliament1 unaccountable to any constituents1 and would therefore find it necessary for their own justification1 if the reasons of the minority for being against a measure were admitted in the votes1 to put there likewise the reasons that induced the majority to be for it3 whereby the votes1 which were intended only as a register of propositions and determinations1 would be filled with the disputes of members with members1 and the public business be thereby greatly retarded1 if ever brought to a period4 ,as that protest was a mere abstract of ,mr4 ,dickinson's speech1 every particular of it will be found answered in the following speech of ,mr4 ,galloway1 from which it is fit that ,i should no longer detain the reader4#fi ,,footnotes3 #ei ,as ,i am very much unacquainted with the history and principles of these provincial politics1 ,i shall confine myself to some imperfect anecdotes concerning the parties1 c4 ,a speech1 which ,mr4 ,dickinson had delivered in the ,pensylvania assembly against the abolition of the proprietary government1 having been published1 and a preface having been written to it1 as ,i think by a ,dr4 ,smith1 ,mr4 ,galloway's speech was held forth as a proper answer to that speech1 while the preface to it appeared balanced by the above preface from ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,mr4 ,galloway's speech1 or probably the advertisement that attended it1 urged1 ,i believe1 ,mr4 ,dickinson first to a challenge1 and then to a printed reply4--,the controversy was quickly republished in ,england1 or at least the principal parts of it2 and it is from the ,english edition of ,mr4 ,galloway's speech 7printed in ,london by ,nichols in #agfe7 that ,i have copied the above4 ,these several gentlemen however seem1 for a time1 to have better agreed in their subsequent opinions concerning ,american taxation by ,great ,britain2 ,mr4 ,dickinson1 in particular1 having taken a very spirited line in the ,farmer's ,letters and other pieces1 which procured him considerable reputation4 ,the congress declaration1 nevertheless1 for independence1 was reported not to have given perfect satisfaction at first1 either to himself or to ,mr4 ,galloway4 ,and in the event1 ,mr4 ,galloway thought proper to come over to ,general ,howe1 and afterwards to embark for ,england4 ,b4 ,v4 #fj ,this act is intitled1 ,an ,act for granting to his ,majesty the ,sum of ,one ,hundred ,thousand ,pounds3 striking the same in ,bills of ,credit1 and sinking the ,bills by a ,tax on all ,estates real and personal4 #fa i4 e4 ,in ,england1 ,i suppose1 when the laws were brought home to receive the king's assent4 ,b4 ,v4 #fb ,possibly this word where1 means wherever4 ,b4 ,v4 #fc ,this would have been done1 and the money all sunk in the hands of the people1 if the agents1 ,benjamin ,franklin1 and ,robert ,charles1 had not interposed1 and voluntarily1 without authority from the assembly so to do1 but at their own risque1 undertaken1 that these amendments should be made1 or that they themselves would indemnify the proprietaries from any damages they might sustain for want thereof4 ,an action which1 as the prefacer says in another case1 posterity perhaps may find a name for4 #fd ,it is not easy to guess from what source our proprietaries have drawn their principles4 ,those who study law and justice as a science have established it a maxim in equity1 ,qui sentit commodum1 sentire debet et onus4 ,and so consistent is this with the common sense of mankind1 that even our lowest untaught coblers and porters feel the force of it in their own maxim 7which they are honest enough never to dispute7 ,touch pot1 touch penny4 #fe ,for a fuller account of this dispute the reader is referred to the newspapers and votes of assembly4 #ff ,these words1 by completing the agreement1 c4 are omitted by the honest prefacer1 in his account of the resolve1 that they might not interfere with his insinuation of the measure's being impracticable1 have the proprietors1 by any act of theirs1 forfeited the least tittle of what was granted them by his ,majesty's royal ancestors8 ,or can they be deprived of their charter rights without their consent8 c4 ,sensible that these questions are impertinent1 if those rights are already sold4 #fg ,the prefacer1 with great art1 endeavours to represent this number as insignificant4 ,he says the petitioners were but #cejj1 and that the province contains near three hundred thousand souls6 ,his reader is to imagine1 that two hundred and ninety six thousand five hundred of them were applied to1 and refused to sign it4 ,the truth is1 that his number of souls is vastly exaggerated4 ,the dwelling-houses in the province in #ageb did not exceed #bj1jjj4 ,political arithmeticians reckon generally but five souls to a house1 one house with another2 and therefore1 allowing for houses since built1 there are not probably more than an hundred and ten thousand souls in the province2 that of these1 scarce twenty two thousand could with any propriety be petitioners4 ,and considering the scattered settlement of the province2 the general inattention of mankind1 especially in new countries1 to public affairs2 and the indefatigable pains taken by the proprietaries' new allies the presbyterian clergy of ,philadelphia1 7who wrote circular letters to every congregation in the county1 to deter them from petitioning1 by dutiful intimations1 that if we were reduced to a royal government1 it would be the ruin of the province27 it is a wonder the number 7near a sixth part7 was so great as it was4 ,but if there had been no such petitions1 it would not have been material to the point4 ,the assembly went upon another foundation4 ,they had adjourned to consult their constituents2 they returned satisfied that the measure was agreeable to them1 and nothing appeared to the contrary4 #fh ,the assembly being called upon by the governor for their advice on that occasion did1 in a message1 advise his sending for and examining the magistrates of ,lancaster county and borough1 where the murders were committed1 in order to discover the actors2 but neither that nor any of the other measures recommended were ever taken4 ,proclamations indeed were published1 but soon discontinued4 #fi ,mr4 ,galloway's speech is of course omitted here4 ,editor4 ,remarks on a late ,protest against the ,appointment of ,mr4 ,franklin as ,agent for this ,province of ,pensylvania4 ,i have generally passed over1 with a silent disregard1 the nameless abusive pieces that have been written against me2 and though this paper1 called a protest1 is signed by some respectable names1 ,i was1 nevertheless1 inclined to treat it with the same indifference2 but1 as the assembly is therein reflected on upon my account1 it is thought more my duty to make some remarks upon it4 ,i would first observe then1 that this mode of protesting by the minority1 with a string of reasons against the proceedings of the majority of the house of assembly1 is quite new among us2 the present is the second we have had of the kind1 and both within a few months4 ,it is unknown to the practice of the house of commons1 or of any house of representatives in ,america1 that ,i have heard of2 and seems an affected imitation of the lords in parliament1 which can by no means become assemblymen of ,america4 ,hence appears the absurdity of the complaint1 that the house refused the protest an entry on their minutes4 ,the protesters know1 that they are not1 by any custom or usage1 intitled to such an entry2 and that the practice here is not only useless in itself1 but would be highly inconvenient to the house1 since it would probably be thought necessary for the majority also to enter their reasons1 to justify themselves to their constituents2 whereby the minutes would be incumbered and the public business obstructed4 ,more especially will it be found inconvenient1 if such protests are made use of as a new form of libelling1 as the vehicles of personal malice1 and as means of giving to private abuse the appearance of a sanction as public acts4 ,your protest1 gentlemen1 was therefore properly refused2 and since it is no part of the proceedings of assembly1 one may with the more freedom examine it4 ,your first reason against my appointment is1 that you believe me to be the chief author of the measures pursued by the last assembly1 which have occasioned such uneasiness and distraction among the good people of this province4 ,i shall not dispute my share in those measures2 ,i hope they are such as will in time do honour to all that were concerned in them4 ,but you seem mistaken in the order of time3 it was the uneasiness and distraction among the good people of the province that occasioned the measures2 the province was in confusion before they were taken1 and they were pursued in order to prevent such uneasiness and distraction for the future4 ,make one step farther back1 and you will find proprietary injustice supported by proprietary minions and creatures1 the original cause of all our uneasiness and distractions4 ,another of your reasons is1 that ,i am1 as you are informed1 very unfavourably thought of by several of his majesty's ministers4 ,i apprehend1 gentlemen1 that your informer is mistaken4 ,he indeed has taken great pains to give unfavourable impressions of me1 and perhaps may flatter himself1 that it is impossible so much true industry should be totally without effect4 ,his long success in maiming or murdering all the reputations that stand in his way 7which has been the dear delight and constant employment of his life7 may likewise have given him some just ground for confidence1 that he has1 as they call it1 done for me1 among the rest4 ,but1 as ,i said before1 ,i believe he is mistaken4 ,for what have ,i done1 that they should think unfavourably of me8 ,it cannot be my constantly and uniformly promoting the measures of the crown1 ever since ,i had any influence in the province4 ,it cannot1 surely1 be my promoting the change from a proprietary to a royal government4 ,if indeed ,i had1 by speeches and writings1 endeavoured to make his majesty's government universally odious in the province3 if ,i had harangued by the week to all comers and goers1 on the pretended injustice and oppressions of royal government1 and the slavery of the people under it3 if ,i had written traitorous papers to this purpose1 and got them translated into other languages1 to give his majesty's foreign subjects here those horrible ideas of it3 if ,i had declared1 written1 and printed1 that the king's little finger we should find heavier than the proprietor's whole loins1 with regard to our liberties2 then indeed might the ministers be supposed to think unfavourably of me4 ,but these are not exploits for a man1 who holds a profitable office under the crown1 and can expect to hold it no longer than he behaves with the fidelity and duty that becomes every good subject4 ,they are only for officers of proprietary appointment1 who hold their commissions during his1 and not the king's pleasure2 and who1 by dividing among themselves and their relations1 offices of many thousands a year enjoyed by proprietary favour1 feel where to place their loyalty4 ,i wish they were as good subjects to his majesty2 and perhaps they may be so1 when the proprietary interferes no longer4 ,another of your reasons is1 that the proposal of me for an agent is extremely disagreeable to a very great number of the most serious and reputable inhabitants of the province2 and the proof is1 my having been rejected at the last election1 though ,i had represented the city in assembly for fourteen years4 ,and do those of you1 gentlemen1 reproach me with this1 who1 among near four thousand voters1 had scarcely a score more than ,i had8 ,it seems then1 that your elections were very near being rejections1 and thereby furnishing the same proof in your case that you produce in mine1 of your being likewise extremely disagreeable to a very great number of the most serious and reputable people4 ,do you1 honourable sir1 reproach me with this1 who1 for almost twice fourteen years have been rejected 7if not being chosen is to be rejected7 by the same people8 and 7unable1 with all your wealth and connections1 and the influence they give you1 to obtain an election in the county where you reside1 and the city where you were born1 and are best known7 have been obliged to accept a seat from one of the out-counties1 the remotest of the province6--,it is known1 sir1 to the persons who proposed me1 that ,i was first chosen against my inclination1 and against my entreaties that ,i might be suffered to remain a private man4 ,in none of the fourteen elections you mention1 did ,i ever appear as a candidate4 ,i never did1 directly or indirectly1 solicit any man's vote4 ,for six of the years in which ,i was annually chosen1 ,i was absent1 residing in ,england2 during all which time1 your secret and open attacks upon my character and reputation were incessant2 and yet you gained no ground4 ,and can you really1 gentlemen1 find matter of triumph in this rejection as you call it8 ,a moment's reflection on the means by which it was obtained must make you ashamed of it4 ,not only my duty to the crown1 in carrying the post-office act more duly into execution1 was made use of to exasperate the ignorant1 as if ,i was encreasing my own profits1 by picking their pockets2 but my very zeal in opposing the murderers1 and supporting the authority of government2 and even my humanity1 with regard to the innocent ,indians under our protection1 were mustered among my offences1 to stir up against me those religious bigots1 who are of all savages the most brutish4 ,add to this1 the numberless falshoods propagated as truths1 and the many perjuries procured among the wretched rabble1 brought to swear themselves intitled to a vote3 ,and yet so poor a superiority obtained at all this expence of honour and conscience6 can this1 gentlemen1 be matter of triumph8 ,enjoy it then4 ,your exultation1 however1 was short4 ,your artifices did not prevail every where2 nor your double tickets and whole boxes of forged votes4 ,a great majority of the new-chosen assembly were of the old members1 and remain uncorrupted4 ,they still stood firm for the people1 and will obtain justice from the proprietaries4 ,but what does that avail to you1 who are in the proprietary interest8 ,and what comfort can it afford you1 when1 by the assembly's choice of an agent1 it appears that the same1 to you obnoxious1 man 7notwithstanding all your venomous invectives against him7 still retains so great a share of the public confidence8 ,but this step1 you say1 gives you the more lively affliction1 as it is taken at the very moment when you were informed by a member of the house1 that the governor had assured him of his having received instructions from the proprietaries1 to give his assent to the taxation of their estates2 in the same manner that the estates of other persons are to be taxed2 and also to confirm1 for the public use1 the several squares formerly claimed by the city4 ,o the force of friendship6 the power of interest6 ,what politeness they infuse into a writer1 and what delicate expressions they produce6--,the dispute between the proprietaries and us was about the quantum1 the rate of their taxation1 and not about the manner2 but now1 when all the world condemns them for requiring a partial exemption of their estates1 and they are forced to submit to an honest equality1 it is called assenting to be taxed in the same manner with the people4 ,their restitution of five public squares in the plan of the city1 which they had near forty years unjustly and dishonourably seized and detained from us1 7directing their surveyor to map streets over them1 in order to turn them into lots1 and their officers to sell a part of them27 this their disgorging is softly called confirming them for the public use2 and instead of the plain words formerly given to the city1 by the first proprietary1 their father1 we have the cautious pretty expression of formerly claimed by the city3 ,yes2 not only formerly1 but always claimed1 ever since they were promised and given to encourage the settlers2 and ever will be claimed1 till we are put in actual possession of them4 ,it is pleasant1 however1 to see how lightly and tenderly you trip over these matters1 as if you trod upon eggs4 ,but that very moment1 that precious moment6 ,why was it so long delayed8 ,why were those healing instructions so long withheld and concealed from the people8 ,they were1 it seems1 brought over by ,mr4 ,allen3#gj intelligence was received by various hands from ,london1 that orders were sent by the proprietaries1 from which great hopes were entertained of an accommodation4 ,why was the bringing and the delivery of such orders so long denied8 ,the reason is easily understood4 ,messieurs ,barclays1 friends to both proprietaries and people1 wished for that gentleman's happy arrival2 hoping his influence1 added to the power and commissions the proprietaries had vested him with1 might prove effectual in restoring harmony and tranquillity among us2 but he1 it seems1 hoped his influence might do the business1 without those additions4 ,there appeared on his arrival some prospect 7from sundry circumstances7 of a change to be made in the house by the approaching election4 ,the proprietary friends and creatures knew the heart of their master2 and how extremely disagreeable to him that equal taxation1 that restitution1 and the other concessions to be made for the sake of a reconciliation1 must necessarily be4 ,they hoped therefore to spare him all those mortifications1 and thereby secure a greater portion of his favour4 ,hence the instructions were not produced to the last assembly1 though they arrived before the ,september sitting1 when the governor was in town1 and actually did business with the house4 ,nor to the new assembly were they mentioned1 till the very moment1 the fatal moment1 when the house were on the point of choosing that wicked adversary of the proprietary to be an agent for the province in ,england4 ,but ,i have1 you say1 a fixed enmity to the proprietaries1 and you believe it will preclude all accommodation of our disputes with them1 even on just and reasonable terms4 ,and why do you think ,i have a fixed enmity to the proprietaries8 ,i have never had any personal difference with them4 ,i am no land-jobber2 and therefore have never had any thing to do with their land-office or officers2 if ,i had1 probably1 like others1 ,i might have been obliged to truckle to their measures1 or have had like causes of complaint4 ,but our private interests never clashed2 and all their resentment against me1 and mine to them1 has been on the public account4 ,let them do justice to the people of ,pensylvania1 act honourably by the citizens of ,philadelphia1 and become honest men2 my enmity1 if that's of any consequence1 ceases from the very moment2 and1 as soon as ,i possibly can1 ,i promise to love1 honour and respect them4 ,in the mean time1 why do you believe it will preclude all accommodation with them on just and reasonable terms8 ,do you not boast1 that their gracious condescensions are in the hands of the governor2 and that if this had been the usual time for business1 his honour would have sent them down in a message to the house4 ,how then can my going to ,england prevent this accommodation8 ,the governor can call the house when he pleases2 and1 one would think1 that1 at least in your opinion1 my being out of the way would be a favourable circumstance4 ,for then1 by cultivating the disposition shown by the proprietaries1 every reasonable demand that can be made on the part of the people might be obtained3 in vigorously insisting on which1 you promise to unite most earnestly with the rest of the house4 ,it seems then we have reasonable demands to make1 and1 as you call them a little higher1 equitable demands4 ,this is much for proprietary minions to own2 but you are all growing better1 in imitation of your master1 which is indeed very commendable4 ,and if the accommodation here should fail1 ,i hope1 that though you dislike the person a majority of two to one in the house have thought fit to appoint an agent1 you will nevertheless1 in duty to your country1 continue the noble resolution of uniting with the rest of the house1 in vigorously insisting on that equity and justice1 which such an union will undoubtedly obtain for us4 ,i pass over the trivial charge against the assembly1 that they acted with unnecessary haste in proceeding to this appointment1 without making a small adjournment1 c4 and your affected apprehensions of danger from that haste4 ,the necessity of expedition on this occasion is as obvious to every one out of doors1 as it was to those within2 and the fears you mention are not1 ,i fancy1 considerable enough to break your rest4 ,i come then to your high charge against me1 that ,i heretofore ventured1 contrary to an act of assembly1 to place the public money in the stocks2 whereby this province suffered a loss of #fjjjl4 and that sum1 added to the #ejjjl4 granted for my expences1 makes the whole cost of my former voyage to ,england amount to eleven thousand pounds6 ,how wisely was that form in our laws contrived1 which1 when a man is arraigned for his life1 requires the evidence to speak the truth1 the whole truth1 and nothing but the truth6 ,the reason is manifest4 ,a falshood may destroy the innocent1 so may part of a truth without the whole2 and a mixture of truth and falshood may be full as pernicious4 ,you1 ,mr4 ,chief ,justice1 and the other justices among the protesters1 and you1 sir1 who are a counsellor at law1 must all of you be well acquainted with this excellent form2 and when you arraigned my reputation 7dearer to me than life7 before the assembly1 and now at the respectable tribunal of the public1 would it not have well become your honours to have had some small regard at least to the spirit of that form8 ,you might have mentioned1 that the direction of the act1 to lodge the money in the bank1 subject to the drafts of the trustees of the loan-office here1 was impracticable2 that the bank refused to receive it on those terms1 it being contrary to their settled rules to take charge of money subject to the orders of unknown people living in distant countries4 ,you might have mentioned1 that the house being informed of this1 and having no immediate call for the money1 did themselves adopt the measure of placing it in the stocks1 which then were low1 where it might on a peace produce a considerable profit1 and in the mean time accumulate an interest3 that they even passed a bill1 directing the subsequent sums granted by parliament to be placed with the former3 that the measure was prudent and safe2 and that the loss arose1 not from placing the money in the stocks1 but from the imprudent and unnecessary drawing it out at the very time when they were lowest1 on some slight uncertain rumours of a peace concluded3 that if the assembly had let it remain another year1 instead of losing they would have gained six thousand pounds2 and that after all1 since the exchange at which they sold their bills was near twenty per cent higher when they drew than when the stocks were purchased1 the loss was far from being so great as you represent it4 ,all these things you might have said2 for they are1 and you know them to be1 part of the whole truth2 but they would have spoiled your accusation4 ,the late speaker of your honourable house1 ,mr4 ,norris1 7who has1 ,i suppose1 all my letters to him1 and copies of his own to me1 relating to that transaction7 can testify with how much integrity and clearness ,i managed the whole affair4 ,all the house were sensible of it1 being from time to time fully acquainted with the facts4 ,if ,i had gone to gaming in the stocks with the public money1 and through my fault a sum was lost1 as your protest would insinuate1 why was ,i not censured and punished for it when ,i returned8 ,you1 honourable sir1 7my enemy of seven years standing7 was then in the house4 ,you were appointed on the committee for examining my accounts2 you reported1 that you found them just1 and signed that report4#ga ,i never solicited the employ of agent2 ,i made no bargain for my future service1 when ,i was ordered to ,england by the assembly2 nor did they vote me any salary4 ,i lived there near six years at my own expence1 and ,i made no charge or demand when ,i came home4 ,you1 sir1 of all others1 was the very member that proposed 7for the honour and justice of the house7 a compensation to be made me of the five thousand pounds you mention4 ,was it with an intent to reproach me thus publicly for accepting it8 ,i thanked the house for it then1 and ,i thank you now for proposing it3 though you1 who have lived in ,england1 can easily conceive1 that besides the prejudice to my private affairs by my absence1 a thousand pounds more would not have reimbursed me4 ,the money voted was immediately paid me4 ,but if ,i had occasioned the loss of six thousand pounds to the province1 here was a fair opportunity of securing easily the greatest part of it2 why was not the five thousand pounds deducted1 and the remainder called for8 ,the reason is1 this accusation was not then invented4 ,permit me to add1 that supposing the whole eleven thousand pounds an expence occasioned by my voyage to ,england1 yet the taxation of the proprietary estate now established will1 when valued by years purchase1 be found in time an advantage to the public1 far exceeding that expence4 ,and if the expence is at present a burthen1 the odium of it ought to lie on those1 who1 by their injustice1 made the voyage necessary2 and not on me1 who only submitted to the orders of the house in undertaking it4 ,i am now to take leave 7perhaps a last leave7 of the country ,i love1 and in which ,i have spent the greatest part of my life4--,,esto ,,perpetua4--,i wish every kind of prosperity to my friends1--and ,i forgive my enemies4 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,philadelphia1 ,nov4 #e1 #agfd4 ,,footnotes3 #gj ,extract of a ,letter1 dated ,london1 ,august #f1 #agfd1 from ,david ,barclay and ,sons1 to ,messieurs ,james and ,drinker4 ,we very much wish for ,william ,allen's happy arrival on your side2 when we hope his influence1 added to the power and commissions the proprietaries have invested him with1 may prove effectual1 in restoring harmony and tranquillity among you1 so much to be desired by every well-wisher to your province4 ,pray be assured of our sincerest and best wishes for the success of this salutary work1 and that nothing in our power1 to contribute thereto1 will ever be wanting4 #ga ,report of the ,committee on ,benjamin ,franklin's ,accounts4 ,in obedience to the order of the house1 we have examined the account of ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esq4 with the vouchers to us produced in support thereof1 and do find the same account to be just1 and that he has expended1 in the immediate service of this province1 the sum of seven hundred and fourteen pounds1 ten shillings and seven-pence1 out of the sum of fifteen hundred pounds sterling to him remitted and paid1 exclusive of any allowance or charge for his support and services for the province4 ,,john ,,morton1 ,,john ,,hughes1 ,,william ,,allen1 ,,samuel ,,rhoads1 ,,john ,,ross1 ,,john ,,wilkinson1 ,,john ,,moor1 ,,isaac ,,pearson4 ,,joseph ,,fox1 ,february #ai1 #agfc4 ,the house taking the foregoing report of the committee of accounts into consideration1 and having spent some time therein1 ,,resolved1 ,that the sum of five hundred pounds sterling per annum be allowed and given to ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esq4 late agent for the province of ,pensylvania at the court of ,great ,britain1 during his absence of six years from his business and connections1 in the service of the public2 and that the thanks of this house be also given to the said gentleman by ,mr4 ,speaker1 from the chair2 as well for the faithful discharge of his duty to this province in particular1 as for the many and important services done ,america in general1 during his residence in ,great ,britain4 ,thursday1 ,march #ca1 #agfc4 ,pursuant to a resolve of the nineteenth of last month1 that the thanks of this house be given to ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esq4 for his many services not only to the province of ,pensylvania1 but to ,america in general1 during his late agency at the court of ,great ,britain2 the same were this day accordingly given in form from the chair4--,to which ,mr4 ,franklin1 respectfully addressing himself to the ,speaker1 made answer1 ,that he was thankful to the house1 for the very handsome and generous allowance they had been pleased to make him for his services2 but that the approbation of this house was1 in his estimation1 far above every other kind of recompence4 ,votes1 #agfc4 ,remarks on a ,plan for the future ,management of ,indian ,affairs#gb4 ,the regulations in this plan seem to me to be in general very good3 but some few appear to want explanation1 or farther consideration4 ,clause #c4 ,is it intended by this clause1 to prevent the trade that ,indians1 living near the frontiers1 may choose to carry on with the inhabitants1 by bringing their skins into the ,english settlements8 ,this prevention is hardly practicable2 as such trade may be carried on in many places out of the observation of government2 the frontier being of great extent1 and the inhabitants thinly settled in the woods1 remote from each other4 ,the ,indians too do not every where live in towns sufficiently numerous to encourage traders to reside among them1 but in scattered families1 here and there1 often shifting their situation for the sake of better hunting2 and if they are near the ,english settlements1 it would seem to them very hard to be obliged to carry their skins for sale to remote towns or posts1 when they could dispose of them to their neighbours1 with less trouble1 and to greater advantage2 as the goods they want for them1 are and must be dearer at such remote posts4 #d4 ,the colony laws for regulating ,indian affairs or commerce are the result of long experience1 made by people on the spot1 interested to make them good2 and it would be well to consider the matter thoroughly1 before they are repealed1 to make way for new untried schemes4 ,by whom are they to be repealed8 ,by the colony assemblies1 or by parliament8 ,some difficulty will arise here4 #ac4 ,the districts seem too large for this4 ,the ,indians under the care of the northern superintendant1 by this plan1 border on the colonies of ,nova ,scotia1 ,quebec1 ,new ,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,new ,york1 ,new ,jersey1 ,pensylvania1 ,maryland1 ,virginia3 the superintendant's situation1 remote from many of these1 may occasion great inconvenience1 if his consent is always to be necessary in such cases4 #ad4 ,this seems too much to be done1 when the vastness of the district is considered4 ,if there were more districts and smaller1 it might be more practicable4 #ae and #af4 ,are these agents or commissaries to try causes where life is concerned8 ,would it not be better1 to send the criminals into some civil well settled government or colony for trial1 where good juries can be had8 #ah4 ,chief for the whole tribe2 who shall constantly reside with the commissary1 c4 ,provision must then be made for his maintenance1 as particular ,indians have no estates1 but live by hunting1 and their public has no funds or revenues4 ,being used to rambling1 it would perhaps not be easy to find one1 who would be obliged to this constant residence2 but it may be tried4 #bb4 ,if the agent and his deputies1 and the commissaries1 are not to trade1 should it not be a part of their oath1 that they will have no concern in such trade1 directly or indirectly8 ,private agreements between them and the traders1 for share of profits1 should be guarded against1 and the same care taken to prevent1 if possible1 private agreements between them and the purchasers of ,indian lands4 #ca4 ---- or trading at any other post1 c4 ,this should be so expressed1 as to make the master liable for the offence of the servant2 otherwise it will have no effect4 #cc4 ,i doubt the settling of tariffs will be a matter of difficulty4 ,there may be differences of fineness1 goodness1 and value1 in the goods of different traders1 that cannot be properly allowed for by general tariffs4 ,and it seems contrary to the nature of commerce1 for government to interfere in the prices of commodities4 ,trade is a voluntary thing between buyer and seller2 in every article of which1 each exercises his own judgment1 and is to please himself4 ,suppose either ,indian or trader is dissatisfied with the tariff1 and refuses barter on those terms1 are the refusers to be compelled8 if not1 why should an ,indian be forbidden to take more goods for skins than your tariff allows1 if the trader is willing to give them1 or a trader more skins for his goods1 if the ,indian is willing to give them8 ,where there are a number of different traders1 the separate desire of each to get more custom will operate in bringing down their goods to a reasonable price4 ,it therefore seems to me1 that trade will best find and make its own rates2 and that government cannot well interfere1 unless it will take the whole trade into its own hands 7as in some colonies it does7 and manage it by its own servants1 at its own risque4 #ch4 ,i apprehend1 that if the ,indians cannot get rum of fair traders1 it will be a great means of defeating all these regulations1 that direct the trade to be carried on at certain posts4 ,the countries and forests are so very large1 it is scarce possible to guard every part1 so as to prevent unlicensed traders drawing the ,indians and the trade to themselves1 by rum and other spiritous liquors1 which all savage people are so fond of4 ,i think they will generally trade where they can get rum1 preferably to where it is refused them2 and the proposed prohibition will therefore be a great encouragement to unlicensed traders1 and promote such trade4 ,if the commissaries1 or officers at the posts1 can prevent the selling of rum during the barter for other goods1 and until the ,indians are about going away1 it is perhaps all that is practicable or necessary4 ,the missionaries will1 among other things1 endeavour to prevail with them to live soberly and avoid drunkenness4 #ci4 ,the ,indian trade1 so far as credit is concerned1 has hitherto been carried on wholly upon honour4 ,they have among themselves no such things as prisons or confinements for debt4 ,this article seems to imply1 that an ,indian may be compelled by law to pay a debt of fifty shillings or under4 ,our legal method of compulsion is by imprisonment3 the ,indians cannot and will not imprison one another2 and if we attempt to imprison them1 ,i apprehend it would be generally disliked by the nations1 and occasion breaches4 ,they have such high ideas of the value of personal liberty1 and such slight ones of the value of personal property2#gc that they would think the disproportion monstrous between the liberty of a man1 and a debt of a few shillings2 and that it would be excessively inequitable and unjust1 to take away the one for a default in payment of the other4 ,it seems to me therefore best1 to leave that matter on its present footing2 the debts under fifty shillings as irrecoverable by law1 as this article proposes for the debts above fifty shillings4 ,debts of honour are generally as well paid as other debts4 ,where no compulsion can be used1 it is more disgraceful to be dishonest4 ,if the trader thinks his risque greater in trusting any particular ,indian1 he will either not do it1 or proportion his price to his risque4 #dd4 ,as the goods for the ,indian trade all come from ,england1 and the peltry is chiefly brought to ,england2 perhaps it will be best to lay the duty here1 on the exportation of the one1 and the importation of the other1 to avoid meddling with the question1 of the right to lay duties in ,america by parliament here4 ,if it is thought proper to carry the trading part of this plan into execution1 would it not be well to try it first in a few posts1 to which the present colony laws for regulating the ,indian trade do not reach2 that by experience its utility may be ascertained1 or its defects discovered and amended1 before it is made general1 and those laws repealed to make way for it8--,if the ,indians find by experience1 that they are better used in their trade at the posts1 under these regulations1 than at other places1 may it not make them desirous of having the regulations extended to other places2 and when extended1 better satisfied with them upon reflection and comparison#gd8 ,,footnotes3 #gb ,the plan remarked upon was under the consideration of ministry before the close of the year #agff1 and 7as ,i am inclined to think7 after the commencement of #agfe4 ,i can go no nearer as to its date4 ,it is needless to enter into the particulars of it1 as the remarks explain themselves2 except perhaps as to the following points4 ,the trade was to be open2 there were to be two superintendants to it2 in the northern district the trade was to be carried on at fixed posts1 in the southern within the ,indian town2 the military were to have no power over the superintendants or the ,indian trade1 even in war time1 unless with the superintendants' assent1 or in great exigencies2 the superintendants1 by themselves or deputies1 were to make annual visitations among the ,indians1 to see to justice1 c4 and their proceedings were to be very summary2 and no credit was to be given to the ,indians beyond fifty shillings1 for no higher debt was to be made recoverable4 ,b4 ,v4 #gc ,for an account of the sentiments and manners of the ,indians1 see an essay by our author in a subsequent part of this volume4 ,editor4 #gd ,the editor has given the following memorandum of ,indian fighting men1 inhabiting near the distant posts1 in #agfb2 to indulge the curious in future times4 ,the paper is in ,dr4 ,franklin's hand-writing3 but it must not be mistaken as containing a list of the whole of the nations enumerated1 but only such part of them as lived near the places described4 ,b4 ,v4 ,a list of the number of fighting men of the different nations of ,indians1 through which ,i 7,george ,croghan7 passed1 living at or near the several posts4 ,,sandusky4 ,wyandotts and ,mohickons #bjj ,,detroit4 ,poutauwautimies #aej ,ottawas #bej ,wyandotts #bej ,cheapwas #cbj #igj ,,michilemakinac4 ,ottawas #bej ,cheapwas #djj #fej ,,la ,,bay4 ,meynomeneys #aaj ,pervons #cfj ,sax #cjj ,reynard #cbj #ajij ,,st4 ,,joseph',s4 ,poutauwautimies #bjj ,ottawas 7some distance7 #aej #cej ,,the ,,miamies4 ,mincamies or ,twigtwees #bcj ,,ouitanon4 ,ouitanons #bjj ,thickapoose #ahj ,musquiton #ij ,pyankishaws #ajj #egj ,,shawanese4 ,at the lower town1 on ,scioto #bdj ,at the upper town1 on ,muskingum #fj #cjj ---- #dcfj ,there is a nation1 back of the ,bay1 who used formerly to come there to visit the ,french when they were in possession of that post1 called ,la ,sieu1 computed to be #bejj fighting men2 who have this summer sent word to ,mr4 ,gorrell1 who commands there1 that they purpose paying him a visit late this fall or in the spring4 ,,papers ,,on ,,american ,,subjects1 ,,during ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,troubles4 ,,papers ,,on ,,american ,,subjects1 ,,during ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,troubles4 ,causes of the ,american ,discontents before #agfhge4 ,the waves never rise but when the winds blow4 ,,prov4 ,,sir1 ,as the cause of the present ill humour in ,america1 and of the resolutions taken there to purchase less of our manufactures1 does not seem to be generally understood1 it may afford some satisfaction to your readers1 if you give them the following short historical state of facts4 ,from the time that the colonies were first considered as capable of granting aids to the crown1 down to the end of the last war1 it is said1 that the constant mode of obtaining those aids was1 by requisition made from the crown1 through its governors1 to the several assemblies1 in circular letters from the secretary of state1 in his majesty's name1 setting forth the occasion1 requiring them to take the matter into consideration1 and expressing a reliance on their prudence1 duty1 and affection to his majesty's government1 that they would grant such sums1 or raise such numbers of men1 as were suitable to their respective circumstances4 ,the colonies1 being accustomed to this method1 have from time to time granted money to the crown1 or raised troops for its service1 in proportion to their abilities1 and1 during all the last war1 beyond their abilities2 so that considerable sums were returned them yearly by parliament1 as they had exceeded their proportion4 ,had this happy method of requisition been continued 7a method that left the king's subjects in those remote countries the pleasure of showing their zeal and loyalty1 and of imagining that they recommended themselves to their sovereign by the liberality of their voluntary grants7 there is no doubt1 but all the money that could reasonably be expected to be raised from them in any manner1 might have been obtained1 without the least heart-burning1 offence1 or breach of the harmony of affections and interests1 that so long subsisted between the two countries4 ,it has been thought wisdom in a government exercising sovereignty over different kinds of people1 to have some regard to prevailing and established opinions among the people to be governed1 wherever such opinions might in their effects obstruct or promote public measures4 ,if they tend to obstruct public service1 they are to be changed1 if possible1 before we attempt to act against them2 and they can only be changed by reason and persuasion4 ,but if public business can be carried on without thwarting those opinions1 if they can be1 on the contrary1 made subservient to it2 they are not unnecessarily to be thwarted1 how absurd such popular opinions may be in their nature4 ,this had been the wisdom of our government with respect to raising money in the colonies4 ,it was well known1 that the colonists universally were of opinion1 that no money could be levied from ,english subjects but by their own consent1 given by themselves or their chosen representatives2 that therefore whatever money was to be raised from the people in the colonies must first be granted by their assemblies1 as the money raised in ,britain is first to be granted by the house of commons2 that this right of granting their own money was essential to ,english liberty2 and that if any man1 or body of men in which they had no representative of their choosing1 could tax them at pleasure1 they could not be said to have any property1 any thing they could call their own4 ,but as these opinions did not hinder their granting money voluntarily and amply1 whenever the crown1 by its servants1 came into their assemblies 7as it does into its parliaments of ,britain or ,ireland7 and demanded aids2 therefore that method was chosen1 rather than the hateful one of arbitrary taxes4 ,i do not undertake here to support these opinions of the ,americans2 they have been refuted by a late act of parliament1 declaring its own power2 which very parliament1 however1 showed wisely so much tender regard to those inveterate prejudices1 as to repeal a tax that had militated against them4 ,and those prejudices are still so fixed and rooted in the ,americans1 that it has been supposed1 not a single man among them has been convinced of his error1 even by that act of parliament4 ,the person then1 who first projected to lay aside the accustomed method of requisition1 and to raise money on ,america by stamps1 seems not to have acted wisely1 in deviating from that method 7which the colonists looked upon as constitutional7 and thwarting unnecessarily the fixed prejudices of so great a number of the king's subjects4 ,it was not1 however1 for want of knowledge1 that what he was about to do would give them offence2 he appears to have been very sensible of this1 and apprehensive that it might occasion some disorders2 to prevent or suppress which1 he projected another bill1 that was brought in the same session with the stamp act1 whereby it was to be made lawful for military officers in the colonies to quarter their soldiers in private houses4 ,this seemed intended to awe the people into a compliance with the other act4 ,great opposition however being raised here against the bill by the agents from the colonies and the merchants trading thither 7the colonists declaring1 that under such a power in the army1 no one could look on his house as his own1 or think he had a home1 when soldiers might be thrust into it and mixed with his family at the pleasure of an officer7 that part of the bill was dropped2 but there still remained a clause1 when it passed into a law1 to oblige the several assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers1 furnishing them with firing1 bedding1 candles1 small beer or rum1 and sundry other articles1 at the expence of the several provinces4 ,and this act continued in force when the stamp act was repealed2 though1 if obligatory on the assemblies1 it equally militated against the ,american principle above mentioned1 that money is not to be raised on ,english subjects without their consent4 ,the colonies1 nevertheless1 being put into high good humour by the repeal of the stamp act1 chose to avoid a fresh dispute upon the other1 it being temporary and soon to expire1 never1 as they hoped1 to revive again2 and in the mean time they1 by various ways1 in different colonies1 provided for the quartering of the troops1 either by acts of their own assemblies1 without taking notice of the act of parliament1 or by some variety or small diminution1 as of salt and vinegar1 in the supplies required by the act2 that what they did might appear a voluntary act of their own1 and not done in due obedience to an act of parliament1 which1 according to their ideas of their rights1 they thought hard to obey4 ,it might have been well if the matter had then passed without notice2 but a governor having written home an angry and aggravating letter upon this conduct in the assembly of his province1 the outed proposer#gf of the stamp act and his adherents 7then in the opposition7 raised such a clamour against ,america1 as being in rebellion1 and against those who had been for the repeal of the stamp act1 as having thereby been encouragers of this supposed rebellion2 that it was thought necessary to enforce the quartering act by another act of parliament1 taking away from the province of ,new ,york 7which had been the most explicit in its refusal7 all the powers of legislation1 till it should have complied with that act4 ,the news of which greatly alarmed the people every where in ,america1 as the language of such an act seemed to them to be--obey implicitly laws made by the parliament of ,great ,britain to raise money on you without your consent1 or you shall enjoy no rights or privileges at all4 ,at the same time a person lately in high office#gg projected the levying more money from ,america1 by new duties on various articles of our own manufacture 7as glass1 paper1 painters' colours1 c47 appointing a new board of customs1 and sending over a set of commissioners1 with large salaries1 to be established at ,boston1 who were to have the care of collecting those duties1 which were by the act expressly mentioned to be intended for the payment of the salaries of governors1 judges1 and other officers of the crown in ,america2 it being a pretty general opinion here1 that those officers ought not to depend on the people there1 for any part of their support4 ,it is not my intention to combat this opinion4 ,but perhaps it may be some satisfaction to your readers1 to know what ideas the ,americans have on the subject4 ,they say then1 as to governors1 that they are not like princes whose posterity have an inheritance in the government of a nation1 and therefore an interest in its prosperity2 they are generally strangers to the provinces they are sent to govern2 have no estate1 natural connection1 or relation there1 to give them an affection for the country2 that they come only to make money as fast as they can2 are sometimes men of vicious characters and broken fortunes1 sent by a minister merely to get them out of the way2 that as they intend staying in the country no longer than their government continues1 and purpose to leave no family behind them1 they are apt to be regardless of the good-will of the people1 and care not what is said or thought of them after they are gone4 ,their situation at the same time gives them many opportunities of being vexatious2 and they are often so1 notwithstanding their dependence on the assemblies for all that part of their support1 that does not arise from fees established by law1 but would probably be much more so1 if they were to be supported by money drawn from the people without their consent or good-will1 which is the professed design of this new act4 ,that if by means of these forced duties1 government is to be supported in ,america1 without the intervention of the assemblies1 their assemblies will soon be looked upon as useless2 and a governor will not call them1 as having nothing to hope from their meeting1 and perhaps something to fear from their inquiries into1 and remonstrances against1 his mal-administration4 ,that thus the people will be deprived of their most essential right4 ,that it being 7as at present7 a governor's interest to cultivate the good-will1 by promoting the welfare of the people he governs1 can be attended with no prejudice to the mother-country1 since all the laws he may be prevailed on to give his assent to are subject to revision here1 and if reported against by the board of trade1 are immediately repealed by the crown2 nor dare he pass any law contrary to his instructions2 as he holds his office during the pleasure of the crown1 and his securities are liable for the penalties of their bonds1 if he contravenes those instructions4 ,this is what they say as to governors4 ,as to judges1 they alledge1 that being appointed from hence1 and holding their commissions not during good behaviour1 as in ,britain1 but during pleasure3 all the weight of interest or influence would be thrown into one of the scales 7which ought to be held even7 if the salaries are also to be paid out of duties raised upon the people without their consent1 and independent of their assemblies approbation or disapprobation of the judges behaviour4 ,that it is true1 judges should be free from all influence2 and therefore1 whenever government here will grant commissions to able and honest judges during good behaviour1 the assemblies will settle permanent and ample salaries on them during their commissions2 but at present1 they have no other means of getting rid of an ignorant or an unjust judge 7and some of scandalous characters have1 they say1 been sometimes sent them7 left1 but by starving them out4 ,i do not suppose these reasonings of theirs will appear here to have much weight4 ,i do not produce them with an expectation of convincing your readers4 ,i relate them merely in pursuance of the task ,i have imposed on myself1 to be an impartial historian of ,american facts and opinions4 -- -- ,the colonists being thus greatly alarmed1 as ,i said before1 by the news of the act for abolishing the legislature of ,new ,york1 and the imposition of these new duties1 professedly for such disagreeable purposes 7accompanied by a new set of revenue officers1 with large appointments1 which gave strong suspicions1 that more business of the same kind was soon to be provided for them1 that they might earn their salaries7 began seriously to consider their situation2 and to revolve afresh in their minds1 grievances1 which1 from their respect and love for this country1 they had long borne and seemed almost willing to forget4 ,they reflected how lightly the interest of all ,america had been estimated here1 when the interests of a few of the inhabitants of ,great ,britain happened to have the smallest competition with it4 ,that the whole ,american people was forbidden the advantage of a direct importation of wine1 oil1 and fruit1 from ,portugal2 but must take them loaded with all the expence of a voyage one thousand leagues round about1 being to be landed first in ,england1 to be re-shipped for ,america2 expences amounting1 in war-time1 at least to thirty pounds per cent more than otherwise they would have been charged with2 and all this merely1 that a few ,portugal merchants in ,london may gain a commission on those goods passing through their hands4 7,portugal merchants1 by the bye1 that can complain loudly of the smallest hardships laid on their trade by foreigners1 and yet even in the last year could oppose with all their influence the giving ease to their fellow-subjects labouring under so heavy an oppression67 ,that on a slight complaint of a few ,virginia merchants1 nine colonies had been restrained from making paper-money1 become absolutely necessary to their internal commerce1 from the constant remittance of their gold and silver to ,britain4--,but not only the interest of a particular body of merchants1 but the interest of any small body of ,british tradesmen or artificers has been found1 they say1 to outweigh that of all the king's subjects in the colonies4 ,there cannot be a stronger natural right than that of a man's making the best profit he can of the natural produce of his lands1 provided he does not thereby hurt the state in general4 ,iron is to be found every where in ,america1 and beaver are the natural produce of that country3 hats1 and nails and steel are wanted there as well as here4 ,it is of no importance to the common welfare of the empire1 whether a subject of the king gets his living by making hats on this1 or on that side of the water4 ,yet the hatters of ,england have prevailed to obtain an act in their own favour1 restraining that manufacture in ,america2 in order to oblige the ,americans to send their beaver to ,england to be manufactured1 and purchase back the hats1 loaded with the charges of a double transportation4 ,in the same manner have a few nail-makers1 and still a smaller body of steel-makers 7perhaps there are not half a dozen of these in ,england7 prevailed totally to forbid by an act of parliament the erecting of slitting-mills1 or steel furnaces in ,america2 that the ,americans may be obliged to take all their nails for their buildings1 and steel for their tools1 from these artificers1 under the same disadvantages4#gh ,added to these1 the ,americans remembered the act authorizing the most cruel insult that perhaps was ever offered by one people to another1 that of emptying our gaols into their settlements2 ,scotland too having within these two years obtained the privilege it had not before1 of sending its rogues and villains also to the plantations--,i say1 reflecting on these things1 they said one to another 7their newspapers are full of such discourses7 ,these people are not content with making a monopoly of us 7forbidding us to trade with any other country of ,europe1 and compelling us to buy every thing of them1 though in many articles we could furnish ourselves ten1 twenty1 and even to fifty per cent cheaper elsewhere27 but now they have as good as declared they have a right to tax us ad libitum1 internally and externally2 and that our constitutions and liberties shall all be taken away1 if we do not submit to that claim4 ,they are not content with the high prices at which they sell us their goods1 but have now begun to enhance those prices by new duties1 and by the expensive apparatus of a new set of officers1 appear to intend an augmentation and multiplication of those burthens1 that shall still be more grievous to us4 ,our people have been foolishly fond of their superfluous modes and manufactures1 to the impoverishing our own country1 carrying off all our cash1 and loading us with debt2 they will not suffer us to restrain the luxury of our inhabitants1 as they do that of their own1 by laws3 they can make laws to discourage or prohibit the importation of ,french superfluities3 but though those of ,england are as ruinous to us as the ,french ones are to them1 if we make a law of that kind1 they immediately repeal it4 ,thus they get all our money from us by trade2 and every profit we can any where make by our fisheries1 our produce1 or our commerce1 centres finally with them2--but this does not satisfy4--,it is time then to take care of ourselves by the best means in our power4 ,let us unite in solemn resolution and engagements with and to each other1 that we will give these new officers as little trouble as possible1 by not consuming the ,british manufactures on which they are to levy the duties4 ,let us agree to consume no more of their expensive gewgaws4 ,let us live frugally1 and let us industriously manufacture what we can for ourselves3 thus we shall be able honourably to discharge the debts we already owe them2 and after that1 we may be able to keep some money in our country1 not only for the uses of our internal commerce1 but for the service of our gracious sovereign1 whenever he shall have occasion for it1 and think proper to require it of us in the old constitutional manner4--,for notwithstanding the reproaches thrown out against us in their public papers and pamphlets1 notwithstanding we have been reviled in their senate as rebels and traitors1 we are truly a loyal people4 ,scotland has had its rebellions1 and ,england its plots against the present royal family2 but ,america is untainted with those crimes2 there is in it scarce a man1 there is not a single native of our country1 who is not firmly attached to his ,king by principle and by affection4 ,but a new kind of loyalty seems to be required of us1 a loyalty to parliament2 a loyalty1 that is to extend1 it is said1 to a surrender of all our properties1 whenever a house of commons1 in which there is not a single member of our chusing1 shall think fit to grant them away without our consent1 and to a patient suffering the loss of our privileges as ,englishmen1 if we cannot submit to make such surrender4 ,we were separated too far from ,britain by the ocean1 but we were united to it by respect and love2 so that we could at any time freely have spent our lives and little fortunes in its cause3 but this unhappy new system of politics tends to dissolve those bands of union1 and to sever us for ever4 ,these are the wild ravings of the1 at present1 half-distracted ,americans4 ,to be sure1 no reasonable man in ,england can approve of such sentiments1 and1 as ,i said before1 ,i do not pretend to support or justify them3 but ,i sincerely wish1 for the sake of the manufactures and commerce of ,great ,britain1 and for the sake of the strength1 which a firm union with our growing colonies would give us1 that these people had never been thus needlessly driven out of their senses4 ,i am1 yours1 c4 ,f4 ,s4#gi ,,footnotes3 #ge ,this letter first appeared in a ,london paper1 ,january #g1 #agfh1 and was afterwards reprinted as a postscript to ,the true ,sentiments of ,america1 printed for ,almon1 #agfh4 ,b4 ,v4 #gf ,mr4 ,george ,grenville4 ,b4 ,v4 #gg ,mr4 ,charles ,townsend4 ,b4 ,v4 #gh ,i shall here give the reader the note at the end of the fourth paragraph of the farmer's seventh letter 7written by ,mr4 ,dickenson47 ,many remarkable instances might be produced of the extraordinary inattention with which bills of great importance concerning these colonies have passed in parliament2 which is owing1 as it is supposed1 to the bills being brought in1 by the persons who have points to carry1 so artfully framed1 that it is not easy for the members in general in the haste of business1 to discover their tendency4 ,the following instances show the truth of this remark4 ,when ,mr4 ,grenville1 in the violence of reformation and innovation1 formed the #dth ,george ,,iii4 chap4 #aeth1 for regulating the ,american trade1 the word ',ireland' was dropt in the clause relating to our iron and lumber1 so that we could send these articles to no other part of ,europe1 but to ,great ,britain4 ,this was so unreasonable a restriction1 and so contrary to the sentiments of the legislature1 for many years before1 that it is surprising it should not have been taken notice of in the house4 ,however1 the bill passed into a law4 ,but when the matter was explained1 this restriction was taken off in a subsequent act4 ,i cannot say1 how long after the taking off this restriction1 as ,i have not the acts1 but ,i think in less than eighteen months1 another act of parliament passed1 in which the word ',ireland' was left out as it had been before4 ,the matter being a second time explained was a second time regulated4 ,now if it be considered1 that the omission mentioned1 struck off1 with one word1 so very great a part of our trade1 it must appear remarkable3 and equally so is the method by which rice became an enumerated commodity1 and therefore could be carried to ,great ,britain only4 ,the enumeration was obtained1 7says ,mr4 ,gee on ,trade1 p4 #cb7 by one ,cole1 a captain of a ship1 employed by a company then trading to ,carolina2 for several ships going from ,england thither1 and purchasing rice for ,portugal1 prevented the aforesaid captain of a loading4 ,upon his coming home he possessed one ,mr4 ,lowndes1 a member of parliament1 7who was frequently employed to prepare bills7 with an opinion1 that carrying rice directly to ,portugal was a prejudice to the trade of ,england1 and privately got a clause into an act to make it an enumerated commodity1 by which means he secured a freight to himself4 ,but the consequence proved a vast loss to the nation4 ,i find that this clause1 'privately got into an act1 for the benefit of ,captain ,cole1 to the vast loss of the nation1' is foisted into the #c;d ,anne1 chapter #eth1 intitled1 'an act for granting to her majesty a further subsidy on wines and merchandizes imported1' with which it has no more connection1 than with #cdth ,edward ,i4 #cdth and #ceth of ,henry ,,viii4 or the #beth ,charles ,,ii4 which provide that no person shall be taxed but by himself or his representatives4 ,b4 ,v4 #gi ,f4 ,s4 possibly means ,franklin's ,seal4 ,the paper1 however1 is undoubtedly the production of ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,in the collection of tracts on the subjects of taxing the ,british colonies in ,america1 and regulating their trade 7printed in #aggc1 in #d vols4 #hvo4 by ,almon7 ,i find two papers1 said there to have been published originally in #agci1 and to have been drawn up by a club of ,american merchants1 at the head of whom were ,sir ,william ,keith 7governor of ,pensylvania71 ,joshua ,gee1 and many other eminent persons4 ,the first paper proposes the raising a small body of regular troops under the command of an officer appointed by the crown and independent of the governors 7who were nevertheless to assist him in council on emergent occasions7 in order to protect the ,indian trade1 and take care of the boundaries and back settlements4 ,they were to be supported by a revenue to be established by act of parliament1 in ,america2 which revenue was to arise out of a duty on stampt paper and parchment4 ,the second paper goes into the particulars of this proposed stamp duty1 offers reasons for extending it over all the ,british plantations1 and recites its supposed advantages4 ,if these papers are at all genuine 7a fact about which ,i am not in the least informed7 ,mr4 ,george ,grenville does not appear to have been original in conceiving stamps as a proper subject for his new tax4 ,see ib4 vol4 ,i4 ,b4 ,v4 ,letter concerning the ,gratitude of ,america1 and the probability and effects of an ,union with ,great ,britain2 and concerning the ,repeal or ,suspension of the ,stamp-,act4#hj ,jan4 #f1 #agff4 ,,sir1 ,i have attentively perused the paper you sent me1 and am of opinion1 that the measure it proposes1 of an union with the colonies1 is a wise one3 but ,i doubt it will hardly be thought so here1 till it is too late to attempt it4 ,the time has been1 when the colonies would have esteemed it a great advantage1 as well as honour to them1 to be permitted to send members to parliament2 and would have asked for that privilege1 if they could have had the least hopes of obtaining it4 ,the time is now come1 when they are indifferent about it1 and will probably not ask it1 though they might accept it if offered them2 and the time will come1 when they will certainly refuse it4 ,but if such an union were now established 7which methinks it highly imports this country to establish7 it would probably subsist as long as ,britain shall continue a nation4 ,this people1 however1 is too proud1 and too much despises the ,americans1 to bear the thought of admitting them to such an equitable participation in the government of the whole4 ,then the next best thing seems to be1 leaving them in the quiet enjoyment of their respective constitutions2 and when money is wanted for any public service in which they ought to bear a part1 calling upon them by requisitorial letters from the crown 7according to the long established custom7 to grant such aids as their loyalty shall dictate1 and their abilities permit4 ,the very sensible and benevolent author of that paper1 seems not to have known1 that such a constitutional custom subsists1 and has always hitherto been practised in ,america2 or he would not have expressed himself in this manner3 ,it is evident beyond a doubt1 to the intelligent and impartial1 that after the very extraordinary efforts1 which were effectually made by ,great ,britain in the late war to save the colonists from destruction1 and attended of necessity with an enormous load of debts in consequence1 that the same colonists1 now firmly secured from foreign enemies1 should be somehow induced to contribute some proportion towards the exigencies of state in future4 ,this looks as if he conceived the war had been carried on at the sole expence of ,great ,britain1 and the colonies only reaped the benefit1 without hitherto sharing the burthen1 and were therefore now indebted to ,britain on that account4 ,and this is the same kind of argument that is used by those who would fix on the colonies the heavy charge of unreasonableness and ingratitude1 which ,i think your friend did not intend4 ,please to acquaint him then1 that the fact is not so3 that every year during the war1 requisitions were made by the crown on the colonies for raising money and men2 that accordingly they made more extraordinary efforts1 in proportion to their abilities1 than ,britain did2 that they raised1 paid and clothed1 for five or six years1 near #be1jjj men1 besides providing for other services 7as building forts1 equipping guard-ships1 paying transports1 c47 ,and that this was more than their fair proportion is not merely an opinion of mine1 but was the judgment of government here1 in full knowledge of all the facts2 for the then ministry1 to make the burthen more equal1 recommended the case to parliament1 and obtained a reimbursement to the ,americans of about #bjj1jjjl4 sterling every year2 which amounted only to about two fifths of their expence2 and great part of the rest lies still a load of debt upon them2 heavy taxes on all their estates1 real and personal1 being laid by acts of their assemblies to discharge it1 and yet will not discharge it in many years4 ,while then these burthens continue3 while ,britain restrains the colonies in every branch of commerce and manufactures that she thinks interferes with her own2 while she drains the colonies1 by her trade with them1 of all the cash they can procure by every art and industry in any part of the world1 and thus keeps them always in her debt3 7for they can make no law to discourage the importation of your to them ruinous superfluities1 as you do the superfluities of ,france2 since such a law would immediately be reported against by your board of trade1 and repealed by the crown37 ,i say while these circumstances continue1 and while there subsists the established method of royal requisitions1 for raising money on them by their own assemblies on every proper occasion2 can it be necessary or prudent to distress and vex them by taxes laid here1 in a parliament wherein they have no representative1 and in a manner which they look upon to be unconstitutional and subversive of their most valuable rights2 and are they to be thought unreasonable and ungrateful if they oppose such taxes8 ,wherewith1 they say1 shall we show our loyalty to our gracious king1 if our money is to be given by others1 without asking our consent8 ,and if the parliament has a right thus to take from us a penny in the pound1 where is the line drawn that bounds that right1 and what shall hinder their calling whenever they please for the other nineteen shillings and eleven pence8 ,have we then any thing that we can call our own8 ,it is more than probable1 that bringing representatives from the colonies to sit and act here as members of parliament1 thus uniting and consolidating your dominions1 would in a little time remove these objections and difficulties1 and make the future government of the colonies easy3 but1 till some such thing is done1 ,i apprehend no taxes1 laid there by parliament here1 will ever be collected1 but such as must be stained with blood3 and ,i am sure the profit of such taxes will never answer the expence of collecting them1 and that the respect and affection of the ,americans to this country will in the struggle be totally lost1 perhaps never to be recovered2 and therewith all the commercial and political advantages1 that might have attended the continuance of this respect and this affection4 ,in my own private judgment ,i think an immediate repeal of the stamp-act would be the best measure for this country2 but a suspension of it for three years1 the best for that4 ,the repeal would fill them with joy and gratitude1 re-establish their respect and veneration for parliament1 restore at once their ancient and natural love for this country1 and their regard for every thing that comes from it2 hence the trade would be renewed in all its branches2 they would again indulge in all the expensive superfluities you supply them with1 and their own new assumed home industry would languish4 ,but the suspension1 though it might continue their fears and anxieties1 would at the same time keep up their resolutions of industry and frugality2 which in two or three years would grow into habits1 to their lasting advantage4 ,however1 as the repeal will probably not be now agreed to1#ha from what ,i think a mistaken opinion1 that the honour and dignity of government is better supported by persisting in a wrong measure once entered into1 than by rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered2 we must allow the next best thing for the advantage of both countries is1 the suspension2 for as to executing the act by force1 it is madness1 and will be ruin to the whole4 ,the rest of your friend's reasonings and propositions appear to me truly just and judicious2 ,i will therefore only add1 that ,i am as desirous of his acquaintance and intimacy1 as he was of my opinion4 ,i am1 with much esteem1 ,your obliged friend4 ,,footnotes3 #hj ,the name of the person to whom this letter is addressed cannot be made out in the original copy4 ,the letter1 to which it is a reply1 appears to have contained the letter of some third person equally unknown to the editor4 ,b4 ,v4 #ha ,it was however agreed to in the same year1 viz4 in #agff4 ,b4 ,v4 ,letter from ,governor ,pownall to ,dr4 ,franklin1 concerning an equal communication of rights1 privileges1 c4 to ,america by ,great ,britain4#hb ,,dear ,,sir1 ,the following objection against communicating to the colonies the rights1 privileges1 and powers of the realm1 as to parts of the realm1 has been made4 ,i have been endeavouring to obviate it1 and ,i communicate it to you1 in hopes of your promised assistance4 ,if1 say the objectors1 we communicate to the colonies the power of sending representatives1 and in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share and proportion of all our taxes1 we must grant to them all the powers of trade and manufacturing1 which any other parts of the realm within the isle of ,great ,britain enjoy3 if so1 perchance the profits of the ,atlantic commerce may converge to some centre in ,america2 to ,boston1 ,new-,york1 ,philadelphia1 or to some of the isles3 if so1 then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies1 and in course of consequences the landed interest of the colonies1 will be promoted2 while the natural and artificial produce and landed interest of ,great ,britain will be depressed1 to its utter ruin and destruction2 and consequently the balance of the power of government1 although still within the realm1 will be locally transferred from ,great ,britain to the colonies4 ,which consequence1 however it may suit a citizen of the world1 must be folly and madness to a ,briton4--,my fit is gone off1 and though weak1 both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever1 ,i am much better4--,would be glad to see you4 ,your friend1 ,j4 ,,pownall4 ,,footnote3 #hb ,this letter bears no date4 ,it was written possibly about the time that governor ,pownall was engaged in publishing his book on the administration of the colonies4 ,b4 ,v4 ,on the back of the foregoing letter of ,governor ,pownall1 are the following minutes1 by ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,this objection goes upon the supposition1 that whatever the colonies gain1 ,britain must lose2 and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining an advantage1 ,britain will gain it3-- ,if the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than ,britain1 they should have it1 and ,britain apply to what it is more fit for4 ,the whole empire is a gainer4 ,and if ,britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage1 other countries will get it1 if the colonies do not4 ,thus ,ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture and remains poor3 but this has given to the ,french the trade and wealth ,ireland might have gained for the ,british empire4 ,the government cannot long be retained without the union4 ,which is best 7supposing your case7 to have a total separation1 or a change of the seat of government8--,it by no means follows1 that promoting and advancing the landed interest in ,america will depress that of ,britain3 the contrary has always been the fact4 ,advantageous situations and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures3 ,sheffield against all ,europe for these #cjj years past4-- ,impracticability4 ,danger of innovation4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,examination of ,dr4 ,benjamin ,franklin before the ,english ,house of ,commons1 in ,february1 #agff1 relative to the ,repeal of the ,american ,stamp ,act4#hc ,q4 ,what is your name1 and place of abode8 ,a4 ,franklin1 of ,philadelphia4 ,q4 ,do the ,americans pay any considerable taxes among themselves8 ,a4 ,certainly many1 and very heavy taxes4 ,q4 ,what are the present taxes in ,pensylvania1 laid by the laws of the colony8 ,a4 ,there are taxes on all estates real and personal2 a poll tax2 a tax on all offices1 professions1 trades and businesses1 according to their profits2 an excise on all wine1 rum1 and other spirits2 and a duty of ten pounds per head on all negroes imported1 with some other duties4 ,q4 ,for what purposes are those taxes laid8 ,a4 ,for the support of the civil and military establishments of the country1 and to discharge the heavy debt contracted in the last war4 ,q4 ,how long are those taxes to continue8 ,a4 ,those for discharging the debt are to continue till #aggb1 and longer1 if the debt should not be then all discharged4 ,the others must always continue4 ,q4 ,was it not expected that the debt would have been sooner discharged8 ,a4 ,it was1 when the peace was made with ,france and ,spain4 ,but a fresh war breaking out with the ,indians1 a fresh load of debt was incurred2 and the taxes1 of course1 continued longer by a new law4 ,q4 ,are not all the people very able to pay those taxes8 ,a4 ,no4 ,the frontier counties1 all along the continent1 having been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly impoverished1 are able to pay very little tax4 ,and therefore1 in consideration of their distresses1 our late tax laws do expressly favour those counties1 excusing the sufferers2 and ,i suppose the same is done in other governments4 ,q4 ,are not you concerned in the management of the post-office in ,america8 ,a4 ,yes4 ,i am deputy post-master general of ,north ,america4 ,q4 ,don't you think the distribution of stamps by post to all the inhabitants very practicable1 if there was no opposition8 ,a4 ,the posts only go along the sea-coasts2 they do not1 except in a few instances1 go back into the country2 and if they did1 sending for stamps by post would occasion an expence of postage1 amounting1 in many cases1 to much more than that of the stamps themselves4 ,q4 ,are you acquainted with ,newfoundland8 ,a4 ,i never was there4 ,q4 ,do you know whether there are any post-roads on that island8 ,a4 ,i have heard that there are no roads at all1 but that the communication between one settlement and another is by sea only4 ,q4 ,can you disperse the stamps by post in ,canada8 ,a4 ,there is only a post between ,montreal and ,quebec4 ,the inhabitants live so scattered and remote from each other in that vast country1 that posts cannot be supported among them1 and therefore they cannot get stamps per post4 ,the ,english colonies too along the frontiers are very thinly settled4 ,q4 ,from the thinness of the back settlements1 would not the stamp act be extremely inconvenient to the inhabitants1 if executed8 ,a4 ,to be sure it would2 as many of the inhabitants could not get stamps when they had occasion for them1 without taking long journeys1 and spending perhaps three or four pounds1 that the crown might get six-pence4 ,q4 ,are not the colonies1 from their circumstances1 very able to pay the stamp duty8 ,a4 ,in my opinion there is not gold and silver enough in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year4#hd ,q4 ,don't you know that the money arising from the stamps was all to be laid out in ,america8 ,a4 ,i know it is appropriated by the act to the ,american service2 but it will be spent in the conquered colonies1 where the soldiers are2 not in the colonies that pay it4 ,q4 ,is there not a balance of trade due from the colonies where the troops are posted1 that will bring back the money to the old colonies8 ,a4 ,i think not4 ,i believe very little would come back4 ,i know of no trade likely to bring it back4 ,i think it would come from the colonies where it was spent1 directly to ,england2 for ,i have always observed1 that in every colony the more plenty the means of remittance to ,england1 the more goods are sent for1 and the more trade with ,england carried on4 ,q4 ,what number of white inhabitants do you think there are in ,pensylvania8 ,a4 ,i suppose there may be about one hundred and sixty thousand4 ,q4 ,what number of them are ,quakers8 ,a4 ,perhaps a third4 ,q4 ,what number of ,germans8 ,a4 ,perhaps another third2 but ,i cannot speak with certainty4 ,q4 ,have any number of the ,germans seen service1 as soldiers1 in ,europe8 ,a4 ,yes1 many of them1 both in ,europe and ,america4 ,q4 ,are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp duty as the ,english8 ,a4 ,yes1 and more2 and with reason1 as their stamps are1 in many cases1 to be double#he4 ,q4 ,how many white men do you suppose there are in ,north ,america8 ,a4 ,about three hundred thousand1 from sixteen to sixty years of age#hf4 ,q4 ,what may be the amount of one year's imports into ,pensylvania from ,britain8 ,a4 ,i have been informed that our merchants compute the imports from ,britain to be above #ejj1jjjl4 ,q4 ,what may be the amount of the produce of your province exported to ,britain8 ,a4 ,it must be small1 as we produce little that is wanted in ,britain4 ,i suppose it cannot exceed #dj1jjjl4 ,q4 ,how then do you pay the balance8 ,a4 ,the balance is paid by our produce carried to the ,west ,indies 7and sold in our own islands1 or to the ,french1 ,spaniards1 ,danes1 and ,dutch7--by the same produce carried to other colonies in ,north ,america1 7as to ,new ,england1 ,nova ,scotia1 ,newfoundland1 ,carolina1 and ,georgia7--by the same1 carried to different parts of ,europe1 7as ,spain1 ,portugal1 and ,italy47 ,in all which places we receive either money1 bills of exchange1 or commodities that suit for remittance to ,britain2 which1 together with all the profits on the industry of our merchants and mariners1 arising in those circuitous voyages1 and the freights made by their ships1 centre finally in ,britain to discharge the balance1 and pay for ,british manufactures continually used in the province1 or sold to foreigners by our traders4 ,q4 ,have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on the ,spanish trade8 ,a4 ,yes1 ,i have heard that it has been greatly obstructed by some new regulations1 and by the ,english men of war and cutters stationed all along the coast in ,america4 ,q4 ,do you think it right that ,america should be protected by this country1 and pay no part of the expence8 ,a4 ,that is not the case4 ,the colonies raised1 clothed1 and paid1 during the last war1 near twenty-five thousand men1 and spent many millions4 ,q4 ,were you not reimbursed by parliament8 ,a4 ,we were only reimbursed what1 in your opinion1 we had advanced beyond our proportion1 or beyond what might reasonably be expected from us2 and it was a very small part of what we spent4 ,pensylvania1 in particular1 disbursed about #ejj1jjjl4 and the reimbursements1 in the whole1 did not exceed #fj1jjjl4 ,q4 ,you have said1 that you pay heavy taxes in ,pensylvania1 what do they amount to in the pound8 ,a4 ,the tax on all estates1 real and personal1 is eighteen pence in the pound1 fully rated2 and the tax on the profits of trades and professions1 with other taxes1 do1 ,i suppose1 make full half-a-crown in the pound4 ,q4 ,do you know any thing of the rate of exchange in ,pensylvania1 and whether it has fallen lately8 ,a4 ,it is commonly from one hundred and seventy to one hundred and seventy-five4 ,i have heard1 that it has fallen lately from one hundred and seventy-five to one hundred sixty-two and a half2 owing1 ,i suppose1 to their lessening their orders for goods2 and when their debts to this country are paid1 ,i think the exchange will probably be at par4 ,q4 ,do not you think the people of ,america would submit to pay the stamp duty1 if it was moderated8 ,a4 ,no1 never1 unless compelled by force of arms4 ,q4 ,are not the taxes in ,pensylvania laid on unequally1 in order to burthen the ,english trade2 particularly the tax on professions and business8 ,a4 ,it is not more burthensome in proportion1 than the tax on lands4 ,it is intended1 and supposed to take an equal proportion of profits4 ,q4 ,how is the assembly composed8 ,of what kinds of people are the members2 landholders or traders8 ,a4 ,it is composed of landholders1 merchants1 and artificers4 ,q4 ,are not the majority landholders8 ,a4 ,i believe they are4 ,q4 ,do not they1 as much as possible1 shift the tax off from the land1 to ease that1 and lay the burthen heavier on trade8 ,a4 ,i have never understood it so4 ,i never heard such a thing suggested4 ,and indeed an attempt of that kind could answer no purpose4 ,the merchant or trader is always skilled in figures1 and ready with his pen and ink4 ,if unequal burthens are laid on his trade1 he puts an additional price on his goods2 and the consumers1 who are chiefly landholders1 finally pay the greatest part1 if not the whole4 ,q4 ,what was the temper of ,america towards ,great ,britain before the year #agfchg8 ,a4 ,the best in the world4 ,they submitted willingly to the government of the crown1 and paid1 in their courts1 obedience to acts of parliament4 ,numerous as the people are in the several old provinces1 they cost you nothing in forts1 citadels1 garrisons1 or armies1 to keep them in subjection4 ,they were governed by this country at the expence only of a little pen1 ink1 and paper3 they were led by a thread4 ,they had not only a respect1 but an affection for ,great ,britain2 for its laws1 its customs1 and manners1 and even a fondness for its fashions1 that greatly increased the commerce4 ,natives of ,britain were always treated with particular regard2 to be an ,old ,england-man was1 of itself1 a character of some respect1 and gave a kind of rank among us4 ,q4 ,and what is their temper now8 ,a4 ,o1 very much altered4 ,q4 ,did you ever hear the authority of parliament to make laws for ,america questioned till lately8 ,a4 ,the authority of parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws1 except such as should lay internal taxes4 ,it was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce4 ,q4 ,in what proportion hath population increased in ,america8 ,a4 ,i think the inhabitants of all the provinces together1 taken at a medium1 double in about twenty-five years4 ,but their demand for ,british manufactures increases much faster2 as the consumption is not merely in proportion to their numbers1 but grows with the growing abilities of the same numbers to pay for them4 ,in #agbc1 the whole importation from ,britain to ,pensylvania was but about #ae1jjjl4 sterling2 it is now near half a million4 ,q4 ,in what light did the people of ,america use to consider the parliament of ,great ,britain8 ,a4 ,they considered the parliament as the great bulwark and security of their liberties and privileges1 and always spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration4 ,arbitrary ministers1 they thought1 might possibly1 at times1 attempt to oppress them2 but they relied on it1 that the parliament1 on application1 would always give redress4 ,they remembered1 with gratitude1 a strong instance of this1 when a bill was brought into parliament1 with a clause1 to make royal instructions laws in the colonies1 which the house of commons would not pass1 and it was thrown out4 ,q4 ,and have they not still the same respect for parliament8 ,a4 ,no1 it is greatly lessened4 ,q4 ,to what causes is that owing8 ,a4 ,to a concurrence of causes2 the restraints lately laid on their trade1 by which the bringing of foreign gold and silver into the colonies was prevented2 the prohibition of making paper-money among themselves1#hh and then demanding a new and heavy tax by stamps1 taking away1 at the same time1 trials by juries1 and refusing to receive and hear their humble petitions4 ,q4 ,don't you think they would submit to the stamp act1 if it was modified1 the obnoxious parts taken out1 and the duty reduced to some particulars1 of small moment8 ,a4 ,no1 they will never submit to it4 ,q4 ,what do you think is the reason that the people in ,america increase faster than in ,england8 ,a4 ,because they marry younger1 and more generally4 ,q4 ,why so8 ,a4 ,because any young couple1 that are industrious1 may easily obtain land of their own1 on which they can raise a family4 ,q4 ,are not the lower rank of people more at their ease in ,america than in ,england8 ,a4 ,they may be so1 if they are sober and diligent2 as they are better paid for their labour4 ,q4 ,what is your opinion of a future tax1 imposed on the same principle with that of the stamp act8 how would the ,americans receive it8 ,a4 ,just as they do this4 ,they would not pay it4 ,q4 ,have not you heard of the resolutions of this house1 and of the house of lords1 asserting the right of parliament relating to ,america1 including a power to tax the people there8 ,a4 ,yes1 ,i have heard of such resolutions4 ,q4 ,what will be the opinion of the ,americans on those resolutions8 ,a4 ,they will think them unconstitutional and unjust4 ,q4 ,was it an opinion in ,america before #agfc1 that the parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there8 ,a4 ,i never heard any objection to the right of laying duties to regulate commerce1 but a right to lay internal taxes was never supposed to be in parliament1 as we are not represented there4 ,q4 ,on what do you found your opinion1 that the people in ,america made any such distinction8 ,a4 ,i know that whenever the subject has occurred in conversation where ,i have been present1 it has appeared to be the opinion of every one1 that we could not be taxed in a parliament where we were not represented4 ,but the payment of duties laid by act of parliament as regulations of commerce1 was never disputed4 ,q4 ,but can you name any act of assembly1 or public act of any of your governments1 that made such distinction8 ,a4 ,i do not know that there was any2 ,i think there was never an occasion to make any such act1 till now that you have attempted to tax us3 that has occasioned resolutions of assembly1 declaring the distinction1 in which ,i think every assembly on the continent1 and every member in every assembly1 have been unanimous4 ,q4 ,what then could occasion conversations on that subject before that time8 ,a4 ,there was in #aged a proposition made 7,i think it came from hence7 that in case of a war1 which was then apprehended1 the governors of the colonies should meet1 and order the levying of troops1 building of forts1 and taking every other necessary measure for the general defence2 and should draw on the treasury here for the sums expended2 which were afterwards to be raised in the colonies by a general tax1 to be laid on them by act of parliament4 ,this occasioned a good deal of conversation on the subject2 and the general opinion was1 that the parliament neither would nor could lay any tax on us1 till we were duly represented in parliament2 because it was not just1 nor agreeable to the nature of an ,english constitution4 ,q4 ,don't you know there was a time in ,new ,york1 when it was under consideration to make an application to parliament to lay taxes on that colony1 upon a deficiency arising from the assembly's refusing or neglecting to raise the necessary supplies for the support of the civil government8 ,a4 ,i never heard of it4 ,q4 ,there was such an application under consideration in ,new ,york3--and do you apprehend they could suppose the right of parliament to lay a tax in ,america was only local1 and confined to the case of a deficiency in a particular colony1 by a refusal of its assembly to raise the necessary supplies8 ,a4 ,they could not suppose such a case1 as that the assembly would not raise the necessary supplies to support its own government4 ,an assembly that would refuse it must want common sense2 which cannot be supposed4 ,i think there was never any such case at ,new ,york1 and that it must be a misrepresentation1 or the fact must be misunderstood4 ,i know there have been some attempts1 by ministerial instructions from hence1 to oblige the assemblies to settle permanent salaries on governors1 which they wisely refused to do2 but ,i believe no assembly of ,new ,york1 or any other colony1 ever refused duly to support government by proper allowances1 from time to time1 to public officers4 ,q4 ,but in case a governor1 acting by instruction1 should call on an assembly to raise the necessary supplies1 and the assembly should refuse to do it1 do you not think it would then be for the good of the people of the colony1 as well as necessary to government1 that the parliament should tax them8 ,a4 ,i do not think it would be necessary4 ,if an assembly could possibly be so absurd1 as to refuse raising the supplies requisite for the maintenance of government among them1 they could not long remain in such a situation2 the disorders and confusion occasioned by it must soon bring them to reason4 ,q4 ,if it should not1 ought not the right to be in ,great ,britain of applying a remedy8 ,a4 ,a right1 only to be used in such a case1 ,i should have no objection to2 supposing it to be used merely for the good of the people of the colony4 ,q4 ,but who is to judge of that1 ,britain or the colony8 ,a4 ,those that feel can best judge4 ,q4 ,you say the colonies have always submitted to external taxes1 and object to the right of parliament only in laying internal taxes2 now can you show1 that there is any kind of difference between the two taxes to the colony on which they may be laid8 ,a4 ,i think the difference is very great4 ,an external tax is a duty laid on commodities imported2 that duty is added to the first cost and other charges on the commodity1 and1 when it is offered to sale1 makes a part of the price4 ,if the people do not like it at that price1 they refuse it2 they are not obliged to pay it4 ,but an internal tax is forced from the people without their consent1 if not laid by their own representatives4 ,the stamp act says1 we shall have no commerce1 make no exchange of property with each other1 neither purchase nor grant1 nor recover debts2 we shall neither marry nor make our wills1 unless we pay such and such sums2 and thus it is intended to extort our money from us1 or ruin us by the consequences of refusing to pay it4 ,q4 ,but supposing the external tax or duty to be laid on the necessaries of life imported into your colony1 will not that be the same thing in its effects as an internal tax8 ,a4 ,i do not know a single article imported into the northern colonies1 but what they can either do without1 or make themselves4 ,q4 ,don't you think cloth from ,england absolutely necessary to them8 ,a4 ,no1 by no means absolutely necessary2 with industry and good management1 they may very well supply themselves with all they want4 ,q4 ,will it not take a long time to establish that manufacture among them2 and must they not in the mean while suffer greatly8 ,a4 ,i think not4 ,they have made a surprising progress already4 ,and ,i am of opinion1 that before their old clothes are worn out1 they will have new ones of their own making4 ,q4 ,can they possibly find wool enough in ,north ,america8 ,a4 ,they have taken steps to increase the wool4 ,they entered into general combinations to eat no more lamb2 and very few lambs were killed last year4 ,this course1 persisted in1 will soon make a prodigious difference in the quantity of wool4 ,and the establishing of great manufactories1 like those in the clothing towns here1 is not necessary1 as it is where the business is to be carried on for the purposes of trade4 ,the people will all spin1 and work for themselves1 in their own houses4 ,q4 ,can there be wool and manufacture enough in one or two years8 ,a4 ,in three years1 ,i think there may4 ,q4 ,does not the severity of the winter1 in the northern colonies1 occasion the wool to be of bad quality8 ,a4 ,no1 the wool is very fine and good4 ,q4 ,in the more southern colonies1 as in ,virginia1 don't you know1 that the wool is coarse1 and only a kind of hair8 ,a4 ,i don't know it4 ,i never heard it4 ,yet ,i have been sometimes in ,virginia4 ,i cannot say ,i ever took particular notice of the wool there1 but ,i believe it is good1 though ,i cannot speak positively of it2 but ,virginia1 and the colonies south of it1 have less occasion for wool2 their winters are short1 and not very severe2 and they can very well clothe themselves with linen and cotton of their own raising for the rest of the year4 ,q4 ,are not the people in the more northern colonies obliged to fodder their sheep all the winter8 ,a4 ,in some of the most northern colonies they may be obliged to do it1 some part of the winter4 ,q4 ,considering the resolutions of parliament#hi1 as to the right2 do you think1 if the stamp act is repealed1 that the ,north ,americans will be satisfied8 ,a4 ,i believe they will4 ,q4 ,why do you think so8 ,a4 ,i think the resolutions of right will give them very little concern1 if they are never attempted to be carried into practice4 ,the colonies will probably consider themselves in the same situation1 in that respect1 with ,ireland3 they know you claim the same right with regard to ,ireland1 but you never exercise it4 ,and they may believe you never will exercise it in the colonies1 any more than in ,ireland1 unless on some very extraordinary occasion4 ,q4 ,but who are to be the judges of that extraordinary occasion8 ,is not the parliament8 ,a4 ,though the parliament may judge of the occasion1 the people will think it can never exercise such right1 till representatives from the colonies are admitted into parliament2 and that1 whenever the occasion arises1 representatives will be ordered4 ,q4 ,did you never hear that ,maryland1 during the last war1 had refused to furnish a quota towards the common defence8 ,a4 ,maryland has been much misrepresented in that matter4 ,maryland1 to my knowledge1 never refused to contribute1 or grant aids to the crown4 ,the assemblies1 every year during the war1 voted considerable sums1 and formed bills to raise them4 ,the bills were1 according to the constitution of that province1 sent up to the council1 or upper house1 for concurrence1 that they might be presented to the governor1 in order to be enacted into laws4 ,unhappy disputes between the two houses--arising from the defects of that constitution principally--rendered all the bills but one or two abortive4 ,the proprietary's council rejected them4 ,it is true1 ,maryland did contribute its proportion2 but it was1 in my opinion1 the fault of the government1 not of the people4 ,q4 ,was it not talked of in the other provinces as a proper measure1 to apply to parliament to compel them8 ,a4 ,i have heard such discourse2 but as it was well known1 that the people were not to blame1 no such application was ever made1 nor any step taken towards it4 ,q4 ,was it not proposed at a public meeting8 ,a4 ,not that ,i know of4 ,q4 ,do you remember the abolishing of the paper-currency in ,new ,england1 by act of assembly8 ,a4 ,i do remember its being abolished in the ,massachusett's ,bay4 ,q4 ,was not lieutenant-governor ,hutchinson principally concerned in that transaction8 ,a4 ,i have heard so4 ,q4 ,was it not at that time a very unpopular law8 ,a4 ,i believe it might1 though ,i can say little about it1 as ,i lived at a distance from that province4 ,q4 ,was not the scarcity of gold and silver an argument used against abolishing the paper8 ,a4 ,i suppose it was#ij4 ,q4 ,what is the present opinion there of that law8 ,is it as unpopular as it was at first8 ,a4 ,i think it is not4 ,q4 ,have not instructions from hence been sometimes sent over to governors1 highly oppressive and unpolitical8 ,a4 ,yes4 ,q4 ,have not some governors dispensed with them for that reason8 ,a4 ,yes1 ,i have heard so4 ,q4 ,did the ,americans ever dispute the controling power of parliament to regulate the commerce8 ,a4 ,no4 ,q4 ,can any thing less than a military force carry the stamp act into execution8 ,a4 ,i do not see how a military force can be applied to that purpose4 ,q4 ,why may it not8 ,a4 ,suppose a military force sent into ,america1 they will find nobody in arms2 what are they then to do8 ,they cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them4 ,they will not find a rebellion3 they may indeed make one4 ,q4 ,if the act is not repealed1 what do you think will be the consequences8 ,a4 ,a total loss of the respect and affection the people of ,america bear to this country1 and of all the commerce that depends on that respect and affection4 ,q4 ,how can the commerce be affected8 ,a4 ,you will find1 that if the act is not repealed1 they will take very little of your manufactures in a short time4 ,q4 ,is it in their power to do without them8 ,a4 ,i think they may very well do without them4 ,q4 ,is it their interest not to take them8 ,a4 ,the goods they take from ,britain are either necessaries1 mere conveniences1 or superfluities4 ,the first1 as cloth1 c4 with a little industry they can make at home2 the second they can do without1 till they are able to provide them among themselves2 and the last1 which are much the greatest part1 they will strike off immediately4 ,they are mere articles of fashion1 purchased and consumed1 because the fashion in a respected country2 but will now be detested and rejected4 ,the people have already struck off1 by general agreement1 the use of all goods fashionable in mournings1 and many thousand pounds worth are sent back as unsaleable4 ,q4 ,is it their interest to make cloth at home8 ,a4 ,i think they may at present get it cheaper from ,britain1 ,i mean of the same fineness and neatness of workmanship3 but when one considers other circumstances1 the restraints on their trade1 and the difficulty of making remittances1 it is their interest to make every thing4 ,q4 ,suppose an act of internal regulations connected with a tax1 how would they receive it8 ,a4 ,i think it would be objected to4 ,q4 ,then no regulation with a tax would be submitted to8 ,a4 ,their opinion is1 that when aids to the crown are wanted1 they are to be asked of the several assemblies1 according to the old established usage2 who will1 as they always have done1 grant them freely4 ,and that their money ought not to be given away1 without their consent1 by persons at a distance1 unacquainted with their circumstances and abilities4 ,the granting aids to the crown is the only means they have of recommending themselves to their sovereign2 and they think it extremely hard and unjust1 that a body of men1 in which they have no representatives1 should make a merit to itself of giving and granting what is not its own1 but theirs2 and deprive them of a right they esteem of the utmost value and importance1 as it is the security of all their other rights4 ,q4 ,but is not the post-office1 which they have long received1 a tax as well as a regulation8 ,a4 ,no2 the money paid for the postage of a letter is not of the nature of a tax2 it is merely a quantum meruit for a service done2 no person is compellable to pay the money1 if he does not choose to receive the service4 ,a man may still1 as before the act1 send his letter by a servant1 a special messenger1 or a friend1 if he thinks it cheaper and safer4 ,q4 ,but do they not consider the regulations of the post-office1 by the act of last year1 as a tax8 ,a4 ,by the regulations of last year the rate of postage was generally abated near thirty per cent through all ,america2 they certainly cannot consider such abatement as a tax4 ,q4 ,if an excise was laid by parliament1 which they might likewise avoid paying1 by not consuming the articles excised1 would they then not object to it8 ,a4 ,they would certainly object to it1 as an excise is unconnected with any service done1 and is merely an aid1 which they think ought to be asked of them1 and granted by them1 if they are to pay it2 and can be granted for them by no others whatsoever1 whom they have not impowered for that purpose4 ,q4 ,you say1 they do not object to the right of parliament1 in laying duties on goods to be paid on their importation3 now1 is there any kind of difference between a duty on the importation of goods1 and an excise on their consumption8 ,a4 ,yes2 a very material one3 an excise1 for the reasons ,i have just mentioned1 they think you can have no right to lay within their country4 ,but the sea is yours2 you maintain1 by your fleets1 the safety of navigation in it1 and keep it clear of pirates2 you may have therefore a natural and equitable right to some toll or duty on merchandizes carried through that part of your dominions1 towards defraying the expence you are at in ships to maintain the safety of that carriage4 ,q4 ,does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty laid on the produce of their lands exported8 ,and would they not then object to such a duty8 ,a4 ,if it tended to make the produce so much dearer abroad1 as to lessen the demand for it1 to be sure they would object to such a duty2 not to your right of laying it1 but they would complain of it as a burthen1 and petition you to lighten it4 ,q4 ,is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported1 a duty of that kind8 ,a4 ,that1 ,i think1 is only on tobacco carried coast-wise1 from one colony to another1 and appropriated as a fund for supporting the college at ,williamsburgh1 in ,virginia4 ,q4 ,have not the assemblies in the ,west ,indies the same natural rights with those in ,north ,america8 ,a4 ,undoubtedly4 ,q4 ,and is there not a tax laid there on their sugars exported8 ,a4 ,i am not much acquainted with the ,west ,indies2 but the duty of four and a half per cent on sugars exported was1 ,i believe1 granted by their own assemblies4#ia ,q4 ,how much is the poll-tax in your province laid on unmarried men8 ,a4 ,it is1 ,i think1 fifteen shillings1 to be paid by every single freeman1 upwards of twenty-one years old4 ,q4 ,what is the annual amount of all the taxes in ,pensylvania8 ,a4 ,i suppose about #bj1jjjl4 sterling4 ,q4 ,supposing the stamp act continued and enforced1 do you imagine that ill-humour will induce the ,americans to give as much for worse manufactures of their own1 and use them1 preferably to better of ours8 ,a4 ,yes1 ,i think so4 ,people will pay as freely to gratify one passion as another1 their resentment as their pride4 ,q4 ,would the people at ,boston discontinue their trade8 ,a4 ,the merchants are a very small number compared with the body of the people1 and must discontinue their trade1 if nobody will buy their goods4 ,q4 ,what are the body of the people in the colonies8 ,a4 ,they are farmers1 husbandmen1 or planters4 ,q4 ,would they suffer the produce of their lands to rot8 ,a4 ,no2 but they would not raise so much4 ,they would manufacture more1 and plow less4 ,q4 ,would they live without the administration of justice in civil matters1 and suffer all the inconveniencies of such a situation for any considerable time1 rather than take the stamps1 supposing the stamps were protected by a sufficient force1 where every one might have them8 ,a4 ,i think the supposition impracticable1 that the stamps should be so protected as that every one might have them4 ,the act requires sub-distributors to be appointed in every county town1 district1 and village1 and they would be necessary4 ,but the principal distributors1 who were to have had a considerable profit on the whole1 have not thought it worth while to continue in the office2 and ,i think it impossible to find sub-distributors fit to be trusted1 who1 for the trifling profit that must come to their share1 would incur the odium1 and run the hazard that would attend it2 and if they could be found1 ,i think it impracticable to protect the stamps in so many distant and remote places4 ,q4 ,but in places where they could be protected1 would not the people use them1 rather than remain in such a situation1 unable to obtain any right1 or recover1 by law1 any debt8 ,a4 ,it is hard to say what they would do4 ,i can only judge what other people will think1 and how they will act1 by what ,i feel within myself4 ,i have a great many debts due to me in ,america1 and ,i had rather they should remain unrecoverable by any law1 than submit to the stamp act4 ,they will be debts of honour4 ,it is my opinion the people will either continue in that situation1 or find some way to extricate themselves1 perhaps by generally agreeing to proceed in the courts without stamps4 ,q4 ,what do you think a sufficient military force to protect the distribution of the stamps in every part of ,america8 ,a4 ,a very great force1 ,i can't say what1 if the disposition of ,america is for a general resistance4 ,q4 ,what is the number of men in ,america able to bear arms1 or of disciplined militia8 ,a4 ,there are1 ,i suppose1 at least---- ,question objected to4 ,he withdrew4 ,called in again4 ,q4 ,is the ,american stamp act an equal tax on the country8 ,a4 ,i think not4 ,q4 ,why so8 ,a4 ,the greatest part of the money must arise from law-suits for the recovery of debts1 and be paid by the lower sort of people1 who were too poor easily to pay their debts4 ,it is therefore a heavy tax on the poor1 and a tax upon them for being poor4 ,q4 ,but will not this increase of expence be a means of lessening the number of law-suits8 ,a4 ,i think not2 for as the costs all fall upon the debtor1 and are to be paid by him1 they would be no discouragement to the creditor to bring his action4 ,q4 ,would it not have the effect of excessive usury8 ,a4 ,yes1 as an oppression of the debtor4 ,q4 ,how many ships are there laden annually in ,north ,america with flax-seed for ,ireland8 ,a4 ,i cannot speak to the number of ships1 but ,i know1 that in #ageb ten thousand hogsheads of flax-seed1 each containing seven bushels1 were exported from ,philadelphia to ,ireland4 ,i suppose the quantity is greatly increased since that time1 and it is understood1 that the exportation from ,new ,york is equal to that from ,philadelphia4 ,q4 ,what becomes of the flax that grows with that flax-seed8 ,a4 ,they manufacture some into coarse1 and some into a middling kind of linen4 ,q4 ,are there any slitting-mills in ,america8#ib ,a4 ,i think there are three1 but ,i believe only one at present employed4 ,i suppose they will all be set to work1 if the interruption of the trade continues4 ,q4 ,are there any fulling-mills there8 ,a4 ,a great many4 ,q4 ,did you never hear1 that a great quantity of stockings were contracted for1 for the army1 during the war1 and manufactured in ,philadelphia8 ,a4 ,i have heard so4 ,q4 ,if the stamp-act should be repealed1 would not the ,americans think they could oblige the parliament to repeal every external tax-law now in force8 ,a4 ,it is hard to answer questions of what people at such a distance will think4 ,q4 ,but what do you imagine they will think were the motives of repealing the act8 ,a4 ,i suppose they will think1 that it was repealed from a conviction of its inexpediency2 and they will rely upon it1 that while the same inexpediency subsists1 you will never attempt to make such another4 ,q4 ,what do you mean by its inexpediency8 ,a4 ,i mean its inexpediency on several accounts1 the poverty and inability of those who were to pay the tax1 the general discontent it has occasioned1 and the impracticability of enforcing it4 ,q4 ,if the act should be repealed1 and the legislature should show its resentment to the opposers of the stamp-act1 would the colonies acquiesce in the authority of the legislature8 ,what is your opinion they would do8 ,a4 ,i don't doubt at all1 that if the legislature repeal the stamp-act1 the colonies will acquiesce in the authority4 ,q4 ,but if the legislature should think fit to ascertain its right to lay taxes1 by any act laying a small tax1 contrary to their opinion1 would they submit to pay the tax8 ,a4 ,the proceedings of the people in ,america have been considered too much together4 ,the proceedings of the assemblies have been very different from those of the mobs1 and should be distinguished1 as having no connection with each other4 ,the assemblies have only peaceably resolved what they take to be their rights3 they have taken no measures for opposition by force1 they have not built a fort1 raised a man1 or provided a grain of ammunition1 in order to such opposition4 ,the ring-leaders of riots1 they think ought to be punished2 they would punish them themselves1 if they could4 ,every sober1 sensible man would wish to see rioters punished1 as otherwise peaceable people have no security of person or estate4--,but as to an internal tax1 how small soever1 laid by the legislature here on the people there1 while they have no representatives in this legislature1 ,i think it will never be submitted to3 they will oppose it to the last4--,they do not consider it as at all necessary for you to raise money on them by your taxes2 because they are1 and always have been1 ready to raise money by taxes among themselves1 and to grant large sums1 equal to their abilities1 upon requisition from the crown4 ,they have not only granted equal to their abilities1 but1 during all the last war1 they granted far beyond their abilities1 and beyond their proportion with this country 7you yourselves being judges7 to the amount of many hundred thousand pounds2 and this they did freely and readily1 only on a sort of promise1 from the secretary of state1 that it should be recommended to parliament to make them compensation4 ,it was accordingly recommended to parliament1 in the most honourable manner for them4 ,america has been greatly misrepresented and abused here1 in papers1 and pamphlets1 and speeches1 as ungrateful1 and unreasonable1 and unjust2 in having put this nation to immense expence for their defence1 and refusing to bear any part of that expence4 ,the colonies raised1 paid1 and clothed1 near twenty-five thousand men during the last war2 a number equal to those sent from ,britain1 and far beyond their proportion2 they went deeply into debt in doing this1 and all their taxes and estates are mortgaged1 for many years to come1 for discharging that debt4 ,government here was at that time very sensible of this4 ,the colonies were recommended to parliament4 ,every year the king sent down to the house a written message to this purpose1 that his majesty1 being highly sensible of the zeal and vigour with which his faithful subjects in ,north ,america had exerted themselves1 in defence of his majesty's just rights and possessions2 recommended it to the house to take the same into consideration1 and enable him to give them a proper compensation4 ,you will find those messages on your own journals every year of the war to the very last2 and you did accordingly give #bjj1jjjl4 annually to the crown1 to be distributed in such compensation to the colonies4 ,this is the strongest of all proofs that the colonies1 far from being unwilling to bear a share of the burthen1 did exceed their proportion2 for if they had done less1 or had only equalled their proportion1 there would have been no room or reason for compensation4 ,indeed the sums1 reimbursed them1 were by no means adequate to the expence they incurred beyond their proportion3 but they never murmured at that2 they esteemed their sovereign's approbation of their zeal and fidelity1 and the approbation of this house1 far beyond any other kind of compensation1 therefore there was no occasion for this act1 to force money from a willing people3 they had not refused giving money for the purposes of the act1 no requisition had been made1 they were always willing and ready to do what could reasonably be expected from them1 and in this light they wish to be considered4 ,q4 ,but suppose ,great ,britain should be engaged in a war in ,europe1 would ,north ,america contribute to the support of it8 ,a4 ,i do think they would1 as far as their circumstances would permit4 ,they consider themselves as a part of the ,british empire1 and as having one common interest with it3 they may be looked on here as foreigners1 but they do not consider themselves as such4 ,they are zealous for the honour and prosperity of this nation2 and1 while they are well used1 will always be ready to support it1 as far as their little power goes4--,in #agci they were called upon to assist in the expedition against ,carthagena1 and they sent three thousand men to join your army4#ic ,it is true ,carthagena is in ,america1 but as remote from the northern colonies1 as if it had been in ,europe4 ,they make no distinction of wars1 as to their duty of assisting in them4 ,i know the last war is commonly spoken of here as entered into for the defence1 or for the sake of the people in ,america4 ,i think it is quite misunderstood4 ,it began about the limits between ,canada and ,nova ,scotia2 about territories to which the crown indeed laid claim1 but which were not claimed by any ,british colony2 none of the lands had been granted to any colonist1 we had therefore no particular concern or interest in that dispute4--,as to the ,ohio1 the contest there began about your right of trading in the ,indian country1 a right you had by the treaty of ,utretcht1 which the ,french infringed2 they seized the traders and their goods1 which were your manufactures2 they took a fort which a company of your merchants1 and their factors and correspondents had erected there1 to secure that trade4 ,braddock was sent with an army to re-take that fort 7which was looked on here as another incroachment on the king's territory7 and to protect your trade4 ,it was not till after his defeat that the colonies were attacked4#id ,they were before in perfect peace with both ,french and ,indians2 the troops were not therefore sent for their defence4 ,the trade with the ,indians1 though carried on in ,america1 is not an ,american interest4 ,the people of ,america are chiefly farmers and planters1 scarce any thing that they raise or produce is an article of commerce with the ,indians4 ,the ,indian trade is a ,british interest2 it is carried on with ,british manufactures1 for the profit of ,british merchants and manufacturers2 therefore the war1 as it commenced for the defence of territories of the crown 7the property of no ,american7 and for the defence of a trade purely ,british1 was really a ,british war--and yet the people of ,america made no scruple of contributing their utmost towards carrying it on1 and bringing it to a happy conclusion4 ,q4 ,do you think then that the taking possession of the king's territorial rights1 and strengthening the frontiers1 is not an ,american interest8 ,a4 ,not particularly1 but conjointly a ,british and an ,american interest4 ,q4 ,you will not deny that the preceding war1 the war with ,spain1 was entered into for the sake of ,america2 was it not occasioned by captures made in the ,american seas8 ,a4 ,yes2 captures of ships carrying on the ,british trade there with ,british manufactures4 ,q4 ,was not the late war with the ,indians1 since the peace with ,france1 a war for ,america only8 ,a4 ,yes2 it was more particularly for ,america than the former2 but it was rather a consequence or remains of the former war1 the ,indians not having been thoroughly pacified2 and the ,americans bore by much the greatest share of the expence4 ,it was put an end to by the army under ,general ,bouquet2 there were not above three hundred regulars in that army1 and above one thousand ,pensylvanians4 ,q4 ,is it not necessary to send troops to ,america1 to defend the ,americans against the ,indians8 ,a4 ,no1 by no means2 it never was necessary4 ,they defended themselves when they were but an handful1 and the ,indians much more numerous4 ,they continually gained ground1 and have driven the ,indians over the mountains1 without any troops sent to their assistance from this country4 ,and can it be thought necessary now to send troops for their defence from those diminished ,indian tribes1 when the colonies are become so populous1 and so strong8 ,there is not the least occasion for it1 they are very able to defend themselves4 ,q4 ,do you say there were no more than three hundred regular troops employed in the late ,indian war8 ,a4 ,not on the ,ohio1 or the frontiers of ,pensylvania1 which was the chief part of the war that affected the colonies4 ,there were garrisons at ,niagara1 ,fort ,detroit1 and those remote posts kept for the sake of your trade2 ,i did not reckon them2 but ,i believe that on the whole the number of ,americans1 or provincial troops1 employed in the war1 was greater than that of the regulars4 ,i am not certain1 but ,i think so4 ,q4 ,do you think the assemblies have a right to levy money on the subject there1 to grant to the crown8 ,a4 ,i certainly think so1 they have always done it4 ,q4 ,are they acquainted with the declaration of rights8 ,and do they know that1 by that statute1 money is not to be raised on the subject but by consent of parliament8 ,a4 ,they are very well acquainted with it4 ,q4 ,how then can they think they have a right to levy money for the crown1 or for any other than local purposes8 ,a4 ,they understand that clause to relate to subjects only within the realm2 that no money can be levied on them for the crown1 but by consent of parliament4 ,the colonies are not supposed to be within the realm2 they have assemblies of their own1 which are their parliaments1 and they are1 in that respect1 in the same situation with ,ireland4 ,when money is to be raised for the crown upon the subject in ,ireland1 or in the colonies1 the consent is given in the parliament of ,ireland1 or in the assemblies of the colonies4 ,they think the parliament of ,great ,britain cannot properly give that consent1 till it has representatives from ,america2 for the petition of right expressly says1 it is to be by common consent in parliament2 and the people of ,america have no representatives in parliament1 to make a part of that common consent4 ,q4 ,if the stamp act should be repealed1 and an act should pass1 ordering the assemblies of the colonies to indemnify the sufferers by the riots1 would they obey it8 ,a4 ,that is a question ,i cannot answer4 ,q4 ,suppose the king should require the colonies to grant a revenue1 and the parliament should be against their doing it1 do they think they can grant a revenue to the king1 without the consent of the parliament of ,great ,britain8 ,a4 ,that is a deep question4 ,as to my own opinion1 ,i should think myself at liberty to do it1 and should do it1 if ,i liked the occasion4 ,q4 ,when money has been raised in the colonies1 upon requisitions1 has it not been granted to the king8 ,a4 ,yes1 always2 but the requisitions have generally been for some service expressed1 as to raise1 clothe1 and pay troops1 and not for money only4 ,q4 ,if the act should pass1 requiring the ,american assemblies to make compensation to the sufferers1 and they should disobey it1 and then the parliament should1 by another act1 lay an internal tax1 would they then obey it8 ,a4 ,the people will pay no internal tax2 and ,i think an act to oblige the assemblies to make compensation is unnecessary2 for ,i am of opinion1 that as soon as the present heats are abated1 they will take the matter into consideration1 and if it is right to be done1 they will do it of themselves4 ,q4 ,do not letters often come into the post-offices in ,america directed to some inland town where no post goes8 ,a4 ,yes4 ,q4 ,can any private person take up those letters and carry them as directed8 ,a4 ,yes2 any friend of the person may do it1 paying the postage that has accrued4 ,q4 ,but must not he pay an additional postage for the distance to such inland town8 ,a4 ,no4 ,q4 ,can the post-master answer delivering the letter1 without being paid such additional postage8 ,a4 ,certainly he can demand nothing1 where he does no service4 ,q4 ,suppose a person1 being far from home1 finds a letter in a post-office directed to him1 and he lives in a place to which the post generally goes1 and the letter is directed to that place1 will the post-master deliver him the letter1 without his paying the postage receivable at the place to which the letter is directed8 ,a4 ,yes2 the office cannot demand postage for a letter that it does not carry1 or farther than it does carry it4 ,q4 ,are not ferrymen in ,america obliged1 by act of parliament1 to carry over the posts without pay8 ,a4 ,yes4 ,q4 ,is not this a tax on the ferrymen8 ,a4 ,they do not consider it as such1 as they have an advantage from persons travelling with the post4 ,q4 ,if the stamp-act should be repealed1 and the crown should make a requisition to the colonies for a sum of money1 would they grant it8 ,a4 ,i believe they would4 ,q4 ,why do you think so8 ,a4 ,i can speak for the colony ,i live in2 ,i had it in instruction from the assembly to assure the ministry1 that as they always had done1 so they should always think it their duty1 to grant such aids to the crown as were suitable to their circumstances and abilities1 whenever called upon for that purpose1 in the usual constitutional manner2 and ,i had the honour of communicating this instruction to that honourable gentleman then minister4#ie ,q4 ,would they do this for a ,british concern1 as suppose a war in some part of ,europe1 that did not affect them8 ,a4 ,yes1 for any thing that concerned the general interest4 ,they consider themselves as part of the whole4 ,q4 ,what is the usual constitutional manner of calling on the colonies for aids8 ,a4 ,a letter from the secretary of state4 ,q4 ,is this all you mean2 a letter from the secretary of state8 ,a4 ,i mean the usual way of requisition1 in a circular letter from the secretary of state1 by his majesty's command1 reciting the occasion1 and recommending it to the colonies to grant such aids as became their loyalty1 and were suitable to their abilities4 ,q4 ,did the secretary of state ever write for money for the crown8 ,a4 ,the requisitions have been to raise1 clothe1 and pay men1 which cannot be done without money4 ,q4 ,would they grant money alone1 if called on8 ,a4 ,in my opinion they would1 money as well as men1 when they have money1 or can make it4 ,q4 ,if the parliament should repeal the stamp act1 will the assembly of ,pensylvania rescind their resolutions8 ,a4 ,i think not4 ,q4 ,before there was any thought of the stamp act1 did they wish for a representation in parliament8 ,a4 ,no4 ,q4 ,don't you know that there is1 in the ,pensylvanian charter1 an express reservation of the right of parliament to lay taxes there8 ,a4 ,i know there is a clause in the charter1 by which the king grants that he will levy no taxes on the inhabitants1 unless it be with the consent of the assembly1 or by act of parliament4 ,q4 ,how then could the assembly of ,pensylvania assert1 that laying a tax on them by the stamp act was an infringement of their rights8 ,a4 ,they understand it thus3 by the same charter1 and otherwise1 they are intitled to all the privileges and liberties of ,englishmen2 they find in the great charters1 and the petition and declaration of rights1 that one of the privileges of ,english subjects is1 that they are not to be taxed but by their common consent2 they have therefore relied upon it1 from the first settlement of the province1 that the parliament never would1 nor could1 by colour of that clause in the charter1 assume a right of taxing them1 till it had qualified itself to exercise such right1 by admitting representatives from the people to be taxed1 who ought to make a part of that common consent4 ,q4 ,are there any words in the charter that justify that construction8 ,a4 ,the common rights of ,englishmen1 as declared by ,magna ,charta1 and the petition of right1 all justify it4 ,q4 ,does the distinction between internal and external taxes exist in the words of the charter8 ,a4 ,no1 ,i believe not4 ,q4 ,then may they not1 by the same interpretation1 object to the parliament's right of external taxation8 ,a4 ,they never have hitherto4 ,many arguments have been lately used here to show them that there is no difference1 and that if you have no right to tax them internally1 you have none to tax them externally1 or make any other law to bind them4 ,at present they do not reason so2 but in time they may possibly be convinced by these arguments4 ,q4 ,do not the resolutions of the ,pensylvania assembly say--all taxes8 ,a4 ,if they do1 they mean only internal taxes2 the same words have not always the same meaning here and in the colonies4 ,by taxes they mean internal taxes2 by duties they mean customs2 these are their ideas of the language4 ,q4 ,have you not seen the resolutions of the ,massachusett's ,bay assembly8 ,a4 ,i have4 ,q4 ,do they not say1 that neither external nor internal taxes can be laid on them by parliament8 ,a4 ,i don't know that they do2 ,i believe not4 ,q4 ,if the same colony should say1 neither tax nor imposition could be laid1 does not that province hold the power of parliament can lay neither8 ,a4 ,i suppose that by the word imposition1 they do not intend to express duties to be laid on goods imported1 as regulations of commerce4 ,q4 ,what can the colonies mean then by imposition as distinct from taxes8 ,a4 ,they may mean many things1 as impressing of men1 or of carriages1 quartering troops on private houses1 and the like2 there may be great impositions that are not properly taxes4 ,q4 ,is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid by act of parliament8 ,a4 ,i have answered that4 ,q4 ,are all parts of the colonies equally able to pay taxes8 ,a4 ,no1 certainly2 the frontier parts1 which have been ravaged by the enemy1 are greatly disabled by that means2 and therefore1 in such cases1 are usually favoured in our tax-laws4 ,q4 ,can we1 at this distance1 be competent judges of what favours are necessary8 ,a4 ,the parliament have supposed it1 by claiming a right to make tax-laws for ,america2 ,i think it impossible4 ,q4 ,would the repeal of the stamp act be any discouragement of your manufactures8 ,will the people that have begun to manufacture decline it8 ,a4 ,yes1 ,i think they will2 especially if1 at the same time1 the trade is opened again1 so that remittances can be easily made4 ,i have known several instances that make it probable4 ,in the war before last1 tobacco being low1 and making little remittance1 the people of ,virginia went generally into family-manufactures4 ,afterwards1 when tobacco bore a better price1 they returned to the use of ,british manufactures4 ,so fulling-mills were very much disused in the last war in ,pensylvania1 because bills were then plenty1 and remittances could easily be made to ,britain for ,english cloth and other goods4 ,q4 ,if the stamp act should be repealed1 would it induce the assemblies of ,america to acknowledge the rights of parliament to tax them1 and would they erase their resolutions8 ,a4 ,no1 never4 ,q4 ,are there no means of obliging them to erase those resolutions8 ,a4 ,none that ,i know of2 they will never do it1 unless compelled by force of arms4 ,q4 ,is there a power on earth that can force them to erase them8 ,a4 ,no power1 how great soever1 can force men to change their opinions4 ,q4 ,do they consider the post-office as a tax1 or as a regulation8 ,a4 ,not as a tax1 but as a regulation and conveniency2 every assembly encouraged it1 and supported it in its infancy1 by grants of money1 which they would not otherwise have done2 and the people have always paid the postage4 ,q4 ,when did you receive the instructions you mentioned8 ,a4 ,i brought them with me1 when ,i came to ,england1 about fifteen months since4 ,q4 ,when did you communicate that instruction to the minister8 ,a4 ,soon after my arrival1--while the stamping of ,america was under consideration1 and before the bill was brought in4 ,q4 ,would it be most for the interest of ,great ,britain1 to employ the hands of ,virginia in tobacco1 or in manufactures8 ,a4 ,in tobacco1 to be sure4 ,q4 ,what used to be the pride of the ,americans8 ,a4 ,to indulge in the fashions and manufactures of ,great ,britain4 ,q4 ,what is now their pride8 ,a4 ,to wear their old clothes over again1 till they can make new ones4 ,withdrew4 ,,footnotes3 #hc #agff4 ,feb4 #c4 ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esq4 and a number of other persons were ordered to attend the committee of the whole house of commons to whom it was referred1 to consider farther the several papers relative to ,america which were presented to the house by ,mr4 ,secretary ,conway1 c4 ,feb4 #ac4 ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esq4 having passed through his examination1 was exempted from farther attendance4 ,feb4 #bd4 ,the resolutions of the committee were reported by the chairman1 ,mr4 ,fuller1 their seventh and last resolution setting forth that it was their opinion that the house be moved1 that leave be given to bring in a bill to repeal the stamp act4 ,a proposal for re-committing this resolution was negatived by #bdj votes to #acc4 7,see the ,journals of the ,house of ,commons47 ,this examination of ,dr4 ,franklin was printed in the year #agfg1 under the form of a shilling pamphlet4 ,it is prior in point of date to some of the foregoing pieces2 but ,i readily submitted to this derangement1 thinking by this means to provide the reader with a knowledge of the proceedings on which the examination was grounded4 ,b4 ,v4 #hd ,the stamp act says1 that the ,americans shall have no commerce1 make no exchange of property with each other1 neither purchase nor grant nor recover debts2 they shall neither marry nor make their wills1 unless they pay such and such sums in specie for the stamps which must give validity to the proceedings4 ,the operation of such a tax1 had it obtained the consent of the people1 appeared inevitable2 and its annual productiveness1 if ,i recollect well1 was estimated by its proposer in the house of commons at the committee for supplies1 at #ajj1jjjl4 sterling4 ,the colonies being already reduced to the necessity of having paper-money1 by sending to ,britain the specie they collected in foreign trade1 in order to make up for the deficiency of their other returns for ,britain's manufactures2 there were doubts where could remain the specie sufficient to answer the tax4 ,b4 ,v4 #he ,the stamp act provides that a double duty should be laid where the instrument1 proceedings1 c4 shall be engrossed1 written1 or printed1 within the said colonies and plantations1 in any other than the ,english language4 ,this measure1 ,i presume1 appeared to be suggested by motives of convenience1 and the policy of assimilating persons of foreign to those of ,british descent1 and preventing their interference in the conduct of law business till this change should be effected4 ,it seems however to have been deemed too precipitate1 immediately to extend this clause to newly-conquered countries4 ,an exemption therefore was granted1 in this particular1 with respect to ,canada and ,grenada1 for the space of five years1 to be reckoned from the commencement of the duty4 7,see the ,stamp ,act47 ,b4 ,v4 #hf ,strangers excluded1 some parts of the northern colonies double their numbers in fifteen or sixteen years2 to the southward they are longer1 but1 taking one with another1 they have doubled by natural generation only1 once in twenty-five years4 ,pensylvania1 ,i believe1 including strangers1 has doubled in about sixteen years4 ,the calculation for ,february #agff will not then suit #aggi4 ,b4 ,v4 #hg ,in the year #agcc--;for the welfare and prosperity of our sugar colonies in ,america1 and for remedying discouragements of planters2 duties were given and granted to ,george the ,second upon all rum1 spirits1 molasses1 syrups1 sugar1 and paneles of foreign growth1 produce1 and manufacture1 imported into our colonies4 ,this regulation of trade1 for the benefit of the general empire was acquiesced in1 notwithstanding the introduction of the novel terms give and grant4 ,but the act1 which was made only for the term of five years1 and had been several times renewed in the reign of ,george the ,second1 and once in the reign of ,george the ,third2 was renewed again in the year #agfc1 in the reign of ,george the ,third1 and extended to other articles1 upon new and altered grounds4 ,it was stated in the preamble to this act1 that it was expedient that new provisions and regulations should be established for improving the revenue of this kingdom2 that it was just and necessary that a revenue should be raised in ,america for defending1 protecting1 and securing the same2 and that the commons of ,great ,britain 444 desirous of making some provision 444 towards raising the said revenue in ,america1 have resolved to give and grant to his majesty the several rates and duties1 c4 ,mr4 ,mauduit1 agent for ,massachusett's ,bay1 tells us1 that he was instructed in the following terms to oppose ,mr4 ,grenville's taxing system4--,you are to remonstrate against these measures1 and1 if possible1 to obtain a repeal of the sugar act1 and prevent the imposition of any further duties or taxes on the colonies4 ,measures will be taken that you may be joined by all the other agents4 ,boston1 ,june #ad1 #agfd4 ,the question proposed to ,dr4 ,franklin alludes to this sugar act in #agfc4 ,dr4 ,franklin's answer appears to deserve the best attention of the reader4 ,b4 ,v4 #hh ,some of the colonies have been reduced to the necessity of bartering1 from the want of a medium of traffic4 ,see p4 #adf4 ,b4 ,v4 #hi ,afterwards expressed in the ,declaratory-,act4 ,b4 ,v4 #ij ,see the answer to the report of the board of trade1 p4 #add4 ,b4 ,v4 #ia ,see the note to ,lord ,howe's letter to our author4 ,b4 ,v4 #ib i4 e4 ,mills for the slitting of iron4 ,b4 ,v4 #ic ,admiral ,vernon and ,general ,wentworth commanded this expedition2 with what success1 is well known4 ,b4 ,v4 #id ,when this army was in the utmost distress from the want of waggons1 c4 our author and his son voluntarily traversed the country1 in order to collect a sufficient quantity2 and they had zeal and address enough to effect their purpose1 upon pledging themselves1 to the amount of many thousand pounds1 for payment4 ,it was but just before ,dr4 ,franklin's last return to ,america1 that the accounts in this transaction were passed at home4 ,b4 ,v4 #ie ,i take the following to be the history of this transaction4 ,until #agfc1 and the years following1 whenever ,great ,britain wanted supplies directly from the colonies1 the secretary of state1 in his majesty's name1 sent them a letter of requisition1 in which the occasion for the supplies was expressed2 and the colonies returned a free gift1 the mode of levying which they wholly prescribed4 ,at this period1 a chancellor of the exchequer 7,mr4 ,george ,grenville7 steps forth and says to the house of commons3 ,we must call for money from the colonies in the way of a tax2--and to the colony-agents1 write to your several colonies1 and tell them1 if they dislike a duty upon stamps1 and prefer any other method of raising the money themselves1 ,i shall be content1 provided the amount be but raised4 ,that is1 observed the colonies1 when commenting upon his terms1 if we will not tax ourselves1 as we may be directed1 the parliament will tax us1 ,dr4 ,franklin's instructions1 spoken of above1 related to this gracious option4 ,as the colonies could not choose another tax1 while they disclaimed every tax2 the parliament passed the stamp-act4 ,it seems that the only part of the offer which bore a show of favour1 was the grant of the mode of levying--and this was the only circumstance which was not new4 ,see ,mr4 ,mauduit's account of ,mr4 ,grenville's conference with the agents1 confirmed by the agents for ,georgia and ,virginia1 and ,mr4 ,burke's speech1 in #aggd1 p4 #ee4 ,b4 ,v4 ,attempts of ,dr4 ,franklin for ,conciliation of ,great ,britain with the ,colonies#if4 ,london1 ,nov4 #bh1 #agfh4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,i received your obliging favour of the #abth instant4 ,your sentiments of the importance of the present dispute between ,great ,britain and the colonies1 appear to me extremely just4 ,there is nothing ,i wish for more than to see it amicably and equitably settled4 ,but ,providence will bring about its own ends by its own means2 and if it intends the downfal of a nation1 that nation will be so blinded by its pride1 and other passions1 as not to see its danger1 or how its fall may be prevented4 ,being born and bred in one of the countries1 and having lived long and made many agreeable connexions of friendship in the other1 ,i wish all prosperity to both3 but ,i have talked1 and written so much and so long on the subject1 that my acquaintance are weary of hearing1 and the public of reading any more of it1 which begins to make me weary of talking and writing2 especially as ,i do not find that ,i have gained any point1 in either country1 except that of rendering myself suspected1 by my impartiality2 in ,england1 of being too much an ,american1 and in ,america of being too much an ,englishman4 ,your opinion1 however1 weighs with me1 and encourages me to try one effort more1 in a full1 though concise state of facts1 accompanied with arguments drawn from those facts2 to be published about the meeting of parliament1 after the holidays4 ,if any good may be done ,i shall rejoice2 but at present ,i almost despair4 ,have you ever seen the barometer so low as of late8 ,the #bb;d instant mine was at #bh1 #da1 and yet the weather fine and fair4 ,with sincere esteem1 ,i am1 dear friend1 ,yours1 affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #if ,i cannot pretend to say what is the publication promised in this letter2 unless it alludes to the one given above at p4 #bbe2 in which case there is a mistake in the date of the year4 ,b4 ,v4 ,queries from ,mr4 ,strahan4 ,,to ,,dr4 ,,franklin#ig4 ,nov4 #ba1 #agfi4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,in the many conversations we have had together about our present disputes with ,north ,america1 we perfectly agreed in wishing they may be brought to a speedy and happy conclusion4 ,how this is to be done1 is not so easily ascertained4 ,two objects1 ,i humbly apprehend1 his majesty's servants have now in contemplation4 #ast4 ,to relieve the colonies from the taxes complained of1 which they certainly had no hand in imposing4 #b;dly1 ,to preserve the honour1 the dignity1 and the supremacy of the ,british legislature over all his majesty's dominions4 ,as ,i know your singular knowledge of the subject in question1 and am as fully convinced of your cordial attachment to his majesty1 and your sincere desire to promote the happiness equally of all his subjects1 ,i beg you would in your own clear1 brief1 and explicit manner1 send me an answer to the following questions3 ,i make this request now1 because this matter is of the utmost importance1 and must very quickly be agitated4 ,and ,i do it with the more freedom1 as you know me and my motives too well to entertain the most remote suspicion that ,i will make an improper use of any information you shall hereby convey to me4 #ast4 ,will not a repeal of all the duties 7that on tea excepted1 which was before paid here on exportation1 and of course no new imposition7 fully satisfy the colonists#ih8 ,if you answer in the negative1 #b;d4 ,your reasons for that opinion8 #c;d4 ,do you think the only effectual way of composing the present differences is to put the ,americans precisely in the situation they were in before the passing of the late stamp-act8--,if that is your opinion1 #dth4 ,your reasons for that opinion8 #eth4 ,if this last method is deemed by the legislature1 and his majesty's ministers1 to be repugnant to their duty1 as guardians of the just rights of the crown and of their fellow-subjects2 can you suggest any other way of terminating these disputes1 consistent with the ideas of justice and propriety conceived by the king's subjects on both sides of the ,atlantic8 #f4 ,and if this method was actually followed1 do you not think it would actually encourage the violent and factious part of the colonists to aim at still farther concessions from the mother-country8 #gth4 ,if they are relieved in part only1 what do you1 as a reasonable and dispassionate man1 and an equal friend to both sides1 imagine will be the probable consequences8 ,the answers to these questions1 ,i humbly conceive1 will include all the information ,i want2 and ,i beg you will favour me with them as soon as may be4 ,every well-wisher to the peace and prosperity of the ,british empire1 and every friend to our truly happy constitution1 must be desirous of seeing even the most trivial causes of dissention among our fellow-subjects removed4 ,our domestic squabbles1 in my mind1 are nothing to what ,i am speaking of4 ,this you know much better than ,i do1 and therefore ,i need add nothing farther to recommend this subject to your serious consideration4 ,i am1 with the most cordial esteem and attachment1 dear sir1 your faithful and affectionate humble servant1 ,w4 ,s4 ,,footnotes3 #ig ,these letters have often been copied into our public prints4 ,mr4 ,strahan1 the correspondent1 is printer to the king1 and now representative in parliament for ,malmsbury in ,wiltshire4 ,an intimacy of long standing had subsisted between him and ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,b4 ,v4 ,it was the father of the present ,mr4 ,strahan1 who is also king's-printer1 and member of parliament4 ,the friendship1 which so long subsisted between ,mr4 ,strahan and ,dr4 ,franklin1 the latter1 in #agge1 formally abjured1 in a letter addressed to ,mr4 ,strahan1 which will be found in the order of its date1 in a subsequent part of this work4 ,editor4 #ih ,in the year #agfg1 for the express purpose of raising a revenue in ,america1 glass1 red-lead1 white-lead1 painters' colours1 paper1 and tea 7which last article was subject to various home-impositions7 became charged by act of parliament1 with new permanent duties payable in the ,american ports4 ,soon after1 in the same sessions1 7the ,east-,india ,company promising indemnification for the experiment7 a temporary alteration was made with respect to the home customs or excise upon certain teas1 in the hope that a deduction in the nominal imposition1 by producing a more extended consumption1 would give an increased sum to the exchequer4 ,mr4 ,strahan1 comparing only the amounts of the imposed ,american duty1 and the deducted home duty1 determines that the ,americans had suffered no new imposition4 ,the ,americans it seems1 thought otherwise4 ,had we established this precedent for a revenue1 we thought we had every thing to hope2 yet we affect surprise1 when the colonies avoided an acquiescence which by parity of reasoning gave them every thing to fear4 ,b4 ,v4 ,answer to the preceding ,queries4 ,craven ,street1 ,nov4 #bi1 #agfi4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,being just returned to town from a little excursion1 ,i find yours of the #bast1 containing a number of queries1 that would require a pamphlet to answer them fully4 ,you1 however1 desire only brief answers1 which ,i shall endeavour to give4 ,previous to your queries1 you tell me1 that you apprehend his majesty's servants have now in contemplation1 #ast1 ,to relieve the colonists from the taxes complained of2 #b;d1 ,to preserve the honour1 the dignity1 and the supremacy of the ,british legislature over all his majesty's dominions4 ,i hope your information is good2 and that what you suppose to be in contemplation will be carried into execution1 by repealing all the laws1 that have been made for raising a revenue in ,america by authority of parliament without the consent of the people there4 ,the honour and dignity of the ,british legislature will not be hurt by such an act of justice and wisdom4 ,the wisest councils are liable to be misled1 especially in matters remote from their inspection4 ,it is the persisting in an error1 not the correcting it1 that lessens the honour of any man or body of men4 ,the supremacy of that legislature1 ,i believe1 will be best preserved by making a very sparing use of it2 never but for the evident good of the colonies themselves1 or of the whole ,british empire2 never for the partial advantage of ,britain to their prejudice4 ,by such prudent conduct1 ,i imagine1 that supremacy may be gradually strengthened1 and in time fully established2 but otherwise1 ,i apprehend it will be disputed1 and lost in the dispute4 ,at present the colonies consent and submit to it1 for the regulations of general commerce2 but a submission to acts of parliament was no part of their original constitution4 ,our former kings governed their colonies1 as they had governed their dominions in ,france1 without the participation of ,british parliaments4 ,the parliament of ,england never presumed to interfere in that prerogative1 till the time of the great rebellion1 when they usurped the government of all the king's other dominions1 ,ireland1 ,scotland1 c4 ,the colonies that held for the king1 they conquered by force of arms1 and governed afterwards as conquered countries2 but ,new ,england1 having not opposed the parliament1 was considered and treated as a sister-kingdom1 in amity with ,england 7as appears by the ,journals1 ,march #aj1 #afdb47 #ast4 ,will not a repeal of all the duties 7that on tea excepted1 which was before paid here on exportation1 and of course no new imposition7 fully satisfy the colonists8 ,answer1 ,i think not4 #b;d4 ,your reasons for that opinion8 ,a4 ,because it is not the sum paid in that duty on tea that is complained of as a burden1 but the principle of the act1 expressed in the preamble1 viz4 ,that those duties were laid for the better support of government1 and the administration of justice in the colonies#ii4 ,this the colonists think unnecessary1 unjust1 and dangerous to their most important rights4 ,unnecessary1 because in all the colonies 7two or three new ones excepted#ajj7 government and the administration of justice were1 and always had been1 well supported without any charge to ,britain3 unjust1 as it has made such colonies liable to pay such charge for others1 in which they had no concern or interest3 dangerous1 as such mode of raising money for those purposes tended to render their assemblies useless2 for if a revenue could be raised in the colonies for all the purposes of government by act of parliament1 without grants from the people there1 governors1 who do not generally love assemblies1 would never call them2 they would be laid aside2 and when nothing should depend on the people's good-will to government1 their rights would be trampled on2 they would be treated with contempt4 ,another reason1 why ,i think they would not be satisfied with such a partial repeal1 is that their agreements1 not to import till the repeal takes place1 include the whole2 which shows1 that they object to the whole2 and those agreements will continue binding on them1 if the whole is not repealed4 #c;d4 ,do you think the only effectual way of composing the present differences is to put the ,americans precisely in the situation they were in before the passing of the late stamp act8 ,a4 ,i think so4 #dth4 ,your reasons for that opinion8 ,a4 ,other methods have been tried4 ,they have been refused or rebuked in angry letters4 ,their petitions have been refused or rejected by parliament4 ,they have been threatened with the punishments of treason by resolves of both houses4 ,their assemblies have been dissolved and troops have been sent among them3 but all these ways have only exasperated their minds and widened the breach4 ,their agreements to use no more ,british manufactures have been strengthened2 and these measures1 instead of composing differences1 and promoting a good correspondence1 have almost annihilated your commerce with those countries1 and greatly endanger the national peace and general welfare4 #eth4 ,if this last method is deemed by the legislature1 and his majesty's ministers1 to be repugnant to their duty as guardians of the just rights of the crown1 and of their fellow-subjects2 can you suggest any other way of terminating these disputes1 consistent with the ideas of justice and propriety conceived by the king's subjects on both sides the ,atlantic8 ,a4 ,i do not see how that method can be deemed repugnant to the rights of the crown4 ,if the ,americans are put into their former situation1 it must be an act of parliament2 in the passing of which by the king1 the rights of the crown are exercised1 not infringed4 ,it is indifferent to the crown1 whether the aids received from ,america are granted by parliament here1 or by the assemblies there1 provided the quantum be the same2 and it is my opinion1 that more will be generally granted there voluntarily1 than can ever be exacted or collected from thence by authority of parliament4 ,as to the rights of fellow-subjects 7,i suppose you mean the people of ,britain7 ,i cannot conceive how those will be infringed by that method4 ,they will still enjoy the right of granting their own money1 and may still1 if it pleases them1 keep up their claim to the right of granting ours2 a right they can never exercise properly1 for want of a sufficient knowledge of us1 our circumstances and abilities 7to say nothing of the little likelihood there is that we should ever submit to it7 therefore a right that can be of no good use to them2 and we shall continue to enjoy in fact the right of granting our money1 with the opinion1 now universally prevailing among us1 that we are free subjects of the king1 and that fellow-subjects of one part of his dominions are not sovereigns over fellow-subjects in any other part4 ,if the subjects on the different sides of the ,atlantic have different and opposite ideas of justice and propriety1 no one method can possibly be consistent with both4 ,the best will be1 to let each enjoy their own opinions1 without disturbing them1 when they do not interfere with the common good4 #fth4 ,and if this method were actually allowed1 do you not think it would encourage the violent and factious part of the colonists1 to aim at still farther concessions from the mother-country8 ,a4 ,i do not think it would4 ,there may be a few among them that deserve the name of factious and violent1 as there are in all countries2 but these would have little influence1 if the great majority of sober reasonable people were satisfied4 ,if any colony should happen to think1 that some of your regulations of trade are inconvenient to the general interest of the empire1 or prejudicial to them without being beneficial to you1 they will state these matters to parliament in petitions as heretofore2 but will1 ,i believe1 take no violent steps to obtain what they may hope for in time from the wisdom of government here4 ,i know of nothing else they can have in view3 the notion that prevails here1 of their being desirous to set up a kingdom or commonwealth of their own1 is to my certain knowledge entirely groundless4 ,i therefore think1 that on a total repeal of all duties1 laid expressly for the purpose of raising a revenue on the people of ,america without their consent1 the present uneasiness would subside2 the agreements not to import would be dissolved2 and the commerce flourish as heretofore2 and ,i am confirmed in this sentiment by all the letters ,i have received from ,america1 and by the opinions of all the sensible people who have lately come from thence1 crown-officers excepted4 ,i know1 indeed1 that the people of ,boston are grievously offended by the quartering of troops among them1 as they think1 contrary to law1 and are very angry with the board of commissioners1 who have calumniated them to government2 but as ,i suppose the withdrawing of those troops may be a consequence of reconciliating measures taking place2 and that the commission also will be either dissolved1 if found useless1 or filled with more temperate and prudent men1 if still deemed useful and necessary2 ,i do not imagine these particulars would prevent a return of the harmony so much to be wished#aja4 #gth4 ,if they are relieved in part only1 what do you1 as a reasonable and dispassionate man1 and an equal friend to both sides1 imagine will be the probable consequence8 ,a4 ,i imagine1 that repealing the offensive duties in part will answer no end to this country2 the commerce will remain obstructed1 and the ,americans go on with their schemes of frugality1 industry1 and manufactures1 to their own great advantage4 ,how much that may tend to the prejudice of ,britain1 ,i cannot say2 perhaps not so much as some apprehend1 since she may in time find new markets4 ,but ,i think1 if the union of the two countries continues to subsist1 it will not hurt the general interest2 for whatever wealth ,britain loses by the failing of its trade with the colonies1 ,america will gain2 and the crown will receive equal aids from its subjects upon the whole1 if not greater4 ,and now ,i have answered your questions1 as to what may be1 in my opinion1 the consequences of this or that supposed measure1 ,i will go a little further1 and tell you1 what ,i fear is more likely to come to pass in reality4 ,i apprehend1 that the ministry1 at least the ,american part of it1 being fully persuaded of the right of parliament1 think it ought to be enforced1 whatever may be the consequences2 and at the same time do not believe1 there is even now any abatement of the trade between the two countries on account of these disputes2 or that if there is1 it is small1 and cannot long continue4 ,they are assured by the crown-officers in ,america1 that manufactures are impossible there2 that the discontented are few1 and persons of little consequence2 that almost all the people of property and importance are satisfied1 and disposed to submit quietly to the taxing power of parliament2 and that1 if the revenue-acts are continued1 and those duties only that are called anti-commercial be repealed1 and others perhaps laid in their stead1 the power ere long will be patiently submitted to1 and the agreements not to import be broken1 when they are found to produce no change of measures here4 ,from these and similar misinformations1 which seem to be credited1 ,i think it likely1 that no thorough redress of grievances will be afforded to ,america this session4 ,this may inflame matters still more in that country2 farther rash measures there may create more resentment here1 that may produce not merely ill-advised dissolutions of their assemblies1 as last year1 but attempts to dissolve their constitution#ajb2 more troops may be sent over1 which will create more uneasiness2 to justify the measures of government1 your writers will revile the ,americans in your newspapers1 as they have already begun to do1 treating them as miscreants1 rogues1 dastards1 rebels1 c4 to alienate the minds of the people here from them1 and which will tend farther to diminish their affections to this country4 ,possibly too1 some of their warm patriots may be distracted enough to expose themselves by some mad action to be sent for hither1 and government here be indiscreet enough to hang them1 on the act of ,henry ,,viii#ajc4 ,mutual provocations will thus go on to complete the separation2 and instead of that cordial affection1 that once and so long existed1 and that harmony1 so suitable to the circumstances1 and so necessary to the happiness1 strength1 safety1 and welfare of both countries1 an implacable malice and mutual hatred1 such as we now see subsisting between the ,spaniards and ,portuguese1 the ,genoese and ,corsicans1 from the same original misconduct in the superior governments1 will take place3 the sameness of nation1 the similarity of religion1 manners1 and language not in the least preventing in our case1 more than it did in theirs4--,i hope1 however1 that this may all prove false prophecy1 and that you and ,i may live to see as sincere and perfect a friendship established between our respective countries1 as has so many years subsisted between ,mr4 ,strahan1 and his truly affectionate old friend1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnotes3 #ii ,men may lose little property by an act which takes away all their freedom4 ,when a man is robbed of a trifle on the highway1 it is not the two-pence lost that makes the capital outrage4 ,would twenty shillings have ruined ,mr4 ,hampden's fortune8 ,no6 but the payment of half twenty shillings1 on the principle it was demanded1 would have made him a slave4 ,see ,mr4 ,burke's speeches in #aggd and #agge4 ,b4 ,v4 #ajj ,nova ,scotia1 ,georgia1 the ,floridas1 and ,canada4 ,b4 ,v4 #aja ,the opposition to ,lord ,rockingham's administration says ,lord ,chesterfield1 are for taking vigorous1 as they call them1 but ,i call them violent measures2 not less than les dragonades2 and to have the tax collected by the troops we have there4 ,for my part1 ,i never saw a forward child mended by whipping3 and ,i would not have the mother become a step-mother4 ,letter1 ,no4 #cfj4 ,is it a certain maxim1 pleads ,mr4 ,burke1 that the fewer causes of dissatisfaction are left by government1 the more the subject will be inclined to resist and rebel8 ,i confess ,i do not feel the least alarm from the discontents which are to arise from putting people at their ease4 ,nor do ,i apprehend the destruction of this empire1 from giving1 by an act of free grace and indulgence1 to two millions of my fellow-citizens1 some share of those rights1 upon which ,i have always been taught to value myself4 ,speeches in #aggd and #agge4 ,b4 ,v4 #ajb ,this was afterwards attempted by the ,british legislature1 in the case of the ,massachusett's ,bay4 ,b4 ,v4 #ajc ,the lords and commons very prudently concurred in an address for this purpose1 and the king graciously assured them of his compliance with their wishes4 ,b4 ,v4 ,state of the ,constitution of the ,colonies1 by ,governor ,pownall#ajd2 with ,remarks by ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,,principles4 #a4 ,wherever any ,englishmen go forth without the realm1 and make settlements in partibus exteris1 ,these settlements as ,english settlements1 and these inhabitants as ,english subjects 7carrying with them the laws of the land wherever they form colonies1 and receiving his majesty's protection by virtue of his royal charter#aje or commissions of government7 have and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects1 to all intents constructions and purposes whatsoever1 as if they and every of them were born within the realm#ajf2 and are bound by the like allegiance as every other subject of the realm4 ,remarks4 ,the settlers of colonies in ,america did not carry with them the laws of the land1 as being bound by them wherever they should settle4 ,they left the realm to avoid the inconveniences and hardships they were under1 where some of those laws were in force1 particularly ecclesiastical laws1 those for payment of tythes and others4 ,had it been understood1 that they were to carry these laws with them1 they had better have staid at home among their friends1 unexposed to the risques and toils of a new settlement4 ,they carried with them1 a right to such parts of the laws of the land1 as they should judge advantageous or useful to them2 a right to be free from those they thought hurtful2 and a right to make such others1 as they should think necessary1 not infringing the general rights of ,englishmen3 and such new laws they were to form1 as agreeable as might be to the laws of ,england4 ,b4 ,f4 #b4 ,therefore the common law of ,england1 and all such statutes as were enacted and in force at the time in which such settlers went forth1 and such colonies and plantations were established1 7except as hereafter excepted7 together with all such alterations and amendments as the said common law may have received1 is from time to time1 and at all times1 the law of those colonies and plantations4 ,rem4 ,so far as they adopt it1 by express laws or by practice4 ,b4 ,f4 #c4 ,therefore all statutes1 touching the right of the succession1 and settlement of the crown1 with the statutes of treason relating thereto#ajg2 all statutes1 regulating or limiting the general powers and authority of the crown1 and the exercise of the jurisdiction thereof2 all statutes1 declaratory of the rights and liberty of the subject1 do extend to all ,british subjects in the colonies and plantations as of common right1 and as if they and every of them were born within the realm4 ,rem4 ,it is doubted1 whether any settlement of the crown by parliament1 takes place in the colonies1 otherwise than by consent of the assemblies there4 ,had the rebellion in #agde succeeded so far as to settle the ,stuart family again on the throne1 by act of parliament1 ,i think the colonies would not have thought themselves bound by such act4 ,they would still have adhered to the present family as long as they could4 ,b4 ,f4 ,observation in reply4 ,they are bound to the king and his successors1 and we know no succession but by act of parliament4 ,t4 ,p4 #d4 ,all statutes enacted since the establishment of colonies and plantations do extend to and operate within the said colonies and plantations1 in which statutes the same are specially named4 ,rem4 ,it is doubted1 whether any act of parliament should of right operate in the colonies3 in fact several of than have and do operate4 ,b4 ,f4 #e4 ,statutes and customs1 which respect only the special and local circumstances of the realm1 do not extend to and operate within said colonies and plantations1 where no such special and local circumstances are found4--7,thus the ecclesiastical and canon law1 and all statutes respecting tythes1 the laws respecting courts baron and copyholds1 the game acts1 the statutes respecting the poor and settlements1 and all other laws and statutes1 having special reference to special and local circumstances and establishments within the realm1 do not extend to and operate within these settlements1 in partibus exteris1 where no such circumstances or establishments exist47 ,rem4 ,these laws have no force in ,america3 not merely because local circumstances differ1 but because they have never been adopted1 or brought over by acts of assembly or by practice in the courts4 ,b4 ,f4 #f4 ,no statutes made since the establishment of said colonies and plantations 7except as above described in articles #c and #d7 do extend to and operate within said colonies and plantations4 ,query4--,would any statute made since the establishment of said colonies and plantations1 which statute imported1 to annul and abolish the powers and jurisdictions of their respective constitutions of government1 where the same was not contrary to the laws1 or any otherwise forfeited or abated2 or which statute imported1 to take away1 or did take away1 the rights and privileges of the settlers1 as ,british subjects3 would such statute1 as of right1 extend to and operate within said colonies and plantations8 ,answer4 ,no4 ,the parliament has no such power4 ,the charters cannot be altered but by consent of both parties--the king and the colonies4 ,b4 ,f4 ,,corollaries ,,from ,,the ,,foregoing ,,principles4 ,upon the matters of fact1 right and law1 as above stated1 it is1 that the ,british subjects thus settled in partibus exteris without the realm1 so long as they are excluded from an intire union with the realm as parts of and within the same1 have a right to have 7as they have7 and to be governed by 7as they are7 a distinct intire civil government1 of the like powers1 pre-eminences and jurisdictions 7conformable to the like rights1 privileges1 immunities1 franchises1 and civil liberties7 as are to be found and are established in the ,british government1 respecting the ,british subject within the realm4 ,rem4 ,right4 ,b4 ,f4 ,hence also it is1 that the rights of the subject1 as declared in the petition of right1 that the limitation of prerogative by the act for abolishing the star-chamber and for regulating the privy-council1 c4 that the habeas corpus act1 the statute of frauds1 the bill of rights1 do of common right extend to and are in force within said colonies and plantations4 ,rem4 ,several of these rights are established by special colony laws4 ,if any are not yet so established1 the colonies have right to such laws3 and the covenant having been made in the charters by the king1 for himself and his successors1 such laws ought to receive the royal assent as of right4 ,b4 ,f4 ,hence it is1 that the freeholders within the precincts of these jurisdictions have 7as of right they ought to have7 a share in the power of making those laws which they are to be governed by1 by the right which they have of sending their representatives to act for them and to consent for them in all matters of legislation1 which representatives1 when met in general assembly1 have1 together with the crown1 a right to perform and do all the like acts respecting the matters1 things and rights within the precincts of their jurisdiction1 as the parliament hath respecting the realm and ,british dominions4 ,hence also it is1 that all the executive offices 7from the supreme civil magistrate1 as locum tenens to the king1 down to that of constable and head-borough7 must of right be established with all and the like powers1 neither more nor less than as defined by the constitution and law1 as in fact they are established4 ,hence it is1 that the judicial offices and courts of justice1 established within the precincts of said jurisdictions1 have1 as they ought of right to have1 all those jurisdictions and powers as fully and amply to all intents and purposes whatsoever1 as the courts of king's bench1 common pleas1 and exchequer1 within his majesty's kingdom of ,england1 have1 and ought to have1 and are empowered to give judgment and award execution thereupon#ajh4 ,hence it is1 that by the possession enjoyment and exercise of his majesty's great seal1 delivered to his majesty's governor1 there is established within the precincts of the respective jurisdictions all the same and like powers of chancery 7except where by charters specially excluded7 as his majesty's chancellor within his majesty's kingdom of ,england hath1 and of right ought to have1 by delivery of the great seal of ,england4--,and hence it is1 that all the like rights1 privileges and powers1 follow the use1 exercise and application of the great seal of each colony and plantation within the precincts of said jurisdiction1 as doth1 and ought of right to follow the use1 exercise1 and application of the great seal4 ,hence also it is1 that appeals in real actions1 whereby the lands1 tenements1 and hereditaments of ,british subjects may be drawn into question and disposed of#aji1 do not lie1 as of right and by law they ought not to lie1 to the king in council4 ,hence also it is1 that there is not any law now in being1 whereby the subject within said colonies and plantations can be removed#aaj from the jurisdiction to which he is amenable in all his right1 and through which his service and allegiance must be derived to the crown1 and from which no appeal lies in criminal causes1 so as that such subject may become amenable to a jurisdiction foreign to his natural and legal resiancy2 to which he may be thereby transported1 and under which he may be brought to trial and receive judgment1 contrary to the rights and privileges of the subject1 as declared by the spirit and intent and especially by the #afth of the habeas corpus act4 ,and if the person of any subject within the said colonies and plantations should be seized or detained by any power issuing from any court1 without the jurisdiction of the colony where he then had his legal resiancy1 it would become the duty of the courts of justice within such colony 7it is undoubtedly of their jurisdiction so to do7 to issue the writ of habeas corpus#aaa4 ,hence also it is1 that in like manner as the command and disposition of the militia1 and of all forces by sea and land1 and of all forts and places of strength1 is1 and by the laws of ,england ever was1 the undoubted right of his majesty and his royal predecessors1 kings and queens of ,england1 within all his majesty's realms and dominions#aab1 in like manner as the supreme military power and command 7so far as the constitution knows of and will justify its establishment7 is inseparably annexed to1 and forms an essential part of the office of supreme civil magistrate1 the office of king3 in like manner1 in all governments under the king1 where the constituents are ,british subjects and of full and perfect right entitled to the ,british laws and constitution1 the supreme military command within the precincts of such jurisdictions must be inseparably annexed to the office of supreme civil magistrate1 7his majesty's regent1 vice-regent1 lieutenant1 or locum tenens1 in what form soever established7 so that the king cannot1 by any#aac commission of regency1 by any commission or charter of government1 separate or withdraw the supreme command of the military from the office of supreme civil magistrate--either by reserving this command in his own hands1 to be exercised and executed independent of the civil power2 or by granting a distinct commission to any military commander in chief1 so to be exercised and executed2 but more especially not within such jurisdictions where such supreme military power 7so far as the constitution knows and will justify the same7 is already annexed and granted to the office of supreme civil magistrate4--,and hence it is1 that the king cannot erect or establish any law martial or military command1 by any commission which may supersede and not be subject to the supreme civil magistrate1 within the respective precincts of the civil jurisdictions of said colonies and plantations1 otherwise than in such manner as the said law martial and military commissions are annexed or subject to the supreme civil jurisdiction within his majesty's realms and dominions of ,great ,britain and ,ireland2 and hence it is1 that the establishment and exercise of such commands and commissions would be illegal#aad4 ,rem4 ,the king has the command of all military force in his dominions3 but in every distinct state of his dominions there should be the consent of the parliament or assembly 7the representative body7 to the raising and keeping up such military force4 ,he cannot even raise troops and quarter them in another1 without the consent of that other4 ,he cannot of right bring troops raised in ,ireland and quarter them in ,britain1 but with the consent of the parliament of ,britain3 nor carry to ,ireland and quarter there1 soldiers raised in ,britain1 without the consent of the ,irish parliament1 unless in time of war and cases of extreme exigency4--,in #agef1 when the ,speaker went up to present the money-bills1 he said among other things1 that ,england was capable of fighting her own battles and defending herself2 and although ever attached to your majesty's person1 ever at ease under your just government1 they cannot forbear taking notice of some circumstances in the present situation of affairs1 which nothing but the confidence in your justice could hinder from alarming their most serious apprehensions4 ,subsidies to foreign princes1 when already burthened with a debt scarce to be borne1 cannot but be severely felt4 ,an army of foreign troops1 a thing unprecedented1 unheard of1 unknown1 brought into ,england1 cannot but alarm1 c4 c4 7,see the ,speech47 ,n4 ,b4 ,these foreign troops were part of the king's subjects1 ,hanoverians1 and all in his service1 which the same thing as99999999 ,b4 ,f4 ,,footnotes3 #ajd ,this ,state of the ,constitution of the ,colonies was printed at the close of #agfi1 and communicated to various persons1 with a view to prevent mischief1 from the misunderstandings between the government of ,great ,britain and the people of ,america4 ,i have taken the liberty of ascribing it to governor ,pownall1 as his name could have been no secret at the time4 ,dr4 ,franklin's remarks 7which from their early date are the more curious7 are in manuscript1 and from an observation in reply signed ,t4 ,p4 appear to have been communicated to governor ,pownall4 ,b4 ,v4 #aje ,pratt and ,york4 #ajf ,general words in all charters4 #ajg i4 e4 ,all statutes respecting the general relation between the crown and the subject1 not such as respect any particular or peculiar establishment of the realm of ,england4 ,as for instance3 by the #acth and #adth of ,car4 ,,ii4 c4 #b1 the supreme military power is declared to be in general1 without limitation1 in his majesty1 and to have always been of right annexed to the office of king of ,england1 throughout all his majesty's realms and dominions2 yet the enacting clause1 which respects only the peculiar establishment of the militia of ,england1 extends to the realm of ,england only3 so that the supreme military power of the crown in all other his majesty's realms and dominions stands1 as to this statute1 on the basis of its general power1 unlimited4 ,however1 the several legislatures of his majesty's kingdom of ,ireland1 of his dominions of ,virginia1 and of the several colonies and plantations in ,america1 have1 by laws to which the king hath given his consent1 operating within the precincts of their several jurisdictions1 limited the powers of it and regulated the exercise thereof4 #ajh ,law in ,new ,england1 confirmed by the crown1 ,oct4 #bb1 #agjj4 #aji #afth ,car4 ,i4 c4 #aj4 #aaj ,the case of the court erected by act of parliament #aa and #abth of ,william ,,iii4 c4 #g1 7since the enacting of the habeas corpus act7 for the trial of piracies1 felonies and robberies committed in or upon the sea1 or in any haven1 river1 creek or place where the admiral has jurisdiction1 does no way affect this position3 nor doth the #ad of the said statute1 directing that the commissioners1 of whom such court consists1 may issue their warrant for apprehending such pirates1 c4 in order to their being tried in the colonies1 or sent into ,england1 any way militate with the doctrine here laid down3 nor can it be applied as the case of a jurisdiction actually existing1 which supersedes the jurisdictions of the courts in the colonies and plantations1 and as what authorises the taking the accused of such piracies c4 from those jurisdictions1 and the sending such so taken to ,england for trial4--,it cannot be applied as a case similar and in point to the application of an act of parliament 7passed in the #ceth of ,henry ,,viii4 concerning the trial of treasons7 lately recommended in order to the sending persons accused of committing crimes in the plantations to ,england for trial3 because this act of the #aath and #abth of ,william1 c4 #g1 respects crimes committed in places1 where the admiral has jurisdiction1 and cases to which the jurisdiction of those provincial courts do not extend4 ,in the case of treasons committed within the jurisdiction of the colonies and plantations1 there are courts competent to try such crimes and to give judgment thereupon1 where the trials of such are regulated by laws to which the king hath given his consent3 from which there lies no appeal1 and wherein the king hath given power and instruction to his governor as to execution or respite of judgment4 ,the said act of ,henry ,,viii1 which provides remedy for a case which supposes the want of due legal jurisdiction1 cannot be any way1 or by any rule1 applied to a case where there is due legal and competent jurisdiction4 #aaa ,the referring to an old act made for the trial of treasons committed out of the realm1 by such persons as had no legal resiancy but within the realm1 and who were of the realm1 applying the purview of that statute1 which was made to bring subjects of the realm who had committed treason out of the realm 7where there was no criminal jurisdiction to which they could be amenable7 to trial within the realm1 under that criminal jurisdiction to which alone by their legal resiancy and allegiance they were amenable2 applying this to the case of subjects whose legal resiancy is without the realm1 and who are by that resiancy and their allegiance amenable to a jurisdiction authorized and empowered to try and give judgment upon all capital offences whatsoever without appeal2 thus applying this statute so as to take up a proceeding1 for which there is no legal process either by common or statute law as now established1 but in defiance of which there is a legal process established by the habeas corpus act2----would be1 to disfranchise the subject in ,america of those rights and liberties which by statute and common law he is now entitled to4 #aab #acth and #adth ,car4 ,,ii4 c4 #b4 #aac ,if the king was to absent himself for a time from the realm1 and did as usual leave a regency in his place1 7his locum tenens as supreme civil magistrate7 could he authorize and commission any military commander in chief to command the militia forts and forces1 independent of such regency8 ,could he do this in ,ireland8 ,could he do this in the colonies and plantations1 where the governor is already1 by commission or charter or both under the great seal1 military commander in chief1 as part of 7and inseparably annexed to7 the office of supreme civil magistrate1 his majesty's locum tenens within said jurisdictions8 ,if he could1 then1 while openly1 by patent according to law1 he appeared to establish a free ,british constitution1 he might by a fallacy establish a military power and government4 #aad ,governor ,p4 accompanied this paper to ,dr4 ,f4 with a sort of prophetic remark4 ,after stating1 that these theorems1 and their application to existing cases1 were intended to remedy the prejudice1 indigestion1 indecision and errors1 then prevailing either in opinions or conduct2 he adds1 the very attention to the investigation may lead to the discovery of some truths respecting the whole ,british empire1 then little thought of and scarce even suspected1 and which perhaps it would not be prudent at this time to mark and point out4--,the minister however judged the discussion of dubious rights over growing states1 a better policy than possession1 discretion and silence2 he turned civilian1 and lost an empire4 ,b4 ,v4 ,,to ,,mr4 ,,dubourg4 ,concerning the ,dissentions between ,england and ,america4#aae ,london1 ,october #b1 #aggj4 ,i see with pleasure that we think pretty much alike on the subjects of ,english ,america4 ,we of the colonies have never insisted1 that we ought to be exempt from contributing to the common expences necessary to support the prosperity of the empire4 ,we only assert1 that having parliaments of our own1 and not having representatives in that of ,great ,britain1 our parliaments are the only judges of what we can and what we ought to contribute in this case2 and that the ,english parliament has no right to take our money without our consent4 ,in fact1 the ,british empire is not a single state2 it comprehends many2 and though the parliament of ,great ,britain has arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies1 it has no more right to do so1 than it has to tax ,hanover4 ,we have the same king1 but not the same legislatures4 ,the dispute between the two countries has already cost ,england many millions sterling1 which it has lost in its commerce1 and ,america has in this respect been a proportionable gainer4 ,this commerce consisted principally of superfluities2 objects of luxury and fashion1 which we can well do without2 and the resolution we have formed1 of importing no more till our grievances are redressed1 has enabled many of our infant manufactures to take root2 and it will not be easy to make our people abandon them in future1 even should a connection more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles4 ,i have indeed no doubt1 that the parliament of ,england will finally abandon its present pretensions1 and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of our rights and privileges4 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #aae ,re-translated from the ,french edition of ,dr4 ,franklin's works4 ,editor4 ,a ,prussian ,edict1 assuming ,claims over ,britain4 ,dantzick1 ,sept4 #e1 #aggc4aaf ,we have long wondered here at the supineness of the ,english nation1 under the ,prussian impositions upon its trade entering our port4 ,we did not1 till lately1 know the claims1 ancient and modern1 that hang over that nation1 and therefore could not suspect1 that it might submit to those impositions from a sense of duty1 or from principles of equity4 ,the following edict1 just made public1 may1 if serious1 throw some light upon this matter3 ,,frederick1 by the grace of ,god1 king of ,prussia c4 c4 c4 to all present and to come1#aag health4 ,the peace now enjoyed throughout our dominions1 having afforded us leisure to apply ourselves to the regulation of commerce1 the improvement of our finances1 and at the same time the easing our domestic subjects in their taxes3 for these causes1 and other good considerations us thereunto moving1 we hereby make known1 that1 after having deliberated these affairs in our council1 present our dear brothers1 and other great officers of the state1 members of the same2 we1 of our certain knowledge1 full power1 and authority royal1 have made and issued this present edict1 viz4 ,whereas it is well known to all the world1 that the first ,german settlements made in the island of ,britain1 were by colonies of people1 subjects to our renowned ducal ancestors1 and drawn from their dominions1 under the conduct of ,hengist1 ,horsa1 ,hella1 ,uffa1 ,cerdicus1 ,ida1 and others2 and that the said colonies have flourished under the protection of our august house1 for ages past1 have never been emancipated therefrom1 and yet have hitherto yielded little profit to the same3 and whereas we ourself have in the last war fought for and defended the said colonies1 against the power of ,france1 and thereby enabled them to make conquests from the said power in ,america1 for which we have not yet received adequate compensation3 and whereas it is just and expedient that a revenue should be raised from the said colonies in ,britain towards our indemnification2 and that those who are descendants of our ancient subjects1 and thence still owe us due obedience1 should contribute to the replenishing of our royal coffers3 7as they must have done1 had their ancestors remained in the territories now to us appertaining7 we do therefore hereby ordain and command1 that1 from and after the date of these presents1 there shall be levied and paid to our officers of the customs1 on all goods1 wares1 and merchandizes1 and on all grain and other produce of the earth1 exported from the said island of ,britain1 and on all goods of whatever kind imported into the same1 a duty of four and a half per cent ad valorem1 for the use of us and our successors4--,and that the said duty may more effectually be collected1 we do hereby ordain1 that all ships or vessels bound from ,great ,britain to any other part of the world1 or from any other part of the world to ,great ,britain1 shall in their respective voyages touch at our port of ,koningsberg1 there to be unladen1 searched1 and charged with the said duties4 ,and whereas there hath been from time to time discovered in the said island of ,great ,britain1 by our colonists there1 many mines or beds of iron-stone2 and sundry subjects of our ancient dominion1 skilful in converting the said stone into metal1 have in time past transported themselves thither1 carrying with them and communicating that art2 and the inhabitants of the said island1 presuming that they had a natural right to make the best use they could of the natural productions of their country1 for their own benefit1 have not only built furnaces for smelting the said stone into iron1 but have erected plating-forges1 slitting-mills1 and steel-furnaces1 for the more convenient manufacturing of the same1 thereby endangering a diminution of the said manufacture in our ancient dominion2 we do therefore hereby farther ordain1 that1 from and after the date hereof1 no mill or other engine for slitting or rolling of iron1 or any plating-forge to work with a tilt-hammer1 or any furnace for making steel1 shall be erected or continued in the said island of ,great ,britain3 and the lord lieutenant of every county in the said island is hereby commanded1 on information of any such erection within his county1 to order1 and by force to cause the same to be abated and destroyed1 as he shall answer the neglect thereof to us at his peril4 ,but we are nevertheless graciously pleased to permit the inhabitants of the said island to transport their iron into ,prussia1 there to be manufactured1 and to them returned1 they paying our ,prussian subjects for the workmanship1 with all the costs of commission1 freight1 and risk1 coming and returning2 any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding4 ,we do not1 however1 think fit to extend this our indulgence to the article of wool2 but meaning to encourage not only the manufacturing of woollen cloth1 but also the raising of wool in our ancient dominions1 and to prevent both1 as much as may be1 in our said island1 we do hereby absolutely forbid the transportation of wool from thence even to the mother-country1 ,prussia3 and that those islanders may be farther and more effectually restrained in making any advantage of their own wool1 in the way of manufacture1 we command1 that none shall be carried out of one country into another2 nor shall any worsted1 bay1 or woollen-yarn1 cloth1 says1 bays1 kerseys1 serges1 frizes1 druggets1 cloth-serges1 shalloons1 or any other drapery stuffs or woollen manufactures whatsoever1 made up or mixed with wool in any of the said counties1 be carried into any other county1 or be water-borne even across the smallest river or creek1 on penalty of forfeiture of the same1 together1 with the boats1 carriages1 horses1 c4 that shall be employed in removing them4--,nevertheless1 our loving subjects there are hereby permitted 7if they think proper7 to use all their wool as manure1 for the improvement of their lands4 ,and whereas the art and mystery of making hats hath arrived at great perfection in ,prussia1 and the making of hats by our remoter subjects ought to be as much as possible restrained3 and forasmuch as the islanders before mentioned1 being in possession of wool1 beaver1 and other furs1 have presumptuously conceived they had a right to make some advantage thereof1 by manufacturing the same into hats1 to the prejudice of our domestic manufacture3 we do therefore hereby strictly command and ordain1 that no hats or felts whatsoever1 dyed or undyed1 finished or unfinished1 shall be loaden or put into or upon any vessel1 cart1 carriage1 or horse1 to be transported or conveyed out of one county in the said island into another county1 or to any other place whatsoever1 by any person or persons whatsoever1 on pain of forfeiting the same1 with a penalty of five hundred pounds sterling for every offence4 ,nor shall any hat-maker in any of the said counties employ more than two apprentices1 on penalty of five pounds sterling per month3 we intending hereby that such hat-makers1 being so restrained1 both in the production and sale of their commodity1 may find no advantage in continuing their business4 ,but1 lest the said islanders should suffer inconveniency by the want of hats1 we are farther graciously pleased to permit them to send their beaver furs to ,prussia1 and we also permit hats made thereof to be exported from ,prussia to ,britain2 the people thus favored to pay all costs and charges of manufacturing1 interest1 commission to our merchants1 insurance and freight going and returning1 as in the case of iron4 ,and lastly1 being willing farther to favour our said colonies in ,britain1 we do hereby also ordain and command1 that all the thieves1 highway and street robbers1 housebreakers1 forgerers1 murderers1 s--d--tes1 and villains of every denomination1 who have forfeited their lives to the law in ,prussia1 but whom we1 in our great clemency1 do not think fit here to hang1 shall be emptied out of our gaols into the said island of ,great ,britain1 for the better peopling of that country4 ,we flatter ourselves1 that these our royal regulations and commands will be thought just and reasonable by our much-favoured colonists in ,england2 the said regulations being copied from their statutes of #aj and #aa ,will4 ,,iii4 c4 #aj4--e ,geo4 ,,ii4 c4 #bb4--bc ,geo4 ,,ii4 c4 #bi4--d ,geo4 ,i4 c4 #aa4 and from other equitable laws made by their parliaments1 or from instructions given by their princes1 or from resolutions of both houses1 entered into for the good government of their own colonies in ,ireland and ,america4 ,and all persons in the said island are hereby cautioned1 not to oppose in any wise the execution of this our edict1 or any part thereof1 such opposition being high-treason2 of which all who are suspected shall be transported in fetters from ,britain to ,prussia1 there to be tried and executed according to the ,prussian law4 ,such is our pleasure4 ,given at ,potsdam1 this twenty-fifth day of the month of ,august1 one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three1 and in the thirty-third year of our reign4 ,by the king1 in his council4 ,,rechtm,,ssig1 ,sec4 ,some take this edict to be merely one of the king's jeux d'esprit3 others suppose it serious1 and that he means a quarrel with ,england3 but all here think the assertion it concludes with1 that these regulations are copied from acts of the ,english parliament respecting their colonies1 a very injurious one2 it being impossible to believe1 that a people distinguished for their love of liberty2 a nation so wise1 so liberal in its sentiments1 so just and equitable towards its neighbours1 should1 from mean and injudicious views of petty immediate profit1 treat its own children in a manner so arbitrary and tyrannical6 ,,footnotes3 #aaf ,this intelligence extraordinary1 ,i believe1 first appeared in the ,public ,advertiser4 ,i have reprinted it from a copy which ,i found in the ,gentleman's ,magazine4 ,b4 ,v4 #aag ,a tous presens et venir4 ,,original4 ,preface by the ,british ,editor ,dr4 ,franklin to ,the ,votes and ,proceedings of the ,freeholders1 and other ,inhabitants of the ,town of ,boston1 in ,town-,meeting assembled according to ,law 7published by ,order of the ,town71 c#aah4 ,all accounts of the discontent1 so general in our colonies1 have of late years been industriously smothered and concealed here1 it seeming to suit the views of the ,american minister#aai to have it understood1 that by his great abilities1 all faction was subdued1 all opposition suppressed1 and the whole country quieted4 ,that the true state of affairs there may be known1 and the true causes of that discontent well understood1 the following piece 7not the production of a private writer1 but the unanimous act of a large ,american city7 lately printed in ,new ,england1 is republished here4 ,this nation1 and the other nations of ,europe1 may thereby learn1 with more certainty1 the grounds of a dissention1 that possibly may1 sooner or later1 have consequences interesting to them all4 ,the colonies had1 from their first settlement1 been governed with more ease than perhaps can be equalled by any instance in history of dominions so distant4 ,their affection and respect for this country1 while they were treated with kindness1 produced an almost implicit obedience to the instructions of the prince1 and even to acts of the ,british parliament1 though the right of binding them by a legislature1 in which they were unrepresented1 was never clearly understood4 ,that respect and affection produced a partiality in favour of every thing that was ,english2 whence their preference of ,english modes and manufactures2 their submission to restraints on the importation of foreign goods1 which they had but little desire to use2 and the monopoly we so long enjoyed of their commerce1 to the great enriching of our merchants and artificers4 ,the mistaken policy of the stamp act first disturbed this happy situation2 but the flame thereby raised was soon extinguished by its repeal1 and the old harmony restored1 with all its concomitant advantage to our commerce4 ,the subsequent act of another administration1 which1 not content with an established exclusion of foreign manufactures1 began to make our own merchandize dearer to the consumers there by heavy duties1 revived it again2 and combinations were entered into throughout the continent1 to stop trading with ,britain till those duties should be repealed4 ,all were accordingly repealed but one--the duty on tea4 ,this was reserved 7professedly so7 as a standing claim and exercise of the right1 assumed by parliament1 of laying such duties#abj4 ,the colonies1 on this repeal1 retracted their agreement1 so far as related to all other goods1 except that on which the duty was retained4 ,this was trumpeted here by the minister for the colonies as a triumph2 there it was considered only as a decent and equitable measure1 showing a willingness to meet the mother-country in every advance towards a reconciliation2 and this disposition to a good understanding was so prevalent1 that possibly they might soon have relaxed in the article of tea also4 ,but the system of commissioners of customs1 officers without end1 with fleets and armies for collecting and enforcing those duties1 being continued2 and these acting with much indiscretion and rashness 7giving great and unnecessary trouble and obstruction to business1 commencing unjust and vexatious suits1 and harassing commerce in all its branches1 while that minister kept the people in a constant state of irritation by instructions which appeared to have no other end than the gratifying his private resentment#aba7 occasioned a persevering adherence to their resolutions in that particular2 and the event should be a lesson to ministers1 not to risque1 through pique1 the obstructing any one branch of trade2 since the course and connection of general business may be thereby disturbed to a degree1 impossible to be foreseen or imagined4 ,for it appears1 that the colonies1 finding their humble petitions to have this duty repealed were rejected and treated with contempt1 and that the produce of the duty was applied to the rewarding1 with undeserved salaries and pensions1 every one of their enemies2 the duty itself became more odious1 and their resolution to starve it more vigorous and obstinate4 ,the ,dutch1 the ,danes1 and ,french1 took this opportunity1 thus offered them by our imprudence1 and began to smuggle their teas into the plantations4 ,at first this was something difficult2 but at length1 as all business is improved by practice1 it became easy4 ,a coast fifteen hundred miles in length could not in all parts be guarded1 even by the whole navy of ,england2 especially where their restraining authority was by all the inhabitants deemed unconstitutional1 the smuggling of course considered as patriotism4 ,the needy wretches too1 who1 with small salaries1 were trusted to watch the ports day and night1 in all weathers1 found it easier and more profitable1 not only to wink1 but to sleep in their beds2 the merchants' pay being more generous than the king's4 ,other ,india goods also1 which1 by themselves1 would not have made a smuggling voyage sufficiently profitable1 accompanied tea to advantage2 and it is feared the cheap ,french silks1 formerly rejected as not to the taste of the colonies1 may have found their way with the wares of ,india1 and now established themselves in the popular use and opinion4 ,it is supposed1 that at least a million of ,americans drink tea twice a day1 which1 at the first cost here1 can scarce be reckoned at less than half-a-guinea a head per annum4 ,this market1 that1 in the five years which have run on since the act passed1 would have paid #b1ejj1jjj guineas for tea alone into the coffers of the company1 we have wantonly lost to foreigners4 ,meanwhile it is said the duties have so diminished1 that the whole remittance of the last year amounted to no more than the pitiful sum of #hel4#abb for the expence of some hundred thousands1 in armed ships and soldiers to support the officers4 ,hence the tea1 and other ,india goods1 which might have been sold in ,america1 remain rotting in the company's warehouses#abc2 while those of foreign ports are known to be cleared by the ,american demand4 ,hence1 in some degree1 the company's inability to pay their bills2 the sinking of their stock1 by which millions of property have been annihilated2 the lowering of their dividend1 whereby so many must be distressed2 the loss to government of the stipulated #djj1jjjl4 a year#abd1 which must make a proportionable reduction in our savings towards the discharge of our enormous debt3 and hence in part the severe blow suffered by credit in general#abe1 to the ruin of many families2 the stagnation of business in ,spitalfields and at ,manchester1 through want of vent for their goods2 with other future evils1 which1 as they cannot1 from the numerous and secret connections in general commerce1 easily be foreseen1 can hardly be avoided4 ,,footnotes3 #aah ,boston printed3 ,london reprinted1 and sold by ,j4 ,wilkie1 in ,st4 ,paul's ,church-yard4 #aggc4--;,i have given the reader only the preface4 ,it is said1 that this little piece very much irritated the ministry4 ,it was their determination1 that the ,americans should receive teas only from ,great ,britain4 ,and accordingly the ,east-,india company sent out large cargoes under their protection4 ,the colonists every where refused1 either entrance1 or else permission of sale1 except at ,boston1 where1 the force of government preventing more moderate measures1 certain persons in disguise threw it into the sea4 ,the preamble of the stamp act produced the tea act2 the tea act produced violence2 violence1 acts of parliament2 acts of parliament1 a revolt4 ----,a little neglect1 says poor ,richard1 may breed great mischief3 for want of a nail the shoe was lost2 for want of a shoe the horse was lost2 for want of a horse the rider was lost2 being overtaken and slain by the enemy2 all for want of a little care about a horse-shoe nail4 ,b4 ,v4 #aai ,lord ,hilsborough4--,this nobleman1 already first lord of trade1 was introduced in #agfh into the new-titled office of secretary of state for the colonies4 ,b4 ,v4 #abj ,mr4 ,burke tells us 7in his speech in #aggd7 that this preambulary tax had lost us at once the benefit of the west and of the east2 had thrown open folding-doors to contraband2 and would be the means of giving the profits of the colony-trade to every nation but ourselves4 ,he adds in the same place1 ,it is indeed a tax of sophistry1 a tax of pedantry1 a tax of disputation1 a tax of war and rebellion1 a tax for any thing but benefit to the imposers1 or satisfaction to the subject4 ,b4 ,v4 #aba ,some of his circular letters had been criticised1 and exposed by one or two of the ,american assemblies4 #abb ,eighty-five pounds ,i am assured1 my lords1 is the whole equivalent1 we have received for all the hatred and mischief1 and all the infinite losses this kingdom has suffered during that year1 in her disputes with ,north ,america4 ,see the bishop of ,st4 ,asaph's intended speech4 ,b4 ,v4 #abc ,at this time they contained many millions of pounds of tea1 including the usual stock on hand4 ,mr4 ,burke1 in his speech in #aggd1 supposes1 that ,america might have given a vent for ten millions of pounds4 ,this seems to have been the greater part of the whole quantity4 ,b4 ,v4 #abd ,on account of a temporary compromise of certain disputes with government4 ,b4 ,v4 #abe ,seen in certain memorable mercantile failures in the year #aggb4 ,b4 ,v4 ,account of ,governor ,hutchinson's ,letters#abf4 ,,to ,,the ,,clerk ,,of ,,the ,,council ,,in ,,waiting4 7,copy47 ,whitehall1 ,dec4 #c1 #aggc4 ,,sir1 ,the agent for the house of representatives of the province of ,massachusett's ,bay ,dr4 ,franklin having delivered to lord ,dartmouth1 an address of that house to the king1 signed by their speaker2 complaining of the conduct of the governor ,hutchinson and lieutenant governor ,andrew ,oliver of that province1 in respect to certain private letters written by them to their correspondent in ,england1 and praying that they may be removed from their posts in that government2 his lordship hath presented the said address to his majesty1 and his majesty having signified his pleasure1 that the said address should be laid before his majesty in his privy council1 ,i am directed by lord ,dartmouth to transmit the same accordingly1 together with a copy of the agent's letter to his lordship1 accompanying the said address4 ,i am1 sir1 ,your most obedient humble servant1 7,signed7 ,j4 ,,pownall4 ,,to ,,the ,,right ,,hon4 ,,the ,,earl ,,of ,,dartmouth4 7,copy47 ,london1 ,aug4 #ba1 #aggc4 ,,my ,,lord1 ,i have just received from the house of representatives of the ,massachusett's ,bay1 their address to the king1 which ,i now inclose1 and send to your lordship1 with my humble request in their behalf1 that you would be pleased to present it to his majesty the first convenient opportunity4 ,i have the pleasure of hearing from that province by my late letters1 that a sincere disposition prevails in the people there to be on good terms with the mother-country2 that the assembly have declared their desire only to be put into the situation they were in before the stamp act3 ,they aim at no novelties4 ,and it is said1 that having lately discovered1 as they think1 the authors of their grievances to be some of their own people1 their resentment against ,britain is thence much abated4 ,this good disposition of theirs 7will your lordship permit me to say7 may be cultivated by a favourable answer to this address1 which ,i therefore hope your goodness will endeavour to obtain4 ,with the greatest respect1 ,i have the honour to be1 my lord1 c4 ,b4 ,,franklin1 ,agent for the ,house of ,representatives4 ,,the ,,petition4 ,,to ,,the ,,king',s ,,most ,,excellent ,,majesty4 ,,most ,,gracious ,,sovereign1 ,we your majesty's loyal subjects1 the representatives of your ancient colony of ,massachusett's ,bay1 in general court legally assembled1 by virtue of your majesty's writ under the hand and seal of the governor1 beg leave to lay this our humble petition before your majesty4 ,nothing but the sense of duty we owe to our sovereign1 and the obligation we are under to consult the peace and safety of the province1 could induce us to remonstrate to your majesty concerning the mal-conduct of persons1 who have heretofore had the confidence and esteem of this people2 and whom your majesty has been pleased1 from the purest motives of rendering your subjects happy1 to advance to the highest places of trust and authority in the province4 ,your majesty's humble petitioners1 with the deepest concern and anxiety1 have seen the discords and animosities which have too long subsisted between your subjects of the parent-state and those of the ,american colonies4 ,and we have trembled with apprehensions1 that the consequences1 naturally arising therefrom1 would at length prove fatal to both countries4 ,permit us humbly to suggest to your majesty1 that your subjects here have been inclined to believe1 that the grievances which they have suffered1 and still continue to suffer1 have been occasioned by your majesty's ministers and principal servants being1 unfortunately for us1 misinformed in certain facts of very interesting importance to us4 ,it is for this reason that former assemblies have1 from time to time1 prepared a true state of facts to be laid before your majesty2 but their humble remonstrances and petitions1 it is presumed1 have by some means been prevented from reaching your royal hand4 ,your majesty's petitioners have very lately had before them certain papers1 from which they humbly conceive1 it is most reasonable to suppose1 that there has been long a conspiracy of evil men in this province1 who have contemplated measures and formed a plan to advance themselves to power1 and raise their own fortunes1 by means destructive of the charter of the province1 at the expence of the quiet of the nation1 and to the annihilating of the rights and liberties of the ,american colonies4 ,and we do with all due submission to your majesty beg leave particularly to complain of the conduct of his excellency ,thomas ,hutchinson1 ,esq4 governor1 and the honourable ,andrew ,oliver1 ,esq4 lieutenant-governor of this your majesty's province1 as having a natural and efficacious tendency to interrupt and alienate the affections of your majesty1 our rightful sovereign1 from this your loyal province2 to destroy that harmony and good-will between ,great ,britain and this colony1 which every honest subject should strive to establish2 to excite the resentment of the ,british administration against this province2 to defeat the endeavours of our agents and friends to serve us by a fair representation of our state of facts2 to prevent our humble and repeated petitions from reaching the ear of your majesty1 or having their desired effect4 ,and finally1 that the said ,thomas ,hutchinson and ,andrew ,oliver have been among the chief instruments in introducing a fleet and army into this province1 to establish and perpetuate their plans1 whereby they have been not only greatly instrumental in disturbing the peace and harmony of the government1 and causing unnatural and hateful discords and animosities between the several parts of your majesty's extensive dominions2 but are justly chargeable with all that corruption of morals1 and all that confusion1 misery1 and bloodshed1 which have been the natural effects of posting an army in a populous town4 ,wherefore we most humbly pray1 that your majesty would be pleased to remove from their posts in this government the said ,thomas ,hutchinson1 ,esquire1 and ,andrew ,oliver1 ,esquire2 who have1 by their above-mentioned conduct1 and otherwise1 rendered themselves justly obnoxious to your loving subjects1 and entirely lost their confidence2 and place such good and faithful men in their stead1 as your majesty in your wisdom shall think fit4 ,in the name and by order of the house of representatives1 ,,thomas ,,cushing1 ,speaker4 ,,to ,,the ,,lords ,,committee ,,of ,,his ,,majesty',s ,,privy ,,council ,,for ,,plantation ,,affairs4 ,,the ,,petition ,,of ,,israel ,,mauduit1 ,humbly sheweth unto your lordships1 ,that having been informed1 that an address1 in the name of the house of representatives of his majesty's colony of ,massachusett's ,bay1 has been presented to his majesty by ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esquire1 praying the removal of his majesty's governor and lieutenant-governor1 which is appointed to be taken into consideration on ,thursday next2 your petitioner1 on the behalf of the said governor and lieutenant governor1 humbly prays1 that he may be heard by counsel in relation to the same1 before your lordships shall make any report on the said address4 ,,israel ,,mauduit4 ,clement's ,lane1 ,jan4 #aj1 #agge4 ,the ,examination of ,dr4 ,franklin1 at the ,council ,chamber1 ,jan4 #ag1 #aggdabg4 ,present1 ,lord ,president1 the ,secretaries of ,state1 and many other ,lords2 ,dr4 ,franklin and ,mr4 ,bollan2 ,mr4 ,mauduit and ,mr4 ,wedderburn4 ,dr4 ,franklin's ,letter and the ,address1 ,mr4 ,pownall's ,letter1 and ,mr4 ,mauduit's ,petition1 were read4 ,mr4 ,wedderburn4 ,the address mentions certain papers3 ,i could wish to be informed what are those papers8 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,they are the letters of ,mr4 ,hutchinson and ,mr4 ,oliver4 ,court4 ,have you brought them8 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,no1 but here are attested copies4 ,court4 ,do you mean to found a charge upon them8 if you do1 you must produce the letters4 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,these copies are attested by several gentlemen at ,boston1 and a notary public4 ,mr4 ,wedderburn4 ,my lords1 we shall not take advantage of any imperfection in the proof4 ,we admit that the letters are ,mr4 ,hutchinson's and ,mr4 ,oliver's hand writing3 reserving to ourselves the right of inquiring how they were obtained4 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,i did not expect that counsel would have been employed on this occasion4 ,court4 ,had you not notice sent you of ,mr4 ,mauduit's having petitioned to be heard by counsel on behalf of the governor and lieutenant governor4 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,i did receive such notice2 but ,i thought this had been a matter of politics1 not of law1 and have not brought my counsel4 ,court4 ,where a charge is brought1 the parties have a right to be heard by counsel or not1 as they choose4 ,mr4 ,mauduit4 ,my lords1 ,i am not a native of that country1 as these gentlemen are4 ,i know well ,dr4 ,franklin's abilities1 and wish to put the defence of my friends more upon a parity with the attack2 he will not therefore wonder that ,i choose to appear before your lordships with the assistance of counsel4 ,my friends1 in their letters to me1 have desired 7if any proceedings1 as they say1 should be had upon this address7 that they may have a hearing in their own justification1 that their innocence may be fully cleared1 and their honour vindicated1 and have made provision accordingly4 ,i do not think myself at liberty therefore to give up the assistance of my counsel1 in defending them against this unjust accusation4 ,court4 ,dr4 ,franklin may have the assistance of counsel1 or go on without it1 as he shall choose4 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,i desire to have counsel4 ,court4 ,what time do you want8 ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,three weeks4 ,ordered that the further proceedings be on ,saturday #bith instant#abh4 ,to the ,printer of the ,public ,advertiser4#abi ,,sir1 ,finding that two gentlemen have been unfortunately engaged in a duel about a transaction and its circumstances1 of which both of them are totally ignorant and innocent1 ,i think it incumbent upon me to declare 7for the prevention of farther mischief1 as far as such a declaration may contribute to prevent it7 that ,i alone am the person1 who obtained and transmitted to ,boston the letters in question4 ,mr4 ,w4 could not communicate them1 because they were never in his possession2 and for the same reason they could not be taken from him by ,mr4 ,t4 ,they were not of the nature of private letters between friends4 ,they were written by public officers to persons in public stations1 on public affairs1 and intended to procure public measures2 they were therefore handed to other public persons1 who might be influenced by them to produce those measures4 ,their tendency was to incense the mother-country against her colonies1 and1 by the steps recommended1 to widen the breach1 which they effected4 ,the chief caution expressed with regard to privacy was1 to keep their contents from the colony agents1 who1 the writers apprehended1 might return them1 or copies of them1 to ,america4 ,that apprehension was1 it seems1 well founded1 for the first agent who laid his hands on them thought it his duty to transmit them to his constituents#acj4 ,craven ,street1 ,dec4 #be1 #aggc4 ,b4 ,,franklin1 ,agent for the ,house of ,representatives of the ,massachusett's ,bay4 ,,footnotes3 #abf ,governor ,hutchinson1 lieutenant-governor ,andrew ,oliver1 ,charles ,paxton1 ,esq4 ,nathaniel ,rogers1 ,esq4 and ,mr4 ,g4 ,roome1 having sent from ,boston certain representations and informations to ,thomas ,whately1 ,esq4 member of parliament1 private secretary to ,mr4 ,george ,grenville 7the father of the stamp act7 when in office1 and afterwards one of the lords of trade2 these letters were1 by a particular channel1 conveyed back to ,boston4 ,the assembly of the province were so much exasperated1 that they returned home attested copies of the letters1 accompanied with a petition and remonstrance1 for the removal of governor ,hutchinson1 and lieutenant-governor ,andrew ,oliver1 from their posts4 ,the council of the province likewise1 on their part1 entered into thirteen resolves1 in tendency and import similar to the petition of the assembly2 five of which resolves were unanimous1 and only one of them had so many as three dissentients4 ,in consequence of the assembly's petition1 the above proceedings and examination took place4 ,dr4 ,franklin having naturally a large share in these transactions1 made still larger by the impolitic and indecent persecution of his character1 ,i have exhibited the whole more at length1 than ,i should otherwise have thought proper4 ,b4 ,v4 #abg ,the editor has taken this examination from ,mr4 ,mauduit's copy of the ,letters of ,governor ,hutchinson1 c4 second edition1 #aggd1 p4 #ag4 ,he has ,mr4 ,mauduit's authority for supposing it faithfully represented4 ,b4 ,v4 #abh ,the privy council accordingly met on the #bith of ,january1 #aggd1 when ,mr4 ,dunning and ,mr4 ,john ,lee appeared as counsel for the assembly1 and ,mr4 ,wedderburn as counsel for the governor and lieutenant governor4 ,mr4 ,wedderburn was very long in his answer1 which chiefly related to the mode of obtaining and sending away ,mr4 ,whately's letters2 and spoke of ,dr4 ,franklin in terms of abuse1 which never escape from one gentleman towards another4 ,in the event1 the committee of the privy council made a report1 in which was expressed the following opinion3 ,the lords of the committee do agree humbly to report1 as their opinion to your majesty1 that the petition is founded upon resolutions formed on false and erroneous allegations2 and is groundless1 vexatious1 and scandalous1 and calculated only for the seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the said province4 ,and the lords of the committee do further humbly report to your majesty1 that nothing has been laid before them which does or can1 in their opinion1 in any manner1 or in any degree1 impeach the honour1 integrity1 or conduct of the said governor or lieutenant-governor2 and their lordships are humbly of opinion1 that the said petition ought to be dismissed4 ,feb4 #gth1 #aggd4 ,his majesty1 taking the said report into consideration1 was pleased1 with the advice of his privy-council1 to approve thereof2 and to order1 that the said petition of the house of representatives of the province of ,massachusett's ,bay be dismissed the board--as groundless1 vexatious1 and scandalous2 and calculated only for the seditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the said province4--,a former petition against governor ,bernard met with a dismission couched in similar terms4 ,b4 ,v4 #abi ,some letters had passed in the public prints between ,mr4 ,thomas ,whately's brother and ,mr4 ,john ,temple1 concerning the manner in which the letters of ,governor ,hutchinson c4 had escaped from among the papers of ,mr4 ,thomas ,whately1 at this time deceased4 ,the one gentleman wished to avoid the charge of having given them1 the other of having taken them4 ,at length the dispute became so personal and pointed1 that ,mr4 ,temple thought it necessary to call the brother into the field4 ,the letter of provocation appeared in the morning1 and the parties met in the afternoon4 ,dr4 ,franklin1 was not then in town2 it was after some interval that he received the intelligence4 ,what had passed he could not foresee2 he endeavoured to prevent what still might follow4 ,b4 ,v4 #acj ,it was in consequence of this letter that ,mr4 ,wedderburn ventured to make the most odious personal applications4 ,mr4 ,mauduit has prudently omitted part of them in his account of the proceedings before the privy-council4 ,they are given here altogether however 7as well as they could be collected7 to mark the politics of the times1 and the nature of the censures passed in ,england upon ,dr4 ,franklin's character4 ,the letters could not have come to ,dr4 ,franklin1 said ,mr4 ,wedderburn1 by fair means4 ,the writers did not give them to him1 nor yet did the deceased correspondent1 who1 from our intimacy1 would otherwise have told me of it3 nothing then will acquit ,dr4 ,franklin of the charge of obtaining them by fraudulent or corrupt means1 for the most malignant of purposes2 unless he stole them1 from the person who stole them4 ,this argument is irrefragable4---- ,i hope1 my lords1 you will mark and brand the man1 for the honour of this country1 of ,europe1 and of mankind4 ,private correspondence has hitherto been held sacred in times of the greatest party rage1 not only in politics but religion4--,he has forfeited all the respect of societies and of men4 ,into what companies will he hereafter go with an unembarassed face1 or the honest intrepidity of virtue4 ,men will watch him with a jealous eye1 they will hide their papers from him1 and lock up their escrutoires4 ,he will henceforth esteem it a libel to be called a man of letters1 homo trium#aca literarum6 ,but he not only took away the letters from one brother1 but kept himself concealed till he nearly occasioned the murder of the other4 ,it is impossible to read his account1 expressive of the coolest and most deliberate malice1 without horror4 ,here he read the letter above1 ,dr4 ,franklin being all the time present4--,amidst these tragical events1 of one person nearly murdered1 of another answerable for the issue1 of a worthy governor hurt in his dearest interests1 the fate of ,america in suspense2 here is a man1 who1 with the utmost insensibility of remorse1 stands up and avows himself the author of all4 ,i can compare it only to ,zanga in ,dr4 ,young's ,revenge4#acb ,know then 'twas----,i3 ,i forged the letter1 ,i disposed the picture2 ,i hated1 ,i despised1 and ,i destroy4 ,i ask1 my lords1 whether the revengeful temper1 attributed by poetic fiction only to the bloody ,african1 is not surpassed by the coolness and apathy of the wily ,american8 ,these pleadings for a time worked great effect3 the lords assented1 the town was convinced1 ,dr4 ,franklin was disgraced#acc1 and ,mr4 ,wedderburn seemed in the road for every kind of advancement4--,unfortunately for ,mr4 ,wedderburn1 the events of the war did not correspond with his systems4 ,unfortunately too for his irrefragable argument1 ,dr4 ,franklin afterwards took an oath in chancery#acd1 that at the time that he transmitted the letters he was ignorant of the party to whom they had been addressed1 having himself received them from a third person1 and for the express purpose of their being conveyed to ,america4 ,unfortunately also for ,mr4 ,wedderburn's worthy governor1 that governor himself1 before the arrival of ,dr ,franklin's packet in ,boston1 sent over one of ,dr4 ,franklin's own private letters to ,england1 expressing some little coyness indeed upon the occasion1 but desiring secrecy1 lest he should be prevented procuring more useful intelligence from the same source#ace4 ,whether ,mr4 ,wedderburn in his speech intended to draw a particular case and portraiture1 for the purpose only of injuring ,dr4 ,franklin1 or meant that his language and epithets should apply generally to all1 whether friends or foes1 whose practice should be found similar to it1 is a matter that must be left to be adjusted between governor ,hutchinson and ,mr4 ,wedderburn4 ,but to return to ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,it was not singular perhaps1 that1 as a man of honour1 he should surrender his name to public scrutiny in order to prevent mischief to others1 and yet not betray his coadjutor 7even to the present moment7 to relieve his own fame from the severest obloquy2 but perhaps it belonged to few besides ,dr4 ,franklin1 to possess mildness and magnanimity enough to refrain from intemperate expressions and measures against ,mr4 ,wedderburn and his supporters1 after all that had passed4 ,b4 ,v4 #aca i4 e4 ,fur 7or thief74 #acb ,act ,vth4 #acc ,he was dismissed from his place in the post-office4 #acd ,a copy of the proceedings in chancery has been in my possession1 but being at present mislaid ,i speak only from memory here4 #ace ,see the ,remembrancer for the year #aggf1 part #b;d4 p4 #fa col4 #ast1 and #b;d4 ,rules for reducing a ,great ,empire to a small one1 presented to a late ,minister1 when he entered upon his ,administration4#acf ,an ancient sage valued himself upon this1 that though he could not fiddle1 he knew how to make a great city of a little one4 ,the science1 that ,i1 a modern1 simpleton1 am about to communicate1 is the very reverse4 ,i address myself to all ministers1 who have the management of extensive dominions1 which1 from their very greatness1 are become troublesome to govern--because the multiplicity of their affairs leaves no time for fiddling4 ,i4 ,in the first place1 gentlemen1 you are to consider1 that a great empire1 like a great cake1 is most easily diminished at the edges4 ,turn your attention therefore first to your remotest provinces2 that1 as you get rid of them1 the next may follow in order4 ,,ii4 ,that the possibility of this separation may always exist1 take special care the provinces are never incorporated with the mother-country2 that they do not enjoy the same common rights1 the same privileges in commerce1 and that they are governed by severer laws1 all of your enacting1 without allowing them any share in the choice of the legislators4 ,by carefully making and preserving such distinctions1 you will 7to keep to my simile of the cake7 act like a wise gingerbread-baker2 who1 to facilitate a division1 cuts his dough half through in those places1 where1 when baked1 he would have it broken to pieces4 ,,iii4 ,those remote provinces have perhaps been acquired1 purchased1 or conquered1 at the sole expence of the settlers or their ancestors1 without the aid of the mother-country4 ,if this should happen to increase her strength1 by their growing numbers1 ready to join in her wars2 her commerce1 by their growing demand for her manufactures2 or her naval power1 by greater employment for her ships and seamen1 they may probably suppose some merit in this1 and that it entitles them to some favour3 you are therefore to forget it all1 or resent it1 as if they had done you injury4 ,if they happen to be zealous whigs1 friends of liberty1 nurtured in revolution principles2 remember all that to their prejudice1 and contrive to punish it3 for such principles1 after a revolution is thoroughly established1 are of no more use2 they are even odious and abominable4 ,,iv4 ,however peaceably your colonies have submitted to your government1 shown their affection to your interests1 and patiently borne their grievances1 you are to suppose them always inclined to revolt1 and treat them accordingly4 ,quarter troops among them1 who1 by their insolence1 may provoke the rising of mobs1 and by their bullets and bayonets suppress them4 ,by this means1 like the husband who uses his wife ill from suspicion1 you may in time convert your suspicions into realities4 ,v4 ,remote provinces must have governors and judges1 to represent the royal person and execute every where the delegated parts of his office and authority4 ,you1 ministers1 know1 that much of the strength of government depends on the opinion of the people1 and much of that opinion on the choice of rulers placed immediately over them4 ,if you send them wise and good men for governors1 who study the interest of the colonists1 and advance their prosperity2 they will think their king wise and good1 and that he wishes the welfare of his subjects4 ,if you send them learned and upright men for judges1 they will think him a lover of justice4 ,this may attach your provinces more to his government4 ,you are therefore to be careful who you recommend for those offices4--,if you can find prodigals1 who have ruined their fortunes1 broken gamesters or stock-jobbers1 these may do well as governors1 for they will probably be rapacious1 and provoke the people by their extortions4 ,wrangling proctors and pettyfogging lawyers too are not amiss1 for they will be for ever disputing and quarrelling with their little parliaments4 ,if withal they should be ignorant1 wrong-headed and insolent1 so much the better4 ,attorneys clerks and ,newgate solicitors will do for chief justices1 especially if they hold their places during your pleasure3--and all will contribute to impress those ideas of your government1 that are proper for a people you would wish to renounce it4 ,,vi4 ,to confirm these impressions1 and strike them deeper1 whenever the injured come to the capital with complaints of mal-administration1 oppression1 or injustice1 punish such suitors with long delay1 enormous expence1 and a final judgment in favour of the oppressor4 ,this will have an admirable effect every way4 ,the trouble of future complaints will be prevented1 and governors and judges will be encouraged to farther acts of oppression and injustice1 and thence the people may become more disaffected1 and at length desperate4 ,,vii4 ,when such governors have crammed their coffers1 and made themselves so odious to the people1 that they can no longer remain among them with safety to their persons1 recal and reward them with pensions4 ,you may make them baronets too1 if that respectable order should not think fit to resent it4 ,all will contribute to encourage new governors in the same practice1 and make the supreme government detestable4 ,,viii4 ,if1 when you are engaged in war1 your colonies should vie in liberal aids of men and money against the common enemy upon your simple requisition1 and give far beyond their abilities1--reflect1 that a penny1 taken from them by your power1 is more honourable to you1 than a pound presented by their benevolence2 despise therefore their voluntary grants1 and resolve to harass them with novel taxes4--,they will probably complain to your parliament1 that they are taxed by a body in which they have no representative1 and that this is contrary to common right4 ,they will petition for redress4 ,let the parliament flout their claims1 reject their petitions1 refuse even to suffer the reading of them1 and treat the petitioners with the utmost contempt4 ,nothing can have a better effect in producing the alienation proposed2 for though many can forgive injuries1 none ever forgave contempt4 ,,ix4 ,in laying these taxes1 never regard the heavy burthens those remote people already undergo1 in defending their own frontiers1 supporting their own provincial government1 making new roads1 building bridges1 churches1 and other public edifices1 which in old countries have been done to your hands1 by your ancestors1 but which occasion constant calls and demands on the purses of a new people4--,forget the restraint you lay on their trade for your own benefit1 and the advantage a monopoly of this trade gives your exacting merchants4 ,think nothing of the wealth those merchants and your manufacturers acquire by the colony commerce1 their increased ability thereby to pay taxes at home1 their accumulating1 in the price of their commodities1 most of those taxes1 and so levying them from their consuming customers3 all this1 and the employment and support of thousands of your poor by the colonists1 you are entirely to forget4 ,but remember to make your arbitrary tax more grievous to your provinces1 by public declarations1 importing1 that your power of taxing them has no limits1 so that when you take from them without their consent a shilling in the pound1 you have a clear right to the other nineteen4 ,this will probably weaken every idea of security in their property1 and convince them1 that under such a government they have nothing they can call their own2 which can scarce fail of producing the happiest consequences6 ,x4 ,possibly indeed some of them might still comfort themselves and say1 though we have no property1 we have yet something left that is valuable1 we have constitutional liberty1 both of person and of conscience4 ,this king1 these lords1 and these commons1 who it seems are too remote from us to know us and feel for us1 cannot take from us our habeas corpus right1 or our right of trial by a jury of our neighbours3 they cannot deprive us of the exercise of our religion1 alter our ecclesiastical constitution1 and compel us to be papists1 if they please1 or ,mahometans4 ,to annihilate this comfort1 begin by laws to perplex their commerce with infinite regulations1 impossible to be remembered and observed3 ordain seizures of their property for every failure1 take away the trial of such property by jury1 and give it to arbitrary judges of your own appointing1 and of the lowest characters in the country1 whose salaries and emoluments are to arise out of the duties or condemnations1 and whose appointments are during pleasure4 ,then let there be a formal declaration of both houses1 that opposition to your edicts is treason1 and that persons suspected of treason in the provinces may1 according to some obsolete law1 be seized and sent to the metropolis of the empire for trial2 and pass an act1 that those there charged with certain other offences shall be sent away in chains from their friends and country1 to be tried in the same manner for felony4 ,then erect a new court of inquisition among them1 accompanied by an armed force1 with instructions to transport all such suspected persons1 to be ruined by the expence1 if they bring over evidences to prove their innocence1 or be found guilty and hanged1 if they cannot afford it4 ,and lest the people should think you cannot possibly go any farther1 pass another solemn declaratory act1 that king1 lords1 and commons had1 have1 and of right ought to have1 full power and authority to make statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the unrepresented provinces in all cases whatsoever4 ,this will include spiritual with temporal1 and taken together must operate wonderfully to your purpose1 by convincing them1 that they are at present under a power1 something like that spoken of in the ,scriptures1 which can not only kill their bodies1 but damn their souls to all eternity1 by compelling them1 if it pleases1 to worship the devil4 ,,xi4 ,to make your taxes more odious1 and more likely to procure resistance1 send from the capital a board of officers to superintend the collection1 composed of the most indiscreet1 ill-bred1 and insolent you can find4 ,let these have large salaries out of the extorted revenue1 and live in open grating luxury upon the sweat and blood of the industrious1 whom they are to worry continually with groundless and expensive prosecutions1 before the above-mentioned arbitrary revenue-judges2 all at the cost of the party prosecuted1 though acquitted1 because the king is to pay no costs4 ,let these men1 by your order1 be exempted from all the common taxes and burthens of the province1 though they and their property are protected by its laws4 ,if any revenue officers are suspected of the least tenderness for the people1 discard them4 ,if others are justly complained of1 protect and reward them4 ,if any of the under officers behave so as to provoke the people to drub them1 promote those to better offices3 this will encourage others to procure for themselves such profitable drubbings1 by multiplying and enlarging such provocations1 and all will work towards the end you aim at4 ,,xii4 ,another way to make your tax odious is1 to misapply the produce of it4 ,if it was originally appropriated for the defence of the provinces1 and the better support of government1 and the administration of justice1 where it may be necessary2 then apply none of it to that defence1 but bestow it1 where it is not necessary1 in augmenting salaries or pensions to every governor1 who has distinguished himself by his enmity to the people1 and by calumniating them to their sovereign4 ,this will make them pay it more unwillingly1 and be more apt to quarrel with those that collect it1 and those that imposed it1 who will quarrel again with them1 and all shall contribute to your own purpose1 of making them weary of your government4 ,,xiii4 ,if the people of any province have been accustomed to support their own governors and judges to satisfaction1 you are to apprehend1 that such governors and judges may be thereby influenced to treat the people kindly1 and to do them justice4 ,this is another reason for applying part of that revenue in larger salaries to such governors and judges1 given1 as their commissions are1 during your pleasure only1 forbidding them to take any salaries from their provinces2 that thus the people may no longer hope any kindness from their governors1 or 7in crown cases7 any justice from their judges4 ,and as the money1 thus misapplied in one province1 is extorted from all1 probably all will resent the misapplication4 ,,xiv4 ,if the parliaments of your provinces should dare to claim rights1 or complain of your administration1 order them to be harassed with repeated dissolutions4 ,if the same men are continually returned by new elections1 adjourn their meetings to some country village1 where they cannot be accommodated1 and there keep them during pleasure2 for this1 you know1 is your prerogative1 and an excellent one it is1 as you may manage it1 to promote discontents among the people1 diminish their respect1 and increase their disaffection4 ,,xv4 ,convert the brave honest officers of your navy into pimping tide-waiters and colony officers of the customs4 ,let those1 who in time of war fought gallantly in defence of the commerce of their countrymen1 in peace be taught to prey upon it4 ,let them learn to be corrupted by great and real smugglers2 but 7to show their diligence7 scour with armed boats every bay1 harbour1 river1 creek1 cove or nook1 throughout the coast of your colonies2 stop and detain every coaster1 every wood-boat1 every fisherman1 tumble their cargoes and even their ballast inside out1 and upside down2 and if a pennyworth of pins is found un-entered1 let the whole be seized and confiscated4 ,thus shall the trade of your colonists suffer more from their friends in time of peace1 than it did from their enemies in war4 ,then let these boats' crews land upon every farm in their way1 rob their orchards1 steal their pigs and poultry1 and insult the inhabitants4 ,if the injured and exasperated farmers1 unable to procure other justice1 should attack the aggressors1 drub them1 and burn their boats1 you are to call this high treason and rebellion1 order fleets and armies into their country1 and threaten to carry all the offenders three thousand miles to be hanged1 drawn1 and quartered4--,o6 this will work admirably6 ,,xvi4 ,if you are told of discontents in your colonies1 never believe that they are general1 or that you have given occasion for them2 therefore do not think of applying any remedy1 or of changing any offensive measure4 ,redress no grievance1 lest they should be encouraged to demand the redress of some other grievance4 ,grant no request1 that is just and reasonable1 lest they should make another1 that is unreasonable4 ,take all your informations of the state of the colonies from your governors and officers in enmity with them4 ,encourage and reward these leasing-makers1 secrete their lying accusations1 lest they should be confuted1 but act upon them as the clearest evidence2 and believe nothing you hear from the friends of the people4 ,suppose all their complaints to be invented and promoted by a few factious demagogues1 whom if you could catch and hang1 all would be quiet4 ,catch and hang a few of them accordingly1 and the blood of the martyrs shall work miracles in favour of your purpose#acg4 ,,xvii4 ,if you see rival nations rejoicing at the prospect of your disunion with your provinces1 and endeavouring to promote it1 if they translate1 publish and applaud all the complaints of your discontented colonists1 at the same time privately stimulating you to severer measures1 let not that alarm or offend you4 ,why should it8 since you all mean the same thing8 ,,xviii4 ,if any colony should at their own charge erect a fortress1 to secure their port against the fleets of a foreign enemy1 get your governor to betray that fortress into your hands4 ,never think of paying what it cost the country1 for that would look1 at least1 like some regard for justice2 but turn it into a citadel1 to awe the inhabitants and curb their commerce4 ,if they should have lodged in such fortress the very arms they bought and used to aid you in your conquests1 seize them all2 it will provoke like ingratitude added to robbery4 ,one admirable effect of these operations will be1 to discourage every other colony from erecting such defences1 and so their and your enemies may more easily invade them1 to the great disgrace of your government1 and of course the furtherance of your project4 ,,xix4 ,send armies into their country1 under pretence of protecting the inhabitants2 but1 instead of garrisoning the forts on their frontiers with those troops1 to prevent incursions1 demolish those forts1 and order the troops into the heart of the country1 that the savages may be encouraged to attack the frontiers#ach1 and that the troops may be protected by the inhabitants3 this will seem to proceed from your ill-will or your ignorance1 and contribute farther to produce and strengthen an opinion among them1 that you are no longer fit to govern them#aci4 ,,xx4 ,lastly1 invest the general of your army in the provinces with great and unconstitutional powers1 and free him from the controul of even your own civil governors4 ,let him have troops enow under his command1 with all the fortresses in his possession1 and who knows but 7like some provincial generals in the ,roman empire1 and encouraged by the universal discontent you have produced7 he may take it into his head to set up for himself8 ,if he should1 and you have carefully practised these few excellent rules of mine1 take my word for it1 all the provinces will immediately join him--and you will that day 7if you have not done it sooner7 get rid of the trouble of governing them1 and all the plagues attending their commerce and connection from thenceforth and for ever4 ,,footnotes3 #acf ,these rules first appeared in a ,london newspaper about the beginning of the year #aggd1 and have several times since been introduced into our public prints4--,the minister alluded to is supposed to be the ,earl of ,hillsborough4 ,the causes and motions of seditions 7says ,lord ,bacon7 are1 innovation in religion1 taxes1 alteration of laws and customs1 breaking of privileges1 general oppression1 advancement of unworthy persons1 strangers1 dearths1 disbanded soldiers1 factions grown desperate1 and whatsoever in offending people joineth and knitteth them in a common cause4 ,b4 ,v4 #acg ,one of the ,american writers affirms1 ,that there has not been a single instance in which they have complained1 without being rebuked1 or in which they have been complained against1 without being punished4--,a fundamental mistake in the minister occasioned this4 ,every individual in ,new ,england 7the peccant country7 was held a coward or a knave1 and the disorders1 which spread abroad there1 were treated as the result of the too great lenity of ,britain6 ,by the aid of this short and benevolent rule1 judgment was ever wisely predetermined1 to the shutting out redress on the one hand1 and inforcing every rigour of punishment on the other4 ,b4 ,v4 #ach ,i am not versed in ,indian affairs1 but ,i find1 that in ,april1 #aggc1 the assembled chiefs of the western nations told one of our ,indian agents1 that they remembered their father1 the king of ,great ,britain's message1 delivered to them last fall1 of demolishing ,fort ,pittsburg 7on the ,ohio7 and removing the soldiers with their sharp-edged weapons out of the country3--this gave them great pleasure1 as it was a strong proof of his paternal kindness towards them4 7,see ,considerations on the ,agreement with ,mr4 ,t4 ,walpole for ,lands upon the ,ohio1 p4 #i74 ,this is general history3 ,i attempt no application of facts1 personally invidious4 ,b4 ,v4 #aci ,as the reader may be inclined to divide his belief between the wisdom of ministry and the candor and veracity of ,dr4 ,franklin1 ,i shall inform him that two contrary objections may be made to the truth of this representation4 ,the first is1 that the conduct of ,great ,britain is made too absurd for possibility1 and the second1 that it is not made absurd enough for fact4 ,if we consider that this piece does not include the measures subsequent to #aggc1 the latter difficulty is easily set aside4 ,the former ,i can only solve by the many instances in history1 where the infatuation of individuals has brought the heaviest calamities upon nations4 ,b4 ,v4 ,state of ,america on ,dr4 ,franklin's ,arrival there4 ,philadelphia1 ,may #af1 #agge4 ,,dear ,,friend#adj1 ,you will have heard before this reaches you1 of a march stolen by the regulars into the country by night1 and of their expedition back again4 ,they retreated #bj miles in #f hours4 ,the governor had called the assembly to propose ,lord ,north's pacific plan1 but1 before the time of their meeting1 began cutting of throats4--,you know it was said he carried the sword in one hand1 and the olive branch in the other2 and it seems he chose to give them a taste of the sword first4 ,he is doubling his fortifications at ,boston1 and hopes to secure his troops till succour arrives4 ,the place indeed is naturally so defensible1 that ,i think them in no danger4 ,all ,america is exasperated by his conduct1 and more firmly united than ever4 ,the breach between the two countries is grown wider1 and in danger of becoming irreparable4 ,i had a passage of six weeks1 the weather constantly so moderate that a ,london wherry might have accompanied us all the way4 ,i got home in the evening1 and the next morning was unanimously chosen by the assembly a delegate to the congress1 now sitting4 ,in coming over1 ,i made a valuable philosophical discovery1 which ,i shall communicate to you when ,i can get a little time4 ,at present am extremely hurried4 99 99 99 99 99 ,yours most affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnotes3 #adj ,i run much risque in the publication of the three following letters#ada2 but ,i think they contain such valuable facts1 and show so well the nature of ,dr4 ,franklin's temper1 that ,i ought to encounter some difficulty1 rather than suffer them to be lost4 ,b4 ,v4 #ada ,the other two letters will be found in the order of their dates1 ,july #g1 and ,oct4 #c1 #agge4 ,editor4 ,proposed ,vindication and ,offer from ,congress to ,parliament1 in #aggeadb4 ,forasmuch as the enemies of ,america1 in the parliament of ,great ,britain1 to render us odious to the nation1 and give an ill impression of us in the minds of other ,european powers1 have represented us as unjust and ungrateful in the highest degree2 asserting on every occasion1 that the colonies were settled at the expence of ,britain2 that they were1 at the expence of the same1 protected in their infancy2 that they now ungratefully and unjustly refuse to contribute to their own protection1 and the common defence of the nation2 that they aim at independence2 that they intend an abolition of the navigation acts2 and that they are fraudulent in their commercial dealings1 and purpose to cheat their creditors in ,britain1 by avoiding the payment of their just debts3-- ,and as1 by frequent repetition1 these groundless assertions and malicious calumnies may1 if not contradicted and refuted1 obtain farther credit1 and be injurious throughout ,europe to the reputation and interest of the confederate colonies1 it seems proper and necessary to examine them in our own just vindication4 ,with regard to the first1 that the colonies were settled at the expence of ,britain1 it is a known fact1 that none of the twelve united colonies were settled1 or even discovered1 at the expence of ,england4 ,henry the ,v,i,ith indeed granted a commission to ,sebastian ,cabot1 a ,venetian1 and his sons1 to sail into the western seas for the discovery of new countries2 but it was to be suis eorum propriis sumptibus et expensis1 at their own costs and charges#adc4 ,they discovered1 but soon slighted and neglected1 these northern territories2 which were1 after more than a hundred years dereliction1 purchased of the natives1 and settled at the charge and by the labour of private men and bodies of men1 our ancestors1 who came over hither for that purpose4 ,but our adversaries have never been able to produce any record1 that ever the parliament or government of ,england was at the smallest expence on these accounts3 on the contrary1 there exists on the journals of parliament a solemn declaration in #afdb1 7only twenty-two years after the first settlement of the ,massachusetts1 when1 if such expence had ever been incurred1 some of the members must have known and remembered it7 ,that these colonies had been planted and established without any expence to the state4#add ,new-,york is the only colony in the founding of which ,england can pretend to have been at any expence1 and that was only the charge of a small armament to take it from the ,dutch1 who planted it4 ,but to retain this colony at peace1 another at that time1 full as valuable1 planted by private countrymen of ours1 was given up by the crown to the ,dutch in exchange1 viz4 ,surinam1 now a wealthy sugar-colony in ,guiana1 and which1 but for that cession1 might still have remained in our possession4 ,of late1 indeed1 ,britain has been at some expence in planting two colonies1 ,georgia#ade and ,nova ,scotia2 but those are not in our confederacy2 and the expence she has been at in their name1 has chiefly been in grants of sums unnecessarily large1 by way of salaries to officers sent from ,england1 and in jobs to friends1 whereby dependants might be provided for2 those excessive grants not being requisite to the welfare and good government of the colonies2 which good government 7as experience in many instances of other colonies has taught us7 may be much more frugally1 and full as effectually provided for1 and supported4 ,with regard to the second assertion1 that these colonies were protected in their infant state by ,england1 it is a notorious fact1 that in none of the many wars with the ,indian natives1 sustained by our infant settlements for a century after our first arrival1 were ever any troops or forces of any kind sent from ,england to assist us2 nor were any forts built at her expence to secure our sea-ports from foreign invaders2 nor any ships of war sent to protect our trade1 till many years after our first settlement1 when our commerce became an object of revenue1 or of advantage to ,british merchants1 and then it was thought necessary to have a frigate in some of our ports1 during peace1 to give weight to the authority of custom-house officers1 who were to restrain that commerce for the benefit of ,england4 ,our own arms1 with our poverty1 and the care of a kind providence1 were all this time our only protection1 while we were neglected by the ,english government2 which either thought us not worth its care1 or1 having no good will to some of us1 on account of our different sentiments in religion and politics1 was indifferent what became of us4 ,on the other hand1 the colonies have not been wanting to do what they could in every war for annoying the enemies of ,britain4 ,they formerly assisted her in the conquest of ,nova ,scotia4 ,in the war before last they took ,louisbourg1 and put it into her hands4 ,she made her peace with that strong fortress1 by restoring it to ,france1 greatly to their detriment4 ,in the last war1 it is true1 ,britain sent a fleet and army1 who acted with an equal army of ours1 in the reduction of ,canada2 and perhaps thereby did more for us1 than we in the preceding wars had done for her4 ,let it be remembered however1 that she rejected the plan we formed in the congress at ,albany1 in #aged1 for our own defence1 by an union of the colonies2 an union she was jealous of1 and therefore chose to send her own forces2 otherwise her aid to protect us was not wanted4 ,and from our first settlement to that time1 her military operations in our favour were small1 compared with the advantages she drew from her exclusive commerce with us4 ,we are however willing to give full weight to this obligation2 and as we are daily growing stronger1 and our assistance to her becomes of more importance1 we should with pleasure embrace the first opportunity of showing our gratitude1 by returning the favour in kind4 ,but when ,britain values herself as affording us protection1 we desire it may be considered1 that we have followed her in all her wars1 and joined with her at our own expence against all she thought fit to quarrel with4 ,this she has required of us1 and would never permit us to keep peace with any power she declared her enemy1 though by separate treaties we might well have done it4 ,under such circumstances1 when1 at her instance1 we made nations our enemies1 whom we might otherwise have retained our friends2 we submit it to the common sense of mankind1 whether her protection of us in these wars was not our just due1 and to be claimed of right1 instead of being received as a favour8 ,and whether1 when all the parts of an empire exert themselves to the utmost in their common defence1 and in annoying the common enemy1 it is not as well the parts that protect the whole1 as the whole that protects the parts8 ,the protection then has been proportionably mutual4 ,and whenever the time shall come1 that our abilities may as far exceed hers1 as hers have exceeded ours1 we hope we shall be reasonable enough to rest satisfied with her proportionable exertions1 and not think we do too much for a part of the empire1 when that part does as much as it can for the whole4 ,the charge against us1 that we refuse to contribute to our own protection1 appears from the above to be groundless3 but we farther declare it to be absolutely false2 for it is well known1 that we ever held it as our duty to grant aids to the crown1 upon requisition1 towards carrying on its wars2 which duty we have cheerfully complied with1 to the utmost of our abilities2 insomuch that frequent and grateful acknowledgments thereof by king and parliament appear on their records#adf4 ,but as ,britain has enjoyed a most gainful monopoly of our commerce1 the same1 with our maintaining the dignity of the king's representative in each colony1 and all our own separate establishments of government1 civil and military1 has ever hitherto been deemed an equivalent for such aids1 as might otherwise be expected from us in time of peace4 ,and we hereby declare1 that on a reconciliation with ,britain1 we shall not only continue to grant aids in time of war1 as aforesaid2 but1 whenever she shall think fit to abolish her monopoly1 and give us the same privileges of trade as ,scotland received at the union1 and allow us a free commerce with all the rest of the world1 we shall willingly agree 7and we doubt not it will be ratified by our constituents7 to give and pay into the sinking fund #ajj1jjjl4 sterling per annum for the term of one hundred years1 which1 duly1 faithfully1 and inviolably applied to that purpose1 is demonstrably more than sufficient to extinguish all her present national debt1 since it will in that time amount1 at legal ,british interest1 to more than #bcj1jjj1jjjl4#adg ,but if ,britain does not think fit to accept this proposition1 we1 in order to remove her groundless jealousies1 that we aim at independence1 and an abolition of the navigation act1 7which hath in truth never been our intention7 and to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that and other acts for regulating our commerce1 do hereby declare ourselves ready and willing to enter into a covenant with ,britain1 that she shall fully possess1 enjoy1 and exercise that right1 for an hundred years to come1 the same being bon fide used for the common benefit2 and in case of such agreement1 that every assembly be advised by us1 to confirm it solemnly1 by laws of their own1 which1 once made1 cannot be repealed without the assent of the crown4 ,the last charge1 that we are dishonest traders1 and aim at defrauding our creditors in ,britain1 is sufficiently and authentically refuted by the solemn declarations of the ,british merchants to parliament1 7both at the time of the stamp-act and in the last session7 who bore ample testimony to the general good faith and fair dealing of the ,americans1 and declared their confidence in our integrity1 for which we refer to their petitions on the journals of the house of commons4 ,and we presume we may safely call on the body of the ,british tradesmen1 who have had experience of both1 to say1 whether they have not received much more punctual payment from us than they generally have from the members of their own two houses of parliament4 ,on the whole of the above it appears1 that the charge of ingratitude towards the mother country1 brought with so much confidence against the colonies1 is totally without foundation2 and that there is much more reason for retorting that charge on ,britain1 who not only never contributes any aid1 nor affords1 by an exclusive commerce1 any advantages to ,saxony1 her mother country2 but no longer since than in the last war1 without the least provocation1 subsidized the king of ,prussia while he ravaged that mother country1 and carried fire and sword into its capital1 the fine city of ,dresden4 ,an example we hope no provocation will induce us to imitate4 ,,footnotes3 #adb ,the following paper was drawn up in a committee of congress1 ,june #be1 #agge1 but does not appear on their minutes1 a severe act of parliament1 which arrived about that time1 having determined them not to give the sum proposed in it4--,it was first printed in the ,public ,advertiser for ,july #ah1 #aggg4 ,b4 ,v4 #adc ,see the ,commission in the ,appendix to ,pownall's ,administration of the ,colonies4 ,edit4 #agge4 #add ,veneris1 #aj ,march1 #afdb4 ,whereas the plantations in ,new ,england have1 by the blessing of the ,almighty1 had good and prosperous success1 without any public charge to this state1 and are now likely to prove very happy for the propagation of the gospel in those parts1 and very beneficial and commodious to this kingdom and nation3 the commons1 now assembled in parliament1 c4 c4 c4 ,see ,governor ,hutchinson's ,history4 ,b4 ,v4 #ade ,georgia has since acceded1 ,july1 #agge4 #adf ,supposed to allude to certain passages in the ,journals of the house of commons on the #dth of ,april1 #agdh1 #bhth ,january1 #agef1 #c;d ,february1 #agef1 #afth and #aith of ,may1 #ageg1 #ast of ,june1 #ageh1 #bfth and #cjth of ,april1 #agei1 #bfth and #cast of ,march1 and #bhth of ,april1 #agfj1 #ith and #bjth ,january1 #agfa1 #bb;d and #bfth ,january1 #agfb1 and #adth and #agth ,march1 #agfc4 ,b4 ,v4 #adg ,see ,dr4 ,price's ,appeal on the ,national ,debt4 ,b4 ,v4 ,reprobation of ,mr4 ,strahan's parliamentary ,conduct4#adh ,philadelphia1 ,july #e1 #agge4 ,,mr4 ,,strahan1 ,you are a member of that parliament1 and have formed part of that majority1 which has condemned my native country to destruction4 ,you have begun to burn our towns1 and to destroy their inhabitants6 ,look at your hands6--they are stained with the blood of your relations and your acquaintances4 ,you and ,i were long friends2 you are at present my enemy1 and ,i am yours4 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #adh ,this letter appeared1 shortly after the period of its date1 in most of the public papers4 ,we extract it from the ,gentleman's ,magazine4 ,editor4 ,conciliation hopeless from the ,conduct of ,great ,britain to ,america4 ,philadelphia1 ,july #g1 #agge4 ,,dear ,,friend#adi1 99 99 99 99 99 ,the congress met at a time when all minds were so exasperated by the perfidy of general ,gage1 and his attack on the country people1 that propositions of attempting an accomodation were not much relished2 and it has been with difficulty that we have carried another humble petition to the crown1 to give ,britain one more chance1 one opportunity more of recovering the friendship of the colonies2 which however ,i think she has not sense enough to embrace1 and so ,i conclude she has lost them for ever4 ,she has begun to burn our sea-port towns2 secure1 ,i suppose1 that we shall never be able to return the outrage in kind4 ,she may doubtless destroy them all2 but if she wishes to recover our commerce1 are these the probable means8 ,she must certainly be distracted2 for no tradesman out of ,bedlam ever thought of encreasing the number of his customers by knocking them on the head2 or of enabling them to pay their debts by burning their houses4 ,if she wishes to have us subjects and that we should submit to her as our compound sovereign1 she is now giving us such miserable specimens of her government1 that we shall ever detest and avoid it1 as a complication of robbery1 murder1 famine1 fire and pestilence4 ,you will have heard1 before this reaches you1 of the treacherous conduct 99 99 99 to the remaining people in ,boston1 in detaining their goods1 after stipulating to let them go out with their effects1 on pretence that merchants' goods were not effects2 the defeat of a great body of his troops by the country people at ,lexington2 some other small advantages gained in skirmishes with their troops2 and the action at ,bunker's-hill1 in which they were twice repulsed1 and the third time gained a dear victory4 ,enough has happened1 one would think1 to convince your ministers1 that the ,americans will fight1 and that this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined4 ,we have not yet applied to any foreign power for assistance1 nor offered our commerce for their friendship4 ,perhaps we never may3 yet it is natural to think of it1 if we are pressed4 ,we have now an army on the establishment which still holds yours besieged4 ,my time was never more fully employed4 ,in the morning at six1 ,i am at the committee of safety1 appointed by the assembly to put the province in a state of defence2 which committee holds till near nine1 when ,i am at the congress1 and that sits till after four in the afternoon4 ,both these bodies proceed with the greatest unanimity1 and their meetings are well attended4 ,it will scarce be credited in ,britain1 that men can be as diligent with us from zeal for the public good1 as with you for thousands per annum4 ,such is the difference between uncorrupted new states1 and corrupted old ones4 ,great frugality and great industry are now become fashionable here3 gentlemen1 who used to entertain with two or three courses1 pride themselves now in treating with simple beef and pudding4 ,by these means1 and the stoppage of our consumptive trade with ,britain1 we shall be better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our troops4 ,our savings in the article of trade amount to near five million sterling per annum4 ,i shall communicate your letter to ,mr4 ,winthrop1 but the camp is at ,cambridge1 and he has as little leisure for philosophy as myself4 99 99 99 ,believe me ever1 with sincere esteem1 my dear friend1 ,yours most affectionately4 ,,footnote3 #adi ,this and the two following letters were addressed to ,dr4 ,priestley1 as appears by a letter from that gentleman to the editor of the ,monthly ,magazine1 which will be found in the appendix to the present volume4 ,editor4 ,account of the first ,campaign made by the ,british ,forces in ,america#aej4 ,philadelphia1 ,oct4 #c1 #agge4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,i am to set out to-morrow for the camp#aea1 and having but just heard of this opportunity1 can only write a line to say that ,i am well and hearty4--,tell our dear good friend 99 99 991 who sometimes has his doubts and despondencies about our firmness1 that ,america is determined and unanimous2 a very few tories and place-men excepted1 who will probably soon export themselves4--,britain1 at the expence of three millions1 has killed one hundred and fifty ,yankies this campaign1 which is #bj1jjjl4 a head2 and at ,bunker's ,hill she gained a mile of ground1 half of which she lost again by our taking post on ,ploughed ,hill4 ,during the same time sixty thousand children have been born in ,america4 ,from these data his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expence necessary to kill us all1 and conquer our whole territory4 ,my sincere respects to 99 99 99 991 and to the club of honest whigs at 99 99 99 99 994 ,adieu4 ,i am ever ,yours most affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnotes3 #aej ,this letter has been several times very incorrectly printed3 it is here given from a genuine copy4 ,b4 ,v4 #aea ,dr4 ,franklin1 col4 ,harrison1 and ,mr4 ,lynch1 were at this time appointed by congress 7of which they were members7 to confer on certain subjects with gen4 ,washington4 ,the ,american army was then employed in blocking up gen4 ,howe in ,boston2 and ,i believe it was during this visit1 that gen4 ,washington communicated the following memorable anecdote to ,dr4 ,franklin2 viz4 that there had been a time1 when this army had been so destitute of military stores1 as not to have powder enough in all its magazines1 to furnish more than five rounds per man for their small arms4 ,great guns were out of the question2 they were fired now and then1 only to show that they had them4 ,yet this secret was kept with so much address and good countenance from both armies1 that gen4 ,washington was enabled effectually to continue the blockade4 ,b4 ,v4 ,probability of a ,separation4 ,philadelphia1 ,oct4 #c1 #agge4 ,i wish as ardently as you can do for peace1 and should rejoice exceedingly in co-operating with you to that end4 ,but every ship from ,britain brings some intelligence of new measures1 that tend more and more to exasperate3 and it seems to me1 that until you have found by dear experience the reducing us by force impracticable1 you will think of nothing fair and reasonable4 ,we have as yet resolved only on defensive measures4 ,if you would recal your forces and stay at home1 we should meditate nothing to injure you4 ,a little time so given for cooling on both sides would have excellent effects4 ,but you will goad and provoke us4 ,you despise us too much2 and you are insensible of the ,italian adage1 that there is no little enemy4 ,i am persuaded the body of the ,british people are our friends2 but they are changeable1 and by your lying gazettes may soon be made our enemies4 ,our respect for them will proportionally diminish2 and ,i see clearly we are on the high road to mutual enmity1 hatred1 and detestation4 ,a separation will of course be inevitable4 ,it is a million of pities so fair a plan1 as we have hitherto been engaged in for increasing strength and empire with public felicity1 should be destroyed by the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers4 ,it will not be destroyed3 ,god will protect and prosper it3 you will only exclude yourselves from any share in it4 ,we hear1 that more ships and troops are coming out4 ,we know you may do us a great deal of mischief1 but we are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can2 but if you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission1 you know neither the people nor the country4 ,the congress is still sitting1 and will wait the result of their last petition4 ,letter to ,monsieur ,dumas1 urging him to sound the several ,courts of ,europe1 by ,means of their ,ambassadors at the ,hague1 as to any ,assistance they may be disposed to afford ,america in her ,struggle for ,independence#aeb4 ,philadelphia1 ,dec4 #i1 #agge4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,i received your several favours1 of ,may #ah1 ,june #cj1 and ,july #h1 by ,messrs4 ,vaillant and ,pochard2 whom1 if ,i could serve upon your recommendation1 it would give me great pleasure4 ,their total want of ,english is at present an obstruction to their getting any employment among us2 but ,i hope they will soon obtain some knowledge of it4 ,this is a good country for artificers or farmers1 but gentlemen of mere science in les belles lettres cannot so easily subsist here1 there being little demand for their assistance among an industrious people1 who1 as yet1 have not much leisure for studies of that kind4 ,i am much obliged by the kind present you have made us of your edition of ,vattel4 ,it came to us in good season1 when the circumstances of a rising state make it necessary frequently to consult the law of nations4 ,accordingly that copy which ,i kept 7after depositing one in our own public library here1 and sending the other to the college of ,massachusett's ,bay1 as you directed7 has been continually in the hands of the members of our congress1 now sitting1 who are much pleased with your notes and preface1 and have entertained a high and just esteem for their author4 ,your manuscript ,ide sur le government et la royaut1 is also well relished1 and may1 in time1 have its effect4 ,i thank you1 likewise1 for the other smaller pieces1 which accompanied ,vattel4 ,le court expos de ce qui s'est pass entre la cour ,br4 et les colonies1 c4 being a very concise and clear statement of facts1 will be reprinted here for the use of our new friends in ,canada4 ,the translations of the proceedings of our congress are very acceptable4 ,i send you herewith what of them has been farther published here1 together with a few newspapers1 containing accounts of some of the successes providence has favoured us with4 ,we are threatened from ,england with a very powerful force1 to come next year against us4 ,we are making all the provision in our power here to oppose that force1 and we hope we shall be able to defend ourselves4 ,but1 as the events of war are always uncertain1 possibly1 after another campaign1 we may find it necessary to ask aid of some foreign power4 ,it gives us great pleasure to learn from you1 that toute l',europe nous souhaite le plus heureux succes pour le maintien de nos liberts4 ,but we wish to know1 whether any one of them1 from principles of humanity1 is disposed magnanimously to step in for the relief of an oppressed people1 or whether1 if1 as it seems likely to happen1 we should be obliged to break off all connection with ,britain1 and declare ourselves an independent people1 there is any state or power in ,europe1 who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce1 which amounted1 before the war1 to near seven millions sterling per annum1 and must continually increase1 as our people increase most rapidly4 ,confiding1 my dear friend1 in your good will to us and our cause1 and in your sagacity and abilities for business1 the committee of congress1 appointed for the purpose of establishing and conducting a correspondence with our friends in ,europe1 of which committee ,i have the honour to be a member1 have directed me to request of you1 that1 as you are situated at the ,hague1 where ambassadors from all the courts reside1 you would make use of the opportunity that situation affords you1 of discovering1 if possible1 the disposition of the several courts with respect to such assistance or alliance1 if we should apply for the one1 or propose the other4 ,as it may possibly be necessary1 in particular instances1 that you should1 for this purpose1 confer directly with some great ministers1 and show them this letter as your credential1 we only recommend it to your discretion1 that you proceed therein with such caution1 as to keep the same from the knowledge of the ,english ambassador1 and prevent any public appearance1 at present1 of your being employed in any such business1 as thereby1 we imagine1 many inconveniences may be avoided1 and your means of rendering us service1 increased4 ,that you may be better able to answer some questions1 which will probably be put to you1 concerning our present situation1 we inform you--that the whole continent is very firmly united--the party for the measures of the ,british ministry being very small1 and much dispersed--that we have had on foot1 the last campaign1 an army of near twenty-five thousand men1 wherewith we have been able1 not only to block up the king's army in ,boston1 but to spare considerable detachments for the invasion of ,canada1 where we have met with great success1 as the printed papers sent herewith will inform you1 and have now reason to expect the whole province may be soon in our possession--that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year2 and thereby we hope1 with the assistance of well-disciplined militia1 to be able to defend our coast1 notwithstanding its great extent--that we have already a small squadron of armed vessels1 to protect our coasting trade1 who have had some success in taking several of the enemy's cruisers1 and some of their transport vessels and store-ships4 ,this little naval force we are about to augment1 and expect it may be more considerable in the next summer4 ,we have hitherto applied to no foreign power4 ,we are using the utmost industry in endeavouring to make salt-petre1 and with daily increasing success4 ,our artificers are also every where busy in fabricating small arms1 casting cannon1 c4 yet both arms and ammunition are much wanted4 ,any merchants1 who would venture to send ships1 laden with those articles1 might make great profit2 such is the demand in every colony1 and such generous prices are and will be given2 of which1 and of the manner of conducting such a voyage1 the bearer1 ,mr4 ,storey1 can more fully inform you3 and whoever brings in those articles1 is allowed to carry off the value in provisions1 to our ,west ,indies1 where they will probably fetch a very high price1 the general exportation from ,north ,america being stopped4 ,this you will see more particularly in a printed resolution of the congress4 ,we are in great want of good engineers1 and wish you could engage1 and send us two able ones1 in time for the next campaign1 one acquainted with field service1 sieges1 c4 and the other with fortifying of sea-ports4 ,they will1 if well recommended1 be made very welcome1 and have honourable appointments1 besides the expences of their voyage hither1 in which ,mr4 ,storey can also advise them4 ,as what we now request of you1 besides taking up your time1 may put you to some expense1 we send you for the present1 enclosed1 a bill for one hundred pounds sterling1 to defray such expences1 and desire you to be assured that your services will be considered1 and honourably rewarded by the congress4 ,we desire1 also1 that you would take the trouble of receiving from ,arthur ,lee1 esquire1 agent for the congress in ,england1 such letters as may be sent by him to your care1 and of forwarding them to us with your dispatches4 ,when you have occasion to write to him to inform him of any thing1 which it may be of importance that our friends there should be acquainted with1 please to send your letters to him1 under cover1 directed to ,mr4 ,alderman ,lee1 merchant1 on ,tower-hill1 ,london2 and do not send it by post1 but by some trusty shipper1 or other prudent person1 who will deliver it with his own hand4 ,and when you send to us1 if you have not a direct safe opportunity1 we recommend sending by way of ,st4 ,eustatia1 to the care of ,messrs4 ,robert and ,cornelius ,stevenson1 merchants there1 who will forward your dispatches to me4 ,with sincere and great esteem and respect1 ,i am1 sir1 ,your most obedient1 humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,mons4 ,dumas4 ,,footnote3 #aeb ,this letter is taken from an ,american periodical publication entitled ,the ,port ,folio1 in which it appeared ,july #ca1 #ahjb4 ,editor4 ,letter from ,lord ,howe to ,dr4 ,franklin#aec4 ,eagle1 ,june the #bjth1 #aggf4 ,i cannot1 my worthy friend1 permit the letters and parcels1 which ,i have sent 7in the state ,i received them7 to be landed1 without adding a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities in which our unhappy disputes have engaged us4 ,you will learn the nature of my mission1 from the official dispatches which ,i have recommended to be forwarded by the same conveyance4 ,retaining all the earnestness ,i ever expressed1 to see our differences accommodated2 ,i shall conceive1 if ,i meet with the disposition in the colonies which ,i was once taught to expect1 the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the king's paternal solicitude1 by promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies4 ,but if the deep-rooted prejudices of ,america1 and the necessity of preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels1 must keep us still a divided people2 ,i shall1 from every private as well as public motive1 most heartily lament1 that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained2 and that ,i am to be longer deprived of an opportunity1 to assure you personally of the regard with which ,i am ,your sincere and faithful humble servant1 ,,howe4 ,p4 ,s4 ,i was disappointed of the opportunity ,i expected for sending this letter1 at the time it was dated2 and have ever since been prevented by calms and contrary winds from getting here1 to inform general ,howe of the commission with which ,i have the satisfaction to be charged1 and of his being joined in it4 ,off of ,sandy ,hook1 #abth of ,july4 ,superscribed1 ,,howe4 ,to ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,esq4 ,philadelphia4 ,,footnote3 #aec ,in the year #aggf an act of parliament passed1 to prohibit and restrain1 on the one hand1 the trade and intercourse of the refractory colonies respectively during the revolt2 and on the other hand1 to enable persons appointed by the crown to grant pardons and declare any particular district at the king's peace1 c4 ,lord ,howe 7who had been previously appointed commander of the fleet in ,north ,america7 was1 on ,may #c1 declared joint commissioner with his brother gen4 ,howe1 for the latter purposes of the act4 ,he sailed ,may #ab2 and while off the ,massachusett's coast prepared a declaration announcing this commission1 and accompanied it with circular letters4 ,july #d1 independence had been declared2 but nevertheless congress 7invited by various attempts made to procure a conference7 resolved to send ,messieurs ,franklin1 ,j4 ,adams1 and ,e4 ,rutledge1 to learn the propositions of the commissioners1 by whom authorized1 and to whom addressed4 ,the commissioners having no power to treat with congress in its public capacity1 and congress not being impowered by their representatives to rescind the act of independence1 the conference was broken off4 ,it remains only to add1 that1 on ,sept4 #ai1 the commissioners declared themselves ready to confer with any of the well-affected1 on the means of restoring peace and permanent union with every colony as part of the ,british empire2 and promised a revision of the several royal instructions supposed to lay improper restraints on colony-legislation1 and also the king's concurrence in a revision of the objectionable acts of parliament3 which seemed the ultimatum of the commission4--,parliament however1 by a subsequent act 7which1 among other things1 formally renounced taxation in ,north ,america and the ,west ,indies7 authorized five commissioners to treat1 settle1 and agree1 even with congress2 but subject to the farther confirmation of parliament4 ,lord ,carlisle1 and ,messieurs ,johnson and ,eden1 with the commanders in chief of the land and sea forces1 were the commissioners appointed by the crown under this act2 and ,dr4 ,adam ,ferguson was made secretary to the commission4 ,mr4 ,henry ,strachey had been secretary to the first commission1 attended with the following singular circumstance1 as stated in the house of lords4 ,in this commission for restoring peace to ,america1 7or in other words to induce ,america at once to put a confidence in the crown1 and to believe that the parliament of ,england is a sufficiently powerful and honest barrier for them to trust to7 the secretary 7,mr4 ,strachey7 had #ejjl4 granted for life out of the four and a half per cent4 duty1 filched by the crown from the ,west-,india ,islands1 and in opposition to a solemn address of parliament desiring that it might be applied to the original purposes for which it was granted by the respective assemblies of the islands4--,what these original purposes of the grants were1 ,i meant very briefly to have stated3 but have not been able to procure the proper documents in time4 ,b4 ,v4 ,dr4 ,franklin's ,answer to ,lord ,howe4 ,philadelphia1 ,july #cj1 #aggf4 ,,my ,,lord1 ,i received safe the letters your lordship so kindly forwarded to me1 and beg you to accept my thanks4 ,the official dispatches to which you refer me1 contain nothing more than what we had seen in the act of parliament1 viz4 ,offers of pardon upon submission2 which ,i was sorry to find2 as it must give your lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business4 ,directing pardons to be offered to the colonies1 who are the very parties injured1 expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance1 baseness1 and insensibility1 which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to entertain of us2 but it can have no other effect than that of encreasing our resentments4----,it is impossible we should think of submission to a government1 that has1 with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty1 burned our defenceless towns in the midst of winter2 excited the savages to massacre our 7peaceful7 farmers2 and our slaves to murder their masters2 and is even now#aed bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood4 ,these atrocious injuries have extinguished every spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear3 but were it possible for us to forget and forgive them1 it is not possible for you 7,i mean the ,british nation7 to forgive the people you have so heavily injured2 you can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects1 and permit them to enjoy equal freedom1 to whom you know you have given such just causes of lasting enmity2 and this must impel you1 were we again under your government1 to endeavour the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny1 and obstructing by every means in your power our growing strength and prosperity4 ,but your lordship mentions the king's paternal solicitude for promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies4 ,if by peace is here meant1 a peace to be entered into by distinct states1 now at war2 and his majesty has given your lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace1 ,i may venture to say1 though without authority1 that ,i think a treaty for that purpose not quite impracticable1 before we enter into foreign alliances4 ,but ,i am persuaded you have no such powers4 ,your nation1 though1 by punishing those ,american governors who have fomented the discord1 rebuilding our burnt towns1 and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us1 she might recover a great share of our regard2 and the greatest share of our growing commerce1 with all the advantages of that additional strength1 to be derived from a friendship with us2 yet ,i know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom1 to believe she will ever take such salutary measures4 ,her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation2 her lust of dominion as an ambitious one2 and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one 7none of them legitimate causes of war7 will join to hide from her eyes every view of her true interest1 and continually goad her on in these ruinous distant expeditions1 so destructive both of lives and of treasure1 that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end1 as the ,croisades formerly were to most of the nations of ,europe4 ,i have not the vanity1 my lord1 to think of intimidating1 by thus predicting the effects of this war2 for ,i know it will in ,england have the fate of all my former predictions2 not to be believed till the event shall verify it4 ,long did ,i endeavour1 with unfeigned and unwearied zeal1 to preserve from breaking that fine and noble porcelaine vase----the ,british empire2 for ,i knew that being once broken1 the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole2 and that a perfect re-union of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for4 ,your lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wetted my cheek1 when1 at your good sister's in ,london1 you once gave me expectations1 that a reconciliation might soon take place4 ,i had the misfortune to find these expectations disappointed1 and to be treated as the cause of the mischief ,i was labouring to prevent4 ,my consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment was1 that ,i retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country2 and among the rest1 some share in the regard of lord ,howe4 ,the well-founded esteem1 and permit me to say affection1 which ,i shall always have for your lordship1 make it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war1 the great ground of which 7as described in your letter7 is the necessity of preventing the ,american trade from passing into foreign channels4 ,to me it seems1 that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade1 how valuable soever1 is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood2 that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities2 and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expence of compelling it1 and holding it by fleets and armies4 ,i consider this war against us1 therefore1 as both unjust and unwise2 and ,i am persuaded1 that cool and dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it2 and that even success will not save from some degree of dishonour1 those who have voluntarily engaged to conduct it4 ,i know your great motive in coming hither1 was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation2 and ,i believe1 when you find that to be impossible1 on any terms given you to propose1 you will then relinquish so odious a command1 and return to a more honourable private station4 ,with the greatest and most sincere respect1 ,i have the honour to be1 ,my lord1 ,your lordship's most obedient1 humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin#aee4 ,,footnotes3 #aed ,about this time the ,hessians1 c4 had just arrived from ,europe1 at ,staten ,island and ,new ,york4 ,b4 ,v4 #aee ,it occurs to me to mention that ,dr4 ,franklin was supposed to have been the inventor of a little emblematical design at the commencement of our disputes1 representing the state of ,great ,britain and her colonies1 should the former persist in restraining the latter's trade1 destroying their currency1 and taxing their people by laws made by a legislature in which they were not represented4--,great ,britain was supposed to have been placed upon the globe3 but the colonies1 her limbs1 being severed from her1 she was seen lifting her eyes and mangled stumps to heaven2 her shield1 which she was unable to wield1 lay useless by her side2 her lance had pierced ,new ,england2 the laurel branch was fallen from the hand of ,pensylvania2 the ,english oak had lost its head1 and stood a bare trunk with a few withered branches2 briars and thorns were on the ground beneath it2 our ships had brooms at their topmast heads1 denoting their being upon sale2 and ,britannia herself was seen sliding off the world1 no longer able to hold its balance2 her fragments overspread with the label date obolum ,belisario4--,this in short1 was the fable of the belly and the members reversed4 ,but ,i tell the story chiefly for the sake of the moral1 which has the air of having been suggested by ,dr4 ,franklin#aef2 and is as follows4--,the political moral of this picture is now easily discovered4 ,history affords us many instances of the ruin of states1 by the prosecution of measures ill suited to the temper and genius of its people4 ,the ordaining of laws in favour of one part of the nation1 to the prejudice and oppression of another1 is certainly the most erroneous and mistaken policy4 ,an equal dispensation of protection1 rights1 privileges1 and advantages1 is what every part is intitled to1 and ought to enjoy2 it being a matter of no moment to the state1 whether a subject grows rich and flourishing on the ,thames or the ,ohio1 in ,edinburgh or ,dublin4 ,these measures never fail to create great and violent jealousies and animosities between the people favoured and the people oppressed3 from whence a total separation of affections1 interests1 political obligations1 and all manners of connections1 necessarily ensues2 by which the whole state is weakened and perhaps ruined for ever4 ,this language is part of the same system with the following fragment of a sentence1 which ,dr4 ,franklin inserted in a political publication of one of his friends4 ,the attempts to establish arbitrary power over so great a part of the ,british empire1 are to the imminent hazard of our most valuable commerce1 and of that national strength1 security1 and felicity1 which depend on union and liberty2--,the preservation of which1 ,i am told1 he used to say1 had been the great object and labour of his life2 the whole being such a thing as the world before never saw4 ,b4 ,v4 #aef ,this design was printed on a card1 and ,dr4 ,franklin at the time ,i believe occasionally used to write his notes on such cards4 ,it was also printed on a half sheet of paper1 with an explanation by some other person1 and the moral given above4 ,the drawing was but moderately executed4 ,comparison of ,great ,britain and ,america as to ,credit1 in #agggaeg4 ,in borrowing money a man's credit depends on some or all of the following particulars4 ,first1 ,his known conduct respecting former loans1 and his punctuality in discharging them4 ,secondly1 ,his industry4 ,thirdly1 ,his frugality4 ,fourthly1 ,the amount and the certainty of his income1 and the freedom of his estate from the incumbrances of prior debts4 ,fifthly1 ,his well founded prospects of greater future ability1 by the improvement of his estate in value1 and by aids from others4 ,sixthly1 ,his known prudence in managing his general affairs1 and the advantage they will probably receive from the loan which he desires4 ,seventhly1 ,his known probity and honest character1 manifested by his voluntary discharge of debts1 which he could not have been legally compelled to pay4 ,the circumstances which give credit to an individual ought to have1 and will have1 their weight upon the lenders of money to public bodies or nations4 ,if then we consider and compare ,britain and ,america1 in these several particulars1 upon the question1 ,to which is it safest to lend money8 ,we shall find1 #a4 ,respecting former loans1 that ,america1 which borrowed ten millions during the last war for the maintenance of her army of #be1jjj men and other charges1 had faithfully discharged and paid that debt1 and all her other debts1 in #aggb4 ,whereas ,britain1 during those ten years of peace and profitable commerce1 had made little or no reduction of her debt2 but on the contrary1 from time to time1 diminished the hopes of her creditors1 by a wanton diversion and misapplication of the sinking fund destined for discharging it4 #b4 ,respecting industry2 every man in ,america is employed1 the greater part in cultivating their own lands1 the rest in handicrafts1 navigation1 and commerce4 ,an idle man there is a rarity1 idleness and inutility are disgraceful4 ,in ,england1 the number of that character is immense1 fashion has spread it far and wide2 hence the embarrassments of private fortunes1 and the daily bankruptcies arising from an universal fondness for appearance and expensive pleasures2 and hence1 in some degree1 the mismanagement of public business2 for habits of business1 and ability in it1 are acquired only by practice2 and where universal dissipation1 and the perpetual pursuit of amusement are the mode1 the youth1 educated in it1 can rarely afterwards acquire that patient attention and close application to affairs1 which are so necessary to a statesman charged with the care of national welfare4 ,hence their frequent errors in policy1 and hence the weariness at public councils1 and backwardness in going to them1 the constant unwillingness to engage in any measure that requires thought and consideration1 and the readiness for postponing every new proposition2 which postponing is therefore the only part of business that they come to be expert in1 an expertness produced necessarily by so much daily practice4 ,whereas in ,america1 men bred to close employment in their private affairs1 attend with ease to those of the public1 when engaged in them1 and nothing fails through negligence4 #c4 ,respecting frugality2 the manner of living in ,america is more simple and less expensive than that in ,england3 plain tables1 plain clothing1 and plain furniture in houses prevail1 with few carriages of pleasure2 there1 an expensive appearance hurts credit1 and is avoided3 in ,england1 it is often assumed to gain credit1 and continued to ruin4 ,respecting public affairs1 the difference is still greater4 ,in ,england1 the salaries of officers1 and emoluments of office are enormous4 ,the king has a million sterling per annum1 and yet cannot maintain his family free of debt3 secretaries of state1 lords of treasury1 admiralty1 c4 have vast appointments3 an auditor of the exchequer has sixpence in the pound1 or a fortieth part of all the public money expended by the nation2 so that when a war costs forty millions one million is paid to him3 an inspector of the mint1 in the last new coinage1 received as his fee #fe1jjjl4 sterling per annum2 to all which rewards no service these gentlemen can render the public is by any means equivalent4 ,all this is paid by the people1 who are oppressed by taxes so occasioned1 and thereby rendered less able to contribute to the payment of necessary national debts4 ,in ,america1 salaries1 where indispensible1 are extremely low2 but much of the public business is done gratis4 ,the honour of serving the public ably and faithfully is deemed sufficient4 ,public spirit really exists there1 and has great effects4 ,in ,england it is universally deemed a non-entity1 and whoever pretends to it is laughed at as a fool1 or suspected as a knave4 ,the committees of congress which form the board of war1 the board of treasury1 the board of foreign affairs1 the naval board1 that for accounts1 c4 all attend the business of their respective functions1 without any salary or emolument whatever1 though they spend in it much more of their time than any lord of treasury or admiralty in ,england can spare from his amusements4 ,a ,british minister lately computed1 that the whole expence of the ,americans1 in their civil government over three millions of people amounted to but #gj1jjjl4 sterling1 and drew from thence a conclusion1 that they ought to be taxed1 until their expence was equal in proportion to that which it costs ,britain to govern eight millions4 ,he had no idea of a contrary conclusion1 that if three millions may be well governed for #gj1jjjl4 eight millions may be as well governed for three times that sum1 and that therefore the expence of his own government should be diminished4 ,in that corrupted nation no man is ashamed of being concerned in lucrative government jobs1 in which the public money is egregiously misapplied and squandered1 the treasury pillaged1 and more numerous and heavy taxes accumulated1 to the great oppression of the people4 ,but the prospect of a greater number of such jobs by a war is an inducement with many1 to cry out for war upon all occasions1 and to oppose every proposition of peace4 ,hence the constant increase of the national debt1 and the absolute improbability of its ever being discharged4 #d4 ,respecting the amount and certainty of income1 and solidity of security2 the whole thirteen states of ,america are engaged for the payment of every debt contracted by the congress1 and the debt to be contracted by the present war is the only debt they will have to pay2 all1 or nearly all1 the former debts of particular colonies being already discharged4 ,whereas ,england will have to pay not only the enormous debt this war must occasion1 but all their vast preceding debt1 or the interest of it1--and while ,america is enriching itself by prizes made upon the ,british commerce1 more than it ever did by any commerce of its own1 under the restraints of a ,british monopoly2 ,britain is growing poorer by the loss of that monopoly1 and the diminution of its revenues1 and of course less able to discharge the present indiscreet increase of its expences4 #e4 ,respecting prospects of greater future ability1 ,britain has none such4 ,her islands are circumscribed by the ocean2 and excepting a few parks or forests1 she has no new land to cultivate1 and cannot therefore extend her improvements4 ,her numbers too1 instead of increasing from increased subsistence1 are continually diminishing from growing luxury1 and the increasing difficulties of maintaining families1 which of course discourage early marriages4 ,thus she will have fewer people to assist in paying her debts1 and that diminished number will be poorer4 ,america1 on the contrary1 has1 besides her lands already cultivated1 a vast territory yet to be cultivated2 which1 being cultivated1 continually increases in value with the increase of people2 and the people1 who double themselves by a natural propagation every twenty-five years1 will double yet faster1 by the accession of strangers1 as long as lands are to be had for new families2 so that every twenty years there will be a double number of inhabitants obliged to discharge the public debts2 and those inhabitants1 being more opulent1 may pay their shares with greater ease4 #f4 ,respecting prudence in general affairs1 and the advantages to be expected from the loan desired2 the ,americans are cultivators of land2 those engaged in fishery and commerce are few1 compared with the others4 ,they have ever conducted their several governments with wisdom1 avoiding wars1 and vain expensive projects1 delighting only in their peaceable occupations1 which must1 considering the extent of their uncultivated territory1 find them employment still for ages4 ,whereas ,england1 ever unquiet1 ambitious1 avaricious1 imprudent1 and quarrelsome1 is half of the time engaged in war1 always at an expence infinitely greater than the advantage to be obtained by it1 if successful4 ,thus they made war against ,spain in #agci1 for a claim of about #ie1jjjl4 7scarce a groat for each individual of the nation7 and spent forty millions sterling in the war1 and the lives of fifty thousand men2 and finally made peace without obtaining satisfaction for the sum claimed4 ,indeed1 there is scarce a nation in ,europe1 against which she has not made war on some frivolous pretext or other1 and thereby imprudently accumulated a debt1 that has brought her on the verge of bankruptcy4 ,but the most indiscreet of all her wars1 is the present against ,america1 with whom she might1 for ages1 have preserved her profitable connection only by a just and equitable conduct4 ,she is now acting like a mad shop-keeper1 who1 by beating those that pass his doors1 attempts to make them come in and be his customers4 ,america cannot submit to such treatment1 without being first ruined1 and1 being ruined1 her custom will be worth nothing4 ,england1 to effect this1 is increasing her debt1 and irretrievably ruining herself4 ,america1 on the other hand1 aims only to establish her liberty1 and that freedom of commerce which will be advantageous to all ,europe2 and by abolishing that monopoly which she laboured under1 she will profit infinitely more than enough to repay any debt1 which she may contract to accomplish it4 #g4 ,respecting character in the honest payment of debts2 the punctuality with which ,america has discharged her public debts was shown under the first head4 ,and the general good disposition of the people to such punctuality has been manifested in their faithful payment of private debts to ,england1 since the commencement of this war4 ,there were not wanting some politicians in ,america who proposed stopping that payment1 until peace should be restored1 alleging1 that in the usual course of commerce1 and of the credit given1 there was always a debt existing equal to the trade of eighteen months3 that the trade amounting to five millions sterling per annum1 the debt must be seven millions and an half2 that this sum paid to the ,british merchants would operate to prevent that distress1 intended to be brought upon ,britain1 by our stoppage of commerce with her2 for the merchants1 receiving this money1 and no orders with it for farther supplies1 would either lay it out in the public funds1 or in employing manufacturers to accumulate goods for a future hungry market in ,america upon an expected accommodation1 by which means the funds would be kept up and the manufacturers prevented from murmuring4 ,but against this it was alleged1 that injuries from ministers should not be revenged on merchants2 that the credit was in consequence of private contracts1 made in confidence of good faith2 that these ought to be held sacred and faithfully complied with2 for that1 whatever public utility might be supposed to arise from a breach of private faith1 it was unjust1 and would in the end be found unwise--honesty being in truth the best policy4 ,on this principle the proposition was universally rejected2 and though the ,english prosecuted the war with unexampled barbarity1 burning our defenceless towns in the midst of winter1 and arming savages against us2 the debt was punctually paid2 and the merchants of ,london have testified to the parliament1 and will testify to all the world1 that from their experience in dealing with us they had1 before the war1 no apprehension of our unfairness2 and that since the war they have been convinced1 that their good opinion of us was well founded4 ,england1 on the contrary1 an old1 corrupt1 extravagant1 and profligate nation1 sees herself deep in debt1 which she is in no condition to pay2 and yet is madly1 and dishonestly running deeper1 without any possibility of discharging her debt1 but by a public bankruptcy4 ,it appears1 therefore1 from the general industry1 frugality1 ability1 prudence1 and virtue of ,america1 that she is a much safer debtor than ,britain2--to say nothing of the satisfaction generous minds must have in reflecting1 that by loans to ,america they are opposing tyranny1 and aiding the cause of liberty1 which is the cause of all mankind4 ,,footnote3 #aeg ,this paper was written1 translated1 printed1 and circulated1 while ,dr4 ,franklin was at the court of ,paris1 for the purpose of inducing foreigners to lend money to ,america in preference to ,great ,britain4 ,,papers1 ,,descriptive ,,of ,,america1 ,,or ,,relating ,,to ,,that ,,country1 ,,written ,,subsequent ,,to ,,the ,,revolution4 ,,papers1 ,,descriptive ,,of ,,america1 ,,or ,,relating ,,to ,,that ,,country1 ,,written ,,subsequent ,,to ,,the ,,revolution4 ,remarks concerning the ,savages of ,north-,america#aeh4 ,savages we call them1 because their manners differ from ours1 which we think the perfection of civility2 they think the same of theirs4 ,perhaps1 if we could examine the manners of different nations with impartiality1 we should find no people so rude1 as to be without any rules of politeness2 nor any so polite1 as not to have some remains of rudeness4 ,the ,indian men1 when young1 are hunters and warriors2 when old1 counsellors2 for all their government is by the council or advice of the sages2 there is no force1 there are no prisons1 no officers to compel obedience1 or inflict punishment4 ,hence they generally study oratory1 the best speaker having the most influence4 ,the ,indian women till the ground1 dress the food1 nurse and bring up the children1 and preserve and hand down to posterity the memory of public transactions4 ,these employments of men and women are accounted natural and honourable4 ,having few artificial wants1 they have abundance of leisure for improvement by conversation4 ,our laborious manner of life1 compared with theirs1 they esteem slavish and base2 and the learning on which we value ourselves1 they regard as frivolous and useless4 ,an instance of this occurred at the treaty of ,lancaster1 in ,pensylvania1 anno #agdd1 between the government of ,virginia and the six nations4 ,after the principal business was settled1 the commissioners from ,virginia acquainted the ,indians by a speech1 that there was at ,williamsburg a college1 with a fund1 for educating ,indian youth2 and that if the chiefs of the ,six ,nations would send down half a dozen of their sons to that college1 the government would take care that they should be well provided for1 and instructed in all the learning of the white people4 ,it is one of the ,indian rules of politeness1 not to answer a public proposition the same day that it is made2 they think it would be treating it as a light matter1 and that they show it respect by taking time to consider it1 as of a matter important4 ,they therefore deferred their answer till the day following2 when their speaker began1 by expressing their deep sense of the kindness of the ,virginia government1 in making them that offer2 for we know1 says he1 that you highly esteem the kind of learning taught in those colleges1 and that the maintenance of our young men1 while with you1 would be very expensive to you4 ,we are convinced therefore1 that you mean to do us good by your proposal2 and we thank you heartily4 ,but you1 who are wise1 must know1 that different nations have different conceptions of things2 and you will therefore not take it amiss1 if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours4 ,we have had some experience of it3 several of our young people were formerly brought up at the colleges of the northern provinces2 they were instructed in all your sciences2 but when they came back to us1 they were bad runners1 ignorant of every means of living in the woods1 unable to bear either cold or hunger1 knew neither how to build a cabin1 take a deer1 or kill an enemy1 spoke our language imperfectly1 were therefore neither fit for hunters1 warriors1 or counsellors2 they were totally good for nothing4 ,we are however not the less obliged by your kind offer1 though we decline accepting it3 and to show our grateful sense of it1 if the gentlemen of ,virginia will send us a dozen of their sons1 we will take great care of their education1 instruct them in all we know1 and make men of them4 ,having frequent occasions to hold public councils1 they have acquired great order and decency in conducting them4 ,the old men sit in the foremost ranks1 the warriors in the next1 and the women and children in the hindmost4 ,the business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes1 imprint it in their memories1 for they have no writing1 and communicate it to their children4 ,they are the records of the council1 and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back2 which1 when we compare with our writings1 we always find exact4 ,he that would speak1 rises4 ,the rest observe a profound silence4 ,when he has finished and sits down1 they leave him five or six minutes to recollect1 that1 if he has omitted any thing he intended to say1 or has any thing to add1 he may rise again and deliver it4 ,to interrupt another1 even in common conversation1 is reckoned highly indecent4 ,how different this is from the conduct of a polite ,british house of commons1 where scarce a day passes without some confusion1 that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order2 and how different from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of ,europe1 where1 if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity1 you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with1 and never suffered to finish it6 ,the politeness of these savages in conversation is indeed carried to excess1 since it does not permit them to contradict or deny the truth of what is asserted in their presence4 ,by this means they indeed avoid disputes2 but then it becomes difficult to know their minds1 or what impression you make upon them4 ,the missionaries who have attempted to convert them to christianity1 all complain of this as one of the great difficulties of their mission4 ,the ,indians hear with patience the truths of the gospel explained to them1 and give their usual tokens of assent and approbation3 you would think they were convinced4 ,no such matter4 ,it is mere civility4 ,a ,swedish minister1 having assembled the chiefs of the ,sasquehannah ,indians1 made a sermon to them1 acquainting them with the principal historical facts on which our religion is founded2 such as the fall of our first parents by eating an apple1 the coming of ,christ to repair the mischief1 his miracles and suffering1 c4--,when he had finished1 an ,indian orator stood up to thank him4 ,what you have told us1 says he1 is all very good4 ,it is indeed bad to eat apples4 ,it is better to make them all into cyder4 ,we are much obliged by your kindness in coming so far1 to tell us those things which you have heard from your mothers4 ,in return1 ,i will tell you some of those we have heard from ours4 ,in the beginning1 our fathers had only the flesh of animals to subsist on1 and if their hunting was unsuccessful1 they were starving4 ,two of our young hunters having killed a deer1 made a fire in the woods to broil some parts of it4 ,when they were about to satisfy their hunger1 they beheld a beautiful young woman descend from the clouds1 and seat herself on that hill which you see yonder among the ,blue ,mountains4 ,they said to each other1 it is a spirit that perhaps has smelt our broiling venison1 and wishes to eat of it3 let us offer some to her4 ,they presented her with the tongue3 she was pleased with the taste of it1 and said1 ,your kindness shall be rewarded4 ,come to this place after thirteen moons1 and you shall find something that will be of great benefit in nourishing you and your children to the latest generations4 ,they did so1 and to their surprise1 found plants they had never seen before2 but which1 from that ancient time1 have been constantly cultivated among us1 to our great advantage4 ,where her right hand had touched the ground1 they found maize2 where her left hand had touched it1 they found kidney-beans2 and where her backside had sat on it1 they found tobacco4 ,the good missionary1 disgusted with this idle tale1 said1 ,what ,i delivered to you were sacred truths1 but what you tell me is mere fable1 fiction1 and falsehood4 ,the ,indian1 offended1 replied1 ,my brother1 it seems your friends have not done you justice in your education2 they have not well instructed you in the rules of common civility4 ,you saw that we1 who understand and practice those rules1 believed all your stories1 why do you refuse to believe ours8 ,when any of them come into our towns1 our people are apt to crowd round them1 gaze upon them1 and incommode them where they desire to be private2 this they esteem great rudeness1 and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners4 ,we have1 say they1 as much curiosity as you1 and when you come into our towns1 we wish for opportunities of looking at you2 but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes1 where you are to pass1 and never intrude ourselves into your company4 ,their manner of entering one another's villages has likewise its rules4 ,it is reckoned uncivil in travelling strangers1 to enter a village abruptly1 without giving notice of their approach4 ,therefore1 as soon as they arrive within hearing1 they stop and hollow1 remaining there till invited to enter4 ,two old men usually come out to them1 and lead them in4 ,there is in every village a vacant dwelling1 called the strangers' house4 ,here they are placed1 while the old men go round from hut to hut1 acquainting the inhabitants1 that strangers are arrived1 who are probably hungry and weary2 and every one sends them what he can spare of victuals1 and skins to repose on4 ,when the strangers are refreshed1 pipes and tobacco are brought2 and then1 but not before1 conversation begins1 with enquiries who they are1 whither bound1 what news1 c4 and it usually ends with offers of service1 if the strangers have occasion for guides1 or any necessaries for continuing their journey2 and nothing is exacted for the entertainment4 ,the same hospitality1 esteemed among them as a principal virtue1 is practised by private persons2 of which ,conrad ,weiser1 our interpreter1 gave me the following instance4 ,he had been naturalized among the ,six ,nations1 and spoke well the ,mohuck language4 ,in going through the ,indian country1 to carry a message from our governor to the council at ,onondaga1 he called at the habitation of ,canassetego1 an old acquaintance1 who embraced him1 spread furs for him to sit on1 and placed before him some boiled beans and venison1 and mixed some rum and water for his drink4 ,when he was well refreshed1 and had lit his pipe1 ,canassetego began to converse with him3 asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other1 whence he then came1 what occasioned the journey1 c4 ,conrad answered all his questions2 and when the discourse began to flag1 the ,indian1 to continue it1 said1 ,conrad1 you have lived long among the white people1 and know something of their customs2 ,i have been sometimes at ,albany1 and have observed1 that once in seven days they shut up their shops1 and assemble all in the great house2 tell me what it is for8 ,what do they do there8 ,they meet there1 says ,conrad1 to hear and learn good things4 ,i do not doubt1 says the ,indian1 that they tell you so2 they have told me the same3 but ,i doubt the truth of what they say1 and ,i will tell you my reasons4 ,i went lately to ,albany to sell my skins and buy blankets1 knives1 powder1 rum1 c4 ,you know ,i used generally to deal with ,hans ,hanson2 but ,i was a little inclined this time to try some other merchants4 ,however1 ,i called first upon ,hans1 and asked him what he would give for beaver4 ,he said he could not give more than four shillings a pound3 but1 says he1 ,i cannot talk on business now2 this is the day when we meet together to learn good things1 and ,i am going to the meeting4 ,so ,i thought to myself1 since ,i cannot do any business to-day1 ,i may as well go to the meeting too1 and ,i went with him4 ,there stood up a man in black1 and began to talk to the people very angrily4 ,i did not understand what he said2 but perceiving that he looked much at me1 and at ,hanson1 ,i imagined he was angry at seeing me there2 so ,i went out1 sat down near the house1 struck fire1 and lit my pipe1 waiting till the meeting should break up4 ,i thought too1 that the man had mentioned something of beaver1 and ,i suspected it might be the subject of their meeting4 ,so when they came out ,i accosted my merchant4 ,well1 ,hans1 says ,i1 ,i hope you have agreed to give more than four shillings a pound8 ,no1 says he1 ,i cannot give so much1 ,i cannot give more than three shillings and sixpence4 ,i then spoke to several other dealers1 but they all sung the same song1 three and sixpence1 three and sixpence4 ,this made it clear to me that my suspicion was right2 and that whatever they pretended of meeting to learn good things1 the real purpose was to consult how to cheat ,indians in the price of beaver4 ,consider but a little1 ,conrad1 and you must be of my opinion4 ,if they met so often to learn good things1 they would certainly have learned some before this time4 ,but they are still ignorant4 ,you know our practice4 ,if a white man1 in travelling through our country1 enters one of our cabins1 we all treat him as ,i do you2 we dry him if he is wet1 we warm him if he is cold1 and give him meat and drink1 that he may allay his thirst and hunger2 and we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep on3 we demand nothing in return#aei4 ,but if ,i go into a white man's house at ,albany1 and ask for victuals and drink1 they say1 ,where is your money8 and if ,i have none1 they say1 ,get out you ,indian dog4 ,you see they have not yet learned those little good things1 that we need no meetings to be instructed in1 because our mothers taught them to us when we were children2 and therefore it is impossible their meetings should be1 as they say1 for any such purpose1 or have any such effect2 they are only to contrive the cheating of ,indians in the price of beaver4 ,,footnotes3 #aeh ,this paper and the two next in order were published in separate pamphlets in this country1 in the year #aghd1 and afterwards1 in #aghg1 formed part of a small collection of our author's papers1 printed for ,dilly4 ,it is from this collection we extract them4 ,editor4 #aei ,it is remarkable1 that in all ages and countries1 hospitality has been allowed as the virtue of those1 whom the civilized were pleased to call ,barbarians4 ,the ,greeks celebrated the ,scythians for it1 the ,saracens possessed it eminently2 and it is to this day the reigning virtue of the wild ,arabs4 ,st4 ,paul too1 in the relation of his voyage and shipwreck1 on the island of ,melita1 says1 ,the barbarous people shewed us no little kindness2 for they kindled a fire1 and received us every one1 because of the present rain1 and because of the cold4 ,the internal ,state of ,america2 being a true ,description of the ,interest and ,policy of that vast ,continent4 ,there is a tradition1 that1 in the planting of ,new-,england1 the first settlers met with many difficulties and hardships2 as is generally the case when a civilized people attempt establishing themselves in a wilderness country4 ,being piously disposed1 they sought relief from ,heaven1 by laying their wants and distresses before the ,lord1 in frequent set days of fasting and prayer4 ,constant meditation and discourse on these subjects kept their minds gloomy and discontented2 and1 like the children of ,israel1 there were many disposed to return to that ,egypt1 which persecution had induced them to abandon4 ,at length1 when it was proposed in the assembly to proclaim another fast1 a farmer of plain sense rose1 and remarked1 that the inconveniences they suffered1 and concerning which they had so often wearied heaven with their complaints1 were not so great as they might have expected1 and were diminishing every day as the colony strengthened2 that the earth began to reward their labour1 and to furnish liberally for their subsistence2 that the seas and rivers were found full of fish1 the air sweet1 the climate healthy2 and1 above all1 that they were there in the full enjoyment of liberty1 civil and religious3 he therefore thought1 that reflecting and conversing on these subjects would be more comfortable1 as tending more to make them contented with their situation2 and that it would be more becoming the gratitude they owed to the ,divine ,being1 if1 instead of a fast1 they should proclaim a thanksgiving4 ,his advice was taken2 and from that day to this they have1 in every year1 observed circumstances of public felicity sufficient to furnish employment for a thanksgiving day2 which is therefore constantly ordered and religiously observed4 ,i see in the public newspapers of different states frequent complaints of hard times1 deadness of trade1 scarcity of money1 c4 c4 ,it is not my intention to assert or maintain1 that these complaints are entirely without foundation4 ,there can be no country or nation existing1 in which there will not be some people so circumstanced1 as to find it hard to gain a livelihood2 people who are not in the way of any profitable trade1 and with whom money is scarce1 because they have nothing to give in exchange for it2 and it is always in the power of a small number to make a great clamour4 ,but let us take a cool view of the general state of our affairs1 and perhaps the prospect will appear less gloomy than has been imagined4 ,the great business of the continent is agriculture4 ,for one artisan1 or merchant1 ,i suppose1 we have at least one hundred farmers1 by far the greatest part cultivators of their own fertile lands1 from whence many of them draw not only food necessary for their subsistence1 but the materials of their clothing1 so as to need very few foreign supplies2 while they have a surplus of productions to dispose of1 whereby wealth is gradually accumulated4 ,such has been the goodness of ,divine ,providence to these regions1 and so favourable the climate1 that1 since the three or four years of hardship in the first settlement of our fathers here1 a famine or scarcity has never been heard of amongst us2 on the contrary1 though some years may have been more1 and others less plentiful1 there has always been provision enough for ourselves1 and a quantity to spare for exportation4 ,and although the crops of last year were generally good1 never was the farmer better paid for the part he can spare commerce1 as the published price currents abundantly testify4 ,the lands he possesses are also continually rising in value with the increase of population2 and1 on the whole1 he is enabled to give such good wages to those who work for him1 that all who are acquainted with the old world must agree1 that in no part of it are the labouring poor so generally well fed1 well clothed1 well lodged1 and well paid1 as in the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,if we enter the cities1 we find1 that1 since the revolution1 the owners of houses and lots of ground have had their interest vastly augmented in value2 rents have risen to an astonishing height1 and thence encouragement to increase building1 which gives employment to an abundance of workmen1 as does also the increased luxury and splendour of living of the inhabitants1 thus made richer4 ,these workmen all demand and obtain much higher wages than any other part of the world would afford them1 and are paid in ready money4 ,this rank of people therefore do not1 or ought not1 to complain of hard times2 and they make a very considerable part of the city inhabitants4 ,at the distance ,i live from our ,american fisheries1 ,i cannot speak of them with any degree of certainty2 but ,i have not heard1 that the labour of the valuable race of men employed in them is worse paid1 or that they meet with less success1 than before the revolution4 ,the whale-men indeed have been deprived of one market for their oil2 but another1 ,i hear1 is opening for them1 which it is hoped may be equally advantageous2 and the demand is constantly increasing for their spermaceti candles1 which therefore bear a much higher price than formerly4 ,there remain the merchants and shopkeepers4 ,of these1 though they make but a small part of the whole nation1 the number is considerable1 too great indeed for the business they are employed in2 for the consumption of goods in every country has its limits2 the faculties of the people1 that is1 their ability to buy and pay1 being equal only to a certain quantity of merchandize4 ,if merchants calculate amiss on this proportion1 and import too much1 they will of course find the sale dull for the overplus1 and some of them will say1 that trade languishes4 ,they should1 and doubtless will1 grow wiser by experience1 and import less4 ,if too many artificers in town1 and farmers from the country1 flattering themselves with the idea of leading easier lives1 turn shopkeepers1 the whole natural quantity of that business divided among them all may afford too small a share for each1 and occasion complaints1 that trading is dead2 these may also suppose1 that it is owing to scarcity of money1 while1 in fact1 it is not so much from the fewness of buyers1 as from the excessive number of sellers1 that the mischief arises2 and1 if every shopkeeping farmer and mechanic would return to the use of his plough and working tools1 there would remain of widows1 and other women1 shopkeepers sufficient for the business1 which might then afford them a comfortable maintenance4 ,whoever has travelled through the various parts of ,europe1 and observed how small is the proportion of people in affluence or easy circumstances there1 compared with those in poverty and misery2 the few rich and haughty landlords1 the multitude of poor1 abject1 rack-rented1 tythe-paying tenants1 and half-paid and half-starved ragged labourers2 and views here the happy mediocrity1 that so generally prevails throughout these states1 where the cultivator works for himself1 and supports his family in decent plenty1 will1 methinks1 see abundant reason to bless ,divine ,providence for the evident and great difference in our favour1 and be convinced1 that no nation known to us enjoys a greater share of human felicity4 ,it is true1 that in some of the states there are parties and discords2 but let us look back1 and ask if we were ever without them8 ,such will exist wherever there is liberty2 and perhaps they help to preserve it4 ,by the collision of different sentiments1 sparks of truth are struck out1 and political light is obtained4 ,the different factions1 which at present divide us1 aim all at the public good3 the differences are only about the various modes of promoting it4 ,things1 actions1 measures1 and objects of all kinds1 present themselves to the minds of men in such a variety of lights1 that it is not possible we should all think alike at the same time on every subject1 when hardly the same man retains at all times the same ideas of it4 ,parties are therefore the common lot of humanity2 and ours are by no means more mischievous or less beneficial than those of other countries1 nations1 and ages1 enjoying in the same degree the great blessing of political liberty4 ,some indeed among us are not so much grieved for the present state of our affairs1 as apprehensive for the future4 ,the growth of luxury alarms them1 and they think we are from that alone in the high road to ruin4 ,they observe1 that no revenue is sufficient without economy1 and that the most plentiful income of a whole people from the natural productions of their country may be dissipated in vain and needless expences1 and poverty be introduced in the place of affluence4 ,this may be possible4 ,it however rarely happens3 for there seems to be in every nation a greater proportion of industry and frugality1 which tend to enrich1 than of idleness and prodigality1 which occasion poverty2 so that upon the whole there is a continual accumulation4 ,reflect what ,spain1 ,gaul1 ,germany1 and ,britain were in the time of the ,romans1 inhabited by people little richer than our savages1 and consider the wealth they at present possess1 in numerous well-built cities1 improved farms1 rich moveables1 magazines stocked with valuable manufactures1 to say nothing of plate jewels1 and coined money2 and all this1 notwithstanding their bad1 wasteful1 plundering governments1 and their mad destructive wars2 and yet luxury and extravagant living has never suffered much restraint in those countries4 ,then consider the great proportion of industrious frugal farmers inhabiting the interior parts of these ,american states1 and of whom the body of our nation consists1 and judge whether it is possible1 that the luxury of our sea-ports can be sufficient to ruin such a country4--,if the importation of foreign luxuries could ruin a people1 we should probably have been ruined long ago2 for the ,british nation claimed a right1 and practised it1 of importing among us not only the superfluities of their own production1 but those of every nation under heaven2 we bought and consumed them1 and yet we flourished and grew rich4 ,at present our independent governments may do what we could not then do1 discourage by heavy duties1 or prevent by heavy prohibitions1 such importations1 and thereby grow richer2 if1 indeed1 which may admit of dispute1 the desire of adorning ourselves with fine clothes1 possessing fine furniture1 with elegant houses1 c4 is not1 by strongly inciting to labour and industry1 the occasion of producing a greater value1 than is consumed in the gratification of that desire4 ,the agriculture and fisheries of the ,united ,states are the great sources of our increasing wealth4 ,he that puts a seed into the earth is recompensed1 perhaps1 by receiving forty out of it2 and he who draws a fish out of our water1 draws up a piece of silver4 ,let us 7and there is no doubt but we shall7 be attentive to these1 and then the power of rivals1 with all their restraining and prohibiting acts1 cannot much hurt us4 ,we are sons of the earth and seas1 and1 like ,antus in the fable1 if1 in wrestling with a ,hercules1 we now and then receive a fall1 the touch of our parents will communicate to us fresh strength and vigour to renew the contest4 ,information to those who would remove to ,america4 ,many persons in ,europe having directly or by letters1 expressed to the writer of this1 who is well acquainted with ,north-,america1 their desire of transporting and establishing themselves in that country2 but who appear to him to have formed1 through ignorance1 mistaken ideas and expectations of what is to be obtained there2 he thinks it may be useful1 and prevent inconvenient1 expensive1 and fruitless removals and voyages of improper persons1 if he gives some clearer and truer notions of that part of the world1 than appear to have hitherto prevailed4 ,he finds it is imagined by numbers1 that the inhabitants of ,north ,america are rich1 capable of rewarding1 and disposed to reward1 all sorts of ingenuity2 that they are at the same time ignorant of all the sciences1 and consequently1 that strangers1 possessing talents in the belles-lettres1 fine arts1 c4 must be highly esteemed1 and so well paid1 as to become easily rich themselves2 that there are also abundance of profitable offices to be disposed of1 which the natives are not qualified to fill2 and that1 having few persons of family among them1 strangers of birth must be greatly respected1 and of course easily obtain the best of those offices1 which will make all their fortunes3 that the governments too1 to encourage emigrations from ,europe1 not only pay the expence of personal transportation1 but give lands gratis to strangers1 with negroes to work for them1 utensils of husbandry1 and stocks of cattle4 ,these are all wild imaginations2 and those who go to ,america with expectations founded upon them will surely find themselves disappointed4 ,the truth is1 that though there are in that country few people so miserable as the poor of ,europe1 there are also very few that in ,europe would be called rich2 it is rather a general happy mediocrity that prevails4 ,there are few great proprietors of the soil1 and few tenants2 most people cultivate their own lands1 or follow some handicraft or merchandise2 very few rich enough to live idly upon their rents or incomes1 or to pay the high prices given in ,europe for painting1 statues1 architecture1 and the other works of art1 that are more curious than useful4 ,hence the natural geniuses1 that have arisen in ,america with such talents1 have uniformly quitted that country for ,europe1 where they can be more suitably rewarded4 ,it is true1 that letters and mathematical knowledge are in esteem there1 but they are at the same time more common than is apprehended2 there being already existing nine colleges or universities1 viz4 four in ,new ,england1 and one in each of the provinces of ,new ,york1 ,new ,jersey1 ,pensylvania1 ,maryland1 and ,virginia1 all furnished with learned professors2 besides a number of smaller academies3 these educate many of their youth in the languages1 and those sciences that qualify men for the professions of divinity1 law1 or physic4 ,strangers indeed are by no means excluded from exercising those professions2 and the quick increase of inhabitants every where gives them a chance of employ1 which they have in common with the natives4 ,of civil offices1 or employments1 there are few2 no superfluous ones1 as in ,europe2 and it is a rule established in some of the states1 that no office should be so profitable as to make it desirable4 ,the thirty-sixth article of the constitution of ,pensylvania runs expressly in these words3 ,as every freeman1 to preserve his independence 7if he has not a sufficient estate7 ought to have some profession1 calling1 trade1 or farm1 whereby he may honestly subsist1 there can be no necessity for1 nor use in1 establishing offices of profit2 the usual effects of which are dependence and servility1 unbecoming freemen1 in the possessors and expectants2 faction1 contention1 corruption1 and disorder among the people4 ,wherefore1 whenever an office1 through increase of fees or otherwise1 becomes so profitable1 as to occasion many to apply for it1 the profits ought to be lessened by the legislature4 ,these ideas prevailing more or less in all the ,united ,states1 it cannot be worth any man's while1 who has a means of living at home1 to expatriate himself1 in hopes of obtaining a profitable civil office in ,america2 and as to military offices1 they are at an end with the war1 the armies being disbanded4 ,much less is it adviseable for a person to go thither1 who has no other quality to recommend him but his birth4 ,in ,europe it has indeed its value2 but it is a commodity that cannot be carried to a worse market than to that of ,america1 where people do not enquire concerning a stranger1 ,what is he8 but ,what can he do8 ,if he has any useful art1 he is welcome2 and if he exercises it1 and behaves well1 he will be respected by all that know him2 but a mere man of quality1 who on that account wants to live upon the public by some office or salary1 will be despised and disregarded4 ,the husbandman is in honour there1 and even the mechanic1 because their employments are useful4 ,the people have a saying1 that ,god ,almighty is himself a mechanic1 the greatest in the universe2 and he is respected and admired more for the variety1 ingenuity1 and utility of his handiworks1 than for the antiquity of his family4 ,they are pleased with the observation of a negro1 and frequently mention it1 that ,boccarora 7meaning the white man7 make de black man workee1 make de horse workee1 make de ox workee1 make ebery ting workee2 only de hog4 ,he de hog1 no workee2 he eat1 he drink1 he walk about1 he go to sleep when he please1 he libb like a gentleman4 ,according to these opinions of the ,americans1 one of them would think himself more obliged to a genealogist1 who could prove for him that his ancestors and relations for ten generations had been ploughmen1 smiths1 carpenters1 turners1 weavers1 tanners1 or even shoemakers1 and consequently that they were useful members of society2 than if he could only prove that they were gentlemen1 doing nothing of value1 but living idly on the labour of others1 mere fruges consumere nati#afj1 and otherwise good for nothing1 till by their death their estates1 like the carcase of the negro's gentleman-hog1 come to be cut up4 ,with regard to encouragements for strangers from government1 they are really only what are derived from good laws and liberty4 ,strangers are welcome1 because there is room enough for them all1 and therefore the old inhabitants are not jealous of them2 the laws protect them sufficiently1 so that they have no need of the patronage of great men2 and every one will enjoy securely the profits of his industry4 ,but if he does not bring a fortune with him1 he must work and be industrious to live4 ,one or two years residence give him all the rights of a citizen2 but the government does not at present1 whatever it may have done in former times1 hire people to become settlers1 by paying their passages1 giving land1 negroes1 utensils1 stock1 or any other kind of emolument whatsoever4 ,in short1 ,america is the land of labour1 and by no means what the ,english call ,lubberland1 and the ,french ,pays de ,cocagne1 where the streets are said to be paved with half-peck loaves1 the houses tiled with pancakes1 and where the fowls fly about ready roasted1 crying1 ,come eat me6 ,who then are the kind of persons to whom an emigration to ,america may be advantageous8 ,and what are the advantages they may reasonably expect8 ,land being cheap in that country1 from the vast forests still void of inhabitants1 and not likely to be occupied in an age to come1 insomuch that the propriety of an hundred acres of fertile soil full of wood may be obtained near the frontiers1 in many places1 for eight or ten guineas1 hearty young labouring men1 who understand the husbandry of corn and cattle1 which is nearly the same in that country as in ,europe1 may easily establish themselves there4 ,a little money saved of the good wages they receive there1 while they work for others1 enables them to buy the land and begin their plantation1 in which they are assisted by the good-will of their neighbours1 and some credit4 ,multitudes of poor people from ,england1 ,ireland1 ,scotland1 and ,germany1 have by this means in a few years become wealthy farmers1 who1 in their own countries1 where all the lands are fully occupied1 and the wages of labour low1 could never have emerged from the mean condition wherein they were born4 ,from the salubrity of the air1 the healthiness of the climate1 the plenty of good provisions1 and the encouragement to early marriages1 by the certainty of subsistence in cultivating the earth1 the increase of inhabitants by natural generation is very rapid in ,america1 and becomes still more so by the accession of strangers2 hence there is a continual demand for more artisans of all the necessary and useful kinds1 to supply those cultivators of the earth with houses1 and with furniture and utensils of the grosser sorts1 which cannot so well be brought from ,europe4 ,tolerably good workmen in any of those mechanic arts are sure to find employ1 and to be well paid for their work1 there being no restraints preventing strangers from exercising any art they understand1 nor any permission necessary4 ,if they are poor1 they begin first as servants or journeymen2 and if they are sober1 industrious1 and frugal1 they soon become masters1 establish themselves in business1 marry1 raise families1 and become respectable citizens4 ,also1 persons of moderate fortunes and capitals1 who1 having a number of children to provide for1 are desirous of bringing them up to industry1 and to secure estates for their posterity1 have opportunities of doing it in ,america1 which ,europe does not afford4 ,there they may be taught and practise profitable mechanic arts1 without incurring disgrace on that account1 but on the contrary acquiring respect by such abilities4 ,there small capitals laid out in lands1 which daily become more valuable by the increase of people1 afford a solid prospect of ample fortunes thereafter for those children4 ,the writer of this has known several instances of large tracts of land1 bought1 on what was then the frontier of ,pennsylvania1 for ten pounds per hundred acres1 which1 when the settlements had been extended far beyond them1 sold readily1 without any improvement made upon them1 for three pounds per acre4 ,the acre in ,america is the same with the ,english acre1 or the acre of ,normandy4 ,those1 who desire to understand the state of government in ,america1 would do well to read the constitutions of the several states1 and the articles of confederation that bind the whole together for general purposes1 under the direction of one assembly1 called the congress4 ,these constitutions have been printed1 by order of congress1 in ,america2 two editions of them have also been printed in ,london2 and a good translation of them into ,french has lately been published at ,paris4 ,several of the princes of ,europe of late1 from an opinion of advantage to arise by producing all commodities and manufactures within their own dominions1 so as to diminish or render useless their importations1 have endeavoured to entice workmen from other countries1 by high salaries1 privileges1 c4 ,many persons1 pretending to be skilled in various great manufactures1 imagining1 that ,america must be in want of them1 and that the congress would probably be disposed to imitate the princes above mentioned1 have proposed to go over1 on condition of having their passages paid1 lands given1 salaries appointed1 exclusive privileges for terms of years1 c4 ,such persons1 on reading the articles of confederation1 will find1 that the congress have no power committed to them1 or money put into their hands1 for such purposes2 and that if any such encouragement is given1 it must be by the government of some separate state4 ,this1 however1 has rarely been done in ,america2 and when it has been done1 it has rarely succeeded1 so as to establish a manufacture1 which the country was not yet so ripe for as to encourage private persons to set it up2 labour being generally too dear there1 and hands difficult to be kept together1 every one desiring to be a master1 and the cheapness of land inclining many to leave trades for agriculture4 ,some indeed have met with success1 and are carried on to advantage2 but they are generally such as require only a few hands1 or wherein great part of the work is performed by machines4 ,goods that are bulky1 and of so small value as not well to bear the expence of freight1 may often be made cheaper in the country than they can be imported2 and the manufacture of such goods will be profitable wherever there is a sufficient demand4 ,the farmers in ,america produce indeed a good deal of wool and flax2 and none is exported1 it is all worked up2 but it is in the way of domestic manufacture1 for the use of the family4 ,the buying up quantities of wool and flax1 with the design to employ spinners1 weavers1 c4 and form great establishments1 producing quantities of linen and woollen goods for sale1 has been several times attempted in different provinces2 but those projects have generally failed1 goods of equal value being imported cheaper4 ,and when the governments have been solicited to support such schemes by encouragements1 in money1 or by imposing duties on importation of such goods1 it has been generally refused1 on this principle1 that if the country is ripe for the manufacture1 it may be carried on by private persons to advantage2 and if not1 it is a folly to think of forcing nature4 ,great establishments of manufacture require great numbers of poor to do the work for small wages2 those poor are to be found in ,europe1 but will not be found in ,america1 till the lands are all taken up and cultivated1 and the excess of people1 who cannot get land1 want employment4 ,the manufacture of silk1 they say1 is natural in ,france1 as that of cloth in ,england1 because each country produces in plenty the first material3 but if ,england will have a manufacture of silk as well as that of cloth1 and ,france of cloth as well as that of silk1 these unnatural operations must be supported by mutual prohibitions1 or high duties on the importation of each other's goods2 by which means the workmen are enabled to tax the home consumer by greater prices1 while the higher wages they receive makes them neither happier nor richer1 since they only drink more and work less4 ,therefore the governments in ,america do nothing to encourage such projects4 ,the people1 by this means1 are not imposed on either by the merchant or mechanic3 if the merchant demands too much profit on imported shoes1 they buy of the shoe-maker2 and if he asks too high a price1 they take them of the merchant3 thus the two professions are checks on each other4 ,the shoemaker1 however1 has1 on the whole1 a considerable profit upon his labour in ,america1 beyond what he had in ,europe1 as he can add to his price a sum nearly equal to all the expences of freight and commission1 risque or insurance1 c4 necessarily charged by the merchant4 ,and the case is the same with the workmen in every other mechanic art4 ,hence it is1 that artisans generally live better and more easily in ,america than in ,europe2 and such as are good economists make a comfortable provision for age1 and for their children4 ,such may1 therefore1 remove with advantage to ,america4 ,in the old long-settled countries of ,europe1 all arts1 trades1 professions1 farms1 c4 are so full1 that it is difficult for a poor man who has children to place them where they may gain1 or learn to gain1 a decent livelihood4 ,the artisans1 who fear creating future rivals in business1 refuse to take apprentices1 but upon conditions of money1 maintenance1 or the like1 which the parents are unable to comply with4 ,hence the youth are dragged up in ignorance of every gainful art1 and obliged to become soldiers1 or servants1 or thieves1 for a subsistence4 ,in ,america1 the rapid increase of inhabitants takes away that fear of rivalship1 and artisans willingly receive apprentices from the hope of profit by their labour1 during the remainder of the time stipulated1 after they shall be instructed4 ,hence it is easy for poor families to get their children instructed2 for the artisans are so desirous of apprentices1 that many of them will even give money to the parents1 to have boys from ten to fifteen years of age bound apprentices to them1 till the age of twenty-one2 and many poor parents have1 by that means1 on their arrival in the country1 raised money enough to buy land sufficient to establish themselves1 and to subsist the rest of their family by agriculture4 ,these contracts for apprentices are made before a magistrate1 who regulates the agreement according to reason and justice1 and1 having in view the formation of a future useful citizen1 obliges the master to engage by a written indenture1 not only that1 during the time of service stipulated1 the apprentice shall be duly provided with meat1 drink1 apparel1 washing1 and lodging1 and at its expiration with a complete new suit of clothes1 but also1 that he shall be taught to read1 write1 and cast accounts2 and that he shall be well instructed in the art or profession of his master1 or some other1 by which he may afterwards gain a livelihood1 and be able in his turn to raise a family4 ,a copy of this indenture is given to the apprentice or his friends1 and the magistrate keeps a record of it1 to which recourse may be had1 in case of failure by the master in any point of performance4 ,this desire among the masters1 to have more hands employed in working for them1 induces them to pay the passages of young persons1 of both sexes1 who1 on their arrival1 agree to serve them one1 two1 three1 or four years2 those who have already learned a trade1 agreeing for a shorter term1 in proportion to their skill1 and the consequent immediate value of their service2 and those who have none1 agreeing for a longer term1 in consideration of being taught an art their poverty would not permit them to acquire in their own country4 ,the almost general mediocrity of fortune that prevails in ,america1 obliging its people to follow some business for subsistence1 those vices1 that arise usually from idleness1 are in a great measure prevented4 ,industry and constant employment are great preservatives of the morals and virtue of a nation4 ,hence bad examples to youth are more rare in ,america1 which must be a comfortable consideration to parents4 ,to this may be truly added1 that serious religion1 under its various denominations1 is not only tolerated1 but respected and practised4 ,atheism is unknown there2 infidelity rare and secret2 so that persons may live to a great age in that country1 without having their piety shocked by meeting with either an atheist or an infidel4 ,and the ,divine ,being seems to have manifested his approbation of the mutual forbearance and kindness with which the different sects treat each other1 by the remarkable prosperity with which he has been pleased to favour the whole country4 ,,footnote3 #afj 444 born ,merely to eat up the corn4 ,,watts4 ,,to ,,the ,,earl ,,of ,,buchan#afa4 ,concerning new ,settlements in ,america4 ,passy1 ,march #ag1 #aghc4 ,,my ,,lord1 ,i received the letter your lordship did me the honour of writing to me the #ahth past1 and am much obliged by your kind congratulations on the return of peace1 which ,i hope will be lasting4 ,with regard to the terms on which lands may be acquired in ,america1 and the manner of beginning new settlements on them1 ,i cannot give better information than may be found in a book lately printed at ,london1 under some such title as--,letters from a ,pensylvanian ,farmer1 by ,hector ,st4 ,john4 ,the only encouragement we hold out to strangers are1 a good climate1 fertile soil1 wholesome air and water1 plenty of provisions and food1 good pay for labour1 kind neighbours1 good laws1 and a hearty welcome4 ,the rest depends on a man's own industry and virtue4 ,lands are cheap1 but they must be bought4 ,all settlements are undertaken at private expence2 the public contributes nothing but defence and justice4 ,i have long observed of your people1 that their sobriety1 frugality1 industry and honesty1 seldom fail of success in ,america1 and of procuring them a good establishment among us4 ,i do not recollect the circumstance you are pleased to mention1 of my having saved a citizen at ,st4 ,andrew's by giving a turn to his disorder2 and ,i am curious to know1 what the disorder was1 and what the advice ,i gave1 that proved so salutary#afb4 ,with great regard ,i have the honour to be1 my lord1 your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnotes3 #afa ,from the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 for ,july1 #agid1 to which it was communicated by the nobleman to whom it is addressed4 ,editor4 #afb ,it was a fever in which the ,earl of ,buchan1 then lord ,cadross1 lay sick at ,st4 ,andrew's2 and the advice was1 not to blister1 according to the old practice and the opinion of the learned ,dr4 ,simson1 brother of the celebrated geometrician at ,glasgow4 ,b4 ,a ,comparison of the ,conduct of the ,ancient ,jews1 and of the ,antifederalists in the ,united ,states of ,america#afc4 ,a zealous advocate for the proposed federal constitution in a certain public assembly said1 that the repugnance of a great part of mankind to good government was such1 that he believed1 that if an angel from heaven was to bring down a constitution1 formed there for our use1 it would nevertheless meet with violent opposition4 ,he was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment1 and he did not justify it4 ,probably it might not have immediately occurred to him1 that the experiment had been tried1 and that the event was recorded in the most faithful of all histories1 the ,holy ,bible2 otherwise he might1 as it seems to me1 have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable authority4 ,the ,supreme ,being had been pleased to nourish up a single family1 by continued acts of his attentive providence1 till it became a great people3 and having rescued them from bondage by many miracles1 performed by his servant ,moses1 he personally delivered to that chosen servant1 in presence of the whole nation1 a constitution and code of laws for their observance1 accompanied and sanctioned with promises of great rewards1 and threats of severe punishments1 as the consequence of their obedience or disobedience4 ,this constitution1 though the ,deity himself was to be at its head 7and it is therefore called by political writers a theocracy7 could not be carried into execution but by the means of his ministers2 ,aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to be1 with ,moses1 the first established ministry of the new government4 ,one would have thought1 that the appointment of men1 who had distinguished themselves in procuring the liberty of their nation1 and had hazarded their lives in openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch1 who would have retained that nation in slavery1 might have been an appointment acceptable to a grateful people2 and that a constitution1 framed for them by the ,deity himself1 might on that account have been secure of an universal welcome reception4 ,yet there were1 in every one of the thirteen tribes1 some discontented1 restless spirits1 who were continually exciting them to reject the proposed new government1 and this from various motives4 ,many still retained an affection for ,egypt1 the land of their nativity1 and these1 whenever they felt any inconvenience or hardship1 though the natural and unavoidable effect of their change of situation1 exclaimed against their leaders as the authors of their trouble3 and were not only for returning into ,egypt1 but for stoning their deliverers#afd4 ,those inclined to idolatry were displeased that their golden calf was destroyed4 ,many of the chiefs thought the new constitution might be injurious to their particular interests1 that the profitable places would be engrossed by the families and friends of ,moses and ,aaron1 and others1 equally well born1 excluded4#afe--;,in ,josephus1 and the ,talmud1 we learn some particulars1 not so fully narrated in the scripture4 ,we are there told1 that ,corah was ambitious of the priesthood1 and offended that it was conferred on ,aaron2 and this1 as he said1 by the authority of ,moses only1 without the consent of the people4 ,he accused ,moses of having1 by various artifices1 fraudulently obtained the government1 and deprived the people of their liberties1 and of conspiring with ,aaron to perpetuate the tyranny in their family4 ,thus1 though ,corah's real motive was the supplanting of ,aaron1 he persuaded the people1 that he meant only the public good2 and they1 moved by his insinuations1 began to cry out1 ,let us maintain the common liberty of our respective tribes2 we have freed ourselves from the slavery imposed upon us by the ,egyptians1 and shall we suffer ourselves to be made slaves by ,moses8 ,if we must have a master1 it were better to return to ,pharaoh1 who at least fed us with bread and onions1 than to serve this new tyrant1 who1 by his operations1 has brought us into danger of famine4 ,then they called in question the reality of his conference with ,god1 and objected to the privacy of the meetings1 and the preventing any of the people from being present at the colloquies1 or even approaching the place1 as grounds of great suspicion4 ,they accused ,moses also of peculation1 as embezzling part of the golden spoons and the silver chargers1 that the princes had offered at the dedication of the altar#aff1 and the offerings of gold by the common people#afg1 as well as most of the poll tax#afh2 and ,aaron they accused of pocketing much of the gold of which he pretended to have made a molten calf4 ,besides peculation1 they charged ,moses with ambition2 to gratify which passion1 he had1 they said1 deceived the people1 by promising to bring them to a land flowing with milk and honey2 instead of doing which1 he had brought them from such a land2 and that he thought light of all this mischief1 provided he could make himself an absolute prince#afi4 ,that1 to support the new dignity with splendour in his family1 the partial poll tax1 already levied and given to ,aaron#agj1 was to be followed by a general one#aga1 which would probably be augmented from time to time1 if he were suffered to go on promulgating new laws1 on pretence of new occasional revelations of the divine will1 till their whole fortunes were devoured by that aristocracy4 ,moses denied the charge of peculation1 and his accusers were destitute of proofs to support it2 though facts1 if real1 are in their nature capable of proof4 ,i have not1 said he 7with holy confidence in the presence of ,god71 ,i have not taken from this people the value of an ass1 nor done them any other injury4 ,but his enemies had made the charge1 and with some success among the populace2 for no kind of accusation is so readily made1 or easily believed1 by knaves1 as the accusation of knavery4 ,in fine1 no less than two hundred and fifty of the principal men famous in the congregation1 men of renown#agb1 heading and exciting the mob1 worked them up to such a pitch of phrenzy1 that they called out1 stone 'em1 stone 'em1 and thereby secure our liberties2 and let us choose other captains1 that may lead us back into ,egypt1 in case we do not succeed in reducing the ,canaanites4 ,on the whole1 it appears1 that the ,israelites were a people jealous of their newly acquired liberty1 which jealousy was in itself no fault2 but that1 when they suffered it to be worked upon by artful men1 pretending public good1 with nothing really in view but private interest1 they were led to oppose the establishment of the new constitution1 whereby they brought upon themselves much inconvenience and misfortune4 ,it farther appears1 from the same inestimable history1 that when1 after many ages1 the constitution had become old and much abused1 and an amendment of it was proposed1 the populace1 as they had accused ,moses of the ambition of making himself a prince1 and cried out1 stone him1 stone him2 so1 excited by their high-priests and scribes1 they exclaimed against the ,messiah1 that he aimed at becoming king of the ,jews1 and cried1 crucify him1 crucify him4 ,from all which we may gather1 that popular opposition to a public measure is no proof of its impropriety1 even though the opposition be excited and headed by men of distinction4 ,to conclude1 ,i beg ,i may not be understood to infer1 that our general convention was divinely inspired when it formed the new federal constitution1 merely because that constitution has been unreasonably and vehemently opposed3 yet1 ,i must own1 ,i have so much faith in the general government of the world by ,providence1 that ,i can hardly conceive a transaction of such momentous importance to the welfare of millions now existing1 and to exist in the posterity of a great nation1 should be suffered to pass without being in some degree influenced1 guided and governed by that omnipotent1 omnipresent and beneficent ruler1 in whom all inferior spirits live1 and move1 and have their being4 ,,footnotes3 #afc ,from the ,repository1 vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #cac4 ,editor4 #afd ,numbers1 chap4 xiv4 #afe ,numbers1 chap4 xvi4 ver4 #c4 ,and they gathered themselves together against ,moses and against ,aaron1 and said unto them1 ye take too much upon you1 seeing all the congregations are holy1 every one of them1--wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the congregation4 #aff ,numbers1 chap4 vii4 #afg ,exodus1 chapter xxxv4 ver4 #bb4 #afh ,numbers1 chap4 iii4 and ,exodus1 chap4 xxx4 #afi ,numbers1 chap4 xvi4 ver4 #ac4 ,is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land flowing with milk and honey1 to kill us in this wilderness1 except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us8 #agj ,numbers1 chap4 iii4 #aga ,exodus1 chap4 xxx4 #agb ,numbers1 chap4 xvi4 ,final ,speech of ,dr4 ,franklin in the late ,federal ,convention#agc4 ,,mr4 ,,president1 ,i confess that ,i do not entirely approve of this constitution at present3 but1 ,sir1 ,i am not sure ,i shall never approve it2 for having lived long1 ,i have experienced many instances of being obliged1 by better information1 or fuller consideration1 to change opinions1 even on important subjects1 which ,i once thought right1 but found to be otherwise4 ,it is1 therefore1 that1 the older ,i grow1 the more apt ,i am to doubt my own judgment1 and to pay more respect to the judgment of others4 ,most men1 indeed1 as well as most sects in religion1 think themselves in possession of all truth1 and that whenever others differ from them1 it is so far error4 ,steel1 a protestant1 in a dedication1 tells the pope1 that the only difference between our two churches1 in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrines is1 the ,romish church is infallible1 and the church of ,england never in the wrong4 ,but1 though many private persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their sect1 few express it so naturally as a certain ,french lady1 who1 in a little dispute with her sister1 said1 ,i don't know how it happens1 sister1 but ,i meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right4 ,il n'y a que moi qui a toujours raison4 ,in these sentiments1 ,sir1 ,i agree to this constitution1 with all its faults1 if they are such1 because ,i think a general government necessary for us1 and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing1 if well administered2 and ,i believe farther1 that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years1 and can only end in despotism1 as other forms have done before it1 when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government1 being incapable of any other4 ,i doubt too1 whether any other convention we can obtain1 may be able to make a better constitution4 ,for when you assemble a number of men1 to have the advantage of their joint wisdom1 you inevitably assemble with those men1 all their prejudices1 their passions1 their errors of opinion1 their local interests1 and their selfish views4 ,from such an assembly can a perfect production be expected8 ,it therefore astonishes me1 sir1 to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does2 and ,i think it will astonish our enemies1 who are waiting with confidence to hear1 that our councils are confounded1 like those of the builders of ,babylon1 and that our states are on the point of separation1 only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting each other's throats4 ,thus ,i consent1 sir1 to this constitution1 because ,i expect no better1 and because ,i am not sure1 that this is not the best4 ,the opinions ,i have had of its errors1 ,i sacrifice to the public good4 ,i have never whispered a syllable of them abroad4 ,within these walls they were born1 and here they shall die4 ,if every one of us1 in returning to our constituents1 were to report the objections he has had to it1 and endeavour to gain partisans in support of them1 we might prevent its being generally received1 and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations1 as well as among ourselves1 from our real or apparent unanimity4 ,much of the strength and efficiency of any government1 in procuring and securing happiness to the people1 depends on opinion1 on the general opinion of the goodness of that government1 as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors4 ,i hope therefore1 that for our own sakes1 as part of the people1 and for the sake of our posterity1 we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitution1 wherever our influence may extend1 and turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means of having it well administered4 ,on the whole1 sir1 ,i cannot help expressing a wish1 that every member of the convention1 who may still have objections1 would with me1 on this occasion1 doubt a little of his own infallibility1 and1 to make manifest our unanimity1 put his name to this instrument4 ,the motion was then made for adding the last formula1 viz4 ,done in ,convention1 by the unanimous consent1 c4 which was agreed to1 and added accordingly4 ,,footnote3 #agc ,from the ,american ,museum1 vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #eeh4 ,editor4 ,,papers ,,on ,,moral ,,subjects ,,and ,,the ,,economy ,,of ,,life4 ,,papers ,,on ,,moral ,,subjects ,,and ,,the ,,economy ,,of ,,life4 ,the ,busy-,body4--,no4 ,i#agd4 ,,from ,,the ,,american ,,weekly ,,mercury1 ,,from ,,tuesday1 ,,january #bh1 ,,to ,,tuesday1 ,,february #d1 #agbh1--i4 ,,mr4 ,,andrew ,,bradford1 ,i design this to acquaint you1 that ,i1 who have long been one of your courteous readers1 have lately entertained some thought of setting up for an author myself2 not out of the least vanity1 ,i assure you1 or desire of showing my parts1 but purely for the good of my country4 ,i have often observed with concern1 that your ,mercury is not always equally entertaining4 ,the delay of ships expected in1 and want of fresh advices from ,europe1 make it frequently very dull2 and ,i find the freezing of our river has the same effect on news as trade4--,with more concern have ,i continually observed the growing vices and follies of my country folk3 and though reformation is properly the concern of every man1 that is1 every one ought to mend one2 yet it is too true in this case1 that what is every body's business is no body's business1 and the business is done accordingly4 ,i therefore1 upon mature deliberation1 think fit to take no body's business wholly into my own hands2 and1 out of zeal for the public good1 design to erect myself into a kind of censor morum2 purposing1 with your allowance1 to make use of the ,weekly ,mercury as a vehicle1 in which my remonstrances shall be conveyed to the world4 ,i am sensible ,i have1 in this particular1 undertaken a very unthankful office1 and expect little besides my labour for my pains4 ,nay1 it is probable1 ,i may displease a great number of your readers1 who will not very well like to pay ten shillings a year for being told of their faults4 ,but as most people delight in censure1 when they themselves are not the objects of it1 if any are offended at my publicly exposing their private vices1 ,i promise they shall have the satisfaction1 in a very little time1 of seeing their good friends and neighbours in the same circumstances4 ,however1 let the fair sex be assured1 that ,i shall always treat them and their affairs with the utmost decency and respect4 ,i intend now and then to dedicate a chapter wholly to their service2 and if my lectures any way contribute to the embellishment of their minds1 and brightening of their understandings1 without offending their modesty1 ,i doubt not of having their favour and encouragement4 ,it is certain1 that no country in the world produces naturally finer spirits than ours1 men of genius for every kind of science1 and capable of acquiring to perfection every qualification1 that is in esteem among mankind4 ,but as few here have the advantage of good books1 for want of which1 good conversation is still more scarce1 it would1 doubtless1 have been very acceptable to your readers1 if1 instead of an old out-of-date article from ,muscovy or ,hungary1 you had entertained them with some well chosen extract from a good author4 ,this ,i shall sometimes do1 when ,i happen to have nothing of my own to say that ,i think of more consequence4 ,sometimes1 ,i purpose to deliver lectures of morality of philosophy1 and 7because ,i am naturally inclined to be meddling with things that do not concern me7 perhaps ,i may sometimes talk politics4 ,and if ,i can by any means furnish out a weekly entertainment for the public1 that will give a rational diversion1 and at the same time be instructive to the readers1 ,i shall think my leisure hours well employed3 and if you publish this1 ,i hereby invite all ingenious gentlemen and others 7that approve of such an undertaking7 to my assistance and correspondence4 ,it is like1 by this time1 you have a curiosity to be acquainted with my name and character4 ,as ,i do not aim at public praise1 ,i design to remain concealed3 and there are such numbers of our family and relations at this time in the country1 that1 though ,i have signed my name at full length1 ,i am not under the least apprehension of being distinguished and discovered by it4 ,my character indeed1 ,i would favour you with1 but that ,i am cautious of praising myself1 lest ,i should be told my trumpeter's dead3 and ,i cannot find in my heart1 at present1 to say any thing to my own disadvantage4 ,it is very common with authors in their first performances1 to talk to their readers thus1 ,if this meets with a suitable reception1 or1 if this should meet with due encouragement1 ,i shall hereafter publish1 c4--,this only manifests the value they put on their own writings1 since they think to frighten the public into their applause1 by threatening1 that unless you approve what they have already wrote1 they intend never to write again2 when perhaps it may not be a pin matter1 whether they ever do or no4 ,as ,i have not observ'd the critics to be more favourable on this account1 ,i shall always avoid saying any thing of the kind2 and conclude with telling you1 that if you send me a bottle of ink and a quire of paper by the bearer1 you may depend on hearing further from1 ,sir1 ,your most humble servant1 ,,the ,,busy-,,body4 ,the ,busy-,body4--,no4 ,,ii4 ,,from ,,tuesday1 ,,february #d1 ,,to ,,tuesday1 ,,february #aa1 #agbh1--i4 ,all fools have still an itching to deride1 ,and fain would be upon the laughing side4--,,pope4 ,monsieur ,rochefocault tells us somewhere in his ,memoirs1 that the ,prince of ,cond delighted much in ridicule1 and used frequently to shut himself up for half a day together1 in his chamber1 with a gentleman1 that was his favourite1 purposely to divert himself with examining what was the foible1 or ridiculous side1 of every noted person in the court4 ,that gentleman said afterwards in some company1 that he thought nothing was more ridiculous in any body1 than this same humour in the prince2 and ,i am somewhat inclined to be of this opinion4 ,the general tendency there is among us to this embellishment 7which ,i fear has too often grossly imposed upon my loving countrymen instead of wit7 and the applause it meets with from a rising generation1 fill me with fearful apprehensions for the future reputation of my country3 a young man of modesty 7which is the most certain indication of large capacities7 is hereby discouraged from attempting to make any figure in life3 his apprehensions of being outlaughed1 will force him to continue in a restless obscurity1 without having an opportunity of knowing his own merit himself1 or discovering it to the world1 rather than venture to expose himself in a place1 where a pun or a sneer shall pass for wit1 noise for reason1 and the strength of the argument be judged by that of the lungs4 ,among these witty gentlemen let us take a view of ,ridentius3 what a contemptible figure does he make with his train of paltry admirers8 ,this wight shall give himself an hour's diversion with the cock of a man's hat1 the heels of his shoes1 an unguarded expression in his discourse1 or even some personal defect2 and the height of his low ambition is to put some one of the company to the blush1 who perhaps must pay an equal share of the reckoning with himself4 ,if such a fellow makes laughing the sole end and purpose of his life1 if it is necessary to his constitution1 or if he has a great desire of growing suddenly fat1 let him eat2 let him give public notice where any dull stupid rogues may get a quart of four-penny for being laugh'd at2 but it is barbarously unhandsome1 when friends meet for the benefit of conversation1 and a proper relaxation from business1 that one should be the butt of the company1 and four men made merry at the cost of the fifth4 ,how different from this character is that of the good-natured1 gay ,eugenius8 who never spoke yet but with a design to divert and please2 and who was never yet baulked in his intention4 ,eugenius takes more delight in applying the wit of his friends1 than in being admired himself3 and if any one of the company is so unfortunate as to be touched a little too nearly1 he will make use of some ingenious artifice to turn the edge of ridicule another way1 chusing rather to make himself a public jest1 than be at the pain of seeing his friend in confusion4 ,among the tribe of laughers ,i reckon the pretty gentlemen1 that write satyrs1 and carry them about in their pockets1 reading them themselves in all company they happen into2 taking an advantage of the ill taste of the town1 to make themselves famous for a pack of paltry1 low nonsense1 for which they deserve to be kicked1 rather than admired1 by all who have the least tincture of politeness4 ,these ,i take to be the most incorrigible of all my readers2 nay1 ,i expect they will be squibbing at the ,busy-,body himself4 ,however1 the only favour he begs of them is this1 that if they cannot controul their overbearing itch of scribbling1 let him be attacked in downright biting lyricks2 for there is no satyr he dreads half so much1 as an attempt towards a panegyrick4 ,the ,busy-,body4--,no4 ,,iii4 ,,from ,,tuesday1 ,,february #aa1 ,,to ,,tuesday1 ,,february #ah1 #agbh1--i4 ,non vultus instantis ,tyranni ,mente quatit solida1 nec auster1 ,dux inquieti turbidus ,adri1 ,nec fulminantis magna ,jovis manus4--,,hor4 ,it is said1 that the ,persians1 in their ancient constitution1 had public schools1 in which virtue was taught as a liberal art or science3 and it is certainly of more consequence to a man1 that he has learnt to govern his passions2 in spite of temptation1 to be just in his dealings1 to be temperate in his pleasures1 to support himself with fortitude under his misfortunes1 to behave with prudence in all his affairs1 and in every circumstance of life2 ,i say1 it is of much more real advantage to him to be thus qualified1 than to be a master of all the arts and sciences in the world beside4 ,virtue alone is sufficient to make a man great1 glorious1 and happy4--,he that is acquainted with ,cato1 as ,i am1 cannot help thinking as ,i do now1 and will acknowledge he deserves the name1 without being honoured by it4 ,cato is a man whom fortune has placed in the most obscure part of the country4 ,his circumstances are such1 as only put him above necessity1 without affording him many superfluities3 yet who is greater than ,cato8 ,i happened but the other day to be at a house in town1 where1 among others1 were met1 men of the most note in this place2 ,cato had business with some of them1 and knocked at the door4 ,the most trifling actions of a man1 in my opinion1 as well as the smallest features and lineaments of the face1 give a nice observer some notion of his mind4 ,methought he rapped in such a peculiar manner1 as seemed of itself to express there was one who deserved as well as desired admission4 ,he appeared in the plainest country garb2 his great coat was coarse1 and looked old and thread bare2 his linen was homespun2 his beard1 perhaps1 of seven days growth2 his shoes thick and heavy2 and every part of his dress corresponding4 ,why was this man received with such concurring respect from every person in the room1 even from those1 who had never known him or seen him before8 ,it was not an exquisite form of person or grandeur of dress1 that struck us with admiration4 ,i believe long habits of virtue have a sensible effect on the countenance3 there was something in the air of his face1 that manifested the true greatness of his mind2 which likewise appeared in all he said1 and in every part of his behaviour1 obliging us to regard him with a kind of veneration4 ,his aspect is sweetened with humanity and benevolence1 and at the same time emboldened with resolution1 equally free from diffident bashfulness and an unbecoming assurance4 ,the consciousness of his own innate worth and unshaken integrity renders him calm and undaunted in the presence of the most great and powerful1 and upon the most extraordinary occasions4 ,his strict justice and known impartiality make him the arbitrator and decider of all differences1 that arise for many miles around him1 without putting his neighbours to the charge1 perplexity1 and uncertainty of law-suits4 ,he always speaks the thing he means1 which he is never afraid or ashamed to do1 because he knows he always means well2 and therefore is never obliged to blush1 and feel the confusion of finding himself detected in the meanness of a falshood4 ,he never contrives ill against his neighbour1 and therefore is never seen with a lowring1 suspicious aspect4 ,a mixture of innocence and wisdom makes him ever seriously chearful4 ,his generous hospitality to strangers1 according to his ability1 his goodness1 his charity1 his courage in the cause of the oppressed1 his fidelity in friendship1 his humility1 his honesty and sincerity1 his moderation and his loyalty to the government1 his piety1 his temperance1 his love to mankind1 his magnanimity1 his public spiritedness1 and1 in fine1 his consummate virtue1 make him justly deserve to be esteemed the glory of his country4 ,the brave do never shun the light1 ,just are their thoughts1 and open are their tempers2 ,freely without disguise they love and hate2 ,still are they found in the fair face of day1 ,and heaven and men are judges of their actions4--,,rowe4 ,who would not rather choose1 if it were in his choice1 to merit the above character1 than be the richest1 the most learned1 or the most powerful man in the province without it8 ,almost every man has a strong natural desire of being valued and esteemed by the rest of his species2 but ,i am concerned and grieved to see how few fall into the right and only infallible method of becoming so4 ,that laudable ambition is too commonly misapply'd and often ill employed4 ,some1 to make themselves considerable1 pursue learning2 others grasp at wealth2 some aim at being thought witty2 and others are only careful to make the most of an handsome person3 but what is wit1 or wealth1 or form1 or learning1 when compared with virtue8 ,it is true1 we love the handsome1 we applaud the learned1 and we fear the rich and powerful2 but we even worship and adore the virtuous4 ,nor is it strange2 since men of virtue are so rare1 so very rare to be found4 ,if we were as industrious to become good1 as to make ourselves great1 we should become really great by being good1 and the number of valuable men would be much increased2 but it is a grand mistake to think of being great without goodness2 and ,i pronounce it as certain1 that there was never yet a truly great man1 that was not at the same time truly virtuous4 ,o ,cretico6 thou sour philosopher6 thou cunning statesman6 thou art crafty1 but far from being wise4 ,when wilt thou be esteemed1 regarded1 and beloved like ,cato8 ,when wilt thou1 among thy creatures1 meet with that unfeigned respect and warm good-will that all men have for him8 ,wilt thou never understand1 that the cringing1 mean1 submissive deportment of thy dependants1 is 7like the worship paid by ,indians to the devil7 rather through fear of the harm thou mayst do them1 than out of gratitude for the favours they have received of thee8 ,thou art not wholly void of virtue2 there are many good things in thee1 and many good actions reported of thee4 ,be advised by thy friend3 neglect those musty authors2 let them be covered with dust1 and moulder on their proper shelves2 and do thou apply thyself to a study much more profitable1 the knowledge of mankind and of thyself4 ,this is to give notice1 that the ,busy-,body strictly forbids all persons1 from this time forward1 of what age1 sex1 rank1 quality1 degree1 or denomination soever1 on any pretence1 to inquire who is the author of this paper1 on pain of his displeasure 7his own near and dear relations only excepted74 ,it is to be observed1 that if any bad characters happen to be drawn in the course of these papers1 they mean no particular person1 if they are not particularly applied4 ,likewise1 that the author is no party-man1 but a general meddler4 ,n4 ,b4 ,cretico lives in a neighbouring province4 ,the ,busy-,body4--,no4 ,,iv4 ,,from ,,tuesday1 ,,february #ah1 ,,to ,,tuesday1 ,,february #be1 #agbh1--i4 ,nequid nimis4 ,in my first paper1 ,i invited the learned and the ingenious to join with me in this undertaking2 and ,i now repeat that invitation4 ,i would have such gentlemen take this opportunity 7by trying their talent in writing7 of diverting themselves and friends1 and improving the taste of the town4 ,and because ,i would encourage all wit of our own growth and produce1 ,i hereby promise1 that whoever shall send me a little essay on some moral or other subject1 that is fit for public view in this manner1 7and not basely borrowed from any other author7 ,i shall receive it with candour1 and take care to place it to the best advantage4 ,it will be hard1 if we cannot muster up in the whole country a sufficient stock of sense to supply the ,busy-,body at least for a twelve-month4 ,for my own part1 ,i have already professed1 that ,i have the good of my country wholly at heart in this design1 without the least sinister view2 my chief purpose being to inculcate the noble principles of virtue1 and depreciate vice of every kind4 ,but as ,i know the mob hate instruction1 and the generality would never read beyond the first line of my lectures1 if they were actually filled with nothing but wholesome precepts and advice1 ,i must therefore sometimes humour them in their own way4 ,there are a set of great names in the province1 who are the common objects of popular dislike4 ,if ,i can now and then overcome my reluctance1 and prevail with myself to satirize a little1 one of these gentlemen1 the expectation of meeting with such a gratification will induce many to read me through1 who would otherwise proceed immediately to the foreign news4 ,as ,i am very well assured the greatest men among us have a sincere love for their country1 notwithstanding its ingratitude1 and the insinuations of the envious and malicious to the contrary1 so ,i doubt not but they will cheerfully tolerate me in the liberty ,i design to take for the end abovementioned4 ,as yet ,i have but few correspondents1 though they begin now to increase4 ,the following letter1 left for me at the printer's1 is one of the first ,i have received1 which ,i regard the more for that it comes from one of the fair sex1 and because ,i have myself oftentimes suffered under the grievance therein complained of4 ,to the ,busy-,body4 ,,sir1 ,you having set yourself up for a censuror morum 7as ,i think you call it7 which is said to mean a reformer of manners1 ,i know no person more proper to be applied to for redress in all the grievances we suffer from want of manners in some people4 ,you must know1 ,i am a single woman1 and keep a shop in this town for a livelihood4 ,there is a certain neighbour of mine1 who is really agreeable company enough1 and with whom ,i have had an intimacy of some time standing2 but of late she makes her visits so exceedingly often1 and stays so very long every visit1 that ,i am tired out of all patience4 ,i have no manner of time at all to myself2 and you1 who seem to be a wise man1 must needs be sensible1 that every person has little secrets and privacies1 that are not proper to be exposed even to the nearest friend4 ,now ,i cannot do the least thing in the world1 but she must know about it2 and it is a wonder ,i have found an opportunity to write you this letter4 ,my misfortune is1 that ,i respect her very well1 and know not how to disoblige her so much as to tell her1 ,i should be glad to have less of her company2 for if ,i should once hint such a thing1 ,i am afraid she would resent it so as never to darken my door again4--,but alas1 ,sir1 ,i have not yet told you half my affliction4 ,she has two children that are just big enough to run about and do pretty mischief3 these are continually along with mamma1 either in my room or shop1 if ,i have ever so many customers or people with me about business4 ,sometimes they pull the goods off my low shelves down to the ground1 and perhaps where one of them has just been making water4 ,my friend takes up the stuff1 and cries1 ,oh6 thou little wicked mischievous rogue6 ,but however1 it has done no great damage2 it is only wet a little1 and so puts it up upon the shelf again4 ,sometimes they get to my cask of nails behind the counter1 and divert themselves1 to my great vexation1 with mixing my ten-penny and eight-penny and four-penny together4 ,i endeavour to conceal my uneasiness as much as possible1 and with a grave look go to sorting them out4 ,she cries1 ,don't thee trouble thyself1 neighbour4 ,let them play a little2 ,i'll put all to rights before ,i go4 ,but things are never so put to rights but that ,i find a great deal of work to do after they are gone4 ,thus1 ,sir1 ,i have all the trouble and pesterment of children1 without the pleasure of calling them my own2 and they are now so used to being here that they will be content no where else4 ,if she would have been so kind as to have moderated her visits to ten times a day1 and staid but half an hour at a time1 ,i should have been contented1 and ,i believe never have given you this trouble4 ,but this very morning they have so tormented me that ,i could bear no longer2 for while the mother was asking me twenty impertinent questions1 the youngest got to my nails1 and with great delight rattled them by handfuls all over the floor2 and the other at the same time made such a terrible din upon my counter with a hammer1 that ,i grew half distracted4 ,i was just then about to make myself a new suit of pinners1 but in the fret and confusion ,i cut it quite out of all manner of shape1 and utterly spoiled a piece of the first muslin4 ,pray1 sir1 tell me what ,i shall do4 ,and talk a little against such unreasonable visiting in your next paper3 though ,i would not have her affronted with me for a great deal1 for sincerely ,i love her and her children1 as well1 ,i think1 as a neighbour can1 and she buys a great many things in a year at my shop4 ,but ,i would beg her to consider1 that she uses me unmercifully1 though ,i believe it is only for want of thought4 ,but ,i have twenty things more to tell you besides all this3 there is a handsome gentleman that has a mind 7,i don't question7 to make love to me2 but he can't get the opportunity to----,o dear1 here she comes again2 ,i must conclude ,your's1 c4 ,,patience4 ,indeed1 it is well enough1 as it happens1 that she is come to shorten this complaint1 which ,i think is full long enough already1 and probably would otherwise have been as long again4 ,however1 ,i must confess1 ,i cannot help pitying my correspondent's case1 and in her behalf1 exhort the visitor to remember and consider the words of the wise man1 withdraw thy foot from the house of thy neighbour1 lest he grow weary of thee and so hate thee4 ,it is1 ,i believe1 a nice thing and very difficult1 to regulate our visits in such a manner1 as never to give offence by coming too seldom1 or too often1 or departing too abruptly1 or staying too long4 ,however1 in my opinion1 it is safest for most people1 in a general way1 who are unwilling to disoblige1 to visit seldom1 and tarry but a little while in a place2 notwithstanding pressing invitations1 which are many times insincere4 ,and though more of your company should be really desired2 yet in this case1 too much reservedness is a fault more easily excused than the contrary4 ,men are subject to various inconveniencies merely through lack of a small share of courage1 which is a quality very necessary in the common occurrences of life1 as well as in a battle4 ,how many impertinencies do we daily suffer with great uneasiness1 because we have not courage enough to discover our dislike8 ,and why may not a man use the boldness and freedom of telling his friends1 that their long visits sometimes incommode him8 ,on this occasion1 it may be entertaining to some of my readers1 if ,i acquaint them with the ,turkish manner of entertaining visitors1 which ,i have from an author of unquestionable veracity2 who assures us1 that even the ,turks are not so ignorant of civility and the arts of endearment1 but that they can practise them with as much exactness as any other nation1 whenever they have a mind to show themselves obliging4 ,when you visit a person of quality 7says he7 and have talked over your business1 or the compliments1 or whatever concern brought you thither1 he makes a sign to have things served in for the entertainment1 which is generally a little sweetmeat1 a dish of sherbet1 and another of coffee2 all which are immediately brought in by the servants1 and tendered to all the guests in order1 with the greatest care and awfulness imaginable4 ,at last comes the finishing part of your entertainment1 which is1 perfuming the beards of the company2 a ceremony which is performed in this manner4 ,they have for the purpose a small silver chaffing dish1 covered with a lid full of holes1 and fixed upon a handsome plate4 ,in this they put some fresh coals1 and upon them a piece of lignum aloes1 and shutting it up1 the smoke immediately ascends with a grateful odour through the holes of the cover4 ,this smoke is held under every one's chin1 and offered as it were a sacrifice to his beard4 ,the bristly idol soon receives the reverence done to it1 and so greedily takes in and incorporates the gummy steam1 that it retains the savour of it1 and may serve for a nosegay a good while after4 ,this ceremony may perhaps seem ridiculous at first hearing2 but it passes among the ,turks for an high gratification4 ,and ,i will say this in its vindication1 that its design is very wise and useful4 ,for it is understood to give a civil dismission to the visitants1 intimating to them1 that the master of the house has business to do1 or some other avocation1 that permits them to go away as soon as they please2 and the sooner after this ceremony the better4 ,by this means you may1 at any time1 without offence1 deliver yourself from being detained from your affairs by tedious and unseasonable visits2 and from being constrained to use that piece of hypocrisy1 so common in the world1 of pressing those to stay longer with you1 whom perhaps in your heart you wish a great way off for having troubled you so long already4 ,thus far my author4 ,for my own part1 ,i have taken such a fancy to this ,turkish custom1 that for the future ,i shall put something like it in practice4 ,i have provided a bottle of right ,french brandy for the men1 and citron water for the ladies4 ,after ,i have treated with a dram1 and presented a pinch of my best snuff1 ,i expect all company will retire1 and leave me to pursue my studies for the good of the public4 ,advertisement4 ,i give notice1 that ,i am now actually compiling1 and design to publish in a short time1 the true history of the rise1 growth1 and progress of the renowned ,tiff ,club4 ,all persons who are acquainted with any facts1 circumstances1 characters1 transactions1 c4 which will be requisite to the perfecting and embellishment of the said work1 are desired to communicate the same to the author1 and direct their letters to be left with the printer hereof4 ,the letter signed ,would-be-something is come to hand4 ,the ,busy-,body4--,no4 ,v4 ,,from ,,tuesday1 ,,february #be1 ,,to ,,tuesday1 ,,march #d1 #agbh1--i4 ,vos1 o patricius sanguis1 quos vivere fas est1 ,occipiti cco1 postic occurrite sann4 ,,persius4 ,this paper being design'd for a terror to evil doers1 as well as a praise to them that do well1 ,i am lifted up with secret joy to find1 that my undertaking is approved1 and encourag'd by the just and good1 and that few are against me but those who have reason to fear me4 ,there are little follies in the behaviour of most men1 which their best friends are too tender to acquaint them with2 there are little vices and small crimes which the law has no regard to or remedy for3 there are likewise great pieces of villany sometimes so craftily accomplished1 and so circumspectly guarded1 that the law can take no hold of the actors4 ,all these things1 and all things of this nature1 come within my province as ,censor1 and ,i am determined not to be negligent of the trust ,i have reposed in myself1 but resolve to execute my office diligently and faithfully4 ,and that all the world may judge with how much humanity1 as well as justice1 ,i shall behave in this office2 and that even my enemies may be convinced ,i take no delight to rake into the dunghill lives of vicious men2 and to the end that certain persons may be a little eased of their fears1 and relieved from the terrible palpitations they have lately felt and suffered1 and do still suffer2 ,i hereby graciously pass an act of general oblivion1 for all offences1 crimes1 and misdemeanors of what kind soever1 committed from the beginning of the year #afha1 until the day of the date of my first paper1 and promise only to concern myself with such as have been since and shall hereafter be committed4 ,i shall take no notice who has 7heretofore7 raised a fortune by fraud and oppression1 nor who by deceit and hypocrisy2 what woman has been false to her good husband's bed1 nor what man has1 by barbarous usage or neglect1 broke the heart of a faithful wife1 and wasted his health and substance in debauchery2 what base wretch has betrayed his friend1 and sold his honesty for gold1 nor what baser wretch first corrupted him1 and then bought the bargain3 all this1 and much more of the same kind1 ,i shall forget1 and pass over in silence2 but then it is to be observed1 that ,i expect and require a sudden and general amendment4 ,these threatenings of mine1 ,i hope will have a good effect1 and1 if regarded1 may prevent abundance of folly and wickedness in others1 and1 at the same time1 save me abundance of trouble3 and that people may not flatter themselves with the hopes of concealing their loose misdemeanors from my knowledge1 and in that view persist in evil doing1 ,i must acquaint them1 that ,i have lately entered into an intimacy with the extraordinary person1 who some time since wrote me the following letter2 and who1 having a wonderful faculty1 that enables him to discover the most secret iniquity1 is capable of giving me great assistance in my designed work of reformation4 ,,mr4 ,,busy-,,body1 ,i rejoice1 sir1 at the opportunity you have given me to be serviceable to you1 and1 by your means1 to this province4 ,you must know1 that such have been the circumstances of my life1 and such were the marvellous concurrences of my birth1 that ,i have not only a faculty of discovering the actions of persons1 that are absent or asleep1 but even of the devil himself1 in many of his secret workings1 in the various shapes1 habits1 and names of men and women3 and having travelled and conversed much1 and met but with a very few of the same perceptions and qualifications1 ,i can recommend myself to you as the most useful man you can correspond with4 ,my father's father's father 7for we had no grandfathers in our family7 was the same ,john ,bunyan that writ that memorable book1 ,the ,pilgrim's ,progress1 who had1 in some degree1 a natural faculty of second sight4 ,this faculty 7how derived to him our family memoirs are not very clear7 was enjoyed by all his descendants1 but not by equal talents4 ,it was very dim in several of my first cousins1 and probably had been nearly extinct in our particular branch1 had not my father been a traveller4 ,he lived1 in his youthful days1 in ,new ,england4 ,there he married1 and there was born my elder brother1 who had so much of this faculty1 as to discover witches in some of their occult performances4 ,my parents transporting themselves to ,great ,britain1 my second brother's birth was in that kingdom4 ,he shared but a small portion of this virtue1 being only able to discern transactions about the time of1 and for the most part after1 their happening4 ,my good father1 who delighted in the ,pilgrim's ,progress1 and mountainous places1 took shipping1 with his wife1 for ,scotland1 and inhabited in the ,highlands1 where myself was born2 and whether the soil1 climate1 or astral influences1 of which are preserved divers prognosticks1 restored our ancestor's natural faculty of second sight1 in a greater lustre to me1 than it had shined in through several generations1 ,i will not here discuss4 ,but so it is1 that ,i am possessed largely of it1 and design1 if you encourage the proposal1 to take this opportunity of doing good with it1 which ,i question not will be accepted of in a grateful way by many of your honest readers1 though the discovery of my extraction bodes me no deference from your great scholars and modern philosophers4 ,this my father was long ago aware of1 and lest the name alone should hurt the fortunes of his children1 he1 in his shiftings from one country to another1 wisely changed it4 ,sir1 ,i have only this further to say1 how ,i may be useful to you1 and as a reason for my not making myself more known in the world3 by virtue of this great gift of nature1 second-sightedness1 ,i do continually see numbers of men1 women1 and children1 of all ranks1 and what they are doing1 while ,i am sitting in my closet2 which is too great a burthen for the mind1 and makes me also conceit1 even against reason1 that all this host of people can see and observe me1 which strongly inclines me to solitude1 and an obscure living2 and1 on the other hand1 it will be an ease to me to disburthen my thoughts and observations in the way proposed to you1 by sir1 your friend and humble servant4 ,i conceal this correspondent's name1 in my care for his life and safety1 and cannot but approve his prudence1 in chusing to live obscurely4 ,i remember the fate of my poor monkey3 he had an illnatured trick of grinning and chattering at every thing he saw in peticoats3 my ignorant country neighbours got a notion1 that pug snarled by instinct at every female who had lost her virginity4 ,this was no sooner generally believed1 than he was condemned to death3 by whom ,i could never learn1 but he was assassinated in the night1 barbarously stabbed and mangled in a thousand places1 and left hanging dead on one of my gate posts1 where ,i found him the next morning4 ,the ,censor observing1 that the itch of scribbling begins to spread exceedingly1 and being carefully tender of the reputation of his country1 in point of wit and good sense1 has determined to take all manner of writings in verse or prose1 that pretend to either1 under his immediate cognizance2 and accordingly1 hereby prohibits the publishing any such for the future1 till they have first passed his examination1 and received his imprimatur3 for which he demands as a fee only sixpence per sheet4 ,n4 ,b4 ,he nevertheless permits to be published1 all satirical remarks on the ,busy-,body1 the above prohibition notwithstanding1 and without examination1 or requiring the said fees2 which indulgence the small wits1 in and about this city1 are advised gratefully to accept and acknowledge4 ,the gentleman1 who calls himself ,sirronio1 is directed1 on receipt of this1 to burn his great book of ,crudities4 ,p4 ,s4 ,in compassion to that young man1 on account of the great pains he has taken1 in consideration of the character ,i have just received of him1 that he is really good natured1 and on condition he shows it to no foreigner1 or stranger of sense1 ,i have thought fit to reprieve his said great book of ,crudities from the flames1 till further order4 ,noli me tangere ,i had resolved1 when ,i first commenced this design1 on no account to enter into a public dispute with any man2 for ,i judged it would be equally unpleasant to me and my readers1 to see this paper filled with contentious wrangling1 answers1 replies1 c4 which is a way of writing that is endless1 and1 at the same time1 seldom contains any thing that is either edifying or entertaining4 ,yet1 when such a considerable man as ,mr4 ---- finds himself concerned so warmly to accuse and condemn me1 as he has done in ,keimer's last ,instructor1 ,i cannot forbear endeavouring to say something in my own defence1 from one of the worst of characters that could be given me by a man of worth4 ,but as ,i have many things of more consequence to offer the public1 ,i declare1 that ,i will never1 after this time1 take notice of any accusations1 not better supported with truth and reason2 much less may every little scribbler1 that shall attack me1 expect an answer from the ,busy-,body4 ,the sum of the charge delivered against me1 either directly or indirectly1 in the said paper1 is this3 not to mention the first weighty sentence concerning vanity and ill-nature1 and the shrewd intimation1 that ,i am without charity1 and therefore can have no pretence to religion1 ,i am represented as guilty of defamation and scandal1 the odiousness of which is apparent to every good man1 and the practice of it opposite to christianity1 morality1 and common justice1 and1 in some cases1 so far below all these1 as to be inhuman2 as a blaster of reputations2 as attempting1 by a pretence1 to screen myself from the imputation of malice and prejudice2 as using a weapon1 which the wiser and better part of mankind hold in abhorrence2 and as giving treatment which the wiser and better part of mankind dislike on the same principles1 and for the same reason1 as they do assassination1 c42 and all this is inferred and concluded from a character ,i have wrote in my ,number ,,iii4 ,in order to examine the justice and truth of this heavy charge1 let us recur to that character4 ,and here we may be surprized to find what a trifle has raised this mighty clamour and complaint1 this grievous accusation6--,the worst thing said of the person1 in what is called my gross description 7be he who he will to whom my accuser has applied the character of ,cretico7 is1 that he is a sour philosopher1 crafty1 but not wise4 ,few humane characters can be drawn that will not fit some body1 in so large a country as this2 but one would think1 supposing ,i meant ,cretico a real person1 ,i had sufficiently manifested my impartiality1 when ,i said1 in that very paragraph1 that ,cretico is not without virtue2 that there are many good things in him1 and many good actions reported of him2 which must be allowed in all reason1 very much to overbalance in his favour those worst words1 sour tempered1 and cunning4 ,nay1 my very enemy and accuser must have been sensible of this1 when he freely acknowledges1 that he has been seriously considering1 and cannot yet determine1 which he would choose to be1 the ,cato or ,cretico of that paper2 since my ,cato is one of the best of characters4 ,thus much in my own vindication4 ,as to the only reasons there given1 why ,i ought not to continue drawing characters1 viz4 ,why should any man's picture be published which he never sat for2 or his good name taken from him any more than his money or possessions1 at the arbitrary will of another1 c4 ,i have but this to answer3 the money or possessions1 ,i presume1 are nothing to the purpose2 since no man can claim a right either to those or a good name1 if he has acted so as to forfeit them4 ,and are not the public the only judges what share of reputation they think proper to allow any man8 ,supposing ,i was capable1 and had an inclination1 to draw all the good and bad characters in ,america1 why should a good man be offended with me for drawing good characters8 ,and if ,i draw ill ones1 can they fit any but those that deserve them8 ,and ought any but such to be concerned that they have their deserts8 ,i have as great an aversion and abhorrence for defamation and scandal as any man1 and would1 with the utmost care1 avoid being guilty of such base things3 besides ,i am very sensible and certain1 that if ,i should make use of this paper to defame any person1 my reputation would be sooner hurt by it than his2 and the ,busy-,body would quickly become detestable2 because1 in such a case1 as is justly observed1 the pleasure arising from a tale of wit and novelty soon dies away in generous and honest minds1 and is followed with a secret grief1 to see their neighbours calumniated4 ,but if ,i myself was actually the worst man in the province1 and any one should draw my true character1 would it not be ridiculous in me to say1 he had defamed and scandalized me1 unless he had added in a matter of truth8 ,if any thing is meant by asking1 why any man's picture should be published which he never sat for8 it must be1 that we should give no character without the owner's consent4 ,if ,i discern the wolf disguised in harmless wool1 and contriving the destruction of my neighbour's sheep1 must ,i have his permission1 before ,i am allowed to discover and prevent him8 ,if ,i know a man to be a designing knave1 must ,i ask his consent1 to bid my friends beware of him8 ,if so1 then1 by the same rule1 supposing the ,busy-,body had really merited all his enemy had charged him with1 his consent likewise ought to have been obtained1 before so terrible an accusation was published against him4 ,i shall conclude with observing1 that in the last paragraph save one of the piece now examined1 much ill nature and some good sense are co-inhabitants 7as he expresses it74 ,the ill nature appears1 in his endeavouring to discover satire1 where ,i intended no such thing1 but quite the reverse3 the good sense is this1 that drawing too good a character of any one is a refined manner of satire1 that may be as injurious to him as the contrary1 by bringing on an examination that undresses the person1 and in the haste of doing it1 he may happen to be stript of what he really owns and deserves4 ,as ,i am ,censor1 ,i might punish the first1 but ,i forgive it4 ,yet ,i will not leave the latter unrewarded2 but assure my adversary1 that in consideration of the merit of those four lines1 ,i am resolved to forbear injuring him on any account in that refined manner4 ,i thank my neighbour ,p---- ,w----l for his kind letter4 ,the lions complained of shall be muzzled4 ,the ,busy-,body4--,no4 ,,viii4 ,,from ,,tuesday1 ,,march #bj1 ,,to ,,thursday1 ,,march #bg1 #agbi4 ,quid non mortalia pectora cogis1 ,auri sacra fames8----,,virgil4 ,one of the greatest pleasures an author can have1 is1 certainly1 the hearing his works applauded4 ,the hiding from the world our names1 while we publish our thoughts1 is so absolutely necessary to this self-gratification1 that ,i hope my well-wishers will congratulate me on my escape from the many diligent1 but fruitless enquiries1 that have of late been made after me4 ,every man will own1 that an author1 as such1 ought to be hid by the merit of his productions only2 but pride1 party1 and prejudice1 at this time1 run so very high1 that experience shows we form our notions of a piece by the character of the author4 ,nay1 there are some very humble politicians in and about this city1 who will ask1 on which side the writer is1 before they presume to give their opinion of the thing wrote4 ,this ungenerous way of proceeding ,i was well aware of before ,i published my first speculation2 and therefore concealed my name4 ,and ,i appeal to the more generous part of the world1 if ,i have1 since ,i appeared in the character of the ,busy-,body1 given an instance of my siding with any party more than another1 in the unhappy divisions of my country2 and ,i have1 above all1 this satisfaction in myself1 that neither affection1 aversion1 or interest1 have biassed me to use any partiality towards any man1 or set of men2 but whatsoever ,i find nonsensical1 ridiculous1 or immorally dishonest1 ,i have1 and shall continue openly to attack1 with the freedom of an honest man1 and a lover of my country4 ,i profess ,i can hardly contain myself1 or preserve the gravity and dignity that should attend the censorial office1 when ,i hear the odd and unaccountable expositions1 that are put upon some of my works1 through the malicious ignorance of some1 and the vain pride of more than ordinary penetration in others2 one instance of which many of my readers are acquainted with4 ,a certain gentleman has taken a great deal of pains to write a key to the letter in my ,number ,,iv1 wherein he has ingeniously converted a gentle satyr upon tedious and impertinent visitants1 into a libel on some of the government4 ,this ,i mention only as a specimen of the taste of the gentleman2 ,i am1 forsooth1 bound to please in my speculations1 not that ,i suppose my impartiality will ever be called in question on that account4 ,injustices of this nature ,i could complain of in many instances2 but ,i am at present diverted by the reception of a letter1 which1 though it regards me only in my private capacity1 as an adept1 yet ,i venture to publish it for the entertainment of my readers4 ,to ,censor ,morum1 ,esq4 ,busy-,body ,general of the ,province of ,pennsylvania1 and the ,counties of ,newcastle1 ,kent1 and ,sussex upon ,delaware4 ,,honourable ,,sir1 ,i judge by your lucubrations1 that you are not only a lover of truth and equity1 but a man of parts and learning1 and a master of science2 as such ,i honour you4 ,know then1 most profound sir1 that ,i have1 from my youth up1 been a very indefatigable student in1 and admirer of1 that divine science1 astrology4 ,i have read over ,scot1 ,albertus ,magnus1 and ,cornelius ,agrippa1 above three hundred times2 and was in hopes1 by my knowledge and industry1 to gain enough to have recompensed me for my money expended1 and time lost in the pursuit of this learning4 ,you cannot be ignorant1 sir1 7for your intimate second-sighted correspondent knows all things7 that there are large sums of money hidden under ground in divers places about this town1 and in many parts of the country3 but alas1 sir1 notwithstanding ,i have used all the means laid down in the immortal authors before mentioned1 and when they failed the ingenious ,mr4 ,p--d--l1 with his mercurial wand and magnet1 ,i have still failed in my purpose4 ,this1 therefore1 ,i send1 to propose and desire an acquaintance with you1 and ,i do not doubt1 notwithstanding my repeated ill fortune1 but we may be exceedingly serviceable to each other in our discoveries2 and that if we use our united endeavours1 the time will come1 when the ,busy-,body1 his second-sighted correspondent1 and your very humble servant1 will be three of the richest men in the province3 and then1 sir1 what may we not do8 ,a word to the wise is sufficient4 ,i conclude with all demonstrable respect1 ,yours and ,urania's ,votary1 ,,titan ,,pleiades4 ,in the evening after ,i had received this letter1 ,i made a visit to my second-sighted friend1 and communicated to him the proposal4 ,when he had read it1 he assured me1 that to his certain knowledge1 there is not at this time so much as one ounce of silver or gold hid under ground in any part of this province2 for that the late and present scarcity of money had obliged those1 who were living1 and knew where they had formerly hid any1 to take it up1 and use it in their own necessary affairs3 and as to all the rest1 which was buried by pirates and others in old times1 who were never like to come for it1 he himself had long since dug it all up1 and applied it to charitable uses2 and this he desired me to publish for the general good4 ,for1 as he acquainted me1 there are among us great numbers of honest artificers and labouring people1 who1 fed with a vain hope of growing suddenly rich1 neglect their business1 almost to the ruining of themselves and families1 and voluntarily endure abundance of fatigue in a fruitless search after imaginary hidden treasure4 ,they wander through the woods and bushes by day1 to discover the marks and signs2 at midnight they repair to the hopeful spots with spades and pickaxes2 full of expectation1 they labour violently1 trembling at the same time in every joint1 through fear of certain malicious demons1 who are said to haunt and guard such places4 ,at length a mighty hole is dug1 and perhaps several cartloads of earth thrown out2 but1 alas1 no cag or iron pot is found6 no seaman's chest crammed with ,spanish pistoles1 or weighty pieces of eight6 ,then they conclude1 that through some mistake in the procedure1 some rash word spoke1 or some rule of art neglected1 the guardian spirit had power to sink it deeper into the earth1 and convey it out of their reach4 ,yet1 when a man is once thus infatuated1 he is so far from being discouraged by ill success1 that he is rather animated to double his industry1 and will try again and again in a hundred different places1 in hopes at last of meeting with some lucky hit1 that shall at once sufficiently reward him for all his expense of time and labour4 ,this odd humour of digging for money through a belief1 that much has been hid by pirates formerly frequenting the river1 has for several years been mighty prevalent among us2 insomuch that you can hardly walk half a mile out of the town on any side1 without observing several pits dug with that design1 and perhaps some lately opened4 ,men1 otherwise of very good sense1 have been drawn into this practice1 through an overweening desire of sudden wealth1 and an easy credulity of what they so earnestly wished might be true4 ,while the rational and almost certain methods of acquiring riches by industry and frugality are neglected or forgotten4 ,there seems to be some peculiar charm in the conceit of finding money2 and if the sands of ,schuylkil were so much mixed with small grains of gold1 that a man might in a day's time1 with care and application1 get together to the value of half a crown1 ,i make no question but we should find several people employed there1 that can with ease earn five shillings a day at their proper trades4 ,many are the idle stories told of the private success of some people1 by which others are encouraged to proceed2 and the astrologers1 with whom the country swarms at this time1 are either in the belief of these things themselves1 or find their advantage in persuading others to believe them2 for they are often consulted about the critical times for digging1 the methods of laying the spirit1 and the like whimsies1 which renders them very necessary to1 and very much caressed by1 the poor deluded money-hunters4 ,there is certainly something very bewitching in the pursuit after mines of gold and silver and other valuable metals1 and many have been ruined by it4 ,a sea-captain of my acquaintance used to blame the ,english for envying ,spain their mines of silver1 and too much despising or overlooking the advantages of their own industry and manufactures4 ,for my part1 says he1 ,i esteem the banks of ,newfoundland to be a more valuable possession than the mountains of ,potosi2 and when ,i have been there on the fishing account1 have looked upon every cod pulled up into the vessel as a certain quantity of silver ore1 which required only carrying to the next ,spanish port to be coined into pieces of eight2 not to mention the national profit of fitting out and employing such a number of ships and seamen4 ,let honest ,peter ,buckram1 who has long1 without success1 been a searcher after hidden money1 reflect on this1 and be reclaimed from that unaccountable folly4 ,let him consider1 that every stitch he takes when he is on his shop board is picking up part of a grain of gold1 that will in a few days time amount to a pistole2 and let ,faber think the same of every nail he drives1 or every stroke with his plane4 ,such thoughts may make them industrious1 and of consequence in time they may be wealthy4 ,but how absurd is it to neglect a certain profit for such a ridiculous whimsey3 to spend whole days at the ,george1 in company with an idle pretender to astrology1 contriving schemes to discover what was never hidden1 and forgetful how carelessly business is managed at home in their absence3 to leave their wives and a warm bed at midnight 7no matter if it rain1 hail1 snow1 or blow a hurricane1 provided that be the critical hour7 and fatigue themselves with the violent exercise of digging for what they shall never find1 and perhaps getting a cold that may cost their lives1 or at least disordering themselves so as to be fit for no business beside for some days after4 ,surely this is nothing less than the most egregious folly and madness4 ,i shall conclude with the words of my discreet friend1 ,agricola1 of ,chester ,county1 when he gave his son a good plantation3--,my son1 says he1 ,i give thee now a valuable parcel of land2 ,i assure thee ,i have found a considerable quantity of gold by digging there2 thee mayst do the same2 but thee must carefully observe this1 ,never to dig more than plow-deep4 ,,footnote3 #agd ,these are the humorous pieces mentioned by ,dr4 ,franklin in his ,memoirs1 page #hf4 ,we are indebted for them to an ,american correspondent1 who obtained a copy with great difficulty1 some depredating hand having torn from the file of the ,mercury1 in the ,philadelphia ,library1 several of the numbers containing the pieces in question4 ,editor4 ,the ,way to ,wealth1 as clearly shown in the ,preface of an old ,pensylvania ,almanack1 intitled1 ,poor ,richard ,improved#age4 ,,courteous ,,reader1 ,i have heard1 that nothing gives an author so great pleasure1 as to find his works respectfully quoted by others4 ,judge1 then1 how much ,i must have been gratified by an incident ,i am going to relate to you4 ,i stopped my horse lately1 where a great number of people were collected1 at an auction of merchants goods4 ,the hour of the sale not being come1 they were conversing on the badness of the times2 and one of the company called to a plain clean old man1 with white locks1 ',pray1 ,father ,abraham1 what think you of the times8 ,will not these heavy taxes quite ruin the country8 ,how shall we ever be able to pay them8 ,what would you advise us to8'--,father ,abraham stood up1 and replied1 ',if you would have my advice1 ,i will give it you in short1 for a word to the wise is enough1 as ,poor ,richard says4' ,they joined in desiring him to speak his mind1 and gathering round him1 he proceeded as follows3 ',friends1 says he1 the taxes are1 indeed1 very heavy1 and1 if those laid on by the government were the only ones we had to pay1 we might more easily discharge them2 but we have many others1 and much more grievous to some of us4 ,we are taxed twice as much by our idleness1 three times as much by our pride1 and four times as much by our folly2 and from these taxes the commissioners cannot ease or deliver us1 by allowing an abatement4 ,however1 let us hearken to good advice1 and something may be done for us2 ,god helps them that help themselves1 as poor ,richard says4 ',i4 ,it would be thought a hard government that should tax its people one tenth part of their time1 to be employed in its service3 but idleness taxes many of us much more2 sloth1 by bringing on diseases1 absolutely shortens life4 ,sloth1 like rust1 consumes faster than labour wears1 while the used key is always bright1 as poor ,richard says4 ,but dost thou love life1 then do not squander time1 for that is the stuff life is made of1 as poor ,richard says4 ,how much more than is necessary do we spend in sleep6 forgetting1 that the sleeping fox catches no poultry1 and that there will be sleeping enough in the grave1 as poor ,richard says4 ',if time be of all things the most precious1 wasting time must be1 as poor ,richard says1 the greatest prodigality2 since1 as he elsewhere tells us1 lost time is never found again2 and what we call time enough always proves little enough3 let us then up and be doing1 and doing to the purpose2 so by diligence shall we do more with less perplexity4 ,sloth makes all things difficult1 but industry all easy2 and he that riseth late1 must trot all day1 and shall scarce overtake his business at night2 while laziness travels so slowly1 that poverty soon overtakes him4 ,drive thy business1 let not that drive thee2 and early to bed1 and early to rise1 makes a man healthy1 wealthy1 and wise1 as poor ,richard says4 ',so what signifies wishing and hoping for better times8 ,we may make these times better1 if we bestir ourselves4 ,industry need not wish1 and he that lives upon hope will die fasting4 ,there are no gains without pains2 then help hands1 for ,i have no lands1 or1 if ,i have1 they are smartly taxed4 ,he1 that hath a trade1 hath an estate2 and he1 that hath a calling1 hath an office of profit and honour1 as poor ,richard says2 but then the trade must be worked at1 and the calling well followed1 or neither the estate nor the office will enable us to pay our taxes4 ,if we are industrious1 we shall never starve2 for1 at the working man's house1 hunger looks in1 but dares not enter4 ,nor will the bailiff or the constable enter1 for industry pays debts1 while despair increaseth them4 ,what though you have found no treasure1 nor has any rich relation left you a legacy1 diligence is the mother of good luck1 and ,god gives all things to industry4 ,then plow deep1 while sluggards sleep1 and you shall have corn to sell and to keep4 ,work while it is called to-day1 for you know not how much you may be hindered to-morrow4 ,one to-day is worth two to-morrows1 as poor ,richard says2 and farther1 never leave that till to-morrow1 which you can do to-day4 ,if you were a servant1 would you not be ashamed that a good master should catch you idle8 ,are you then your own master8 ,be ashamed to catch yourself idle1 when there is so much to be done for yourself1 your family1 your country1 and your king4 ,handle your tools without mittens2 remember1 that the cat in gloves catches no mice1 as poor ,richard says4 ,it is true1 there is much to be done1 and perhaps you are weak-handed2 but stick to it steadily1 and you will see great effects1 for constant dropping wears away stones2 and by diligence and patience the mouse ate in two the cable2 and little strokes fell great oaks4 ',methinks ,i hear some of you say1 must a man afford himself no leisure8 ,i will tell thee1 my friend1 what poor ,richard says2 employ thy time well1 if thou meanest to gain leisure2 and since thou art not sure of a minute1 throw not away an hour4 ,leisure is time for doing something useful2 this leisure the diligent man will obtain1 but the lazy man never2 for a life of leisure and a life of laziness are two things4 ,many1 without labour1 would live by their wits only1 but they break for want of stock2 whereas industry gives comfort1 and plenty1 and respect4 ,fly pleasures1 and they will follow you4 ,the diligent spinner has a large shift2 and now ,i have a sheep and a cow1 every body bids me good-morrow4 ',,ii4 ,but with our industry we must likewise be steady1 settled1 and careful1 and oversee our own affairs with our own eyes1 and not trust too much to others2 for1 as poor ,richard says1 ,i never saw an oft-removed tree1 ,nor yet an oft-removed family1 ,that throve so well as those that settled be4 ,and again1 three removes is as bad as a fire2 and again1 keep thy shop1 and thy shop will keep thee2 and again1 if you would have your business done1 go1 if not1 send4 ,and again1 ,he that by the plough would thrive1 ,himself must either hold or drive4 ,and again1 the eye of a master will do more work than both his hands2 and again1 want of care does us more damage than want of knowledge2 and again1 not to oversee workmen1 is to leave them your purse open4 ,trusting too much to other's care is the ruin of many2 for1 in the affairs of this world1 men are saved1 not by faith1 but by the want of it2 but a man's own care is profitable2 for1 if you would have a faithful servant1 and one that you like1 serve yourself4 ,a little neglect may breed great mischief2 for want of a nail the shoe was lost1 and for want of a shoe the horse was lost1 and for want of a horse the rider was lost1 being overtaken and slain by the enemy2 all for want of a little care about a horse-shoe nail4 ',,iii4 ,so much for industry1 my friends1 and attention to ones own business2 but to these we must add frugality1 if we would make our industry more certainly successful4 ,a man may1 if he knows not how to save as he gets1 keep his nose all his life to the grind-stone1 and die not worth a groat at last4 ,a fat kitchen makes a lean will2 and ,many estates are spent in the getting1 ,since women for tea forsook spinning and knitting1 ,and men for punch forsook hewing and splitting4 ,if you would be wealthy1 think of saving1 as well as of getting4 ,the ,indies have not made ,spain rich1 because her outgoes are greater than her incomes4 ',away then1 with your expensive follies1 and you will not then have so much cause to complain of hard times1 heavy taxes1 and chargeable families2 for ,women and wine1 game and deceit1 ,make the wealth small1 and the want great4 ,and farther1 what maintains one vice1 would bring up two children4 ,you may think1 perhaps1 that a little tea1 or a little punch now and then1 diet a little more costly1 clothes a little finer1 and a little entertainment now and then1 can be no great matter2 but remember1 many a little makes a mickle4 ,beware of little expences2 a small leak will sink a great ship1 as poor ,richard says2 and again1 who dainties love1 shall beggars prove2 and moreover1 fools make feasts1 and wise men eat them4 ',here you are all got together to this sale of fineries and nick-nacks4 ,you call them goods1 but if you do not take care1 they will prove evils to some of you4 ,you expect they will be sold cheap1 and perhaps they may1 for less than they cost2 but1 if you have no occasion for them1 they must be dear to you4 ,remember what poor ,richard says1 buy what thou hast no need of1 and ere long thou shalt sell thy necessaries4 ,and again1 at a great penny-worth pause a while4 ,he means1 that perhaps the cheapness is apparent only1 and not real2 or the bargain1 by straitening thee in thy business1 may do thee more harm than good4 ,for in another place he says1 many have been ruined by buying good pennyworths4 ,again1 it is foolish to lay out money in a purchase of repentance2 and yet this folly is practised every day at auctions1 for want of minding the almanack4 ,many a one1 for the sake of finery on the back1 have gone with a hungry belly1 and half starved their families2 silks and satins1 scarlet and velvets1 put out the kitchen fire1 as poor ,richard says4 ,these are not the necessaries of life1 they can scarcely be called the conveniences2 and yet1 only because they look pretty1 how many want to have them8 ,by these and other extravagancies1 the genteel are reduced to poverty1 and forced to borrow of those whom they formerly despised1 but who1 through industry and frugality1 have maintained their standing2 in which case it appears plainly1 that a ploughman on his legs is higher than a gentleman on his knees1 as poor ,richard says4 ,perhaps they have had a small estate left them1 which they knew not the getting of2 they think it is day1 and will never be night2 that a little to be spent out of so much is not worth minding2 but always taking out of the meal-tub1 and never putting in soon comes to the bottom1 as poor ,richard says2 and then1 when the well is dry1 they know the worth of water4 ,but this they might have known before1 if they had taken his advice3 if you would know the value of money go and try to borrow some2 for he that goes a borrowing goes a sorrowing1 as poor ,richard says2 and indeed so does he that lends to such people1 when he goes to get it in again4 ,poor ,dick farther advises1 and says1 ,fond pride of dress is sure a very curse1 ,ere fancy you consult1 consult your purse4 ,and again1 pride is as loud a beggar as want1 and a great deal more saucy4 ,when you have bought one fine thing1 you must buy ten more1 that your appearance may be all of a piece2 but poor ,dick says1 it is easier to suppress the first desire than to satisfy all that follow it3 and it is as truly folly for the poor to ape the rich1 as for the frog to swell1 in order to equal the ox4 ,vessels large may venture more1 ,but little boats should keep near shore4 ,it is1 however1 a folly soon punished2 for1 as poor ,richard says1 pride that dines on vanity1 sups on contempt2 pride breakfasted with plenty1 dined with poverty1 and supped with infamy4 ,and1 after all1 of what use is this pride of appearance1 for which so much is risked1 so much is suffered8 ,it cannot promote health1 nor ease pain2 it makes no increase of merit in the person2 it creates envy1 it hastens misfortune4 ',but what madness must it be to run in debt for these superfluities6 ,we are offered1 by the terms of this sale1 six months credit2 and that1 perhaps1 has induced some of us to attend it1 because we cannot spare the ready money1 and hope now to be fine without it4 ,but ah6 think what you do when you run in debt2 you give to another power over your liberty4 ,if you cannot pay at the time1 you will be ashamed to see your creditor1 you will be in fear when you speak to him1 you will make poor pitiful sneaking excuses1 and1 by degrees1 come to lose your veracity1 and sink into base1 downright lying2 for1 the second vice is lying1 the first is running in debt1 as poor ,richard says2 and again1 to the same purpose1 lying rides upon debt's back2 whereas a free-born ,englishman ought not to be ashamed nor afraid to see or speak to any man living4 ,but poverty often deprives a man of all spirit and virtue4 ,it is hard for an empty bag to stand upright4 ,what would you think of that prince1 or of that government1 who should issue an edict1 forbidding you to dress like a gentleman or gentlewoman1 on pain of imprisonment or servitude8 ,would you not say1 that you were free1 have a right to dress as you please1 and that such an edict would be a breach of your privileges1 and such a government tyrannical8 ,and yet you are about to put yourself under that tyranny1 when you run in debt for such dress6 your creditor has authority1 at his pleasure1 to deprive you of your liberty1 by confining you in gaol for life1 or by selling you for a servant1 if you should not be able to pay him4 ,when you have got your bargain1 you may1 perhaps1 think little of payment2 but1 as poor ,richard says1 creditors have better memories than debtors2 creditors are a superstitious sect1 great observers of set-days and times4 ,the day comes round before you are aware1 and the demand is made before you are prepared to satisfy it2 or1 if you bear your debt in mind1 the term1 which at first seemed so long1 will1 as it lessens1 appear extremely short3 time will seem to have added wings to his heels as well as his shoulders4 ,those have a short lent1 who owe money to be paid at ,easter4 ,at present1 perhaps1 you may think yourselves in thriving circumstances1 and that you can bear a little extravagance without injury2 but ,for age and want save while you may1 ,no morning sun lasts a whole day4 ,gain may be temporary and uncertain1 but ever1 while you live1 expence is constant and certain2 and1 it is easier to build two chimneys than to keep one in fuel1 as poor ,richard says3 so rather go to bed supperless than rise in debt4 ,get what you can1 and what you get hold1 ',tis the stone that will turn all your lead into gold4 ,and when you have got the philosopher's stone1 sure you will no longer complain of bad times1 or the difficulty of paying taxes4 ',,iv4 ,this doctrine1 my friends1 is reason and wisdom3 but1 after all1 do not depend too much upon your own industry1 and frugality1 and prudence1 though excellent things2 for they may all be blasted1 without the blessing of heaven2 and therefore ask that blessing humbly1 and be not uncharitable to those that at present seem to want it1 but comfort and help them4 ,remember ,job suffered1 and was afterwards prosperous4 ',and now1 to conclude1 experience keeps a dear school1 but fools will learn in no other1 as poor ,richard says1 and scarce in that2 for1 it is true1 we may give advice1 but we cannot give conduct3 however1 remember this1 they that will not be counselled cannot be helped2 and farther1 that if you will not hear reason she will surely rap your knuckles1 as poor ,richard says4' ,thus the old gentleman ended his harangue4 ,the people heard it and approved the doctrine2 and immediately practised the contrary1 just as if it had been a common sermon1 for the auction opened and they began to buy extravagantly4--,i found the good man had thoroughly studied my almanacks1 and digested all ,i had dropt on those topics during the course of twenty-five years4 ,the frequent mention he made of me must have tired any one else2 but my vanity was wonderfully delighted with it1 though ,i was conscious1 that not a tenth part of the wisdom was my own1 which he ascribed to me1 but rather the gleanings that ,i had made of the sense of all ages and nations4 ,however1 ,i resolved to be the better for the echo of it2 and1 though ,i had at first determined to buy stuff for a new coat1 ,i went away1 resolved to wear my old one a little longer4 ,reader1 if thou wilt do the same1 thy profit will be as great as mine4 ,i am1 as ever1 ,thine to serve thee1 ,,richard ,,saunders4 ,,footnote3 #age ,dr4 ,franklin1 as ,i have been made to understand1 for many years published the ,pensylvania ,almanack1 called ,poor ,richard ,saunders1 and furnished it with various sentences and proverbs1 which had principal relation to the topics of industry1 attention to one's own business1 and frugality4 ,the whole or chief of these sentences and proverbs he at last collected and digested in the above general preface1 which his countrymen read with much avidity and profit4 ,b4 ,v4 ,advice to a ,young ,tradesman#agf4 ,written ,anno #agdh4 ,,to ,,my ,,friend ,a4 ,b4 ,as you have desired it of me1 ,i write the following hints1 which have been of service to me1 and may1 if observed1 be so to you4 ,remember1 that time is money4 ,he1 that can earn ten shillings a day by his labour1 and goes abroad1 or sits idle one half of that day1 though he spends but sixpence during his diversion or idleness1 ought not to reckon that the only expence2 he has really spent1 or rather thrown away1 five shillings besides4 ,remember1 that credit is money4 ,if a man lets his money lie in my hands after it is due1 he gives me the interest1 or so much as ,i can make of it1 during that time4 ,this amounts to a considerable sum where a man has good and large credit1 and makes good use of it4 ,remember1 that money is of a prolific generating nature4 ,money can beget money1 and its offspring can beget more1 and so on4 ,five shillings turned is six1 turned again it is seven and three-pence1 and so on till it becomes an hundred pounds4 ,the more there is of it1 the more it produces every turning1 so that the profits rise quicker and quicker4 ,he that kills a breeding sow destroys all her offspring to the thousandth generation4 ,he that murders a crown destroys all that it might have produced1 even scores of pounds4 ,remember1 that six pounds a year is but a groat a day4 ,for this little sum 7which may be daily wasted either in time or expence unperceived7 a man of credit may1 on his own security1 have the constant possession and use of an hundred pounds4 ,so much in stock1 briskly turned by an industrious man1 produces great advantage4 ,remember this saying1 the good paymaster is lord of another man's purse4 ,he that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the time he promises may at any time1 and on any occasion1 raise all the money his friends can spare4 ,this is sometimes of great use4 ,after industry and frugality1 nothing contributes more to the raising of a young man in the world than punctuality and justice in all his dealings3 therefore1 never keep borrowed money an hour beyond the time you promised1 lest a disappointment shut up your friend's purse for ever4 ,the most trifling actions that affect a man's credit are to be regarded4 ,the sound of your hammer at five in the morning1 or nine at night1 heard by a creditor1 makes him easy six months longer3 but if he sees you at a billiard-table1 or hears your voice at a tavern1 when you should be at work1 he sends for his money the next day2 demands it before he can receive it in a lump4 ,it shows1 besides1 that you are mindful of what you owe2 it makes you appear a careful as well as an honest man1 and that still increases your credit4 ,beware of thinking all your own that you possess1 and of living accordingly4 ,it is a mistake that many people who have credit fall into4 ,to prevent this1 keep an exact account for some time1 both of your expences and your income4 ,if you take the pains at first to mention particulars1 it will have this good effect3 you will discover how wonderfully small trifling expences mount up to large sums1 and will discern what might have been1 and may for the future be saved1 without occasioning any great inconvenience4 ,in short1 the way to wealth1 if you desire it1 is as plain as the way to market4 ,it depends chiefly on two words1 industry and frugality2 that is1 waste neither time nor money1 but make the best use of both4 ,without industry and frugality nothing will do1 and with them every thing4 ,he1 that gets all he can honestly1 and saves all he gets 7necessary expences excepted71 will certainly become rich--if that ,being who governs the world1 to whom all should look for a blessing on their honest endeavours1 doth not1 in his wise providence1 otherwise determine4 ,,an ,,old ,,tradesman4 ,,footnote3 #agf ,this paper and the hints that follow it are from the ,repository1 vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #afi and #aga1 where1 as they are placed under the head of original articles1 we presume they first appeared4 ,editor4 ,necessary ,hints to those that would be ,rich4 ,written ,anno #agcf4 ,the use of money is all the advantage there is in having money4 ,for six pounds a year you may have the use of one hundred pounds1 provided you are a man of known prudence and honesty4 ,he1 that spends a groat a day idly1 spends idly above six pounds a year1 which is the price for the use of one hundred pounds4 ,he1 that wastes idly a groat's worth of his time per day1 one day with another1 wastes the privilege of using one hundred pounds each day4 ,he1 that idly loses five shillings worth of time1 loses five shillings1 and might as prudently throw five shillings into the sea4 ,he1 that loses five shillings1 not only loses that sum1 but all the advantage that might be made by turning it in dealing1 which1 by the time that a young man becomes old1 will amount to a considerable sum of money4 ,again3 he1 that sells upon credit1 asks a price for what he sells equivalent to the principal and interest of his money for the time he is to be kept out of it2 therefore1 he1 that buys upon credit1 pays interest for what he buys1 and he1 that pays ready money1 might let that money out to use3 so that he1 that possesses any thing he has bought1 pays interest for the use of it4 ,yet1 in buying goods1 it is best to pay ready money1 because he1 that sells upon credit1 expects to lose five per cent by bad debts2 therefore he charges1 on all he sells upon credit1 an advance1 that shall make up that deficiency4 ,those1 who pay for what they buy upon credit1 pay their share of this advance4 ,he1 that pays ready money1 escapes1 or may escape1 that charge4 ,a penny sav'd is two-pence clear1 ,a pin a day's a groat a year4 ,the way to make ,money ,plenty in every ,man's ,pocket#agg4 ,at this time1 when the general complaint is1 that money is scarce1 it will be an act of kindness to inform the moneyless how they may reinforce their pockets4 ,i will acquaint them with the true secret of money-catching1 the certain way to fill empty purses1 and how to keep them always full4 ,two simple rules1 well observed1 will do the business4 ,first1 let honesty and industry be thy constant companions2 and ,secondly1 spend one penny less than thy clear gains4 ,then shall thy hide-bound pocket soon begin to thrive1 and will never again cry with the empty belly-ach3 neither will creditors insult thee1 nor want oppress1 nor hunger bite1 nor nakedness freeze thee4 ,the whole hemisphere will shine brighter1 and pleasure spring up in every corner of thy heart4 ,now1 therefore1 embrace these rules and be happy4 ,banish the bleak winds of sorrow from thy mind1 and live independent4 ,then shalt thou be a man1 and not hide thy face at the approach of the rich1 nor suffer the pain of feeling little when the sons of fortune walk at thy right hand3 for independency1 whether with little or much1 is good fortune1 and placeth thee on even ground with the proudest of the golden fleece4 ,oh1 then1 be wise1 and let industry walk with thee in the morning1 and attend thee until thou reachest the evening hour for rest4 ,let honesty be as the breath of thy soul1 and never forget to have a penny when all thy expences are enumerated and paid3 then shalt thou reach the point of happiness1 and independence shall be thy shield and buckler1 thy helmet and crown2 then shall thy soul walk upright1 nor stoop to the silken wretch because he hath riches1 nor pocket an abuse because the hand which offers it wears a ring set with diamonds4 ,,footnote3 #agg ,from the ,american ,museum1 vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #hf4 ,editor4 ,new ,mode of ,lending ,money#agh4 ,paris1 ,april #bb1 #aghd4 ,i send you herewith a bill for ten louis d'ors4 ,i do not pretend to give such a sum4 ,i only lend it to you4 ,when you shall return to your country1 you cannot fail getting into some business1 that will in time enable you to pay all your debts4 ,in that case1 when you meet with another honest man in similar distress1 you must pay me by lending this sum to him1 enjoining him1 to discharge the debt by a like operation1 when he shall be able1 and shall meet with such another opportunity4 ,i hope it may thus go through many hands before it meet with a knave to stop its progress4 ,this is a trick of mine for doing a good deal with a little money4 ,i am not rich enough to afford much in good works1 and so am obliged to be cunning and make the most of a little4 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #agh ,from the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 for ,september1 #agig2 communicated by the gentleman who received it4 ,editor4 ,an ,economical ,project#agi4 ,,to ,,the ,,authors ,,of ,,the ,,journal4 ,,messieurs1 ,you often entertain us with accounts of new discoveries4 ,permit me to communicate to the public1 through your paper1 one1 that has lately been made by myself1 and which ,i conceive may be of great utility4 ,i was the other evening in a grand company1 where the new lamp of ,messrs4 ,quinquet and ,lange was introduced1 and much admired for its splendor2 but a general enquiry was made1 whether the oil it consumed was not in proportion to the light it afforded1 in which case there would be no saving in the use of it4 ,no one present could satisfy us in that point1 which all agreed ought to be known1 it being a very desirable thing to lessen1 if possible1 the expence of lighting our apartments1 when every other article of family expence was so much augmented4 ,i was pleased to see this general concern for economy1 for ,i love economy exceedingly4 ,i went home1 and to bed1 three or four hours after midnight1 with my head full of the subject4 ,an accidental sudden noise waked me about six in the morning1 when ,i was surprised to find my room filled with light2 and ,i imagined at first1 that a number of those lamps had been brought into it3 but1 rubbing my eyes1 ,i perceived the light came in at the windows4 ,i got up and looked out to see what might be the occasion of it1 when ,i saw the sun just rising above the horison1 from whence he poured his rays plentifully into my chamber1 my domestic having negligently omitted the preceding evening to close the shutters4 ,i looked at my watch1 which goes very well1 and found that it was but six o'clock2 and still thinking it something extraordinary1 that the sun should rise so early1 ,i looked into the almanack1 where ,i found it to be the hour given for his rising on that day4 ,i looked forward too1 and found he was to rise still earlier every day till towards the end of ,june2 and that at no time in the year he retarded his rising so long as till eight o'clock4 ,your readers1 who with me have never seen any signs of sunshine before noon1 and seldom regard the astronomical part of the almanack1 will be as much astonished as ,i was1 when they hear of his rising so early2 and especially when ,i assure them1 that he gives light as soon as he rises4 ,i am convinced of this4 ,i am certain of my fact4 ,one cannot be more certain of any fact4 ,i saw it with my own eyes4 ,and1 having repeated this observation the three following mornings1 ,i found always precisely the same result4 ,yet so it happens1 that when ,i speak of this discovery to others1 ,i can easily perceive by their countenances1 though they forbear expressing it in words1 that they do not quite believe me4 ,one1 indeed1 who is a learned natural philosopher1 has assured me1 that ,i must certainly be mistaken as to the circumstance of the light coming into my room2 for it being well known1 as he says1 that there could be no light abroad at that hour1 it follows that none could enter from without2 and that of consequence1 my windows being accidentally left open1 instead of letting in the light1 had only served to let out the darkness3 and he used many ingenious arguments to shew me how ,i might1 by that means1 have been deceived4 ,i own1 that he puzzled me a little1 but he did not satisfy me2 and the subsequent observations ,i made1 as above mentioned1 confirmed me in my first opinion4 ,this event has given rise in my mind to several serious and important reflections4 ,i considered that1 if ,i had not been awakened so early in the morning1 ,i should have slept six hours longer by the light of the sun1 and in exchange have lived six hours the following night by candle-light2 and the latter being a much more expensive light than the former1 my love of economy induced me to muster up what little arithmetic ,i was master of1 and to make some calculations1 which ,i shall give you1 after observing that utility is1 in my opinion1 the test of value in matters of invention1 and that a discovery which can be applied to no use1 or is not good for something1 is good for nothing4 ,i took for the basis of my calculation the supposition that there are #ajj1jjj families in ,paris1 and that these families consume in the night half a pound of bougies1 or candles per hour4 ,i think this is a moderate allowance1 taking one family with another2 for though ,i believe some consume less1 ,i know that many consume a great deal more4 ,then estimating seven hours per day1 as the medium quantity between the time of the sun's rising and ours1 he rising during the six following months from six to eight hours before noon1 and there being seven hours of course per night in which we burn candles1 the account will stand thus3-- ,in the six months between the twentieth of ,march and the twentieth of ,september1 there are ,nights #ahc ,hours of each night in which we burn candles #g ------- ,multiplication gives for the total number of hours #a1bha ,these #a1bha hours multiplied by #ajj1jjj1 the number of inhabitants give #abh1ajj1jjj ,one hundred twenty-eight millions and one hundred thousand hours1 spent at ,paris by candle-light1 which1 at half a pound of wax and tallow per hour1 gives the weight of #fd1jej1jjj ,sixty-four millions and fifty thousand of pounds1 which1 estimating the whole at the medium price of thirty sols the pound1 makes the sum of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand livres tournois #if1jge1jjj ,an immense sum6 that the city of ,paris might save every year1 by the economy of using sunshine instead of candles4 ,if it should be said1 that people are apt to be obstinately attached to old customs1 and that it will be difficult to induce them to rise before noon1 consequently my discovery can be of little use3 ,i answer1 ,nil desperandum4 ,i believe all who have common sense1 as soon as they have learnt from this paper that it is day-light when the sun rises1 will contrive to rise with him2 and1 to compel the rest1 ,i would propose the following regulations3 ,first4 ,let a tax be laid of a louis per window1 on every window that is provided with shutters to keep out the light of the sun4 ,second4 ,let the same salutary operation of police be made use of to prevent our burning candles1 that inclined us last winter to be more economical in burning wood2 that is1 let guards be placed in the shops of the wax and tallow chandlers1 and no family be permitted to be supplied with more than one pound of candles per week4 ,third4 ,let guards also be posted to stop all the coaches1 c4 that would pass the streets after sun-set1 except those of physicians1 surgeons1 and midwives4 ,fourth4 ,every morning1 as soon as the run rises1 let all the bells in every church be set ringing2 and if that is not sufficient1 let cannon be fired in every street1 to wake the sluggards effectually1 and make them open their eyes to see their true interest4 ,all the difficulty will be in the first two or three days3 after which the reformation will be as natural and easy as the present irregularity3 for1 ce n'est que le premier pas qui coute4 ,oblige a man to rise at four in the morning1 and it is more than probable he shall go willingly to bed at eight in the evening2 and1 having had eight hours sleep1 he will rise more willingly at four the morning following4 ,but this sum of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand livres is not the whole of what may be saved by my economical project4 ,you may observe1 that ,i have calculated upon only one half of the year1 and much may be saved in the other1 though the days are shorter4 ,besides1 the immense stock of wax and tallow left unconsumed during the summer will probably make candles much cheaper for the ensuing winter1 and continue them cheaper as long as the proposed reformation shall be supported4 ,for the great benefit of this discovery1 thus freely communicated and bestowed by me on the public1 ,i demand neither place1 pension1 exclusive privilege1 nor any other reward whatever4 ,i expect only to have the honour of it4 ,and yet ,i know there are little envious minds who will1 as usual1 deny me this1 and say1 that my invention was known to the ancients1 and perhaps they may bring passages out of the old books in proof of it4 ,i will not dispute with these people1 that the ancients knew not the sun would rise at certain hours2 they possibly had1 as we have1 almanacks that predicted it3 but it does not follow from thence1 that they knew he gave light as soon as he rose4 ,this is what ,i claim as my discovery4 ,if the antients knew it1 it might have been long since forgotten1 for it certainly was unknown to the moderns1 at least to the ,parisians1 which to prove1 ,i need use but one plain simple argument4 ,they are as well-instructed1 judicious and prudent a people as exist any where in the world1 all professing1 like myself1 to be lovers of economy2 and1 from the many heavy taxes required from them by the necessities of the state1 have surely an abundant reason to be economical4 ,i say it is impossible1 that so sensible a people1 under such circumstances1 should have lived so long by the smoaky1 unwholesome and enormously expensive light of candles1 if they had really known1 that they might have had as much pure light of the sun for nothing4 ,i am1 c4 ,an ,,abonne4 ,,footnote3 #agi ,a translation of this letter appeared in one of the daily papers of ,paris about the year #aghd4 ,the following is the original piece1 with some additions and corrections made in it by the author4 ,note by the editor of the ,repository1 from which we extract the letter4 ,editor4 ,,to ,,john ,,alleyne1 ,,esq4#ahj ,on early ,marriages4 ,craven ,street1 ,aug4 #i1 #agfh4 ,,dear ,,jack1 ,you desire1 you say1 my impartial thoughts on the subject of an early marriage1 by way of answer to the numberless objections1 that have been made by numberless persons1 to your own4 ,you may remember1 when you consulted me on the occasion1 that ,i thought youth on both sides to be no objection4 ,indeed1 from the marriages that have fallen under my observation1 ,i am rather inclined to think1 that early ones stand the best chance of happiness4 ,the temper and habits of the young are not yet become so stiff and uncomplying1 as when more advanced in life2 they form more easily to each other1 and hence many occasions of disgust are removed4 ,and if youth has less of that prudence1 which is necessary to manage a family1 yet the parents and elder friends of young married persons are generally at hand to afford their advice1 which amply supplies that defect2 and by early marriage1 youth is sooner formed to regular and useful life2 and possibly some of those accidents or connections1 that might have injured the constitution1 or reputation1 or both1 are thereby happily prevented4 ,particular circumstances of particular persons may possibly sometimes make it prudent to delay entering into that state2 but in general1 when nature has rendered our bodies fit for it1 the presumption is in nature's favour1 that she has not judged amiss in making us desire it4 ,late marriages are often attended1 too1 with this further inconvenience1 that there is not the same chance that the parents shall live to see their offspring educated4 ,late children1 says the ,spanish proverb1 are early orphans4 ,a melancholy reflection to those whose case it may be6 ,with us in ,america1 marriages are generally in the morning of life2 our children are therefore educated and settled in the world by noon2 and thus1 our business being done1 we have an afternoon and evening of cheerful leisure to ourselves1 such as our friend at present enjoys4 ,by these early marriages we are blessed with more children2 and from the mode among us1 founded by nature1 of every mother suckling and nursing her own child1 more of them are raised4 ,thence the swift progress of population among us1 unparalleled in ,europe4 ,in fine1 ,i am glad you are married1 and congratulate you most cordially upon it4 ,you are now in the way of becoming a useful citizen2 and you have escaped the unnatural state of celibacy for life--the fate of many here1 who never intended it1 but who1 having too long postponed the change of their condition1 find1 at length1 that it is too late to think of it1 and so live all their lives in a situation1 that greatly lessens a man's value4 ,an odd volume of a set of books bears not the value of its proportion to the set3 what think you of the odd half of a pair of scissars8 it cannot well cut any thing2 it may possibly serve to scrape a trencher4 ,pray make my compliments and best wishes acceptable to your bride4 ,i am old and heavy1 or ,i should ere this have presented them in person4 ,i shall make but small use of the old man's privilege1 that of giving advice to younger friends4 ,treat your wife always with respect2 it will procure respect to you1 not only from her1 but from all that observe it4 ,never use a slighting expression to her1 even in jest2 for slights in jest1 after frequent bandyings1 are apt to end in angry earnest4 ,be studious in your profession1 and you will be learned4 ,be industrious and frugal1 and you will be rich4 ,be sober and temperate1 and you will be healthy4 ,be in general virtuous1 and you will be happy4 ,at least1 you will1 by such conduct1 stand the best chance for such consequences4 ,i pray ,god to bless you both6 being ever your affectionate friend1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #ahj ,from the ,gentleman's ,magazine for ,may #aghi4 ,editor4 ,,to ,,doctor ,,mather ,,of ,,boston#aha4 ,effect of early ,impressions on the ,mind4 ,,rev4 ,,sir1 ,i received your kind letter1 with your excellent advice to the people of the ,united ,states1 which ,i read with great pleasure1 and hope it will be duly regarded4 ,such writings1 though they may be lightly passed over by many readers1 yet1 if they make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred1 the effects may be considerable4 ,permit me to mention one little instance1 which1 though it relates to myself1 will not be quite uninteresting to you4 ,when ,i was a boy1 ,i met with a book entitled1 ,essays to do good1 which ,i think was written by your father4 ,it had been so little regarded by a former possessor1 that several leaves of it were torn out2 but the remainder gave me such a turn of thinking1 as to have an influence on my conduct through life3 for ,i have always set a greater value on the character of a doer of good1 than any other kind of reputation2 and if ,i have been1 as you seem to think1 a useful citizen1 the public owes the advantage of it to that book4 ,you mention your being in your seventy-eighth year4 ,i am in my seventy ninth4 ,we are grown old together4 ,it is now more than sixty years since ,i left ,boston2 but ,i remember well both your father and grandfather1 having heard them both in the pulpit1 and seen them in their houses4 ,the last time ,i saw your father was in the beginning of #agbd1 when ,i visited him after my first trip to ,pensylvania4 ,he received me in his library2 and1 on my taking leave1 showed me a shorter way out of the house1 through a narrow passage1 which was crossed by a beam overhead4 ,we were still talking as ,i withdrew1 he accompanying me behind1 and ,i turning partly towards him1 when he said hastily1 ,stoop1 stoop6 ,i did not understand him1 till ,i felt my head hit against the beam4 ,he was a man who never missed any occasion of giving instruction2 and upon this he said to me3 ,you are young1 and have the world before you3 stoop as you go through it1 and you will miss many hard thumps4 ,this advice1 thus beat into my heart1 has frequently been of use to me3 and ,i often think of it1 when ,i see pride mortified1 and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too high4 ,i long much to see again my native place2 and once hoped to lay my bones there4 ,i left it in #agbc4 ,i visited it in #agcc1 #agdc1 #agec1 and #agfc2 and in #aggc ,i was in ,england4 ,in #agge ,i had a sight of it1 but could not enter1 it being in possession of the enemy4 ,i did hope to have been there in #aghc1 but could not obtain my dismission from this employment here2 and now ,i fear ,i shall never have that happiness4 ,my best wishes however attend my dear country1 esto perpetua4 ,it is now blessed with an excellent constitution3 may it last for ever6 ,this powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the ,united ,states4 ,it is a friendship of the utmost importance to our security1 and should be carefully cultivated4 ,britain has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us2 and has still at times some flattering hopes of recovering it4 ,accidents may increase those hopes1 and encourage dangerous attempts4 ,a breach between us and ,france would infallibly bring the ,english again upon our backs3 and yet we have some wild beasts among our countrymen1 who are endeavouring to weaken that connection4 ,let us preserve our reputation1 by performing our engagements2 our credit1 by fulfilling our contracts2 and our friends1 by gratitude and kindness3 for we know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of them4 ,with great and sincere esteem1 ,i have the honour to be1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your most obedient and most humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,passy1 ,may #ab1 #aghd4 ,,footnote3 #aha ,from the ,american ,museum1 ,vol4 ,,vii4 p4 #ajj4 ,editor4 ,the ,whistle#ahb4 ,passy1 ,nov4 #aj1 #aggi4 ,i received my dear friend's two letters1 one for ,wednesday1 and one for ,saturday4 ,this is again ,wednesday4 ,i do not deserve one for to day1 because ,i have not answered the former4 ,but indolent as ,i am1 and averse to writing1 the fear of having no more of your pleasing epistles1 if ,i do not contribute to the correspondence1 obliges me to take up my pen3 and as ,mr4 ,b4 has kindly sent me word1 that he sets out to-morrow to see you2 instead of spending this ,wednesday evening1 as ,i have done its name-sakes1 in your delightful company1 ,i sit down to spend it in thinking of you1 in writing to you1 and in reading over and over again your letters4 ,i am charmed with your description of ,paradise1 and with your plan of living there2 and ,i approve much of your conclusion1 that in the mean time1 we should draw all the good we can from this world4 ,in my opinion1 we might all draw more good from it than we do1 and suffer less evil1 if we would but take care not to give too much for whistles4 ,for to me it seems1 that most of the unhappy people we meet with1 are become so by neglect of that caution4 ,you ask1 what ,i mean8 ,you love stories1 and will excuse my telling one of myself4 ,when ,i was a child1 at seven years old1 my friends1 on a holiday1 filled my pocket with coppers4 ,i went directly to a shop where they sold toys for children2 and being charmed with the sound of a whistle1 that ,i met by the way in the hands of another boy1 ,i voluntarily offered him all my money for it4 ,i then came home1 and went whistling all over the house1 much pleased with my whistle1 but disturbing all the family4 ,my brothers1 and sisters1 and cousins1 understanding the bargain ,i had made1 told me ,i had given four times as much for it as it was worth4 ,this put me in mind what good things ,i might have bought with the rest of the money2 and they laughed at me so much for my folly1 that ,i cried with vexation2 and the reflection gave me more chagrin1 than the whistle gave me pleasure4 ,this however was afterwards of use to me1 the impression continuing on my mind2 so that often1 when ,i was tempted to buy some unnecessary thing1 ,i said to myself1 ,don't give too much for the whistle2 and so ,i saved my money4 ,as ,i grew up1 came into the world1 and observed the actions of men1 ,i thought ,i met with many1 very many1 who gave too much for the whistle4 ,when ,i saw any one too ambitious of court favours1 sacrificing his time in attendance on levees1 his repose1 his liberty1 his virtue1 and perhaps his friends1 to attain it1 ,i have said to myself1 ,this man gives too much for his whistle4 ,when ,i saw another fond of popularity1 constantly employing himself in political bustles1 neglecting his own affairs1 and ruining them by that neglect1 ,he pays1 indeed1 says ,i1 too much for his whistle4 ,if ,i knew a miser1 who gave up every kind of comfortable living1 all the pleasure of doing good to others1 all the esteem of his fellow-citizens1 and the joys of benevolent friendship1 for the sake of accumulating wealth1 ,poor man1 says ,i1 you pay too much for your whistle4 ,when ,i meet a man of pleasure1 sacrificing every laudable improvement of the mind1 or of his fortune1 to mere corporeal sensations1 and ruining his health in their pursuit1 ,mistaken man1 says ,i1 you are providing pain for yourself1 instead of pleasure3 you give too much for your whistle4 ,if ,i see one fond of appearance1 of fine clothes1 fine houses1 fine furniture1 fine equipages1 all above his fortune1 for which he contracts debts1 and ends his career in a prison1 ,alas1 says ,i1 he has paid dear1 very dear1 for his whistle4 ,when ,i see a beautiful1 sweet-tempered girl1 married to an ill-natured brute of a husband1 ,what a pity it is1 says ,i1 that she has paid so much for a whistle6 ,in short1 ,i conceived1 that great part of the miseries of mankind were brought upon them by the false estimates they had made of the value of things1 and by their giving too much for their whistles4 ,yet ,i ought to have charity for these unhappy people1 when ,i consider1 that with all this wisdom of which ,i am boasting1 there are certain things in the world so tempting1 for example1 the apples of king ,john1 which happily are not to be bought2 for if they were put to sale by auction1 ,i might very easily be led to ruin myself in the purchase1 and find1 that ,i had once more given too much for the whistle4 ,adieu1 my dearest friend1 and believe me ever yours very sincerely and with unalterable affection1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #ahb ,this story has generally been supposed to have been written by ,dr4 ,franklin for his nephew3 but it seems1 by the introductory paragraphs1 which we have no where seen prefixed to the story but in a small collection of our author's works printed at ,paris1 to have been addressed to some female relative4 ,the two concluding paragraphs1 which are from the same source1 are equally new to us4 ,editor4 ,a ,petition to those who have the ,superintendency of ,education#ahc4 ,i address myself to all the friends of youth1 and conjure them to direct their compassionate regards to my unhappy fate1 in order to remove the prejudices of which ,i am the victim4 ,there are twin sisters of us3 and the two eyes of man do not more resemble1 nor are capable of being upon better terms with each other1 than my sister and myself1 were it not for the partiality of our parents1 who make the most injurious distinctions between us4 ,from my infancy1 ,i have been led to consider my sister as a being of a more elevated rank4 ,i was suffered to grow up without the least instruction1 while nothing was spared in her education4 ,she had masters to teach her writing1 drawing1 music1 and other accomplishments2 but if by chance ,i touched a pencil1 a pen1 or a needle1 ,i was bitterly rebuked3 and more than once ,i have been beaten for being aukward1 and wanting a graceful manner4 ,it is true1 my sister associated me with her upon some occasions2 but she always made a point of taking the lead1 calling upon me only from necessity1 or to figure by her side4 ,but conceive not1 sirs1 that my complaints are instigated merely by vanity--,no2 my uneasiness is occasioned by an object much more serious4 ,it is the practice in our family1 that the whole business of providing for its subsistence falls upon my sister and myself4 ,if any indisposition should attack my sister--and ,i mention it in confidence upon this occasion1 that she is subject to the gout1 the rheumatism and cramp1 without making mention of other accidents--what would be the fate of our poor family8 ,must not the regret of our parents be excessive1 at having placed so great a difference between sisters1 who are so perfectly equal8 ,alas6 we must perish from distress3 for it would not be in my power even to scrawl a suppliant petition for relief1 having been obliged to employ the hand of another in transcribing the request1 which ,i have now the honour to prefer to you4 ,condescend1 sirs1 to make my parents sensible of the injustice of an exclusive tenderness1 and of the necessity of distributing their care and affection among all their children equally4 ,i am1 with a profound respect1 ,sirs1 ,your obedient servant1 ,,the ,,left ,,hand4 ,,footnote3 #ahc ,from the ,american ,museum1 ,vol4 ,,vii4 p4 #bfe4 ,editor4 ,the handsome and deformed ,leg#ahd4 ,there are two sorts of people in the world1 who1 with equal degrees of health and wealth1 and the other comforts of life1 become1 the one happy1 and the other miserable4 ,this arises very much from the different views in which they consider things1 persons1 and events2 and the effect of those different views upon their own minds4 ,in whatever situation men can be placed1 they may find conveniences and inconveniences2 in whatever company1 they may find persons and conversation more or less pleasing3 at whatever table1 they may meet with meats and drinks of better and worse taste1 dishes better and worse dressed2 in whatever climate1 they will find good and bad weather3 under whatever government1 they may find good and bad laws1 and good and bad administration of those laws2 in whatever poem1 or work of genius1 they may see faults and beauties2 in almost every face1 and every person1 they may discover fine features and defects1 good and bad qualities4 ,under these circumstances1 the two sorts of people above mentioned fix their attention1 those1 who are disposed to be happy1 on the conveniences of things1 the pleasant parts of conversation1 the well-dressed dishes1 the goodness of the wines1 the fine weather1 c4 and enjoy all with cheerfulness4 ,those1 who are to be unhappy1 think and speak only of the contraries4 ,hence they are continually discontented themselves1 and1 by their remarks1 sour the pleasures of society1 offend personally many people1 and make themselves every where disagreeable4 ,if this turn of mind was founded in nature1 such unhappy persons would be the more to be pitied4 ,but as the disposition to criticise1 and to be disgusted1 is1 perhaps1 taken up originally by imitation1 and is1 unawares1 grown into a habit1 which1 though at present strong1 may nevertheless be cured1 when those who have it are convinced of its bad effects on their felicity2 ,i hope this little admonition may be of service to them1 and put them on changing a habit1 which1 though in the exercise it is chiefly an act of imagination1 yet has serious consequences in life1 as it brings on real griefs and misfortunes4 ,for1 as many are offended by1 and nobody loves1 this sort of people1 no one shows them more than the most common civility and respect1 and scarcely that2 and this frequently puts them out of humour1 and draws them into disputes and contentions4 ,if they aim at obtaining some advantage in rank or fortune1 nobody wishes them success1 or will stir a step1 or speak a word1 to favour their pretensions4 ,if they incur public censure or disgrace1 no one will defend or excuse1 and many join to aggravate their misconduct1 and render them completely odious4 ,if these people will not change this bad habit1 and condescend to be pleased with what is pleasing1 without fretting themselves and others about the contraries1 it is good for others to avoid an acquaintance with them2 which is always disagreeable1 and sometimes very inconvenient1 especially when one finds oneself entangled in their quarrels4 ,an old philosophical friend of mine was grown1 from experience1 very cautious in this particular1 and carefully avoided any intimacy with such people4 ,he had1 like other philosophers1 a thermometer1 to show him the heat of the weather1 and a barometer1 to mark when it was likely to prove good or bad2 but there being no instrument invented to discover1 at first sight1 this unpleasing disposition in a person1 he1 for that purpose1 made use of his legs2 one of which was remarkably handsome1 the other1 by some accident1 crooked and deformed4 ,if a stranger1 at the first interview1 regarded his ugly leg more than his handsome one1 he doubted him4 ,if he spoke of it1 and took no notice of the handsome leg1 that was sufficient to determine my philosopher to have no further acquaintance with him4 ,every body has not this two-legged instrument2 but every one1 with a little attention1 may observe signs of that carping1 fault-finding disposition1 and take the same resolution of avoiding the acquaintance of those infected with it1 ,i therefore advise those critical querulous1 discontented1 unhappy people1 that1 if they wish to be respected and beloved by others1 and happy in themselves1 they should leave off looking at the ugly leg4 ,,footnote3 #ahd ,from the ,columbian ,magazine1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #fa4 ,editor4 ,morals of ,chess#ahe4 ,playing at chess is the most ancient and most universal game known among men2 for its original is beyond the memory of history1 and it has1 for numberless ages1 been the amusement of all the civilized nations of ,asia1 the ,persians1 the ,indians1 and the ,chinese4 ,europe has had it above a thousand years2 the ,spaniards have spread it over their part of ,america1 and it begins lately to make its appearance in these states4 ,it is so interesting in itself1 as not to need the view of gain to induce engaging in it2 and thence it is never played for money4 ,those1 therefore1 who have leisure for such diversions1 cannot find one that is more innocent2 and the following piece1 written with a view to correct 7among a few young friends7 some little improprieties in the practice of it1 shows1 at the same time1 that it may1 in its effects on the mind1 be not merely innocent1 but advantageous1 to the vanquished as well as the victor4 ,the game of chess is not merely an idle amusement4 ,several very valuable qualities of the mind1 useful in the course of human life1 are to be acquired or strengthened by it1 so as to become habits1 ready on all occasions4 ,for life is a kind of chess1 in which we have often points to gain1 and competitors or adversaries to contend with1 and in which there is a vast variety of good and ill events1 that are1 in some degree1 the effects of prudence or the want of it4 ,by playing at chess1 then1 we may learn1 ,i4 ,foresight1 which looks a little into futurity1 and considers the consequences that may attend an action3 for it is continually occurring to the player1 ,if ,i move this piece1 what will be the advantage of my new situation8 ,what use can my adversary make of it to annoy me8 ,what other moves can ,i make to support it1 and to defend myself from his attacks8 ,,ii4 ,circumspection1 which surveys the whole chess-board1 or scene of action1 the relations of the several pieces and situations1 the dangers they are respectively exposed to1 the several possibilities of their aiding each other1 the probabilities that the adversary may take this or that move1 and attack this or the other piece1 and what different means can be used to avoid his stroke1 or turn its consequences against him4 ,,iii4 ,caution1 not to make our moves too hastily4 ,this habit is best acquired by observing strictly the laws of the game1 such as1 ,if you touch a piece1 you must move it somewhere3 if you set it down1 you must let it stand3 and it is therefore best that these rules should be observed1 as the game thereby becomes more the image of human life1 and particularly of war2 in which1 if you have incautiously put yourself into a bad and dangerous position1 you cannot obtain your enemy's leave to withdraw your troops1 and place them more securely1 but you must abide all the consequences of your rashness4 ,and1 lastly1 we learn by chess the habit of not being discouraged by present bad appearances in the state of our affairs1 the habit of hoping for a favourable change1 and that of persevering in the search of resources4 ,the game is so full of events1 there is such a variety of turns in it1 the fortune of it is so subject to sudden vicissitudes1 and one so frequently1 after long contemplation1 discovers the means of extricating oneself from a supposed insurmountable difficulty1 that one is encouraged to continue the contest to the last1 in hopes of victory by our own skill1 or at least of getting a stale mate1 by the negligence of our adversary4 ,and whoever considers1 what in chess he often sees instances of1 that particular pieces of success are apt to produce presumption1 and its consequent inattention1 by which the loss may be recovered1 will learn not to be too much discouraged by the present success of his adversary1 nor to despair of final good fortune upon every little check he receives in the pursuit of it4 ,that we may1 therefore1 be induced more frequently to choose this beneficial amusement1 in preference to others1 which are not attended with the same advantages1 every circumstance which may increase the pleasures of it should be regarded2 and every action or word that is unfair1 disrespectful1 or that in any way may give uneasiness1 should be avoided1 as contrary to the immediate intention of both the players1 which is to pass the time agreeably4 ,therefore1 first1 if it is agreed1 to play according to the strict rules2 then those rules are to be exactly observed by both parties1 and should not be insisted on for one side1 while deviated from by the other--for this is not equitable4 ,secondly1 if it is agreed1 not to observe the rules exactly1 but one party demands indulgencies1 he should then be as willing to allow them to the other4 ,thirdly1 no false move should ever be made to extricate yourself out of difficulty1 or to gain an advantage4 ,there can be no pleasure in playing with a person once detected in such unfair practice4 ,fourthly1 if your adversary is long in playing you ought not to hurry him1 or express any uneasiness at his delay4 ,you should not sing1 nor whistle1 nor look at your watch1 nor take up a book to read1 nor make a tapping with your feet on the floor1 or with your fingers on the table1 nor do any thing that may disturb his attention4 ,for all these things displease2 and they do not show your skill in playing1 but your craftiness or your rudeness4 ,fifthly1 you ought not to endeavour to amuse and deceive your adversary1 by pretending to have made bad moves1 and saying1 that you have now lost the game1 in order to make him secure and careless1 and inattentive to your schemes3 for this is fraud and deceit1 not skill in the game4 ,sixthly1 you must not1 when you have gained a victory1 use any triumphing or insulting expression1 nor show too much pleasure2 but endeavour to console your adversary1 and make him less dissatisfied with himself1 by every kind of civil expression1 that may be used with truth1 such as1 you understand the game better than ,i1 but you are a little inattentive2 or1 you play too fast2 or1 you had the best of the game1 but something happened to divert your thoughts1 and that turned it in my favour4 ,seventhly1 if you are a spectator while others play1 observe the most perfect silence4 ,for if you give advice1 you offend both parties1 him against whom you give it1 because it may cause the loss of his game1 him in whose favour you give it1 because1 though it be good and he follows it1 he loses the pleasure he might have had1 if you had permitted him to think until it had occurred to himself4 ,even after a move or moves1 you must not1 by replacing the pieces1 show how it might have been placed better3 for that displeases1 and may occasion disputes and doubts about their true situation4 ,all talking to the players lessens or diverts their attention1 and is therefore unpleasing4 ,nor should you give the least hint to either party1 by any kind of noise or motion4 ,if you do1 you are unworthy to be a spectator4 ,if you have a mind to exercise or show your judgment1 do it in playing your own game1 when you have an opportunity1 not in criticising1 or meddling with1 or counselling the play of others4 ,lastly1 if the game is not to be played rigorously1 according to the rules above mentioned1 then moderate your desire of victory over your adversary1 and be pleased with one over yourself4 ,snatch not eagerly at every advantage offered by his unskilfulness or inattention2 but point out to him kindly1 that by such a move he places or leaves a piece in danger and unsupported2 that by another he will put his king in a perilous situation1 c4 ,by this generous civility 7so opposite to the unfairness above forbidden7 you may1 indeed1 happen to lose the game to your opponent1 but you will win what is better1 his esteem1 his respect1 and his affection1 together with the silent approbation and good-will of impartial spectators4 ,,footnote3 #ahe ,this letter has appeared in too many forms in this country1 and is too well known to be ,dr4 ,franklin's1 to require being authenticated4 ,editor4 ,the ,art of procuring ,pleasant ,dreams#ahf4 ,,inscribed ,,to ,,miss 999999991 ,being written at her request4 ,as a great part of our life is spent in sleep1 during which we have sometimes pleasing1 and sometimes painful dreams1 it becomes of some consequence to obtain the one kind1 and avoid the other2 for1 whether real or imaginary1 pain is pain1 and pleasure is pleasure4 ,if we can sleep without dreaming1 it is well that painful dreams are avoided4 ,if1 while we sleep1 we can have any pleasing dreams1 it is1 as the ,french say1 tant gagn1 so much added to the pleasure of life4 ,to this end1 it is1 in the first place1 necessary1 to be careful in preserving health1 by due exercise1 and great temperance2 for1 in sickness1 the imagination is disturbed2 and disagreeable1 sometimes terrible1 ideas are apt to present themselves4 ,exercise should precede meals1 not immediately follow them3 the first promotes1 the latter1 unless moderate1 obstructs digestion4 ,if1 after exercise1 we feed sparingly1 the digestion will be easy and good1 the body lightsome1 the temper cheerful1 and all the animal functions performed agreeably4 ,sleep1 when it follows1 will be natural and undisturbed1 while indolence1 with full feeding1 occasions nightmares and horrors inexpressible3 we fall from precipices1 are assaulted by wild beasts1 murderers1 and demons1 and experience every variety of distress4 ,observe1 however1 that the quantities of food and exercise are relative things3 those who move much may1 and indeed ought1 to eat more2 those who use little exercise should eat little4 ,in general1 mankind1 since the improvement of cookery1 eat about twice as much as nature requires4 ,suppers are not bad1 if we have not dined2 but restless nights naturally follow hearty suppers1 after full dinners4 ,indeed1 as there is a difference in constitutions1 some rest well after these meals2 it costs them only a frightful dream1 and an apoplexy1 after which they sleep till doomsday4 ,nothing is more common in the newspapers1 than instances of people1 who1 after eating a hearty supper1 are found dead a-bed in the morning4 ,another means of preserving health1 to be attended to1 is the having a constant supply of fresh air in your bed-chamber4 ,it has been a great mistake1 the sleeping in rooms exactly closed1 and in beds surrounded by curtains4 ,no outward air that may come into you is so unwholesome1 as the unchanged air1 often breathed1 of a close chamber4 ,as boiling water does not grow hotter by longer boiling1 if the particles that receive greater heat can escape2 so living bodies do not putrify1 if the particles1 as fast as they become putrid1 can be thrown off4 ,nature expels them by the pores of the skin and the lungs1 and in a free open air they are carried off2 but1 in a close room1 we receive them again and again1 though they become more and more corrupt4 ,a number of persons crowded into a small room thus spoil the air in a few minutes1 and even render it mortal1 as in the ,black ,hole at ,calcutta4 ,a single person is said to spoil only a gallon of air per minute1 and therefore requires a longer time to spoil a chamber full2 but it is done1 however1 in proportion1 and many putrid disorders hence have their origin4 ,it is recorded of ,methusalem1 who1 being the longest liver1 may be supposed to have best preserved his health1 that he slept always in the open air2 for1 when he had lived five hundred years1 an angel said to him3 ,arise1 ,methusalem1 and build thee an house1 for thou shalt live yet five hundred years longer4 ,but ,methusalem answered and said1 ,if ,i am to live but five hundred years longer it is not worth while to build me an house--,i will sleep in the air1 as ,i have been used to do4 ,physicians1 after having for ages contended1 that the sick should not be indulged with fresh air1 have at length discovered1 that it may do them good4 ,it is therefore to be hoped1 that they may in time discover likewise1 that it is not hurtful to those who are in health1 and that we may be then cured of the arophobia1 that at present distresses weak minds1 and make them choose to be stifled and poisoned1 rather than leave open the window of a bed-chamber1 or put down the glass of a coach4 ,confined air1 when saturated with perspirable matter#ahg1 will not receive more2 and that matter must remain in our bodies1 and occasion diseases3 but it gives some previous notice of its being about to be hurtful1 by producing certain uneasinesses1 slight indeed at first1 such as1 with regard to the lungs1 is a trifling sensation1 and to the pores of the skin a kind of restlessness1 which is difficult to describe1 and few that feel it know the cause of it4 ,but we may recollect1 that sometimes1 on waking in the night1 we have1 if warmly covered1 found it difficult to get asleep again4 ,we turn often without finding repose in any position4 ,this figettiness1 to use a vulgar expression for want of a better1 is occasioned wholly by an uneasiness in the skin1 owing to the retension of the perspirable matter--the bed-clothes having received their quantity1 and1 being saturated1 refusing to take any more4 ,to become sensible of this by an experiment1 let a person keep his position in the bed1 but throw off the bed-clothes1 and suffer fresh air to approach the part uncovered of his body2 he will then feel that part suddenly refreshed2 for the air will immediately relieve the skin1 by receiving1 licking up1 and carrying off1 the load of perspirable matter that incommoded it4 ,for every portion of cool air1 that approaches the warm skin1 in receiving its part of that vapour1 receives therewith a degree of heat1 that rarifies and renders it lighter1 when it will be pushed away1 with its burthen1 by cooler and therefore heavier fresh air2 which1 for a moment1 supplies its place1 and then1 being likewise changed and warmed1 gives way to a succeeding quantity4 ,this is the order of nature1 to prevent animals being infected by their own perspiration4 ,he will now be sensible of the difference between the part exposed to the air1 and that which1 remaining sunk in the bed1 denies the air access3 for this part now manifests its uneasiness more distinctly by the comparison1 and the seat of the uneasiness is more plainly perceived1 than when the whole surface of the body was affected by it4 ,here1 then1 is one great and general cause of unpleasing dreams4 ,for when the body is uneasy1 the mind will be disturbed by it1 and disagreeable ideas of various kinds will1 in sleep1 be the natural consequences4 ,the remedies1 preventative and curative1 follow3 #a4 ,by eating moderately 7as before advised for health's sake7 less perspirable matter is produced in a given time2 hence the bed-clothes receive it longer before they are saturated2 and we may1 therefore1 sleep longer1 before we are made uneasy by their refusing to receive any more4 #b4 ,by using thinner and more porous bed-clothes1 which will suffer the perspirable matter more easily to pass through them1 we are less incommoded1 such being longer tolerable4 #c4 ,when you are awakened by this uneasiness1 and find you cannot easily sleep again1 get out of bed1 beat up and turn your pillow1 shake the bed-clothes well1 with at least twenty shakes1 then throw the bed open1 and leave it to cool2 in the meanwhile1 continuing undrest1 walk about your chamber1 till your skin has had time to discharge its load1 which it will do sooner as the air may be drier and colder4 ,when you begin to feel the cold air unpleasant1 then return to your bed1 and you will soon fall asleep1 and your sleep will be sweet and pleasant4 ,all the scenes presented to your fancy will be of the pleasing kind4 ,i am often as agreeably entertained with them1 as by the scenery of an opera4 ,if you happen to be too indolent to get out of bed1 you may1 instead of it1 lift up your bed-clothes with one arm and leg1 so as to draw in a good deal of fresh air1 and1 by letting them fall1 force it out again4 ,this1 repeated twenty times1 will so clear them of the perspirable matter they have imbibed1 as to permit your sleeping well for some time afterwards4 ,but this latter method is not equal to the former4 ,those who do not love trouble1 and can afford to have two beds1 will find great luxury in rising1 when they wake in a hot bed1 and going into the cool one4 ,such shifting of beds would also be of great service to persons ill of a fever1 as it refreshes and frequently procures sleep4 ,a very large bed1 that will admit a removal so distant from the first situation as to be cool and sweet1 may in a degree answer the same end4 ,one or two observations more will conclude this little piece4 ,care must be taken when you lie down1 to dispose your pillow so as to suit your manner of placing your head1 and to be perfectly easy2 then place your limbs so as not to bear inconveniently hard upon one another1 as1 for instance1 the joints of your ancles3 for though a bad position may at first give but little pain and be hardly noticed1 yet a continuance will render it less tolerable1 and the uneasiness may come on while you are asleep1 and disturb your imagination4 ,these are the rules of the art4 ,but though they will generally prove effectual in producing the end intended1 there is a case in which the most punctual observance of them will be totally fruitless4 ,i need not mention the case to you1 my dear friend1 but my account of the art would be imperfect without it4 ,the case is1 when the person1 who desires to have pleasant dreams1 has not taken care to preserve1 what is necessary above all things1 ,a ,,good ,,conscience4 ,,footnotes3 #ahf ,from the ,columbian ,magazine1 vol4 ,i4 p4 #fd4 ,editor4 #ahg ,what physicians call the perspirable matter1 is that vapour which passes off from our bodies1 from the lungs1 and through the pores of the skin4 ,the quantity of this is said to be five-eighths of what we eat4 ,dialogue between ,franklin and the ,gout#ahh4 ,midnight1 ,october #bb1 #aghj4 ,franklin4--,eh6 ,oh6 ,eh6 ,what have ,i done to merit these cruel sufferings8 ,gout4--,many things2 you have ate and drank too freely1 and too much indulged those legs of yours in their indolence4 ,franklin4--,who is it that accuses me8 ,gout4--,it is ,i1 even ,i1 the gout4 ,franklin4--,what6 my enemy in person8 ,gout4--,no1 not your enemy4 ,franklin4--,i repeat it2 my enemy3 for you would not only torment my body to death1 but ruin my good name3 you reproach me as a glutton and a tipler2 now all the world that knows me will allow1 that ,i am neither the one nor the other4 ,gout4--,the world may think as it pleases3 it is always very complaisant to itself1 and sometimes to its friends2 but ,i very well know1 that the quantity of meat and drink proper for a man1 who takes a reasonable degree of exercise1 would be too much for another1 who never takes any4 ,franklin4--,i take--,eh6 ,oh6--as much exercise--,eh6--as ,i can1 ,madam ,gout4 ,you know my sedentary state1 and on that account1 it would seem1 ,madam ,gout1 as if you might spare me a little1 seeing it is not altogether my own fault4 ,gout4--,not a jot3 your rhetoric and your politeness are thrown away2 your apology avails nothing4 ,if your situation in life is a sedentary one1 your amusements1 your recreations1 at least1 should be active4 ,you ought to walk or ride2 or1 if the weather prevents that1 play at billiards4 ,but let us examine your course of life4 ,while the mornings are long1 and you have leisure to go abroad1 what do you do8 ,why1 instead of gaining an appetite for breakfast1 by salutary exercise1 you amuse yourself with books1 pamphlets1 or newspapers1 which commonly are not worth the reading4 ,yet you eat an inordinate breakfast1 four dishes of tea1 with cream1 and one or two buttered toasts1 with slices of hung beef1 which ,i fancy are not things the most easily digested4 ,immediately afterward you sit down to write at your desk1 or converse with persons who apply to you on business4 ,thus the time passes till one1 without any kind of bodily exercise4 ,but all this ,i could pardon1 in regard1 as you say1 to your sedentary condition4 ,but what is your practice after dinner4 ,walking in the beautiful gardens of those friends with whom you have dined would be the choice of men of sense3 yours is to be fixed down to chess1 where you are found engaged for two or three hours6 ,this is your perpetual recreation1 which is the least eligible of any for a sedentary man1 because1 instead of accelerating the motion of the fluids1 the rigid attention it requires helps to retard the circulation and obstruct internal secretions4 ,wrapt in the speculations of this wretched game1 you destroy your constitution4 ,what can be expected from such a course of living1 but a body replete with stagnant humours1 ready to fall a prey to all kinds of dangerous maladies1 if ,i1 the gout1 did not occasionally bring you relief by agitating these humours1 and so purifying or dissipating them4 ,if it was in some nook or alley in ,paris1 deprived of walks1 that you played awhile at chess after dinner1 this might be excusable1 but the same taste prevails with you in ,passey1 ,auteuil1 ,montmartre1 or ,sanoy1 places where there are the finest gardens and walks1 a pure air1 beautiful women1 and most agreeable and instructive conversation2 all which you might enjoy by frequenting the walks6 ,but these are rejected for this abominable game of chess4 ,fie1 then1 ,mr4 ,franklin6 ,but amidst my instructions1 ,i had almost forgot to administer my wholsome corrections3 so take that twinge--and that4 ,franklin4--,oh6 ,eh6 ,oh6--,ohhh6 ,as much instruction as you please1 ,madam ,gout1 and as many reproaches1 but pray1 ,madam1 a truce with your corrections6 ,gout4--,no1 sir1 no--,i will not abate a particle of what is so much for your good--therefore-- ,franklin4--,oh6 ,ehhh6--,it is not fair to say ,i take no exercise1 when ,i do very often1 going out to dine1 and returning in my carriage4 ,gout4--,that of all imaginable exercise is the most slight and insignificant1 if you allude to the motion of a carriage suspended on springs4 ,by observing the degree of heat obtained by different kinds of motion we may form an estimate of the quantity of exercise given by each4 ,thus1 for example1 if you turn out to walk in winter with cold feet1 in an hour's time you will be in a glow all over2 ride on horseback1 the same effect will scarcely be perceived by four hours round trotting3 but if you loll in a carriage1 such as you have mentioned1 you may travel all day1 and gladly enter the last inn to warm your feet by a fire4 ,flatter yourself then no longer1 that half an hour's airing in your carriage deserves the name of exercise4 ,providence has appointed few to roll in carriages1 while he has given to all a pair of legs1 which are machines infinitely more commodious and serviceable4 ,be grateful1 then1 and make a proper use of yours4 ,would you know1 how they forward the circulation of your fluids1 in the very action of transporting you from place to place8 observe when you walk1 that all your weight is alternately thrown from one leg to the other2 this occasions a great pressure on the vessels of the foot1 and repels their contents4 ,when relieved1 by the weight being thrown on the other foot1 the vessels of the first are allowed to replenish1 and by a return of this weight1 this repulsion again succeeds2 thus accelerating the circulation of the blood4 ,the heat produced in any given time depends on the degree of this acceleration3 the fluids are shaken1 the humours attenuated1 the secretions facilitated1 and all goes well2 the cheeks are ruddy1 and health is established4 ,behold your fair friend at ,auteuil3 a lady who received from bounteous nature more really useful science1 than half a dozen such pretenders to philosophy1 as you1 have been able to extract from all your books4 ,when she honours you with a visit1 it is on foot4 ,she walks all hours of the day1 and leaves indolence and its concomitant maladies to be endured by her horses4 ,in this see at once the preservative of her health and personal charms4 ,but you1 when you go to ,auteuil1 must have your carriage1 though it is no farther from ,passy to ,auteuil1 than from ,auteuil to ,passy4 ,franklin4--,your reasonings grow very tiresome4 ,gout4--,i stand corrected4 ,i will be silent and continue my office3 take that1 and that4 ,franklin4--,oh6 ,ohh6 ,talk on1 ,i pray you6 ,gout4--,no1 no2 ,i have a good number of twinges for you to-night1 and you may be sure of some more to-morrow4 ,franklin4--,what1 with such a fever6 ,i shall go distracted4 ,oh6 ,eh6 ,can no one bear it for me8 ,gout4--,ask that of your horses2 they have served you faithfully4 ,franklin4--,how can you so cruelly sport with my torments8 ,gout4--,sport8 ,i am very serious4 ,i have here a list of your offences against your own health distinctly written1 and can justify every stroke inflicted on you4 ,franklin4--,read it then4 ,gout4--,it is too long a detail2 but ,i will briefly mention some particulars4 ,franklin4--,proceed--,i am all attention4 ,gout4--,do you remember how often you have promised yourself1 the following morning1 a walk in the grove of ,boulogne1 in the garden de la ,muette1 or in your own garden1 and have violated your promise1 alledging1 at one time1 it was too cold1 at another too warm1 too windy1 too moist1 or what else you pleased2 when in truth it was too nothing1 but your insuperable love of ease8 ,franklin4--,that ,i confess may have happened occasionally1 probably ten times in a year4 ,gout4--,your confession is very far short of the truth2 the gross amount is one hundred and ninety-nine times4 ,franklin4--,is it possible8 ,gout4--,so possible that it is fact2 you may rely on the accuracy of my statement4 ,you know ,mr4 ,b----'s gardens1 and what fine walks they contain2 you know the handsome flight of an hundred steps1 which lead from the terrace above to the lawn below4 ,you have been in the practice of visiting this amiable family twice a week after dinner1 and as it is a maxim of your own1 that a man may take as much exercise in walking a mile up and down stairs1 as in ten on level ground1 what an opportunity was here for you to have had exercise in both these ways8 ,did you embrace it1 and how often8 ,franklin4--,i cannot immediately answer that question4 ,gout4--,i will do it for you2 not once4 ,franklin4--,not once8 ,gout4--,even so4 ,during the summer you went there at six o'clock4 ,you found the charming lady1 with her lovely children and friends1 eager to walk with you1 and entertain you with their agreeable conversation3 and what has been your choice8 ,why to sit on the terrace1 satisfying yourself with the fine prospect1 and passing your eye over the beauties of the garden below1 without taking one step to descend and walk about in them4 ,on the contrary1 you call for tea1 and the chess-board2 and lo6 you are occupied in your seat till nine o'clock1 and that beside two hours play after dinner2 and then1 instead of walking home1 which would have bestirred you a little1 you step into your carriage4 ,how absurd to suppose1 that all this carelessness can be reconcileable with health1 without my interposition6 ,franklin4--,i am convinced now of the justness of poor ,richard's remark1 that1 ,our debts and our sins are always greater than we think for4 ,gout4--,so it is6 you philosophers are sages in your maxims1 and fools in your conduct4 ,franklin4--,but do you charge among my crimes1 that ,i return in a carriage from ,mr4 ,b----'s8 ,gout4--,certainly3 for having been seated all the while1 you cannot object the fatigue of the day1 and cannot want therefore the relief of a carriage4 ,franklin4--,what then would you have me do with my carriage8 ,gout4--,burn it1 if you choose2 you would at least get heat out of it once in this way2 or if you dislike that proposal1 here's another for you3 observe the poor peasants who work in the vineyards and grounds about the villages of ,passy1 ,anteuil1 ,chaillois1 c42 you may find every day among these deserving creatures1 four or five old men and women1 bent and perhaps crippled by weight of years1 and too long and too great labour4 ,after a most fatiguing day1 these people have to trudge a mile or two to their smoky huts4 ,order your coachmen to set them down4 ,that is an act that will be good for your soul2 and at the same time1 after your visit to the ,b----'s1 if you return on foot1 that will be good for your body4 ,franklin4--,ah6 how tiresome you are4 ,gout4--,well then1 to my office2 it should not be forgotten1 that ,i am your physician4 ,there4 ,franklin4--,ohhh6 what a devil of a physician6 ,gout4--,how ungrateful are you to say so6 ,is it not ,i1 who1 in the character of your physician1 have saved you from the palsy1 dropsy1 and apoplexy8 one or other of which would have done for you long ago1 but for me4 ,franklin4--,i submit1 and thank you for the past1 but intreat the discontinuance of your visits for the future3 for in my mind one had better die1 than be cured so dolefully4 ,permit me just to hint1 that ,i have also not been unfriendly to you4 ,i never feed physician1 or quack of any kind1 to enter the list against you2 if then you do not leave me to my repose1 it may be said you are ungrateful too4 ,gout4--,i can scarcely acknowledge that as any objection4 ,as to quacks1 ,i despise them3 they may kill you1 indeed1 but cannot injure me4 ,and as to regular physicians1 they are at last convinced1 that the gout1 in such a subject as you are1 is no disease1 but a remedy2 and wherefore cure a remedy8--but to our business--,there4-- ,franklin4--,oh6 ,oh6--for heaven's sake leave me2 and ,i promise faithfully never more to play at chess1 but to take exercise daily1 and live temperately4 ,gout4--,i know you too well4 ,you promise fair2 but1 after a few months of good health1 you will return to your old habits2 your fine promises will be forgotten like the forms of the last year's clouds4 ,let us then finish the account and ,i will go4 ,but ,i leave you with an assurance1 of visiting you again at a proper time and place2 for my object is your good1 and you are sensible now1 that ,i am your real friend4 ,,footnote3 #ahh ,we have no authority for ascribing this paper to ,dr4 ,franklin1 but its appearance1 with his name1 in a small collection of his works printed a few years ago at ,paris1 and cited before1 page #dhj4 ,as the rest of the papers in that collection are genuine1 this probably is also genuine4 ,what we give is a translation4 ,editor4 ,,to ,,miss ,,hubbard4 ,on the ,death of ,relatives#ahi4 ,philadelphia1 ,feb4 #bb1 #agef4 ,i condole with you4 ,we have lost a most dear and valuable relation#aij4 ,but it is the will of ,god and nature1 that these mortal bodies be laid aside1 when the soul is to enter into real life4 ,this is rather an embryo state1 a preparation for living4 ,a man is not completely born until he be dead4 ,why then should we grieve1 that a new child is born among the immortals1 a new member added to their happy society8 ,we are spirits4 ,that bodies should be lent us1 while they can afford us pleasure1 assist us in acquiring knowledge1 or doing good to our fellow-creatures1 is a kind and benevolent act of ,god4 ,when they become unfit for these purposes1 and afford us pain instead of pleasure1 instead of an aid become an incumbrance1 and answer none of the intentions for which they were given1 it is equally kind and benevolent1 that a way is provided by which we may get rid of them4 ,death is that way4 ,we ourselves1 in some cases1 prudently choose a partial death4 ,a mangled painful limb1 which cannot be restored1 we willingly cut off4 ,he1 who plucks out a tooth1 parts with it freely1 since the pain goes with it3 and he1 who quits the whole body1 parts at once with all pains1 and possibilities of pains and diseases1 it was liable to1 or capable of making him suffer4 ,our friend and we were invited abroad on a party of pleasure1 which is to last for ever4 ,his chair was ready first1 and he is gone before us4 ,we could not all conveniently start together3 and why should you and ,i be grieved at this1 since we are soon to follow1 and know where to find him8 ,adieu4 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnotes3 #ahi ,from the ,columbian ,magazine1 ,vol4 ,i1 p4 #bjh4 ,editor4 #aij ,dr4 ,franklin's brother1 ,mr4 ,john ,franklin4 ,,to ,,madame ,,brilliant4 ,the ,ephemera an ,emblem of human ,life#aia4 ,you may remember1 my dear friend1 that when we lately spent that happy day1 in the delightful garden and sweet society of the ,moulin ,joly1 ,i stopt a little in one of our walks1 and staid some time behind the company4 ,we had been shown numberless skeletons of a kind of little fly1 called an ephemera1 whose successive generations1 we were told1 were bred and expired within the day4 ,i happened to see a living company of them on a leaf1 who appeared to be engaged in conversation4 ,you know ,i understand all the inferior animal tongues3 my too great application to the study of them is the best excuse ,i can give for the little progress ,i have made in your charming language4 ,i listened through curiosity to the discourse of these little creatures2 but as they1 in their national vivacity1 spoke three or four together1 ,i could make but little of their conversation4 ,i found1 however1 by some broken expressions that ,i heard now and then1 they were disputing warmly on the merit of two foreign musicians1 one a cousin1 the other a muscheto2 in which dispute they spent their time1 seemingly as regardless of the shortness of life1 as if they had been sure of living a month4 ,happy people6 thought ,i1 you live certainly under a wise1 just1 and mild government1 since you have no public grievances to complain of1 nor any subject of contention1 but the perfections or imperfections of foreign music4 ,i turned my head from them to an old grey-headed one1 who was single on another leaf1 and talking to himself4 ,being amused with his soliloquy1 ,i put it down in writing1 in hopes it will likewise amuse her to whom ,i am so much indebted for the most pleasing of all amusements1 her delicious company1 and heavenly harmony4 ,it was1 says he1 the opinion of learned philosophers of our race1 who lived and flourished long before my time1 that this vast world1 the ,moulin ,joly1 could not itself subsist more than eighteen hours3 and ,i think there was some foundation for that opinion2 since1 by the apparent motion of the great luminary1 that gives life to all nature1 and which in my time has evidently declined considerably towards the ocean at the end of our earth1 it must then finish its course1 be extinguished in the waters that surround us1 and leave the world in cold and darkness1 necessarily producing universal death and destruction4 ,i have lived seven of those hours2 a great age1 being no less than four hundred and twenty minutes of time4 ,how very few of us continue so long8 ,i have seen generations born1 flourish1 and expire4 ,my present friends are the children and grand-children of the friends of my youth1 who are now1 alas no more6 ,and ,i must soon follow them2 for1 by the course of nature1 though still in health1 ,i cannot expect to live above seven or eight minutes longer4 ,what now avails all my toil and labour1 in amassing honey-dew on this leaf1 which ,i cannot live to enjoy6 ,what the political struggles ,i have been engaged in1 for the good of my com-patriot inhabitants of this bush1 or my philosophical studies1 for the benefit of our race in general6 for in politics 7what can laws do without morals87 our present race of ephemer will in a course of minutes become corrupt1 like those of other and older bushes1 and consequently as wretched3 and in philosophy how small our progress6 ,alas6 art is long1 and life is short6 ,my friends would comfort me with the idea of a name1 they say1 ,i shall leave behind me2 and they tell me1 ,i have lived long enough to nature and to glory4 ,but what will fame be to an ephemera1 who no longer exists8 and what will become of all history in the eighteenth hour1 when the world itself1 even the whole ,moulin ,joly1 shall come to its end1 and be buried in universal ruin8---- ,to me1 after all my eager pursuits1 no solid pleasures now remain1 but the reflection of a long life spent in meaning well1 the sensible conversation of a few good lady ephemer1 and now and then a kind smile and a tune from the ever amiable ,brilliant4 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #aia ,from the ,american ,museum1 ,vol4 ,,viii4 p4 #ahc4 ,it was written during the author's residence at ,passy1 and a translation of it at that time appeared in one of the ,parisian periodical publications4 ,this appears to be the original piece4 ,editor4 ,,appendix3 ,,containing #a4 ,,papers ,,proper ,,for ,,insertion1 ,,but ,,omitted1 ,,in ,,the ,,preceding ,,volumes3 ,,and #b4 ,,letters ,,by ,,several ,,eminent ,,persons1 ,,illustrative ,,of ,,dr4 ,,franklin',s ,,manners ,,and ,,character4 ,,appendix1 ,no4 ,i4 ,,containing ,,papers ,,proper ,,for ,,insertion1 ,,but ,,omitted1 ,,in ,,the ,,preceding ,,volumes4 ,letter to ,sir ,hans ,sloane#aib4 ,june #b1 #agbe4 ,,sir1 ,having lately been in the northern parts of ,america1 ,i have brought from thence a purse made of the asbestos1 a piece of the stone1 and a piece of the wood1 the pithy part of which is of the same nature1 and called by the inhabitants salamander cotton4 ,as you are noted to be a lover of curiosities1 ,i have informed you of these3 and if you have any inclination to purchase or see them1 let me know your pleasure1 by a line directed for me at the ,golden ,fan in ,little ,britain1 and ,i will wait upon you with them4 ,i am1 sir1 ,your most humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,p4 ,s4 ,i expect to be out of town in two or three days1 and therefore beg an immediate answer4 ,,footnote3 #aib ,from the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 for 1 #aghj1 where it appears among other original letters to ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 from different persons4 ,editor4 ,letter to ,michael ,collinson1 ,esq#aic4 ,no date4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,understanding that an account of our dear departed friend1 ,mr4 ,peter ,collinson1 is intended to be given to the public1 ,i cannot omit expressing my approbation of the design4 ,the characters of good men are exemplary1 and often stimulate the well disposed to an imitation1 beneficial to mankind1 and honourable to themselves4 ,and as you may be unacquainted with the following instances of his zeal and usefulness in promoting knowledge1 which fell within my observation1 ,i take the liberty of informing you1 that in #agcj1 a subscription library being set on foot at ,philadelphia1 he encouraged the design by making several very valuable presents to it1 and procuring others from his friends3 and as the library company had a considerable sum arising annually to be laid out in books1 and needed a judicious friend in ,london to transact the business for them1 he voluntarily and cheerfully undertook that service1 and executed it for more than thirty years successively1 assisting in the choice of books1 and taking the whole care of collecting and shipping them1 without ever charging or accepting any consideration for his trouble4 ,the success of this library 7greatly owing to his kind countenance and good advice7 encouraged the erecting others in different places on the same plan2 and it is supposed1 there are now upwards of thirty subsisting in the several colonies1 which have contributed greatly to the spreading of useful knowledge in that part of the world2 the books he recommended being all of that kind1 and the catalogue of this first library being much respected and followed by those libraries that succeeded4 ,during the same time he transmitted to the directors of the library the earliest accounts of every new ,european improvement in agriculture and the arts1 and every philosophical discovery2 among which1 in #agde1 he sent over an account of the new ,german experiments in electricity1 together with a glass tube1 and some directions for using it so as to repeat those experiments4 ,this was the first notice ,i had of that curious subject1 which ,i afterwards prosecuted with some diligence1 being encouraged by the friendly reception he gave to the letters ,i wrote to him upon it4 ,please to accept this small testimony of mine to his memory1 for which ,i shall ever have the utmost respect2 and believe me1 with sincere esteem1 dear sir1 ,your most humble servant1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,,footnote3 #aic ,from the ,london ,magazine1 for ,april1 #aggf4 ,editor4 ,letter respecting ,captain ,cook4 ,to all captains and commanders of armed ships1 acting by commission from the congress of the ,united ,states of ,america1 now in war with ,great ,britain4 ,,gentlemen1 ,a ship having been fitted out from ,england1 before the commencement of this war1 to make discoveries of new countries in unknown seas1 under the conduct of that most celebrated navigator1 ,captain ,cook1--an undertaking truly laudable in itself1 as the increase of geographical knowledge facilitates the communication between distant nations1 in the exchange of useful products and manufactures1 and the extension of arts whereby the common enjoyments of human life are multiplied and augmented1 and science of other kinds increased1 to the benefit of mankind in general4--,this is therefore most earnestly to recommend to every one of you1 that in case the said ship1 which is now expected to be soon in the ,european seas on her return1 should happen to fall into your hands1 you would not consider her as an enemy1 nor suffer any plunder to be made of the effects contained in her1 nor obstruct her immediate return to ,england1 by detaining her or sending her into any other part of ,europe or ,america1 but that you would treat the said captain ,cook and his people with all civility and kindness1 affording them1 as common friends to mankind1 all the assistance in your power1 which they may happen to stand in need of4 ,in so doing1 you will not only gratify the generosity of your own dispositions1 but there is no doubt of your obtaining the approbation of the congress#aid1 and your own ,american owners4 ,i have the honour to be1 gentlemen1 ,your most obedient1 c4 ,b4 ,,franklin1 ,minister plenipotentiary from the congress of the ,united ,states to the court of ,france4 ,at ,passy1 near ,paris1 this #ajth day of ,march1 #aggi4 ,,footnote3 #aid ,dr4 ,kippis1 in his ,life of ,captain ,cook1 had asserted1 upon what he deemed unquestionable authority1 that ,dr4 ,franklin's orders were instantly reversed1 and that it was directed by congress1 to seize captain ,cook1 if an opportunity of doing it occurred3 but1 finding that the information was false1 he addressed a letter to the editor of the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 in ,september1 #agie1 publicly acknowledging his mistake4 ,in the ,american ,museum1 from which we have taken ,dr4 ,franklin's letter1 the correspondent who communicated the letter says1 that the generous proceeding of ,dr4 ,franklin in writing it was so well known in ,england1 and the sentiments it manifested so much approved by the government there1 that1 when ,cook's ,voyage was printed1 the admiralty sent to ,dr4 ,franklin a copy of the same in three volumes quarto1 accompanied with the elegant collection of plates1 and a very polite letter from lord ,howe1 signifying1 that the present was made with his majesty's express approbation2 and the royal society having1 in honour of that illustrious navigator1 one of their members1 struck some gold medals to be distributed among his friends and the friends of his voyage1 one of those medals1 was also sent to ,dr4 ,franklin1 by order of the society1 together with a letter from their worthy president1 sir ,joseph ,banks1 expressing likewise1 that it was sent with the approbation of his majesty4 ,editor4 ,an ,address to the ,public1 from the ,pensylvania ,society for promoting the ,abolition of ,slavery1 and the ,relief of free ,negroes1 unlawfully held in ,bondage#aie4 ,it is with peculiar satisfaction1 we assure the friends of humanity1 that1 in prosecuting the design of our association1 our endeavours have proved successful1 far beyond our most sanguine expectations4 ,encouraged by this success1 and by the daily progress of that luminous and benign spirit of liberty1 which is diffusing itself throughout the world1 and humbly hoping for the continuance of the divine blessing on our labours1 we have ventured to make an important addition to our original plan1 and do1 therefore1 earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all1 who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion1 or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence4 ,slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature1 that its very extirpation1 if not performed with solicitous care1 may sometimes open a source of serious evils4 ,the unhappy man1 who has long been treated as a brute animal1 too frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human species4 ,the galling chains1 that bind his body1 do also fetter his intellectual faculties1 and impair the social affections of his heart4 ,accustomed to move like a mere machine1 by the will of a master1 reflection is suspended2 he has not the power of choice2 and reason and conscience have but little influence over his conduct1 because he is chiefly governed by the passion of fear4 ,he is poor and friendless--perhaps worn out by extreme labour1 age1 and disease4 ,under such circumstances1 freedom may often prove a misfortune to himself1 and prejudicial to society4 ,attention to emancipated black people1 it is therefore to be hoped1 will become a branch of our national police2 but as far as we contribute to promote this emancipation1 so far that attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us1 and which we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities4 ,to instruct1 to advise1 to qualify those1 who have been restored to freedom1 for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty1 to promote in them habits of industry1 to furnish them with employments suited to their age1 sex1 talents1 and other circumstances1 and to procure their children an education calculated for their future situation in life2 these are the great outlines of the annexed plan1 which we have adopted1 and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good1 and the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow-creatures4 ,a plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without considerable pecuniary resources1 beyond the present ordinary funds of the society4 ,we hope much from the generosity of enlightened and benevolent freemen1 and will gratefully receive any donations or subscriptions for this purpose1 which may be made to our treasurer1 ,james ,starr1 or to ,james ,pemberton1 chairman of our committee of correspondence4 ,signed by order of the society1 ,b4 ,,franklin1 ,,president4 ,philadelphia1 #ith of ,november1 #aghi4 ,,footnote3 #aie ,in an ,american periodical publication1 this address and the plan that follows it are ascribed to the pen of ,dr4 ,franklin1 which induces us to give them a place here4 ,editor4 ,plan for improving the ,condition of the ,free ,blacks4 ,the business relative to free blacks shall be transacted by a committee of twenty-four persons1 annually elected by ballot1 at the meeting of this society1 in the month called ,april2 and in order to perform the different services with expedition1 regularity1 and energy1 this committee shall resolve itself into the following sub-committees1 viz3 ,i4 ,a committee of inspection1 who shall superintend the morals1 general conduct1 and ordinary situation of the free negroes1 and afford them advice and instruction1 protection from wrongs1 and other friendly offices4 ,,ii4 ,a committee of guardians1 who shall place out children and young people with suitable persons1 that they may 7during a moderate time of apprenticeship1 or servitude7 learn some trade or other business of subsistence4 ,the committee may effect this partly by a persuasive influence on parents and the persons concerned2 and partly by co-operating with the laws1 which are1 or may be enacted for this1 and similar purposes3 in forming contracts on these occasions1 the committee shall secure to the society1 as far as may be practicable1 the right of guardianship over the persons so bound4 ,,iii4 ,a committee of education1 who shall superintend the school-instruction of the children and youth of the free blacks2 they may either influence them to attend regularly the schools1 already established in this city1 or form others with this view2 they shall1 in either case1 provide1 that the pupils may receive such learning1 as is necessary for their future situation in life2 and especially a deep impression of the most important1 and generally acknowledged moral and religious principles4 ,they shall also procure and preserve a regular record of the marriages1 births1 and manumissions of all free blacks4 ,,iv4 ,a committee of employ1 who shall endeavour to procure constant employment for those free negroes who are able to work3 as the want of this would occasion poverty1 idleness1 and many vicious habits4 ,this committee will1 by sedulous enquiry1 be enabled to find common labour for a great number2 they will also provide1 that such1 as indicate proper talents1 may learn various trades1 which may be done by prevailing upon them to bind themselves for such a term of years1 as shall compensate their masters for the expence and trouble of instruction and maintenance4 ,the committee may attempt the institution of some useful and simple manufactures1 which require but little skill1 and also may assist1 in commencing business1 such as appear to be qualified for it4 ,whenever the committee of inspection shall find persons of any particular description requiring attention1 they shall immediately direct them to the committee1 of whose care they are the proper objects4 ,in matters of a mixed nature1 the committees shall confer1 and1 if necessary1 act in concert4 ,affairs of great importance shall be referred to the whole committee4 ,the expence1 incurred by the prosecution of this plan1 shall be defrayed by a fund1 to be formed by donations1 or subscriptions1 for these particular purposes1 and to be kept separate from the other funds of this society4 ,the committee shall make a report of their proceedings1 and of the state of their stock1 to the society1 at their quarterly meetings1 in the months called ,april and ,october4 ,philadelphia1 #bfth ,october1 #aghi4 ,paper3 a ,poem#aif4 ,some wit of old--such wits of old there were-- ,whose hints show'd meaning1 whose allusions care1 ,by one brave stroke to mark all human kind1 ,call'd clear blank paper ev'ry infant mind2 ,when still1 as opening sense her dictates wrote1 ,fair virtue put a seal1 or vice a blot4 ,the thought was happy1 pertinent1 and true2 ,methinks a genius might the plan pursue4 ,i 7can you pardon my presumption71 ,i-- ,no wit1 no genius1 yet for once will try4 ,various the papers various wants produce1 ,the wants of fashion1 elegance1 and use4 ,men are as various3 and1 if right ,i scan1 ,each sort of paper represents some man4 ,pray note the fop--half powder and half lace-- ,nice1 as a bandbox were his dwelling-place3 ,he's the gilt-paper1 which apart you store1 ,and lock from vulgar hands in the 'scrutoire4 ,mechanics1 servants1 farmers1 and so forth1 ,are copy-paper1 of inferior worth2 ,less priz'd1 more useful1 for your desk decreed1 ,free to all pens1 and prompt at ev'ry need4 ,the wretch1 whom av'rice bids to pinch and spare1 ,starve1 cheat1 and pilfer1 to enrich an heir1 ,is coarse brown-paper2 such as pedlars choose ,to wrap up wares1 which better men will use4 ,take next the miser's contrast1 who destroys ,health1 fame1 and fortune1 in a round of joys4 ,will any paper match him8 ,yes1 throughout1 ,he's a true sinking-paper1 past all doubt4 ,the retail politician's anxious thought ,deems this side always right1 and that stark nought2 ,he foams with censure2 with applause he raves-- ,a dupe to rumours1 and a tool of knaves2 ,he'll want no type his weakness to proclaim1 ,while such a thing as fools-cap has a name4 ,the hasty gentleman1 whose blood runs high1 ,who picks a quarrel1 if you step awry1 ,who can't a jest1 or hint1 or look endure3 ,what's he8 ,what8 ,touch-paper to be sure4 ,what are our poets1 take them as they fall1 ,good1 bad1 rich1 poor1 much read1 not read at all8 ,them and their works in the same class you'll find2 ,they are the mere waste-paper of mankind4 ,observe the maiden1 innocently sweet1 ,she's fair white-paper1 an unsullied sheet2 ,on which the happy man1 whom fate ordains1 ,may write his name1 and take her for his pains4 ,one instance more1 and only one ,i'll bring2 ',tis the great man who scorns a little thing1 ,whose thoughts1 whose deeds1 whose maxims are his own1 ,form'd on the feelings of his heart alone3 ,true genuine royal-paper is his breast2 ,of all the kinds most precious1 purest1 best4 ,,footnote3 #aif ,we have been told1 that this poem is not ,franklin's1 and the name of some other person was at the time mentioned to us as the author2 but as we have forgotten both the name and the authority1 and as the poem has been ascribed to ,dr4 ,franklin in the ,american ,museum1 we think it not right to omit it4 ,editor4 ,plain ,truth2 or serious ,considerations on the present ,state of the ,city of ,philadelphia1 and ,province of ,pensylvania3 ,,by ,a ,,tradesman ,,of ,,philadelphia#aig4 ,capta urbe1 nihil fit reliqui victis4 ,sed1 per deos immortales1 vos ego appello1 qui semper domos1 villas1 signa1 tabulas vestras1 tant stimationis fecistis2 si ista1 cujuscumque modi sint1 qu amplexamini1 retinere1 si voluptatibus vestris otium prbere vultis2 expergiscimini aliquando1 capessite rempublicam4 ,non agitur nunc de sociorum injuriis2 libertas anima nostra in dubio est4 ,dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est4 ,vos cunctamini etiam nunc1 dubitatis quid faciatis8 ,scilicet1 res ipsa aspera est1 sed vos non timetis eam4 ,imo vero maxime2 sed inerti molliti animi1 alius alium expectantes1 cunctamini2 videlicit1 diis immortalibus confisi1 qui hanc rempublicam in maximis periculis servavere non votis1 neque suppliciis muliebribus1 auxilia deorum parantur3 vigilando1 agendo1 bene consulendo1 prospere omnia cedunt4 ,ubi socordi tete atque ignavi tradideris1 nequicquam deos implores2 irati1 infestique sunt4 ,m4 ,,por4 ,,cat4 ,,in ,,salust4 ,it is said1 the wise ,italians make this proverbial remark on our nation1 viz4 ,the ,english feel1 but they do not see4 ,that is1 they are sensible of inconveniences when they are present1 but do not take sufficient care to prevent them3 their natural courage makes them too little apprehensive of danger1 so that they are often surprised by it1 unprovided of the proper means of security4 ,when it is too late1 they are sensible of their imprudence3 after great fires1 they provide buckets and engines3 after a pestilence1 they think of keeping clean their streets and common sewers3 and when a town has been sacked by their enemies1 they provide for its defence1 c4 ,this kind of after-wisdom is indeed so common with us1 as to occasion the vulgar1 though very insignificant saying1 ,when the steed is stolen1 you shut the stable door4 ,but the more insensible we generally are of public danger and indifferent when warned of it1 so much the more freely1 openly1 and earnestly1 ought such as apprehend it to speak their sentiments2 that1 if possible1 those who seem to sleep may be awakened1 to think of some means of avoiding or preventing the mischief1 before it be too late4 ,believing therefore1 that it is my duty1 ,i shall honestly speak my mind in the following paper4 ,war1 at this time1 rages over a great part of the known world2 our newspapers are weekly filled with fresh accounts of the destruction it every where occasions4 ,pensylvania1 indeed1 situate in the centre of the colonies1 has hitherto enjoyed profound repose2 and though our nation is engaged in a bloody war1 with two great and powerful kingdoms1 yet1 defended1 in a great degree1 from the ,french1 on the one hand1 by the northern provinces1 and from the ,spaniards1 on the other1 by the southern1 at no small expence to each1 our people have1 till lately1 slept securely in their habitations4 ,there is no ,british colony1 excepting this1 but has made some kind of provision for its defence2 many of them have therefore never been attempted by an enemy2 and others1 that were attacked1 have generally defended themselves with success4 ,the length and difficulty of our bay and river have been thought so effectual a security to us1 that hitherto no means have been entered into1 that might discourage an attempt upon us1 or prevent its succeeding4 ,but whatever security this might have been while both country and city were poor1 and the advantage to be expected scarce worth the hazard of an attempt1 it is now doubted1 whether we can any longer safely depend upon it4 ,our wealth1 of late years much encreased1 is one strong temptation1 our defenceless state another1 to induce an enemy to attack us2 while the acquaintance they have lately gained with our ,bay and river1 by means of the prisoners and flags of truce they have had among us2 by spies which they almost every where maintain1 and perhaps from traitors among ourselves2 with the facility of getting pilots to conduct them2 and the known absence of ships of war1 during the greatest part of the year1 from both ,virginia and ,new ,york1 ever since the war began1 render the appearance of success to the enemy far more promising1 and therefore highly encrease our danger4 ,that our enemies may have spies abroad1 and some even in these colonies1 will not be made much doubt of1 when it is considered1 that such has been the practice of all nations in all ages1 whenever they were engaged1 or intended to engage1 in war4 ,of this we have an early example in the book of ,judges 7too pertinent to our case1 and therefore ,i must beg leave a little to enlarge upon it7 where we are told1 ,chap4 xviii1 v4 #b4 ,that the children of ,dan sent of their family five men from their coasts to spie out the land1 and search it1 saying1 ,go1 search the land4 ,these ,danites it seems were at this time not very orthodox in their religion1 and their spies met with a certain idolatrous priest of their own persuasion1 v4 #c1 and they said to him1 ,who brought thee hither8 ,what makest thou in this place8 ,and what hast thou here8 ,would to ,god no such priests were to be found among us4 ,and they said unto him1 v4 #e4 ,ask counsel of ,god1 that we may know1 whether our way which we go shall be prosperous3 and the priest said unto them1 ,go in peace2 before the ,lord is your way wherein you go4 ,are there no priests among us1 think you1 that might1 in the like case1 give an enemy as good encouragement8 ,it is well known1 that we have numbers of the same religion with those1 who of late encouraged the ,french to invade our ,mother ,country4 ,and they came1 verse #g1 to ,laish1 and saw the people that were therein1 how they dwelt ,,careless1 after the manner of the ,zidonians1 ,,quiet and ,,secure4 ,they thought themselves secure1 no doubt2 and as they never had been disturbed1 vainly imagined they never should4 ,it is not unlikely1 that some might see the danger they were exposed to by living in that careless manner2 but that1 if these publicly expressed their apprehensions1 the rest reproached them as timorous persons1 wanting courage or confidence in their gods1 who 7they might say7 had hitherto protected them4 ,but the spies1 verse #h1 returned1 and said to their countrymen1 verse #i1 ,arise1 that we may go up against them2 for we have seen the land1 and behold it is very good6 ,and are ye still8 ,be not slothful to go4 ,verse #aj1 when ye go1 ye shall come to a people ,,secure2 that is1 a people that apprehend no danger1 and therefore have made no provision against it2 great encouragement this6 and to a large land1 and a place where there is no want of any thing4 ,what could they desire more8 ,accordingly we find1 in the following verses1 that six hundred men only1 appointed with weapons of war1 undertook the conquest of this large land2 knowing that #fjj men1 armed and disciplined1 would be an over-match perhaps for #fj1jjj1 unarmed1 undisciplined1 and off their guard4 ,and when they went against it1 the idolatrous priest1 verse #ag1 with his graven image1 and his ephod1 and his seraphim1 and his molten image1 plenty of superstitious trinkets joined with them1 and1 no doubt1 gave them all the intelligence and assistance in his power2 his heart1 as the text assures us1 being glad1 perhaps for reasons more than one4 ,and now1 what was the fate of poor ,laish6 ,the #fjj men being arrived1 found1 as the spies had reported1 a people ,,quiet and ,,secure1 verse #bj1 #ba1 ,and they smote them with the edge of the sword1 and burnt the city with ,,fire2 and there was no ,,deliverer1 because it was far from ,zidon4--,not so far from ,zidon1 however1 as ,pensylvania is from ,britain2 and yet we are1 if possible1 more careless than the people of ,laish6 ,as the scriptures are given for our reproof1 instruction and warning1 may we make a due use of this example1 before it be too late6 ,and is our country1 any more than our city1 altogether free from danger8 ,perhaps not4 ,we have1 it is true1 had a long peace with the ,indians3 but it is a long peace indeed1 as well as a long lane1 that has no ending4 ,the ,french know the power and importance of the ,six ,nations1 and spare no artifice1 pains or expence1 to gain them to their interest4 ,by their priests they have converted many to their religion1 and these#aih have openly espoused their cause4 ,the rest appear irresolute what part to take2 no persuasions1 though enforced with costly presents1 having yet been able to engage them generally on our side1 though we had numerous forces on their borders1 ready to second and support them4 ,what then may be expected1 now those forces are1 by orders from the crown1 to be disbanded1 when our boasted expedition is laid aside1 through want 7as it may appear to them7 either of strength or courage2 when they see1 that the ,french and their ,indians1 boldly1 and with impunity1 ravage the frontiers of ,new ,york1 and scalp the inhabitants2 when those few ,indians1 that engaged with us against the ,french1 are left exposed to their resentment3 when they consider these things1 is there no danger that1 through disgust at our usage1 joined with fear of the ,french power1 and greater confidence in their promises and protection than in ours1 they may be wholly gained over by our enemies1 and join in the war against us8 ,if such should be the case1 which ,god forbid1 how soon may the mischief spread to our frontier countries8 ,and what may we expect to be the consequence1 but desertion of plantations1 ruin1 bloodshed and confusion6 ,perhaps some in the city1 towns1 and plantations near the river1 may say to themselves1 ,an ,indian war on the frontiers will not affect us2 the enemy will never come near our habitations2 let those concerned take care of themselves4 ,and others who live in the country1 when they are told of the danger the city is in from attempts by sea1 may say1 ,what is that to us8 ,the enemy will be satisfied with the plunder of the town1 and never think it worth his while to visit our plantations3 let the town take care of itself4--,these are not mere suppositions1 for ,i have heard some talk in this strange manner4 ,but are these the sentiments of true ,pensylvanians1 of fellow-countrymen1 or even of men1 that have common sense or goodness8 ,is not the whole province one body1 united by living under the same laws1 and enjoying the same privileges8 ,are not the people of city and country connected as relations1 both by blood and marriage1 and in friendships equally dear8 ,are they not likewise united in interest1 and mutually useful and necessary to each other8 ,when the feet are wounded1 shall the head say1 it is not me2 ,i will not trouble myself to contrive relief6 ,or if the head is in danger1 shall the hands say1 we are not affected1 and therefore will lend no assistance6 ,no4 ,for so would the body be easily destroyed3 but when all parts join their endeavours for its security1 it is often preserved4 ,and such should be the union between the country and the town2 and such their mutual endeavours for the safety of the whole4 ,when ,new ,england1 a distant colony1 involved itself in a grievous debt to reduce ,cape ,breton1 we freely gave four thousand pounds for their relief4 ,and at another time1 remembering that ,great ,britain1 still more distant1 groaned under heavy taxes in supporting the war1 we threw in our mite to their assistance1 by a free gift of three thousand pounds3 and shall country and town join in helping strangers 7as those comparatively are7 and yet refuse to assist each other8 ,but whatever different opinions we have of our security in other respects1 our ,,trade1 all seem to agree1 is in danger of being ruined in another year4 ,the great success of our enemies1 in two different cruizes this last summer in our bay1 must give them the greatest encouragement to repeat more frequently their visits1 the profit being almost certain1 and the risk next to nothing4 ,will not the first effect of this be1 an enhancing of the price of all foreign goods to the tradesman and farmer1 who use or consume them8 ,for the rate of insurance will increase1 in proportion to the hazard of importing them2 and in the same proportion will the price of those goods increase4 ,if the price of the tradesman's work1 and the farmer's produce1 would increase equally with the price of foreign commodities1 the damage would not be so great3 but the direct contrary must happen4 ,for the same hazard or rate of insurance1 that raises the price of what is imported1 must be deducted out of1 and lower the price of what is exported4 ,without this addition and deduction1 as long as the enemy cruize at our capes1 and take those vessels that attempt to go out1 as well as those that endeavour to come in1 none can afford to trade1 and business must be soon at a stand4 ,and will not the consequences be1 a discouragement of many of the vessels that used to come from other places to purchase our produce1 and thereby a turning of the trade to ports that can be entered with less danger1 and capable of furnishing them with the same commodities1 as ,new ,york1 c42 a lessening of business to every shopkeeper1 together with multitudes of bad debts1 the high rate of goods discouraging the buyers1 and the low rates of their labour and produce1 rendering them unable to pay for what they had bought2 loss of employment to the tradesman1 and bad pay for what little he does2 and lastly1 loss of many inhabitants1 who will retire to other provinces not subject to the like inconveniences2 whence a lowering of the value of lands1 lots1 and houses4 ,the enemy1 no doubt1 have been told1 that the people of ,pensylvania are ,quakers1 and against all defence1 from a principle of conscience2 this1 though true of a part1 and that a small part only of the inhabitants1 is commonly said of the whole2 and what may make it look probable to strangers is1 that in fact1 nothing is done by any part of the people towards their defence4 ,but to refuse defending one's self1 or one's country1 is so unusual a thing among mankind1 that possibly they may not believe it1 till by experience1 they find they can come higher and higher up our river1 seize our vessels1 land and plunder our plantations and villages1 and retire with their booty unmolested4 ,will not this confirm the report1 and give them the greatest encouragement to strike one bold stroke for the city1 and for the whole plunder of the river8 ,it is said by some1 that the expence of a vessel1 to guard our trade1 would be very heavy1 greater than perhaps all the enemy can be supposed to take from us at sea would amount to2 and that it would be cheaper for the government to open an insurance office1 and pay all losses4 ,but is this right reasoning8 ,i think not2 for what the enemy takes is clear loss to us1 and gain to him2 increasing his riches and strength1 as much as it diminishes ours1 so making the difference double2 whereas the money1 paid our own tradesmen for building and fitting out a vessel of defence1 remains in the country1 and circulates among us2 what is paid to the officers and seamen1 that navigate her1 is also spent ashore1 and soon gets into other hands2 the farmer receives the money for her provisions1 and1 on the whole1 nothing is clearly lost to the country but her wear and tear1 or so much as she sells for at the end of the war less than her first cost4 ,this loss1 and a trifling one it is1 is all the inconvenience2 but how many and how great are the conveniences and advantages6 and should the enemy1 through our supineness and neglect to provide for the defence both of our trade and country1 be encouraged to attempt this city1 and after plundering us of our goods1 either burn it1 or put it to ransom1 how great would that loss be6 besides the confusion1 terror1 and distress1 so many hundreds of families would be involved in6 ,the thought of this latter circumstance so much affects me1 that ,i cannot forbear expatiating somewhat more upon it4 ,you have1 my dear countrymen and fellow citizens1 riches to tempt a considerable force to unite and attack you1 but are under no ties or engagements to unite for your defence4 ,hence1 on the first alarm1 terror will spread over all2 and as no man can with certainty depend that another will stand by him1 beyond doubt very many will seek safety by a speedy flight4 ,those1 that are reputed rich1 will flee1 through fear of torture1 to make them produce more than they are able4 ,the man1 that has a wife and children1 will find them hanging on his neck1 beseeching him with tears to quit the city1 and save his life1 to guide and protect them in that time of general desolation and ruin4 ,all will run into confusion1 amidst cries and lamentations1 and the hurry and disorder of departers1 carrying away their effects4 ,the few that remain will be unable to resist4 ,sacking the city will be the first1 and burning it1 in all probability1 the last act of the enemy4 ,this1 ,i believe1 will be the case1 if you have timely notice4 ,but what must be your condition1 if suddenly surprized1 without previous alarm1 perhaps in the night6 ,confined to your houses1 you will have nothing to trust to but the enemy's mercy4 ,your best fortune will be1 to fall under the power of commanders of king's ships1 able to controul the mariners2 and not into the hands of licentious privateers4 ,who can1 without the utmost horror1 conceive the miseries of the latter6 when your persons1 fortunes1 wives1 and daughters1 shall be subject to the wanton and unbridled rage1 rapine1 and lust1 of negroes1 mulattoes1 and others1 the vilest and most abandoned of mankind#aii4 ,a dreadful scene6 which some may represent as exaggerated4 ,i think it my duty to warn you3 judge for yourselves4 ,it is true1 with very little notice1 the rich may shift for themselves4 ,the means of speedy flight are ready in their hands2 and with some previous care to lodge money and effects in distant and secure places1 though they should lose much1 yet enough may be left them1 and to spare4 ,but most unhappily circumstanced indeed are we1 the middling people1 the tradesmen1 shopkeepers1 and farmers of this province and city6 ,we cannot all fly with our families2 and if we could1 how shall we subsist8 ,no2 we and they1 and what little we have gained by hard labour and industry1 must bear the brunt3 the weight of contributions1 extorted by the enemy 7as it is of taxes among ourselves7 must be surely borne by us4 ,nor can it be avoided1 as we stand at present2 for though we are numerous1 we are quite defenceless1 having neither forts1 arms1 union1 nor discipline4 ,and though it were true1 that our trade might be protected at no great expence1 and our country and our city easily defended1 if proper measures were but taken2 yet1 who shall take these measures8 ,who shall pay that expence8 ,on whom may we fix our eyes with the least expectation1 that they will do any thing for our security8 ,should we address that wealthy and powerful body of people1 who have ever since the war governed our elections1 and filled almost every seat in our assembly2 should we intreat them to consider1 if not as friends1 at least as legislators1 that protection is as truly due from the government to the people1 as obedience from the people to the government2 and that if1 on account of their religious scruples1 they themselves could do no act for our defence1 yet they might retire1 relinquish their power for a season1 quit the helm to freer hands during the present tempest1 to hands1 chosen by their own interest too1 whose prudence and moderation1 with regard to them1 they might safely confide in2 secure1 from their own native strength1 of resuming again their present station1 whenever it shall please them3 should we remind them1 that the public money1 raised from all1 belongs to all2 that since they have1 for their own ease1 and to secure themselves in the quiet enjoyment of their religious principles 7and may they long enjoy them7 expended such large sums to oppose petitions1 and engage favourable representations of their conduct1 if they themselves could by no means be free to appropriate any part of the public money for our defence2 yet it would be no more than justice1 to spare us a reasonable sum for that purpose1 which they might easily give to the king's use as heretofore1 leaving all the appropriation to others1 who would faithfully apply it as we desired3 should we tell them1 that though the treasury be at present empty1 it may soon be filled by the outstanding public debts collected2 or at least credit might be had for such a sum1 on a single vote of the assembly3 that though they themselves may be resigned and easy under this naked1 defenceless state of the country1 it is far otherwise with a very great part of the people2 with us1 who can have no confidence that ,god will protect those1 that neglect the use of rational means for their security2 nor have any reason to hope1 that our losses1 if we should suffer any1 may be made up by collections in our favour at home4 ,should we conjure them by all the ties of neighbourhood1 friendship1 justice1 and humanity1 to consider these things2 and what distraction1 misery1 and confusion1 what desolation and distress1 may possibly be the effect of their unseasonable predominancy and perseverance2 yet all would be in vain3 for they have already been1 by great numbers of the people1 petitioned in vain4 ,our late governor did for years solicit1 request1 and even threaten them in vain4 ,the council have since twice remonstrated to them in vain4 ,their religious prepossessions are unchangeable1 their obstinacy invincible4 ,is there then the least hope remaining1 that from that quarter any thing should arise for our security8 ,and is our prospect better1 if we turn our eyes to the strength of the opposite party1 those great and rich men1 merchants and others1 who are ever railing at ,quakers for doing what their principles seem to require1 and what in charity we ought to believe they think their duty1 but take no one step themselves for the public safety4 ,they have so much wealth and influence1 if they would use it1 that they might easily1 by their endeavours and example1 raise a military spirit among us1 make us fond1 studious of1 and expert in1 martial discipline1 and affect every thing that is necessary1 under ,god1 for our protection4 ,but envy seems to have taken possession of their hearts1 and to have eaten out and destroyed every generous1 noble1 public-spirited sentiment4 ,rage at the disappointment of their little schemes for power1 gnaws their souls1 and fills them with such cordial hatred to their opponents1 that every proposal1 by the execution of which those may receive benefit as well as themselves1 is rejected with indignation4 ,what1 say they1 shall we lay out our money to protect the trade of ,quakers8 ,shall we fight to defend ,quakers8 ,no2 let the trade perish1 and the city burn2 let what will happen1 we shall never lift a finger to prevent it4 ,yet the ,quakers have conscience to plead for their resolution not to fight1 which these gentlemen have not4 ,conscience with you1 gentlemen1 is on the other side of the question3 conscience enjoins it as a duty on you 7and indeed ,i think it such on every man7 to defend your country1 your friends1 your aged parents1 your wives1 and helpless children3 and yet you resolve not to perform this duty1 but act contrary to your own consciences1 because the ,quakers act according to theirs4 ,till of late1 ,i could scarce believe the story of him1 who refused to pump in a sinking ship1 because one on board1 whom he hated1 would be saved by it as well as himself4 ,but such1 it seems1 is the unhappiness of human nature1 that our passions1 when violent1 often are too hard for the united force of reason1 duty1 and religion4 ,thus unfortunately are we circumstanced at this time1 my dear countrymen and fellow-citizens2 we1 ,i mean1 the middling people2 the farmers1 shopkeepers1 and tradesmen of this city and country4 ,through the dissensions of our leaders1 through mistaken principles of religion1 joined with a love of worldly power1 on the one hand2 through pride1 envy1 and implacable resentment on the other2 our lives1 our families1 and little fortunes1 dear to us as any great man's can be to him1 are to remain continually exposed to destruction1 from an enterprising1 cruel1 now well-informed1 and by success encouraged1 enemy4 ,it seems as if heaven1 justly displeased at our growing wickedness1 and determined to punish#bjj this once-favoured land1 had suffered our chiefs to engage in these foolish and mischievous contentions1 for little posts and paltry distinctions1 that our hands might be bound up1 our understandings darkened and misled1 and every means of our security neglected4 ,it seems as if our greatest men1 our cives nobilissimi#bja of both parties1 had sworn the ruin of the country1 and invited the ,french1 our most inveterate enemy to destroy it4 ,where then shall we seek for succour and protection8 ,the government we are immediately under denies it to us2 and if the enemy comes1 we are far from ,zidon1 and there is no deliverer near4 ,our case is dangerously bad2 but perhaps there is yet a remedy1 if we have but the prudence and the spirit to apply it4 ,if this new flourishing city1 and greatly improving colony1 is destroyed and ruined1 it will not be for want of numbers of inhabitants able to bear arms in its defence4 ,it is computed1 that we have at least 7exclusive of the ,quakers7 sixty thousand fighting men1 acquainted with fire arms1 many of them hunters and marksmen1 hardy and bold4 ,all we want is order1 discipline1 and a few cannon4 ,at present we are like the separate filaments of flax before the thread is formed1 without strength1 because without connection2 but ,,union would make us strong1 and even formidable4 ,though the great should neither help nor join us2 though they should even oppose our uniting1 from some mean views of their own1 yet1 if we resolve upon it1 and it please ,god to inspire us with the necessary prudence and vigour1 it may be effected4 ,great numbers of our people are of ,british race1 and though the fierce fighting animals of those happy islands are said to abate their native fire and intrepidity1 when removed to a foreign clime1 yet with the people it is not so2 our neighbours of ,new ,england afford the world a convincing proof1 that ,britons1 though a hundred years transplanted1 and to the remotest part of the earth1 may yet retain1 even to the third and fourth descent1 that zeal for the public good1 that military prowess1 and that undaunted spirit1 which has in every age distinguished their nation4 ,what numbers have we likewise of those brave people1 whose fathers in the last age made so glorious a stand for our religion and liberties1 when invaded by a powerful ,french army1 joined by ,irish ,catholics1 under a bigotted popish king6 ,let the memorable siege of ,londonderry1 and the signal actions of the ,iniskillingers1 by which the heart of that prince's schemes was broken1 be perpetual testimonies of the courage and conduct of those noble warriors6 ,nor are there wanting amongst us1 thousands of that warlike nation1 whose sons have ever since the time of ,csar maintained the character he gave their fathers1 of joining the most obstinate courage to all the other military virtues3 ,i mean the brave and steady ,germans4 ,numbers of whom have actually borne arms in the service of their respective princes2 and if they fought well for their tyrants and oppressors1 would they refuse to unite with us in defence of their newly acquired and most precious liberty and property8 ,were this union formed1 were we once united1 thoroughly armed and disciplined1 was every thing in our power done for our security1 as far as human means and foresight could provide1 we might then1 with more propriety1 humbly ask the assistance of ,heaven1 and a blessing on our lawful endeavours4 ,the very fame of our strength and readiness would be a means of discouraging our enemies2 for it is a wise and true saying1 that one sword often keeps another in the scabbard4 ,the way to secure peace is to be prepared for war4 ,they1 that are on their guard1 and appear ready to receive their adversaries1 are in much less danger of being attacked1 than the supine1 secure and negligent4 ,we have yet a winter before us1 which may afford a good and almost sufficient opportunity for this1 if we seize and improve it with a becoming vigour4 ,and if the hints contained in this paper are so happy as to meet with a suitable disposition of mind in his countrymen and fellow-citizens1 the writer of it will1 in a few days1 lay before them a form of an ,,association for the purposes herein mentioned1 together with a practicable scheme for raising the money necessary for the defence of our trade1 city1 and country1 without laying a burthen on any man4 ,may the ,god of wisdom1 strength1 and power1 the ,lord of the armies of ,israel1 inspire us with prudence in this time of danger1 take away from us all the seeds of contention and division1 and unite the hearts and counsels of all of us1 of whatever sect or nation1 in one bond of peace1 brotherly love1 and generous public spirit2 may he give us strength and resolution to amend our lives1 and remove from among us every thing that is displeasing to him2 afford us his most gracious protection1 confound the designs of our enemies1 and give peace in all our borders1 is the sincere prayer of ,a ,,tradesman of ,philadelphia4 ,,footnotes3 #aig ,for this pamphlet we are indebted to the same ,american correspondent1 who furnished us with the papers intitled ,the ,busy-,body3 but it came too late for insertion in its proper place1 which1 agreeably to its date1 is at the commencement of the present volume4 ,dr4 ,w4 ,smith1 in his eulogium on our author1 delivered before the ,american philosophical society1 speaks of this production as follows3 ,in #agdd1 a ,spanish privateer1 having entered the ,bay of ,delaware1 ascended as high as ,newcastle1 to the great terror of the citizens of ,philadelphia4 ,on this occasion ,franklin wrote his first political pamphlet called ,plain ,truth1 to exhort his fellow-citizens to the bearing of arms2 which laid the foundation of those military associations1 which followed1 at different times1 for the defence of the country4 ,we presume that ,dr4 ,smith is correct in his date1 but the copy sent us by our correspondent1 which is the second edition1 was printed in #agdg4 ,editor4 #aih ,the praying ,indians4 #aii ,by accounts1 the ragged crew of the ,spanish privateer that plundered ,mr4 ,liston's1 and another plantation1 a little below ,newcastle1 was composed of such as these4 ,the honour and humanity of their officers may be judged of1 by the treatment they gave poor captain ,brown1 whom they took with ,martin's ship in returning from their cruize4 ,because he bravely defended himself and vessel longer than they expected1 for which every generous enemy would have esteemed him1 did they1 after he had struck and submitted1 barbarously stab and murder him1 though on his knees begging quarter6 #bjj ,when ,god determined to punish his chosen people1 the inhabitants of ,jerusalem1 who1 though breakers of his other laws1 were scrupulous observers of that ,,one1 which required keeping holy the ,sabbath-day2 he suffered even the strict observation of that command to be their ruin3 for ,pompey1 observing that they then obstinately refused to fight1 made a general assault on that day1 took the town1 and butchered them with as little mercy as he found resistance4 ,,josephus4 #bja ,conjuravere cives nobilissimi patriam incendere2 ,,gallorum ,,gentem1 infestissimam nomini ,romano1 ad bellum arcessunt4 ,,cat4 ,,in ,,salust4 ,four ,letters#bjb to ,george ,whatley1 ,esq4 ,treasurer of the ,foundling ,hospital1 ,london4 ,letter ,i4 ,passy1 near ,paris1 ,aug4 #ba1 #aghd4 ,,my ,,dear ,,old ,,friend1 ,i received your kind letter of ,may #c1 #aghc4 ,i am ashamed that it has been so long unanswered4 ,the indolence of old age1 frequent indisposition1 and too much business1 are my only excuses4 ,i had great pleasure in reading it1 as it informed me of your welfare4 ,your excellent little work1 ,the ,principles of ,trade1 is too little known4 ,i wish you would send me a copy of it by the bearer1 my grandson and secretary1 whom ,i beg leave to recommend to your civilities4 ,i would get it translated and printed here1 and if your bookseller has any quantity of them left1 ,i should be glad he would send them to ,america4 ,the ideas of our people there1 though rather better than those that prevail in ,europe1 are not so good as they should be3 and that piece might be of service among them4 ,since and soon after the date of your letter1 we lost1 unaccountably as well as unfortunately1 that worthy1 valuable young man you mention1 your namesake ,maddeson4 ,he was infinitely regretted by all that knew him4 ,i am sorry your favourite charity does not go on as you could wish it4 ,it is shrunk indeed by your admitting only #fj children in a year4 ,what you have told your brethren respecting ,america is true4 ,if you find it difficult to dispose of your children in ,england1 it looks as if you had too many people4 ,and yet you are afraid of emigration4 ,a subscription is lately set on foot here to encourage and assist mothers in nursing their infants themselves at home2 the practice of sending them to the ,enfans ,trouvs having risen here to a monstrous excess1 as by the annual bills it appears they amount to near one third of the children born in ,paris4 ,this subscription is likely to succeed1 and may do a great deal of good1 though it cannot answer all the purposes of a foundling hospital4 ,your eyes must continue very good1 since you are able to write so small a hand without spectacles4 ,i cannot distinguish a letter even of large print1 but am happy in the invention of double spectacles1 which1 serving for distant objects as well as near ones1 make my eyes as useful to me as ever they were4 ,if all the other defects and infirmities of old age could be as easily and cheaply remedied1 it would be worth while1 my friend1 to live a good deal longer4 ,but ,i look upon death to be as necessary to our constitutions as sleep4 ,we shall rise refreshed in the morning4--,adieu1 and believe me ever1 ,your's most affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,letter ,,ii4 ,passy1 ,may #ai1 #aghe4 ,,dear ,,old ,,friend1 ,i received the very good letter you sent me by my grandson1 together with your resemblance1 which is placed in my chamber and gives me great pleasure3 there is no trade1 they say1 without returns1 and therefore ,i am punctual in making those you have ordered4 ,i intended this should have been a long epistle1 but ,i am interrupted1 and can only add1 that ,i am ever1 ,yours1 most affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,my grandson presents his most affectionate respects4 ,letter ,,iii4 ,passy1 ,may #bc1 #aghe4 ,,dear ,,old ,,friend1 ,i sent you a few lines the other day with the medallion1 when ,i should have written more1 but was prevented by the coming in of a bavard1 who worried me till evening4 ,i bore with him1 and now you are to bear with me1 for ,i shall probably bavarder in answering your letter4 ,i am not acquainted with the saying of ,alphonsus1 which you allude to as a sanctification of your rigidity in refusing to allow me the plea of old age as an excuse for my want of exactitude in correspondence4 ,what was that saying8--,you do not1 it seems1 feel any occasion for such an excuse1 though you are1 as you say1 rising #ge1 but ,i am rising 7perhaps more properly falling7 #hj--;and ,i leave the excuse with you till you arrive at that age2 perhaps you may then be more sensible of its validity1 and see fit to use it for yourself4 ,i must agree with you1 that the gout is bad1 and that the stone is worse4 ,i am happy in not having them both together1 and ,i join in your prayer1 that you may live till you die without either4 ,but ,i doubt the author of the epitaph you sent me is a little mistaken1 when1 speaking of the world1 he says1 that ----------------,he ne'er car'd a pin ,what they said or may say of the mortal within4 ,it is so natural to wish to be well spoken of1 whether alive or dead1 that ,i imagine he could not be quite exempt from that desire1 and that at least he wished to be thought a wit1 or he would not have given himself the trouble of writing so good an epitaph to leave behind him4 ,was it not worthy of his care1 that the world should say he was an honest and a good man8 ,i like better the concluding sentiment in the old song1 called the old man's wish1 wherein1 after wishing for a warm house in a country town1 an easy horse1 some good old authors1 ingenious and cheerful companions1 pudding on ,sundays1 with stout ale and a bottle of burgundy1 c4 c4 in separate stanzas1 each ending with this burden1 ,may ,i govern my passions with absolute sway1 ,and grow wiser and better as strength wears away1 ,without gout or stone by a gentle decay-- he adds for the last stanza1 ,with courage undaunted may ,i face my last day1 ,and when ,i am gone may the better sort say1 ,in the morning when sober1 in the evening when mellow1 ,he's gone--and not left behind him his fellow4 ,for he govern'd his passions1 c4 ,what signifies our wishing8 ,things happen after all as they will happen4 ,i have sung that wishing song a thousand times when ,i was young1 and now find at fourscore1 that the three contraries have befallen me1 being subject to the gout1 and the stone1 and not being yet master of all my passions4 ,like the proud girl in my country1 who wished and resolved not to marry a parson1 nor a presbyterian1 nor an ,irishman1 and at length found herself married to an ,irish presbyterian parson6 ,you see ,i have some reason to wish that in a future state ,i may not only be as well as ,i was1 but a little better4 ,and ,i hope it3 for ,i too1 with your poet1 trust in ,god4 ,and when ,i observe1 that there is great frugality as well as wisdom in his works1 since he has been evidently sparing1 both of labour and materials2 for by the various wonderful inventions of propagation1 he has provided for the continual peopling his world with plants and animals without being at the trouble of repeated new creations2 and by the natural reduction of compound substances to their original elements1 capable of being employed in new compositions1 he has prevented the necessity of creating new matter2 for that the earth1 water1 air1 and perhaps fire1 which being compounded1 form wood1 do1 when the wood is dissolved1 return1 and again become air1 earth1 fire and water3--,i say1 that when ,i see nothing annihilated1 and not even a drop of water wasted1 ,i cannot suspect the annihilation of souls1 or believe that he will suffer the daily waste of millions of minds ready made that now exist1 and put himself to the continual trouble of making new ones4 ,thus finding myself to exist in the world1 ,i believe ,i shall in some shape or other always exist4 ,and with all the inconveniences human life is liable to1 ,i shall not object to a new edition of mine2 hoping1 however1 that the errata of the last may be corrected4 ,i return your note of children received in the foundling hospital at ,paris1 from #agda to #agee inclusive1 and ,i have added the years preceding1 as far back as #agaj1 together with the general christenings of the city2 and the years succeeding1 down to #aggj4 ,those since that period ,i have not been able to obtain4 ,i have noted in the margin the gradual increase1 viz4 from every tenth child so thrown upon the public1 till it comes to every third4 ,fifteen years have passed since the last account1 and probably it may now amount to one half4 ,is it right to encourage this monstrous deficiency of natural affection8 ,a surgeon ,i met with here excused the women of ,paris1 by saying seriously1 that they could not give suck1 ,car1 dit-il1 ils n'ont point de tetons4 ,he assured me it was a fact1 and bade me look at them1 and observe how flat they were on the breast2 they have nothing more there1 says he1 than ,i have upon the back of my hand4 ,i have since thought that there might be some truth in his observation1 and that possibly ,nature finding they made no use of bubbies1 has left off giving them any4 ,yet since ,rousseau1 with admirable eloquence pleaded for the rights of children to their mother's milk1 the mode has changed a little1 and some ladies of quality now suckle their infants and find milk enough4 ,may the mode descend to the lower ranks1 till it becomes no longer the custom to pack their infants away1 as soon as born1 to the ,enfants ,trouvs1 with the careless observation1 that the king is better able to maintain them4 ,i am credibly informed1 that nine-tenths of them die there pretty soon2 which is said to be a great relief to the institution1 whose funds would not otherwise be sufficient to bring up the remainder4 ,except the few persons of quality above-mentioned1 and the multitude who send to the hospital1 the practice is to hire nurses in the country1 to carry out the children and take care of them there4 ,here is an office for examining the health of nurses and giving them licences4 ,they come to town on certain days of the week in companies to receive the children1 and we often meet trains of them on the road returning to the neighbouring villages with each a child in arms4 ,but those who are good enough to try this way of raising their children are often not able to pay the expence1 so that the prisons of ,paris are crouded with wretched fathers and mothers confined pour mois de nourice2 though it is laudably a favourite charity to pay for them1 and set such prisoners at liberty4 ,i wish success to the new project of assisting the poor to keep their children at home1 because ,i think there is no nurse like a mother 7or not many7 and that if parents did not immediately send their infants out of their sight1 they would in a few days begin to love them1 and thence be spurred to greater industry for their maintenance4 ,this is a subject you understand better than ,i1 and therefore1 having perhaps said too much1 ,i drop it4 ,i only add to the notes a remark from the history of the ,academy of ,sciences1 much in favour of the foundling institution4 ,the ,philadelphia bank goes on1 as ,i hear1 very well4 ,what you call the ,cincinnati institution is no institution of our government1 but a private convention among the officers of our late army1 and so universally disliked by the people1 that it is supposed it will be dropped4 ,it was considered as an attempt to establish something like an hereditary rank or nobility4 ,i hold with you that it was wrong2 may ,i add1 that all descending honours are wrong and absurd2 that the honour of virtuous actions appertains only to him that performs them1 and is in its nature incommunicable4 ,if it were communicable by descent1 it must also be divisible among the descendants1 and the more ancient the family the less would be found existing in any one branch of it2 to say nothing of the greater chance of unlucky interruptions4 ,our constitution seems not to be well understood with you4 ,if the congress were a permanent body1 there would be more reason in being jealous of giving it powers4 ,but its members are chosen annually1 and cannot be chosen more than three years successively1 nor more than three years in seven1 and any of them may be recalled at any time1 whenever their constituents shall be dissatisfied with their conduct4 ,they are of the people1 and return again to mix with the people1 having no more durable pre-eminence than the different grains of sand in an hour-glass4 ,such an assembly cannot easily become dangerous to liberty4 ,they are the servants of the people1 sent together to do the people's business and promote the public welfare2 their powers must be sufficient1 or their duties cannot be performed4 ,they have no profitable appointments1 but a mere payment of daily wages1 such as are scarcely equivalent to their expences1 so that having no chance for great places and enormous salaries or pensions1 as in some countries1 there is no briguing or bribing for elections4 ,i wish old ,england were as happy in its government1 but ,i do not see it4 ,your people1 however1 think their constitution the best in the world1 and affect to despise ours4 ,it is comfortable to have a good opinion of one's self1 and of every thing that belongs to us1 to think one's own religion1 king1 and wife1 the best of all possible wives1 kings1 and religions4 ,i remember three ,greenlanders1 who had travelled two years in ,europe1 under the care of some ,moravian missionaries1 and had visited ,germany1 ,denmark1 ,holland and ,england1 when ,i asked them at ,philadelphia 7when they were in their way home7 whether1 now they had seen how much more commodiously the white people lived by the help of the arts1 they would not chuse to remain among us--their answer was1 that they were pleased with having had an opportunity of seeing many fine things1 but they chose to live in their own country3 which country1 by the way1 consisted of rock only1 for the ,moravians were obliged to carry earth in their ship from ,new ,york1 for the purpose of making there a cabbage garden6 ,by ,mr4 ,dollond's saying1 that my double spectacles could only serve particular eyes1 ,i doubt he has not been rightly informed of their construction1 ,i imagine it will be found pretty generally true1 that the same convexity of glass through which a man sees clearest and best at the distance proper for reading1 is not the best for greater distances4 ,i therefore had formerly two pair of spectacles1 which ,i shifted occasionally1 as in travelling ,i sometimes read and often want to regard the prospects4 ,finding this change troublesome1 and not always sufficiently ready1 ,i had the glasses cut out and half of each kind associated in the same circle1 the least convex1 for distant objects the upper half1 and the most convex1 for reading1 the lower half3 by this means1 as ,i wear my spectacles constantly1 ,i have only to move my eyes up or down1 as ,i want to see distinctly far or near1 the proper glasses being always ready4 ,this ,i find more particularly convenient since my being in ,france2 the glasses that serve me best at table to see what ,i eat1 being the best to see the faces of those on the other side of the table who speak to me1 and when one's ears are not well accustomed to the sounds of a language1 a sight of the movements in the features of him that speaks helps to explain2 so that ,i understand ,french better by the help of my spectacles4 ,my intended translator of your piece1 the only one ,i know who understands the subject as well as the two languages1 which a translator ought to do1 or he cannot make so good a translation1 is at present occupied in an affair that prevents his undertaking it2 but that will soon be over4--,i thank you for the notes4 ,i should be glad to have another of the printed pamphlets4 ,we shall always be ready to take your children1 if you send them to us2 ,i only wonder1 that since ,london draws to itself and consumes such numbers of your country people1 your country should not1 to supply their places1 want and willingly receive the children you have to dispose of4 ,that circumstance1 together with the multitude who voluntarily part with their freedom as men1 to serve for a time as lacqueys1 or for life as soldiers in consideration of small wages1 seems to me a proof that your island is over-peopled1 and yet it is afraid of emigrations6 ,adieu1 my dear friend1 and believe me ever1 ,yours1 very affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,letter ,,iv4 ,philadelphia1 ,may #ah1 #aghg4 ,i received duly my good old friend's letter of the #aith of ,february1 with a copy of one from ,mr4 ,williams1 to whom ,i shall communicate it when ,i see him1 which ,i expect soon to do4 ,he is generally a punctual correspondent1 and ,i am surprised you have not heard from him4 ,i thank you much for your notes on banks2 they are just and solid1 as far as ,i can judge of them4 ,our bank here has met with great opposition1 partly from envy1 and partly from those who wish an emission of more paper-money1 which they think the bank influence prevents4 ,but it has stood all attacks1 and went on well notwithstanding the assembly repealed its charter2 a new assembly has restored it2 and the management is so prudent1 that ,i have no doubt of its continuing to go on well4 ,the dividend has never been less than #f per cent1 nor will that be augmented for some time1 as the surplus profit is reserved to face accidents4 ,the dividend of #aa per cent1 which was once made1 was from a circumstance scarce avoidable4 ,a new company was proposed1 and prevented only by admitting a number of new partners4 ,as many of the first set were averse to this1 and chose to withdraw2 it was necessary to settle their accounts2 so all were adjusted1 the profits shared that had been accumulated1 and the new and old proprietors jointly began on a new and equal footing4 ,their notes are always instantly paid on demand1 and pass on all occasions as readily as silver1 because they will always produce silver4 ,your medallion is in good company1 it is placed with those of ,lord ,chatham1 ,lord ,camden1 ,marquis of ,rockingham1 ,sir ,george ,savil1 and some others1 who honoured me with a share of friendly regard when in ,england4 ,i believe ,i have thanked you for it1 but ,i thank you again4 ,i believe with you1 that if our plenipotentiary is desirous of concluding a treaty of commerce1 he may need patience4 ,but if ,i were in his place1 and not otherwise instructed1 ,i should be apt to say1 ,take your own time1 gentlemen4 ,if the treaty cannot be made as much to your advantage as to ours1 don't make it4 ,i am sure the want of it is not more to our disadvantage than to yours4 ,let the merchants on both sides treat with one another4 ,laissez les faire4 ,i have never considered attentively the congress scheme for coining1 and ,i have it not now at hand1 so that at present ,i can say nothing to it4 ,the chief uses of coining seem to be ascertaining the fineness of the metals1 and saving the time that would otherwise be spent in weighing to ascertain the quantity4 ,but the convenience of fixed values to pieces is so great as to force the currency of some whose stamp is worn off1 that should have assured their fineness1 and which are evidently not of half their due weight2 this is the case at present with the sixpences in ,england1 which one with another do not weigh three-pence4 ,you are now #gh1 and ,i am #hb4 ,you tread fast upon my heels3 but1 though you have more strength and spirit1 you cannot come up with me till ,i stop2 which must now be soon2 for ,i am grown so old as to have buried most of the friends of my youth2 and ,i now often hear persons1 whom ,i knew when children1 called old ,mr4 such a one1 to distinguish them from their sons now men grown1 and in business2 so that by living twelve years beyond ,david's period1 ,i seem to have intruded myself into the company of posterity1 when ,i ought to have been a-bed and asleep4 ,yet had ,i gone at #gj1 it would have cut off #ab of the most active years of my life1 employed too in matters of the greatest importance2 but whether ,i have been doing good or mischief1 is for time to discover4 ,i only know that ,i intended well1 and ,i hope all will end well4 ,be so good as to present my affectionate respects to ,dr4 ,rowley4 ,i am under great obligations to him1 and shall write to him shortly4 ,it will be a pleasure to him to hear that my malady does not grow sensibly worse1 and that is a great point3 for it has always been so tolerable1 as not to prevent my enjoying the pleasures of society1 and being cheerful in conversation4 ,i owe this in a great measure to his good counsels4 ,adieu1 my dear friend1 and believe me ever1 ,yours1 most affectionately1 ,b4 ,,franklin4 ,geo4 ,whatley1 ,esq4 ,,footnote3 #bjb ,these letters did not come into our possession till the preceding sheets and even the subsequent appendix were printed4 ,we are indebted for them to ,mr4 ,i4 ,t4 ,rutt1 the originals of which were put into his hands about twelve years ago by a relation of his1 the nephew of the gentleman to whom they were addressed4 ,mr4 ,whatley1 the friend of ,dr4 ,franklin1 ,mr4 ,rutt informs us1 had engaged in mercantile pursuits1 and was for some time a ,british consul in the ,mediterranean4 ,during the latter years of his life1 he devoted his time to various objects of public utility1 for which he was well qualified1 and particularly attached himself to the interests of the ,foundling ,hospital1 of which he was the treasurer4 ,he died in #agia1 aged #hb1 having survived his correspondent not quite a year4 ,editor4 ,,appendix1 ,no4 ,,ii4 ,,containing ,,letters1 ,,by ,,several ,,eminent ,,persons1 ,,illustrative ,,of ,,dr4 ,,franklin',s ,,manners ,,and ,,character4 ,letter from the late ,dr4 ,price to a ,gentleman in ,america4 ,hackney1 ,june #ai1 #agij4 ,,dear ,,sir1 ,i am hardly able to tell you how kindly ,i take the letters with which you favour me4 ,your last1 containing an account of the death of our excellent friend1 ,dr4 ,franklin1 and the circumstances attending it1 deserves my particular gratitude4 ,the account which he has left of his life will show1 in a striking example1 how a man1 by talents1 industry1 and integrity1 may rise from obscurity to the first eminence and consequence in the world2 but it brings his history no lower than the year #ageg1 and ,i understand1 that since he sent over the copy1 which ,i have read1 he has been able to make no additions to it4 ,it is with a melancholy regret ,i think of his death2 but to death we are all bound by the irreversible order of nature1 and in looking forward to it1 there is comfort in being able to reflect--that we have not lived in vain1 and that all the useful and virtuous shall meet in a better country beyond the grave4 ,dr4 ,franklin1 in the last letter ,i received from him1 after mentioning his age and infirmities1 observes1 that it has been kindly ordered by the author of nature1 that1 as we draw nearer the conclusion of life1 we are furnished with more helps to wean us from it1 among which one of the strongest is the loss of dear friends4 ,i was delighted with the account you gave in your letter of the honour shown to his memory at ,philadelphia1 and by congress2 and yesterday ,i received a high additional pleasure1 by being informed1 that the national assembly of ,france had determined to go into mourning for him#bjc4--,what a glorious scene is opened there6 ,the annals of the world furnish no parallel to it4 ,one of the honours of our departed friend is1 that he has contributed much to it4 ,i am1 with great respect1 ,your obliged and very humble servant1 ,,richard ,,price4 ,,footnote3 #bjc ,congress ordered a general mourning throughout the ,united ,states for a month3 the national assembly of ,france decreed1 that the assembly do wear mourning for three days1 that a funeral oration be delivered by ,m4 ,mirabeau1 the elder1 and that the president write a letter of condolence to congress3 and the common-council of ,paris paid the extraordinary tribute1 of attending in a body at a funeral oration1 delivered by the ,abbe ,fauchet1 in the ,rotunda of the market-place1 which was hung with black1 illuminated with chandeliers and rows of lamps1 and decorated with suitable devices4 ,editor4 ,letter from ,mr4 ,thomas ,jefferson to the late ,dr4 ,william ,smith1 of ,philadelphia#bjd4 ,i feel both the wish and the duty to communicate1 in compliance with your request1 whatever1 within my knowledge1 might render justice to the memory of our great countryman1 ,dr4 ,franklin1 in whom philosophy has to deplore one of its principal luminaries extinguished4 ,but my opportunities of knowing the interesting facts of his life have not been equal to my desire of making them known4 ,i can only1 therefore1 testify in general1 that there appeared to me more respect and veneration attached to the character of ,dr4 ,franklin in ,france1 than to that of any other person in the same country1 foreign or native4 ,i had opportunities of knowing particularly1 how far these sentiments were felt by the foreign ambassadors and ministers at the court of ,versailles4 ,the fable of his capture by the ,algerines1 propagated by the ,english newspapers1 excited no uneasiness1 as it was seen at once to be a dish cooked up to please certain readers2 but nothing could exceed the anxiety of his diplomatic brethren on a subsequent report of his death1 which1 although premature1 bore some marks of authenticity4 ,i found the ministers of ,france equally impressed with his talents and integrity4 ,the count de ,vergennes1 particularly1 gave me repeated and unequivocal demonstrations of his entire confidence in him4 ,when he left ,passy1 it seemed as if the village had lost its patriarch4 ,on taking leave of the court1 which he did by letter1 the king ordered him to be handsomely complimented1 and furnished him with a litter and mules of his own1 the only kind of conveyance the state of his health could bear4 ,the succession to ,dr4 ,franklin1 at the court of ,france1 was an excellent school of humility to me4 ,on being presented to any one1 as the minister of ,america1 the common-place question was1 c'est vous ,monsieur1 qui remplacez le ,docteur ,franklin8--is it you1 sir1 who replace ,dr4 ,franklin8 ,i generally answered--,no one can replace him1 sir2 ,i am only his successor4 ,i could here relate a number of those bon mots1 with which he was used to charm every society1 as having heard many of them2 but these are not your object4 ,particulars of greater dignity happened not to occur1 during his stay of nine months after my arrival in ,france4 ,a little before that time1 ,argand had invented his celebrated lamp1 in which the flame is spread into a hollow cylinder1 and thus brought into contact with the air1 within as well as without4 ,dr4 ,franklin had been on the point of the same discovery4 ,the idea had occurred to him2 but he had tried a bullrush as a wick1 which did not succeed4 ,his occupations did not permit him to repeat and extend his trials to the introduction of a larger column of air1 than could pass through the stem of a bullrush4 ,about that time1 also1 the king of ,france gave him a signal testimony of respect1 by joining him with some of the most illustrious men of the nation to examine that ignis-fatuus of philosophy1 the animal magnetism of the maniac1 ,mesmer2 the pretended effects of which had astonished all ,paris4 ,from ,dr4 ,franklin's hand1 in conjunction with his brethren of the learned committee1 that compound of fraud and folly was unveiled1 and received its death-wound4 ,after this nothing very interesting was before the public1 either in philosophy or politics1 during his stay2 and he was principally occupied in winding up his affairs1 and preparing for his return to ,america4 ,these small offerings to the memory of our great and dear friend 7whom time will be making still greater1 while it is spunging us from its records7 must be accepted by you1 sir1 in that spirit of love and veneration for him1 in which they are made2 and not according to their insignificancy in the eyes of a world1 which did not want this mite to fill up the measure of his worth4 ,his death was an affliction which was to happen to us at some time or other4 ,we have reason to be thankful he was so long spared2 that the most useful life should be the longest also2 that it was protracted so far beyond the ordinary span allotted to humanity1 as to avail us of his wisdom and virtue1 in the establishment of our freedom in the west2 and to bless him with a view of its dawn in the east1 where men seemed till now to have learned every thing--but how to be free4 ,,footnote3 #bjd ,extracted from the ,eulogium on ,dr4 ,franklin1 delivered by ,dr4 ,w4 ,smith1 before the ,american philosophical society4 ,editor4 ,letter from the late ,dr4 ,joseph ,priestley to the ,editor of the ,monthly ,magazine#bje4 ,,sir1 ,i have just read in the ,monthly ,review1 vol4 #cf1 p4 #ceg1 that the late ,mr4 ,pennant said of ,dr4 ,franklin1 that1 living under the protection of our mild government1 he was secretly playing the incendiary1 and too successfully inflaming the minds of our fellow subjects in ,america1 till that great explosion happened1 which for ever disunited us from our once happy colonies4 ,as it is in my power1 as far as my testimony will be regarded1 to refute this charge1 ,i think it due to our friendship to do it4 ,it is probable1 that no person now living was better acquainted with ,dr4 ,franklin and his sentiments on all subjects of importance1 than myself1 for several years before the ,american war4 ,i think ,i knew him as well as one man can generally know another4 ,at that time ,i spent the winters in ,london1 in the family of the ,marquis of ,lansdown1 and few days passed without my seeing more or less of ,dr4 ,franklin2 and the last day that he passed in ,england1 having given out that he should depart the day before1 we spent together1 without any interruption1 from morning till night4 ,now he was so far from wishing for a rupture with the colonies1 that he did more than most men would have done1 to prevent it4 ,his constant advice to his countrymen1 he always said1 was to bear every thing from ,england1 however unjust2 saying1 that it could not last long1 as they would soon outgrow all their hardships4 ,on this account ,dr4 ,price1 who then corresponded with some of the principal persons in ,america1 said1 he began to be very unpopular there4 ,he always said1 ,if there must be a war1 it will be a war of ten years1 and ,i shall not live to see the end of it4 ,this ,i have heard him say many times4 ,it was at his request1 enforced by that of ,dr4 ,fothergil1 that ,i wrote an anonymous pamphlet1 calculated to show the injustice and impolicy of a war with the colonies1 previous to the meeting of a new parliament4 ,as ,i then lived at ,leeds1 he corrected the press himself1 and1 to a passage1 in which ,i lamented the attempt to establish arbitrary power in so large a part of the ,british empire1 he added the following clause1 to the imminent danger of our most valuable commerce1 and of that national strength1 security1 and felicity1 which depend on union and on liberty4 ,the unity of the ,british empire1 in all its parts1 was a favourite idea of his4 ,he used to compare it to a beautiful ,china vase1 which1 if once broken1 could never be put together again3 and so great an admirer was he at the time of the ,british constitution1 that he said he saw no inconvenience from its being extended over a great part of the globe4 ,with these sentiments he left ,england2 but when1 on his arrival in ,america1 he found the war begun1 and that there was no receding1 no man entered more warmly into the interests of what he then considered as his country1 in opposition to that of ,great ,britain4 ,three of his letters to me1 one written immediately on his landing1 and published in the collection of his ,miscellaneous ,works1 p4 #cfe1 #eeb1 and #eeebjf1 will prove this4 ,by many persons1 ,dr4 ,franklin is considered as having been a cold-hearted man1 so callous to every feeling of humanity1 that the prospect of all the horrors of a civil war could not affect him4 ,this was far from being the case4 ,a great part of the day abovementioned that we spent together1 he was looking over a number of ,american newspapers1 directing me what to extract from them for the ,english ones2 and1 in reading them1 he was frequently not able to proceed for the tears literally running down his cheeks4 ,to strangers he was cold and reserved2 but where he was intimate1 no man indulged to more pleasantry and good humour4 ,by this he was the delight of a club1 to which he alludes in one of the letters above referred to1 called the whig-club1 that met at the ,london coffee-house1 of which ,dr4 ,price1 ,dr4 ,kippis1 ,mr4 ,john ,lee1 and others of the same stamp1 were members4 ,hoping that this vindication of ,dr4 ,franklin will give pleasure to many of your readers1 ,i shall proceed to relate some particulars relating to his behaviour1 when lord ,loughborough1 then ,mr4 ,wedderburn1 pronounced his violent invective against him at the privy-council1 on his presenting the complaints of the province of ,massachusetts 7,i think it was7 against their governor4 ,some of the particulars may be thought amusing4 ,on the morning of the day on which the cause was to be heard1 ,i met ,mr4 ,burke1 in ,parliament-street1 accompanied by ,dr4 ,douglas1 afterwards bishop of ,carlisle2 and after introducing us to each other1 as men of letters1 he asked me whither ,i was going8 ,i said ,i could tell him where ,i wished to go4 ,he then asking me where that was1 ,i said to the privy-council1 but that ,i was afraid ,i could not get admission4 ,he then desired me to go along with him4 ,accordingly ,i did2 but when we got into the anti-room1 we found it quite filled with persons as desirous of getting admission as ourselves4 ,seeing this1 ,i said1 we should never get through the crowd4 ,he said1 ,give me your arm2 and locking it fast in his1 he soon made his way to the door of the privy-council4 ,i then said1 ,mr4 ,burke1 you are an excellent leader2 he replied1 ,i wish other persons thought so too4 ,after waiting a short time1 the door of the privy-council opened1 and we entered the first1 when ,mr4 ,burke took his stand behind the first chair next to the president1 and ,i behind that the next to his4 ,when the business was opened1 it was sufficiently evident1 from the speech of ,mr4 ,wedderburn1 who was counsel for the governor1 that the real object of the court was to insult ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,all this time he stood in a corner of the room1 not far from me1 without the least apparent emotion4 ,mr4 ,dunning1 who was the leading counsel on the part of the colony1 was so hoarse1 that he could hardly make himself heard2 and ,mr4 ,lee1 who was the second1 spoke but feebly in reply2 so that ,mr4 ,wedderburn had a complete triumph4 ,at the sallies of his sarcastic wit1 all the members of the council1 the president himself 7,lord ,gower7 not excepted1 frequently laughed outright4 ,no person belonging to the council behaved with decent gravity1 except ,lord ,north1 who1 coming late1 took his stand behind the chair opposite to me4 ,when the business was over1 ,dr4 ,franklin1 in going out1 took me by the hand1 in a manner that indicated some feeling4 ,i soon followed him1 and going through the anti-room1 saw ,mr4 ,wedderburn there surrounded with a circle of his friends and admirers4 ,being known to him1 he stepped forwards as if to speak to me2 but ,i turned aside1 and made what haste ,i could out of the place4 ,the next morning ,i breakfasted with the doctor1 when he said1 ,he had never before been so sensible of the power of a good conscience2 for that if he had not considered the thing for which he had been so much insulted1 as one of the best actions of his life1 and what he should certainly do again in the same circumstances1 he could not have supported it4 ,he was accused of clandestinely procuring certain letters1 containing complaints against the governor1 and sending them to ,america1 with a view to excite their animosity against him1 and thus to embroil the two countries4 ,but he assured me1 that he did not even know that such letters existed1 till they were brought to him as agent for the colony1 in order to be sent to his constituents2 and the cover of the letters on which the direction had been written1 being lost1 he only guessed at the person to whom they were addressed1 by the contents4 ,that ,dr4 ,franklin1 notwithstanding he did not show it at the time1 was much impressed by the business of the privy council1 appeared from this circumstance3 when he attended there1 he was dressed in a suit of ,manchester velvet2 and ,silas ,dean told me1 that1 when they met at ,paris to sign the treaty between ,france and ,america1 he purposely put on that suit4 ,hoping that this communication will be of some service to the memory of ,dr4 ,franklin1 and gratify his friends1 ,i am1 sir1 your's1 c4 ,j4 ,,priestley4 ,northumberland1 ,nov4 #aj1 #ahjb4 ,,footnotes3 #bje ,inserted in the number for ,february1 #ahjc4 ,editor4 #bjf ,answering to page of the present volume4 ,editor4 ,,finis4 ,,james ,,cundee1 ,,printer1 ,ivy ,lane1 ,paternoster ,row4 ,,index4 ,a4 ,accent1 or emphasis1 wrong placing of1 a fault in modern tunes1 ii4 #cde4 ,accidents at sea1 how to guard against1 ii4 #agb4 ,adams1 ,mr4 ,matthew1 offers the use of his library to ,franklin1 i4 #af4 ,addison1 ,franklin an assiduous imitator of1 in his youth1 i4 #ac4 ,advice to youth in reading1 ii4 #cgh4 to emigrants to ,america1 iii4 #cih4 to a crafty statesman1 #dcj4 to a young tradesman1 #dfc4 to a young married man1 #dgg4 to players at chess1 #dij4 pinus1 his hypothesis of magnetism1 i4 #dab4 ,agriculture takes place of manufactures till a country is fully settled1 iii4 #ajg4 the great business of ,america1 #cic4 ,air1 some of the properties of1 ii4 #bbf4 its properties with respect to electricity1 i4 #bjd4 properties of its particles1 #bje4 ii4 #a4 its currents over the globe1 i4 #bjg4 resists the electric fluid and confines it to bodies1 #bda4 its effects in electrical experiments1 #bec4 its elasticity not affected by electricity1 #bed4 its friction against trees1 #bgj1 #cbc4 has its share of electricity1 #ccc4 its electricity denser above than below1 #cce4 in rooms1 electrified positively and negatively1 #cec4 attracts water1 ii4 #a4 when saturated with water precipitates it1 #b4 dissolves water1 and1 when dry1 oil1 #d4 why suffocating1 when impregnated with oil or grease1 ibid4 supports water1 #e1 #df1 #di4 why less heated in the higher regions than near the earth's surface1 #f4 how it creates hurricanes1 ibid4 winds1 #h4 whirlwinds1 #aj4 effects of heat upon1 #ej4 its effects on the barometer1 #ib4 condensed1 supposed to form the centre of the earth1 #aai1 #abg4 noxious1 corrected by vegetation1 #abi4 observations on the free use of1 #bac4 rare1 no bad conductor of sound1 #ccg4 fresh1 beneficial effects of1 in bed-rooms1 iii4 #die4 ,air-thermometer1 electrical1 experiments with1 i4 #ccf4 ,albany plan of union1 short account of1 i4 #abg4 its singular fate1 #abi4 papers relating to1 iii4 #c4 motives on which formed1 #d4 rejects partial unions1 #f4 its president and grand council1 #i4 election of members1 #ab4 place of first meeting1 #ac4 new election1 ibid4 proportion of members after three years1 #ae4 meetings of the grand council and call1 #af4 allowance to members1 #ag4 power of president and his duty1 #ah4 treaties of peace and war1 ibid4 ,indian trade and purchases1 #ai4 new settlements1 #ba4 military establishments1 #bc4 laws and taxes1 #bd1 #bf4 issuing of money1 #be4 appointment of officers1 #bg4 rejected in ,england1 #bi4 ,almanack4 ,see ,poor ,richard4 ,alphabet1 a new one proposed1 ii4 #ceg4 examples of writing in it1 #cfj4 correspondence on its merits1 #cfa4 ,amber1 electrical experiments on1 i4 #djc4 ,america1 ,north1 air of1 drier than that of ,england and ,france1 ii4 #adj4 why marriages are more frequent there than in ,europe1 #che4 why labour will long continue dear there1 ibid4 argument against the union of the colonies of1 under one government1 #dja4 state of toleration there1 #deg4 reflections on the scheme of imposing taxes on1 without its consent1 iii4 #cj4 thoughts on the representation of1 in the ,british parliament1 #cg4 interest of ,great ,britain with regard to1 #ci4 forts in the back settlements of1 no security against ,france1 #ii4 wars carried on there against the ,french1 not merely in the cause of the colonies1 #aje4 preference of the colonies of1 to the ,west ,indian colonies1 #aac4 great navigable rivers of1 favourable to inland trade1 #aah4 what commodities the inland parts of1 are fitted to produce1 #aai4 the productions of1 do not interfere with those of ,britain1 #abc4 union of the colonies of1 in a revolt against ,britain1 impossible but from grievous oppression1 #acb4 reasons given for restraining paper-bills of credit there1 #add4 intended scheme of a bank there1 described1 #aee4 attempts of ,franklin for conciliation of ,britain with1 #bhf4 feeling of1 as to ,britain1 in ,may #agge1 #cdf4 conciliation of ,britain with1 hopeless1 #cee4 account of the first campaign of the ,british forces against1 #ceg4 application of1 to foreign courts1 for aid in its independence1 #cfj4 credit of1 with that of ,britain1 in #aggg1 compared1 #cgb4 true description of the interest and policy of1 #cia4 information to those emigrating thither1 #cih4 terms on which land may be obtained for new settlements there1 #dji4 ,americans1 their prejudices for whatever is ,english1 i4 #add4 ,anchor1 a swimming one proposed1 ii4 #aha1 #ahe4 ,ancients1 their experimental learning too often slighted1 ii4 #adf4 ,anecdote of ,franklin's early spirit of enterprise1 i4 #aa4 of a ,swedish clergyman among the ,indians1 iii4 #chf4 of an ,indian who went to church1 #chi4 ,animal food1 ,franklin's abstinence from1 i4 #bj4 return to1 #dg4 humorous instance of abstinence from1 #di4 heat1 whence it arises1 ii4 #gi1 #abe4 magnetism1 detected and exposed1 i4 #aej4 ,animalcules1 supposed to cause the luminous appearance of sea-water1 ii4 #hi4 ,animals1 how to kill them by electricity1 i4 #dae4 ,antifederalists of ,america1 comparison of1 to the ancient ,jews1 iii4 #daj4 ,apprentices easier placed out in ,america than in ,europe1 iii4 #djg4 indentures of1 how made in ,america1 #djh4 ,argumentation1 bad effects of1 as a habit1 i4 #ag4 best method of1 #bb4 ,armies1 best means of supporting them1 ii4 #djj4 ,armonica1 musical instrument so called1 described1 ii4 #ccj4 manner of playing on it1 #ccd4 ,asbestos1 specimen of1 sold by ,franklin to ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 i4 #fj4 letter relating to it1 iii4 #eac4 ,astrology1 letter to the ,busy-body on1 iii4 #ddh4 ,atmosphere sometimes denser above than below1 ii4 #f4 electrical1 its properties1 i4 #bid4 ,aurora borealis explained1 i4 #bab4 conjectures respecting1 #beg1 ii4 #fi4 query concerning1 i4 #bic4 ,b4 ,badoin1 ,mr4 letters from1 i4 #cad1 #cbd4 ,ballads1 two1 written by ,franklin in his youth1 i4 #af4 ,balls of fire in the air1 remark concerning1 ii4 #ccg4 ,barometer1 how acted on by air1 ii4 #ib4 ,barrels for gunpowder1 new sort proposed1 i4 #cgf4 ,bass1 unnecessary in some tunes1 ii4 #cdc4 ,bathing relieves thirst1 ii4 #ajd4 observations on1 #baa4 ,battery1 electrical1 its construction1 i4 #aic4 ,baxter1 ,mr4 observations on his enquiry into the nature of the soul1 ii4 #aaj4 ,beccaria1 character of his book on electricity1 i4 #caj4 ,beer1 not conducive to bodily strength1 i4 #fb4 ,bells1 form in consecrating them at ,paris1 i4 #chd4 ,belly-ache1 dry1 lead a cause of1 ii4 #bbj4 ,bermuda1 little thunder there1 i4 #baf4 ,bermudian sloops1 advantages of their construction1 ii4 #agc4 ,bernoulli1 ,mr4 his plan for moving boats1 ii4 #agi4 ,bevis1 ,dr4 draws electricity from the clouds1 i4 #dbi4 ,bible1 anecdote of its concealment in the reign of ,mary1 i4 #g4 travestied by ,dr4 ,brown1 #ca4 ,bills of mortality1 reasonings1 formed on those for capital cities1 not applicable to the country1 ii4 #chc4 ,birth1 noble1 no qualification in ,america1 iii4 #djj4 ,bishops1 none in ,america1 and why1 ii4 #def1 #deh4 ,black clothes heat more and dry sooner than white1 ii4 #ajh4 not fit for hot climates1 #aji4 ,blacksmith1 trade of1 hereditary in ,franklin's family1 i4 #d4 ,blindness occasioned both by lightning and electricity1 i4 #bbh4 ,boats1 difference of their sailing in shoal and deep water1 ii4 #afj4 management of1 best understood by savages1 #agf4 how rowed by the ,chinese1 #agg4 methods of moving them by machinery1 ibid4 improvement of ,mr4 ,bernoulli's plan for moving them1 #agi4 proposal for a new mode of moving them1 ibid4 double1 advantage of1 #agc1 #agd4 one built by ,sir ,w4 ,petty1 ibid4 ,bodies1 electrified negatively1 repel each other1 ii4 #bid4 effect of blunt1 compared with pointed ones1 i4 #agb1 #bbc4 ,body1 human1 specifically lighter than water1 ii4 #bjh4 political and human1 compared1 iii4 #aae4 ,boerhaave1 his opinion of the propagation of heat1 ii4 #eh4 of steam from fermenting liquors1 #ei4 ,boiling water1 experiments with1 i4 #ccb1 #cdd1 #cde4 pot1 bottom of1 why cold1 #chg4 ,bolton1 ,mr4 experiment by1 i4 #cdf4 ,books read by ,franklin in his youth1 i4 #ae1 #ah1 #bj1 #ba4 ,boston1 the birth-place of ,franklin1 i4 #h4 why quitted by him in his youth1 #bg1 its inhabitants decrease1 ii4 #baj4 preface to proceedings of the town meeting of1 iii4 #cag4 ,boyle's lectures1 effect of1 on ,franklin1 i4 #gi4 ,braddock1 general1 defeat of1 i4 #aca4 ,bradford1 printer at ,philadelphia1 i4 #cd1 #ajb4 ,brass1 hot1 yields unwholesome steams1 ii4 #bdi ,brientnal1 ,joseph1 a member of the ,junto club1 i4 #hc4 ,brimstone1 when fluid1 will conduct electricity1 i4 #bef4 ,bristol waters1 an alledged fact concerning1 ii4 #ie4 ,britain1 incapacity of1 to supply the colonies with manufactures1 ii4 #chf4 ,british empire1 an union of several states1 iii4 #caj4 ,brown1 ,dr4 acquaintance of ,franklin's1 i4 #cj4 travestied the bible1 #ca4 ,bubbles on the surface of water1 hypothesis respecting1 ii4 #dh4 ,buchan1 earl of1 letter to1 on the price of land for new settlements in ,america1 iii4 #dji4 ,buildings1 what kind safest from lightning1 i4 #cgi4 ,bullion1 causes of its variation in price1 iii4 #aec4 ,bunyan's ,voyages1 a book early read by ,franklin1 i4 #ae1 #bh4 ,bur1 cause of1 round a hole struck through pasteboard1 i4 #bhj4 ,burnet1 governor1 his attention to ,franklin in his youth1 i4 #dd4 ,busy-body1 essays under the title of1 i4 #hf4 iii4 #dbb4 ,c4 ,cabinet-work1 veneered in ,england1 shrinks and flies in ,america1 ii4 #adj4 ,cables1 why apt to part when weighing anchor in a swell1 ii4 #afg4 this defect of1 remedied1 #afh4 ,cabot1 ,sebastian1 his commission from ,henry ,,vii41 iii4 #cdh4 ,calvinism1 ,franklin educated in the principles of1 i4 #gi4 ,campaign in ,america1 account of the first1 iii4 #ceg4 ,canals1 observations on their depth1 ii4 #aei4 ,canada1 importance of1 to ,england1 i4 #acf4 visited by ,franklin1 #adg4 its extent1 iii4 #bj4 pamphlet on the importance of1 #hi4 easily peopled without draining ,britain1 #aci4 ,cancers1 specific for1 i4 #bfj1 #bfa4 ,candles lighted by electricity1 i4 #agf4 distance at which the flame of1 may be seen1 ii4 #ij4 ,cann1 silver1 a singular experiment on1 i4 #cjg4 ,canoes of the ,american ,indians1 their advantages1 ii4 #agf4 ,canton1 ,mr4 ,john1 experiments by1 i4 #bhf1 #cdf4 draws electricity from the clouds1 #dbh4 ,capitals1 their use in printing1 ii4 #ceb4 ,caribbees1 possession of1 only a temporary benefit1 iii4 #adb4 ,carolina1 ,south1 see ,lightning4 ,cavendish1 lord ,charles1 his electrical experiments1 i4 #cdh4 ,cayenne would be a great acquisition to ,britain1 iii4 #adj4 ,centre of the earth1 hypothesis concerning1 ii4 #aai1 #abg4 ,cessions from an enemy1 on what grounds may be demanded1 iii4 #ic4 ,chapel1 nickname for a printing house1 i4 #fc4 ,character1 remarks on the delineation of1 iii4 #dde4 ,charcoal-fires1 hurtful1 ii4 #bce4 ,charging and discharging1 in electricity1 explained1 i4 #aij4 a number of bottles at once1 how done1 ibid4 ,charters of the colonies could not be altered by parliament1 iii4 #ccb4 ,chess1 morals of1 iii4 #dhh4 not an idle amusement1 ibid4 teaches various virtues1 #dhi4 advice to those who play1 #dij4 too intense an application to1 injurious1 #ejj4 ,chimnies1 different kinds of1 enumerated1 ii4 #bbh4 inconvenience of the old-fashioned ones1 #bbi4 defect of more modern ones1 #bcj4 have not long been in use in ,england1 #bgg4 ,staffordshire1 described1 #bhe4 have a draft of air up and down1 #bhi4 may be used for keeping provisions in summer1 #bij4 may be of use to miners1 #bia4 funnels to1 what the best1 #bib1 #bie4 method of contracting them1 #cag4 smoky4 ,see ,smoky4 ,china1 provision made there against famine1 ii4 #djg4 ,chinese wisely divide the holds of their vessels by partitions1 ii4 #aga4 how they row their boats1 #agg4 their method of warming ground floors1 #bib4 improvement in this method suggested1 #bic4 their method of making large paper1 #cdi4 ,circle1 magical1 account of1 ii4 #cbg1 #cbh4 ,cities1 spring water gradually deteriorates in1 i4 #afc4 do not supply themselves with inhabitants1 ii4 #chd4 ,clark1 ,dr4 of ,boston1 quoted1 on the instigation of the ,american ,indians against the ,english1 iii4 #ie1 #ajj1 #ajb4 ,clothes1 wet1 may preserve from lightning1 i4 #bac4 will relieve thirst1 ii4 #ajd4 do not give colds1 ibid4 imbibe heat according to their colour1 #ajh4 white1 most suitable for hot climates1 ibid4 ,clothing does not give1 but preserves1 warmth1 ii4 #ha4 ,clouds1 at land and at sea1 difference between1 i4 #bjg4 formed at sea1 how brought to rain on land1 #bjh4 driven against mountains1 form springs and rivers1 #bji4 passing different ways1 accounted for1 #baa4 electrical1 attracted by trees1 spires1 c4 #bac4 manner in which they become electrised1 #beg1 #cje4 are electrised sometimes negatively and sometimes positively1 #bgd1 #bgg1 #bhd1 #bib4 electricity drawn from them1 at ,marly1 #dbj4 by ,mr4 ,cauton1 #dbh4 by ,dr4 ,bevis1 #dbi1 by ,mr4 ,wilson1 ibid4 how supported in air1 ii4 #e4 how formed1 #g4 whether winds are generated or can be confined in them1 #eg4 have little more solidity than fogs1 ibid4 ,club1 called the ,junto1 instituted by ,franklin1 i4 #hb4 rules of1 ii4 #cff1 #cfi4 questions discussed in1 #cfi4 ,coal1 sea1 letter on the nature of1 ii4 #abh4 ,cold1 why seemingly greater in metals than in wood1 ii4 #ef1 #gg4 sensation of1 how produced1 #eg4 only the absence of heat1 #ha4 produced by chemical mixtures1 ibid4 evaporation4 ,see ,evaporation4 ,colden1 ,mr4 his remarks on ,abb ,nollet's letters1 i4 #dcj4 meteorological observations1 ii4 #ea4 observations on water-spouts1 #ec4 ,colds1 causes of1 ii4 #bad1 #bcj4 ,coleman1 ,william1 a member of the ,junto club1 i4 #hd1 #hi4 ,colica pictorum1 caused by lead1 ii4 #bai4 ,collins1 ,john1 an early friend of ,franklin's1 i4 #ag1 #bg1 #da1 #dc1 #dd4 ,collinson1 ,mr4 some account of1 iii4 #ead4 ,colonial governments in ,america of three kinds1 iii4 #ej4 ,colonies1 the settlement of1 does not diminish national numbers1 ii4 #cia4 their prosperity beneficial to the mother country1 iii4 #aac4 are intitled to distinct governments1 #cjc4 ,american1 preferable to the ,west ,indies1 ibid4 not dangerous to ,britain1 #acb4 aids to government1 how given by1 #bbe1 #bbf4 originally governed by the crown1 independent of ,parliament1 #bia4 not settled at the expence of ,britain1 #cdh4 ,colonists in ,america1 double their number in #be years1 iii4 #aac4 from ,britain1 their rights1 #bii4 ,colours4 ,see ,clothes4 ,comazants1 or corposants1 are electrical appearances1 i4 #bdh4 ,commerce1 influence of1 on the manners of a people1 ii4 #djj4 is best encouraged by being left free1 #dae4 should not be prohibited in time of war1 #dag4 by inland carriage1 how supported1 iii4 #aaf4 ,common-sense1 by ,paine1 ,franklin supposed to have contributed to1 i4 #adh4 ,compass1 instances of its losing its virtue by lightning1 i4 #bdh4 how to remedy the want of1 at sea1 ii4 #aia4 ,conductors of lightning1 very common in ,america1 i4 #aac4 first suggestion of the utility of1 #bbg4 construction of1 #ceh4 particulars relating to1 #cgg4 of electricity1 difference in the action of1 #bjj1 #cjc4 which the most perfect1 #bec1 #bef4 and non-conductors1 other terms substituted for1 ibid4 of common fire1 their properties and differences1 ii4 #gf1 #gg4 experiments on1 ii4 #gg4 ,congress1 ,franklin appointed a delegate to1 i4 #adf4 proposed overture from1 in #agge1 iii4 #cdg4 ,consecration of bells in ,france1 form of1 i4 #chd4 ,conspirators1 electrical1 meaning of the term1 i4 #aif4 ,controversy1 benefit of1 iii4 #ib4 ,conversation1 advantage of useful topics of1 at dinner1 i4 #ab4 ,cook1 captain1 circular letter concerning1 iii4 #eae4 copy of the voyages of1 presented to ,franklin1 by the ,admiralty1 #eag4 ,cookery1 at sea1 generally bad1 ii4 #aid4 ,copper1 manner of covering houses with1 ii4 #cah1 #cbj1 #cbb4 ,copper plate printing-press1 the first in ,america1 constructed by ,franklin1 i4 #gg4 ,corn1 ill policy of laying restraints on the exportation of1 ii4 #dac1 #dah4 ,countries1 distant and unprovided1 a plan for benefiting1 ii4 #djc4 ,creation1 conjectures as to1 ii4 #aah4 ,credit1 that of ,america and ,britain in #aggg1 compared1 iii4 #cgb4 depends on payment of loans1 #cgc4 industry and frugality1 #cgd4 public spirit1 #cge4 income and security1 #cgf4 prospects of future ability1 ibid4 prudence1 #cgg4 character for honesty1 #cgh4 is money to a tradesman1 #dfd4 ,criminal laws1 reflections on1 ii4 #dci4 ,crooked direction of lightning explained1 i4 #caf4 ,cutler1 circumstance that prevented ,franklin's being apprenticed to one1 i4 #ad4 ,currents at sea1 often not perceivable1 ii4 #ahe4 ,cyder1 the best quencher of thirst1 ii4 #aie4 ,d4 ,dalrymple1 ,mr4 scheme of a voyage under his command to benefit remote regions1 ii4 #djc4 ,damp air1 why more chilling than dry air that is colder1 ii4 #ef1 #gg4 ,dampier1 account of a water-spout by1 ii4 #cc4 references to his voyage1 on the subject of water-spouts1 #eh4 ,dampness on walls1 cause of1 ii4 #ej4 ,day-light1 proposal to use it instead of candle-light1 iii4 #dgj4 ,deacon1 ,isaac1 from an underling to a surveyor1 becomes inspector- general of ,america1 i4 #gh4 prognosticates the future eminence in life of ,franklin1 ib4 ,death of ,franklin1 i4 #aec4 letter from ,dr4 ,price on1 iii4 #eda4 of relatives1 reflections on1 #ejg4 ,deism1 effects on ,franklin of books written against1 i4 #gi4 ,deluge1 accounted for1 ii4 #abg4 ,denham1 a quaker1 a friend of ,franklin's1 i4 #ed4 extraordinary trait of honesty of1 to his creditors1 #fg4 ,franklin's engagement with1 as a clerk1 #fh1 #gj4 ,denmark1 the people of1 not subject to colds1 ii4 #bdd4 ,denny1 governor1 remarks on his official conduct in ,pensylvania1 iii4 #agj4 ,desaquiliers1 his experiment on the vapour of hot iron1 ii4 #bdi4 ,dew1 how produced1 i4 #bjg4 ,dialogue1 between ,franklin and the gout1 iii4 #dii4 ,dickenson1 ,mr4 his remarks on the views of ,england in framing laws over the colonies1 iii4 #bcd4 remarks on his conduct1 #aib4 on his protest1 #bjb4 ,discontented dispositions satirized1 iii4 #dhe4 ,discontents in ,america before #agfh1 causes of1 iii4 #bbe4 ,dissentions between ,england and ,america1 letter on1 iii4 #caj4 ,dissertation1 early one of ,franklin's1 that he repented having written1 i4 #eh4 ,disputation1 modesty in1 recommended1 i4 #ba4 ii4 #cag4 ,disputes between ,franklin and his brother1 to whom he was apprenticed1 i4 #bd4 ,domien1 a traveller1 short account of1 i4 #cjb4 ,drawling1 a defect in modern tunes1 ii4 #cde4 ,dreams1 art of procuring pleasant ones1 iii4 #dic4 ,dumas1 ,monsieur1 letter to1 on the aid wanted by ,america in her struggle for independence1 iii4 #cfj4 ,duna river1 not to be confounded with the ,dwina1 iii4 #aai1 note4 ,dust1 how raised and carried up into the air1 ii4 #c4 ,duties1 moral1 the knowledge of1 more important than the knowledge of nature1 ii4 #ie4 ,dutch iron stove1 advantages and defects of1 ii4 #bcc4 ,e4 ,early impressions1 lasting effect of1 on the mind1 iii4 #dgh4 ,earth will dissolve in air1 ii4 #b4 dry1 will not conduct electricity1 i4 #bjf4 the1 sometimes strikes lightning into the clouds1 #bgd4 grows no hotter under the summer sun1 why1 ii4 #hf4 different strata of1 #aaf4 theory of1 #aag4 ,earthquakes1 general good arising from1 ii4 #aaf4 how occasioned1 #abj1 #abh4 ,eaton1 in ,northamptonshire1 residence of ,franklin's family1 i4 #c4 ,ebb and flood1 explanation of the terms1 ii4 #ajj4 ,economical project1 iii4 #dfi4 ,edinburgh1 an ordinance there against the purchase of prize-goods1 ii4 #ddg4 ,education of women1 controversy respecting1 i4 #ag4 ,eel1 electrical1 of ,surinam1 i4 #djh1 #dji4 ,effluvia of drugs1 c4 will not pass through glass1 i4 #bdc4 ,electrical air-thermometer described1 i4 #ccf1 et seq4 atmosphere1 how produced1 #bba4 how drawn off1 #bbb4 atmospheres repel each other1 #bid4 repel electric matter in other bodies1 ib4 battery1 its construction1 #aic4 clouds1 experiment regarding1 #bbi4 death1 the easiest1 #cjg4 experiments1 ,franklin's eager pursuit of1 #ajd4 made in ,france1 #aji4 various1 #ahb1 #bbi1 #bed1 #bee1 #bfa1 #bga1 #bgh1 #bhf1 #bid1 #cjg1 #cbg1 #ccg1 #cdh1 #cga1 #dcd4 fire1 not created by friction1 but collected1 #agc4 passes through water1 #bjb4 loves water and subsists in it1 #bjc4 diffused through all matter1 #bje visible on the surface of the sea1 ibid4 its properties and uses1 #bad1 et seq4 produces common fire1 #bad1 #bch1 #cef4 has the same crooked direction as lightning1 #cae4 fluid1 its beneficial uses1 #bai4 is strongly attracted by glass1 #bcf4 manner of its acting through glass hermetically sealed1 #bda4 a certain quantity of1 in all kinds of matter1 #bge4 nature of its explosion1 #bhj4 chooses the best conductor1 #bha1 #cgh4 force1 may be unboundedly increased1 #bea4 horse-race1 #ccd4 jack for roasting1 #aig4 kiss1 its force increased1 #agg4 kite1 described1 #bfh4 machine2 simple and portable one1 described1 #agh4 matter1 its properties1 #bag1 #bid4 party of pleasure1 #bjb4 phial1 or ,leyden bottle1 its phenomena explained1 #agi4 shock1 observations on1 #ahb4 effects of a strong one on the human body1 #big1 #cjf4 spark1 perforates a quire of paper1 #aie4 wheel1 its construction1 #aif4 self-moving one1 #aih4 ,electricity1 summary of its progress1 i4 #ajd4 positive and negative1 discovered1 #ajf4 distinguished1 #age4 in a tourmalin1 #cgj4 does not affect the elasticity of the air1 #bed4 its similarity to lightning1 #bhh4 its effects on paralysis1 #dja4 of fogs in ,ireland1 #dje4 supposed affinity between1 and magnetism1 #daj4 ,electrics per se and non-electrics1 difference between1 i4 #bdb1 #beh4 ,electrified bumpers described1 i4 #bjc4 ,electrisation1 what constitutes the state of1 i4 #bah4 various appearances of1 #age4 variety of1 #agf4 ,electrising one's self1 manner of1 i4 #agd4 ,elocution1 how best taught1 ii4 #cgd4 ,embassador from the ,united ,states to ,france1 ,franklin appointed to the office of1 i4 #adh4 ,emblematical design illustrative of the ,american troubles1 iii4 #cga4 ,emigrants to ,america1 advice to1 iii4 #cih4 ,empire1 rules for reducing a great one1 iii4 #ccd4 ,england1 ,franklin's first arrival in1 i4 #ee4 second arrival in1 as agent for the province of ,pensylvania1 #acd4 third arrival in1 as agent for the same province1 #ada4 its air moister than that of ,america1 ii4 #adj4 decrease of population in1 doubtful1 #bif4 ,english1 effect of the ancient manners of1 ii4 #cii4 language1 innovations in1 #cea4 ,enterprises1 public1 ,franklin's early disposition for1 i4 #aj4 ,ephemera1 an emblem of human life1 iii4 #ejh4 ,epitaph on ,franklin's parents1 i4 #ac4 on himself1 #aee4 ,episcopalians1 conduct of the ,american legislature towards1 ii4 #dee4 ,errors of ,franklin's early life1 i4 #de1 #eh1 #fa1 #hj1 #ig4 ,ether1 what1 ii4 #ei4 ,evaporation1 cold produced by1 i4 #cdd1 ii4 #gf1 #hc1 #he4 of rivers1 effects of1 #ajf4 ,examination of ,franklin before the house of commons1 i4 #adb1 iii4 #bde4 before the privy council1 #cbh4 further particulars of1 #eea4 ,exchange1 rate of1 between ,philadelphia and ,britain1 iii4 #beb4 ,exercise1 should precede meals1 iii4 #dic4 ,experiments1 to show the electrical effect of points1 i4 #aga1 #agb4 to prove the electrical state of the ,leyden phial1 #ahb4 of firing spirits by a spark sent through a river1 #bjb4 to show how thunder-storms produce rain1 #bji4 on the clouds1 proposed1 #bbh4 on drugs electrified1 #bdc4 on the elasticity of the air1 #bed4 on the electric fluid1 #bee4 by ,mr4 ,kennersley1 #bfa4 on the electricity of the clouds1 #bga4 for increasing electricity1 #bgh4 by ,mr4 ,canton1 #bhf4 in pursuance of those of ,mr4 ,canton1 #bid4 on a silver cann1 #cjg4 on the velocity of the electric fluid1 #cbg1 #cbi1 #ccj4 for producing cold by evaporation1 #cdd4 on the different effects of electricity1 #ceg4 by lord ,charles ,cavendish1 #cdh4 on the tourmalin1 #cga4 to show the utility of long pointed rods to houses1 #chi4 on amber1 #djc et seq4 on the ,leyden phial1 #dcd4 on different coloured cloths1 ii4 #ajh1 #aji4 on the sailing of boats1 #afj4 ,exportation of gold and silver1 observations on1 ii4 #daf4 ,exports to ,north ,america and the ,west ,indies1 iii4 #abg1 #abh4 to ,pensylvania1 #abi1 #bej4 from ditto1 #bej4 ,eye1 retains the images of luminous objects1 ii4 #cdj4 ,f4 ,facts1 should be ascertained before we attempt to account for them1 ii4 #if4 ,family of ,franklin1 account of1 i4 #e4 et seq4 ,famine1 how provided against in ,china1 ii4 #djg4 ,fanning1 how it cools1 ii4 #hg4 ,farmers1 remonstrance in behalf of1 ii4 #dbj4 ,federal constitution1 speech on1 iii4 #daf4 ,felons1 transportation of1 to ,america1 highly disagreeable to the inhabitants1 iii4 #bce4 ,fermenting liquors1 their steam deleterious1 ii4 #ei4 ,fire1 not destroyed by water1 but dispersed1 i4 #agb4 makes air specifically lighter1 #bjf4 exists in all bodies1 #bad4 common and electrical1 exist together1 ibid4 a region of1 above our atmosphere1 #beg1 ii4 #abd4 many ways of kindling it1 i4 #cef4 exists in a solid or quiescent state in substances1 ibid4 ii4 #hj1 #abb4 recovers its fluidity by combustion1 ibid4 is a fluid permeating all bodies1 #gf4 conductors of1 are also best conductors of the electric fluid1 ibid4 difference between1 and electrical conductors1 #gg4 how diffused through substances1 #gh4 how generated in animated bodies1 #gi4 theory of1 #abb4 a fixed and permanent quantity of1 in the universe1 #abc4 its properties1 #bbg4 electrical1 see ,electrical4 ,fire-companies1 numerous at ,philadelphia1 i4 #ajc4 ,fire-places1 ,pensylvanian1 account of1 ii4 #bbe4 large and open1 inconvenient1 #bbh4 hollow backed1 by ,gauger1 #bcb4 ,staffordshire1 #bhe4 an ingenious one for serving two rooms1 #bif4 ,fires1 at sea1 how often produced1 ii4 #agd4 great and bright1 damage the eyes and skin1 #bcj4 ,fisheries1 value of those of ,newfoundland1 iii4 #deb4 ,flame1 preserves bodies from being consumed while surrounding them1 ii4 #caj1 #caa4 ,flaxseed1 amount of the exportation of from ,america to ,ireland1 iii4 #bgj4 ,flesh1 of animals1 made tender by lightning and by electricity1 i4 #cei1 #dad4 ,flies1 drowned in ,america1 brought to life in ,england1 ii4 #bbc4 ,flood and ebb1 explanation of the terms1 ii4 #ajj4 ,florence flask1 when filled with boiling water1 not chargeable with electricity1 i4 #ccb1 #cde4 ,fog1 great1 in #aghc1 ii4 #fh4 conjectures as to its cause1 ibid4 ,fogs1 how supported in air1 ii4 #e4 electricity of1 in ,ireland1 i4 #dje4 ,folger1 family-name of ,franklin's mother1 i4 #h4 ,foreigners1 the importation of1 not necessary to fill up occasional vacancies in population1 ii4 #cij4 ,forts in the back settlements1 not approved of1 iii4 #ii4 ,foster1 judge1 notes on his argument for the impress of seamen1 ii4 #dcg4 ,foundering at sea1 accidents that occasion it1 ii4 #afi1 #agj4 ,fountain1 when electrified1 its stream separates1 i4 #bjf4 ,fowls1 improperly treated at sea1 ii4 #aic4 ,fragments1 political1 ii4 #daa4 ,france1 its air moister than that of ,america1 ii4 #adj4 effects of its military manners1 #cii4 ,franklin1 derivation of the name1 i4 #d4 genealogy of the family of1 #e4 ,franks1 the improper use of1 reprobated1 ii4 #dce4 ,freezing to death in summer1 possibility of1 ii4 #hd4 ,french language1 its general use1 ii4 #cec4 ,frontiers1 in ,america1 the attack of1 the common cause of the state1 iii4 #aji4 ,frugality1 advantages of1 ii4 #cig4 observance of1 in ,america1 iii4 #cgd ,fruit-walls1 blacking them recommended1 ii4 #aaj4 ,fuel1 scarce in ,philadelphia1 ii4 #bbe4 ,fulling-mills in ,america1 iii4 #bgj4 ,fusion1 cold1 of metals1 supposed1 i4 #bae4 proves a mistake1 #cci4 error respecting it acknowledged1 #cee4 ,g4 ,galloway1 ,mr1 preface to his speech1 iii4 #afc4 ,garnish-money1 practice among printers of demanding it1 i4 #fc4 ,gauger1 ,m4 his invention for fire-places1 ii4 #bcb4 ,genealogy of the ,franklin family1 i4 #e4 ,german stoves1 advantages and disadvantages of1 ii4 #bcd4 ,germany1 why the several states of1 encourage foreign manufactures in preference to those of each other1 iii4 #aah4 note4 ,gilding1 its properties as a conductor1 i4 #bja4 the effects of lightning and of electricity on1 #bbi4 fails as a conductor after a few shocks1 #bca4 ,glass1 has always the same quantity of electrical fire1 i4 #aia4 possesses the whole power of giving a shock1 #aib1 #bdg4 in panes1 when first used in an electrical experiment1 #aic1 #aid4 great force in small portions of1 #aii4 impermeable to the electric fluid1 #bcd1 #caj4 strongly attracts the electric fluid1 #bcf4 cannot be electrified negatively1 ibid4 its opposite surfaces1 how affected1 ibid4 its component parts and pores extremely fine1 #bcg4 manner of its operation in producing electricity1 ibid4 its elasticity1 to what owing1 #bci4 thick1 resists a change of the quantity of electricity of its different sides1 #bdb4 rod of1 will not conduct a shock1 ibid4 when fluid1 or red hot1 will conduct electricity1 #bef4 difference in its qualities1 #cja4 error as to its pores1 #cjb4 will admit the electric fluid1 when moderately heated1 #cde1 #cdg4 when cold retains the electric fluid1 #cdf4 experiments on warm and cold1 #cdh4 singular tube and ball of1 #chf4 ,glasses1 musical1 described1 ii4 #ccj1 et seq4 ,god1 saying in ,america respecting1 iii4 #dja4 ,godfrey1 ,thomas1 a lodger with ,franklin1 i4 #ha4 a member of the ,junto1 #hc4 inventor of ,hadley's quadrant1 ibid4 wishes ,franklin to marry a relation of his1 #ie4 ,gold and silver1 remarks on exportation of1 ii4 #daf4 ,golden fish1 an electrical device1 i4 #bcc4 ,government1 free1 only destroyed by corruption of manners1 ii4 #cig4 ,gout1 dialogue with that disease1 iii4 #dii4 ,grace1 ,robert1 member of the ,junto club1 i4 #hd1 #hi4 ,gratitude of ,america1 letter on1 iii4 #bci4 ,greasing the bottoms of ships1 gives them more swiftness1 ii4 #ahj4 ,greece1 causes of its superiority over ,persia1 ii4 #cig4 ,greek empire1 the destruction of1 dispersed manufacturers over ,europe1 iii4 #abb4 ,green and red1 relation between the colours of1 ii4 #cda4 ,greenlanders1 their boats best for rowing1 ii4 #agf4 ,guadaloupe1 its value to ,britain over-rated1 iii4 #aci4 ,gulph-stream1 observations on1 ii4 #ahf4 whalers frequent its edges1 ibid4 long unknown to any but the ,american fishermen1 ibid4 how generated1 #ahg4 its properties1 ibid4 tornadoes and water-spouts attending it1 accounted for1 #ahh4 how to avoid it1 #aig4 ,nantucket whalers best acquainted with it1 #aih4 thermometrical observations on1 #aii4 journal of a voyage across1 ibid4 ,gunpowder1 fired by electricity1 i4 #bej4 magazines of1 how to secure them from lightning1 #cge4 proposal for keeping it dry1 #cgf4 ,h4 ,habits1 effects of1 on population1 ii4 #cic4 #cid4 ,hadley's quadrant1 by whom invented1 i4 #hc1 #ie4 ,hail1 brings down electrical fire1 i4 #bib4 how formed1 ii4 #ff4 ,hamilton1 ,mr4 a friend of ,franklin's1 i4 #ed1 #hh4 ,handel1 criticism on one of his compositions1 ii4 #cde4 ,harmony1 in music1 what1 ii4 #cci4 ,harp1 effect of1 on the ancient ,scotch tunes1 ii4 #cdj4 ,harry1 ,david1 companion of ,franklin's1 i4 #gb1 #ic4 ,hats1 summer1 should be white1 ii4 #aji4 the manufacture of1 in ,new ,england1 in #agfj1 iii4 #aca4 ,health of seamen1 ,captain ,cook's method of preserving it recommended1 ii4 #aij4 ,heat1 produced by electricity and by lightning1 i4 #cch1 #cci4 better conducted by some substances than others1 ii4 #ef1 #eh4 how propagated1 #eh4 the pain it occasions1 how produced1 #gh4 in animals1 how generated1 #gi1 #abe4 in fermentation1 the same as that of the human body1 #hj4 great1 at ,philadelphia1 in #agej1 #he4 general theory of1 #abb4 ,herrings1 shoals of1 perceived by the smoothness of the sea1 ii4 #aej4 ,hints to those that would be rich1 iii4 #dff4 ,holmes1 ,robert1 brother-in-law to ,franklin1 i4 #cg1 #ga4 ,honesty1 often a very partial principle of conduct1 ii4 #dcj4 ,honours1 all descending ones absurd1 iii4 #eej4 ,hopkins1 governor1 his report of the number of inhabitants in ,rhode ,island1 iii4 #abi4 ,horse-race1 electrical1 i4 #cce4 ,hospital1 one founded by the exertions of ,franklin1 i4 #abf4 ,hospitals1 foundling1 state of in ,england and ,france1 iii4 #edd991 #edh994 ,hospitality1 a virtue of barbarians1 iii4 #cia4 ,houses1 remarks on covering them with copper1 ii4 #cah1 #cbj4 many in ,russia covered with iron plates1 #cai4 their construction in ,paris renders them little liable to fires1 #cba4 ,howe1 lord1 letter from1 to ,franklin1 iii4 #cfe4 ,franklin's answer to1 #cfg4 ,hudson's river1 winds there1 ii4 #eb1 #ei4 ,hunters1 require much land to subsist on1 ii4 #chd4 ,hurricanes1 how produced1 ii4 #g4 why cold in hot climates1 ibid4 ,hutchinson1 governor1 cause of the application for his removal1 iii4 #cbc4 account of the letters of1 #cca1 #eea4 ,hygrometer1 best substances for forming one1 ii4 #acf4 mahogany recommended for forming one1 #ada4 ,i4 ,j4 ,jackson1 ,mr4 remarks on population by1 ii4 #cib4 ,jamaica1 its vacant lands not easily made sugar lands1 iii4 #adj4 ,javelle1 his machinery for moving boats1 ii4 #agg4 ,ice will not conduct an electric shock1 i4 #bja4 ,ice-islands1 dangerous to shipping1 ii4 #agf4 ,idleness1 the heaviest tax on mankind1 ii4 #daa1 iii4 #ded4 encouraged by charity1 ii4 #dbb4 reflections on1 iii4 #dbh4 ,jefferson1 ,mr4 letter from1 on the character of ,franklin1 iii4 #ede4 ,jesuits1 hostility of the ,indians in ,america excited by1 iii4 #ie4 ,ignorance1 a frank acknowledgment of1 commendable1 i4 #cjh4 ,imports into ,pensylvania from ,britain before #agff1 iii4 #bej4 ,impress of seamen1 notes on ,judge ,foster's argument in favour of1 ii4 #dcg4 ,inarticulation in modern singing1 censured1 ii4 #cdh4 ,increase of mankind1 observations on1 ii4 #chc1 and seq4 what prevented by1 #chf1 #chg4 how promoted1 #chh1 #chi4 further observations on1 #cic4 ,indemnification1 just ground for requiring cessions from an enemy1 iii4 #ic4 ,independence1 soon acquired in ,america1 iii4 #djb4 ,indian trade and affairs1 remarks on a plan for the future management of1 iii4 #baf4 spirituous liquors the great encouragement of1 #bai4 the debts from1 must be left to honour1 #bbj4 not an ,american but a ,british interest1 #bge4 ,indians1 of ,north ,america1 a number of1 murdered1 i4 #aci4 often excited by the ,french against the ,english1 iii4 #ie4 list of fighting men in the different nations of1 #bba4 difference of their warfare from that of ,europeans1 #ajj4 remarks concerning1 #chc4 their mode of life1 #chd4 public councils1 #che4 politeness in conversation1 #chf4 rules in visiting1 #chh4 ,industry1 effects of ,franklin's1 i4 #he4 the cause of plenty1 ii4 #cif4 essential to the welfare of a people1 #daa4 relaxed by cheapness of provisions1 #dae4 a greater portion of1 in every nation1 than of idleness1 #cif1 #dbi1 iii4 #cif4 its prevalence in ,america1 iii4 #cgc4 ,inflammability of the surface of rivers1 ii4 #acj4 ,inland commerce1 instances of1 iii4 #abj4 ,innovations in language and printing1 ii4 #cea4 ,inoculation1 letter on the deaths occasioned by1 ii4 #bae4 success of1 in ,philadelphia1 #baf1 #bag4 ,insects1 utility of the study of1 ii4 #ic4 ,interrogation1 the mark of1 how to be placed1 ii4 #cef4 ,invention1 the faculty of1 its inconveniences1 i4 #cjh4 ,inventions1 new1 generally scouted1 ibid4 ,journal of a voyage1 crossing the gulph-stream1 ii4 #aii4 from ,philadelphia to ,france1 #bjj1 #bja4 from the channel to ,america1 #bjb1 et seq4 ,iron contained in the globe1 renders it a great magnet1 ii4 #aai4 query whether it existed at the creation1 #abf4 hot1 gives no bad smell1 #bdg4 yields no bad vapours1 #bdh4 rods1 erected for experiments on the clouds1 i4 #bgj4 conduct more lightning in proportion to their thickness1 #bhb4 ,islands far from a continent have little thunder1 i4 #baf4 ,italic types1 use of1 in printing1 ii4 #cee4 ,judges1 mode of their appointment in ,america1 in #agfh1 iii4 #bc4 ,junto4 ,see ,club4 ,k4 ,keimer1 a connection of ,franklin's1 some account of1 i4 #ce1 #gj1 #ic4 ,keith1 sir ,william1 ,franklin patronized by1 i4 #ci4 deceived by1 #ed4 character of1 #eg4 ,kinnersley1 ,mr4 electrical experiments by1 i4 #bfa1 et seq41 #cca4 ,kiss1 electrical1 i4 #agg4 ,kite used to draw electricity from the clouds1 i4 #ajh4 electrical1 described1 i4 #bfh4 ,knobs1 not so proper as points1 for conducting lightning1 i4 #cei4 ,l4 ,labour1 why it will long continue dear in ,america1 ii4 #che4 its advantages1 #dbg1 #dbh4 ,land1 terms on which it may be obtained in ,america1 by settlers1 iii4 #dji4 ,landing in a surf1 supposed practicable1 how1 ii4 #aed4 tried without success1 #aee4 ,language1 remarks on innovations in1 ii4 #cea1 et seq4 ,laughers1 satyrized1 iii4 #dbe4 ,law1 the old courts of1 in the colonies1 as ample in their powers1 as those in ,england1 iii4 #cjd4 ,law-expenses1 no discouragement to law-suits1 iii4 #bgj4 ,law-stamps1 a tax on the poor1 iii4 #bfi4 ,lead1 effects of1 on the human constitution1 ii4 #bai4 ,leaks in ships1 why water enters by them most rapidly at first1 ii4 #aji4 means to prevent their being fatal1 #agj4 ,leather globe1 proposed1 instead of glass1 for electrical experiments1 i4 #bfg4 ,left hand1 a petition from1 iii4 #dhc4 ,leg1 handsome and deformed1 humourous anecdote of1 iii4 #dcg4 ,legal tender of paper-money1 its advantages1 iii4 #aej4 further remarks on1 #aea4 ,lending money1 new mode of1 iii4 #dfc4 ,letter-founding effected by ,franklin in ,america1 i4 #gd4 ,leutmann1 ,j4 ,g4 extract from his vulcanus famulans1 ii4 #bih4 ,leyden bottle1 its phenomena explained1 i4 #agi4 analysed1 #aib4 experiment to prove its qualities1 #bde4 when sealed hermetically1 retains long its electricity1 #cde4 ,liberty of the press1 observations on1 ii4 #dfc4 abused1 #dfe4 of the cudgel1 should be allowed in return1 #dfg4 ,libraries1 public1 the first in ,america set on foot by ,franklin1 i4 #ii4 are now numerous in ,america1 #ajj4 advantages of1 to liberty1 #aja4 ,life and death1 observations on the doctrines of1 ii4 #bbb4 ,light1 difference between that from the sun and that from a fire in electrical experiments1 i4 #agc4 difficulties in the doctrines of1 i4 #bec4 queries concerning1 ibid4 visibility of its infinitely small particles computed1 ii4 #ij4 new theory of1 #abb4 ,lighthouse-tragedy1 an early poem of ,franklin's1 i4 #af4 ,lightning1 represented by electricity1 i4 #agf4 drawn from the clouds1 by a kite1 #bfh4 by an iron rod1 ibid4 reasons for proposing the experiment on1 #cjd4 its effects at ,newbury1 #caj4 will leave other substances1 to pass through metals1 #cab4 communicates magnetism to iron1 #cad4 objections to the hypothesis of its being collected from the sea1 #cah1 #cbc4 effects of1 on a wire at ,new ,york1 #cbf4 on ,mr4 ,west's pointed rod1 #cdj1 et seq4 how it shivers trees1 #cei4 effects of1 on conductors in ,carolina1 #cfa1 #cfb1 #cfd4 does not enter through openings1 #cfh4 should be distinguished from its light1 #cfi4 an explosion always accompanies it1 ibid4 observations on its effects on ,st4 ,bride's church1 #cgd1 #chb4 how to preserve buildings from1 #cgg4 personal danger from1 how best avoided1 #cha4 brought down by a pointed rod1 in a large quantity1 #chi4 how to prevent a stroke of1 at sea1 ii4 #age4 ,linnus1 instance of public benefit arising from his knowledge of insects1 ii4 #id4 ,london1 atmosphere of1 moister than that of the country1 ii4 #aci4 ,loyalty of ,america before the troubles1 iii4 #bcg4 ,luxury1 beneficial when not too common1 ii4 #chi4 definition of1 #cie1 #dbe4 extinguishes families1 #cie4 not to be extirpated by laws1 #dja4 further observations on1 #dbe4 ,lying-to1 the only mode yet used for stopping a vessel at sea1 ii4 #aha4 ,m4 ,maddeson1 ,mr4 death of1 lamented1 iii4 #edd994 ,magazine of powder1 how to secure it from lightning1 i4 #cge4 ,magical circle of circles1 ii4 #cbg4 picture1 i4 #aie4 square of squares1 ii4 #cbd4 ,magnetism1 animal1 detected and exposed1 i4 #aej4 given by electricity1 #bdh1 #cad4 and electricity1 affinity between1 #daj4 supposed to exist in all space1 ii4 #aai1 #abf4 conjectures as to its effects on the globe1 #abj4 enquiry how it first came to exist1 #abf4 ,mahogany1 expands and shrinks1 according to climate1 ii4 #ach4 recommended for an hygrometer1 #ada4 ,mandeville1 ,franklin's acquaintance with1 i4 #ci4 ,manners1 effects of1 on population1 ii4 #cic1 et seq4 letter to the ,busy-body on the want of1 iii4 #dcb4 ,manufactures1 produce greater proportionate returns than raw materials1 ii4 #daj4 founded in the want of land for the poor1 iii4 #ajg4 are with difficulty transplanted from one country to another1 #aba4 hardly ever lost but by foreign conquest1 #abb4 probability of their establishment in ,america1 #bfj4 want no encouragement from the government1 if a country be ripe for them1 #dje4 ,maritime observations1 ii4 #afb4 ,marly1 experiments made at1 for drawing lightning from the clouds1 i4 #dba4 ,marriage of ,franklin1 i4 #ig4 ,marriages1 where the greatest number take place1 ii4 #chc4 why frequent and early in ,america1 #che4 iii4 #aac1 #djc4 early1 letter on1 iii4 #dge4 ,maryland1 account of a whirlwind there1 ii4 #fa4 of paper bills formerly issued there1 iii4 #aee4 its conduct in a ,french war1 previous to the ,american troubles1 defended1 #bfb4 ,massachusets bay1 petition of the inhabitants of1 to the king1 iii4 #cbe4 ,matter1 enquiry into the supposed vis inerti of1 ii4 #aaj4 man can neither create nor annihilate it1 #abc4 ,mawgridge1 ,william1 member of the ,junto club1 i4 #hd4 ,maxims1 prudential1 from poor ,richard's almanack1 iii4 #dec4 ,mazeas1 abbe1 letter from1 i4 #dbj4 ,meal1 grain1 c4 manner of preserving them good for ages1 i4 #cgf4 ii4 #aij4 ,mechanics1 advantages of an early attention to1 i4 #ad4 ,mediocrity1 prevalence of1 in ,america1 iii4 #cii4 ,melody in music1 what1 ii4 #cdj4 ,men1 six1 struck down by an electric shock1 i4 #cjf4 ,mercer1 ,dr4 letter from1 on a water-spout1 ii4 #cd4 ,merchants and shopkeepers in ,america1 iii4 #cid4 ,meredith1 ,hugh1 companion of ,franklin1 short account of1 i4 #gb1 #gf1 #hi4 ,metalline rods1 secure buildings from lightning1 i4 #bha4 either prevent or conduct a stroke1 #caj4 ,metals1 melted by electricity and by lightning1 i4 #bae1 #bbi4 when melted by electricity1 stain glass1 #bcb4 polished1 spotted by electrical sparks1 #bec4 feel colder than wood1 why1 ii4 #ef4 ,meteorological observations1 ii4 #a1 #de1 #ff4 ,methusalem slept always in the open air1 iii4 #die4 ,mickle1 ,samuel1 a prognosticator of evil1 i4 #ha4 ,military manners1 effects of1 ii4 #cih1 #cii4 power of the king1 remarks on1 iii4 #cjg4 ,militia bill1 ,franklin the author of one1 i4 #acb4 particular one1 rejected by the governor of ,pensylvania1 #ajj4 iii4 #aeg4 ,mines1 method of changing air in them1 ii4 #bia4 of rock salt1 conjectures as to their formation1 #ib4 ,mists1 how supported in air1 ii4 #e4 ,modesty in disputation recommended1 ii4 #cag4 ,money1 how to make it plenty1 iii4 #dfg4 new mode of lending1 #dfh4 ,moral principles1 state of ,franklin's mind respecting1 on his entering into business1 i4 #gi4 ,morals of chess1 iii4 #dhh4 ,motion1 the communication and effects of1 ii4 #g1 #h4 of vessels at sea1 how to be stopped1 #aha4 ,mountains1 use of1 in producing rain and rivers1 i4 #bjh4 why the summits of1 are cold1 ii4 #f4 conjecture how they became so high1 #ia4 ,music1 harmony and melody of the old ,scotish1 ii4 #cch4 modern1 defects of1 #cdc4 ,musical glasses described1 ii4 #ccj4 ,n4 ,nantucket whalers best acquainted with the gulph-stream1 ii4 #aih4 ,national wealth1 data for reasoning on1 ii4 #djh4 three ways of acquiring1 #daj4 ,navigation1 difference of1 in shoal and deep water1 ii4 #aeh4 observations on1 #aie1 #aif4 from ,newfoundland to ,new ,york1 #aig4 inland1 in ,america1 iii4 #aah4 ,needle of a compass1 its polarity reversed by lightning1 i4 #bdh1 #cbe4 of wood1 circular motion of1 by electricity1 #ccb1 #cea4 ,needles1 magnetised by electricity1 i4 #adh4 and pins1 melted by electricity1 #bdi4 ,negatively electrised bodies repel each other1 i4 #bid4 ,negroes bear heat better1 and cold worse1 than whites1 ii4 #hf4 ,newbury1 effects of a stroke of lightning there1 i4 #caj4 ,new-,england1 former flourishing state of1 from the issue of paper money1 iii4 #ade4 circumstances which rendered the restriction of paper money there not injurious1 #adh4 abolition of paper currency there1 #bfc4 ,newfoundland fisheries1 more valuable than the mines of ,peru1 iii4 #deb4 ,newspaper1 one sufficient for all ,america1 in #agba1 i4 #bc4 instance of one set up by ,franklin at ,philadelphia1 #hf4 ,new-,york1 effects of lightning there1 i4 #cbf4 former flourishing state of1 from the issue of paper-money1 iii4 #adf4 sentiments of the colonists on the act for abolishing the legislature of1 #bcb4 obtained in exchange for ,surinam1 #cdi4 ,nollet1 ,abb1 ,franklin's theory of electricity opposed by1 i4 #aac4 remarks on his letters1 #dcj4 ,non-conductors of electricity1 i4 #cgh4 ,non-electric1 its property in receiving or giving electrical fire1 i4 #aic4 ,north-east storms in ,america1 account of1 ii4 #fh4 ,nurses1 office at ,paris for examining the health of1 iii4 #edi994 ,o4 ,oak best for flooring and stair-cases1 ii4 #cba4 ,ohio1 distance of its fort from the sea1 iii4 #aai1 note4 ,oil1 effect of heat on1 ii4 #d4 evaporates only in dry air1 ibid4 renders air unfit to take up water1 ibid4 curious instance of its effects on water in a lamp1 #adb4 stilling of waves by means of1 #add1 #ade1 #adh1 #aej1 #aea1 #aed4 ,old man's wish1 song so called quoted1 iii4 #edf994 ,onslow1 ,arthur1 dedication of a work to1 by ,franklin1 iii4 #ei4 ,opinions1 vulgar ones too much slighted1 ii4 #adf4 regard to established ones1 thought wisdom in a government1 iii4 #bbf4 ,orthography1 a new mode of1 ii4 #cei4 ,osborne1 a friend of ,franklin's1 i4 #ej1 #ec ,oversetting at sea1 how it occurs1 ii4 #agb4 how to be prevented1 ibid41 #agc4 ,outriggers to boats1 advantages of1 ii4 #agc4 ,p4 ,packthread1 though wet1 not a good conductor1 i4 #bjj4 ,paine's ,common ,sense1 ,franklin supposed to have contributed to1 i4 #adh4 ,paper1 how to make large sheets1 in the ,chinese way1 ii4 #cdi4 a poem1 iii4 #ebb4 ,paper-credit1 cannot be circumscribed by law1 ii4 #dah4 ,paper-money1 pamphlet written by ,franklin on1 i4 #ia4 ,american1 remarks and facts relative to1 iii4 #add4 advantages of1 over gold and silver1 iii4 #aeb4 ,papers on philosophical subjects1 i4 #afi1 et seq4 ii4 #a1 et seq4 on general politics1 ii4 #chc1 et seq4 on ,american subjects1 before the revolution1 iii4 #c1 et seq4 during the revolution1 iii4 #bbe1 et seq4 subsequent to the revolution1 iii4 #chc1 et seq4 on moral subjects1 iii4 #dba1 et seq4 ,parable against persecution1 ii4 #dej4 ,paradoxes inferred from some experiments1 i4 #bfb4 ,paralysis1 effects of electricity on1 i4 #dja4 ,parliament of ,england1 opinions in ,america1 in #agff1 concerning1 iii4 #bed4 ,parsons1 ,william1 member of the ,junto club1 i4 #hc4 ,parties1 their use in republics1 iii4 #cif4 ,party of pleasure1 electrical1 i4 #bjb4 ,passages to and from ,america1 how to be shortened1 ii4 #ach4 why shorter from1 than to1 ,america1 #ahi4 ,passengers by sea1 instructions to1 ii4 #aib4 ,patriotism1 spirit of1 catching1 iii4 #ij4 ,peace1 the victorious party may insist on adequate securities in the terms of1 iii4 #if4 ,penn1 governor1 remarks on his administration1 iii4 #ahc4 sold his legislative right in ,pensylvania1 but did not complete the bargain1 #ahi4 ,pensylvania1 ,franklin appointed clerk to the general assembly of1 i4 #ajb4 forms a plan of association for the defence of1 #ajd4 becomes a member of the general assembly of1 #aad4 aggrievances of1 iii4 #ej4 infraction of its charter1 #eb4 review of the constitution of1 #ei4 former flourishing state of1 from the issue of paper-money1 #adf4 rate of exchange there1 #aed4 letter on the militia bill of1 #aeg4 settled by ,english and ,germans1 #afb4 ,english and ,german1 its provincial languages1 ib4 pecuniary bargains between the governors and assembly of1 #afe4 taxes there1 #bdf1 #bea4 number of its inhabitants1 #bdi4 proportion of quakers1 and of ,germans1 ibid4 exports and imports1 #bej4 assembly of1 in #agff1 how composed1 #beb4 ,pensylvanian fire-places1 account of1 ii4 #bbc4 particularly described1 #bce4 effects of1 #bci4 manner of using them1 #bda4 advantages of1 #bdc4 objections to1 answered1 #bdg4 directions to bricklayers respecting1 #bea4 ,peopling of countries1 observations on1 ii4 #chc1 et seq4 ,perkins1 ,dr4 letter from1 on water-spouts1 ii4 #aa4 on shooting stars1 #cf4 ,persecution1 parable against1 ii4 #dej4 of dissenters1 letter on1 #deb4 of quakers in ,new ,england1 #ded4 ,perspirable matter1 pernicious1 if retained1 ii4 #ej4 ,perspiration1 necessary to be kept up1 in hot climates1 ii4 #hf4 difference of1 in persons when naked and clothed1 #bad4 ,petition from the colonists of ,massachusets bay1 iii4 #cbe4 of the left hand1 #dhc4 ,petty1 sir ,william1 a double vessel built by1 ii4 #agd4 ,philadelphia1 ,franklin's first arrival at1 i4 #cb4 account of a seminary there1 instituted by ,franklin1 #aaf to #abg4 state of the public bank at1 iii4 #eea994 ,phytolacca1 or poke weed1 a specific for cancers1 i4 #bfa4 ,picture1 magical1 described1 i4 #aie4 ,plain truth1 ,franklin's first political pamphlet1 iii4 #ebd4 ,plan for benefiting distant countries1 ii4 #djc4 for settling two western colonies1 iii4 #da4 for the management of ,indian affairs1 remarks on1 #baf4 for improving the condition of the free blacks1 #eai4 ,planking of ships1 improvement in1 ii4 #ahi4 ,pleurisy1 ,franklin attacked by1 i4 #ga1 #aed4 ,plus and minus electricity1 in the ,leyden bottle1 i4 #aha4 in other bodies1 #ahe4 ,pointed rods1 secure buildings from lightning1 i4 #bhc1 #cha4 experiments and observations on1 #chh4 objections to1 answered1 #cie1 #cif4 ,points1 their effects1 i4 #agj4 property of1 explained1 #bbc4 experiment showing the effect of1 on the clouds1 #bhc4 mistake respecting1 #caj4 ,poke-weed1 a cure for cancers1 i4 #bfj1 #bfa4 ,polarity given to needles by electricity1 i4 #bdh4 ,poles of the earth1 if changed1 would produce a deluge1 ii4 #abg4 ,political fragments1 ii4 #daa4 ,polypus1 a nation compared to1 ii4 #cia4 ,poor1 remarks on the management of1 ii4 #dah4 the better provided for1 the more idle1 #dbb4 ,poor ,richard1 maxims of1 iii4 #dec4 ,pope1 criticism on two of his lines1 i4 #bc4 ,population1 observations on1 ii4 #chc4 causes which diminish it1 #chf4 occasional vacancies in1 soon filled by natural generation1 #cij4 rate of its increase in ,america1 #che4 iii4 #aac1 #bej1 #bed4 why it increases faster there1 than in ,england1 iii4 #bee4 ,positions concerning national wealth1 ii4 #djh4 ,positiveness1 impropriety of1 ii4 #cah4 ,postage1 not a tax1 but payment for a service1 iii4 #bfe4 state of1 in ,america1 in #agff1 #bgi4 ,post-master1 and deputy post-master general1 ,franklin appointed to the offices of1 i4 #ajb1 #abg4 ,potts1 ,stephen1 a companion of ,franklin's1 i4 #gb1 #hd4 ,poultry1 not good at sea1 ii4 #aic4 ,powder-magazines1 how secured from lightning1 i4 #cge4 ,power to move a heavy body1 how to be augmented1 ii4 #aia4 ,pownall1 governor1 memorial of1 to the ,duke of ,cumberland1 iii4 #da4 letter from1 on an equal communication of rights to ,america1 #bdc4 constitution of the colonies by1 #bii4 ,preface to ,mr4 ,galloway's speech1 iii4 #afc4 to proceedings of the inhabitants of ,boston1 #cag4 ,presbyterianism1 established religion in ,new ,england1 ii4 #ded4 ,press1 account of the court of1 ii4 #dfc4 liberty of1 abused1 #dfe4 ,pressing of seamen1 animadversions on1 ii4 #dcg4 ,price1 ,dr4 letter from1 on ,franklin's death1 iii4 #eda4 ,priestley1 ,dr4 letter from1 on ,franklin's character1 iii4 #edg4 ,printers at ,philadelphia before ,franklin1 i4 #cf4 ,printing1 ,franklin apprenticed to the business of1 i4 #ae4 works at it as a journeymen in ,england1 #eh1 #fb4 in ,america1 #ce1 #ga4 enters on the business of1 as master1 #gh4 observations on fashions in1 ii4 #cee4 ,prison1 society for relieving the misery of1 i4 #aea4 not known among the ,indians of ,america1 iii4 #bbj4 ,privateering1 reprobated1 ii4 #dcf4 further observations on1 #ddf4 article to prevent it1 recommended in national treaties1 #ddh4 inserted in a treaty between ,america and ,prussia1 #ddi4 ,proas1 of the pacific ocean1 safety of1 ii4 #agc4 flying1 superior to any of our sailing boats1 #agf4 ,produce of the inland parts of ,america1 iii4 #aai4 ,products of ,america1 do not interfere with those of ,britain1 iii4 #abd4 ,prose-writing1 method of acquiring excellence in1 i4 #ah4 ,protest against ,franklin's appointment as colonial agent1 remarks on1 iii4 #bjc4 ,provisions1 cheapness of1 encourages idleness1 ii4 #dae4 ,prussian edict1 assuming claims over ,britain1 iii4 #caa4 ,public services and functions of ,franklin1 i4 #abe4 spirit1 manifest in ,england1 iii4 #ia4 different opinion respecting it expressed1 #cge4 ,punctuality of ,america in the payment of public debts1 iii4 #cgc4 ,puckridge1 ,mr4 inventor of musical glasses1 i4 #acf4 ,q4 ,quaker-lady1 good advice of one to ,franklin in his youth1 i4 #db4 ,quakers1 persecution of1 in ,new ,england1 ii4 #ded4 proportion of1 in ,pensylvania1 iii4 #bdi4 ,quebec1 remarks on the enlargement of the province of1 iii4 #bj1 note4 ,queries concerning light1 i4 #beh4 proposed at the ,junto club1 ii4 #cff4 from ,mr4 ,strahan1 on the ,american disputes1 iii4 #bhg4 ,questions discussed by the ,junto club1 ii4 #cfi4 ,r4 ,rain1 how produced1 i4 #bjg4 generally brings down electricity1 #bib4 why never salt1 ii4 #cb4 different quantities of1 falling at different heights1 #acc4 ,ralph1 ,james1 a friend of ,franklin's1 i4 #ej1 #ec1 #ed1 #eg1 #fj4 ,rarefaction of the air1 why greater in the upper regions1 ii4 #f4 ,read1 maiden name of ,franklin's wife1 i4 #cc1 #cg1 #di1 #ed1 #ei1 #gj1 #if4 ,reading1 ,franklin's early passion for1 i4 #ae1 #af4 how best taught1 ii4 #cgb4 advice to youth respecting1 #cgh4 ,recluse1 a ,roman ,catholic one1 in ,london1 i4 #fe4 ,red and green1 relation between the colours of1 ii4 #cda4 ,regimen1 sudden alterations of1 not prejudicial1 i4 #di4 ,religious sect1 new one1 intended establishment of1 i4 #dh4 ,repellency1 electrical1 how destroyed1 i4 #agb4 ,representation1 ,american1 in the ,british parliament1 thoughts on1 iii4 #cg1 #bdc4 ,repulsion1 electrical1 the doctrine of1 doubted1 i4 #ccc4 considerations in support of1 #cdi4 ,revelation1 doubted by ,franklin in his youth1 i4 #gi4 ,rhode-,island1 purchased for a pair of spectacles1 iii4 #ba4 its population at three periods1 iii4 #abi4 ,rich1 hints to those that would be1 iii4 #dff4 ,ridicule1 delight of the prince of ,cond in1 iii4 #dbd4 ,rivers1 from the ,andes1 how formed1 i4 #bji4 motion of the tides in1 explained1 ii4 #if1 #ajb4 do not run into the sea1 #aje4 evaporate before they reach the sea1 #ajf4 inflammability of the surface of1 #acj4 ,rods1 utility of long pointed ones1 to secure buildings from lightning1 i4 #chh4 ,see farther4 ,iron4 ,lightning4 ,metalline4 ,rome1 causes of its decline enquired into1 ii4 #cih4 political government of its provinces1 iii4 #acf4 ,rooms1 warm1 advantages of1 ii4 #bdi4 do not give colds1 ibid4 ,roots1 edible1 might be dried and preserved for sea-store1 ii4 #aij4 ,rosin1 when fluid1 will conduct electricity1 i4 #bef4 ,rousseau1 his opinion of tunes in parts1 ii4 #cdb4 ,rowing of boats1 ,chinese method of1 ii4 #agg4 ,rowley1 ,dr4 ,franklin's obligations to1 iii4 #eee994 ,s4 ,sailing1 observations on1 ii4 #afc4 ,sails1 proposed improvements in1 ii4 #afd1 #aff4 ,saint ,bride's church1 stroke of lightning on1 i4 #cgd4 ,salt1 dry1 will not conduct electricity1 i4 #beh4 rock1 conjectures as to its origin1 ii4 #ia4 ,saltness of the sea-water considered1 ib4 ,savage1 ,john1 a companion of ,franklin's1 i4 #gb4 ,savages of ,north ,america1 remarks on1 iii4 #chc1 et seq4 ,school1 sketch of one1 for ,philadelphia1 ii4 #cgj4 ,scotch tunes1 harmony of1 and melody1 ii4 #cch4 ,screaming1 a defect in modern tunes1 ii4 #cde4 ,scull1 ,nicholas1 member of the ,junto club1 i4 #hc4 ,sea1 electrical qualities of its component parts1 i4 #bje4 opinion1 that it is the source of lightning1 considered1 #bfi1 #cba1 #cbb4 supposed cause of its luminous appearance1 ii4 #hh4 from what cause1 salt1 #ia4 has formerly covered the mountains1 ib4 ,sea-coal1 has a vegetable origin1 ii4 #abh4 prejudices against the use of1 at ,paris1 #bgh4 ,sea-water1 soon loses its luminous quality1 i4 #bfi4 considerations on the distillation of1 ii4 #ajc4 how to quench thirst with1 #ajd4 thermometrical observation on1 #aii1 et seq4 ,security1 a just ground to demand cessions from an enemy1 iii4 #ic4 ,separation of the colonies from ,britain1 probability of1 in #agge1 iii4 #cef4 ,servants in ,england1 the most barren parts of the people1 ii4 #cie4 ,settlements1 new1 in ,america1 letter concerning1 iii4 #dji4 ,settlers of ,british colonies1 their rights1 iii4 #bii4 ,sheep1 a whole flock killed by lightning1 i4 #dae4 ,ships1 abandoned at sea1 often saved1 ii4 #afi4 may be nicely balanced1 #agj4 accidents to1 at sea1 how guarded against1 #agb4 ,shirley1 governor1 letters to1 on the taxation of the colonies1 iii4 #cj4 on ,american representation in the ,british parliament1 #cg4 ,shooting-stars1 letter on1 ii4 #cf4 ,shop-keepers in ,america1 iii4 #cid4 ,sides of vessels1 the best construction of1 ii4 #agb4 ,silver cann1 experiment with1 i4 #cjg4 vessels1 not so easily handled as glass1 when filled with hot liquors1 ii4 #eg4 ,slavery1 society for the abolition of1 i4 #aea4 address to the public on the abolition of1 iii4 #eag4 ,slaves1 not profitable labourers1 ii4 #chf4 diminish population1 ii4 #chg4 ,slave-trade1 sentiment of a ,french moralist respecting1 ii4 #aie4 parody on the arguments in favour of1 #dej4 ,sliding-plates for smoky chimnies described1 ii4 #bhg4 ,slitting-mills in ,america1 iii4 #bgj4 ,small1 ,mr4 ,alexander1 letter from1 i4 #cgd4 ,smell of electricity1 how produced1 i4 #bdd4 ,smoke1 principle by which it ascends1 ii4 #beg4 stove that consumes it1 #bif4 the burning of1 useful in hot-houses1 #caf4 ,smoky chimnies1 observation on the causes and cure of1 ii4 #bef4 remedy for1 if by want of air1 #bfa1 #bfb4 if by too large openings in the room1 #bff1 #bfh4 if by too short a funnel1 #bfi4 if by overpowering each other1 #bgj1 #bga4 if by being overtopped1 #bga1 #bgb4 if by improper situation of a door1 #bgc4 if by smoke drawn down their funnels1 #bgd1 #bge4 if by strong winds1 #bge1 #bgf4 difficult sometimes to discover the cause of1 #bhb4 ,smuggling1 reflections on1 ii4 #dcj4 encouragement of1 not honest1 #dcb4 ,snow1 singular instance of its giving electricity1 i4 #cgc4 ,soap-boiler1 part of ,franklin's early life devoted to the business of1 i4 #aj1 #ad4 ,societies1 of which ,franklin was president1 i4 #aea4 learned1 of which he was a member1 #ace4 ,socrates1 his mode of disputation1 i4 #ba4 ,songs1 ancient1 give more pleasure than modern1 ii4 #cdb4 modern1 composed of all the defects of speech1 #cdd4 ,soul1 argument against the annihilation of1 iii4 #edh994 ,sound1 best mediums for conveying1 ii4 #cce4 observations on1 #ccf4 queries concerning1 #ccg4 ,sounds just past1 we have a perfect idea of their pitch1 ii4 #cdj4 ,soup-dishes at sea1 how to be made more convenient1 ii4 #aie4 ,spain1 what has thinned its population1 ii4 #cij4 ,specific weight1 what1 ii4 #bbf4 ,spectacles1 double1 advantages of1 iii4 #edd991 #eea994 ,speech1 at ,algiers1 on slavery and piracy1 ii4 #dej4 of ,mr4 ,galloway1 preface to1 iii4 #afc4 last of ,franklin1 on the federal constitution1 #daf4 ,spelling1 a new mode of1 recommended1 ii4 #cei4 ,spheres1 electric1 commodious ones1 i4 #agh4 ,spider1 artificial1 described1 i4 #agg4 ,spirits1 fired without heating1 i4 #bad1 #bde4 linen wetted with1 cooling in inflammations1 ii4 #hg4 should always be taken to sea in bottles1 #age4 ,spots in the sun1 how formed1 i4 #bfj4 ,squares1 magical square of1 ii4 #cbd4 ,staffordshire chimney1 description of1 ii4 #bhe4 ,stamp-act in ,america stigmatized1 iii4 #bbh4 letter on the repeal of1 iii4 #bci4 examination of ,franklin on1 #bde4 ,stars4 ,see ,shooting4 ,state1 internal1 of ,america1 iii4 #bia4 ,storms1 causes of1 ii4 #fe4 ,stove1 ,dutch1 its advantages and defects1 ii4 #bcc4 ,german1 ditto1 #bcd4 to draw downwards1 by ,j4 ,g4 ,leutmann1 #bih4 for burning pit-coal and consuming its smoke1 #cja1 #cjd1 #cjh4 ,strata of the earth1 letter on1 ii4 #aaf4 ,strahan1 ,mr4 queries by1 on ,american politics1 iii4 #bhg4 answer to the queries1 #bij4 letter to1 disclaiming his friendship1 iii4 #ced4 ,stuber1 ,dr4 continuator of ,franklin's life1 i4 #ih4 ,studies of trifles1 should be moderate1 ii4 #ie4 ,stuttering1 one of the affected beauties of modern tunes1 ii4 #bde4 ,sugar1 cruelties exercised in producing it1 ii4 #aif4 ,sulphur globe1 its electricity different from that of the glass globe1 i4 #bfe4 ,sun1 supplies vapour with fire1 i4 #bjg4 why not wasted by expense of light1 #bei4 effect of its rays on different coloured clothes1 ii4 #ajh4 light of1 proposed to be used instead of candlelight1 iii4 #dgj1 #dgc4 discovered to give light as soon as it rises1 #dga4 ,surfaces of glass1 different state of its opposite ones1 when electrised1 i4 #aia1 #bch4 ,swimming1 skill of ,franklin in1 i4 #ff4 art of1 how to be acquired1 ii4 #bjf how a person unacquainted with it may avoid sinking1 #bjh4 a delightful and wholesome exercise1 ii4 #bji1 #baa4 advantage of1 to soldiers1 #baj4 inventions to improve it1 ibid4 #bab4 medical effects of1 ibid4 ,t4 ,tariffs1 not easily settled in ,indian trade1 iii4 #bah4 ,tautology1 an affected beauty of modern songs1 ii4 #cde4 ,taxation1 ,american1 letters to governor ,shirley on1 iii4 #cj4 ,american1 ,dr4 ,franklin's examination on1 iii4 #bdf1 #bef4 internal and external1 distinguished1 #bei4 on importation of goods and consumption1 difference between1 #bff4 ,tea-act1 the duty on1 in ,america1 how considered there1 iii4 #bfa1 #cag1 #cai4 characterized by ,mr4 ,burke1 #cai1 note4 ,teach1 or ,blackbeard1 name of a ballad written by ,franklin in his youth1 i4 #af4 ,thanks of the assembly of ,pensylvania to ,franklin1 iii4 #bad4 ,thanksgiving-days appointed in ,new ,england instead of fasts1 iii4 #cib4 ,theory of the earth1 ii4 #aag4 of light and heat1 #abb4 ,thermometer1 not cooled by blowing on1 when dry1 ii4 #hg4 electrical1 described1 and experiments with1 ii4 #ccf4 ,thermometrical observations on the gulph-stream1 ii4 #aii4 on the warmth of sea-water1 #bjj4 ,thirst1 may be relieved by sea-water1 how1 ii4 #aje4 ,thunder and lightning1 how caused1 i4 #bji4 seldom heard far from land1 #baf4 comparatively little at ,bermuda1 ibid4 defined1 #cgh4 ,thunder-gusts1 what1 i4 #bjc4 hypothesis to explain them1 #bjc1 et seq4 ,tides in rivers1 motion of1 explained1 ii4 #if1 #ajb4 ,time1 occasional fragments of1 how to be collected1 ii4 #dab4 is money to a tradesman1 iii4 #dfc4 ,toads live long without nourishment1 ii4 #bbc4 ,toleration in ,old and ,new ,england compared1 ii4 #deg4 ,torpedo1 how to determine its electricity1 i4 #djh1 #dji4 ,tourmalin1 its singular electrical properties1 i4 #cgj4 experiments on it1 #cga1 #cgb4 ,trade1 pleasure attending the first earnings in1 i4 #ha4 should be under no restrictions1 ii4 #dae4 exchanges in1 may be advantageous to each party1 #dah4 inland carriage no obstruction1 to1 iii4 #aaf4 great rivers in ,america1 favourable to1 #aah4 bills of credit1 in lieu of money1 the best medium of1 #aef4 will find and make its own rates1 #bai4 ,tradesman1 advice to a young one1 iii4 #dfc4 ,transportation of felons to ,america1 highly disagreeable to the inhabitants there1 iii4 #bce4 ,treaty between ,america and ,prussia1 humane article of1 ii4 #ddi4 ,treasures1 hidden1 search after1 ridiculed1 iii4 #dej4 ,trees1 dangerous to be under1 in thunder-storms1 i4 #bac4 the shivering of1 by lightning1 explained1 #cei4 why cool in the sun1 ii4 #hg4 ,tubes of glass1 electrical1 manner of rubbing1 i4 #agh4 lined with a non-electric1 experiment with1 #bdj4 exhausted1 electric fire moves freely in1 #bda4 ,tunes1 ancient ,scotch1 why give general pleasure1 ii4 #cch4 composed to the wire-harp1 #cda4 in parts1 ,rousseau's opinion of1 #cdb4 modern1 absurdities of1 #cdd1 et seq4 ,turkey killed by electricity1 i4 #bii4 ,turks1 ceremony observed by1 in visiting1 iii4 #dcf4 ,v4 ,u4 ,vacuum1 ,torricellian1 experiment with1 i4 #bia4 electrical experiment in1 #cag4 ,vapour1 electrical experiment on1 i4 #cdc4 ,vapours from moist hay1 c4 easily fired by lightning1 i4 #bae4 cause of their rising considered1 ii4 #df1 #di4 ,vanity1 observation on1 i4 #b4 ,varnish1 dry1 burnt by electric sparks1 i4 #aii4 ,vattel's ,law of ,nations1 greatly consulted by the ,american congress1 iii4 #cfj4 ,vegetable diet1 observed by ,franklin1 i4 #bj4 abandoned by ,franklin1 why1 #dg4 ,vegetation1 effects of1 on noxious air1 ii4 #abi4 ,velocity of the electric fire1 i4 #cai4 ,virtue in private life exemplified1 iii4 #dbg4 ,vernon1 ,mr4 reposes a trust in ,franklin1 which he violates1 i4 #dd4 ,vis inerti of matter1 observations on1 ii4 #aaj4 ,visits1 unseasonable and importunate1 letter on1 iii4 #dcb4 ,unintelligibleness1 a fault of modern singing1 ii4 #cde4 ,union1 ,albany plan of4 ,see ,albany4 ,union of ,america with ,britain1 letter on1 iii4 #bci4 ,united states of ,america1 nature of the congress of1 iii4 #eej994 ,voyage1 from ,boston to ,new ,york1 i4 #bg4 from ,new ,york to ,philadelphia1 #bh4 from ,newfoundland to ,new ,york1 remarks on1 ii4 #aig4 crossing the gulph stream1 journal of1 #aii4 from ,philadelphia to ,france1 #bjj1 #bja4 from the channel to ,america1 #bjb4 to benefit distant countries1 proposed1 #djc4 ,vulgar opinions1 too much slighted1 ii4 #adf4 ,w4 ,waggons1 number of1 supplied by ,franklin1 on a military emergency1 i4 #aca4 ,war1 civil1 whether it strengthens a country considered1 ii4 #cii4 observations on1 #dce4 laws of1 gradually humanized1 ib4 humane article respecting1 in a treaty between ,prussia and ,america1 ii4 #ddi4 ,french1 of #ageg1 its origin1 iii4 #bgd4 ,warm rooms do not make people tender1 or give colds1 ii4 #bdi4 ,washington1 early military talents of1 i4 #acj4 ,franklin's bequest to1 #afd4 ,water1 a perfect conductor of electricity1 i4 #bja4 strongly electrified1 rises in vapour1 #bjd4 particles of1 in rising1 are attached to particles of air1 #bje4 and air1 attract each other1 #bjf4 exploded like gunpowder1 by electricity1 #ceh4 expansion of1 when reduced to vapour1 ib4 saturated with salt1 precipitates the overplus1 ii4 #b4 will dissolve in air1 ib4 expands when boiling1 ib4 how supported in air1 #de4 bubbles on the surface of1 hypothesis respecting1 #dh4 agitated1 does not produce heat1 #di1 #if4 supposed originally all salt1 #ia4 fresh1 produce of distillation only1 ib4 curious effects of oil on1 #adb4 ,water-casks1 how to dispose of1 in leaky vessels1 ii4 #agj4 ,water-spouts1 observations on1 ii4 #aa4 whether they descend or ascend1 #ad1 #bc1 #ch4 various appearances of1 #af4 winds blow from all points towards them1 #ba4 are whirlwinds at sea1 ib4 effect of one on the coast of ,guinea1 #cc4 account of one at ,antigua1 #cd4 various instances of1 #ch4 ,mr4 ,colden's observations on1 #ec4 ,watson1 ,mr4 ,william1 letter by1 on thunder-clouds1 i4 #dbg4 ,waves1 stilled by oil1 ii4 #add1 #ade1 #adh4 greasy water1 #adf4 ,wax1 when fluid will conduct electricity1 i4 #bef4 may be electrised positively and negatively1 #bia4 ,wealth1 way to1 iii4 #dec4 national1 positions to be examined concerning1 ii4 #djh4 but three ways of acquiring it1 #daj4 ,webb1 ,george1 a companion of ,franklin's1 i4 #gb1 #hd1 #hf4 ,wedderburn1 ,mr4 remarks on his treatment of ,franklin before the privy council1 iii4 #ccj1 #ccb1 notes2 #eej4 ,west1 ,mr4 his conductor struck by lightning1 i4 #cdj4 ,western colonies1 plan for settling them1 iii4 #da4 ,whatley1 ,mr4 four letters to1 iii4 #edc994 ,wheels1 electrical1 described1 i4 #aif4 ,whirlwinds1 how formed1 ii4 #aj4 observations on1 #bj4 a remarkable one at ,rome1 #bd4 account of one in ,maryland1 #fa4 ,whistle1 a story1 iii4 #dhj4 ,white1 fittest colour for clothes in hot climates1 ii4 #aji4 ,will1 extracts from ,franklin's1 i4 #aee4 ,wilson1 ,mr4 draws electricity from the clouds1 i4 #dbi4 ,wind generated by fermentation1 ii4 #ei4 ,winds explained1 ii4 #h1 #i1 #dh4 the explanation objected to1 #ej1 #ea4 observations on1 by ,mr4 ,colden1 #eb4 whether confined to1 or generated in1 clouds1 #eg4 raise the surface of the sea above its level1 #ahh4 effect of1 on sound1 #ccg4 ,winters1 hard1 causes of1 ii4 #fh4 ,winthrop1 professor1 letters from1 i4 #cgc1 #chb4 ,wire conducts a great stroke of lightning1 though destroyed itself1 i4 #bhb4 ,wolfe1 general1 i4 #acf4 ,women of ,paris1 singular saying respecting1 as mothers1 iii4 #edh994 ,wood1 dry1 will not conduct electricity1 i4 #agb4 why does not feel so cold as metals1 ii4 #ef4 ,woods1 not unhealthy to inhabit1 ii4 #acj4 ,woollen1 why warmer than linen1 ii4 #eg1 #ha4 ,words1 to modern songs1 only a pretence for singing1 ii4 #cdh4 ,wygate1 an acquaintance of ,franklin's1 i4 #ff4 ,wyndham1 sir ,william1 applies to ,franklin to teach his sons swimming1 i4 #fi4 ,,transcriber',s ,,note ,italic text is denoted by underscores4 ,obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources4 ,for consistency and clarity1 the pound abbreviation 'l4' has been italicized1 so for example '#abc1cbal4' has been replaced by '#abc1cbal4' in the etext4 ,for consistency1 the date and salutation at the beginning of each letter1 and the closing and name at the end of each letter1 have been put on separate lines 7they were sometimes placed on the same line in the original printed text74 ,three or more asterisks1 sometimes spaced1 were used by the editor to indicate omitted text1 and sometimes '-- -- --' or '----' were used4 ,missing names were indicated by '----' or by '99999999'4 ,for this reason thought breaks in the text are indicated by two blank lines1 not by a line of asterisks4 ,a deliberate blank space in the text is indicated by 4 ,all the changes noted in the ,errata 7pg vi7 have been applied to the text4 ,many ,footnotes have the signature ',b4 ,v4' rather than ',editor'4 ,this is explained in ,vol #a p #cii ,footnote #ij1 and is copied below for the reader's convenience3- ,wherever this signature occurs1 the note is taken from a volume of ,dr4 ,franklin's writings1 entitled ,political1 ,miscellaneous1 and ,philosophical ,pieces1 printed for ,johnson1 #aggi4 ,the editor of that volume1 though a young man at the time1 had already evinced extraordinary talents1 and was the friend and correspondent of our author4 ,as he has chosen to withhold his name1 we conceive ourselves not entitled to disclose it3 but we shall take the freedom of an acquaintance to use the notes occasionally1 deeming them in many instances valuable historical records4 ,editor4 ,except for those changes noted below1 misspelling in the text1 and inconsistent or archaic usage1 have been retained4 ,for example1 compleat2 controul2 inclose2 smoaky2 ,pensylvania2 ,massachussets2 ,new-,england1 ,new ,england2 shopkeeper1 shop-keeper4 ,in addition3 ,pg vi ,errata4 ,page '#ei' replaced by '#ci'4 ,pg #aa4 'infringment' replaced by 'infringement'4 ,pg #bc4 'would he' replaced by 'would be'4 ,pg #bi4 'and slso to' replaced by 'and also to'4 ,pg #ca4 'problably give' replaced by 'probably give'4 ,pg #ci4 'iron mafacture' replaced by 'iron manufacture'4 ,pg #dg4 'thesettlers2' replaced by 'the settlers2'4 ,pg #ei ,,fn #af 'our anthor' replaced by 'our author'4 ,pg #gj4 'provice for' replaced by 'province for'4 ,pg #ga4 ',twightwee' replaced by ',twigtwee'4 ,pg #gd4 'in theuse' replaced by 'in the use'4 ,pg #ha4 'poll-tax of sen' replaced by 'poll-tax of ten'4 ,pg #hd4 ',lower ,countries' replaced by ',lower ,counties'4 ,pg #ij4 'msy inspire' replaced by 'may inspire'4 ,pg #ie ,,fn #bf ',observatious' replaced by ',observations'4 ,pg #ajd4 'meer names' replaced by 'mere names'4 ,pg #abf ,,fn #dd '#c1cec1ccg' replaced by the correct total '#c1cfc1ccg'4 ,pg #abi ,,fn #df 'those swo' replaced by 'those two'4 ,pg #aca4 ',londom' replaced by ',london'4 ,pg #ahh4 'satisfacton' replaced by 'satisfaction'4 ,pg #aif4 'farewel-speech' replaced by 'farewell speech'4 ,pg #bjd4 'sauction' replaced by 'sanction'4 ,pg #bcd ,,fn #gh ',great ,britian' replaced by ',great ,britain'4 ,pg #bce4 'cruel idsult' replaced by 'cruel insult'4 ,pg #bch ,,fn #gi 'trroops' replaced by 'troops'4 ,pg #bec ,,fn #hg 'repeal or' replaced by 'repeal of'4 ,pg #bfg4 ',snpposing' replaced by ',supposing'4 ,pg #bfg et seq4 ,seventeen instances of '#b4' replaced by ',q4' ,pg #bha4 ',t4 ,in my opinion' replaced by ',a4 ,in my opinion'4 ,pg #bhc4 ',q4 ,i suppose' replaced by ',a4 ,i suppose'4 ,pg #bib ,,fn #ii ' slave' replaced by 'a slave4'4 ,pg #bie ,,fn #aja 'froward child' replaced by 'forward child'4 ,pg #cjg4 'vice-gerent' replaced by 'vice-regent'4 ,pg #cae4 'adn villains' replaced by 'and villains'4 ,pg #cai ,,fn #abj 'wolud be' replaced by 'would be'4 ,pg #ccb ,,fn #acj ',wedderburne' replaced by ',wedderburn'4 ,pg #ced4 ,missing anchor for ,footnote #adh added4 ,pg #cfa4 'la royant' replaced by 'la royaut'4 ,pg #cfa4 'send yon' replaced by 'send you'4 ,pg #chi4 'our intrepreter' replaced by 'our interpreter'4 ,pg #cii4 'genuises' replaced by 'geniuses'4 ,pg #dge4 ,missing anchor for ,footnote #ahj added4 ,pg #ebd ,,fn #aig 'who furnised' replaced by 'who furnished'4 ,pg #ecg4 'sentimeat' replaced by 'sentiment'4 ,pg #eej994 'oo muc h' replaced by 'too much'4 ,index ,pg #d;i4 ',animalcnles' replaced by ',animalcules'4 ,index ,pg #bi;i4 'relation batween' replaced by 'relation between'4 ,the ,index covers all three volumes and was originally printed at the end of ,volume #a only4 ,it has been copied to the end of ,volume #b and #c as a convenience for the reader4 ,the ,index had no page numbers in the original text2 page numbers from #a;i to #cf;i have been added for completeness4 ,for clarity1 some volume identifiers 7i4 or ii4 or iii47 have been added1 or removed1 in the ,index4 ,only references within this volume have been hyperlinked4 ,the ,index has some references to page numbers with a 991 eg #eea994 ,these are valid references2 the book printer inserted pages #edc99-eef99 between pages #edb and #edc in ,vol iii4