,,transcriber',s ,,notes ,compared to the original1 some alterations were made3 ,typos -,the word greal was changed to great page #dbg4 -,the word somewhow was changed to somehow page #dbh4 -,price in ,list of ,publications is missing in ,volume #f1 ,edition #b4 ,a ,question mark was added4 ,readability -,all footnotes were moved to the end of the chapter4 ,because of this repositioning1 ,footnote #aj refers to ,page #dad with the phrase ,see below1 which1 in this version1 should be3 ,see above4 -,em-dashes were added to empty spots of transliterated text for clarity page #dab4 ,these are not in the original4 ,consistency -,inconsistencies in spelling were retained4 ,however1 ,the em-dash in the ,section ,heading called ,fire ,eating ,page #dah was deleted to make it correspond to the ,table of ,contents 7no em-dash there67 ,page #cig4 ,,university ,,of ,,california ,,publications ,,in ,,american ,,archaeology ,,and ,,ethnology ,vol4 #ab1 ,no4 #aj1 pp4 #cig-dda1 #h text-figures ,july #f1 #aiag ,,ceremonies ,,of ,,the ,,pomo ,,indians ,,by ,s4,a4 ,,barrett ,,university ,,of ,,california ,,press ,,berkeley ,,university ,,of ,,california ,,publications ,,department ,,of ,,anthropology ,the following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued under the direction of the ,department of ,anthropology are sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological departments and museums1 and for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology4 ,they are for sale at the prices stated4 ,exchanges should be directed to ,the ,exchange ,department1 ,university ,library1 ,berkeley1 ,california1 ,u4,s4,a4 ,all orders and remittances should be addressed to the ,university of ,california ,press4 ,european agent for the series in ,american ,archaeology and ,ethnology1 ,classical ,philology1 ,education1 ,modern ,philology1 ,philosophy1 and ,semitic ,philology1 ,otto ,harrassowitz1 ,leipzig4 ,for the series in ,botany1 ,geology1 ,pathology1 ,physiology1 ,zoology and also ,american ,archaeology and ,ethnology1 ,r4 ,friedlaender ,sohn1 ,berlin4 ,,american ,,archaeology ,,and ,,ethnology4--,a4,l4 ,kroeber1 ,editor4 ,prices1 ,volume #a1 #d4be2 ,volumes #b to #aa1 inclusive1 #c4ej each2 ,volume #ab and following #e4jj each4 ,cited as ,univ4 ,calif4 ,publ4 ,am4 ,arch4 ,ethn4 ,price ,vol4 #a4 #a4 ,life and ,culture of the ,hupa1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #a-hh2 plates #a-cj4 ,september1 #aijc #a4be #b4 ,hupa ,texts1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #hi-cfh4 ,march1 #aijd #c4jj ,index1 pp4 #cfi-cgh4 ,vol4 #b4 #a4 ,the ,exploration of the ,potter ,creek ,cave1 by ,william ,j4 ,sinclair4 ,pp4 #a-bg2 plates #a-ad4 ,april1 #aijd 4#dj #b4 ,the ,languages of the ,coast of ,california ,south of ,san ,francisco1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bi-hj1 with a map4 ,june1 #aijd 4#fj #c4 ,types of ,indian ,culture in ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #ha-ajc4 ,june1 #aijd 4#be #d4 ,basket ,designs of the ,indians of ,northwestern ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #aje-afd2 plates #ae-ba4 ,january1 #aije 4#ge #e4 ,the ,yokuts ,language of ,south ,central ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #afe-cgg4 ,january1 #aijg #b4be ,index1 pp4 #cgi-cib4 ,vol4 #c4 #a4 ,the ,morphology of the ,hupa ,language1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 #cdd pp4 ,june1 #aije #c4ej ,vol4 #d4 #a4 ,the ,earliest ,historical ,relations between ,mexico and ,japan1 from original documents preserved in ,spain and ,japan1 by ,zelia ,nuttall4 ,pp4 #a-dg4 ,april1 #aijf 4#ej #b4 ,contribution to the ,physical ,anthropology of ,california1 based on collections in the ,department of ,anthropology of the ,university of ,california1 and in the ,u4,s4 ,national ,museum1 by ,ales ,hrdlicka4 ,pp4 #di-fd1 with #e tables2 plates #a-aj1 and map4 ,june1 #aijf 4#ge #c4 ,the ,shoshonean ,dialects of ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #fe-aff4 ,february1 #aijg #a4ej #d4 ,indian ,myths from ,south ,central ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #afg-bej4 ,may1 #aijg 4#ge #e4 ,the ,washo ,language of ,east ,central ,california and ,nevada1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bea-cah4 ,september1 #aijg 4#ge #f4 ,the ,religion of the ,indians of ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #cai-cef4 ,september1 #aijg 4#ej ,index1 pp4 #ceg-cgd4 ,vol4 #e4 #a4 ,the ,phonology of the ,hupa ,language2 ,part ,i1 ,the ,individual ,sounds1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #a-bj1 plates #a-h4 ,march1 #aijg 4#ce #b4 ,navaho ,myths1 ,prayers and ,songs1 with ,texts and ,translations1 by ,washington ,matthews1 edited by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #ba-fc4 ,september1 #aijg 4#ge #c4 ,kato ,texts1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #fe-bch1 plate #i4 ,december1 #aiji #b4ej #d4 ,the ,material ,culture of the ,klamath ,lake and ,modoc ,indians of ,northeastern ,california and ,southern ,oregon1 by ,s4,a4 ,barrett4 ,pp4 #bci-bib1 plates #aj-be4 ,june1 #aiaj 4#ge #e4 ,the ,chimariko ,indians and ,language1 by ,roland ,b4 ,dixon4 ,pp4 #bic-chj4 ,august1 #aiaj #a4jj ,index1 pp4 #cha-chd4 ,vol4 #f4 #a4 ,the ,ethno-,geography of the ,pomo and ,neighboring ,indians1 by ,samuel ,alfred ,barrett4 ,pp4 #a-ccb1 maps #a-b4 ,february1 #aijh #c4be #b4 ,the ,geography and ,dialects of the ,miwok ,indians1 by ,samuel ,alfred ,barrett4 ,pp4 #ccc-cfh1 map #c4 8 #c4 ,on the ,evidence of the ,occupation of ,certain ,regions by the ,miwok ,indians1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #cfi-chj4 ,nos4 #b and #c in one cover4 ,february1 #aijh 4#ej ,index1 pp4 #cha-djj4 ,,university ,,of ,,california ,,publications ,,in ,,american ,,archaeology ,,and ,,ethnology ,vol4 #ab1 ,no4 #aj1 pp4 #cig-dda1 #h text-figures ,july #f1 #aiag ,,ceremonies ,,of ,,the ,,pomo ,,indians ,,by ,s4,a4 ,,barrett ,,contents ,,page ,introduction #cig ,ceremonial organization #cih ,officials #cii ,general ,features of the ,pomo ,ceremonies #dja ,invitations to ,ceremonies #djb ,the ,ghost or ,devil ,ceremony #djc ,stephen ,powers on the ,ghost ,dance #djd ,the ,ghost ,ceremony ,proper #djf ,fire ,eating #dah ,the ,purification ,rite #dba ,summary of the ,principal ,features of the ,ghost ,ceremony #dbb ,the ,guksu ,ceremony #dbc ,the ,scarifying ,ceremony #dbe ,stephen ,powers on the ,guksu ,ceremony #dbg ,completion of the ,guksu ,ceremony #dbi ,treatment of ,disease #dcj ,dances #dca ,dances in which ,men and ,women ,participated #dcc ,dances in which only ,men performed #dch ,dances in which only ,women performed #dci ,additional ,dances #ddj ,the ,messiah ,cult #ddj ,conclusion #dda ,,introduction ,it has been at least twenty years since the last of the ,pomo ceremonies was held in a truly aboriginal fashion4 ,elaborate ceremonies of a more recently introduced ,messiah cult were held as late as perhaps fifteen years ago1 but these ,messiah ceremonies contain only a few features common to the indigenous tribal observances4 ,dances are even yet to be seen in connection with some celebrations1 principally on the ,fourth of ,july1 but there now remains so little that is really primitive about these that they are virtually worthless to the student4 ,information obtained through direct observation is at present1 therefore1 impossible1 and we must depend for our knowledge of ,pomo ceremonies and ceremonial organization upon the statements of the older men1 and particularly those concerned with such matters in former days4 ,from such sources rather full information concerning some of the ceremonies and dances is obtainable1 but1 under the circumstances1 it is impossible to secure exhaustive data concerning all of them4 ,in many instances informants recall only a few of the details of a given ceremony or dance4 ,sometimes only its name is remembered4 ,doubtless even the recollection of some ceremonies and dances has been lost4 ,during a residence in the ,pomo region from #ahib to #aijd the existing vestiges of some of these ,pomo ceremonies were observed whenever possible1 but no attempt at a systematic collection of data on the subject was made until #aijc and #aijd1 when this work was undertaken in conjunction with the collection of ,pomo myths1 as part of the investigations of the ,ethnological and ,archaeological ,survey of ,california1 maintained by the ,department of ,anthropology of the ,university of ,california through the generosity of ,mrs4 ,phoebe ,a4 ,hearst4 ,this information was obtained from informants of three ,pomo dialects--,northern1 ,central1 and ,eastern4 ,where a native term is used in the following pages1 therefore1 the dialect is indicated by ,n1 ,c1 or ,e1 in parentheses directly after it4 ,the phonetic system employed is fully explained in ,the ,ethno-,geography of the ,pomo ,indians4#a ,,ceremonial ,,organization ,the ceremonial organization of the ,pomo was very loose4 ,there was no secret society of importance1 as there was among the ,maidu and presumably among the neighboring ,wintun1 and no organized priesthood vested with control over ceremonies4 ,the ordinary chiefs1 however 7or captains1 as they are more often called71 were prominently concerned with all ceremonies1 and there were other officials in charge of particular rites4 ,we may begin therefore by mentioning the various officials in the order of their importance4 ,,officials ,as has been elsewhere pointed out1#b the social organization of the ,pomo is based primarily upon blood relationship1 the blood relatives who resided in a definite village grouping themselves into a political unit under the leadership of an hereditary captain4 ,usually several of these consanguineal units comprise a village1 and their captains form its governing body4 ,from among these the people elect a head captain4 ,not even the head captain has absolute authority1 nor has any captain important judicial power1 or power to inflict punishment4 ,in short1 the function of the captain is primarily that of adviser to the group4 ,the special duties of the head captain in olden times were to welcome and entertain visitors from other villages1 and to meet in council with the other captains concerning matters of general public welfare1 and to arrange for and preside over ceremonies4 ,what may be termed an honorary captainship was accorded any man who1 through his wealth or his prowess as a hunter1 made himself very popular by providing large quantities of food and numerous feasts for the people4 ,a similar honorary office1 that of female captain1 da xalik 7,e71 was based upon a woman's popularity1 which depended in turn on her good-heartedness and her fame as a cook4 ,neither of these honorary offices1 however1 was hereditary4 ,in spite of the ambiguous nature of the office1 incumbents were accorded great respect at ceremonies and other public functions4 ,the other officials had duties almost1 if not quite1 exclusively connected with ceremonies and had nothing directly to do with governmental affairs4 ,we may recognize the fire-tenders1 the head singers1 the chorus singers1 the drummers1 and the masters of ceremonies4 ,such offices were considered very honorable and were1 as a rule1 hereditary4 ,this was particularly true of the offices of fire-tender1 head singer1 and drummer1 in which the succession followed precisely the same rules as did the chieftainship4 ,the fire-tenders1 called medze 7,n7 and laimoc 7,e71 were officials of very great importance4 ,connected with each of the large1 semi-subterranean dance-houses#c there were two fire-tenders1 who saw to all matters concerning the fire and the preparation of the dance-house except actually procuring the firewood4 ,all the men participating in the ceremony were supposed to bring wood1 which they placed just outside the dance-house4 ,one of the fire-tenders then carried it up and dropped it through the smoke-hole1 while the other stacked it in ricks in the proper places within the house4 ,as remuneration for their labor1 they received the beads which were thrown at the dancers#d by the people during the ceremony and which were swept up when the dance-house was cleaned4 ,the head singer1 called ke kai tca 7,c7 and keya 7,e71 was a man of great importance in ceremonies1 though he was very inconspicuous4 ,it was his duty to plan previously the proper sequence of the dances and songs1 and it was also his duty to start all songs and to carry the air4 ,the head singer had to possess a very good voice1 and had to make it his business to know the songs for the various ceremonies4 ,now and then he was at a loss for the proper song for a particular occasion4 ,he was allowed to consult some other singer1 or1 upon occasion1 he might ask for suggestions from the audience4 ,any one who knew a song which fitted the occasion might come to the head singer and sing it for him in an undertone1 until he caught it and was ready to lead in the singing4 ,as a rule he kept time with a split-stick rattle1 or a rattle made of cocoons4 ,the chorus or burden-singers1 called skam 7,e71 gave volume to the music and marked time with their split-stick rattles1 hai mitamitaka 7,n74 ,their usual burden was he1 he1 he1 he1 444 sung in a heavy monotone4 ,the drummers1 called tslo gak 7,e71 tslo tca 7,c71 and tslo matts 7,e71 were always two in number1 and as a rule they took turns in playing the large wooden drum which was set in the ground at the rear of the dance-house1 and which was beaten by the stamping of the feet4 ,the office of drummer was considered one of the most important1 and second only to that of fire-tender4 ,the master of ceremonies1 called xab dima 7,e71 xabgak 7,e71 and helma 7,c71 started and stopped all songs and dances by certain signals4 ,the participants in the dance usually maintained certain positions1 but the master of ceremonies ran about from place to place supervising the activities and giving directions as required4 ,his presence was absolutely necessary at all ceremonies1 and without him a dance could not proceed4 ,he acted under the general direction of the head captain1 but that official himself never served as master of ceremonies4 ,very rarely did the same individual serve as master of ceremonies and head singer4 ,while as a rule the drummers and the singers wore no special dress for ceremonial occasions1 the masters of ceremonies were almost always painted and dressed according to different requirements for each ceremony 7see below74 ,they were usually among the dancers who impersonated supernatural beings4 ,,general ,,features ,,of ,,pomo ,,ceremonies ,a ceremony always centered about the dance-house1#e and lasted four nights1 or some multiple of four1 beginning usually soon after sunset4 ,in the case of the ghost ceremony1 which began at sunrise1 the preceding night was spent in performing other dances4 ,such ceremonies were made up of a varying number of dances4 ,there was usually no prescribed sequence1 but the ceremony took the name of the dance which was its special feature1 though this need not necessarily open the ceremony4 ,in a few instances it was recognized that certain dances should be performed together4 ,a ceremony consisted of 7#a7 an introductory procedure1 accompanied by more or less ritual1 such as the initiation of the children through the gks ceremony 7see below1 p4 #dbe72 7#b7 a series of dances2 7#c7 a series of speeches by officials and men of importance concerning the religious life or other matters of public interest2 7#d7 a final purification rite2 and 7#e7 various feasts1 particularly one held in the morning after the final night of the ceremony4 ,there were certain special ceremonies1 such as the gks ceremony1 in which a definite opening procedure was required1 but after this almost any desired dance might be held at any time1 day or night1 throughout the duration of the ceremonial period4 ,the procedure of the final night of the ceremony was also usually fixed4 ,the principal ceremonies of the ,pomo were3 ,the xahlgax xaiklgaiagba#f 7the ghost or devil ceremony74 ,the kalmatt xaiklgaiagba 7the thunder ceremony74 ,the gks xaiklgaiagba4 ,the dama xaiklgaiagba4 ,,invitations ,,to ,,ceremonies ,the captains of the village discussed with other important men the question of holding a ceremony1 just as they discussed other matters relating to the general public good4 ,having agreed upon the date and other details1 the head captain usually walked through the village delivering an oration1 as was customary upon occasions of importance1 in which he announced to the people the decision of their captains4 ,this oration might1 however1 be delivered as he stood before the door of his own house or before the door of the dance-house4 ,invitations were then sent to the people of other villages to attend the ceremony4 ,this was done by means of a special invitation string4 ,wormwood or willow sticks about two inches in length were tied1 each separately1 into a short string1 the number of sticks being equal1 according to some informants1 to the number of days intervening before the ceremony was to begin1 usually not fewer than two or more than eight4 ,other informants stated that this number was equal to these intervening days plus the number of days during which the ceremony was to be held4 ,for instance1 if a four-day ceremony was to begin four days hence1 these being the usual numbers in both instances1 eight sticks were tied into the invitation string4 ,according to another informant1 if the number of sticks was from two to five1 the guests were invited for the first of two or more ceremonies4 ,if six or more sticks were present1 they were to come for a later ceremony4 ,this latter1 however1 seems to be rather improbable4 ,to one end of the string was tied1 as an ornament1 a small section of forehead-band made of yellow-hammer feathers4 ,this string might be presented as such1 but frequently it was tied to the end of a wand about two feet long4 ,its general name among the ,central ,pomo was haidel4 ,before sending1 it was called ha'ieb2 after it had been sent out1 it was termed ha'idaka4 ,a messenger took this string or wand to the captain of the village invited and1 if it was necessary for him to make a journey of any considerable length1 he broke off a stick for each day of his journey4 ,according to most informants1 he simply delivered the string to the head captain of the invited village and immediately returned home with the message of acceptance from that village4 ,according to one informant1 however1 he remained as the guest of the head captain1 and himself broke a stick each day from the invitation string and finally conducted the visitors to the ceremony4 ,as a rule1 visitors arrived at least one day before the ceremony began1 but they never entered the village itself until the morning of the first ceremonial day1 making camp meanwhile at some convenient spot within a short distance4 ,the visitors collected a present of a considerable number of shell beads1 which was carried by their head captain as he led them into the village4 ,some1 at least1 of the younger men among the visitors attired themselves in their dance costumes and danced into the village1 usually following a little apart from the rest of their people4 ,as soon as the visitors appeared in sight1 a watchman1 stationed on the roof of the dance-house1 gave notice to the head captain1 who was inside4 ,he at once came out and1 taking a position directly in front of the dance-house1 delivered a short oration inviting the visitors to enter and making them welcome4 ,as the visitors entered each group was assigned to its particular position in the dance-house1 and all seated themselves with their head captain1 captains1 fire-tenders1 and other officials in front4 ,when the head captain of the host village finally entered the dance-house1 which was not until after all the visitors had taken their seats1 he was called by the visiting head captain to their position4 ,the visiting head captain then made a short speech of presentation and gave the beads to the host head captain1 who made1 in return1 a second and more lengthy speech of welcome4 ,he then took these beads to his own house1 and they were later divided among his people4 ,a present of equal value was returned to the visitors1 either immediately or at some time before the close of the ceremony4 ,this formality of welcome over1 some dance might be held at once or the guests and hosts might enjoy a general visit4 ,if one of the secret ceremonies was to be held1 all the women and children and the uninitiated men retired from the dance-house before it commenced4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,present series1 ,,vi1 pp4 #ea-ed4 #b ,the ,ethno-,geography of the ,pomo and ,neighboring ,indians1 present series1 ,,vi1 pp4 #ae-ag4 #c ,an article by the present writer called ,pomo ,buildings1 in the ,holmes ,memorial ,volume1 fully describes these structures1 which were erected especially for ceremonial purposes and which formed the religious centers of ,pomo villages4 #d ,the reason for the throwing of the beads is as follows3 ,pomo custom prescribes a period of mourning lasting one year4 ,if a dancer so far forgets his sorrow as actively to participate in a ceremony of this kind before the expiration of the prescribed mourning period after the death of a friend or relative some atonement is required4 ,it is customary under such circumstances for some one in the audience to throw some loose shell-beads at the dancer1 these being evidently intended as an offering to the spirits and having nothing directly to do with the dancer himself4 #e ,for a description of this large semi-subterranean structure see ,pomo ,buildings1 by the present author in the ,holmes ,anniversary ,volume4 #f ,these words are in the ,eastern ,pomo dialect4 ,,the ,,ghost ,,or ,,devil ,,ceremony ,this ceremony was perhaps the most important of the four-day ceremonies of the ,pomo4 ,it was usually held in the spring and was witnessed only by properly initiated men1 never by women or children4 ,the uninitiated men1 as well as the women and children1 were much afraid of these dancers and kept a very respectful distance when they entered the village4 ,this was due to the belief that to approach closely would produce serious illness4 ,such esoteric ceremonies are unusual among the ,pomo1 though they occur among other ,california tribes4 ,as examples might be mentioned the ,hesi ceremony among the ,wintun and ,maidu1 especially among the ,maidu1 who have a definite secret society4 ,,stephen ,,powers ,,on ,,the ,,ghost ,,dance ,the ghost dance of the ,pomo has been attributed by ,powers#g to a secret society4 ,in speaking of the subject of chastity among the ,pomo1 he describes a devil-raising ceremony conducted by what he terms a secret society which had several branches in the various ,pomo villages4 ,his description of this ceremony is given from information obtained by him from an old resident closely connected with the ,indians of the region in early days1 and1 while his assumptions and deductions are in many respects incorrect1 it is plainly a description of the ghost dance4 ,after speaking of the secret society 444 whose simple purpose is to conjure up infernal terrors and render each other assistance in keeping their women in subjection1 ,powers says3#h ,their meetings are held in an assembly-house erected especially for the purpose1 constructed of peeled pine-poles4 ,it is painted red1 black1 and white 7wood color7 on the inside in spiral stripes reaching from the apex to the ground4 ,outside it is thatched and covered with earth4 ,when they are assembled in it there is a doorkeeper at the entrance who suffers no one to enter unless he is a regular member1 pledged to secrecy4 ,even ,mr4 ,potter1 though a man held in high honor by them1 was not allowed to enter1 though they offered to initiate him1 if he desired4 ,they do not scruple to avow to ,americans who are well acquainted with them1 and in whose discretion they have confidence1 that their object is simply to raise the devil1 as they express it1 with whom they pretend to hold communication2 and to carry on other demoniacal doings1 accompanied by frightful whooping and yelling1 in order to work on the imaginations of the erring squaws1 no whit more guilty than themselves4 ,once in seven years these secret woman-tamers hold a grand devil-dance 7cha-du-el-keh71 which is looked forward to by the women of the tribe with fear and trembling as the scourging visit of the dreadful ,yu-ku-ku-la 7the devil74 ,as this society has its ramifications among the many ,pomo tribes1 this great dance is held one septennium in one valley1 another in another1 and so on through the circuit of the branch societies4 ,every seven years1 therefore1 witnesses the construction of an immense assembly-house which is used for this special occasion only4 ,i have seen the ruins of one which was reared in ,potter ,valley somewhere about the year #ahfj4 ,the pit1 or cellar1 which made a part of it was circular1 sixty-three feet in diameter and about six feet deep1 and all the enormous mass of earth excavated from it was gouged up with small1 fire-hardened sticks and carried away in baskets by both men and women1 chiefly men4 ,it was about eighteen feet high in the center1 and the roof was supported on five posts1 one a center pole and four others standing around it1 equidistant from it and the perimeter of the pit4 ,timbers from six to nine inches in diameter were laid from the edge of the pit to the middle posts1 and from these to the center pole4 ,over these were placed grass and brush1 and the whole was heavily covered with earth4 ,allowing four square feet of space to each person1 such a structure would contain upward of seven hundred people4 ,in their palmy days hundreds and even thousands of ,indians attended one of these grand dances4 ,when the dance is held1 twenty or thirty men array themselves in harlequin rig and barbaric paint and put vessels of pitch on their heads2 then they secretly go out into the surrounding mountains4 ,these are to personify the devils4 ,a herald goes up to the top of the assembly-house and makes a speech to the multitude4 ,at a signal agreed upon in the evening the masqueraders come in from the mountains1 with the vessels of pitch flaming on their heads1 and with all the frightful accessories of noise1 motion1 and costume which the savage mind can devise in representation of demons4 ,the terrified women and children flee for life1 the men huddle them into a circle1 and1 on the principle of fighting the devil with fire1 they swing blazing firebrands in the air1 yell1 whoop1 and make frantic dashes at the marauding and bloodthirsty devils1 so creating a terrific spectacle1 and striking great fear into the hearts of the assembled hundreds of women1 who are screaming and fainting and clinging to their valorous protectors4 ,finally the devils succeed in getting into the assembly-house1 and the bravest of the men enter and hold a parley with them4 ,as a conclusion of the whole farce1 the men summon courage1 the devils are expelled from the assembly-house1 and with a prodigious row and racket of sham fighting are chased away into the mountains4 ,after all these terrible doings have exercised their due effect upon the wanton feminine mind1 another stage of the proceedings is entered upon4 ,a rattlesnake was captured some days beforehand1 its fangs were plucked out1 and it was handled1 stroked1 fed1 and tamed1 so that it could be displayed with safety4 ,the venerable1 white-haired peace-chief now takes his station before the multitude1 within the great assembly-house1 with the rattlesnake before him as the visible incarnation of the dreadful ,yukukula4 ,slowly and sonorously he begins1 speaking to them of morality and feminine obedience4 ,then warming with his subject1 and brandishing the horrid reptile in his hand full in the faces and over the heads of his shuddering auditors1 with solemn and awful voice he warns them to beware1 and threatens them with the dire wrath of ,yukukula if they do not live lives of chastity1 industry1 and obedience1 until some of the terrified squaws shriek aloud and fall swooning upon the ground4 ,referring again to the devil dance1 as practiced among the ,gualala1 ,powers says3#i ,in the midst of the ordinary dances there comes rushing upon the scene an ugly apparition in the shape of a man1 wearing a feather mantle on his back reaching from the armpits down to the mid-thighs1 zebra-painted on his breast and legs with black stripes1 bearskin shako on his head1 and his arms stretched out at full length along a staff passing behind his neck4 ,accoutered in this harlequin rig1 he dashes at the squaws1 capering1 dancing1 whooping2 and they and the children flee for life1 keeping several hundred yards between him and themselves4 ,if they are so unfortunate as to touch even his stick1 all their children will perish out of hand4 ,,the ,,ghost ,,ceremony ,,proper ,the dancers were of two classes1 the ordinary ghost-dancers1 or devils1 called xahluigak 7,e71 and the ash-devils1 or fire-eaters1 called n xahligak 7,e74 ,the former danced almost exclusively during the day1 and the latter at night1 though these regulations were not quite absolute4 ,the ash-devils were always present at the ghost ceremony and during the ghost dance proper they served1 in a way1 as sergeants-at-arms and as clowns4 ,according to some informants1 a new dance-house was especially built for each ghost ceremony4 ,other informants did not particularly mention this fact and it seems probable that in more recent times1 after the ceremonial procedure of the ,pomo had become somewhat lax1 this rule was not observed1 and the same dance-house may have been used for more than one ghost ceremony1 and for other ceremonies as well4 ,in this ceremony the dancers impersonated the spirits of the dead1 as is indicated by the speech of the chief devil-dancer made just before disrobing4#aj ,the dance is said to have had its origin in mythical times when the birds and mammals had human attributes4 ,the ,pomo account is as follows3 ,hawk1 the captain of a village1 was killed by ,vulture4 ,after being absent from the village for some time ,hawk suddenly returned1 came into the dance-house1 and sat down in front of the center pole1 at its foot4 ,a ceremony was about to begin1 and the people noticed nothing out of the ordinary about ,hawk and were perfectly willing to allow him to participate in the dancing4 ,meadowlark1 however1 noticed an odor about ,hawk which showed that he had just returned from the realm of the dead4 ,with his characteristic garrulity1 he commenced to chatter about the improprieties of mortals dancing with dead people4 ,hawk was a chief and one of an important family and felt especially offended at these reflections upon him and left at once1 never again returning to the village4 ,according to one version of the myth1 ,meadowlark had1 in those days1 a long tail like most other birds4 ,his action upon this occasion1 however1 so enraged the other members of the village that some one struck at him with a fire poker which happened to be near at hand4 ,meadowlark was able to dodge the blow1 but the poker clipped off a large part of his tail4 ,he has1 therefore1 had only a stub of a tail since that day4 ,the people then fell to discussing what could be done to atone in some way for this insult to ,hawk4 ,a number of men immediately went out into the woods and dressed themselves as the devil-dancers now do1 returning to the village to personate the spirits of the departed4 ,from this mythical source has descended the present-day ghost or devil ceremony4 ,the ceremony was directly under the supervision of the chief gks doctor1 and it was he who safeguarded the ghost-dance paraphernalia during the long interval between ceremonies4 ,the ghost-dancers and the ash-devils were actually assisted in dressing by the gks doctors4 ,the dress of the ghost-dancer proper was quite elaborate4 ,each ghost-dancer repaired to some secluded place in the woods or brush1 preferably back in the hills about the village1 where he dressed4 ,this going into seclusion to dress is called tsmakabek in the ,eastern ,pomo dialect4 ,he first rubbed his body with chewed angelica root1 at the same time making a prayer for long life1 good health1 and prosperity for himself1 his fellow dancers1 and the people of the village4 ,he also made a prayer to a certain supernatural being#aa to lend him a striped skin4 ,he next painted his body with white1 red1 and black paints4 ,a man might paint his body entirely one color4 ,the upper half of the body might be of one color1 while the lower half was of another4 ,the same difference in color might obtain between the right and the left sides1 and bands and stripes might also be freely used4 ,before finally finishing the painting of the face and arms1 however1 the remainder of the attire was put on4 ,this included1 for the head1 7#a7 a head-net with which to confine the hair2 7#b7 a down-filled head-net2 7#c7 a feather tuft on top of the head2 7#d7 a yellow-hammer quill forehead-band fastened at the top of the forehead1 passing back through the parted feather-tuft and hanging down the back2 and 7#e7 a fillet of pepperwood leaves4 ,the remainder of the costume consisted of a short girdle of pepperwood branches worn about the waist and1 if desired1 a similar adornment about the neck4 ,the ash-devils1 or fire-eaters1 dressed more simply4 ,according to some informants1 they were entirely nude except for a coat of blue paint4 ,according to others1 their attire was somewhat more elaborate4 ,the face was painted red1 black1 or white1 two colors never being used together4 ,the legs were painted white1 then scratched with the fingernails so as to remove some of the paint and produce longitudinal stripes4 ,the hair was bound up with the usual head-net into which a single black feather was inserted1#ab or a feather tuft was attached to it4 ,as a screen or mask before the face1 the dancer also wore a fringe of green twigs further to disguise his identity4 ,otherwise he was completely naked4 ,when everything was in readiness in the village1 the head captain sent out a messenger to notify the dancers4 ,when the latter were ready to enter the village1 a small fire was built in the hills to give notice of the fact4 ,they made their first entry just about daybreak on the first day4 ,a crier1 who was always one of the captains or a fire-tender detailed to this duty1 took his position on the roof of the dance-house just below the smoke-hole1 where he gave the ghost call y 444 four times4 ,at once answering calls were heard from the ghost-dancers in their several locations1 for they had scattered to a number of different places1 each man by himself1 or in groups of not more than two or three individuals4 ,the ghost response was a loud wa wai1 repeated four times4 ,if the ghost-dancers were sufficiently close together1 this was given by their leader only4 ,the crier continued his calling until one or more of the dancers appeared on the outskirts of the village4 ,they came running in1#ac each carrying in his hands two bunches of grass or twigs a foot or so in length1#ad behind which he at times pretended to hide4 ,each suddenly stopped as he came in sight of the dance-house and stood for a moment with outstretched arms4 ,thereupon the crier shouted1 1 1 1 1 after which he delivered an invocation to the ghost-dancers1 asking them to come running into the village bringing health and happiness to the people4 ,this invocation was as follows3 nap ptsal gwal village healthy run to mayawala kale ptsal gwal girls healthy run to xxalik ptsal gwal chiefs healthy run to daxalik ptsal gwal chieftainesses healthy run to kawik ptsal gwal children healthy run to ,then1 according to one informant1 all the people who were assembled in the dance-house shouted1 while the drummer beat rapidly for a minute or two4 ,the head singers took their cocoon rattles and intoned a song as they marched outside to meet the dancers4 ,after singing outside for a short time1 they re-entered the dance-house4 ,the dancers then came running in1 making a loud noise produced by a voiced expulsion of breath through the relaxed but closed lips1 b 444 and ran to a point about one hundred yards directly in front of the dance-house door 7see fig4 #a74 ,while the dancers were running into the village1 the singers sang the following song3 yhya1 yhya1 yhya1 yhya1 yhya1 yhya1 yhkl kl1 yhkl kl4 7,repeat indefinitely47 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #a ,fig4 #b ,fig4 #a--,paths of the ghost-dancers as they enter the village1 and their ceremonial course before the dance-house4 ,fig4 #b--,positions taken and course traveled by ghost-dancers in approaching dance-house4 ,meantime the crier and the dancers continued their respective cries4 ,the head ghost-dancer always dressed at a place north 7i4e41 in the rear7 of the dance-house1 so that in entering the village he ran past the dance-house to take up his position4 ,here he bowed very low1 and quickly dropped his arms with the bunches of grass above mentioned1 at the same time crying w4444 ,he then trotted perhaps twenty feet in one direction1 where he repeated this motion and cry1 and then to a point an equal distance in the opposite direction from his central position1 repeating the same motion and cry there4 ,this he did four times1 finally stopping in the middle of the forty-foot line thus blocked out1 and directly in front of the dance-house door4 ,the next dancer to enter the village might come from any direction4 ,he ran toward the head dancer and crossed1 if possible1 in front of him1 though if necessary he passed behind him4 ,in this case the head dancer turned around so as to face the runner4 ,the newcomer began to pass back and forth along the line1 making the motions and cries as above described4 ,he then took up his position at one side or the other of the chief dancer4 ,these dancers were at liberty to laugh1 talk1 and play at will4 ,frequently they performed various comical antics1 such as pretending to be stung by wasps1 and doctoring one another4 ,the crier continued his calls until finally the leader of the dancers walked along a zigzag path to a position about one-quarter of the distance between the line of dancers and the dance-house 7see fig4 #b74 ,here he halted and cried wu 444 after which the crier at the dance-house called all the initiated men of the village to assemble4 ,there was a fixed restriction against the presence of the uninitiated in this assembly4 ,one informant maintained that the ceremony1 as held in his locality 7the coast of the ,central ,pomo area71 required that four posts be set up1 each at a distance of several yards from the dance-house1 as is shown in figures #a and #b1 the imaginary lines from post to post forming an inclosure for the dance-house and its immediate vicinity1 within which none but the initiated dared venture4 ,the singers and others officially concerned with the dance came from within the dance-house and formed two lines1 one on each side of the outer door of the tunnel1 as indicated by the small crosses in figure #b4 ,as the crier gave his call1 the initiates answered with a cry of ye 444 after which they formed these two lines between which the ghost-dancers must pass to enter the dance-house4 ,at the outer ends of these lines were two masters of ceremonies who directed the ceremony from this point on to its close4 ,they first chased each of the dancers#ae as he came to enter the house1 returning each time to the heads of the two lines1 there to await the arrival of the next dancer4 ,these masters of ceremonies were called xahlgak kldaiya 7,e7 or masan kldaiya 7,e71 and were entirely nude except for a head-net and a feather tuft on their heads4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #c--;,course of each ghost-dancer entering dance-house4 ,the chief ghost-dancer entered the house backwards and started towards the drum1 passing1 however1 on the west or wrong side of the fire4 ,before he had gone very far1 he stopped and groped around with one foot1 as if to find his way1 and finally inquired which way he should go4 ,ghost-dancers used the same words in speaking that ordinary people did1 except that they inverted their statements and reversed the meanings of words4 ,in this case the spectators replied1 ,you must go on the west side1#af meaning1 of course1 that the dancer was expected actually to go down the east side of the dance-house4 ,he then reversed his direction1 as is shown in figure #c1 and circled four times about the fire1 finally passing to a position in front of the center pole4 ,the spectators meanwhile constantly called out to each dancer to pass down the east side of the house4 ,when the dancer entered through the tunnel1 the spectators all cried1 ye-ye4 ,he at first advanced very slowly backwards until he reached the point at which he inquired his way4 ,as soon as he received this direction he sprang up and ran the prescribed four times around the fire and finally reached the foot of the center pole1 making meanwhile the same b 444 noise which he had made upon entering the village4 ,he here awaited the arrival of the other dancers1 who went through the same succession of movements4 ,the chief ghost-dancer1 upon arriving in front of the center pole1 said1 mamle 7,e71 to which the spectators replied1 heh4444 ,then he made a short speech in a more or less archaic language4 ,its purport was3 ,i do not come to do any one harm1 but rather to take all sickness away and to make everybody strong4 habadtkya gahn kd ptsalwal gakba - - good - - gakalik gaba dakalik gaba1 kalnne chiefs - chieftainesses rich people gaba bkal sma bexba gahn cama hwala - - - - - - - ,he next marked off1 according to one informant1 two or three places on the east side of the floor1 saying that he and his followers would dance there4 ,this was contrary to the usual procedure in dances1 for the regular dancing area in front of the center pole was always used4 ,as a matter of fact1 the ghost dance itself was actually performed in the usual area also1 but this indicating of another area1 and this announcement1 are only other evidences that the spirits must always do things differently from mortals4 ,in fact1 the whole dress and conduct of these dancers1 their reversal of terms of direction1 their groping their way1 etc41 typify the conduct of the spirits of the departed1 who find everything strange when they return to the realm of mortals4 ,throughout the entire ceremony1 and especially during the time that the ghost-dancers were entering1 the spectators were obliged to use great care not to obstruct their passage in any way1 or otherwise to interfere with them1 else they were likely to be very roughly handled by the dancers4 ,as the last ghost-dancer entered the tunnel leading into the dance-house1 the men in the two lines outside cried yh four times1 after which they entered and took up their positions4 ,the above described entry of the dancers was according to the regular procedure4 ,however1 these dancers1 especially the ash-devils1 were privileged to perform many comical antics1 and it not infrequently happened that one or more of them would run up on to the roof of the dance-house and dive through the smoke-hole4 ,in fact1 this was one of the usual modes of deception practiced in this ceremony4 ,a special net1 ckol tabi kle hai 7,n71 was stretched about two feet below the smoke-hole to catch the dancer4 ,a special post was set in the ground beside this net for the dancer to slide down4 ,he would then go through the usual series of movements1 running four times around the fire4 ,after this he usually took up a position at one of the posts near the door1 there to levy tribute upon the spectators4 ,this tribute might be in the form of firewood1 tobacco1 or other commodities4 ,the music for this ceremony was provided by a drummer1 two chief singers1 and a number of burden-singers4 ,the ghost-dancers sometimes sang a kind of burden of their own while dancing4 ,this was simply h1 h1 h1 h1 etc41 in a very high key4 ,the chief singers were provided with cocoon rattles4 ,these and the drum were the only instruments used4 ,the dancers carried no whistles1 although these were ordinarily used by performers in other dances4 ,the burden-singers also used no split-stick rattles1 but clapped their hands instead in time to their singing4 ,after the performers had in this way entered the dance-house1 the chief ghost-dancer called to the singers to start4 ,the drummer then jumped upon the drum1 crying htsaiyah 7,e74#ag ,with the first cry of the drummer1 the chief singers sounded their rattles4 ,after an interval of perhaps a minute1 the drummer repeated his jump and call4 ,the song started and the dance began4 ,the song as given by one of the informants is as follows3 yhya yhya1 yhya yhya1 kl kl kl 4444 kl kl kl 4444 htsaiya htsaiya h 4444 7,repeat indefinitely47 ,the two masters of ceremonies took up their respective positions at ,a and ,c 7fig4 #c7 and danced back and forth along the lines ,,ab and ,,cd4 ,in starting the movement1 they stood with hands outstretched and bent their bodies sidewise toward the drum as they shouted htsaiyah4 ,they then ran rapidly sidewise to the opposite ends of their respective courses1 where they repeated the same bending1 this time in the opposite direction4 ,when they had gone back and forth over these courses and had returned to their original positions for the fourth time1 they again shouted as at first4 ,this particular set of the dance was repeated four times1 thus completing this part4 ,after any such part had ended1 it occasionally happened that one dancer would continue his steps just as though the music were in full swing4 ,ultimately one of his fellow-dancers would strike him lightly to call his attention to the fact that the dance was over1 and he also would stop4 ,four such parts completed the first division of the dance4 ,after this the masters of ceremonies advanced toward the ghost-dancers1 motioning them back toward the center pole with the palms of their hands turned outward and held in front of them1 while they said hahy1 hahy 7repeated indefinitely74 ,the singers1 masters of ceremonies1 and the drummer then seated themselves or stood a short distance away from the drum1 and the ghost-dancers proceeded with their ceremonial disrobing4 ,the chief ghost-dancer proceeded from the foot of the center pole by a path1 as is indicated in figure #d1 leading around the center pole and fire and back to the east side of the drum1 which the ghost-dancers term cna bilat 7,e71 literally canoe worn out4 ,upon his arrival at the drum the chief ghost-dancer made a speech in which he said that he and his fellows had come from the hollow stems of the grass1 crawling like snakes1 to visit the people4 katsa mtlai waha badtki 7,e7 grass hollow travel like a snake ,he told them that he had come for their good and with no evil motives1 that he had come to bring them good health and happiness1 not sickness and misfortune4 ,with a cry of m 444 he then jumped across the drum to its west side4 ,the spectators cried mbax bwwa 7,e71 literally go on your west side1 indicating the west side of the drum1 according to the ghost-dancers' inverted method of speech4 ,in compliance with this instruction1 the chief ghost-dancer jumped across the drum1 after which he sometimes felt around with his foot as if in search of something4 ,thus he jumped back and forth four times across the drum4 ,he had really been in search of the drum all the time and had feigned his inability to find it4 ,he finally1 however1 jumped upon it and stamped rapidly for a minute or so to indicate his satisfaction4 ,throughout this whole performance the singers and others near the drum continually cried h 444 h 444 etc4 ,while standing on the drum1 the chief ghost-dancer faced toward the wall1 thus bringing his back toward the fire4 ,frequently he made some comic observation to those near by1#ah and from time to time turned his head toward the right so as almost to face the fire1 the while he made the peculiar noise1 b 444 characteristic of this dance4 ,meanwhile he turned his head slowly1 first to the right and then to the left1 until he had done this four times in each direction4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #d--;,ghost-dancer's course in disrobing4 ,he next took the brush or grass1 which he had throughout the ceremony been carrying in his hands1 first in his left hand and passed it downward over the right side of his body until he had passed it down and up four times4 ,he then took it in his right hand and passed it in the same manner over his left side4 ,he next took part of it again in each hand and passed both hands back and forth sidewise over his legs while standing in a bent posture1 until he had done this also four times4 ,the brush or grass was then placed upon the ground4 ,he next took off the girdle of twigs about his waist and dropped it to the ground1 usually without ceremony1 though if he chose he might pass this through the same series of motions as the twigs carried in his hand4 ,he next took off his entire head-gear at once4 ,this he held in his left hand and passed from his right shoulder up over his head four times1 repeating the same motions with the right hand on the left side4 ,he then placed this with the other paraphernalia on the ground4 ,he next left the drum and went directly back to the foot of the center pole1 where he rejoined the rest of the ghost-dancers4 ,the remaining dancers went1 one by one1 or in small groups1 and performed exactly the same ceremony as that just described4 ,when all had disrobed1 each took his costume and retired to the woods or brush1 redressed himself1 endeavoring to change his painting to one as different as possible from that which he wore before4 ,later the same performance was repeated3 the calling by the crier1 entry of the dancers1 series of dances1 and ceremonial disrobing4 ,on the first day this entire series of dances was repeated four times in all--at about #e a4m41 #aj a4m41 #b p4m41 and #e p4m41 respectively4 ,after the ceremonial disrobing at the end of the fourth series1 the ghost-dancers left their suits in the dance-house and repaired to the river or lake to swim1 after which they returned to the dance-house4 ,during the other three days of the ceremony they might appear any desired number of times during the day4 ,the dancers were forbidden to eat or drink on any particular day as long as the dance continued1 but as soon as they had gone down to swim this restriction was removed4 ,as a rule1 fire-eating and fire-handling were only incidental to the ghost dance proper4 ,however1 if occasion arose1 the ghost-dancers themselves might handle fire1 though they could not eat it4 ,this privilege was especially reserved to the ash-devils1 n' xahlgak 7,e74 ,in case something was done to offend the ghost-dancers1 such as an inadequate provision of wood or some inattention on the part of the officials1 they might attempt to show their displeasure by throwing fire about the dance-house4 ,it then became the duty of the two fire-tenders to hold sticks of wood across the fire4 ,this operated as a taboo to the ghost-dancers1 who were prevented from touching the fire4 ,if there were any of the ash-devils present1 even though not regularly participating in this particular ceremony1 they at once brought their special bird-shaped staffs1 which served as their badges of authority1#ai and gave them absolute control over the entire assemblage1 including even the head captain4 ,this caused the fire-tenders to remove their restriction1 and the ghost-dancers were then privileged to do as they wished as long as they were under the patronage of the ash-devils4 ,while serving1 during the regular ghost dance1 as messengers1 sergeants-at-arms1 and collectors of fines1 the ash-devils were called katsatala 7,e71 and were the special clowns who performed all manner of antics in their endeavors to provoke an outward expression of mirth from some unfortunate spectator4 ,should he so forget himself as to laugh or even smile at the antics1 one of these katsatala ran at him with his wand and levied tribute in the form of a payment of beads or some other commodity1 or imposed a penalty requiring the offender to bring wood or water for the dancers4 ,furthermore1 if some one of the dancers should see a spectator in possession of something desirable1 he sent one of these katsatala with his wand to this spectator to demand the desired article4 ,the spectator must then bring it to the foot of the center pole and deposit it for the dancers4 ,in order to provoke the spectators to mirth1 these katsatala did many odd things and made themselves as grotesque as possible4 ,for instance1 one of them would prop his eyelids open with small wooden pegs 7an action called batak 7,e771 or he would hold his mouth open and stretch it out of shape 7an action called katsda batak 7,e771 or he would fill his cheeks very full and puff them out with grass 7called kawets kale 7,e774 ,these ash-devils never actually danced in the ghost dance proper1 but accompanied the regular ghost-dancers when they appeared4 ,the intervals between dances were filled and greatly enlivened by their antics1 and it was during these intervals that they made good their name by rolling in the ashes of the fire1 and by sometimes throwing live coals about1 and eating them4 ,from time to time during the rests1 or ceremonial pauses1 one of these katsatala would seize a cocoon rattle1 run four times about the fire and center pole1 and throw the rattle at the chief singer1 calling upon him for a song4 ,this must be at once forthcoming1 and the ghost dance itself was then resumed4 ,if some one in the audience wished to have the singing and dancing resumed1 he threw a cocoon rattle at one of the fire-tenders1 who passed it to one of the katsatala1 who then ran about the fire and presented it to the chief singer as just described4 ,songs were sometimes sung independently and unaccompanied by dancing4 ,this was especially the case in what may be termed singing contests4 ,upon receiving the rattle1 a singer was obliged at once to sing some song4 ,he then passed the rattle to another singer1 who did likewise4 ,thus each of the renowned singers was given an opportunity to prove his merit4 ,each man's song was accompanied by a parade of the performers1 which carried the party1 including the singer1 four times around the dancing area4 ,,fire ,,eating ,fire-eating was restricted1 as above stated1 to the ash-devils1 and1 while sometimes practiced during intermissions in the regular ghost dance1 it was usually held as a separate ceremony in the evening and was preceded by a short dance4 ,the dress of the ash-devils consisted of a coat of paint and a very simple headdress4#bj ,in addition1 however1 they carried special ceremonial staffs called ta blat 7,e71 kasasaa 7,e71 and kasa,isala 7,e74 ,to one end of this ceremonial staff was fixed the head of a crane4 ,grass was used to stuff the neck part1 bits of abalone 7,haliotis7 shell made the eyes1 and bluejay feathers were made into a topknot4 ,it was permissible to use wands of slightly different forms1 but all were crooked in some way1 and the crane-headed staff was the recognized variety4 ,when this special ceremony commenced1 the ash-devils became supreme and took precedence over everybody4 ,a guard was posted at the foot of the side post to the east of the door1 and no one was permitted to leave the dance-house after the ceremony had begun except upon payment of a certain sum of what was termed upon this occasion bead money 7catane 7,e774 ,as a matter of fact1 two or three stems of rush1 from four to six feet in length1 were bound together and were given to the guard as payment4 ,he took this money and hung it on the wall near the drum1 after having danced a few quick steps upon the drum with it in his hands4 ,these rushes were legal tender during this ceremony2 and if the dancers asked a favor of any one else in the dance-house they paid him for the service in this same legal tender4 ,their authority was especially shown by their use of the crane-head wands1 which no one else was permitted to touch4 ,they could be handled only after a long fast involving complete abstinence from water and from meat or grease in any form4 ,as soon as the ash-devils entered the dance-house absolute silence fell upon all4 ,except the ash-devils1 no one1 not excepting the head captain1 was permitted to speak during the ceremony4 ,the rule was that the ash-devils themselves must consult one another in low tones4 ,immediately upon entering the dance-house the main group of ash-devils took up a position at the foot of the center pole and1 in case some one of the spectators did not almost immediately start a song for their dance1 they might jump into the fire and begin to throw brands and live coals about among the spectators4 ,this drastic action quickly called forth a protest1 and some one volunteered to sing4 ,the actual dancing lasted for perhaps half an hour1 after which the ash-devils sat down and began to eat fire1 jump into it1 and perform other miraculous feats with it4 ,they1 to all appearances1 actually picked up live coals1 which they called b 7,e71 and devoured them1 preferring the coals of manzanita wood1 as these were the strongest and hottest4 ,this term b is translated by the ,pomo as potatoes1 a term applied to the many species of bulbs and corms formerly an important part of their food supply4 ,the word for coals is masik 7,e74 ,during the progress of the dancing a fire-tender had been preparing the fire for the special benefit of the ash-devils1 and had selected a considerable quantity of live coals1 which he had piled at one side of the main fire4 ,suddenly one of the fire-dancers put his hand into these coals and scattered them out over the dancing floor4 ,then he pretended to be burned and danced about as if in pain4 ,finally1 however1 he struck the center pole with his hand and evinced great satisfaction1 for to him the center pole was as cold water4 ,during this fire-eating ceremony many other feats were performed1 such as catching with the mouth a live coal which had been thrown into the air1 then running back to the drum and dancing upon it4 ,the dancer usually turned toward the audience1 opened his mouth1 and exhaled his breath in such a way as to cause the coal to glow between his teeth or farther back in his mouth4 ,such comical antics would in ordinary life provoke an outburst of merriment1 but the rules of the ceremony absolutely forbade a sound of any kind1 mirthful or otherwise1 from the audience1 and if the rule were violated a fine was exacted4 ,during this ceremony1 and apparently as an initiation of novices1 little boys were thrown by the ash-devils back and forth a number of times through the blaze of a large fire4 ,finally1 after about half an hour of this eating and handling of fire1 the ash-devils formed at the drum and danced over a course such as that shown in figure #e4 ,this was repeated four times1 and as each dancer stepped upon the drum he danced a few short1 quick steps1 as did the regular drummer in producing music for an ordinary dance4 ,upon completing this cycle of four1 the dancers reversed their direction and traveled over the same course four times4 ,they next passed over the course represented in figure #f1 stopping at the four points marked ,i1 where each dancer waved his wand1 which he held with both hands1 above and in front of his head in such a manner as to describe with it a semicircle1 while the spectators cried hee4444 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #e ,fig4 #f ,fig4 #e--;,course in first part of final fire dance4 ,fig4 #f--;,course in second part of final fire dance4 ,the dancers then returned to the drum1 removed their head-dresses and nets1 and danced back and forth four times along the line indicated in figure #g4 ,at the end of each journey along this line1 the dancers blew their breath forcibly through their lips and waved their hands from their mouths4 ,at the end of this cycle they sat down and became ordinary persons#ba once more4 ,the spectators were then permitted to do as they wished4 ,they could resume their normal ways1 including smoking1 which had been prohibited because the fire and everything pertaining to it belonged exclusively to the fire-dancers during this ceremony4 ,,the ,,purification ,,rite ,during the first three days and nights of the ghost ceremony1 either the ghost dance itself or some other dance associated with it might be held4 ,on the fourth night it was necessary that the entire night be spent in dancing1 and near dawn there occurred a purification rite accompanied by special songs4 ,every ceremonial object about the dance-house1 whether it had been used during the preceding days or not1 had to undergo this purification1 and in case the owner of such a ceremonial object was not present1 some near relative performed the ceremony with it4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #g--;,course in third part of final fire dance4 ,just before sunrise each dancer1 holding up his personal ceremonial paraphernalia in his right hand1 danced back and forth in time to the songs4 ,he danced four times looking toward each of the six cardinal directions in the following order3 east1 north1 west1 south1 up1 down4 ,all the ceremonial objects were then hung up in the dance-house and later stored away secretly by the chief ,gks doctor4 ,the ceremony ended during the following forenoon with a grand feast1 which differed materially from other feasts held at times during the ceremony1 in that each separate class of individuals dined by itself in the order of rank--captains1 fire-tenders1 singers1 drummers1 masters of ceremonies1 ash-devils1 ghost-dancers1 and spectators4 ,the food served to each class was1 however1 of the same kind and quality4 ,certain restrictions were imposed upon the dancers after the ceremony was over4 ,the regular ghost-dancers were not allowed to eat meat for eight days4 ,those who wore the chaplet of twigs upon the head were obliged to abstain from meat for four days4 ,the ,gks doctor who assisted a dancer in dressing might ask him for some article1 such as a powerful poison4 ,this had to be given the ,gks and1 in that case1 the dancer was forced to abstain from meat for eight days4 ,a dancer who wore certain kinds of feather ornaments abstained from meat for a month4 ,the chief ,gks doctor1 who knew all about the ghost dance and who was called ymta bate 7,e71 was compelled to abstain from meat for several months4 ,it was his duty to care for the ceremonial paraphernalia between dances4 ,this had to be carefully hidden away in some lonely spot where no one could find it except this chief ,gks doctor and his two or three assistants4 ,whenever any one of these individuals ate meat or fish for the first time after this period of restriction had expired he was enjoined to say a short prayer over it4 ,,summary ,,of ,,the ,,principal ,,features ,,of ,,the ,,ghost ,,ceremony ,the following are the most characteristic features of the ghost or devil ceremony3 #a4 ,the ceremony is supposed to have had its origin in mythical times and to have been instituted as an atonement for an offense against the dead4 #b4 ,it lasted four days1 ending with an all-night dance1 and1 on the morning of the fifth day1 a purification rite followed by a feast in which each class of individuals dined by itself4 #c4 ,the participants were several ghost-or devil-dancers personating the spirits of the departed and accompanied frequently1 though not always1 by one or more ash-devils or ash-ghosts1 who filled the double office of clown and sergeant-at-arms1 and who usually performed their special fire dance and fire-eating ceremony4 #d4 ,the officials particularly concerned with the ceremony were two head singers1 an indefinite number of burden-singers1 a drummer1 two fire-tenders1 and two masters of ceremonies4 ,the village captains retained their full authority in this ceremony except when the ash-devils were performing4 #e4 ,the audience consisted of initiated men only1 and silence was the rule4 ,any exhibition of mirth was absolutely prohibited under penalty4 #f4 ,the attire of the ghost-dancer consisted of several pieces of headgear1 supplemented in some cases by a chaplet of leaves1 a girdle1 and sometimes a neck-ring of leaves4 ,the body was otherwise nude except for very elaborate painting in black1 white1 and red4 ,the dancers dressed secretly in the woods and came to the village carrying bunches of grass or twigs in their hands1 behind which they at times pretended to hide4 #g4 ,the ash-devils wore only a simple head-dress and a coat of paint4 #h4 ,the special crane-head shaped wand of the ash-devil gave him absolute authority4 #i4 ,the dancers entered the village at the call of a crier stationed on top of the dance-house1 performed an elaborate ceremony in front of the dance-house1 and finally entered it backwards1 groping their way1 using an inverted style of speech1 and in every other manner showing that the spirits of the departed were unaccustomed to the ways of mortals4 #aj4 ,the dancing was elaborate and was characterized by the occurrence of movements in cycles of four1 followed by an elaborate ceremonial disrobing at the drum1 and then by swimming4 #aa4 ,during the fire dance the ash-devils initiated novices4 #ab4 ,the dancers were subject to certain restrictions for varying periods of time following the ceremony4 ,,footnotes3 #g ,contr4 ,n4,a4 ,ethn41 ,,iii1 #aeh-afj1 #ahgg4 #h ,loc4 cit4 #i ,op4 cit41 pp4 #aic-aid4 #aj ,see below1 p4 #dad4 #aa ,the exact identity of this supernatural being could not be determined from informants4 #ab ,according to one informant1 two feathers instead of one were worn by these dancers4 ,these were placed so that they projected laterally from the forehead4 #ac ,one informant stated that each dancer was ablaze on his back1 head1 and arms1 and that smoke issued from his mouth4 ,this accords with ,power's statements1 quoted above4 #ad ,according to one informant1 some of these dancers carried stones1 long sticks1 or even snakes with which to frighten the spectators4 ,note also ,power's reference to the use of the rattlesnake in the ghost dance1 quoted above4 #ae ,two or three dancers sometimes came together4 #af ,mibax bl maldai 7,e74 #ag ,this expression was said by informants to be untranslatable1 simply an expression used to start the song4 ,this jumping upon the drum and calling by the drummer were called tehesba 7,e74 #ah ,compare below1 p4 #dai4 #ai ,see below1 p4 #dah4 #bj ,see below1 p4 #dbj4 #ba ,according to the above information1 which was obtained from an ,eastern ,pomo informant1 the fire-dancers evidently did not make an attempt to hide their identity4 ,however1 a ,central ,pomo informant was very specific in his statements that the dancers of his locality were more particular in this respect1 and instead of remaining in the dance-house after the ceremony they ran out and returned to their respective places of seclusion1 there to dress in daily attire and return to the village4 ,,the ,,guksu ,,ceremony ,gks or kks1 as he is called in the different ,pomo dialects1 was a supernatural being living at the end of the world toward the south1 one of six supernatural beings living at the ends of the world in the six cardinal directions4 ,the term is also applied to a large mosquito-like insect1 called locally gallinipper4 ,toward the east lived ,calnis1 the only one of these deities who was associated especially with ,gks in the ceremonies of the ,pomo4 ,toward the north lived ,spadax 7whirlwind74 ,toward the west lived ,xa-matts 7water-occupation74 ,the connection is here very readily seen when we know that the territory of the ,pomo reached to the ,pacific ,ocean1 and that this great body of water formed an important element in certain phases of their mythology4 ,it was only toward the west that the world was supposed by the ,pomo to be bounded by water4 ,above lived ,kal-matts 7sky-occupation74 ,below lived ,kai-matts 7earth-occupation74 ,some of these terms really referred to groups of several deities each4 ,the deities of all six quarters were particularly concerned with medicine practices4 ,healing was1 however1 especially the province of the ,gkss1 and the ,pomo medicine-men1 or doctors1 made their prayers particularly to them1 although all the remaining deities of the cardinal points were invoked4 ,nothing very definite seems to be known concerning the places of abode or manners of living of most of these deities4 ,each was supposed to dwell1 at his own end of the world1 in a sweat-house or dance-house of one kind or another4 ,each was also supposed to be distinctly malevolent at times and to be a man-killer unless properly placated4 ,under the proper circumstances they were regarded as benevolent1 as was indicated by the prayers of the medicine-men invoking the aid of these deities in curing the sick4 ,concerning the personal appearance of ,gks and ,calnis1 more was known than of the others4 ,gks himself was said to be of about normal human size and his most characteristic feature was a very long1 large1 sharp1 red nose4 ,he was usually very good natured4 ,calnis1 on the other hand1 while resembling ,gks in most respects except that of the abnormal nose1 was at all times a testy individual1 and in the ,gks ceremony his impersonator pursued people and tripped them up4 ,gks was impersonated by a number of dancers1 while only a single one represented ,calnis4 ,those personating ,gks were dressed as follows3 ,they painted their entire bodies black1 according to some informants2 according to others1 with horizontal red1 white1 and black stripes4 ,the feet were painted black and the under side of the chin and the sides of the face were painted white4 ,on their heads they wore either a big-head headdress 7a very bulky type of feather bonnet7 or a large feather tuft on top of the head1 and a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band4 ,the large nose of ,gks was represented by one made of feathers and of such a size as completely to cover the nose and mouth of the dancer4 ,when painted red1 this was said to represent very well this characteristic of the deity as he existed in the imagination of the ,indians4 ,the connection with the proboscis of the gallinipper is especially apt4 ,each ,gks-dancer carried a cakik 7,e71 or staff1 about two inches in diameter and from six to eight feet in length1 on the top of which was a feather tuft4 ,the ,gks-dancer1 being supposedly a supernatural being1 never spoke4 ,the only sound made by him throughout this ceremony was produced by his whistle4 ,the ,calnis-dancer was painted entirely black and carried a black staff very much like that of the ,gks1 except that it was somewhat shorter and bore no feathers4 ,on his head he wore an ordinary feather cape so drawn together that it formed an immense feather topknot which normally fell in all directions over his head4 ,this was held in place by means of skewers passing through a headnet4 ,another point in which these two dancers differed was that while the ,gks-dancer was provided with a double bone whistle the ,calnis-dancer had none4 ,the ,gks ceremony itself1 called gks xaikilga 7,e71 gaxagaxa xaixilga 7,e71 kks haitcila 7,c71 and djakadjaka 7,n71 lasted for six days1 during the first and the last two of which there was celebrated the special ceremony called gaxagaxa 7,e71 in which the children of the village were scarified4 ,,the ,,scarifying ,,ceremony ,two or three days before the time appointed for the scarifying ceremony the men of the village went into the woods and cut a pole1 perhaps from thirty to forty feet in length1 which they trimmed and peeled preparatory to its erection4 ,a hole a foot or two deep and large enough to receive the pole was dug directly in front of1 and a short distance from1 the dance-house4 ,on the morning of the first ceremonial day a considerable number of men went out from the village dressed in a special ceremonial attire4 ,this consisted of a body-painting either of black stripes or spots 7no particular number being prescribed71 and of a head decoration composed of a headnet1 a down headnet1 two trembler plumes1 a yellow-hammer1 feather forehead-band1 and a small feather tuft4 ,they brought in the pole to the area directly in front of the dance-house1 and here the following ceremony was performed3 ,to the upper end of the pole a streamer was attached4 ,the fastest runner among the participants took the end of this streamer1 and the other men1 arranged usually in the order of their ability as runners1 grasped the pole at different points down to its butt4 ,behind this line certain women who participated formed a second line4 ,the pole was then carried1 at the top speed of the runners1 four times around in a contra-clockwise direction1 the pivotal point being the hole in which the pole was to rest1 and over which its base was held4 ,as they ran the runners swayed the pole up and down1 and the women threw upon the men handfuls of a small1 parched1 black seed called ghe 7,e74 ,upon the completion of the fourth round some one of the runners shouted loudly ha 444 444 and at this signal all lifted the pole vertically into place in the hole4 ,the call was repeated as the pole was about half way up4 ,when in place1 the pole was fixed by tramping earth and stones about it4 ,within a few minutes after the erection of the pole the ,gks-dancers appeared and stopped about two or three hundred yards away from the dance-house4 ,some of the men had been attempting to climb the pole1 both men and women meanwhile throwing at them balls1 galal 7,e71 of uncooked meal made of a certain grass seed4 ,as the ,gks-dancers appeared in the distance the climbing ceased1 and the children who were to be initiated were collected about the base of the pole4 ,boys who were to be thus initiated were called ymta 7,e71 while girls were called masanta 7,e74 ,they ranged in age from perhaps five to ten years4 ,the dancers proceeded to the foot of the pole1 took the children in hand1 and performed the following ceremony1 the object of which was to secure for the children good health and to make them grow rapidly4 ,the children were first made to lie down upon the ground and were covered with blankets4 ,then1 under the supervision of the dancers1 each child had two cuts made with a broken shell across the small of its back and about an inch apart4 ,the cutting was done by the gaxa xale 7,e71 an old man selected for the purpose by the people of the village on account of his long life1 good health1 and particularly his good heartedness4 ,this was one of the most important phases of the initiation1 and upon it depended the effect upon the life of the child4 ,the children were in each case covered completely with the blanket and were not permitted1 under any consideration1 to look up during this part of the ceremony4 ,they might make any outcry they pleased1 but if they attempted to look up from the ground they were threatened and even beaten with the staffs of the dancers4 ,the cutting was done quite deeply1 so that blood was always drawn4 ,the children were also prohibited from looking up into a tree from under its branches until after these scarifications had completely healed1 else the tree would bear no fruit4 ,the entire assemblage next entered the dance-house1 the dancers going directly to their positions in the rear without the preliminary ceremony of entry which was required in most other ceremonies4 ,the children were made to lie on the floor and were again covered with their blankets4 ,the dancers then performed for their benefit1 making a great deal of fun both of the children and of the scarification ceremony4 ,they danced thus for a short time1 then went on the west side of the fire1 where they turned their heads slowly to the left four times1 after which the people cried ya4444 ,the dancers then ran out and into the brush1 where they took off and left their dancing paraphernalia4 ,this ceremonial leaving of the dance-house was supposed to remove all illness from the village1 the dancers taking it with them as they went out4 ,the spirits which they represented supposedly returned at that time to their supernatural home at the south end of the world4 ,another feature of the initiation in the ,gks ceremony is described by a ,central ,pomo informant1 who says that young men were initiated by being ceremonially shot with the bow and arrow4 ,,stephen ,,powers ,,on ,,the ,,guksu ,,ceremony ,powers describes what he terms a spear dance among the ,gallinomero 7which evidently refers to this same ceremony71 as follows3#bb ,first they all unite1 men and squaws together1 in a pleasant dance1 accompanied by a chant1 while a chorister keeps time by beating on his hand with a split stick4 ,in addition to their finest deerskin chemises and strings of beads1 the squaws wear large puffs of yellowhammers' down over their eyes4 ,the men have mantles of buzzards'1 hawks'1 or eagles' tail-feathers1 reaching from the armpits down to the thighs1 and circular headdresses of the same material1 besides their usual breech-clouts of rawhide1 and are painted in front with terrific splendor4 ,they dance in two circles1 the squaws in the outside one2 the men leaping up and down as usual1 and the squaws simply swaying their bodies and waving their handkerchiefs in a lackadaisical manner4 ,occasionally an ,indian will shoot away through the interior of the circle and caper like a harlequin for a considerable space of time1 but he always returns to his place in front of his partner4 ,after this is over1 the coward or clown is provided with a long1 sharp stick1 and he and his prompter take their places in the ring ready for performances4 ,a woman as nearly nude as barbaric modesty will permit is placed in the center1 squatting on the ground4 ,then some ,indian intones a chant1 which he sings alone1 and the sport1 such as it is1 begins4 ,at the bidding of the prompter1 the coward makes a furious sally in one direction1 and with his spear stabs the empty air4 ,then he dashes back in the opposite direction and slashes into the air again4 ,next he runs some other way and stabs again4 ,now perhaps he makes a feint to pierce the woman4 ,thus the prompter keeps him chasing backward and forward1 spearing the thin air toward every point of the compass1 or making passes at the woman1 until nearly tired out1 and the patience of the ,american spectators is exhausted1 and they begin to think the whole affair will terminate in mere dumb show4 ,but finally1 at a word from the prompter1 the spearman makes a tremendous run at the woman and stabs her in the umbilicus4 ,she falls over on the ground1 quivering in every limb1 and the blood jets forth in a purple stream4 ,the ,indians all rush around her quickly and hustle her away to another place1 where they commence laying her out for the funeral pyre1 but huddle around her so thickly all the while that the ,americans cannot approach to see what is done4 ,thus they mystify matters and hold some powwow over her for a considerable space of time1 when she somehow mysteriously revives1 recovers her feet1 goes away to her wigwam1 encircled by a bevy of her companions1 dons her robe1 and appears in the circle as well as ever1 despite that terrible spear-thrust4 ,men who have witnessed this performance tell me the first time they saw it they would have taken their oaths that the woman was stabbed unto death1 so perfect was the illusion4 ,although this travesty of gladiatorial combat is intended merely for amusement1 yet all the ,indians1 these stoics of the woods1 gaze upon it with profound and passionless gravity4 ,if they laugh at all it is only after it is all over1 and at the mystification of the ,americans4 ,referring to another phase of the same dance1 as practiced in another division of the ,pomo1 ,powers says3 ,their fashion of the spear dance is different from the ,gallinomero4 ,the man who is to be slain stands behind a screen of hazel boughs with his face visible through an aperture2 and the spearman1 after the usual protracted dashing about and making of feints1 strikes him in the face through the hole in the screen4 ,he is then carried off1 revives1 etc4#bc ,the novices who were thus shot were called tcktck 7,c7 plural tcktckau1 and the person who did the shooting1 at the direction of the head captain1 was called yomta 7,c74 ,the informant did not state just where the shooting was performed and was not explicit as to its exact nature1 but it appears probable that it occurred in the dance-house4 ,these novices were forbidden to eat fresh manzanita berries and the flesh of the fawn1 the gray squirrel1 and the red-headed woodpecker4 ,after the shooting ceremony the novices were taken out into the area directly in front of the dance-house1 and here a ceremony of healing was performed over them by the one who shot them4 ,he told them that they would have long life and health1 and that a feast would be held for them in the course of a few days4 ,,completion ,,of ,,the ,,guksu ,,ceremony ,the ,gks-dancers appeared only once each day in this ,gks ceremony1 though various other dances might be held during the day1 and it was only upon the first morning that the ceremony about the pole and the scarification above described were held4 ,the ceremony lasted1 all told1 six days4 ,the ceremonies of the first day have just been described4 ,those of the following three days consisted of one appearance of the ,gkss each day1 accompanied by a simple dance4 ,on the morning of the fifth day1 however1 the children who underwent the scarification on the first day were again assembled and driven by the dancers as rapidly as possible about the village and out into the valley4 ,the children held one another's hands as they were driven1 making a continuous line4 ,when they had become quite fatigued1 they were made to lie down and the dancers covered them with branches4 ,they remained here throughout the day and were again driven about in the same manner just after sundown1 being again covered with branches1 under which they stayed until morning4 ,they were then brought in by the dancers and made to perform a short dance in a brush inclosure1 called male 7,e71 which was built just outside the dance-house for this special purpose4 ,after this1 an old man1 probably the same who performed the scarification1 sang over the children4 ,during this dance each child carried a small willow twig1 which he threw onto a pile at the end of the dance1 after which he was free to go his way1 and the entire ceremony was ended4 ,the fire-tender bore these twigs away and deposited them at some distance from the village4 ,a ,gks-dancer appeared at other ceremonies1 but only for the purpose of removing sickness from the village4 ,he was sometimes called in1 as were other dancers1 but often he appeared unannounced4 ,he1 however1 always notified at least one individual1 whose duty it was to assist him and direct his movements4 ,apparently this individual was not a particular official1 but might be any friend of the ,gks-dancer4 ,the ceremony was a very short one4 ,the ,gks ran rapidly in and passed in a contra-clockwise direction four times around the fire4 ,he then hurried to a position directly in front of the center pole and here ran swiftly back and forth four times over a short1 straight course4 ,he then ran around back of the center pole and stopped on its west side4 ,here he turned his head slowly to the left2 then ran a short distance toward the door1 stopping and repeating this motion1 making in all four such stops4 ,after this he ran swiftly out through the tunnel and back to the woods1 where he undressed and returned as an ordinary civilian to the village4 ,as he started to run out of the tunnel1 the people said1 ya 444 s 444 ptsal kam 7,e71 that is1 ya 444 s 444 healthy make us4 ,the prolonged s was simply a hissing expulsion of breath1 and as it was blown out in this fashion any disease which might possibly have found lodgment in the body of the individual was supposed to depart with it and to be taken by ,gks to his home in the south4 ,before dressing1 the ,gks-dancers always chewed up and rubbed upon their bodies the very sweet-scented seed of a certain species of conifer1 kawacap 7,e71 growing plentifully in the region of ,clear ,lake4 ,a ,gks-dancer was forbidden to eat meat or drink anything before the ceremony or before doctoring a patient1 as described below4 ,the ,gks-dancer might1 however1 eat vegetable foods and drink water after the ceremonial swim1 which always occurred directly after his dance4 ,he could not eat meat or greasy food of any kind for four days after a ceremony4 ,,treatment ,,of ,,disease ,in addition to their part in the scarifying ceremony just described1 the ,gks-dancers formed a class of medicine-men1 and were often called in to minister to the sick4 ,these doctors1 when curing the sick1 dressed themselves in the costume of the regular ,gks ceremony4 ,as in the ceremony also1 the ,gks doctor had to be ceremonially summoned1 and he came in from the woods impersonating the supernatural ,gks4 ,the latter was pictured1 to all intents and purposes1 as coming from his home in the south to perform the medicine rite and carry away with him the disease from the sick person4 ,a special call was used in this case as follows3 hy 444 hy 444 repeated four times4 ,the ,gks doctor never spoke and never sang over his patients1 but constantly blew a double bone whistle in a characteristic way1 a very short blast followed by a very long one4 ,upon reaching the patient1 who might be either in or out of doors1 he ran around him several times4 ,he then inserted the point of his staff under the neck of the patient and made motions four times as if prying upwards4 ,he next inserted the staff under the shoulder and repeated this prying motion four times4 ,he did the same at the hips1 and finally at the knees4 ,he next tapped and pressed down with his staff2 first upon the forehead1 then upon the chest1 then upon the belly1 and finally upon the knees of the patient4 ,after this he ran rapidly out of the village and into the hills1 where he stopped and turned his head toward the left four times4 ,he then disappeared and was supposed to have returned to his supernatural abode in the south1 carrying with him the ailment of the patient4 ,while the above was the typical procedure of one of these doctors in curing a patient1 he had great latitude1 and might1 at his own option1 omit altogether certain of the above mentioned movements or use others in their places4 ,for instance1 he might pry as above1 or he might press and pat the body of the patient4 ,on the other hand1 he might simply pass his staff down over the body of the patient a number of times1 usually four or some multiple of four1 or he might omit the use of the staff entirely and doctor with his whistle only1 in which case he bent over or knelt beside the patient and blew his whistle over the various parts of his body1 particularly those recognized by the patient as the seats of pain4 ,,footnotes3 #bb ,u4,s4 ,dept4 of ,interior1 ,contr4 ,n4,a4 ,ethn41 ,,iii1 #agi-ahj1 #ahgg4 #bc ,op4 cit41 p4 #aid4 ,,dances ,the dances either formed integral parts of the above ceremonies or1 as stated1 might be incidental and entirely unrelated to them4 ,the word for dance is xe in the ,eastern ,pomo dialect1 and ke in that of the ,central and ,northern ,pomo4 ,the following is a list of the ,pomo dances3 glak ke hh ke or hhwa ke ckin ke dtka ke yaya ke y ke matc ke lhye ke kalmatt ke or kalmatautau ke w ke gnla xe helehela ke dama ke djane ke karaiya ke sawet ke hw ke dam ke xoke xahlgak ke gks ke mata ke lole ke mommom ke toto ke tag ke badjca ke staiya ke ,in a large measure the various dances were very similar to one another so far as the steps were concerned4 ,the characteristic step of the men was a rhythmic stamping of the feet1 with the body held in a half-crouching posture4 ,sometimes this dancing was done in place1 that is1 without moving from one situation4 ,as a rule1 however1 the dancer moved over a definite course in each dance4 ,the movement was varied slightly in accordance with the songs4 ,some songs were very lively and the steps correspondingly rapid1 while others were much slower4 ,all were usually sung to the accompaniment of the large foot-drum1 and split-stick1 or cocoon rattle4 ,sometimes the dancers used single or double bone whistles4 ,the women usually danced in place1 twisting the body about and swaying slightly from side to side with little or no motion of the feet4 ,in some instances1 however1 they moved over a definite course as did the men4 ,the dance paraphernalia of the men consisted of the following articles3 #a4 ,the feather skirt4 #b4 ,the head-net1 blmak 7,e74 #c4 ,the down-filled head-net1 blmak 7,e74 #d4 ,the skewer1 called kan 7,n1 ,c1 ,e71 with which the feather headdresses1 tufts1 etc41 were pinned to the head-net4 #e4 ,the feather tuft1 biterk 7,e71 kaaitcil 7,c74 #f4 ,the big-head headdress4 #g4 ,the yellow-hammer feather forehead-band1 tslpa 7,n1 ,c1 ,e74 #h4 ,the trembler plume1 katas 7,n1 ,c1 ,e74 #i4 ,loose down1 te 7,e71 which was sometimes scattered about over the freshly painted skin4 #aj4 ,a fillet of pepperwood leaves1 bhep mart 7,e74 #aa4 ,a small green twig or a bunch of shredded tule1 used in certain dances4 ,any object of this kind carried in the hand while dancing was called katohle 7,e74 ,certain of these objects were prescribed for certain dances4 ,in addition1 various items of ordinary personal adornment were worn which do not specifically belong to dance paraphernalia--ear plugs1 pendants1 necklaces of beads1 etc4 ,the dance paraphernalia of the women was the same as that of the men1 though1 as a rule1 the men dressed much more elaborately than the women4 ,the latter had1 however1 one special type of forehead-band which they alone used4 ,this was a fur band or roll provided with a number of beaded1 yellow-hammer quill bangles4 ,an important part of the attire for any dance was the painting1 which varied greatly and was usually carefully prescribed for each dance4 ,the body1 or a large part of it1 might be covered with one solid color1 and longitudinal or horizontal stripes of various widths and also dots of various sizes might be used4 ,black paint1 masik 7,e7 7literally1 coals or charcoal71 was most easily obtainable and most freely used4 ,it consisted of ordinary charcoal from the fire4 ,if a large surface was to be painted1 the charcoal was pulverized in the palms of the hands and rubbed on4 ,if lines were desired1 this powder might be applied with the finger1 or a piece of charcoal might be used as a pencil4 ,also stripes were sometimes produced by scraping off part of the paint with the fingernails1 leaving the skin exposed along these lines4 ,in case a sticky surface was required1 as1 for instance1 when down was to be later applied1 the paint was mixed with saliva4 ,white paint1 walalac 7,e71 made from a whitish or very light blue earth1 was also considerably used4 ,it was applied as was the black paint4 ,red paint1 hmar 7,e71 was made by pulverizing cinnabar1 which was a rather rare mineral in the ,pomo region and was much prized and used very sparingly4 ,for purposes of presentation it is simplest to divide the dances into three classes3 7#a7 those danced by men and women together2 7#b7 those danced by men2 7#c7 those danced by women4 ,fairly full information was obtained about some of these dances1 while in other cases barely the names were remembered4 ,the following dances come under the first heading3 glak hoho ckin dtka yaya y matc lhye kalmatt w helehela gnla dama djane karaiya sawet ,,dances ,,in ,,which ,,men ,,and ,,women ,,participated ,glak4--,the ,glak dance differed from most other ,pomo dances in that it consisted of two performances3 one used for opening and closing proceedings2 the other1 or main dance1 coming in between4 ,the men painted with a single color 7black1 white1 or red7 all of the face below the eyebrows1 after which they scattered eagle-down upon it4 ,this gave the face a white1 fluffy appearance4 ,they painted the chest and shoulders black4 ,the legs were painted either all black or all white4 ,then longitudinal stripes were scratched through the paint with the fingernails4 ,the arms were painted with three bands1 each four fingers in width2 one about the middle of the upper arm1 one about the elbow1 and one about the middle of the forearm4 ,upon the top of the head each wore a feather tuft4 ,this was parted from front to rear1 and the yellowhammer-feather forehead-band1 which was attached to the hair so as to hang down to the eyebrows1 passed through the part in this and hung down the back to about the hips4 ,a feather skirt tied just under the arms1 and entirely covering the back1 completed the costume1 except for a few green twigs which were held in both hands directly in front of the face while the dance was actually in progress4 ,no whistle was used by these dancers4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #h--,position of dancers in glak ke4 ,the women painted the upper part of the body in the same way as the men and wore a feather tuft and the regular woman's forehead-band with bangles4 ,they wore no feather skirt1 but otherwise attired themselves as did the men4 ,the men were divided into two groups at ,a1 ,a 7fig4 #h7 on both sides of the rear of the dance-house1 the women dancers being likewise divided into two groups at ,f1 ,f on each side of the drum4 ,when all was ready for the dance1 the head singer started an air and sang alone for several minutes4 ,then1 at a given signal1 the burden-singers joined in with the chorus1 all accompanying their singing with split-stick rattles4 ,this was the signal for the beginning of the first or preliminary division of the dance4 ,the men went to a position about midway between the center pole and the drum1 where they formed a line ,,bc1 the women forming a group in the position ,g1 directly behind the line ,,bc4 ,here was held the preliminary division of the dance1 called tehesbax 7,e71 in which the participants danced in place for a few minutes4 ,the men next moved to the position ,,de1 passing on each side of the center pole1 the women following them to the position ,,hi4 ,they thus formed two lines1 facing the center pole4 ,here the principal part of the dance was held4 ,the chief singer again started the air1 being joined at the proper time by the burden-singers4 ,simultaneously with the latter1 the master of ceremonies gave the signal for the dancers to begin4 ,during the dancing he repeated the proper dance formula#bd four times1 finally saying1 1 444 and the dance stopped4 ,at the beginning of the dance1 upon the signal from the master of ceremonies1 the dancers1 both men and women1 whirled around and faced the fire1 and as the dance stopped at the above signal they whirled back again so as to face the center pole4 ,the dancers moved sidewise back and forth four times in all1 along the lines ,,de and ,,hi4 ,standing in their original positions1 they then performed for the second time the movement first described1 thus ending the dance4 ,this entire dance might be repeated as many times as desired1 no definite number being prescribed2 but when each set of three divisions1 as above stated1 was finished1 the dancers returned to ,a1 ,a and ,f1 ,f1 retracing as nearly as possible the courses which they had traversed in coming from these two positions4 ,after the last set of this dance1 they removed their dance costumes near the drum4 hh ke4--,the hh or hhwa dance1 which may be taken as a type of many of those dances which follow1 lasted from one-half to three-quarters of an hour and could be danced at any time of year4 ,the men were dressed as follows3 ,the lower part of the face 7i4e41 below a line running from just under the ear to a point just under the nose7 was painted black4 ,a black band1 about four fingers in width1 ran from each of the acromia to the sternum4 ,four similar bands encircled each arm1 two above and two below the elbow1 while four such bands were placed upon each leg4 ,upon the head each man wore a feather tuft1 a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band and a pair of trembler plumes1 and upon the back a feather skirt4 ,each dancer carried a bone whistle also4 ,each woman wore a feather tuft and the usual woman's forehead-band4 ,in each hand she carried a small bunch of shredded tule4 ,these bundles1 called katohle 7,e71 were made by tying together at one end several stems1 perhaps six or eight inches long1 and then shredding the loose ends with a basketry awl4 ,this dance was a very lively one and took its name1 as did several others1 from some of the words of the song accompanying it4 ,part of the burden of this song is a high-keyed h1 h1 h1 h 444 very rapidly spoken by the burden-singers in unison4 ,the music was provided by a head singer1 several burden-singers1 and a drummer4 ,each of the singers used a split-stick rattle4 ckin ke4--,the ckin dance was very similar1 in many respects1 to the hh ke4 ,one informant said that the dress and painting were exactly the same1 except that the upper arm and thigh bore one painted band each1 instead of two as in the hh ke4 dtka ke4--,the same might be said of the dtka ke 7,c71 or dtga xe 7,e74 ,the dress of the men was identical with that of the hh-dancers4 ,the men used no whistles4 ,the women wore the regular woman's forehead-band4 ,from one to perhaps eight or ten persons danced at once1 and the dance had no stated duration4 ,as one informant expressed it1 they simply danced until they were tired4 yaya ke4--,little could be learned concerning the yaya dance1 except that it was danced by both men and women1 and that the painting and attire were the same as for the hh4 ,the feather skirt was worn1 but no whistle was used4 y ke4--,the men decorated themselves for this dance as for the hh dance1 except that there were three stripes around the arm instead of four1 and with the addition of some down scattered over their heads and faces4 ,each woman had a narrow1 black line running down the chin and a similar line running out from each corner of the mouth toward the ear4 ,otherwise her decorations consisted of a feather tuft and a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band4 ,a considerable number of men and women sang1 each keeping time with a split-stick rattle4 matc ke4--,in the matc dance the music was provided by one man1 who accompanied his song with a split-stick rattle4 ,the dancers painted themselves as in the y dance4 ,each wore a feather skirt4 lhye ke4--,the lhye dance was sometimes called the katcaha4 ,the term lhye is the correct one for this dance4 ,in fact1 the term katcaha has been applied to it only recently and was derived from the fact that whenever certain of the ,pomo men became intoxicated they almost always sang the songs of this dance2 hence the name whiskey dance1 or katcaha ke4 ,if paint was employed it usually consisted of a coat of black on the lower part of the face and three bands about each arm and each leg4 ,other designs were used1 however4 ,upon the head the dancer wore a feather tuft1 a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band1 and a very large trembler plume1 worn erect at the back of the head4 ,each man wore a feather skirt4 ,the women painted the lower part of the face and wore a feather tuft and a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band4 kalmatt ke4--,the kalmatt or kalmatata1 the thunder dance1 was danced each morning and each evening during four successive days4 ,it could be danced at other times of the day in addition if desired1 and other dances might meanwhile be performed at any time of the day except morning and evening4 ,the men painted their naked bodies with vertical stripes4 ,upon the face but one stripe appeared1 running from ear to ear and just below the nose4 ,upon the head each man wore a down head-net1 a feather tuft1 and a pair of trembler plumes4 ,no yellow-hammer feather forehead-band1 down1 or feather skirt was used4 ,the women dressed very simply4 ,they wore the same stripe on the face as did the men1 and upon the head a head-net of down and a feather tuft4 ,both men and women had bone whistles1 and each man had a light staff#be four or five feet long1 with one or more cocoons attached as a rattle at its upper end4 w ke4--,in the w 7,c7 or ,coyote dance the men were nude except for a coat of white paint over the entire body4 ,upon the head there was a feather tuft1 parted from front to rear to permit the passage of a large yellow-hammer feather forehead-band from the root of the nose over the head and down the back4 ,the women were similarly painted and attired1 except that each wore an ordinary skirt of shredded tule or other material4 ,each dancer carried a small bunch of green twigs in the hand1 so held as to obscure the face as much as possible4 ,this perhaps typified the crafty and slinking nature of the coyote4 ,the music was provided by one singer1 who used a cocoon rattle4 gnla xe4--,in the gnla xe 7,e7 or ,coyote dance the women dressed as in the hh dance4 ,the men painted themselves as did the performers in the ghost dance1 and wore the parted feather tuft with the yellow-hammer feather forehead-band passing through the part and down the back4 ,they also wore feather skirts1 and used whistles4 helehela ke4--,the painting for this dance was the same as for the hh4 ,each man wore upon his head a down head-net1 a pair of trembler plumes1 and a yellowhammer-feather forehead-band4 ,each had a bone whistle and a kecge4 ,neither whistles nor feather skirts were used4 ,each woman wore a feather tuft and a down head-net4 ,a fairly high pole similar to the one employed in the initiation rite of the ,gks ceremony was erected in the area directly in front of the dance-house4 ,the participants gathered about its base and each man attempted to climb it1 while the women danced in a circle about its base4 ,the wife of the climber1 and sometimes other women1 threw balls of pinole 7grass-seed meal7 at him as he ascended4 dama ke4--,concerning the dama dance1 little could be learned save that it was connected with some sort of esoteric organization and was very rarely danced4 ,there was but one woman who was said to know all the details of this dance1 but the opportunity did not present itself to interview her4 ,she is now deceased4 djane ke4--,the djane dance was always danced by two men and four women1 the men forming the middle of the line1 two of the women being at each end4 ,they wore similar costumes1 which were very simple4 ,all that could be learned concerning the details1 however1 was that the mouth was painted black with a short line running out from each corner1 and that each dancer wore a feather skirt upon his back and used a whistle4 karaiya ke4--,the karaiya dance was danced by two men and two women1 and only once during any given ceremony4 ,men and women dressed alike1 except that the women wore the ordinary woman's skirt4 ,no paint was used4 ,upon the head was a feather tuft1 a yellowhammer-feather forehead-band1 two trembler plumes and some down4 ,each dancer carried a bone whistle4 sawet ke4--,no details were learned concerning this dance4 ,,dances ,,in ,,which ,,only ,,men ,,performed ,there are known among the ,pomo at least five dances in which the performers were always men4 ,they are the hwe1 the dam1 and the x or fire dance and the ghost and the ,gks dances mentioned above4 hwe ke4--,while this was danced by men only1 women were privileged to witness it4 ,the dancers first painted the entire body black and then added many white spots irregularly placed all over the body4 ,each dancer carried a staff six or seven feet long and similarly painted4 ,the face of the dancer was painted black1 and each wore a large feather tuft on his head4 ,this was1 however1 not so large as that worn by the ,gks-dancer4 ,the music for this dance was quite unusual in that the drum was not used4 ,the head singer also acted as master of ceremonies4 ,the dancers formed a straight line and danced in place without any forward or lateral motion1 and all joined in the singing4 dam ke4--,little could be learned of the dam dance1 except that it was danced by men1 with women participating in the singing4 ,one unique feature was that while it was in progress no one in the village might keep water in his house4 ,also if any one ate meat during a ceremony in which this dance was used he would become insane and could be cured only through the ministrations of the chief dancer of the dam4 ,while no further evidence was obtained in substantiation1 these facts point to the existence of an esoteric society connected with this dance4 ,one informant maintained that the last man who knew the details of this dance died some years ago4 xo ke4--,the xo ke1 or fire dance1 was held at any desired time during a ceremony4 ,it usually followed the feast of welcome1 as it may be called1 which was tendered the guests immediately after their arrival4 ,it required no special paraphernalia4 ,in fact1 it amounted to little more than a regular sweat-bath1 such as was taken in the sudatory1#bf except that it was on a larger and more elaborate scale4 xahlgak ke4--,see under ,ghost ,ceremony1 above4 gks ke4--,see under ,gks ,ceremony1 above4 ,,dances ,,in ,,which ,,only ,,women ,,performed ,two dances are still remembered which come under this heading4 ,they are the mata and the lole4 mata ke4--,one man acted as master of ceremonies and another sang to the accompaniment of a cocoon rattle4 ,the dancers painted the cheeks and lower part of the face black and then scratched vertical lines in the paint4 ,the only headdress worn was the yellowhammer-feather forehead-band4 ,in each hand was held a small green branch4 ,the arms hung down1 but with a flexure at the elbow which brought these green sprigs directly in front of the dancer4 ,the dancers formed a line and danced back and forth sidewise over a short1 straight course4 ,this is one of the very few dances which may yet be seen1 though in a modernized form1 at ,fourth of ,july celebrations4 lole ke4--,as before1 a man acted as master of ceremonies and another man sang1 accompanying himself with the cocoon rattle4 ,the informant was not certain just what kind of costume was worn1 but knew that no paint was employed4 ,,additional ,,dances ,the names of several other dances are remembered1 but nothing in regard to detail4 ,these are mommom1 toto1 tag1 badjca1 and staiya4 ,the last of these was said by one informant to make up1 along with the glak and hh and dtka dances1 a special ceremony1 about which nothing further is known4 ,,footnotes3 #bd ,any dance formula such as this was called bakmhwakil 7,e74 #be ,the general term xe dakik 7,e71 signifying anything held in the hand while dancing1 is applied to this staff4 #bf ,see the article on ,pomo ,buildings1 in the ,holmes ,anniversary ,volume1 mentioned above4 ,,the ,,messiah ,,cult ,during the latter years of the nineteenth century a ,messiah cult has been introduced among the ,pomo by the ,wintun of the ,sacramento ,valley4 ,in comparatively recent times the prophets of this cult acquired great importance and1 while the cult flourished1 to a certain extent superseded the leaders of the old ceremonies4 ,this cult first appeared among the ,pomo at ,upper ,lake1 then at ,sulphur ,bank1 then at ,long ,valley1 and finally in the ,ukiah ,valley4 ,the function of the prophet1 or dreamer1 as he is commonly styled by the ,indians1 was to have dreams or waking visions concerning dances and other matters in which the people were interested4 ,the prophets were supposed to receive through these visions direct revelations from presiding spirits1 and the people formerly gave much credit to their teachings4 ,they virtually formed a priesthood which replaced the old captains in the direction of all ceremonial matters4 ,one of the characteristic features of this cult was the painted designs upon the interior of the dance-house4 ,the last truly primitive dance-house of this type in the ,pomo region was photographed by the author in #aija1 #aijb1 and is described and illustrated elsewhere4#bg ,another important feature was the erection before the dance-house of a pole bearing banners and streamers decorated with the particular designs which the priest had seen in his vision4 ,,conclusion ,pomo ceremonies were in general quite simple and the ceremonial life was characterized by an absence 7#a7 of any fixed ceremonial season or sequence of ceremonies1 and 7#b7 of any extensive priesthood or secret order controlling ceremonial matters4 ,some of the ceremonial performances possessed certain esoteric features1 such as initiation rites and special restrictions on the part of the uninitiated4 ,we note the presence of a few fairly elaborate ceremonies and a considerable number of dances1 some of which were employed as integral parts of certain ceremonies1 others as merely incidental to them4 ,these dances usually followed one another without any definite order or relation1 though in certain cases definite dances were prescribed as parts of given ceremonies4 ,one ceremony has a definite mythological background1 but this has been lost elsewhere4 ,no myths are told today to account for the other performances4 ,in most of the dances an indefinite number of both men and women might participate4 ,in two dances the number of performers of each sex was definitely prescribed4 ,in five1 only men might participate1 and two were strictly women's dances4 ,in other words1 there is patent in ,pomo ceremonies a rather thorough going democracy regarding the positions of the sexes4 ,transmitted ,september #ba1 #aiaf4 ,vol4 #g4 #a4 ,the ,emeryville ,shellmound1 by ,max ,uhle4 ,pp4 #a-ajf1 plates #a-ab1 with #ch text figures4 ,june1 #aijg #a4be #b4 ,recent ,investigations bearing upon the ,question of the ,occurrence of ,neocene ,man in the ,auriferous ,gravels of ,california1 by ,william ,j4 ,sinclair4 ,pp4 #ajg-acj1 plates #ac-ad4 ,february1 #aijh 4#ce #c4 ,pomo ,indian ,basketry1 by ,s4,a4 ,barrett4 ,pp4 #acc-cjf1 plates #ae-cj1 #bca text figures4 ,december1 #aijh #a4ge #d4 ,shellmounds of the ,san ,francisco ,bay ,region1 by ,n4,c4 ,nelson4 ,pp4 #cji-cef1 plates #cb-cd4 ,december1 #aiji 4#ej #e4 ,the ,ellis ,landing ,shellmound1 by ,n4,c4 ,nelson4 ,pp4 #ceg-dbf1 plates #cf-ej4 ,april1 #aiaj 4#ge ,index1 pp4 #dbg-ddc4 ,vol4 #h4 #a4 ,a ,mission ,record of the ,california ,indians1 from a ,manuscript in the ,bancroft ,library1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #a-bg4 ,may1 #aijh 4#be #b4 ,the ,ethnography of the ,cahuilla ,indians1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bi-fh1 plates #a-ae4 ,july1 #aijh 4#ge #c4 ,the ,religion of the ,luiseo and ,diegueo ,indians of ,southern ,california1 by ,constance ,goddard ,dubois4 ,pp4 #fi-ahf1 plates #af-ai4 ,june1 #aijh #a4be #d4 ,the ,culture of the ,luiseo ,indians1 by ,philip ,stedman ,sparkman4 ,pp4 #ahg-bcd1 plate #bj4 ,august1 #aijh 4#ej #e4 ,notes on ,shoshonean ,dialects of ,southern ,california1 by4 ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bce-bfi4 ,september1 #aiji 4#ce #f4 ,the ,religious ,practices of the ,diegueo ,indians1 by ,t4,t4 ,waterman4 ,pp4 #bga-ceh1 plates #ba-bh4 ,march1 #aiaj 4#hj ,index1 pp4 #cei-cfi4 ,vol4 #i4 #a4 ,yana ,texts1 by ,edward ,sapir1 together with ,yana ,myths collected by ,roland ,b4 ,dixon4 ,pp4 #a-bce4 ,february1 #aiaj #b4ej #b4 ,the ,chumash and ,costanoan ,languages1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bcg-bga4 ,november1 #aiaj 4#ce #c4 ,the ,languages of the ,coast of ,california ,north of ,san ,francisco1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bgc-dce1 and map4 ,april1 #aiaa #a4ej ,index1 pp4 #dcg-dci4 ,vol4 #aj4 #a4 ,phonetic ,constituents of the ,native ,languages of ,california1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #a-ab4 ,may1 #aiaa 4#aj #b4 ,the ,phonetic ,elements of the ,northern ,paiute ,language1 by ,t4,t4 ,waterman4 ,pp4 #ac-dd1 plates #a-e4 ,november1 #aiaa 4#de #c4 ,phonetic ,elements of the ,mohave ,language1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #de-if1 plates #f-bj4 ,november1 #aiaa 4#fe #d4 ,the ,ethnology of the ,salinan ,indians1 by ,j4 ,alden ,mason4 ,pp4 #ig-bdj1 plates #ba-cg4 ,december1 #aiab #a4ge #e4 ,papago ,verb ,stems1 by ,juan ,dolores4 ,pp4 #bda-bfc4 ,august1 #aiac 4#be #f4 ,notes on the ,chilula ,indians of ,northwestern ,california1 by ,pliny ,earl ,goddard4 ,pp4 #bfe-bhh1 plates #ch-da4 ,april1 #aiad 4#cj #g4 ,chilula ,texts1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #bhi-cgi4 ,november1 #aiad #a4jj ,index1 pp4 #cha-che4 ,vol4 #aa4 #a4 ,elements of the ,kato ,language1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #a-agf1 plates #a-de4 ,october1 #aiab #b4jj #b4 ,phonetic ,elements of the ,diegueo ,language1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber and ,j4,p4 ,harrington4 ,pp4 #agg-ahh4 ,april1 #aiad 4#aj #c4 ,sarsi ,texts1 by ,pliny ,earle ,goddard4 ,pp4 #ahi-bgg4 ,february1 #aiae #a4jj #d4 ,serian1 ,tequistlatecan1 and ,hokan1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #bgi-bij4 ,february1 #aiae 4#aj #e4 ,dichotomous ,social ,organization in ,south ,central ,california1 by ,edward ,winslow ,gifford4 ,pp4 #bia-bif4 ,february1 #aiaf 4#je #f4 ,the ,delineation of the ,day-,signs in the ,aztec ,manuscripts1 by ,t4,t4 ,waterman4 ,pp4 #big-cih4 ,march1 #aiaf #a4jj #g4 ,the ,mutsun ,dialect of ,costanoan ,based on the ,vocabulary of ,de la ,cuesta1 by ,j4 ,alden ,mason4 ,pp4 #cii-dgb4 ,march1 #aiaf 4#gj ,index1 pp4 #dgc-dgi4 ,vol4 #ab4 #a4 ,composition of ,california ,shellmounds1 by ,edward ,winslow ,gifford4 ,pp4 #a-bi4 ,february1 #aiaf 4#cj #b4 ,california ,place ,names of ,indian ,origin1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #ca-fi4 ,june1 #aiaf 4#dj #c4 ,arapaho ,dialects1 by ,a4,l4 ,kroeber4 ,pp4 #ga-ach4 ,june1 #aiaf 4#gj #d4 ,miwok ,moieties1 by ,edward ,winslow ,gifford4 ,pp4 #aci-aid4 ,june1 #aiaf 4#ee #e4 ,on ,plotting the ,inflections of the ,voice1 by ,cornelius ,b4 ,bradley4 ,pp4 #aie-bah1 plates #a-e4 ,october1 #aiaf 4#be