,the ,book of ,ezekiel ,by ,the ,rev4 ,john ,skinner1 ,m4,a4 ,professor of ,old ,testament ,exegesis1 ,presbyterian ,college1 ,london ,london ,hodder ,and ,stoughton #ahie ,,contents ,preface4 ,part ,i4 ,the ,preparation ,and ,call ,of ,the ,prophet4 ,chapter ,i4 ,decline ,and ,fall ,of ,the ,jewish ,state4 ,chapter ,,ii4 ,jeremiah ,and ,ezekiel4 ,chapter ,,iii4 ,the ,vision ,of ,the ,glory ,of ,god4 ,chapter i4 ,chapter ,,iv4 ,ezekiel's ,prophetic ,commission4 ,chapters ii41 iii4 ,part ,,ii4 ,prophecies ,relating ,mainly ,to ,the ,destruction ,of ,jerusalem4 ,chapter ,v4 ,the ,end ,foretold4 ,chapters iv4vii4 ,chapter ,,vi4 ,your ,house ,is ,left ,unto ,you ,desolate4 ,chapters viii4xi4 ,chapter ,,vii4 ,the ,end ,of ,the ,monarchy4 ,chapters xii4 #aae1 xvii41 xix4 ,chapter ,,viii4 ,prophecy ,and ,its ,abuses4 ,chapters xii4 #baxiv4 #aa4 ,chapter ,,ix4 ,jerusalem--,an ,ideal ,history4 ,chapter xvi4 ,chapter ,x4 ,the ,religion ,of ,the ,individual4 ,chapter xviii4 ,chapter ,,xi4 ,the ,sword ,unsheathed4 ,chapter xxi4 ,chapter ,,xii4 ,jehovah's ,controversy ,with ,israel4 ,chapter xx4 ,chapter ,,xiii4 ,ohola ,and ,oholibah4 ,chapter xxiii4 ,chapter ,,xiv4 ,final ,oracles ,against ,jerusalem4 ,chapters xxii41 xxiv4 ,part ,,iii4 ,prophecies ,against ,foreign ,nations4 ,chapter ,,xv4 ,ammon1 ,moab1 ,edom1 ,and ,philistia4 ,chapter xxv4 ,chapter ,,xvi4 ,tyre4 ,chapters xxvi41 xxix4 #agba4 ,chapter ,,xvii4 ,tyre 7,continued73 ,sidon4 ,chapters xxvii41 xxviii4 ,chapter ,,xviii4 ,egypt4 ,chapters xxix4xxxii4 ,part ,,iv4 ,the ,formation ,of ,the ,new ,israel4 ,chapter ,,xix4 ,the ,prophet ,a ,watchman4 ,chapter xxxiii4 ,chapter ,,xx4 ,the ,messianic ,kingdom4 ,chapter xxxiv4 ,chapter ,,xxi4 ,jehovah's ,land4 ,chapters xxxv41 xxxvi4 ,chapter ,,xxii4 ,life ,from ,the ,dead4 ,chapter xxxvii4 ,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,the ,conversion ,of ,israel4 ,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,jehovah's ,final ,victory4 ,chapters xxxviii41 xxxix4 ,part ,v4 ,the ,ideal ,theocracy4 ,chapter ,,xxv4 ,the ,import ,of ,the ,vision4 ,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,the ,sanctuary4 ,chapters xl4xliii4 ,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,the ,priesthood4 ,chapter xliv4 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,prince ,and ,people4 ,chapters xliv4xlvi4 passim4 ,chapter ,,xxix4 ,the ,ritual4 ,chapters xlv41 xlvi4 ,chapter ,,xxx4 ,renewal ,and ,allotment ,of ,the ,land4 ,chapters xlvii41 xlviii4 ,footnotes ,cover ,art ,transcriber's ,note3 ,the above cover image was produced by the submitter at ,distributed ,proofreaders1 and is being placed into the public domain4 ,,preface4 ,in this volume ,i have endeavoured to present the substance of ,ezekiel's prophecies in a form intelligible to students of the ,english ,bible4 ,i have tried to make the exposition a fairly adequate guide to the sense of the text1 and to supply such information as seemed necessary to elucidate the historical importance of the prophet's teaching4 ,where ,i have departed from the received text ,i have usually indicated in a note the nature of the change introduced4 ,whilst ,i have sought to exercise an independent judgment on all the questions touched upon1 the book has no pretensions to rank as a contribution to ,old ,testament scholarship4 ,the works on ,ezekiel to which ,i am chiefly indebted are3 ,ewald's ,propheten des ,alten ,bundes 7vol4 ii472 ,smend's ,der ,prophet ,ezechiel erklrt 7,kurzgefasstes ,exegetisches ,handbuch zum ,a4 ,t472 ,cornill's ,das ,buch des ,proph4 ,ezechiel2 and1 above all1 ,dr4 ,a4 ,b4 ,davidson's commentary in the ,cambridge ,bible for ,schools1 my obligations to which are almost continuous4 ,in a less degree ,i have been helped by the commentaries of ,hvernick and ,orelli1 by ,valeton's ,viertal ,voorlezingen 7iii471 and by ,gautier's ,la ,mission du ,prophte ,ezechiel4 ,amongst works of a more general character special acknowledgment is due to ,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church and ,the ,religion of the ,semites by the late ,dr4 ,robertson ,smith4 ,i wish also to express my gratitude to two friends--the ,rev4 ,a4 ,alexander1 ,dundee1 and the ,rev4 ,g4 ,steven1 ,edinburgh--who have read most of the work in manuscript or in proof1 and made many valuable suggestions4 ,,part ,i4 ,,the ,,preparation ,,and ,,call ,,of ,,the ,,prophet4 ,chapter ,i4 ,decline ,and ,fall ,of ,the ,jewish ,state4 ,ezekiel is a prophet of the ,exile4 ,he was one of the priests who went into captivity with ,king ,jehoiachin in the year #eig1 and the whole of his prophetic career falls after that event4 ,of his previous life and circumstances we have no direct information1 beyond the facts that he was a priest and that his father's name was ,buzi4 ,one or two inferences1 however1 may be regarded as reasonably certain4 ,we know that that first deportation of ,judans to ,babylon was confined to the nobility1 the men of war1 and the craftsmen 7#b ,kings xxiv4 #adaf72 and since ,ezekiel was neither a soldier nor an artisan1 his place in the train of captives must have been due to his social position4 ,he must have belonged to the upper ranks of the priesthood1 who formed part of the aristocracy of ,jerusalem4 ,he was thus a member of the house of ,zadok2 and his familiarity with the details of the ,temple ritual makes it probable that he had actually officiated as a priest in the national sanctuary4 ,moreover1 a careful study of the book gives the impression that he was no longer a young man at the time when he received his call to the prophetic office4 ,he appears as one whose views of life are already matured1 who has outlived the buoyancy and enthusiasm of youth1 and learned to estimate the moral possibilities of life with the sobriety that comes through experience4 ,this impression is confirmed by the fact that he was married and had a house of his own from the commencement of his work1 and probably at the time of his captivity4 ,but the most important fact of all is that ,ezekiel had lived through a period of unprecedented public calamity1 and one fraught with the most momentous consequences for the future of religion4 ,moving in the highest circles of society1 in the centre of the national life1 he must have been fully cognisant of the grave events in which no thoughtful observer could fail to recognise the tokens of the approaching dissolution of the ,hebrew state4 ,amongst the influences that prepared him for his prophetic mission1 a leading place must therefore be assigned to the teaching of history2 and we cannot commence our study of his prophecies better than by a brief survey of the course of events that led up to the turningpoint of his own career1 and at the same time helped to form his conception of ,god's providential dealings with ,his people ,israel4 ,at the time of the prophet's birth the kingdom of ,judah was still a nominal dependency of the great ,assyrian empire4 ,from about the middle of the seventh century1 however1 the power of ,nineveh had been on the wane4 ,her energies had been exhausted in the suppression of a determined revolt in ,babylonia4 ,media and ,egypt had recovered their independence1 and there were many signs that a new crisis in the affairs of nations was at hand4 ,the first historic event which has left discernible traces in the writings of ,ezekiel is an irruption of ,scythian barbarians1 which took place in the reign of ,josiah 7c4 #fbf74 ,strangely enough1 the historical books of the ,old ,testament contain no record of this remarkable invasion1 although its effects on the political situation of ,judah were important and far reaching4 ,according to ,herodotus1 ,assyria was already hard pressed by the ,medes1 when suddenly the ,scythians burst through the passes of the ,caucasus1 defeated the ,medes1 and committed extensive ravages throughout ,western ,asia for a period of twentyeight years4 ,they are said to have contemplated the invasion of ,egypt1 and to have actually reached the ,philistine territory1 when by some means they were induced to withdraw47#a7 ,judah therefore was in imminent danger1 and the terror inspired by these destructive hordes is reflected in the prophecies of ,zephaniah and ,jeremiah1 who saw in the northern invaders the heralds of the great day of ,jehovah4 ,the force of the storm1 however1 was probably spent before it reached ,palestine1 and it seems to have swept past along the coast1 leaving the mountain land of ,israel untouched4 ,although ,ezekiel was not old enough to have remembered the panic caused by these movements1 the report of them would be one of the earliest memories of his childhood1 and it made a lasting impression on his mind4 ,one of his later prophecies1 that against ,gog1 is coloured by such reminiscences1 the last judgment on the heathen being represented under forms suggested by a ,scythian invasion 7chs4 xxxviii41 xxxix474 ,we may note also that in ch4 xxxii4 the names of ,meshech and ,tubal occur in the list of conquering nations who have already gone down to the underworld4 ,these northern peoples formed the kernel of the army of ,gog1 and the only occasion on which they can be supposed to have played the part of great conquerors in the past is in connection with the ,scythian devastations1 in which they probably had a share4 ,the withdrawal of the ,scythians from the neighbourhood of ,palestine was followed by the great reformation which made the eighteenth year of ,josiah an epoch in the history of ,israel4 ,the conscience of the nation had been quickened by its escape from so great a peril1 and the time was favourable for carrying out the changes which were necessary in order to bring the religious practice of the country into conformity with the requirements of the ,law4 ,the outstanding feature of the movement was the discovery of the book of ,deuteronomy in the ,temple1 and the ratification of a solemn league and covenant1 by which the king1 princes1 and people pledged themselves to carry out its demands4 ,this took place in the year #fba1 somewhere near the time of ,ezekiel's birth47#b7 ,the prophet's youth was therefore spent in the wake of the reformation2 and although the first hopes cherished by its promoters may have died away before he was able to appreciate its tendencies1 we may be sure that he received from it impulses which continued with him to the end of his life4 ,we may perhaps allow ourselves to conjecture that his father belonged to that section of the priesthood which1 under ,hilkiah its head1 cooperated with the king in the task of reform1 and desired to see a pure worship established in the ,temple4 ,if so1 we can readily understand how the reforming spirit passed into the very fibre of ,ezekiel's mind4 ,to how great an extent his thinking was influenced by the ideas of ,deuteronomy appears from almost every page of his prophecies4 ,there was yet another way in which the ,scythian invasion influenced the prospects of the ,hebrew kingdom4 ,although the ,scythians appear to have rendered an immediate service to ,assyria by saving ,nineveh from the first attack of the ,medes1 there is little doubt that their ravages throughout the northern and western parts of the empire prepared the way for its ultimate collapse1 and weakened its hold on the outlying provinces4 ,accordingly we find that ,josiah1 in pursuance of his scheme of reformation1 exercised a freedom of action beyond the boundaries of his own land which would not have been tolerated if ,assyria had retained her old vigour4 ,patriotic visions of an independent ,hebrew monarchy seem to have combined with newborn zeal for a pure national religion to make the latter part of ,josiah's reign the short 8,indian summer0 of ,israel's national existence4 ,the period of partial independence was brought to an end about #fjg by the fall of ,nineveh before the united forces of the ,medes and the ,babylonians4 ,in itself this event was of less consequence to the history of ,judah than might be supposed4 ,the ,assyrian empire vanished from the earth with a completeness which is one of the surprises of history2 but its place was taken by the new ,babylonian empire1 which inherited its policy1 its administration1 and the best part of its provinces4 ,the seat of empire was transferred from ,nineveh to ,babylon2 but any other change which was felt at ,jerusalem was due solely to the exceptional vigour and ability of its first monarch1 ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,the real turningpoint in the destinies of ,israel came a year or two earlier with the defeat and death of ,josiah at ,megiddo4 ,about the year #fjh1 while the fate of ,nineveh still hung in the balance1 ,pharaoh ,necho prepared an expedition to the ,euphrates1 with the object of securing himself in the possession of ,syria4 ,it was assuredly no feeling of loyalty to his ,assyrian suzerain which prompted ,josiah to throw himself across ,necho's path4 ,he acted as an independent monarch1 and his motives were no doubt the loftiest that ever urged a king to a dangerous1 not to say foolhardy1 enterprise4 ,the zeal with which the crusade against idolatry and false worship had been prosecuted seems to have begotten a confidence on the part of the king's advisers that the hand of ,jehovah was with them1 and that ,his help might be reckoned on in any undertaking entered upon in ,his name4 ,one would like to know what the prophet ,jeremiah said about the venture2 but probably the defence of ,jehovah's land seemed so obvious a duty of the ,davidic king that he was not even consulted4 ,it was the determination to maintain the inviolability of the land which was ,jehovah's sanctuary that encouraged ,josiah in defiance of every prudential consideration to endeavour by force to intercept the passage of the ,egyptian army4 ,the disaster that followed gave the deathblow to this illusion and the shallow optimism which sprang from it4 ,there was an end of idealism in politics2 and the ruling class in ,jerusalem fell back on the old policy of vacillation between ,egypt and her eastern rival which had always been the snare of ,jewish statesmanship4 ,and with ,josiah's political ideal the faith on which it was based also gave way4 ,it seemed that the experiment of exclusive reliance on ,jehovah as the guardian of the nation's interests had been tried and had failed1 and so the death of the last good king of ,judah was a signal for a great outburst of idolatry1 in which every divine power was invoked and every form of worship sedulously practised in order to sustain the courage of men who were resolved to fight to the death for their national existence4 ,by the time of ,josiah's death ,ezekiel was able to take an intelligent interest in public affairs4 ,he lived through the troubled period that ensued in the full consciousness of its disastrous import for the fortunes of his people1 and occasional references to it are to be found in his writings4 ,he remembers and commiserates the sad fate of ,jehoahaz1 the king of the people's choice1 who was dethroned and imprisoned by ,pharaoh ,necho during the short interval of ,egyptian supremacy4 ,the next king1 ,jehoiakim1 received the throne as a vassal of ,egypt1 on the condition of paying a heavy annual tribute4 ,after the battle of ,carchemish1 in which ,necho was defeated by ,nebuchadnezzar and driven out of ,syria1 ,jehoiakim transferred his allegiance to the ,babylonian monarch2 but after three years' service he revolted1 encouraged no doubt by the usual promises of support from ,egypt4 ,the incursions of marauding bands of ,chaldans1 ,syrians1 ,moabites1 and ,ammonites1 instigated doubtless from ,babylon1 kept him in play until ,nebuchadnezzar was free to devote his attention to the western part of his empire4 ,before that time arrived1 however1 ,jehoiakim had died1 and was followed by his son ,jehoiachin4 ,this prince was hardly seated on the throne1 when a ,babylonian army1 with ,nebuchadnezzar at its head1 appeared before the gates of ,jerusalem4 ,the siege ended in a capitulation1 and the king1 the queenmother1 the army and nobility1 a section of the priests and the prophets1 and all the skilled artisans were transported to ,babylonia 7#eig74 ,with this event the history of ,ezekiel may be said to begin4 ,but in order to understand the conditions under which his ministry was exercised1 we must try to realise the situation created by this first removal of ,judan captives4 ,from this time to the final capture of ,jerusalem1 a period of eleven years1 the national life was broken into two streams1 which ran in parallel channels1 one in ,judah and the other in ,babylon4 ,the object of the captivity was of course to deprive the nation of its natural leaders1 its head and its hands1 and leave it incapable of organised resistance to the ,chaldans4 ,in this respect ,nebuchadnezzar simply adopted the traditional policy of the later ,assyrian kings1 only he applied it with much less rigour than they were accustomed to display4 ,instead of making nearly a clean sweep of the conquered population1 and filling the gap by colonists from a distant part of his empire1 as had been done in the case of ,samaria1 he contented himself with removing the more dangerous elements of the state1 and making a native prince responsible for the government of the country4 ,the result showed how greatly he had underrated the fierce and fanatical determination which was already a part of the ,jewish character4 ,nothing in the whole story is more wonderful than the rapidity with which the enfeebled remnant in ,jerusalem recovered their military efficiency1 and prepared a more resolute defence than the unbroken nation had been able to offer4 ,the exiles1 on the other hand1 succeeded in preserving most of their national peculiarities under the very eyes of their conquerors4 ,of their temporal condition very little is known beyond the fact that they found themselves in tolerably easy circumstances1 with the opportunity to acquire property and amass wealth4 ,the advice which ,jeremiah sent them from ,jerusalem1 that they should identify themselves with the interests of ,babylon1 and live settled and orderly lives in peaceful industry and domestic happiness 7,jer4 xxix4 #eg71 shows that they were not treated as prisoners or as slaves4 ,they appear to have been distributed in villages in the fertile territory of ,babylon1 and to have formed themselves into separate communities under the elders1 who were the natural authorities in a simple ,semitic society4 ,the colony in which ,ezekiel lived was located in ,tel ,abib1 near the ,nahr 7river or canal7 ,kebar1 but neither the river nor the settlement can now be identified4 ,the ,kebar1 if not the name of an arm of the ,euphrates itself1 was probably one of the numerous irrigating canals which intersected in all parts the great alluvial plain of the ,euphrates and ,tigris47#c7 ,in this settlement the prophet had his own house1 where the people were free to visit him1 and social life in all probability differed little from that in a small provincial town in ,palestine4 ,that1 to be sure1 was a great change for the quondam aristocrats of ,jerusalem1 but it was not a change to which they could not readily adapt themselves4 ,of much greater importance1 however1 is the state of mind which prevailed amongst these exiles4 ,and here again the remarkable thing is their intense preoccupation with matters national and ,israelitic4 ,a lively intercourse with the mother country was kept up1 and the exiles were perfectly informed of all that was going on in ,jerusalem4 ,there were1 no doubt1 personal and selfish reasons for their keen interest in the doings of their countrymen at home4 ,the antipathy which existed between the two branches of the ,jewish people was extreme4 ,the exiles had left their children behind them 7,ezek4 xxiv4 #ba1 #be7 to suffer under the reproach of their fathers' misfortunes4 ,they appear also to have been compelled to sell their estates hurriedly on the eve of their departure1 and such transactions1 necessarily turning to the advantage of the purchasers1 left a deep grudge in the breasts of the sellers4 ,those who remained in the land exulted in the calamity which had brought so much profit to themselves1 and thought themselves perfectly secure in so doing because they regarded their brethren as men driven out for their sins from ,jehovah's heritage4 ,the exiles on their part affected the utmost contempt for the pretensions of the upstart plebeians who were carrying things with a high hand in ,jerusalem4 ,like the ,french migrs in the time of the ,revolution1 they no doubt felt that their country was being ruined for want of proper guidance and experienced statesmanship4 ,nor was it altogether patrician prejudice that gave them this feeling of their own superiority4 ,both ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel regard the exiles as the better part of the nation1 and the nucleus of the ,messianic community of the future4 ,for the present1 indeed1 there does not seem to have been much to choose1 in point of religious belief and practice1 between the two sections of the people4 ,in both places the majority were steeped in idolatrous and superstitious notions2 some appear even to have entertained the purpose of assimilating themselves to the heathen around1 and only a small minority were steadfast in their allegiance to the national religion4 ,yet the exiles could not1 any more than the remnant in ,judah1 abandon the hope that ,jehovah would save ,his sanctuary from desecration4 ,the ,temple was 8the excellency of their strength1 the desire of their eyes1 and that which their soul pitied0 7,ezek4 xxiv4 #ba74 ,false prophets appeared in ,babylon to prophesy smooth things1 and assure the exiles of a speedy restoration to their place in the people of ,god4 ,it was not till ,jerusalem was laid in ruins1 and the ,jewish state had disappeared from the earth1 that the ,israelites were in a mood to understand the meaning of ,god's judgment1 or to learn the lessons which the prophecy of nearly two centuries had vainly striven to inculcate4 ,we have now reached the point at which the ,book of ,ezekiel opens1 and what remains to be told of the history of the time will be given in connection with the prophecies on which it is fitted to throw light4 ,but before proceeding to consider his entrance on the prophetic office1 it will be useful to dwell for a little on what was probably the most fruitful influence of ,ezekiel's youth1 the personal influence of his contemporary and predecessor ,jeremiah4 ,this will form the subject of the next chapter4 ,chapter ,,ii4 ,jeremiah ,and ,ezekiel4 ,each of the communities described in the last chapter was the theatre of the activity of a great prophet4 ,when ,ezekiel began to prophesy at ,tel ,abib1 ,jeremiah was approaching the end of his great and tragic career4 ,for fiveandthirty years he had been known as a prophet1 and during the latter part of that time had been the most prominent figure in ,jerusalem4 ,for the next five years their ministries were contemporaneous1 and it is somewhat remarkable that they ignore each other in their writings so completely as they do4 ,we would give a good deal to have some reference by ,ezekiel to ,jeremiah or by ,jeremiah to ,ezekiel1 but we find none4 ,scripture does not often favour us with those crosslights which prove so instructive in the hands of a modern historian4 ,while ,jeremiah knows of the rise of false prophets in ,babylonia1 and ,ezekiel denounces those he had left behind in ,jerusalem1 neither of these great men betrays the slightest consciousness of the existence of the other4 ,this silence is specially noticeable on ,ezekiel's part1 because his frequent descriptions of the state of society in ,jerusalem give him abundant opportunity to express his sympathy with the position of ,jeremiah4 ,when we read in the twentysecond chapter that there was not found a man to make up the fence and stand in the breach before ,god1 we might be tempted to conclude that he really was not aware of ,jeremiah's noble stand for righteousness in the corrupt and doomed city4 ,and yet the points of contact between the two prophets are so numerous and so obvious that they cannot fairly be explained by the common operation of the ,spirit of ,god on the minds of both4 ,there is nothing in the nature of prophecy to forbid the view that one prophet learned from another1 and built on the foundation which his predecessors had laid2 and when we find a parallelism so close as that between ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel we are driven to the conclusion that the influence was unusually direct1 and that the whole thinking of the younger writer had been moulded by the teaching and example of the older4 ,in what way this influence was communicated is a question on which some difference of opinion may exist4 ,some writers1 such as ,kuenen1 think that the indebtedness of ,ezekiel to ,jeremiah was mainly literary4 ,that is to say1 they hold that it must be accounted for by prolonged study on ,ezekiel's part of the written prophecies of him who was his teacher4 ,kuenen surmises that this happened after the destruction of ,jerusalem1 when some friends of ,jeremiah arrived in ,babylon1 bringing with them the completed volume of his prophecies4 ,before ,ezekiel proceeded to write his own prophecies1 his mind is supposed to have been so saturated with the ideas and language of ,jeremiah that every part of his book bears the impress and betrays the influence of his predecessor4 ,in this fact1 of course1 ,kuenen finds an argument for the view that ,ezekiel's prophecies were written at a comparatively late period of his life4 ,it is difficult to speak with confidence on some of the points raised by this hypothesis4 ,that the influence of ,jeremiah can be traced in all parts of the book of ,ezekiel is undoubtedly true2 but it is not so clear that it can be assigned equally to all periods of ,jeremiah's activity4 ,many of the prophecies of ,jeremiah cannot be referred to a definite date2 and we do not know what means ,ezekiel had of obtaining copies of those which belong to the period after the two prophets were separated4 ,we know1 however1 that a great part of the book of ,jeremiah was in writing several years before ,ezekiel was carried away to ,babylon2 and we may safely assume that amongst the treasures which he took with him into exile was the roll written by ,baruch to the dictation of ,jeremiah in the fourth year of ,jehoiakim 7,jer4 xxxvi474 ,even later oracles may have reached ,ezekiel either before or during his prophetic career through the active correspondence maintained between the exiles and ,jerusalem4 ,it is possible1 therefore1 that even the literary dependence of ,ezekiel on ,jeremiah may belong to a much earlier time than the final issue of the book of ,ezekiel2 and if it should be found that ideas in the earlier part of the book suggest acquaintance with a later utterance of ,jeremiah1 the fact need not surprise us4 ,it is certainly no sufficient reason for concluding that the whole substance of ,ezekiel's prophecy had been recast under the influence of a late perusal of the work of ,jeremiah4 ,but1 setting aside verbal coincidences and other phenomena which suggest literary dependence1 there remains an affinity of a much deeper kind between the teaching of the two prophets1 which can only be explained1 if it is to be explained at all1 by the personal influence of the older upon the younger4 ,and it is these more fundamental resemblances which are of most interest for our present purpose1 because they may enable us to understand something of the settled convictions with which ,ezekiel entered on the prophet's calling4 ,moreover1 a comparison of the two prophets will bring out more clearly than anything else certain aspects of the character of ,ezekiel which it is important to bear in mind4 ,both are men of strongly marked individuality1 and no conception of the age in which they lived can safely be formed from the writings of either1 taken alone4 ,it has been already remarked that ,jeremiah was the most conspicuous public character of his day4 ,if it be the case that he threw his spell over the youthful mind of ,ezekiel1 the fact is the most striking tribute to his influence that could be conceived4 ,no two men could differ more widely in natural temperament and character4 ,jeremiah is the prophet of a dying nation1 and the agony of ,judah's prolonged deathstruggle is reproduced with tenfold intensity in the inward conflict which rends the heart of the prophet4 ,inexorable in his prediction of the coming doom1 he confesses that this is because he is overmastered by the ,divine power which urges him into a path from which his nature recoiled4 ,he deplores the isolation which is forced upon him1 the alienation of friends and kinsmen1 and the constant strife of which he is the reluctant cause4 ,he feels as if he could gladly shake off the burden of prophetic responsibility and become a man amongst common men4 ,his human sympathies go forth towards his unhappy country1 and his heart bleeds for the misery which he sees hanging over the misguided people1 for whom he is forbidden even to pray4 ,the tragic conflict of his life reaches its height in those expostulations with ,jehovah which are amongst the most remarkable passages of the ,old ,testament4 ,they express the shrinking of a sensitive nature from the inward necessity in which he was compelled to recognise the higher truth2 and the wrestling of an earnest spirit for the assurance of his personal standing with ,god1 when all the outward institutions of religion were being dissolved4 ,to such mental conflicts ,ezekiel was a stranger1 or if he ever passed through them the traces of them have almost vanished from his written words4 ,he can hardly be said to be more severe than ,jeremiah2 but his severity seems more a part of himself1 and more in keeping with the bent of his disposition4 ,he is wholly on the side of the divine sovereignty2 there is no reaction of the human sympathies against the imperative dictates of the prophetic inspiration2 he is one in whom every thought seems brought into captivity to the word of ,jehovah4 ,it is possible that the completeness with which ,ezekiel surrendered himself to the judicial aspect of his message may be partly due to the fact that he had been familiar with its leading conceptions from the teaching of ,jeremiah2 but it must also be due to a certain austerity natural to him4 ,less emotional than ,jeremiah1 his mind was more readily taken possession of by the convictions that formed the substance of his prophetic message4 ,he was evidently a man of profoundly ethical habits of thought1 stern and uncompromising in his judgments1 both on himself and other men1 and gifted with a strong sense of human responsibility4 ,as his captivity cut him off from living contact with the national life1 and enabled him to survey his country's condition with something of the dispassionate scrutiny of a spectator1 so his natural disposition enabled him to realise in his own person that breach with the past which was essential to the purification of religion4 ,he had the qualities which marked him out for the prophet of the new order that was to be1 as clearly as ,jeremiah had those which fitted him to be the prophet of a nation's dissolution4 ,in social standing1 also1 and professional training1 the men were far removed from each other4 ,both were priests1 but ,ezekiel belonged to the house of ,zadok1 who officiated in the central sanctuary1 while ,jeremiah's family may have been attached to one of the provincial sanctuaries47#d7 ,the interests of the two classes of priests came into sharp collision as a consequence of ,josiah's reformation4 ,the law provided that the rural priesthood should be admitted to the service of the ,temple on equal terms with their brethren of the sons of ,zadok2 but we are expressly informed that the ,temple priests successfully resisted this encroachment on their peculiar privileges4 ,it has been adduced by several expositors as a proof of ,ezekiel's freedom from caste prejudice1 that he was willing to learn from a man who was socially his inferior1 and who belonged to an order which he himself was to declare unworthy of full priestly rights in the restored theocracy4 ,but it must be said that there was little in ,jeremiah's public work to call attention to the fact that he was by birth a priest4 ,in the profound spiritual sense of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews we may indeed say that he was at heart a priest1 8having compassion on the ignorant and them that are out of the way1 forasmuch as he himself was compassed with infirmity40 ,but this quality of spiritual sympathy sprang from his calling as a prophet rather than from his priestly training4 ,one of the contrasts between him and ,ezekiel lies just in the respective estimates of the worth of ritual which underlie their teaching4 ,jeremiah is distinguished even among the prophets by his indifference to the outward institutions and symbols of religion which it is the priest's function to conserve4 ,he stands in the succession of ,amos and ,isaiah as an upholder of the purely ethical character of the service of ,god4 ,ritual forms no essential element of ,jehovah's covenant with ,israel1 and it is doubtful if his prophecies of the future contain any reference to a priestly class or priestly ordinances47#e7 ,in the present he repudiates the actual popular worship as offensive to ,jehovah1 and1 except in so far as he may have given his support to ,josiah's reforms1 he does not concern himself to put anything better in its place4 ,to ,ezekiel1 on the contrary1 a pure worship is a primary condition of ,israel's enjoyment of the fellowship of ,jehovah4 ,all through his teaching we detect his deep sense of the religious value of priestly ceremonies1 and in the concluding vision that underlying thought comes out clearly as a fundamental principle of the new religious constitution4 ,here again we can see how each prophet was providentially fitted for the special work assigned him to do4 ,to ,jeremiah it was given1 amidst the wreck of all the material embodiments in which faith had clothed itself in the past1 to realise the essential truth of religion as personal communion with ,god1 and so to rise to the conception of a purely spiritual religion1 in which the will of ,god should be written in the heart of every believer4 ,to ,ezekiel was committed the different1 but not less necessary1 task of organising the religion of the immediate future1 and providing the forms which were to enshrine the truths of revelation until the coming of ,christ4 ,and that task could not1 humanly speaking1 have been performed but by one whose training and inclination taught him to appreciate the value of those rules of ceremonial sanctity which were the tradition of the ,hebrew priesthood4 ,very closely connected with this is the attitude of the two prophets to what we may call the legal aspect of religion4 ,jeremiah seems to have become convinced at a very early date of the insufficiency and shallowness of the revival of religion which was expressed in the establishment of the national covenant in the reign of ,josiah4 ,he seems also to have discerned some of the evils which are inseparable from a religion of the letter1 in which the claims of ,god are presented in the form of external laws and ordinances4 ,and these convictions led him to the conception of a far higher manifestation of ,god's redeeming grace to be realised in the future1 in the form of a new covenant1 based on ,god's forgiving love1 and operative through a personal knowledge of ,god1 and the law written on the heart and mind of each member of the covenant people4 ,that is to say1 the living principle of religion must be implanted in the heart of each true ,israelite1 and his obedience must be what we call evangelical obedience1 springing from the free impulse of a nature renewed by the knowledge of ,god4 ,ezekiel is also impressed by the failure of the ,deuteronomic covenant and the need of a new heart before ,israel is able to comply with the high requirements of the holy law of ,god4 ,but he does not appear to have been led to connect the failure of the past with the inherent imperfection of a legal dispensation as such4 ,although his teaching is full of evangelical truths1 amongst which the doctrine of regeneration holds a conspicuous place1 we yet observe that with him a man's righteousness before ,god consists in acts of obedience to the objective precepts of the divine law4 ,this of course does not mean that ,ezekiel was concerned only about the outward act and indifferent to the spirit in which the law was observed4 ,but it does mean that the end of ,god's dealings with ,his people was to bring them into a condition for fulfilling ,his law1 and that the great aim of the new ,israel was the faithful observance of the law which expressed the conditions on which they could remain in communion with ,god4 ,accordingly ,ezekiel's final ideal is on a lower plane1 and therefore more immediately practicable1 than that of ,jeremiah4 ,instead of a purely spiritual anticipation expressing the essential nature of the perfect relation between ,god and man1 ,ezekiel presents us with a definite1 clearly conceived vision of a new theocracy--a state which is to be the outward embodiment of ,jehovah's will and in which life is minutely regulated by ,his law4 ,if in spite of such wide differences of temperament1 of education1 and of religious experience1 we find nevertheless a substantial agreement in the teaching of the two prophets1 we must certainly recognise in this a striking evidence of the stability of that conception of ,god and ,his providence which was in the main a product of ,hebrew prophecy4 ,it is not necessary here to enumerate all the points of coincidence between ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel2 but it will be of advantage to indicate a few salient features which they have in common4 ,of these one of the most important is their conception of the prophetic office4 ,it can hardly be doubted that on this subject ,ezekiel had learned much both from observation of ,jeremiah's career and from the study of his writings4 ,he knew something of what it meant to be a prophet to ,israel before he himself received the prophet's commission2 and after he had received it his experience ran closely parallel with that of his master4 ,the idea of the prophet as a man standing alone for ,god amidst a hostile world1 surrounded on every side by threats and opposition1 was impressed on each of them from the outset of his ministry4 ,to be a true prophet one must know how to confront men with an inflexibility equal to theirs1 sustained only by a divine power which assures him of ultimate victory4 ,he is cut off1 not only from the currents of opinion which play around him1 but from all share in common joys and sorrows1 living a solitary life in sympathy with a ,god justly alienated from ,his people4 ,this attitude of antagonism to the people1 as ,jeremiah well knew1 had been the common fate of all true prophets4 ,what is characteristic of him and ,ezekiel is that they both enter on their work in the full consciousness of the stern and hopeless nature of their task4 ,isaiah knew from the day he became a prophet that the effect of his teaching would be to harden the people in unbelief2 but he says nothing of personal enmity and persecution to be faced from the outset4 ,but now the crisis of the people's fate has arrived1 and the relations between the prophet and his age become more and more strained as the great controversy approaches its decision4 ,another point of agreement which may be here mentioned is the estimate of ,israel's sin4 ,ezekiel goes further than ,jeremiah in the way of condemnation1 regarding the whole history of ,israel as an unbroken record of apostasy and rebellion1 while ,jeremiah at least looks back to the desert wandering as a time when the ideal relation between ,israel and ,jehovah was maintained4 ,but on the whole1 and especially with respect to the present state of the nation1 their judgment is substantially one4 ,the source of all the religious and moral disorders of the nation is infidelity to ,jehovah1 which is manifested in the worship of false gods and reliance on the help of foreign nations4 ,specially noteworthy is the frequent recurrence in ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel of the figure of 8whoredom10 an idea introduced into prophecy by ,hosea to describe these two sins4 ,the extension of the figure to the false worship of ,jehovah by images and other idolatrous emblems can also be traced to ,hosea2 and in ,ezekiel it is sometimes difficult to say which species of idolatry he has in view1 whether it be the actual worship of other gods or the unlawful worship of the true ,god4 ,his position is that an unspiritual worship implies an unspiritual deity1 and that such service as was performed at the ordinary sanctuaries could by no possibility be regarded as rendered to the true ,god who spoke through the prophets4 ,from this fountainhead of a corrupted religious sense proceed all those immoral practices which both prophets stigmatise as 8abominations0 and as a defilement of the land of ,jehovah4 ,of these the most startling is the prevalent sacrifice of children to which they both bear witness1 although1 as we shall afterwards see1 with a characteristic difference in their point of view4 ,the whole picture1 indeed1 which ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel present of contemporary society is appalling in the extreme4 ,making all allowance for the practical motive of the prophetic invective1 which always aims at conviction of sin1 we cannot doubt that the state of things was sufficiently serious to mark ,judah as ripe for judgment4 ,the very foundations of society were sapped by the spread of licence and high handed violence through all classes of the community4 ,the restraints of religion had been loosened by the feeling that ,jehovah had forsaken the land1 and nobles1 priests1 and prophets plunged into a career of wickedness and oppression which made salvation of the existing nation impossible4 ,the guilt of ,jerusalem is symbolised to both prophets in the innocent blood which stains her skirts and cries to heaven for vengeance4 ,the tendencies which are uppermost are the evil legacy of the days of ,manasseh1 when1 in the judgment of ,jeremiah and the historian of the books of ,kings17#f7 the nation sinned beyond hope of mercy4 ,in painting his lurid pictures of social degeneracy ,ezekiel is no doubt drawing on his own memory and information2 nevertheless the forms in which his indictment is cast show that even in this matter he has learned to look on things with the eyes of his great teacher4 ,it is scarcely necessary to add that both prophets anticipate a speedy downfall of the state and its restoration in a more glorious form after a short interval1 fixed by ,jeremiah at seventy years and by ,ezekiel at forty years4 ,the restoration is regarded as final1 and as embracing both branches of the ,hebrew nation1 the kingdom of the ten tribes as well as the house of ,judah4 ,the ,messianic hope in ,ezekiel appears in a form similar to that in which it is presented by ,jeremiah2 in neither prophet is the figure of the ideal ,king so prominent as in the prophecies of ,isaiah4 ,the similarity between the two is all the more noteworthy as an evidence of dependence1 because ,ezekiel's final outlook is towards a state of things in which the ,prince has a somewhat subordinate position assigned to ,him4 ,both prophets1 again following ,hosea1 regard the spiritual renewal of the people as the effect of chastisement in exile4 ,those parts of the nation which go first into banishment are the first to be brought under the salutary influences of ,god's providential discipline2 and hence we find that ,jeremiah adopts a more hopeful tone in speaking of ,samaria and the captives of #eig than in his utterances to those who remained in the land4 ,this conviction was shared by ,ezekiel1 in spite of his daily contact with abominations from which his whole nature revolted4 ,it has been supposed that ,ezekiel lived long enough to see that no such spiritual transformation was to be wrought by the mere fact of captivity1 and that1 despairing of a general and spontaneous conversion1 he put his hand to the work of practical reform as if he would secure by legislation the results which he had once expected as fruits of repentance4 ,if the prophet had ever expected that punishment of itself would work a change in the religious condition of his countrymen1 there might have been room for such a disenchantment as is here assumed4 ,but there is no evidence that he ever looked for anything else than a regeneration of the people in captivity by the supernatural working of the divine ,spirit2 and that the final vision is meant to help out the divine plan by human policy is a suggestion negatived by the whole scope of the book4 ,it may be true that his practical activity in the present was directed to preparing individual men for the coming salvation2 but that was no more than any spiritual teacher must have done in a time recognised as a period of transition4 ,the vision of the restored theocracy presupposes a national resurrection and a national repentance4 ,and on the face of it it is such that man can take no step towards its accomplishment until ,god has prepared the way by creating the conditions of a perfect religious community1 both the moral conditions in the mind of the people and the outward conditions in the miraculous transformation of the land in which they are to dwell4 ,most of the points here touched upon will have to be more fully treated in the course of our exposition1 and other affinities between the two great prophets will have to be noticed as we proceed4 ,enough has perhaps been said to show that ,ezekiel's thinking has been profoundly influenced by ,jeremiah1 that the influence extends not only to the form but also to the substance of his teaching1 and can therefore only be explained by early impressions received by the younger prophet in the days before the word of the ,lord had come to him4 ,chapter ,,iii4 ,the ,vision ,of ,the ,glory ,of ,god4 ,chapter i4 ,it might be hazardous to attempt1 from the general considerations advanced in the last two chapters1 to form a conception of ,ezekiel's state of mind during the first few years of his captivity4 ,if1 as we have found reason to believe1 he had already come under the influence of ,jeremiah1 he must have been in some measure prepared for the blow which had descended on him4 ,torn from the duties of the office which he loved1 and driven in upon himself1 ,ezekiel must no doubt have meditated deeply on the sin and the prospects of his people4 ,from the first he must have stood aloof from his fellowexiles1 who1 led by their false prophets1 began to dream of the fall of ,babylon and a speedy return to their own land4 ,he knew that the calamity which had befallen them was but the first instalment of a sweeping judgment before which the old ,israel must utterly perish4 ,those who remained in ,jerusalem were reserved for a worse fate than those who had been carried away2 but so long as the latter remained impenitent there was no hope even for them of an alleviation of the bitterness of their lot4 ,such thoughts1 working in a mind naturally severe in its judgments1 may have already produced that attitude of alienation from the whole life of his companions in misfortune which dominates the first period of his prophetic career4 ,but these convictions did not make ,ezekiel a prophet4 ,he had as yet no independent message from ,god1 no sure perception of the issue of events1 or the path which ,israel must follow in order to reach the blessedness of the future4 ,it was not till the fifth year of his captivity7#g7 that the inward change took place which brought him into ,jehovah's counsel1 and disclosed to him the outlines of all his future work1 and endowed him with the courage to stand forth amongst his people as the spokesman of ,jehovah4 ,like other great prophets whose personal experience is recorded1 ,ezekiel became conscious of his prophetic vocation through a vision of ,god4 ,the form in which ,jehovah first appeared to him is described with great minuteness of detail in the first chapter of his book4 ,it would seem that in some hour of solitary meditation by the river ,kebar his attention was attracted to a stormcloud forming in the north and advancing toward him across the plain4 ,the cloud may have been an actual phenomenon1 the natural basis of the theophany which follows4 ,falling into a state of ecstasy1 the prophet sees the cloud grow luminous with an unearthly splendour4 ,from the midst of it there shines a brightness which he compares to the lustre of electron47#h7 ,looking more closely1 he discerns four living creatures1 of strange composite form1--human in general appearance1 but winged2 and each having four heads combining the highest types of animal life--man1 lion1 ox1 and eagle4 ,these are afterwards identified with the cherubim of the ,temple symbolism 7ch4 x4 #bj72 but some features of the conception may have been suggested by the composite animal figures of ,babylonian art1 with which the prophet must have been already familiar4 ,the interior space is occupied by a hearth of glowing coals1 from which lightningflashes constantly dart to and fro between the cherubim4 ,beside each cherub is a wheel1 formed apparently of two wheels intersecting each other at right angles4 ,the appearance of the wheels is like 8chrysolite10 and their rims are filled with eyes1 denoting the intelligence by which their motions are directed4 ,the wheels and the cherubim together embody the spontaneous energy by which the throne of ,god is transported whither ,he wills2 although there is no mechanical connection between them1 they are represented as animated by a common spirit1 directing all their motions in perfect harmony4 ,over the heads and outstretched wings of the cherubim is a rigid pavement or 8firmament10 like crystal2 and above this a sapphire stone7#i7 supporting the throne of ,jehovah4 ,the divine ,being is seen in the likeness of a man2 and around ,him1 as if to temper the fierceness of the light in which ,he dwells1 is a radiance like that of the rainbow4 ,it will be noticed that while ,ezekiel's imagination dwells on what we must consider the accessories of the vision--the fire1 the cherubim1 the wheels--he hardly dares to lift his eyes to the person of ,jehovah ,himself4 ,the full meaning of what he is passing through only dawns on him when he realises that he is in the presence of the ,almighty4 ,then he falls on his face overpowered by the sense of his own insignificance4 ,there is no reason to doubt that what is thus described represents an actual experience on the part of the prophet4 ,it is not to be regarded merely as a conscious clothing of spiritual truths in symbolic imagery4 ,the description of a vision is of course a conscious exercise of literary faculty2 and in all such cases it must be difficult to distinguish what a prophet actually saw and heard in the moment of inspiration from the details which he was compelled to add in order to convey an intelligible picture to the minds of his readers4 ,it is probable that in the case of ,ezekiel the element of free invention has a larger range than in the less elaborate descriptions which other prophets give of their visions4 ,but this does not detract from the force of the prophet's own assertion that what he relates was based on a real and definite experience when in a state of prophetic ecstasy4 ,this is expressed by the words 8the hand of ,jehovah was upon him0 7ver4 #c7--;a phrase which is invariably used throughout the book to denote the prophet's peculiar mental condition when the communication of divine truth was accompanied by experiences of a visionary order4 ,moreover1 the account given of the state in which this vision left him shows that his natural consciousness had been overpowered by the pressure of supersensible realities on his spirit4 ,he tells us that he went 8in bitterness1 in the heat of his spirit1 the hand of the ,lord being heavy upon him2 and came to the exiles at ,telabib1 444 and sat there seven days stupefied in their midst0 7ch4 iii4 #ad1 #ae74 ,now whatever be the ultimate nature of the prophetic vision1 its significance for us would appear to lie in the untrammelled working of the prophet's imagination under the influence of spiritual perceptions which are too profound to be expressed as abstract ideas4 ,the prophet's consciousness is not suspended1 for he remembers his vision and reflects on its meaning afterwards2 but his intercourse with the outer world through the senses is interrupted1 so that his mind moves freely amongst images stored in his memory1 and new combinations are formed which embody a truth not previously apprehended4 ,the tableau of the vision is therefore always capable to some extent of a psychological explanation4 ,the elements of which it is composed must have been already present in the mind of the prophet1 and in so far as these can be traced to their sources we are enabled to understand their symbolic import in the novel combination in which they appear4 ,but the real significance of the vision lies in the immediate impression left on the mind of the prophet by the divine realities which govern his life1 and this is especially true of the vision of ,god ,himself which accompanies the call to the prophetic office4 ,although no vision can express the whole of a prophet's conception of ,god1 yet it represents to the imagination certain fundamental aspects of the divine nature and of ,god's relation to the world and to men2 and through all his subsequent career the prophet will be influenced by the form in which he once beheld the great ,being whose words come to him from time to time4 ,to his later reflection the vision becomes a symbol of certain truths about ,god1 although in the first instance the symbol was created for him by a mysterious operation of the divine ,spirit in a process over which he had no control4 ,in one respect ,ezekiel's inaugural vision seems to possess a greater importance for his theology than is the case with any other prophet4 ,with the other prophets the vision is a momentary experience1 of which the spiritual meaning passes into the thinking of the prophet1 but which does not recur again in the visionary form4 ,with ,ezekiel1 on the other hand1 the vision becomes a fixed and permanent symbol of ,jehovah1 appearing again and again in precisely the same form as often as the reality of ,god's presence is impressed on his mind4 ,the essential question1 then1 with regard to ,ezekiel's vision is1 ,what revelation of ,god or what ideas respecting ,god did it serve to impress on the mind of the prophet8 ,it may help us to answer that question if we begin by considering certain affinities which it presents to the great vision which opened the ministry of ,isaiah4 ,it must be admitted that ,ezekiel's experience is much less intelligible as well as less impressive than ,isaiah's4 ,in ,isaiah's delineation we recognise the presence of qualities which belong to genius of the highest order4 ,the perfect balance of form and idea1 the reticence which suggests without exhausting the significance of what is seen1 the fine artistic sense which makes every touch in the picture contribute to the rendering of the emotion which fills the prophet's soul1 combine to make the sixth chapter of ,isaiah one of the most sublime passages in literature4 ,no sympathetic reader can fail to catch the impression which the passage is intended to convey of the awful majesty of the ,god of ,israel1 and the effect produced on a frail and sinful mortal ushered into that holy ,presence4 ,we are made to feel how inevitably such a vision gives birth to the prophetic impulse1 and how both vision and impulse inform the mind of the seer with the clear and definite purpose which rules all his subsequent work4 ,the point in which ,ezekiel's vision differs most strikingly from ,isaiah's is the almost entire suppression of his subjectivity4 ,this is so complete that it becomes difficult to apprehend the meaning of the vision in relation to his thought and activity4 ,spiritual realities are so overlaid with symbolism that the narrative almost fails to reflect the mental state in which he was consecrated for the work of his life4 ,isaiah's vision is a drama1 ,ezekiel's is a spectacle2 in the one religious truth is expressed in a series of significant actions and words1 in the other it is embodied in forms and splendours that appeal only to the eye4 ,one fact may be noted in illustration of the diversity between the two representations4 ,the scenery of ,isaiah's vision is interpreted and spiritualised by the medium of language4 ,the seraphs' hymn of adoration strikes the note which is the central thought of the vision1 and the exclamation which breaks from the prophet's lips reveals the impact of that great truth on a human spirit4 ,the whole scene is thus lifted out of the region of mere symbolism into that of pure religious ideas4 ,ezekiel's1 on the other hand1 is like a song without words4 ,his cherubim are speechless4 ,while the rustling of their wings and the thunder of the revolving wheels break on his ear like the sound of mighty waters1 no articulate voice bears home to the mind the inner meaning of what he beholds4 ,probably he himself felt no need of it4 ,the pictorial character of his thinking appears in many features of his work2 and it is not surprising to find that the import of the revelation is expressed mainly in visual images4 ,now these differences are in their own place very instructive1 because they show how intimately the vision is related to the individuality of him who receives it1 and how even in the most exalted moments of inspiration the mind displays the same tendencies which characterise its ordinary operations4 ,yet ,ezekiel's vision represents a spiritual experience not less real than ,isaiah's4 ,his mental endowments are of a different order1 of a lower order if you will1 than those of ,isaiah2 but the essential fact that he too saw the glory of ,god and in that vision obtained the insight of the true prophet is not to be explained away by analysis of his literary talent or of the sources from which his images are derived4 ,it is allowable to write worse ,greek than ,plato2 and it is no disqualification for a ,hebrew prophet to lack the grandeur of imagination and the mastery of style which are the notes of ,isaiah's genius4 ,in spite of their obvious dissimilarities the two visions have enough in common to show that ,ezekiel's thoughts concerning ,god had been largely influenced by the study of ,isaiah4 ,truths that had perhaps long been latent in his mind now emerge into clear consciousness1 clothed in forms which bear the impress of the mind in which they were first conceived4 ,the fundamental idea is the same in each vision3 the absolute and universal sovereignty of ,god4 8,mine eyes have seen the ,king1 ,jehovah of hosts40 ,jehovah appears in human form1 seated on a throne and attended by ministering creatures which serve to show forth some part of ,his glory4 ,in the one case they are seraphim1 in the other cherubim2 and the functions imposed on them by the structure of the vision are very diverse in the two cases4 ,but the points in which they agree are more significant than those in which they differ4 ,they are the agents through whom ,jehovah exercises ,his sovereign authority1 beings full of life and intelligence and moving in swift response to ,his will4 ,although free from earthly imperfection they cover themselves with their wings before ,his majesty1 in token of the reverence which is due from the creature in presence of the ,creator4 ,for the rest they are symbolic figures embodying in themselves certain attributes of the ,deity1 or certain aspects of ,his kingship4 ,nor can ,ezekiel any more than ,isaiah think of ,jehovah as the ,king apart from the emblems associated with the worship of ,his earthly sanctuary4 ,the cherubim themselves are borrowed from the imagery of the ,temple1 although their forms are different from those which stood in the ,holy of holies4 ,so again the altar1 which was naturally suggested to ,isaiah by the scene of his vision being laid in the ,temple1 appears in ,ezekiel's vision in the form of the hearth of glowing coals which is under the divine throne4 ,it is true that the fire symbolises destructive might rather than purifying energy 7see ch4 x4 #b71 but it can hardly be doubted that the origin of the symbol is the altarhearth of the sanctuary and of ,isaiah's vision4 ,it is as if the essence of the ,temple and its worship were transferred to the sphere of heavenly realities where ,jehovah's glory is fully manifested4 ,all this1 therefore1 is nothing more than the embodiment of the fundamental truth of the ,old ,testament religion--that ,jehovah is the almighty ,king of heaven and earth1 that ,he executes ,his sovereign purposes with irresistible power1 and that it is the highest privilege of men on earth to render to ,him the homage and adoration which the sight of ,his glory draws forth from heavenly beings4 ,the idea of ,jehovah's kingship1 however1 is presented in the ,old ,testament under two aspects4 ,on the one hand1 it denotes the moral sovereignty of ,god over the people whom ,he had chosen as ,his own and to whom ,his will was continuously revealed as the guide of their national and social life4 ,on the other hand1 it denotes ,god's absolute dominion over the forces of nature and the events of history1 in virtue of which all things are the unconscious instruments of ,his purposes4 ,these two truths can never be separated1 although the emphasis is laid sometimes on the one and sometimes on the other4 ,thus in ,isaiah's vision the emphasis lies perhaps more on the doctrine of ,jehovah's kingship over ,israel4 ,it is true that ,he is at the same time represented as ,one whose glory is the 8fulness of the whole earth10 and who therefore manifests ,his power and presence in every part of ,his worldwide dominions4 ,but the fact that ,jehovah's palace is the idealised ,temple of ,jerusalem suggests at once1 what all the teaching of the prophet confirms1 that the nation of ,israel is the special sphere within which ,his kingly authority is to obtain practical recognition4 ,while no man had a firmer grasp of the truth that ,god wields all natural forces and overrules the actions of men in carrying out ,his providential designs1 yet the leading ideas of ,his ministry are those which spring from the thought of ,jehovah's presence in the midst of ,his people and the obligation that lies on ,israel to recognise ,his sovereignty4 ,he is1 to use ,isaiah's own expression1 the 8,holy ,one of ,israel40 ,this aspect of the divine kingship is undoubtedly represented in the vision of ,ezekiel4 ,we have remarked that the imagery of the vision is to some extent moulded on the idea of the sanctuary as the seat of ,jehovah's government1 and we shall find later on that the final restingplace of this emblem of ,his presence is a restored sanctuary in the land of ,canaan4 ,but the circumstances under which ,ezekiel was called to be a prophet required that prominence should be given to the complementary truth that the kingship of ,jehovah was independent of ,his special relation to ,israel4 ,for the present the tie between ,jehovah and ,his land was dissolved4 ,israel had disowned her divine ,king1 and was left to suffer the consequences of her disloyalty4 ,hence it is that the vision appears1 not from the direction of ,jerusalem1 but 8out of the north10 in token that ,god has departed from ,his ,temple and abandoned it to its enemies4 ,in this way the vision granted to the exiled prophet on the plain of ,babylonia embodied a truth opposed to the religious prejudices of his time1 but reassuring to himself--that the fall of ,israel leaves the essential sovereignty of ,jehovah untouched2 that ,he still lives and reigns1 although ,his people are trodden underfoot by worshippers of other gods4 ,but more than this1 we can see that on the whole the tendency of ,ezekiel's vision1 as distinguished from that of ,isaiah1 is to emphasise the universality of ,jehovah's relations to the world of nature and of mankind4 ,his throne rests here on a sapphire stone1 the symbol of heavenly purity1 to signify that ,his true dwellingplace is above the firmament1 in the heavens1 which are equally near to every region of the earth4 ,moreover1 it is mounted on a chariot1 by which it is moved from place to place with a velocity which suggests ubiquity1 and the chariot is borne by 8living creatures0 whose forms unite all that is symbolical of power and dignity in the living world4 ,further1 the shape of the chariot1 which is foursquare1 and the disposition of the wheels and cherubim1 which is such that there is no before or behind1 but the same front presented to each of the four quarters of the globe1 indicate that all parts of the universe are alike accessible to the presence of ,god4 ,finally1 the wheels and the cherubim are covered with eyes1 to denote that all things are open to the view of ,him who sits on the throne4 ,the attributes of ,god here symbolised are those which express ,his relations to created existence as a whole--omnipresence1 omnipotence1 omniscience4 ,these ideas are obviously incapable of adequate representation by any sensuous image--they can only be suggested to the mind2 and it is just the effort to suggest such transcendental attributes that imparts to the vision the character of obscurity which attaches to so many of its details4 ,another point of comparison between ,isaiah and ,ezekiel is suggested by the name which the latter constantly uses for the appearance which he sees1 or rather perhaps for that part of it which represents the personal appearance of ,god4 ,he calls it the 8glory of ,jehovah10 or 8glory of the ,god of ,israel40 ,the word for glory 7kbd7 is used in a variety of senses in the ,old ,testament4 ,etymologically it comes from a root expressing the idea of heaviness4 ,when used1 as here1 concretely1 it signifies that which is the outward manifestation of power or worth or dignity4 ,in human affairs it may be used of a man's wealth1 or the pomp and circumstance of military array1 or the splendour and pageantry of a royal court1 those things which oppress the minds of common men with a sense of magnificence4 ,in like manner1 when applied to ,god1 it denotes some reflection in the outer world of ,his majesty1 something that at once reveals and conceals ,his essential ,godhead4 ,now we remember that the second line of the seraphs' hymn conveyed to ,isaiah's mind this thought1 that 8that which fills the whole earth is ,his glory40 ,what is this 8filling of the whole earth0 in which the prophet sees the effulgence of the divine glory8 ,is his feeling akin to ,wordsworth's 8sense sublime ,of something far more deeply interfused1 ,whose dwelling is the light of setting suns1 ,and the round ocean1 and the living air1 ,and the blue sky1 and in the mind of man08 ,at least the words must surely mean that all through nature ,isaiah recognised that which declares the glory of ,god1 and therefore in some sense reveals ,him4 ,although they do not teach a doctrine of the divine immanence1 they contain all that is religiously valuable in that doctrine4 ,in ,ezekiel1 however1 we find nothing that looks in this direction4 ,it is characteristic of his thoughts about ,god that the very word 8glory0 which ,isaiah uses of something diffused through the earth is here employed to express the concentration of all divine qualities in a single image of dazzling splendour1 but belonging to heaven rather than to earth4 ,glory is here equivalent to brightness1 as in the ancient conception of the bright cloud which led the people through the desert and that which filled the ,temple with overpowering light when ,jehovah took possession of it 7#b ,chron4 vii4 #ac74 ,in a striking passage of his last vision ,ezekiel describes how this scene will be repeated when ,jehovah returns to take up ,his abode amongst ,his people and the earth will be lighted up with ,his glory 7ch4 xliii4 #b74 ,but meanwhile it may seem to us that earth is left poorer by the loss of that aspect of nature in which ,isaiah discovered a revelation of the divine4 ,ezekiel is conscious that what he has seen is after all but an imperfect semblance of the essential glory of ,god on which no mortal eye can gaze4 ,all that he describes is expressly said to be an 8appearance0 and a 8likeness40 ,when he comes to speak of the divine form in which the whole revelation culminates he can say no more than that it is the 8appearance of the likeness of the glory of ,jehovah40 ,the prophet appears to realise his inability to penetrate behind the appearance to the reality which it shadows forth4 ,the clearest vision of ,god which the mind of man can receive is an afterlook like that which was vouchsafed to ,moses when the divine presence had passed by 7,exod4 xxxiii4 #bc74 ,so it was with ,ezekiel4 ,the true revelation that came to him was not in what he saw with his eyes in the moment of his initiation1 but in the intuitive knowledge of ,god which from that hour he possessed1 and which enabled him to interpret more fully than he could have done at the time the significance of his first memorable meeting with the ,god of ,israel4 ,what he retained in his waking hours was first of all a vivid sense of the reality of ,god's being1 and then a mental picture suggesting those attributes which lay at the foundation of his prophetic ministry4 ,it is easy to see how this vision dominates all ,ezekiel's thinking about the divine nature4 ,the ,god whom he saw was in the form of a man1 and so the ,god of his conscience is a moral person to whom he fearlessly ascribes the parts and even the passions of humanity4 ,he speaks through the prophet in the language of royal authority1 as a king who will brook no rival in the affections of his people4 ,as ,king of ,israel ,he asserts ,his determination to reign over them with a mighty hand1 and by mingled goodness and severity to break their stubborn heart and bend them to ,his purpose4 ,there are perhaps other and more subtle affinities between the symbol of the vision and the prophet's inner consciousness of ,god4 ,just as the vision gathers up all in nature that suggests divinity into one resplendent image1 so it is also with the moral action of ,god as conceived by ,ezekiel4 ,his government of the world is selfcentred2 all the ends which ,he pursues in ,his providence lie within ,himself4 ,his dealings with the nations1 and with ,israel in particular1 are dictated by regard for ,his own glory1 or1 as ,ezekiel expresses it1 by pity for ,his great name4 8,not for your sake do ,i act1 ,o house of ,israel1 but for ,my holy name1 which ye have profaned among the heathen whither ye went0 7ch4 xxxvi4 #bb74 ,the relations into which ,he enters with men are all subordinate to the supreme purpose of 8sanctifying0 ,himself in the eyes of the world or manifesting ,himself as ,he truly is4 ,it is no doubt possible to exaggerate this feature of ,ezekiel's theology in a way that would be unjust to the prophet4 ,after all1 ,jehovah's desire to be known as ,he is implies a regard for ,his creatures which includes the ultimate intention to bless them4 ,it is but an extreme expression in the form necessary for that time of the truth to which all the prophets bear witness1 that the knowledge of ,god is the indispensable condition of true blessedness to men4 ,still1 the difference is marked between the 8not for your sake0 of ,ezekiel and the 8human bands1 the cords of love0 of which ,hosea speaks1 the yearning and compassionate affection that binds ,jehovah to ,his erring people4 ,in another respect the symbolism of the vision may be taken as an emblem of the ,hebrew conception of the universe4 ,the ,bible has no scientific theory of ,god's relation to the world2 but it is full of the practical conviction that all nature responds to ,his behests1 that all occurrences are indications of ,his mind1 the whole realm of nature and history being governed by one ,will which works for moral ends4 ,that conviction is as deeply rooted in the thinking of ,ezekiel as in that of any other prophet1 and1 consciously or unconsciously1 it is reflected in the structure of the merkb1 or heavenly chariot1 which has no mechanical connection between its different parts1 and yet is animated by one spirit and moves altogether at the impulse of ,jehovah's will4 ,it will be seen that the general tendency of ,ezekiel's conception of ,god is what might be described in modern language as 8transcendental40 ,in this1 however1 the prophet does not stand alone1 and the difference between him and earlier prophets is not so great as is sometimes represented4 ,indeed1 the contrast between transcendent and immanent is hardly applicable in the ,old ,testament religion4 ,if by transcendence it is meant that ,god is a being distinct from the world1 not losing ,himself in the life of nature1 but ruling over it and controlling it as ,his instrument1 then all the inspired writers of the ,old ,testament are transcendentalists4 ,but this does not mean that ,god is separated from the human spirit by a dead1 mechanical universe which owes nothing to its ,creator but its initial impulse and its governing laws4 ,the idea that a world could come between man and ,god is one that would never have occurred to a prophet4 ,just because ,god is above the world ,he can reveal ,himself directly to the spirit of man1 speaking to ,his servants face to face as a man speaketh to his friend4 ,but frequently in the prophets the thought is expressed that ,jehovah is 8far off0 or 8comes from far0 in the crises of ,his people's history4 8,am ,i a ,god at hand1 saith ,jehovah1 and not a ,god afar off80 is ,jeremiah's question to the false prophets of his day2 and the answer is1 8,do not ,i fill heaven and earth8 saith ,jehovah40 ,on this subject we may quote the suggestive remarks of a recent commentator on ,isaiah3 8,the local deities1 the gods of the tribal religions1 are near2 ,jehovah is far1 but at the same time everywhere present4 ,the remoteness of ,jehovah in space represented to the prophets better than our transcendental abstractions ,jehovah's absolute ascendency4 ,this #8far off' is spoken with enthusiasm4 ,everywhere and nowhere1 ,jehovah comes when ,his hour is come407#aj7 ,that is the idea of ,ezekiel's vision4 ,god comes to him 8from far10 but ,he comes very near4 ,our difficulty may be to realise the nearness of ,god4 ,scientific discovery has so enlarged our view of the material universe that we feel the need of every consideration that can bring home to us a sense of the divine condescension and interest in man's earthly history and his spiritual welfare4 ,but the difficulty which beset the ordinary ,israelite even so late as the ,exile was as nearly as possible the opposite of ours4 ,his temptation was to think of ,god as only a ,god 8at hand10 a local deity1 whose range of influence was limited to a particular spot1 and whose power was measured by the fortunes of ,his own people4 ,above all things he needed to learn that ,god was 8afar off10 filling heaven and earth1 that ,his power was exerted everywhere1 and that there was no place where either a man could hide himself from ,god or ,god was hidden from man4 ,when we bear in mind these circumstances we can see how needful was the revelation of the divine omnipresence as a step towards the perfect knowledge of ,god which comes to us through ,jesus ,christ4 ,chapter ,,iv4 ,ezekiel's ,prophetic ,commission4 ,chapters ii41 iii4 ,the call of a prophet and the vision of ,god which sometimes accompanied it are the two sides of one complex experience4 ,the man who has truly seen ,god necessarily has a message to men4 ,not only are his spiritual perceptions quickened and all the powers of his being stirred to the highest activity1 but there is laid on his conscience the burden of a sacred duty and a lifelong vocation to the service of ,god and man4 ,the true prophet therefore is one who can say with ,paul1 8,i was not disobedient to the heavenly vision10 for that cannot be a real vision of ,god which does not demand obedience4 ,and of the two elements the call is the one that is indispensable to the idea of a prophet4 ,we can conceive a prophet without an ecstatic vision1 but not without a consciousness of being chosen by ,god for a special work or a sense of moral responsibility for the faithful declaration of ,his truth4 ,whether1 as with ,isaiah and ,ezekiel1 the call springs out of the vision of ,god1 or whether1 as with ,jeremiah1 the call comes first and is supplemented by experiences of a visionary kind1 the essential fact in the prophet's initiation always is the conviction that from a certain period in his life the word of ,jehovah came to him1 and along with it the feeling of personal obligation to ,god for the discharge of a mission entrusted to him4 ,while the vision merely serves to impress on the imagination by means of symbols a certain conception of ,god's being1 and may be dispensed with when symbols are no longer the necessary vehicle of spiritual truth1 the call1 as conveying a sense of one's true place in the kingdom of ,god1 can never be wanting to any man who has a prophetic work to do for ,god amongst his fellowmen4 ,it has been already hinted that in the case of ,ezekiel the connection between the call and the vision is less obvious than in that of ,isaiah4 ,the character of the narrative undergoes a change at the beginning of ch4 ii4 ,the first part is moulded1 as we have seen1 very largely on the inaugural vision of ,isaiah2 the second betrays with equal clearness the influence of ,jeremiah4 ,the appearance of a break between the first chapter and the second is partly due to the prophet's laborious manner of describing what he had passed through4 ,it is altogether unfair to represent him as having first curiously inspected the mechanism of the merkb1 and then bethought himself that it was a fitting thing to fall on his face before it4 ,the experience of an ecstasy is one thing1 the relating of it is another4 ,in much less time than it takes us to master the details of the picture1 ,ezekiel had seen and been overpowered by the glory of ,jehovah1 and had become aware of the purpose for which it had been revealed to him4 ,he knew that ,god had come to him in order to send him as a prophet to his fellowexiles4 ,and just as the description of the vision draws out in detail those features which were significant of ,god's nature and attributes1 so in what follows he becomes conscious step by step of certain aspects of the work to which he is called4 ,in the form of a series of addresses of the ,almighty there are presented to his mind the outlines of his prophetic career--its conditions1 its hardships1 its encouragements1 and above all its binding and peremptory obligation4 ,some of the facts now set before him1 such as the spiritual condition of his audience1 had long been familiar to his thoughts--others were new2 but now they all take their proper place in the scheme of his life2 he is made to know their bearing on his work1 and what attitude he is to adopt in face of them4 ,all this takes place in the prophetic trance2 but the ideas remain with him as the sustaining principles of his subsequent work4 #a4 ,of the truths thus presented to the mind of ,ezekiel the first1 and the one that directly arises out of the impression which the vision made on him1 is his personal insignificance4 ,as he lies prostrate before the glory of ,jehovah he hears for the first time the name which ever afterwards signalises his relation to the ,god who speaks through him4 ,it hardly needs to be said that the term 8son of man0 in the book of ,ezekiel is no title of honour or of distinction4 ,it is precisely the opposite of this4 ,it denotes the absence of distinction in the person of the prophet4 ,it signifies no more than 8member of the human race02 its sense might almost be conveyed if we were to render it by the word 8mortal40 ,it expresses the infinite contrast between the heavenly and the earthly1 between the glorious ,being who speaks from the throne and the frail creature who needs to be supernaturally strengthened before he can stand upright in the attitude of service 7ch4 ii4 #a74 ,he felt that there was no reason in himself for the choice which ,god made of him to be a prophet4 ,he is conscious only of the attributes which he has in common with the race--of human weakness and insignificance2 all that distinguishes him from other men belongs to his office1 and is conferred on him by ,god in the act of his consecration4 ,there is no trace of the generous impulse that prompted ,isaiah to offer himself as a servant of the great ,king as soon as he realised that there was work to be done4 ,he is equally a stranger to the shrinking of ,jeremiah's sensitive spirit from the responsibilities of the prophet's charge4 ,to ,ezekiel the divine ,presence is so overpowering1 the command is so definite and exacting1 that no room is left for the play of personal feeling2 the hand of the ,lord is heavy on him1 and he can do nothing but stand still and hear4 #b4 ,the next thought that occupies the attention of the prophet is the spiritual condition of those to whom he is sent4 ,it is to be noted that his mission presents itself to him from the outset in two aspects4 ,in the first place1 he is a prophet to the whole house of ,israel1 including the lost kingdom of the ten tribes1 as well as the two sections of the kingdom of ,judah1 those now in exile and those still remaining in their own land4 ,this is his ideal audience2 the sweep of his prophecy is to embrace the destinies of the nation as a whole1 although but a small part be within the reach of his spoken words4 ,but in literal fact he is to be the prophet of the exiles 7ch4 iii4 #aa72 that is the sphere in which he has to make proof of his ministry4 ,these two audiences are for the most part not distinguished in the mind of ,ezekiel2 he sees the ideal in the real1 regarding the little colony in which he lives as an epitome of the national life4 ,but in both aspects of his work the outlook is equally dispiriting4 ,if he looks forward to an active career amongst his fellow captives1 he is given to know that 8thorns and thistles0 are with him and that his dwelling is among scorpions 7ch4 ii4 #f74 ,petty persecution and rancorous opposition are the inevitable lot of a prophet there4 ,and if he extends his thoughts to the idealised nation he has to think of a people whose character is revealed in a long history of rebellion and apostasy3 they are 8the rebels who have rebelled against ,me1 they and their fathers to this very day0 7ch4 ii4 #c74 ,the greatest difficulty he will have to contend with is the impenetrability of the minds of his hearers to the truths of his message4 ,the barrier of a strange language suggests an illustration of the impossibility of communicating spiritual ideas to such men as he is sent to4 ,but it is a far more hopeless barrier that separates him from his people4 8,not to a people of deep speech and heavy tongue art thou sent2 and not to many peoples whose language thou canst not understand3 if ,i had sent thee to them1 they would hear thee4 ,but the house of ,israel will refuse to hear thee2 for they refuse to hear ,me3 for the whole house of ,israel are hard of forehead and stout of heart0 7ch4 iii4 #eg74 ,the meaning is that the incapacity of the people is not intellectual1 but moral and spiritual4 ,they can understand the prophet's words1 but they will not hear them because they dislike the truth which he utters and have rebelled against the ,god who sent him4 ,the hardening of the national conscience which ,isaiah foresaw as the inevitable result of his own ministry is already accomplished1 and ,ezekiel traces it to its source in a defect of the will1 an aversion to the truths which express the character of ,jehovah4 ,this fixed judgment on his contemporaries with which ,ezekiel enters on his work is condensed into one of those stereotyped expressions which abound in his writings3 8house of disobedience07#aa7--;a phrase which is afterwards amplified in more than one elaborate review of the nation's past4 ,it no doubt sums up the result of much previous meditation on the state of ,israel and the possibility of a national reformation4 ,if any hope had hitherto lingered in ,ezekiel's mind that the exiles might now respond to a true word from ,jehovah1 it disappears in the clear insight which he obtains into the state of their hearts4 ,he sees that the time has not yet come to win the people back to ,god by assurances of ,his compassion and the nearness of ,his salvation4 ,the breach between ,jehovah and ,israel has not begun to be healed1 and the prophet who stands on the side of ,god must look for no sympathy from men4 ,in the very act of his consecration his mind is thus set in the attitude of uncompromising severity towards the obdurate house of ,israel3 8,behold1 ,i make thy face hard like their faces1 and thy forehead hard like theirs1 like adamant harder than flint4 ,thou shalt not fear them nor be dismayed at their countenance1 for a disobedient house are they0 7ch4 iii4 #h1 #i74 #c4 ,the significance of the transaction in which he takes part is still further impressed on the mind of the prophet by a symbolic act in which he is made to signify his acceptance of the commission entrusted to him 7chs4 ii4 #h;iii4 #c74 ,he sees a hand extended to him holding the roll of a book1 and when the roll is spread out before him it is found to be written on both sides with 8lamentations and mourning and woe40 ,in obedience to the divine command he opens his mouth and eats the scroll1 and finds to his surprise that in spite of its contents its taste is 8like honey for sweetness40 ,the meaning of this strange symbol appears to include two things4 ,in the first place it denotes the removal of the inward hindrance of which every man must be conscious when he receives the call to be a prophet4 ,something similar occurs in the inaugural vision of ,isaiah and ,jeremiah4 ,the impediment of which ,isaiah was conscious was the uncleanness of his lips2 and this being removed by the touch of the hot coal from the altar1 he is filled with a new feeling of freedom and eagerness to engage in the service of ,god4 ,in the case of ,jeremiah the hindrance was a sense of his own weakness and unfitness for the arduous duties which were imposed on him2 and this again was taken away by the consecrating touch of ,jehovah's hand on his lips4 ,the part of ,ezekiel's experience with which we are dealing is obviously parallel to these1 although it is not possible to say what feeling of incapacity was uppermost in his mind4 ,perhaps it was the dread lest in him there should lurk something of that rebellious spirit which was the characteristic of the race to which he belonged4 ,he who had been led to form so hard a judgment of his people could not but look with a jealous eye on his own heart1 and could not forget that he shared the same sinful nature which made their rebellion possible4 ,accordingly the book is presented to him in the first instance as a test of his obedience4 8,but thou1 son of man1 hear what ,i say to thee2 ,be not disobedient like the disobedient house3 open thy mouth1 and eat what ,i give thee0 7ch4 ii4 #h74 ,when the book proves sweet to his taste1 he has the assurance that he has been endowed with such sympathy with the thoughts of ,god that things which to the natural mind are unwelcome become the source of a spiritual satisfaction4 ,jeremiah had expressed the same strange delight in his work in a striking passage which was doubtless familiar to ,ezekiel3 8,when ,thy words were found ,i did eat them2 and ,thy word was to me the joy and rejoicing of my heart3 for ,i was called by ,thy name1 ,o ,jehovah ,god of hosts0 7,jer4 xv4 #af74 ,we have a still higher illustration of the same fact in the life of our ,lord1 to whom it was meat and drink to do the will of ,his ,father1 and who experienced a joy in the doing of it which was peculiarly ,his own4 ,it is the reward of the true service of ,god that amidst all the hardships and discouragements which have to be endured the heart is sustained by an inward joy springing from the consciousness of working in fellowship with ,god4 ,but in the second place the eating of the book undoubtedly signifies the bestowal on the prophet of the gift of inspiration--that is1 the power to speak the words of ,jehovah4 8,son of man1 eat this roll1 and go speak to the children of ,israel4444 ,go1 get thee to the house of ,israel1 and speak with ,my words to them0 7ch4 iii4 #a1 #d74 ,now the call of a prophet does not mean that his mind is charged with a certain body of doctrine1 which he is to deliver from time to time as circumstances require4 ,all that can safely be said about the prophetic inspiration is that it implies the faculty of distinguishing the truth of ,god from the thoughts that naturally arise in the prophet's own mind4 ,nor is there anything in ,ezekiel's experience which necessarily goes beyond this conception2 although the incident of the book has been interpreted in ways that burden him with a very crude and mechanical theory of inspiration4 ,some critics have believed that the book which he swallowed is the book he was afterwards to write1 as if he had reproduced in instalments what was delivered to him at this time4 ,others1 without going so far as this1 find it at least significant that one who was to be preeminently a literary prophet should conceive of the word of the ,lord as communicated to him in the form of a book4 ,when one writer speaks of 8eigenthmliche ,empfindungen im ,schlunde07#ab7 as the basis of the figure1 he seems to come perilously near to resolving inspiration into a nervous disease4 ,all these representations go beyond a fair construction of the prophet's meaning4 ,the act is purely symbolic4 ,the book has nothing to do with the subjectmatter of his prophecy1 nor does the eating of it mean anything more than the selfsurrender of the prophet to his vocation as a vehicle of the word of ,jehovah4 ,the idea that the word of ,god becomes a living power in the inner being of the prophet is also expressed by ,jeremiah when he speaks of it as a 8burning fire shut up in his bones0 7,jer4 xx4 #i72 and ,ezekiel's conception is similar4 ,although he speaks as if he had once for all assimilated the word of ,god1 although he was conscious of a new power working within him1 there is no proof that he thought of the word of the ,lord as dwelling in him otherwise than as a spiritual impulse to utter the truth revealed to him from time to time4 ,that is the inspiration which all the prophets possess3 8,jehovah ,god hath spoken1 who can but prophesy80 7,amos iii4 #h74 #d4 ,it was not to be expected that a prophet so practical in his aims as ,ezekiel should be left altogether without some indication of the end to be accomplished by his work4 ,the ordinary incentives to an arduous public career have indeed been denied to him4 ,he knows that his mission contains no promise of a striking or an immediate success1 that he will be misjudged and opposed by nearly all who hear him1 and that he will have to pursue his course without appreciation or sympathy4 ,it has been impressed on him that to declare ,god's message is an end in itself1 a duty to be discharged with no regard to its issues1 8whether men hear or whether they forbear40 ,like ,paul he recognises that 8necessity is laid upon him0 to preach the word of ,god4 ,but there is one word which reveals to him the way in which his ministry is to be made effective in the working out of ,jehovah's purpose with ,israel4 8,whether they hear or whether they forbear1 they shall know that a prophet hath been among them0 7ii4 #e74 ,the reference is mainly to the destruction of the nation which ,ezekiel well knew must form the chief burden of any true prophetic message delivered at that time4 ,he will be approved as a prophet1 and recognised as what he is1 when his words are verified by the event4 ,does it seem a poor reward for years of incessant contention with prejudice and unbelief8 ,it was at all events the only reward that was possible1 but it was also to be the beginning of better days4 ,for these words have a wider significance than their bearing on the prophet's personal position4 ,it has been truly said that the preservation of the true religion after the downfall of the nation depended on the fact that the event had been clearly foretold4 ,two religions and two conceptions of ,god were then struggling for the mastery in ,israel4 ,one was the religion of the prophets1 who set the moral holiness of ,jehovah above every other consideration1 and affirmed that ,his righteousness must be vindicated even at the cost of ,his people's destruction4 ,the other was the popular religion which clung to the belief that ,jehovah could not for any reason abandon ,his people without ceasing to be ,god4 ,this conflict of principles reached its climax in the time of ,ezekiel1 and it also found its solution4 ,the destruction of ,jerusalem cleared the issues4 ,it was then seen that the teaching of the prophets afforded the only possible explanation of the course of events4 ,the ,jehovah of the opposite religion was proved to be a figment of the popular imagination2 and there was no alternative between accepting the prophetic interpretation of history and resigning all faith in the destiny of ,israel4 ,hence the recognition of ,ezekiel1 the last of the old order of prophets1 who had carried their threatenings on to the eve of their accomplishment1 was really a great crisis of religion4 ,it meant the triumph of the only conception of ,god on which the hope of a better future could be built4 ,although the people might still be far from the state of heart in which ,jehovah could remove ,his chastening hand1 the first condition of national repentance was given as soon as it was perceived that there had been prophets among them who had declared the purpose of ,jehovah4 ,the foundation was also laid for a more fruitful development of ,ezekiel's activity4 ,the word of the ,lord had been in his hands a power 8to pluck up and to break down and to destroy0 the old ,israel that would not know ,jehovah2 henceforward it was destined to 8build and plant0 a new ,israel inspired by a new ideal of holiness and a whole hearted repugnance to every form of idolatry4 #e4 ,these then are the chief elements which enter into the remarkable experience that made ,ezekiel a prophet4 ,further disclosures of the nature of his office were1 however1 necessary before he could translate his vocation into a conscious plan of work4 ,the departure of the theophany appears to have left him in a state of mental prostration47#ac7 ,in 8bitterness and heat of spirit0 he resumes his place amongst his fellow captives at ,telabib1 and sits among them like a man bewildered for seven days4 ,at the end of that time the effects of the ecstasy seem to pass away1 and more light breaks on him with regard to his mission4 ,he realises that it is to be largely a mission to individuals4 ,he is appointed as a watchman to the house of ,israel1 to warn the wicked from his way2 and as such he is held accountable for the fate of any soul that might miss the way of life through failure of duty on his part4 ,it has been supposed that this passage 7ch4 iii4 #afba7 describes the character of a short period of public activity1 in which ,ezekiel endeavoured to act the part of a 8reprover0 7ver4 #bf7 among the exiles4 ,this is considered to have been his first attempt to act on his commission1 and to have been continued until the prophet was convinced of its hopelessness and in obedience to the divine command shut himself up in his own house4 ,but this view does not seem to be sufficiently borne out by the terms of the narrative4 ,the words rather represent a point of view from which his whole ministry is surveyed1 or an aspect of it which possessed peculiar importance from the circumstances in which he was placed4 ,the idea of his position as a watchman responsible for individuals may have been present to the prophet's mind from the time of his call2 but the practical development of that idea was not possible until the destruction of ,jerusalem had prepared men's minds to give heed to his admonitions4 ,accordingly the second period of ,ezekiel's work opens with a fuller statement of the principles indicated in this section 7ch4 xxxiii474 ,we shall therefore defer the consideration of these principles till we reach the stage of the prophet's ministry at which their practical significance emerges4 #f4 ,the last six verses of the third chapter may be regarded either as closing the account of ,ezekiel's consecration or as the introduction to the first part of his ministry1 that which preceded the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,they contain the description of a second trance1 which appears to have happened seven days after the first4 ,the prophet seemed to himself to be carried out in spirit to a certain plain near his residence in ,telabib4 ,there the glory of ,jehovah appears to him precisely as he had seen it in his former vision by the river ,kebar4 ,he then receives the command to shut himself up within his house4 ,he is to be like a man bound with ropes1 unable to move about among his fellowexiles4 ,moreover1 the free use of speech is to be interdicted2 his tongue will be made to cleave to his palate1 so that he is as one 8dumb40 ,but as often as he receives a message from ,jehovah his mouth will be opened that he may declare it to the rebellious house of ,israel4 ,now if we compare ver4 #bf with xxiv4 #bg and xxxiii4 #bb1 we find that this state of intermittent dumbness continued till the day when the siege of ,jerusalem began1 and was not finally removed till tidings were brought of the capture of the city4 ,the verses before us therefore throw light on the prophet's demeanour during the first half of his ministry4 ,what they signify is his almost entire withdrawal from public life4 ,instead of being like his great predecessors1 a man living full in the public view1 and thrusting himself on men's notice when they least desired him1 he is to lead an isolated and a solitary life1 a sign to the people rather than a living voice47#ad7 ,from the sequel we gather that he excited sufficient interest to induce the elders and others to visit him in his house to inquire of ,jehovah4 ,we must also suppose that from time to time he emerged from his retirement with a message for the whole community4 ,it cannot1 indeed1 be assumed that the chs4 iv4xxiv4 contain an exact reproduction of the addresses delivered on these occasions4 ,few of them profess to have been uttered in public1 and for the most part they give the impression of having been intended for patient study on the written page rather than for immediate oratorical effect4 ,there is no reason to doubt that in the main they embody the results of ,ezekiel's prophetic experiences during the period to which they are referred1 although it may be impossible to determine how far they were actually spoken at the time1 and how far they are merely written for the instruction of a wider audience4 ,the strong figures used here to describe this state of seclusion appear to reflect the prophet's consciousness of the restraints providentially imposed on the exercise of his office4 ,these restraints1 however1 were moral1 and not1 as has sometimes been maintained1 physical4 ,the chief element was the pronounced hostility and incredulity of the people4 ,this1 combined with the sense of doom hanging over the nation1 seems to have weighed on the spirit of ,ezekiel1 and in the ecstatic state the incubus lying upon him and paralysing his activity presents itself to his imagination as if he were bound with ropes and afflicted with dumbness4 ,the representation finds a partial parallel in a later passage in the prophet's history4 ,from ch4 xxix4 #ba 7which is the latest prophecy in the whole book7 we learn that the apparent nonfulfilment of his predictions against ,tyre had caused a similar hindrance to his public work1 depriving him of the boldness of speech characteristic of a prophet4 ,and the opening of the mouth given to him on that occasion by the vindication of his words is clearly analogous to the removal of his silence by the news that ,jerusalem had fallen47#ae7 ,,part ,,ii4 ,,prophecies ,,relating ,,mainly ,,to ,,the ,,destruction ,,of ,,jerusalem4 ,chapter ,v4 ,the ,end ,foretold4 ,chapters iv4vii4 ,with the fourth chapter we enter on the exposition of the first great division of ,ezekiel's prophecies4 ,the chs4 iv4xxiv4 cover a period of about four and a half years1 extending from the time of the prophet's call to the commencement of the siege of ,jerusalem4 ,during this time ,ezekiel's thoughts revolved round one great theme--the approaching judgment on the city and the nation4 ,through contemplation of this fact there was disclosed to him the outline of a comprehensive theory of divine providence1 in which the destruction of ,israel was seen to be the necessary consequence of her past history and a necessary preliminary to her future restoration4 ,the prophecies may be classified roughly under three heads4 ,in the first class are those which exhibit the judgment itself in ways fitted to impress the prophet and his hearers with a conviction of its certainty2 a second class is intended to demolish the illusions and false ideals which possessed the minds of the ,israelites and made the announcement of disaster incredible2 and a third and very important class expounds the moral principles which were illustrated by the judgment1 and which show it to be a divine necessity4 ,in the passage which forms the subject of the present lecture the bare fact and certainty of the judgment are set forth in word and symbol and with a minimum of commentary1 although even here the conception which ,ezekiel had formed of the moral situation is clearly discernible4 ,i ,the certainty of the national judgment seems to have been first impressed on ,ezekiel's mind in the form of a singular series of symbolic acts which he conceived himself to be commanded to perform4 ,the peculiarity of these signs is that they represent simultaneously two distinct aspects of the nation's fate--on the one hand the horrors of the siege of ,jerusalem1 and on the other hand the state of exile which was to follow47#af7 ,that the destruction of ,jerusalem should occupy the first place in the prophet's picture of national calamity requires no explanation4 ,jerusalem was the heart and brain of the nation1 the centre of its life and its religion1 and in the eyes of the prophets the fountainhead of its sin4 ,the strength of her natural situation1 the patriotic and religious associations which had gathered round her1 and the smallness of her subject province gave to ,jerusalem a unique position among the mother cities of antiquity4 ,and ,ezekiel's hearers knew what he meant when he employed the picture of a beleaguered city to set forth the judgment that was to overtake them4 ,that crowning horror of ancient warfare1 the siege of a fortified town1 meant in this case something more appalling to the imagination than the ravages of pestilence and famine and sword4 ,the fate of ,jerusalem represented the disappearance of everything that had constituted the glory and excellence of ,israel's national existence4 ,that the light of ,israel should be extinguished amidst the anguish and bloodshed which must accompany an unsuccessful defence of the capital was the most terrible element in ,ezekiel's message1 and here he sets it in the forefront of his prophecy4 ,the manner in which the prophet seeks to impress this fact on his countrymen illustrates a peculiar vein of realism which runs through all his thinking 7ch4 iv4 #ac74 ,being at a distance from ,jerusalem1 he seems to feel the need of some visible emblem of the doomed city before he can adequately represent the import of his prediction4 ,he is commanded to take a brick and portray upon it a walled city1 surrounded by the towers1 mounds1 and batteringrams which marked the usual operations of a besieging army4 ,then he is to erect a plate of iron between him and the city1 and from behind this1 with menacing gestures1 he is as it were to press on the siege4 ,the meaning of the symbols is obvious4 ,as the engines of destruction appear on ,ezekiel's diagram1 at the bidding of ,jehovah1 so in due time the ,chaldan army will be seen from the walls of ,jerusalem1 led by the same unseen ,power which now controls the acts of the prophet4 ,in the last act ,ezekiel exhibits the attitude of ,jehovah ,himself1 cut off from ,his people by the iron wall of an inexorable purpose which no prayer could penetrate4 ,thus far the prophet's actions1 however strange they may appear to us1 have been simple and intelligible4 ,but at this point a second sign is as it were superimposed on the first1 in order to symbolise an entirely different set of facts--the hardship and duration of the ,exile 7vv4 #dh74 ,while still engaged in prosecuting the siege of the city1 the prophet is supposed to become at the same time the representative of the guilty people and the victim of the divine judgment4 ,he is to 8bear their iniquity0--that is1 the punishment due to their sin4 ,this is represented by his lying bound on his left side for a number of days equal to the years of ,ephraim's banishment1 and then on his right side for a time proportionate to the captivity of ,judah4 ,now the time of ,judah's exile is fixed at forty years1 dating of course from the fall of the city4 ,the captivity of ,north ,israel exceeds that of ,judah by the interval between the destruction of ,samaria 7#gbb7 and the fall of ,jerusalem1 a period which actually measured about a hundred and thirtyfive years4 ,in the ,hebrew text1 however1 the length of ,israel's captivity is given as three hundred and ninety years--that is1 it must have lasted for three hundred and fifty years before that of ,judah begins4 ,this is obviously quite irreconcilable with the facts of history1 and also with the prophet's intention4 ,he cannot mean that the banishment of the northern tribes was to be protracted for two centuries after that of ,judah had come to an end1 for he uniformly speaks of the restoration of the two branches of the nation as simultaneous4 ,the text of the ,greek translation helps us past this difficulty4 ,the ,hebrew manuscript from which that version was made had the reading a 8hundred and ninety0 instead of 8three hundred and ninety0 in ver4 #e4 ,this alone yields a satisfactory sense1 and the reading of the ,septuagint is now generally accepted as representing what ,ezekiel actually wrote4 ,there is still a slight discrepancy between the hundred and thirty five years of the actual history and the hundred and fifty years expressed by the symbol2 but we must remember that ,ezekiel is using round numbers throughout1 and moreover he has not as yet fixed the precise date of the capture of ,jerusalem when the last forty years are to commence47#ag7 ,in the third symbol 7vv4 #iag7 the two aspects of the judgment are again presented in the closest possible combination4 ,the prophet's food and drink during the days when he is imagined to be lying on his side represents on the one hand1 by its being small in quantity and carefully weighed and measured1 the rigours of famine in ,jerusalem during the siege--8,behold1 ,i will break the staff of bread in ,jerusalem3 and they shall eat bread by weight1 and with anxiety2 and drink water by measure1 and with horror0 7ver4 #af72 on the other hand1 by its mixed ingredients and by the fuel used in its preparation1 it typifies the unclean religious condition of the people when in exile--8,even so shall the children of ,israel eat their food unclean among the heathen0 7ver4 #ac74 ,the meaning of this threat is best explained by a passage in the book of ,hosea4 ,speaking of the ,exile1 ,hosea says3 8,they shall not remain in the land of ,jehovah2 but the children of ,ephraim shall return to ,egypt1 and shall eat unclean food in ,assyria4 ,they shall pour out no wine to ,jehovah1 nor shall they lay out their sacrifices for ,him3 like the food of mourners shall their food be2 all that eat thereof shall be defiled3 for their bread shall only satisfy their hunger2 it shall not come into the house of ,jehovah0 7,hos4 ix4 #c1 #d74 ,the idea is that all food which has not been consecrated by being presented to ,jehovah in the sanctuary is necessarily unclean1 and those who eat of it contract ceremonial defilement4 ,in the very act of satisfying his natural appetite a man forfeits his religious standing4 ,this was the peculiar hardship of the state of exile1 that a man must become unclean1 he must eat unconsecrated food unless he renounced his religion and served the gods of the land in which he dwelt4 ,between the time of ,hosea and ,ezekiel these ideas may have been somewhat modified by the introduction of the ,deuteronomic law1 which expressly permits secular slaughter at a distance from the sanctuary4 ,but this did not lessen the importance of a legal sanctuary for the common life of an ,israelite4 ,the whole of a man's flocks and herds1 the whole produce of his fields1 had to be sanctified by the presentation of firstlings and firstfruits at the ,temple before he could enjoy the reward of his industry with the sense of standing in ,jehovah's favour4 ,hence the destruction of the sanctuary or the permanent exclusion of the worshippers from it reduced the whole life of the people to a condition of uncleanness which was felt to be as great a calamity as was a papal interdict in the ,middle ,ages4 ,this is the fact which is expressed in the part of ,ezekiel's symbolism now before us4 ,what it meant for his fellowexiles was that the religious disability under which they laboured was to be continued for a generation4 ,the whole life of ,israel was to become unclean until its inward state was made worthy of the religious privileges now to be withdrawn4 ,at the same time no one could have felt the penalty more severely than ,ezekiel himself1 in whom habits of ceremonial purity had become a second nature4 ,the repugnance which he feels at the loathsome manner in which he was at first directed to prepare his food1 and the profession of his own practice in exile1 as well as the concession made to his scrupulous sense of propriety 7vv4 #adaf71 are all characteristic of one whose priestly training had made a defect of ceremonial cleanness almost equivalent to a moral delinquency4 ,the last of the symbols 7ch4 v4 #ad7 represents the fate of the population of ,jerusalem when the city is taken4 ,the shaving of the prophet's head and beard is a figure for the depopulation of the city and country4 ,by a further series of acts1 whose meaning is obvious1 he shows how a third of the inhabitants shall die of famine and pestilence during the siege1 a third shall be slain by the enemy when the city is captured1 while the remaining third shall be dispersed among the nations4 ,even these shall be pursued by the sword of vengeance until but a few numbered individuals survive1 and of them again a part passes through the fire4 ,the passage reminds us of the last verse of the sixth chapter of ,isaiah1 which was perhaps in ,ezekiel's mind when he wrote3 8,and if a tenth still remain in it the land1 it shall again pass through the fire3 as a terebinth or an oak whose stump is left at their felling3 a holy seed shall be the stock thereof0 7,isa4 vi4 #ac74 ,at least the conception of a succession of sifting judgments1 leaving only a remnant to inherit the promise of the future1 is common to both prophets1 and the symbol in ,ezekiel is noteworthy as the first expression of his steadfast conviction that further punishments were in store for the exiles after the destruction of ,jerusalem4 ,it is clear that these signs could never have been enacted1 either in view of the people or in solitude1 as they are here described4 ,it may be doubted whether the whole description is not purely ideal1 representing a process which passed through the prophet's mind1 or was suggested to him in the visionary state but never actually performed4 ,that will always remain a tenable view4 ,an imaginary symbolic act is as legitimate a literary device as an imaginary conversation4 ,it is absurd to mix up the question of the prophet's truthfulness with the question whether he did or did not actually do what he conceives himself as doing4 ,the attempt to explain his action by catalepsy would take us but a little way1 even if the arguments adduced in favour of it were stronger than they are4 ,since even a cataleptic patient could not have tied himself down on his side or prepared and eaten his food in that posture1 it is necessary in any case to admit that there must be a considerable1 though indeterminate1 element of literary imagination in the account given of the symbols4 ,it is not impossible that some symbolic representation of the siege of ,jerusalem may have actually been the first act in ,ezekiel's ministry4 ,in the interpretation of the vision which immediately follows we shall find that no notice is taken of the features which refer to exile1 but only of those which announce the siege of ,jerusalem4 ,it may therefore be the case that ,ezekiel did some such action as is here described1 pointing to the fall of ,jerusalem1 but that the whole was taken up afterwards in his imagination and made into an ideal representation of the two great facts which formed the burden of his earlier prophecy4 ,,ii ,it is a relief to turn from this somewhat fantastic1 though for its own purpose effective1 exhibition of prophetic ideas to the impassioned oracles in which the doom of the city and the nation is pronounced4 ,the first of these 7ch4 v4 #eag7 is introduced here as the explanation of the signs that have been described1 in so far as they bear on the fate of ,jerusalem2 but it has a unity of its own1 and is a characteristic specimen of ,ezekiel's oratorical style4 ,it consists of two parts3 the first 7vv4 #eaj7 deals chiefly with the reasons for the judgment on ,jerusalem1 and the second 7vv4 #aaag7 with the nature of the judgment itself4 ,the chief thought of the passage is the unexampled severity of the punishment which is in store for ,israel1 as represented by the fate of the capital4 ,a calamity so unprecedented demands an explanation as unique as itself4 ,ezekiel finds the ground of it in the signal honour conferred on ,jerusalem in her being set in the midst of the nations1 in the possession of a religion which expressed the will of the one ,god1 and in the fact that she had proved herself unworthy of her distinction and privileges and tried to live as the nations around4 8,this is ,jerusalem which ,i have set in the midst of the nations1 with the lands round about her4 ,but she rebelled against ,my judgments wickedly7#ah7 more than the nations1 and ,my statutes more than other lands round about her3 for they rejected ,my judgments1 and in ,my statutes they did not walk4444 ,therefore thus saith the ,lord ,jehovah3 ,behold1 even ,i am against you2 and ,i will execute in thy midst judgments before the nations1 and will do in thy case what ,i have not done heretofore1 and what ,i shall not do the like of any more1 according to all thy abominations0 7vv4 #ei74 ,the central position of ,jerusalem is evidently no figure of speech in the mouth of ,ezekiel4 ,it means that she is so situated as to fulfil her destiny in the view of all the nations of the world1 who can read in her wonderful history the character of the ,god who is above all gods4 ,nor can the prophet be fairly accused of provincialism in thus speaking of ,jerusalem's unrivalled physical and moral advantages4 ,the mountain ridge on which she stood lay almost across the great highways of communication between the ,east and the ,west1 between the hoary seats of civilisation and the lands whither the course of empire took its way4 ,ezekiel knew that ,tyre was the centre of the old world's commerce17#ai7 but he also knew that ,jerusalem occupied a central situation in the civilised world1 and in that fact he rightly saw a providential mark of the grandeur and universality of her religious mission4 ,her calamities1 too1 were probably such as no other city experienced4 ,the terrible prediction of ver4 #aj1 8,fathers shall eat sons in the midst of thee1 and sons shall eat fathers10 seems to have been literally fulfilled4 8,the hands of the pitiful women have sodden their own children3 they were their meat in the destruction of the daughter of ,my people0 7,lam4 iv4 #aj74 ,it is likely enough that the annals of ,assyrian conquest cover many a tale of woe which in point of mere physical suffering paralleled the atrocities of the siege of ,jerusalem4 ,but no other nation had a conscience so sensitive as ,israel1 or lost so much by its political annihilation4 ,the humanising influences of a pure religion had made ,israel susceptible of a kind of anguish which ruder communities were spared4 ,the sin of ,jerusalem is represented after ,ezekiel's manner as on the one hand transgression of the divine commandments1 and on the other defilement of the ,temple through false worship4 ,these are ideas which we shall frequently meet in the course of the book1 and they need not detain us here4 ,the prophet proceeds 7vv4 #aaag7 to describe in detail the relentless punishment which the divine vengeance is to inflict on the inhabitants and the city4 ,the jealousy1 the wrath1 the indignation of ,jehovah1 which are represented as 8satisfied0 by the complete destruction of the people1 belong to the limitations of the conception of ,god which ,ezekiel had4 ,it was impossible at that time to interpret such an event as the fall of ,jerusalem in a religious sense otherwise than as a vehement outburst of ,jehovah's anger1 expressing the reaction of ,his holy nature against the sin of idolatry4 ,there is indeed a great distance between the attitude of ,ezekiel towards the hapless city and the yearning pity of ,christ's lament over the sinful ,jerusalem of ,his time4 ,yet the first was a step towards the second4 ,ezekiel realised intensely that part of ,god's character which it was needful to enforce in order to beget in his countrymen the deep horror at the sin of idolatry which characterised the later ,judaism4 ,the best commentary on the latter part of this chapter is found in those parts of the book of ,lamentations which speak of the state of the city and the survivors after its overthrow4 ,there we see how quickly the stern judgment produced a more chastened and beautiful type of piety than had ever been prevalent before4 ,those pathetic utterances1 in which patriotism and religion are so finely blended1 are like the timid and tentative advances of a child's heart towards a parent who has ceased to punish but has not begun to caress4 ,this and much else that is true and ennobling in the later religion of ,israel is rooted in the terrifying sense of the divine anger against sin so powerfully represented in the preaching of ,ezekiel4 ,,iii ,the next two chapters may be regarded as pendants to the theme which is dealt with in this opening section of the book of ,ezekiel4 ,in the fourth and fifth chapters the prophet had mainly the city in his eye as the focus of the nation's life2 in the sixth he turns his eye to the land which had shared the sin1 and must suffer the punishment1 of the capital4 ,it is1 in its first part 7vv4 #baj71 an apostrophe to the mountain land of ,israel1 which seems to stand out before the exile's mind with its mountains and hills1 its ravines and valleys1 in contrast to the monotonous plain of ,babylonia which stretched around him4 ,but these mountains were familiar to the prophet as the seats of the rural idolatry in ,israel4 ,the word bmah1 which means properly 8the height10 had come to be used as the name of an idolatrous sanctuary4 ,these sanctuaries were probably ,canaanitish in origin2 and although by ,israel they had been consecrated to the worship of ,jehovah1 yet ,he was worshipped there in ways which the prophets pronounced hateful to ,him4 ,they had been destroyed by ,josiah1 but must have been restored to their former use during the revival of heathenism which followed his death4 ,it is a lurid picture which rises before the prophet's imagination as he contemplates the judgment of this provincial idolatry3 the altars laid waste1 the 8sunpillars07#bj7 broken1 and the idols surrounded by the corpses of men who had fled to their shrines for protection and perished at their feet4 ,this demonstration of the helplessness of the rustic divinities to save their sanctuaries and their worshippers will be the means of breaking the rebellious heart and the whorish eyes that had led ,israel so far astray from her true ,lord1 and will produce in exile the selfloathing which ,ezekiel always regards as the beginning of penitence4 ,but the prophet's passion rises to a higher pitch1 and he hears the command 8,clap thy hands1 and stamp with thy foot1 and say1 ,aha for the abominations of the house of ,israel60 ,these are gestures and exclamations1 not of indignation1 but of contempt and triumphant scorn4 ,the same feeling and even the same gestures are ascribed to ,jehovah ,himself in another passage of highly charged emotion 7ch4 xxi4 #ag74 ,and it is only fair to remember that it is the anticipation of the victory of ,jehovah's cause that fills the mind of the prophet at such moments and seems to deaden the sense of human sympathy within him4 ,at the same time the victory of ,jehovah was the victory of prophecy1 and in so far ,smend may be right in regarding the words as throwing light on the intensity of the antagonism in which prophecy and the popular religion then stood4 ,the devastation of the land is to be effected by the same instruments as were at work in the destruction of the city3 first the sword of the ,chaldans1 then famine and pestilence among those who escape1 until the whole of ,israel's ancient territory lies desolate from the southern steppes to ,riblah in the north47#ba7 ,ch4 vii4 is one of those singled out by ,ewald as preserving most faithfully the spirit and language of ,ezekiel's earlier utterances4 ,both in thought and expression it exhibits a freedom and animation seldom attained in ,ezekiel's writings1 and it is evident that it must have been composed under keen emotion4 ,it is comparatively free from those stereotyped phrases which are elsewhere so common1 and the style falls at times into the rhythm which is characteristic of ,hebrew poetry4 ,ezekiel hardly perhaps attains to perfect mastery of poetic form1 and even here we may be sensible of a lack of power to blend a series of impressions and images into an artistic unity4 ,the vehemence of his feeling hurries him from one conception to another1 without giving full expression to any1 or indicating clearly the connection that leads from one to the other4 ,this circumstance1 and the corrupt condition of the text together1 make the chapter in some parts unintelligible1 and as a whole one of the most difficult in the book4 ,in its present position it forms a fitting conclusion to the opening section of the book4 ,all the elements of the judgment which have just been foretold are gathered up in one outburst of emotion1 producing a song of triumph in which the prophet seems to stand in the uproar of the final catastrophe and exult amid the crash and wreck of the old order which is passing away4 ,the passage is divided into five stanzas1 which may originally have been approximately equal in length1 although the first is now nearly twice as long as any of the others47#bb7 i4 ,vv4 #bi4--,the first verse strikes the keynote of the whole poem2 it is the inevitableness and the finality of the approaching dissolution4 ,a striking phrase of ,amos7#bc7 is first taken up and expanded in accordance with the anticipations with which the previous chapters have now familiarised us3 8,an end is come1 the end is come on the four skirts of the land40 ,the poet already hears the tumult and confusion of the battle2 the vintage songs of the ,judan peasant are silenced1 and with the din and fury of war the day of the ,lord draws near4 ii4 ,vv4 #ajac4--,the prophet's thoughts here revert to the present1 and he notes the eager interest with which men both in ,judah and ,babylon are pursuing the ordinary business of life and the vain dreams of political greatness4 8,the diadem flourishes1 the sceptre blossoms1 arrogance shoots up40 ,these expressions must refer to the efforts of the new rulers of ,jerusalem to restore the fortunes of the nation and the glories of the old kingdom which had been so greatly tarnished by the recent captivity4 ,things are going bravely1 they think2 they are surprised at their own success2 they hope that the day of small things will grow into the day of things greater than those which are past4 ,the following verse is untranslatable2 probably the original words1 if we could recover them1 would contain some pointed and scornful antithesis to these futile and vainglorious anticipations4 ,the allusion to 8buyers and sellers0 7ver4 #ab7 may possibly be quite general1 referring only to the absorbing interest which men continue to take in their possessions1 heedless of the impending judgment47#bd7 ,but the facts that the advantage is assumed to be on the side of the buyer and that the seller expects to return to his heritage make it probable that the prophet is thinking of the forced sales by the expatriated nobles of their estates in ,palestine1 and to their deeply cherished resolve to right themselves when the time of their exile is over4 ,all such ambitions1 says the prophet1 are vain--8the seller shall not return to what he sold1 and a man shall not by wrong preserve his living40 ,in any case ,ezekiel evinces here1 as elsewhere1 a certain sympathy with the exiled aristocracy1 in opposition to the pretensions of the new men who had succeeded to their honours4 iii4 ,vv4 #adah4--,the next scene that rises before the prophet's vision is the collapse of ,judah's military preparations in the hour of danger4 ,their army exists but on paper4 ,there is much blowing of trumpets and much organising1 but no men to go forth to battle4 ,a blight rests on all their efforts2 their hands are paralysed and their hearts unnerved by the sense that 8wrath rests on all their pomp40 ,sword1 famine1 and pestilence1 the ministers of ,jehovah's vengeance1 shall devour the inhabitants of the city and the country1 until but a few survivors on the tops of the mountains remain to mourn over the universal desolation4 iv4 ,vv4 #aibb4--;,at present the inhabitants of ,jerusalem are proud of the illgotten and illused wealth stored up within her1 and doubtless the exiles cast covetous eyes on the luxury which may still have prevailed amongst the upper classes in the capital4 ,but of what avail will all this treasure be in the evil day now so near at hand8 ,it will but add mockery to their sufferings to be surrounded by gold and silver which can do nothing to allay the pangs of hunger4 ,it will be cast in the streets as refuse1 for it cannot save them in the day of ,jehovah's anger4 ,nay1 more1 it will become the prize of the most ruthless of the heathen 7the ,chaldans72 and when in the eagerness of their lust for gold they ransack the ,temple treasury and so desecrate the ,holy ,place1 ,jehovah will avert ,his face and suffer them to work their will4 ,the curse of ,jehovah rests on the silver and gold of ,jerusalem1 which has been used for the making of idolatrous images1 and now is made to them an unclean thing4 v4 ,vv4 #bcbg4--,the closing strophe contains a powerful description of the dismay and despair that will seize all classes in the state as the day of wrath draws near4 ,calamity after calamity comes1 rumour follows hard on rumour1 and the heads of the nation are distracted and cease to exercise the functions of leadership4 ,the recognised guides of the people--the prophets1 the priests1 and the wise men--have no word of counsel or direction to offer2 the prophet's vision1 the priest's traditional lore1 and the wise man's sagacity are alike at fault4 ,so the king and the grandees are filled with stupefaction2 and the common people1 deprived of their natural leaders1 sit down in helpless dejection4 ,thus shall ,jerusalem be recompensed according to her doings4 8,the land is full of bloodshed1 and the city of violence02 and in the correspondence between desert and retribution men shall be made to acknowledge the operation of the divine righteousness4 8,they shall know that ,i am ,jehovah40 ,,iv ,it may be useful at this point to note certain theological principles which already begin to appear in this earliest of ,ezekiel's prophecies4 ,reflection on the nature and purpose of the divine dealings we have seen to be a characteristic of his work2 and even those passages which we have considered1 although chiefly devoted to an enforcement of the fact of judgment1 present some features of the conception of ,israel's history which had been formed in his mind4 #a4 ,we observe in the first place that the prophet lays great stress on the worldwide significance of the events which are to befall ,israel4 ,this thought is not as yet developed1 but it is clearly present4 ,the relation between ,jehovah and ,israel is so peculiar that ,he is known to the nations in the first instance only as ,israel's ,god1 and thus ,his being and character have to be learned from ,his dealings with ,his own people4 ,and since ,jehovah is the only true ,god and must be worshipped as such everywhere1 the history of ,israel has an interest for the world such as that of no other nation has4 ,she was placed in the centre of the nations in order that the knowledge of ,god might radiate from her through all the world2 and now that she has proved unfaithful to her mission1 ,jehovah must manifest ,his power and ,his character by an unexampled work of judgment4 ,even the destruction of ,israel is a demonstration to the universal conscience of mankind of what true divinity is4 #b4 ,but the judgment has of course a purpose and a meaning for ,israel herself1 and both purposes are summed up in the recurring formula 8,ye they shall know that ,i am ,jehovah10 or 8that ,i1 ,jehovah1 have spoken40 ,these two phrases express precisely the same idea1 although from slightly different startingpoints4 ,it is assumed that ,jehovah's personality is to be identified by ,his word spoken through the prophets4 ,he is known to men through the revelation of ,himself in the prophets' utterances4 8,ye shall know that ,i1 ,jehovah1 have spoken0 means therefore1 ,ye shall know that it is ,i1 the ,god of ,israel and the ,ruler of the universe1 who speak these things4 ,in other words1 the harmony between prophecy and providence guarantees the source of the prophet's message4 ,the shorter phrase 8,ye shall know that ,i am ,jehovah0 may mean ,ye shall know that ,i who now speak am truly ,jehovah1 the ,god of ,israel4 ,the prejudices of the people would have led them to deny that the power which dictated ,ezekiel's prophecy could be their ,god2 but this denial1 together with the false idea of ,jehovah on which it rests1 shall be destroyed for ever when the prophet's words come true4 ,there is of course no doubt that ,ezekiel conceived ,jehovah as endowed with the plenitude of deity1 or that in his view the name expressed all that we mean by the word ,god4 ,nevertheless1 historically the name ,jehovah is a proper name1 denoting the ,god who is the ,god of ,israel4 ,renan has ventured on the assertion that a deity with a proper name is necessarily a false god4 ,the statement perhaps measures the difference between the ,god of revealed religion and the god who is an abstraction1 an expression of the order of the universe1 who exists only in the mind of the man who names him4 ,the ,god of revelation is a living person1 with a character and will of ,his own1 capable of being known by man4 ,it is the distinction of revelation that it dares to regard ,god as an individual with an inner life and nature of ,his own1 independent of the conception men may form of ,him4 ,applied to such a ,being1 a personal name may be as true and significant as the name which expresses the character and individuality of a man4 ,only thus can we understand the historical process by which the ,god who was first manifested as the deity of a particular nation preserves ,his personal identity with the ,god who in ,christ is at last revealed as the ,god of the spirits of all flesh4 ,the knowledge of ,jehovah of which ,ezekiel speaks is therefore at once a knowledge of the character of the ,god whom ,israel professed to serve1 and a knowledge of that which constitutes true and essential divinity47#be7 #c4 ,the prophet1 in ch4 vi4 #haj1 proceeds one step further in delineating the effect of the judgment on the minds of the survivors4 ,the fascination of idolatry for the ,israelites is conceived as produced by that radical perversion of the religious sense which the prophets call 8whoredom0--a sensuous delight in the blessings of nature1 and an indifference to the moral element which can alone preserve either religion or human love from corruption4 ,the spell shall at last be broken in the new knowledge of ,jehovah which is produced by calamity2 and the heart of the people1 purified from its delusions1 shall turn to ,him who has smitten them1 as the only true ,god4 8,when your fugitives from the sword are among the nations1 when they are scattered through the lands1 then shall your fugitives remember ,me amongst the nations whither they have been carried captive1 when ,i break their heart that goes awhoring from ,me1 and their whorish eyes which went after their idols40 ,when the idolatrous propensity is thus eradicated1 the conscience of ,israel will turn inwards on itself1 and in the light of its new knowledge of ,god will for the first time read its own history aright4 ,the beginnings of a new spiritual life will be made in the bitter selfcondemnation which is one side of the national repentance4 8,they shall loathe themselves for all the evil that they have committed in all their abominations40 ,chapter ,,vi4 ,your ,house ,is ,left ,unto ,you ,desolate4 ,chapters viii4xi4 ,one of the most instructive phases of religious belief among the ,israelites of the seventh century was the superstitious regard in which the ,temple at ,jerusalem was held4 ,its prestige as the metropolitan sanctuary had no doubt steadily increased from the time when it was built4 ,but it was in the crisis of the ,assyrian invasion that the popular sentiment in favour of its peculiar sanctity was transmuted into a fanatical faith in its inherent inviolability4 ,it is well known that during the whole course of this invasion the prophet ,isaiah had consistently taught that the enemy should never set foot within the precincts of the ,holy ,city--that1 on the contrary1 the attempt to seize it would prove to be the signal for his annihilation4 ,the striking fulfilment of this prediction in the sudden destruction of ,sennacherib's army had an immense effect on the religion of the time4 ,it restored the faith in ,jehovah's omnipotence which was already giving way1 and it granted a new lease of life to the very errors which it ought to have extinguished4 ,for here1 as in so many other cases1 what was a spiritual faith in one generation became a superstition in the next4 ,indifferent to the divine truths which gave meaning to ,isaiah's prophecy1 the people changed his sublime faith in the living ,god working in history into a crass confidence in the material symbol which had been the means of expressing it to their minds4 ,henceforth it became a fundamental tenet of the current creed that the ,temple and the city which guarded it could never fall into the hands of an enemy2 and any teaching which assailed that belief was felt to undermine confidence in the national deity4 ,in the time of ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel this superstition existed in unabated vigour1 and formed one of the greatest hindrances to the acceptance of their teaching4 8,the ,temple of the ,lord1 the ,temple of the ,lord1 the ,temple of the ,lord are these60 was the cry of the benighted worshippers as they thronged to its courts to seek the favour of ,jehovah 7,jer4 vii4 #d74 ,the same state of feeling must have prevailed among ,ezekiel's fellowexiles4 ,to the prophet himself1 attached as he was to the worship of the ,temple1 it may have been a thought almost too hard to bear that ,jehovah should abandon the only place of ,his legitimate worship4 ,amongst the rest of the captives the faith in its infallibility was one of the illusions which must be overthrown before their minds could perceive the true drift of his teaching4 ,in his first prophecy the fact had just been touched on1 but merely as an incident in the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,about a year later1 however1 he received a new revelation1 in which he learned that the destruction of the ,temple was no mere incidental consequence of the capture of the city1 but a main object of the calamity4 ,the time was come when judgment must begin at the house of ,god4 ,the weird vision in which this truth was conveyed to the prophet is said to have occurred during a visit of the elders to ,ezekiel in his own house4 ,in their presence he fell into a trance1 in which the events now to be considered passed before him2 and after the trance was removed he recounted the substance of the vision to the exiles4 ,this statement has been somewhat needlessly called in question1 on the ground that after so protracted an ecstasy the prophet would not be likely to find his visitors still in their places4 ,but this matteroffact criticism overreaches itself4 ,we have no means of determining how long it would take for this series of events to be realised4 ,if we may trust anything to the analogy of dreams--and of all conditions to which ordinary men are subject the dream is surely the closest analogy to the prophetic ecstasy--the whole may have passed in an incredibly short space of time4 ,if the statement were untrue1 it is difficult to see what ,ezekiel would have gained by making it4 ,if the whole vision were a fiction1 this must of course be fictitious too2 but even so it seems a very superfluous piece of invention4 ,we prefer1 therefore1 to regard the vision as real1 and the assigned situation as historical2 and the fact that it is recorded suggests that there must be some connection between the object of the visit and the burden of the revelation which was then communicated4 ,it is not difficult to imagine points of contact between them4 ,ewald has conjectured that the occasion of the visit may have been some recent tidings from ,jerusalem which had opened the eyes of the 8elders0 to the real relation that existed between them and their brethren at home4 ,if they had ever cherished any illusions on the point1 they had certainly been disabused of them before ,ezekiel had this vision4 ,they were aware1 whether the information was recent or not1 that they were absolutely disowned by the new authorities in ,jerusalem1 and that it was impossible that they should ever come back peaceably to their old place in the state4 ,this created a problem which they could not solve1 and the fact that ,ezekiel had announced the fall of ,jerusalem may have formed a bond of sympathy between him and his brethren in exile which drew them to him in their perplexity4 ,some such hypothesis gives at all events a fuller significance to the closing part of the vision1 where the attitude of the men in ,jerusalem is described1 and where the exiles are taught that the hope of ,israel's future lies with them4 ,it is the first time that ,ezekiel has distinguished between the fates in store for the two sections of the people1 and it would almost appear as if the promotion of the exiles to the first place in the true ,israel was a new revelation to him4 ,twice during this vision he is moved to intercede for the 8remnant of ,israel10 as if the only hope of a new people of ,god lay in sparing at least some of those who were left in the land4 ,but the burden of the message that now comes to him is that in the spiritual sense the true remnant of ,israel is not in ,juda1 but among the exiles in ,babylon4 ,it was there that the new ,israel was to be formed1 and the land was to be the heritage1 not of those who clung to it and exulted in the misfortunes of their banished brethren1 but of those who under the discipline of exile were first prepared to use the land as ,jehovah's holiness demanded4 ,the vision is interesting1 in the first place1 on account of the glimpse it affords of the state of mind prevailing in influential circles in ,jerusalem at this time4 ,there is no reason whatever to doubt that here in the form of a vision we have reliable information regarding the actual state of matters when ,ezekiel wrote4 ,it has been supposed by some critics that the description of the idolatries in the ,temple does not refer to contemporary practices1 but to abuses that had been rife in the days of ,manasseh and had been put a stop to by ,josiah's reformation4 ,but the vision loses half its meaning if it is taken as merely an idealised representation of all the sins that had polluted the ,temple in the course of its history4 ,the names of those who are seen must be names of living men known to ,ezekiel and his contemporaries1 and the sentiments put in their mouth1 especially in the latter part of the vision1 are suitable only to the age in which he lived4 ,it is very probable that the description in its general features would also apply to the days of ,manasseh2 but the revival of idolatry which followed the death of ,josiah would naturally take the form of a restoration of the illegal cults which had flourished unchecked under his grandfather4 ,ezekiel's own experience before his captivity1 and the steady intercourse which had been maintained since1 would supply him with the material which in the ecstatic condition is wrought up into this powerful picture4 ,the thing that surprises us most is the prevailing conviction amongst the ruling classes that 8,jehovah had forsaken the land40 ,these men seem to have partly emancipated themselves1 as politicians in ,israel were apt to do1 from the restraints and narrowness of the popular religion4 ,to them it was a conceivable thing that ,jehovah should abandon ,his people4 ,and yet life was worth living and fighting for apart from ,jehovah4 ,it was of course a merely selfish life1 not inspired by national ideals1 but simply a clinging to place and power4 ,the wish was father to the thought2 men who so readily yielded to the belief in ,jehovah's absence were very willing to be persuaded of its truth4 ,the religion of ,jehovah had always imposed a check on social and civic wrong1 and men whose power rested on violence and oppression could not but rejoice to be rid of it4 ,so they seem to have acquiesced readily enough in the conclusion to which so many circumstances seemed to point1 that ,jehovah had ceased to interest ,himself either for good or evil in them and their affairs4 ,still1 the wide acceptance of a belief like this1 so repugnant to all the religious ideas of the ancient world1 seems to require for its explanation some fact of contemporary history4 ,it has been thought that it arose from the disappearance of the ark of ,jehovah from the ,temple4 ,it seems from the third chapter of ,jeremiah that the ark was no longer in existence in ,josiah's reign1 and that the want of it was felt as a grave religious loss4 ,it is not improbable that this circumstance1 in connection with the disasters which had marked the last days of the kingdom1 led in many minds to the fear and in some to the hope that along with ,his most venerable symbol ,jehovah ,himself had vanished from their midst4 ,it should be noticed that the feeling described was only one of several currents that ran in the divided society of ,jerusalem4 ,it is quite a different point of view that is presented in the taunt quoted in ch4 xi4 #ae1 that the exiles were far from ,jehovah1 and had therefore lost their right to their possessions4 ,but the religious despair is not only the most startling fact that we have to look at2 it is also the one that is made most prominent in the vision4 ,and the divine answer to it given through ,ezekiel is that the conviction is true2 ,jehovah has forsaken the land4 ,but in the first place the cause of ,his departure is found in those very practices for which it was made the excuse2 and in the second1 although ,he has ceased to dwell in the midst of ,his people1 ,he has lost neither the power nor the will to punish their iniquities4 ,to impress these truths first on his fellowexiles and then on the whole nation is the chief object of the chapter before us4 ,now we find that the general sense of ,godforsakenness expressed itself principally in two directions4 ,on the one hand it led to the multiplication of false objects of worship to supply the place of ,him who was regarded as the proper tutelary ,divinity of ,israel2 on the other hand it produced a reckless1 devilmaycare spirit of resistance against any odds1 such as was natural to men who had only material interests to fight for1 and nothing to trust in but their own right hand4 ,syncretism in religion and fatalism in politics--these were the twin symptoms of the decay of faith among the upper classes in ,jerusalem4 ,but these belong to two different parts of the vision which we must now distinguish4 ,i ,the first part deals with the departure of ,jehovah as caused by religious offences perpetrated in the ,temple1 and with the return of ,jehovah to destroy the city on account of these offences4 ,the prophet is transported in 8visions of ,god0 to ,jerusalem1 and placed in the outer court near the northern gate1 outside of which was the site where the 8image of ,jealousy0 had stood in the time of ,manasseh4 ,near him stands the appearance which he had learned to recognise as the glory of ,jehovah1 signifying that ,jehovah has1 for a purpose not yet disclosed1 revisited ,his ,temple4 ,but first ,ezekiel must be made to see the state of things which exists in this ,temple which had once been the seat of ,god's presence4 ,looking through the gate to the north1 he discovers that the image of ,jealousy7#bf7 has been restored to its old place4 ,this is the first and apparently the least heinous of the abominations that defiled the sanctuary4 ,the second scene is the only one of the four which represents a secret cult4 ,partly perhaps for that reason it strikes our minds as the most repulsive of all2 but that was obviously not ,ezekiel's estimate of it4 ,there are greater abominations to follow4 ,it is difficult to understand the particulars of ,ezekiel's description1 especially in the ,hebrew text 7the ,,lxx4 is simpler72 but it seems impossible to escape the impression that there was something obscene in a worship where idolatry appears as ashamed of itself4 ,the essential fact1 however1 is that the very highest and most influential men in the land were addicted to a form of heathenism1 whose objects of worship were pictures of 8horrid creeping things1 and cattle1 and all the gods of the house of ,israel40 ,the name of one of these men1 the leader in this superstition1 is given1 and is significant of the state of life in ,jerusalem shortly before its fall4 ,jaazaniah was the son of ,shaphan1 who is probably identical with the chancellor of ,josiah's reign whose sympathy with the prophetic teaching was evinced by his zeal in the cause of reform4 ,we read of other members of the family who were faithful to the national religion1 such as his son ,ahikam1 also a zealous reformer1 and his grandson ,gedaliah1 ,jeremiah's friend and patron1 and the governor appointed over ,judah by ,nebuchadnezzar after the taking of the city4 ,the family was thus divided both in religion and politics4 ,while one branch was devoted to the worship of ,jehovah and favoured submission to the king of ,babylon1 ,jaazaniah belonged to the opposite party and was the ringleader in a peculiarly obnoxious form of idolatry47#bg7 ,the third 8abomination0 is a form of idolatry widely diffused over ,western ,asia--the annual mourning for ,tammuz4 ,tammuz was originally a ,babylonian deity 7,dumuzi71 but his worship is specially identified with ,phnicia1 whence under the name ,adonis it was introduced into ,greece4 ,the mourning celebrates the death of the god1 which is an emblem of the decay of the earth's productive powers1 whether due to the scorching heat of the sun or to the cold of winter4 ,it seems to have been a comparatively harmless rite of naturereligion1 and its popularity among the women of ,jerusalem at this time may be due to the prevailing mood of despondency which found vent in the sympathetic contemplation of that aspect of nature which most suggests decay and death4 ,the last and greatest of the abominations practised in and near the ,temple is the worship of the sun4 ,the peculiar enormity of this species of idolatry can hardly lie in the object of adoration2 it is to be sought rather in the place where it was practised1 and in the rank of those who took part in it1 who were probably priests4 ,standing between the porch and the altar1 with their backs to the ,temple1 these men unconsciously expressed the deliberate rejection of ,jehovah which was involved in their idolatry4 ,the worship of the heavenly bodies was probably imported into ,israel from ,assyria and ,babylon1 and its prevalence in the later years of the monarchy was due to political rather than religious influences4 ,the gods of these imperial nations were esteemed more potent than those of the states which succumbed to their power1 and hence men who were losing confidence in their national deity naturally sought to imitate the religions of the most powerful peoples known to them47#bh7 ,in the arrangement of the four specimens of the religious practices which prevailed in ,jerusalem1 ,ezekiel seems to proceed from the most familiar and explicable to the more outlandish defections from the purity of the national faith4 ,at the same time his description shows how different classes of society were implicated in the sin of idolatry--the elders1 the women1 and the priests4 ,during all this time the glory of ,jehovah has stood in the court1 and there is something very impressive in the picture of these infatuated men and women preoccupied with their unholy devotions and all unconscious of the presence of ,him whom they deemed to have forsaken the land4 ,to the open eye of the prophet the meaning of the vision must be already clear1 but the sentence comes from the mouth of ,jehovah ,himself3 8,hast thou seen1 ,son of man8 ,is it too small a thing for the house of ,judah to practise the abominations which they have here practised1 that they must also fill the land with violence1 and so provoke ,me again to anger8 ,so will ,i act towards them in anger3 ,my eye shall not pity1 nor will ,i spare0 7ch4 viii4 #ag1 #ah74 ,the last words introduce the account of the punishment of ,jerusalem1 which is given of course in the symbolic form suggested by the scenery of the vision4 ,jehovah has meanwhile risen from ,his throne near the cherubim1 and stands on the threshold of the ,temple4 ,there ,he summons to ,his side the destroyers who are to execute ,his purpose--six angels1 each with a weapon of destruction in his hand4 ,a seventh of higher rank clothed in linen appears with the implements of a scribe in his girdle4 ,these stand 8beside the brazen altar10 and await the commands of ,jehovah4 ,the first act of the judgment is a massacre of the inhabitants of the city1 without distinction of age or rank or sex4 ,but1 in accordance with his strict view of the divine righteousness1 ,ezekiel is led to conceive of this last judgment as discriminating carefully between the righteous and the wicked4 ,all those who have inwardly separated themselves from the guilt of the city by hearty detestation of the iniquities perpetrated in its midst are distinguished by a mark on their foreheads before the work of slaughter begins4 ,what became of this faithful remnant it does not belong to the vision to declare4 ,beginning with the twenty men before the porch1 the destroying angels follow the man with the inkhorn through the streets of the city1 and slay all on whom he has not set his mark4 ,when the messengers have gone out on their dread errand1 ,ezekiel1 realising the full horror of a scene which he dare not describe1 falls prostrate before ,jehovah1 deprecating the outbreak of indignation which threatened to extinguish 8the remnant of ,israel40 ,he is reassured by the declaration that the guilt of ,judah and ,israel demands no less a punishment than this1 because the notion that ,jehovah had forsaken the land had opened the floodgates of iniquity1 and filled the land with bloodshed and the city with oppression4 ,then the man in the linen robes returns and announces1 8,it is done as ,thou hast commanded40 ,the second act of the judgment is the destruction of ,jerusalem by fire4 ,this is symbolised by the scattering over the city of burning coals taken from the altarhearth under the throne of ,god4 ,the man with the linen garments is directed to step between the wheels and take out fire for this purpose4 ,the description of the execution of this order is again carried no further than what actually takes place before the prophet's eyes3 the man took the fire and went out4 ,in the place where we might have expected to have an account of the destruction of the city1 we have a second description of the appearance and motions of the merkaba1 the purpose of which it is difficult to divine4 ,although it deviates slightly from the account in ch4 i41 the differences appear to have no significance1 and indeed it is expressly said to be the same phenomenon4 ,the whole passage is certainly superfluous1 and might be omitted but for the difficulty of imagining any motive that would have tempted a scribe to insert it4 ,we must keep in mind the possibility that this part of the book had been committed to writing before the final redaction of ,ezekiel's prophecies1 and the description in vv4 #hag may have served a purpose there which is superseded by the fuller narrative which we now possess in ch4 i4 ,in this way ,ezekiel penetrates more deeply into the inner meaning of the judgment on city and people whose external form he had announced in his earlier prophecy4 ,it must be admitted that ,jehovah's strange work bears to our minds a more appalling aspect when thus presented in symbols than the actual calamity would bear when effected through the agency of second causes4 ,whether it had the same effect on the mind of a ,hebrew1 who hardly believed in second causes1 is another question4 ,in any case it gives no ground for the charge made against ,ezekiel of dwelling with a malignant satisfaction on the most repulsive features of a terrible picture4 ,he is indeed capable of a rigorous logic in exhibiting the incidence of the law of retribution which was to him the necessary expression of the divine righteousness4 ,that it included the death of every sinner and the overthrow of a city that had become a scene of violence and cruelty was to him a selfevident truth1 and more than this the vision does not teach4 ,on the contrary1 it contains traits which tend to moderate the inevitable harshness of the truth conveyed4 ,with great reticence it allows the execution of the judgment to take place behind the scenes1 giving only those details which were necessary to suggest its nature4 ,whilst it is being carried out the attention of the reader is engaged in the presence of ,jehovah1 or his mind is occupied with the principles which made the punishment a moral necessity4 ,the prophet's expostulations with ,jehovah show that he was not insensible to the miseries of his people1 although he saw them to be inevitable4 ,further1 this vision shows as clearly as any passage in his writings the injustice of the view which represents him as more concerned for petty details of ceremonial than for the great moral interests of a nation4 ,if any feeling expressed in the vision is to be regarded as ,ezekiel's own1 then indignation against outrages on human life and liberty must be allowed to weigh more with him than offences against ritual purity4 ,and1 finally1 it is clearly one object of the vision to show that in the destruction of ,jerusalem no individual shall be involved who is not also implicated in the guilt which calls down wrath upon her4 ,,ii ,the second part of the vision 7ch4 xi47 is but loosely connected with the first4 ,here ,jerusalem still exists1 and men are alive who must certainly have perished in the 8visitation of the city0 if the writer had still kept himself within the limits of his previous conception4 ,but in truth the two have little in common1 except the ,temple1 which is the scene of both1 and the cherubim1 whose movements mark the transition from the one to the other4 ,the glory of ,jehovah is already departing from the house when it is stayed at the entrance of the east gate to give the prophet his special message to the exiles4 ,here we are introduced to the more political aspect of the situation in ,jerusalem4 ,the twentyfive men who are gathered in the east gate of the ,temple are clearly the leading statesmen in the city2 and two of them1 whose names are given1 are expressly designated as 8princes of the people40 ,they are apparently met in conclave to deliberate on public matters1 and a word from ,jehovah lays open to the prophet the nature of their projects4 8,these are the men that plan ruin1 and hold evil counsel in this city40 ,the evil counsel is undoubtedly the project of rebellion against the king of ,babylon which must have been hatched at this time and which broke out into open revolt about three years later4 ,the counsel was evil because directly opposed to that which ,jeremiah was giving at the time in the name of ,jehovah4 ,but ,ezekiel also throws invaluable light on the mood of the men who were urging the king along the path which led to ruin4 8,are not the houses recently built807#bi7 they say1 congratulating themselves on their success in repairing the damage done to the city in the time of ,jehoiachin4 ,the image of the pot and the flesh is generally taken to express the feeling of easy security in the fortifications of ,jerusalem with which these lighthearted politicians embarked on a contest with ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,but their mood must be a gloomier one than that if there is any appropriateness in the language they use4 ,to stew in their own juice1 and over a fire of their own kindling1 could hardly seem a desirable policy to sane men1 however strong the pot might be4 ,these councillors are well aware of the dangers they incur1 and of the misery which their purpose must necessarily bring on the people4 ,but they are determined to hazard everything and endure everything on the chance that the city may prove strong enough to baffle the resources of the king of ,babylon4 ,once the fire is kindled1 it will certainly be better to be in the pot than in the fire2 and so long as ,jerusalem holds out they will remain behind her walls4 ,the answer which is put into the prophet's mouth is that the issue will not be such as they hope for4 ,the only 8flesh0 that will be left in the city will be the dead bodies of those who have been slain within her walls by the very men who hope that their lives will be given them for a prey4 ,they themselves shall be dragged forth to meet their fate far away from ,jerusalem on the 8borders of ,israel40 ,it is not unlikely that these conspirators kept their word4 ,although the king and all the men of war fled from the city as soon as a breach was made1 we read of certain high officials who allowed themselves to be taken in the city 7,jer4 lii4 #g74 ,ezekiel's prophecy was in their case literally fulfilled2 for these men and many others were brought to the king of ,babylon at ,riblah1 8and he smote them and put them to death at ,riblah in the land of ,hamath40 ,while ,ezekiel was uttering this prophecy one of the councillors1 named ,pelatiah1 suddenly fell down dead4 ,whether a man of this name had suddenly died in ,jerusalem under circumstances that had deeply impressed the prophet's mind1 or whether the death belongs to the vision1 it is impossible for us to tell4 ,to ,ezekiel the occurrence seemed an earnest of the complete destruction of the remnant of ,israel by the wrath of ,god1 and1 as before1 he fell on his face to intercede for them4 ,it is then that he receives the message which seems to form the divine answer to the perplexities which haunted the minds of the exiles in ,babylon4 ,in their attitude towards the exiles the new leaders in ,jerusalem took up a position as highly privileged religious persons1 quite at variance with the scepticism which governed their conduct at home4 ,when they were following the bent of their natural inclinations by practising idolatry and perpetrating judicial murders in the city1 their cry was1 8,jehovah hath forsaken the land2 ,jehovah seeth it not40 ,when they were eager to justify their claim to the places and possessions left vacant by their banished countrymen1 they said1 8,they are far from ,jehovah3 to us the land is given in possession40 ,they were probably equally sincere and equally insincere in both professions4 ,they had simply learned the art which comes easily to men of the world of using religion as a cloak for greed1 and throwing it off when greed could be best gratified without it4 ,the idea which lay under their religious attitude was that the exiles had gone into captivity because their sins had incurred ,jehovah's anger1 and that now ,his wrath was exhausted and the blessing of ,his favour would rest on those who had been left in the land4 ,there was sufficient plausibility in the taunt to make it peculiarly galling to the mind of the exiles1 who had hoped to exercise some influence over the government in ,jerusalem1 and to find their places kept for them when they should be permitted to return4 ,it may well have been the resentment produced by tidings of this hostility towards them in ,jerusalem that brought their elders to the house of ,ezekiel to see if he had not some message from ,jehovah to reassure them4 ,in the mind of ,ezekiel1 however1 the problem took another form4 ,to him a return to the old ,jerusalem had no meaning2 neither buyer nor seller should have cause to congratulate himself on his position4 ,the possession of the land of ,israel belonged to those in whom ,jehovah's ideal of the new ,israel was realised1 and the only question of religious importance was1 ,where is the germ of this new ,israel to be found8 ,amongst those who survive the judgment in the old land1 or amongst those who have experienced it in the form of banishment8 ,on this point the prophet receives an explicit revelation in answer to his intercession for 8the remnant of ,israel40 8,son of man1 thy brethren1 thy brethren1 thy fellow captives1 and the whole house of ,israel of whom the inhabitants of ,jerusalem have said1 ,they are far from ,jehovah3 to us it is given--the land for an inheritance6444 ,because ,i have removed them far among the nations1 and have scattered them among the lands1 and have been to them but little of a sanctuary in the lands where they have gone1 therefore say1 ,thus saith ,jehovah1 so will ,i gather you from the peoples1 and bring you from the lands where ye have been scattered1 and will give you the land of ,israel40 ,the difficult expression 8,i have been but little of a sanctuary0 refers to the curtailment of religious privileges and means of access to ,jehovah which was a necessary consequence of exile4 ,it implies1 however1 that ,israel in banishment had learned in some measure to preserve that separation from other peoples and that peculiar relation to ,jehovah which constituted its national holiness4 ,religion perhaps perishes sooner from the overgrowth of ritual than from its deficiency4 ,it is an historical fact that the very meagreness of the religion which could be practised in exile was the means of strengthening the more spiritual and permanent elements which constitute the essence of religion4 ,the observances which could be maintained apart from the ,temple acquired an importance which they never afterwards lost2 and although some of these1 such as circumcision1 the ,passover1 the abstinence from forbidden food1 were purely ceremonial1 others1 such as prayer1 reading of the ,scriptures1 and the common worship of the synagogue1 represent the purest and most indispensable forms in which communion with ,god can find expression4 ,that ,jehovah ,himself became even in small measure what the word 8sanctuary0 denotes indicates an enrichment of the religious consciousness of which perhaps ,ezekiel himself did not perceive the full import4 ,the great lesson which ,ezekiel's message seeks to impress on his hearers is that the tenure of the land of ,israel depends on religious conditions4 ,the land is ,jehovah's1 and ,he bestows it on those who are prepared to use it as ,his holiness demands4 ,a pure land inhabited by a pure people is the ideal that underlies all ,ezekiel's visions of the future4 ,it is evident that in such a conception of the relation between ,god and ,his people ceremonial conditions must occupy a conspicuous place4 ,the sanctity of the land is necessarily of a ceremonial order1 and so the sanctity of the people must consist partly in a scrupulous regard for ceremonial requirements4 ,but after all the condition of the land with respect to purity or uncleanness only reflects the character of the nation whose home it is4 ,the things that defile a land are such things as idols and other emblems of heathenism1 innocent blood unavenged1 and unnatural crimes of various kinds4 ,these things derive their whole significance from the state of mind and heart which they embody2 they are the plain and palpable emblems of human sin4 ,it is conceivable that to some minds the outward emblems may have seemed the true seat of evil1 and their removal an end in itself apart from the direction of the will by which it was brought about4 ,but it would be a mistake to charge ,ezekiel with any such obliquity of moral vision4 ,although he conceives sin as a defilement that leaves its mark on the material world1 he clearly teaches that its essence lies in the opposition of the human will to the will of ,god4 ,the ceremonial purity required of every ,israelite is only the expression of certain aspects of ,jehovah's holy nature1 the bearing of which on man's spiritual life may have been obscure to the prophet1 and is still more obscure to us4 ,and the truly valuable element in compliance with such rules was the obedience to ,jehovah's expressed will which flowed from a nature in sympathy with ,his4 ,hence in this chapter1 while the first thing that the restored exiles have to do is to cleanse the land of its abominations1 this act will be the expression of a nature radically changed1 doing the will of ,god from the heart4 ,as the emblems of idolatry that defile the land were the outcome of an irresistible national tendency to evil1 so the new and sensitive spirit1 taking on the impress of ,jehovah's holiness through the law1 shall lead to the purification of the land from those things that had provoked the eyes of ,his glory4 8,they shall come thither1 and remove thence all its detestable things and all its abominations4 ,and ,i will give them another heart1 and put a new spirit within them4 ,i will take away the stony heart from their flesh1 and give them a heart of flesh3 that they may walk in ,my statutes1 and keep ,my judgments1 and do them3 and so shall they be ,my people1 and ,i will be their ,god0 7ch4 xi4 #ahbj74 ,thus in the mind of the prophet ,jerusalem and its ,temple are already virtually destroyed4 ,he seemed to linger in the ,temple court until he saw the chariot of ,jehovah withdrawn from the city as a token that the glory had departed from ,israel4 ,then the ecstasy passed away1 and he found himself in the presence of the men to whom the hope of the future had been offered1 but who were as yet unworthy to receive it4 ,chapter ,,vii4 ,the ,end ,of ,the ,monarchy4 ,chapters xii4 #aae1 xvii41 xix4 ,in spite of the interest excited by ,ezekiel's prophetic appearances1 the exiles still received his prediction of the fall of ,jerusalem with the most stolid incredulity4 ,it proved to be an impossible task to disabuse their minds of the prepossessions which made such an event absolutely incredible4 ,true to their character as a disobedient house1 they had 8eyes to see1 and saw not2 and ears to hear1 but heard not0 7ch4 xii4 #b74 ,they were intensely interested in the strange signs he performed1 and listened with pleasure to his fervid oratory2 but the inner meaning of it all never sank into their minds4 ,ezekiel was well aware that the cause of this obtuseness lay in the false ideals which nourished an overweening confidence in the destiny of their nation4 ,and these ideals were the more difficult to destroy because they each contained an element of truth1 so interwoven with the falsehood that to the mind of the people the true and the false stood and fell together4 ,if the great vision of chs4 viii4xi4 had accomplished its purpose1 it would doubtless have taken away the main support of these delusive imaginations4 ,but the belief in the indestructibility of the ,temple was only one of a number of roots through which the vain confidence of the nation was fed2 and so long as any of these remained the people's sense of security was likely to remain4 ,these spurious ideals1 therefore1 ,ezekiel sets himself with characteristic thoroughness to demolish one after another4 ,this appears to be in the main the purpose of the third subdivision of his prophecies on which we now enter4 ,it extends from ch4 xii4 to ch4 xix42 and in so far as it can be taken to represent a phase of his actual spoken ministry1 it must be assigned to the fifth year before the capture of ,jerusalem 7,august #eia;,august #eij ,b4,c474 ,but since the passage is an exposition of ideas more than a narrative of experiences we may expect to find that chronological consistency has been even less observed than in the earlier part of the book4 ,each idea is presented in the completeness which it finally possessed in the prophet's mind1 and his allusions may anticipate a state of things which had not actually arisen till a somewhat later date4 ,beginning with a description and interpretation of two symbolic actions intended to impress more vividly on the people the certainty of the impending catastrophe1 the prophet proceeds in a series of set discourses to expose the hollowness of the illusions which his fellowexiles cherished1 such as disbelief in prophecies of evil1 faith in the destiny of ,israel1 veneration for the ,davidic kingdom1 and reliance on the solidarity of the nation in sin and in judgment4 ,these are the principal topics which the course of exposition will bring before us1 and in dealing with them it will be convenient to depart from the order in which they stand in the book and adopt an arrangement according to subject4 ,by so doing we run the risk of missing the order of the ideas as it presented itself to the prophet's mind1 and of ignoring the remarkable skill with which the transition from one theme to another is frequently effected4 ,but if we have rightly understood the scope of the passage as a whole1 this will not prevent us from grasping the substance of his teaching or its bearing on the final message which he had to deliver4 ,in the present chapter we shall accordingly group together three passages which deal with the fate of the monarchy1 and especially of ,zedekiah1 the last king of ,judah4 ,that reverence for the royal house would form an obstacle to the acceptance of such teaching as ,ezekiel's was to be expected from all we know of the popular feeling on this subject4 ,the fact that the few royal assassinations which stain the annals of ,judah were sooner or later avenged by the people shows that the monarchy was regarded as a pillar of the state1 and that great importance was attached to the possession of a dynasty which perpetuated the glories of ,david's reign4 ,and there is one verse in the book of ,lamentations which expresses the anguish which the fall of the kingdom caused to godly men in ,israel1 although its representative was so unworthy of his office as ,zedekiah3 8,the breath of our nostrils1 the anointed of ,jehovah1 was taken in their pits1 of whom we said1 ,under his shadow shall we live among the nations0 7,lam4 iv4 #bj74 ,so long therefore as a descendant of ,david sat on the throne of ,jerusalem it would seem the duty of every patriotic ,israelite to remain true to him4 ,the continuance of the monarchy would seem to guarantee the existence of the state2 the prestige of ,zedekiah's position as the anointed of ,jehovah1 and the heir of ,david's covenant1 would warrant the hope that even yet ,jehovah would intervene to save an institution of ,his own creating4 ,indeed1 we can see from ,ezekiel's own pages that the historic monarchy in ,israel was to him an object of the highest veneration and regard4 ,he speaks of its dignity in terms whose very exaggeration shows how largely the fact bulked in his imagination4 ,he compares it to the noblest of the wild beasts of the earth and the most lordly tree of the forest4 ,but his contention is that this monarchy no longer exists4 ,except in one doubtful passage1 he never applies the title king 7melek7 to ,zedekiah4 ,the kingdom came to an end with the deportation of ,jehoiachin1 the last king who ascended the throne in legitimate succession4 ,the present holder of the office is in no sense king by divine right2 he is a creature and vassal of ,nebuchadnezzar1 and has no rights against his suzerain47#cj7 ,his very name had been changed by the caprice of his master4 ,as a religious symbol1 therefore1 the royal power is defunct2 the glory has departed from it as surely as from the ,temple4 ,the makeshift administration organised under ,zedekiah had a peaceful if inglorious future before it1 if it were content to recognise facts and adapt itself to its humble position4 ,but if it should attempt to raise its head and assert itself as an independent kingdom1 it would only seal its own doom4 ,and for men in ,chalda to transfer to this shadow of kingly dignity the allegiance due to the heir of ,david's house was a waste of devotion as little demanded by patriotism as by prudence4 ,i ,the first of the passages in which the fate of the monarchy is foretold requires little to be said by way of explanation4 ,it is a symbolic action of the kind with which we are now familiar1 exhibiting the certainty of the fate in store both for the people and the king4 ,the prophet again becomes a 8sign0 or portent to the people--this time in a character which every one of his audience understood from recent experience4 ,he is seen by daylight collecting 8articles of captivity0--i4e41 such necessary articles as a person going into exile would try to take with him--and bringing them out to the door of his house4 ,then at dusk he breaks through the wall with his goods on his shoulder2 and1 with face muffled1 he removes 8to another place40 ,in this sign we have again two different facts indicated by a series of not entirely congruous actions4 ,the mere act of carrying out his most necessary furniture and removing from one place to another suggests quite unambiguously the captivity that awaits the inhabitants of ,jerusalem4 ,but the accessories of the action1 such as breaking through the wall1 the muffling of the face1 and the doing of all this by night1 point to quite a different event--viz41 ,zedekiah's attempt to break through the ,chaldan lines by night1 his capture1 his blindness1 and his imprisonment in ,babylon4 ,the most remarkable thing in the sign is the circumstantial manner in which the details of the king's flight and capture are anticipated so long before the event4 ,zedekiah1 as we read in the second book of ,kings1 as soon as a breach was made in the walls by the ,chaldans1 broke out with a small party of horsemen1 and succeeded in reaching the plain of ,jordan4 ,there he was overtaken and caught1 and sent before ,nebuchadnezzar's presence at ,riblah4 ,the ,babylonian king punished his perfidy with a cruelty common enough amongst the ,assyrian kings3 he caused his eyes to be put out1 and sent him thus to end his days in prison at ,babylon4 ,all this is so clearly hinted at in the signs that the whole representation is often set aside as a prophecy after the event4 ,that is hardly probable1 because the sign does not bear the marks of having been originally conceived with the view of exhibiting the details of ,zedekiah's punishment4 ,but since we know that the book was written after the event1 it is a perfectly fair question whether in the interpretation of the symbols ,ezekiel may not have read into it a fuller meaning than was present to his own mind at the time4 ,thus the covering of his head does not necessarily suggest anything more than the king's attempt to disguise his person47#ca7 ,possibly this was all that ,ezekiel originally meant by it4 ,when the event took place he perceived a further meaning in it as an allusion to the blindness inflicted on the king1 and introduced this into the explanation given of the symbol4 ,the point of it lies in the degradation of the king through his being reduced to such an ignominious method of securing his personal safety4 8,the prince that is among them shall bear upon his shoulder in the darkness1 and shall go forth3 they shall dig through the wall to carry out thereby3 he shall cover his face1 that he may not be seen by any eye1 and he himself shall not see the earth0 7ch4 xii4 #ab74 ,,ii ,in ch4 xvii4 the fate of the monarchy is dealt with at greater length under the form of an allegory4 ,the kingdom of ,judah is represented as a cedar in ,lebanon--a comparison which shows how exalted were ,ezekiel's conceptions of the dignity of the old regime which had now passed away4 ,but the leading shoot of the tree has been cropped off by a great1 broad winged1 speckled eagle1 the king of ,babylon1 and carried away to a 8land of traffic1 a city of merchants407#cb7 ,the insignificance of ,zedekiah's government is indicated by a harsh contrast which almost breaks the consistency of the figure4 ,in place of the cedar which he has spoiled the eagle plants a low vine trailing on the ground1 such as may be seen in ,palestine at the present day4 ,his intention was that 8its branches should extend towards him and its roots be under him0--i4e41 that the new principality should derive all its strength from ,babylon and yield all its produce to the power which nourished it4 ,for a time all went well4 ,the vine answered the expectations of its owner1 and prospered under the favourable conditions which he had provided for it4 ,but another great eagle appeared on the scene1 the king of ,egypt1 and the ungrateful vine began to send out its roots and turn its branches in his direction4 ,the meaning is obvious3 ,zedekiah had sent presents to ,egypt and sought its help1 and by so doing had violated the conditions of his tenure of royal power4 ,such a policy could not prosper4 8,the bed where it was planted0 was in possession of ,nebuchadnezzar1 and he could not tolerate there a state1 however feeble1 which employed the resources with which he had endowed it to further the interests of his rival1 ,hophra1 the king of ,egypt4 ,its destruction shall come from the quarter whence it derived its origin3 8when the east wind smites it1 it shall wither in the furrow where it grew40 ,throughout this passage ,ezekiel shows that he possessed in full measure that penetration and detachment from local prejudices which all the prophets exhibit when dealing with political affairs4 ,the interpretation of the riddle contains a statement of ,nebuchadnezzar's policy in his dealings with ,judah1 whose impartial accuracy could not be improved on by the most disinterested historian4 ,the carrying away of the ,judan king and aristocracy was a heavy blow to religious susceptibilities which ,ezekiel fully shared1 and its severity was not mitigated by the arrogant assumptions by which it was explained in ,jerusalem4 ,yet here he shows himself capable of contemplating it as a measure of ,babylonian statesmanship and of doing absolute justice to the motives by which it was dictated4 ,nebuchadnezzar's purpose was to establish a petty state unable to raise itself to independence1 and one on whose fidelity to his empire he could rely4 ,ezekiel lays great stress on the solemn formalities by which the great king had bound his vassal to his allegiance3 8,he took of the royal seed1 and made a covenant with him1 and brought him under a curse2 and the strong ones of the land he took away3 that it might be a lowly kingdom1 not able to lift itself up1 to keep his covenant that it might stand0 7vv4 #ac1 #ad74 ,in all this ,nebuchadnezzar is conceived as acting within his rights2 and here lay the difference between the clear vision of the prophet and the infatuated policy of his contemporaries4 ,the politicians of ,jerusalem were incapable of thus discerning the signs of the times4 ,they fell back on the timehonoured plan of checkmating ,babylon by means of an ,egyptian alliance--a policy which had been disastrous when attempted against the ruthless tyrants of ,assyria1 and which was doubly imbecile when it brought down on them the wrath of a monarch who showed every desire to deal fairly with his subject provinces4 ,the period of intrigue with ,egypt had already begun when this prophecy was written4 ,we have no means of knowing how long the negotiations went on before the overt act of rebellion2 and hence we cannot say with certainty that the appearance of the chapter in this part of the book is an anachronism4 ,it is possible that ,ezekiel may have known of a secret mission which was not discovered by the spies of the ,babylonian court2 and there is no difficulty in supposing that such a step may have been taken as early as two and a half years before the outbreak of hostilities4 ,at whatever time it took place1 ,ezekiel saw that it sealed the doom of the nation4 ,he knew that ,nebuchadnezzar could not overlook such flagrant perfidy as ,zedekiah and his councillors had been guilty of2 he knew also that ,egypt could render no effectual help to ,jerusalem in her death struggle4 8,not with a strong army and a great host will ,pharaoh act for him in the war1 when mounds are thrown up1 and the towers are built1 to cut off many lives0 7ver4 #ag74 ,the writer of the ,lamentations again shows us how sadly the prophet's anticipation was verified3 8,as for us1 our eyes as yet failed for our vain help3 in our watching we have watched for a nation that could not save us0 7,lam4 iv4 #ag74 ,but ,ezekiel will not allow it to be supposed that the fate of ,jerusalem is merely the result of a mistaken forecast of political probabilities4 ,such a mistake had been made by ,zedekiah's advisers when they trusted to ,egypt to deliver them from ,babylon1 and ordinary prudence might have warned them against it4 ,but that was the most excusable part of their folly4 ,the thing that branded their policy as infamous and put them absolutely in the wrong before ,god and man alike was their violation of the solemn oath by which they had bound themselves to serve the king of ,babylon4 ,the prophet seizes on this act of perjury as the determining fact of the situation1 and charges it home on the king as the cause of the ruin that is to overtake him3 8,thus saith ,jehovah1 ,as ,i live1 surely ,my oath which he hath despised1 and ,my covenant which he has broken1 ,i will return on his head2 and ,i will spread ,my net over him1 and in ,my snare shall he be taken1 444 and ye shall know that ,i ,jehovah have spoken it0 7vv4 #aiba74 ,in the last three verses of the chapter the prophet returns to the allegory with which he commenced1 and completes his oracle with a beautiful picture of the ideal monarchy of the future4 ,the ideas on which the picture is framed are few and simple2 but they are those which distinguish the ,messianic hope as cherished by the prophets from the crude form which it assumed in the popular imagination4 ,in contrast to ,zedekiah's kingdom1 which was a human institution without ideal significance1 that of the ,messianic age will be a fresh creation of ,jehovah's power4 ,a tender shoot shall be planted in the mountain land of ,israel1 where it shall flourish and increase until it overshadow the whole earth4 ,further1 this shoot is taken from the 8top of the cedar0--that is1 the section of the royal house which had been carried away to ,babylon--indicating that the hope of the future lay not with the king de facto ,zedekiah1 but with ,jehoiachin and those who shared his banishment4 ,the passage leaves no doubt that ,ezekiel conceived the ,israel of the future as a state with a monarch at its head1 although it may be doubtful whether the shoot refers to a personal ,messiah or to the aristocracy1 who1 along with the king1 formed the governing body in an ,eastern kingdom4 ,this question1 however1 can be better considered when we have to deal with ,ezekiel's ,messianic conceptions in their fully developed form in ch4 xxxiv4 ,,iii ,of the last four kings of ,judah there were two whose melancholy fate seems to have excited a profound feeling of pity amongst their countrymen4 ,jehoahaz or ,shallum1 according to the ,chronicler the youngest of ,josiah's sons1 appears to have been even during his father's lifetime a popular favourite4 ,it was he who after the fatal day of ,megiddo was raised to the throne by the 8people of the land0 at the age of twentythree years4 ,he is said by the historian of the books of ,kings to have done 8that which was evil in the sight of the ,lord02 but he had hardly time to display his qualities as a ruler1 when he was deposed and carried to ,egypt by ,pharaoh ,necho1 having worn the crown for only three months 7#fjh ,b4,c474 ,the deep attachment felt for him seems to have given rise to an expectation that he would be restored to his kingdom1 a delusion against which the prophet ,jeremiah found it necessary to protest 7,jer4 xxii4 #ajab74 ,he was succeeded by his elder brother1 ,eliakim17#cc7 the headstrong and selfish tyrant1 whose character stands revealed in some passages of the books of ,jeremiah and ,habakkuk4 ,his reign of nine years gave little occasion to his subjects to cherish a grateful memory of his administration4 ,he died in the crisis of the conflict he had provoked with the king of ,babylon1 leaving his youthful son ,jehoiachin to expiate the folly of his rebellion4 ,jehoiachin is the second idol of the populace to whom we have referred4 ,he was only eighteen years old when he was called to the throne1 and within three months he was doomed to exile in ,babylon4 ,in his room ,nebuchadnezzar appointed a third son of ,josiah--,mattaniah--whose name he changed to ,zedekiah4 ,he was apparently a man of weak and vacillating character2 but he fell ultimately into the hands of the ,egyptian and antiprophetic party1 and so was the means of involving his country in the hopeless struggle in which it perished4 ,the fact that two of their native princes were languishing1 perhaps simultaneously1 in foreign confinement1 one in ,egypt and the other in ,babylon1 was fitted to evoke in ,judah a sympathy with the misfortunes of royalty something like the feeling embalmed in the ,jacobite songs of ,scotland4 ,it seems to be an echo of this sentiment that we find in the first part of the lament with which ,ezekiel closes his references to the fall of the monarchy 7ch4 xix474 ,many critics have indeed found it impossible to suppose that ,ezekiel should in any sense have yielded to sympathy with the fate of two princes who are both branded in the historical books as idolaters1 and whose calamities on ,ezekiel's own view of individual retribution proved them to be sinners against ,jehovah4 ,yet it is certainly unnatural to read the dirge in any other sense than as an expression of genuine pity for the woes that the nation suffered in the fate of her two exiled kings4 ,if ,jeremiah1 in pronouncing the doom of ,shallum or ,jehoahaz1 could say1 8,weep ye sore for him that goeth away2 for he shall not return any more1 nor see his native country10 there is no reason why ,ezekiel should not have given lyrical expression to the universal feeling of sadness which the blighted career of these two youths naturally produced4 ,the whole passage is highly poetical1 and represents a side of ,ezekiel's nature which we have not hitherto been led to study4 ,but it is too much to expect of even the most logical of prophets that he should experience no personal emotion but what fitted into his system1 or that his poetic gift should be chained to the wheels of his theological convictions4 ,the dirge expresses no moral judgment on the character or deserts of the two kings to which it refers3 it has but one theme--the sorrow and disappointment of the 8mother0 who nurtured and lost them1 that is1 the nation of ,israel personified according to a usual ,hebrew figure of speech4 ,all attempts to go beyond this and to find in the poem an allegorical portrait of ,jehoahaz and ,jehoiachin are irrelevant4 ,the mother is a lioness1 the princes are young lions and behave as stalwart young lions do1 but whether their exploits are praiseworthy or the reverse is a question that was not present to the writer's mind4 ,the chapter is entitled 8,a ,dirge on the ,princes of ,israel10 and embraces not only the fate of ,jehoahaz and ,jehoiachin1 but also of ,zedekiah1 with whom the old monarchy expired4 ,strictly speaking1 however1 the name qnah1 or dirge1 is applicable only to the first part of the chapter 7vv4 #bi71 where the rhythm characteristic of the ,hebrew elegy is clearly traceable47#cd7 ,with a few slight changes of the text7#ce7 the passage may be translated thus3-- i4 ,jehoahaz4 ,how was thy mother a lioness6-- ,among the lions1 ,in the midst of young lions she couched-- ,she reared her cubs2 ,and she brought up one of her cubs-- ,a young lion he became1 ,and he learned to catch the prey-- ,he ate men4 ,and nations raised a cry against him-- ,in their pit he was caught2 ,and they brought him with hooks-- ,to the land of ,egypt 7vv4 #bd74 ii4 ,jehoiachin4 ,and when she saw that she was disappointed7#cf7-- ,her hope was lost4 ,she took another of her cubs-- ,a young lion she made him2 ,and he walked in the midst of lions-- ,a young lion he became2 ,and he learned to catch prey-- ,he ate men4 ,and he lurked in his lair-- ,the forests he ravaged2 ,till the land was laid waste and its fulness-- ,with the noise of his roar4 ,the nations arrayed themselves against him-- ,from the countries around2 ,and spread over him their net-- ,in their pit he was caught4 ,and they brought him with hooks-- ,to the king of ,babylon2 ,and he put him in a cage1 444 ,that his voice might no more be heard-- ,on the mountains of ,israel 7vv4 #ei74 ,the poetry here is simple and sincere4 ,the mournful cadence of the elegiac measure1 which is maintained throughout1 is adapted to the tone of melancholy which pervades the passage and culminates in the last beautiful line4 ,the dirge is a form of composition often employed in songs of triumph over the calamities of enemies2 but there is no reason to doubt that here it is true to its original purpose1 and expresses genuine sorrow for the accumulated misfortunes of the royal house of ,israel4 ,the closing part of the 8dirge0 dealing with ,zedekiah is of a somewhat different character4 ,the theme is similar1 but the figure is abruptly changed1 and the elegiac rhythm is abandoned4 ,the nation1 the mother of the monarchy1 is here compared to a luxuriant vine planted beside great waters2 and the royal house is likened to a branch towering above the rest and bearing rods which were kingly sceptres4 ,but she has been plucked up by the roots1 withered1 scorched by the fire1 and finally planted in an arid region where she cannot thrive4 ,the application of the metaphor to the ruin of the nation is very obvious4 ,israel1 once a prosperous nation1 richly endowed with all the conditions of a vigorous national life1 and glorying in her race of native kings1 is now humbled to the dust4 ,misfortune after misfortune has destroyed her power and blighted her prospects1 till at last she has been removed from her own land to a place where national life cannot be maintained4 ,but the point of the passage lies in the closing words3 fire went out from one of her twigs and consumed her branches1 so that she has no longer a proud rod to be a ruler's sceptre 7ver4 #ad74 ,the monarchy1 once the glory and strength of ,israel1 has in its last degenerate representative involved the nation in ruin4 ,such is ,ezekiel's final answer to those of his hearers who clung to the old ,davidic kingdom as their hope in the crisis of the people's fate4 ,chapter ,,viii4 ,prophecy ,and ,its ,abuses4 ,chapters xii4 #baxiv4 #aa4 ,there is perhaps nothing more perplexing to the student of ,old ,testament history than the complicated phenomena which may be classed under the general name of 8prophecy40 ,in ,israel1 as in every ancient state1 there was a body of men who sought to influence public opinion by prognostications of the future4 ,as a rule the repute of all kinds of divination declined with the advance of civilisation and general intelligence1 so that in the more enlightened communities matters of importance came to be decided on broad grounds of reason and political expediency4 ,the peculiarity in the case of ,israel was that the very highest direction in politics1 as well as religion and morals1 was given in a form capable of being confounded with superstitious practices which flourished alongside of it4 ,the true prophets were not merely profound moral thinkers1 who announced a certain issue as the probable result of a certain line of conduct4 ,in many cases their predictions are absolute1 and their political programme is an appeal to the nation to accept the situation which they foresee1 as the basis of its public action4 ,for this reason prophecy was readily brought into competition with practices with which it had really nothing in common4 ,the ordinary individual who cared little for principles and only wished to know what was likely to happen might readily think that one way of arriving at knowledge of the future was as good as another1 and when the spiritual prophet's anticipations displeased him he was apt to try his luck with the sorcerer4 ,it is not improbable that in the last days of the monarchy spurious prophecy of various kinds gained an additional vitality from its rivalry with the great spiritual teachers who in the name of ,jehovah foretold the ruin of the state4 ,this is not the place for an exhaustive account of the varied developments in ,israel of what may be broadly termed prophetic manifestations4 ,for the understanding of the section of ,ezekiel now before us it will be enough to distinguish three classes of phenomena4 ,at the lowest end of the scale there was a rank growth of pure magic or sorcery1 the ruling idea of which is the attempt to control or forecast the future by occult arts which are believed to influence the supernatural powers which govern human destiny4 ,in the second place we have prophecy in a stricter sense--that is1 the supposed revelation of the will of the deity in dreams or 8visions0 or halfarticulate words uttered in a state of frenzy4 ,last of all there is the true prophet1 who1 though subject to extraordinary mental experiences1 yet had always a clear and conscious grasp of moral principles1 and possessed an incommunicable certainty that what he spoke was not his own word but the word of ,jehovah4 ,it is obvious that a people subjected to such influences as these was exposed to temptations both intellectual and moral from which modern life is exempt4 ,one thing is certain--the existence of prophecy did not tend to simplify the problems of national life or individual conduct4 ,we are apt to think of the great prophets as men so signally marked out by ,god as ,his witnesses that it must have been impossible for any one with a shred of sincerity to question their authority4 ,in reality it was quite otherwise4 ,it was no more an easy thing then than now to distinguish between truth and error1 between the voice of ,god and the speculations of men4 ,then1 as now1 divine truth had no available credentials at the moment of its utterance except its selfevidencing power on hearts that were sincere in their desire to know it4 ,the fact that truth came in the guise of prophecy only stimulated the growth of counterfeit prophecy1 so that only those who were 8of the truth0 could discern the spirits1 whether they were of ,god4 ,the passage which forms the subject of this chapter is one of the most important passages of the ,old ,testament in its treatment of the errors and abuses incident to a dispensation of prophecy4 ,it consists of three parts3 the first deals with difficulties occasioned by the apparent failure of prophecy 7ch4 xii4 #babh72 the second with the character and doom of the false prophets 7ch4 xiii472 and the third with the state of mind which made a right use of prophecy impossible 7ch4 xiv4 #aaa74 ,i ,it is one of ,ezekiel's peculiarities that he pays close attention to the proverbial sayings which indicated the drift of the national mind4 ,such sayings were like straws1 showing how the stream flowed1 and had a special significance for ,ezekiel1 inasmuch as he was not in the stream himself1 but only observed its motions from a distance4 ,here he quotes a current proverb1 giving expression to a sense of the futility of all prophetic warnings3 8,the days are drawn out1 and every vision faileth0 7ch4 xii4 #bb74 ,it is difficult to say what the feeling is that lies behind it1 whether it is one of disappointment or of relief4 ,if1 as seems probable1 ver4 #bg is the application of the general principle to the particular case of ,ezekiel1 the proverb need not indicate absolute disbelief in the truth of prophecy4 8,the vision which he sees is for many days1 and remote times does he prophesy0--that is to say1 ,the prophet's words are no doubt perfectly true1 and come from ,god2 but no man can ever tell when they are to be fulfilled3 all experience shows that they relate to a remote future which we are not likely to see4 ,for men whose concern was to find direction in the present emergency1 that was no doubt equivalent to a renunciation of the guidance of prophecy4 ,there are several things which may have tended to give currency to this view and make it plausible4 ,first of all1 of course1 the fact that many of the 8visions0 that were published had nothing in them2 they were false in their origin1 and were bound to fail4 ,accordingly one thing necessary to rescue prophecy from the discredit into which it had fallen was the removal of those who uttered false predictions in the name of ,jehovah3 8,there shall no more be any false vision or flattering divination in the midst of the house of ,israel0 7ver4 #bd74 ,but besides the prevalence of false prophecy there were features of true prophecy which partly explained the common misgiving as to its trustworthiness4 ,even in true prophecy there is an element of idealism1 the future being depicted in forms derived from the prophet's circumstances1 and represented as the immediate continuation of the events of his own time4 ,in support of the proverb it might have been equally apt to instance the ,messianic oracles of ,isaiah1 or the confident predictions of ,hananiah1 the opponent of ,jeremiah4 ,further1 there is a contingent element in prophecy3 the fulfilment of a threat or promise is conditional on the moral effect of the prophecy itself on the people4 ,these things were perfectly understood by thoughtful men in ,israel4 ,the principle of contingency is clearly expounded in the eighteenth chapter of ,jeremiah1 and it was acted on by the princes who on a memorable occasion saved him from the doom of a false prophet 7,jer4 xxvi474 ,those who used prophecy to determine their practical attitude towards ,jehovah's purposes found it to be an unerring guide to right thinking and action4 ,but those who only took a curious interest in questions of external fulfilment found much to disconcert them2 and it is hardly surprising that many of them became utterly sceptical of its divine origin4 ,it must have been to this turn of mind that the proverb with which ,ezekiel is dealing owed its origin4 ,it is not on these lines1 however1 that ,ezekiel vindicates the truth of the prophetic word1 but on lines adapted to the needs of his own generation4 ,after all1 prophecy is not wholly contingent4 ,the bent of the popular character is one of the elements which it takes into account1 and it foresees an issue which is not dependent on anything that ,israel might do4 ,the prophets rise to a point of view from which the destruction of the sinful people and the establishment of a perfect kingdom of ,god are seen to be facts unalterably decreed by ,jehovah4 ,and the point of ,ezekiel's answer to his contemporaries seems to be that a final demonstration of the truth of prophecy was at hand4 ,as the fulfilment drew near1 prophecy would increase in distinctness and precision1 so that when the catastrophe came it would be impossible for any man to deny the inspiration of those who had announced it3 8,thus saith ,jehovah1 ,i will suppress this proverb1 and it shall no more circulate in ,israel2 but say unto them1 ,the days are near1 and the content literally word or matter of every vision0 7ver4 #bc74 ,after the extinction of every form of lying prophecy1 ,jehovah's words shall still be heard1 and the proclamation of them shall be immediately followed by their accomplishment3 8,for ,i ,jehovah will speak ,my words2 ,i will speak and perform1 it shall not be deferred any more3 in your days1 ,o house of rebellion1 ,i will speak a word and perform it1 saith ,jehovah0 7ver4 #be74 ,the immediate reference is to the destruction of ,jerusalem which the prophet saw to be one of those events which were unconditionally decreed1 and an event which must bulk more and more largely in the vision of the true prophet until it was accomplished4 ,,ii ,the thirteenth chapter deals with what was undoubtedly the greatest obstacle to the influence of prophecy--viz41 the existence of a division in the ranks of the prophets themselves4 ,that division had been of long standing4 ,the earliest indication of it is the story of the contest between ,micaiah and four hundred prophets of ,jehovah1 in presence of ,ahab and ,jehoshaphat 7#a ,kings xxii4 #ebh74 ,all the canonical prophets show in their writings that they had to contend against the mass of the prophetic order--men who claimed an authority equal to theirs1 but used it for diametrically opposite interests4 ,it is not1 however1 till we come to ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel that we find a formal apologetic of true prophecy against false4 ,the problem was serious3 where two sets of prophets systematically and fundamentally contradicted each other1 both might be false1 but both could not be true4 ,the prophet who was convinced of the truth of his own visions must be prepared to account for the rise of false visions1 and to lay down some criterion by which men might discriminate between the one and the other4 ,jeremiah's treatment of the question is of the two perhaps the more profound and interesting4 ,it is thus summarised by ,professor ,davidson3 8,in his encounters with the prophets of his day ,jeremiah opposes them in three spheres--that of policy1 that of morals1 and that of personal experience4 ,in policy the genuine prophets had some fixed principles1 all arising out of the idea that the kingdom of the ,lord was not a kingdom of this world4 ,hence they opposed military preparation1 riding on horses1 and building of fenced cities1 and counselled trust in ,jehovah4444 ,the false prophets1 on the other hand1 desired their country to be a military power among the powers around1 they advocated alliance with the eastern empires and with ,egypt1 and relied on their national strength4 ,again1 the true prophets had a stringent personal and state morality4 ,in their view the true cause of the destruction of the state was its immoralities4 ,but the false prophets had no such deep moral convictions1 and seeing nothing unwonted or alarming in the condition of things prophesied of #8peace4' ,they were not necessarily irreligious men2 but their religion had no truer insight into the nature of the ,god of ,israel than that of the common people4444 ,and finally ,jeremiah expresses his conviction that the prophets whom he opposed did not stand in the same relation to the ,lord as he did3 they had not his experiences of the word of the ,lord1 into whose counsel they had not been admitted2 and they were without that fellowship of mind with the mind of ,jehovah which was the true source of prophecy4 ,hence he satirises their pretended supernatural #8dreams1' and charges them from conscious want of any true prophetic word with stealing words from one another407#cg7 ,the passages in ,jeremiah on which this statement is mainly founded may have been known to ,ezekiel1 who in this matter1 as in so many others1 follows the lines laid down by the elder prophet4 ,the first thing1 then1 that deserves attention in ,ezekiel's judgment on false prophecy is his assertion of its purely subjective or human origin4 ,in the opening sentence he pronounces a woe upon the prophets 8who prophesy from their own mind without having seen07#ch7 7ver4 #c74 ,the words put in italics sum up ,ezekiel's theory of the genesis of false prophecy4 ,the visions these men see and the oracles they utter simply reproduce the thoughts1 the emotions1 the aspirations1 natural to their own minds4 ,that the ideas came to them in a peculiar form1 which was mistaken for the direct action of ,jehovah1 ,ezekiel does not deny4 ,he admits that the men were sincere in their professions1 for he describes them as 8waiting for the fulfilment of the word0 7ver4 #f74 ,but in this belief they were the victims of a delusion4 ,whatever there might be in their prophetic experiences that resembled those of a true prophet1 there was nothing in their oracles that did not belong to the sphere of worldly interests and human speculation4 ,if we ask how ,ezekiel knew this1 the only possible answer is that he knew it because he was sure of the source of his own inspiration4 ,he possessed an inward experience which certified to him the genuineness of the communications which came to him1 and he necessarily inferred that those who held different beliefs about ,god must lack that experience4 ,thus far his criticism of false prophecy is purely subjective4 ,the true prophet knew that he had that within him which authenticated his inspiration1 but the false prophet could not know that he wanted it4 ,the difficulty is not peculiar to prophecy1 but arises in connection with religious belief as a whole4 ,it is an interesting question whether the assent to a truth is accompanied by a feeling of certitude differing in quality from the confidence which a man may have in giving his assent to a delusion4 ,but it is not possible to elevate this internal criterion to an objective test of truth4 ,a man who is awake may be quite sure he is not dreaming1 but a man in a dream may readily enough fancy himself awake4 ,but there were other and more obvious tests which could be applied to the professional prophets1 and which at least showed them to be men of a different spirit from the few who were 8full of power by the spirit of the ,lord1 and of judgment1 and of might1 to declare to ,israel his sin0 7,mic4 iii4 #h74 ,in two graphic figures ,ezekiel sums up the character and policy of these parasites who disgraced the order to which they belonged4 ,in the first place he compares them to jackals burrowing in ruins and undermining the fabric which it was their professed function to uphold 7vv4 #d1 #e74 ,the existence of such a class of men is at once a symptom of advanced social degeneration and a cause of greater ruin to follow4 ,a true prophet fearlessly speaking the words of ,god is a defence to the state2 he is like a man who stands in the breach or builds a wall to ward off the danger which he foresees4 ,such were all genuine prophets whose names were held in honour in ,israel--men of moral courage1 never hesitating to incur personal risk for the welfare of the nation they loved4 ,if ,israel now was like a heap of ruins1 the fault lay with the selfish crowd of hireling prophets who had cared more to find a hole in which they could shelter themselves than to build up a stable and righteous polity4 ,the prophet's simile calls to mind the type of churchman represented by ,bishop ,blougram in ,browning's powerful satire4 ,he is one who is content if the corporation to which he belongs can provide him with a comfortable and dignified position in which he can spend good days2 he is triumphant if1 in addition to this1 he can defy any one to prove him more of a fool or a hypocrite than an average man of the world4 ,such utter abnegation of intellectual sincerity may not be common in any ,church2 but the temptation which leads to it is one to which ecclesiastics are exposed in every age and every communion4 ,the tendency to shirk difficult problems1 to shut one's eyes to grave evils1 to acquiesce in things as they are1 and calculate that the ruin will last one's own time1 is what ,ezekiel calls playing the jackal2 and it hardly needs a prophet to tell us that there could not be a more fatal symptom of the decay of religion than the prevalence of such a spirit in its official representatives4 ,the second image is equally suggestive4 ,it exhibits the false prophets as following where they pretended to lead1 as aiding and abetting the men into whose hands the reins of government had fallen4 ,the people build a wall and the prophets cover it with plaster 7ver4 #aj7--that is to say1 when any project or scheme of policy is being promoted they stand by glozing it over with fine words1 flattering its promoters1 and uttering profuse assurances of its success4 ,the uselessness of the whole activity of these prophets could not be more vividly described4 ,the whitewashing of the wall may hide its defects1 but will not prevent its destruction2 and when the wall of ,jerusalem's shaky prosperity tumbles down1 those who did so little to build and so much to deceive shall be overwhelmed with confusion4 8,behold1 when the wall is fallen1 shall it not be said to them1 ,where is the plaster which ye plastered80 7ver4 #ab74 ,this will be the beginning of the judgment on false prophets in ,israel4 ,the overthrow of their vaticinations1 the collapse of the hopes they fostered1 and the demolition of the edifice in which they found a refuge shall leave them no more a name or a place in the people of ,god4 8,i will stretch out ,my hand against the prophets that see vanity and divine falsely3 in the council of ,my people they shall not be1 and in the register of the house of ,israel they shall not be written1 and into the land of ,israel they shall not come0 7ver4 #i74 ,there was1 however1 a still more degraded type of prophecy1 practised chiefly by women1 which must have been exceedingly prevalent in ,ezekiel's time4 ,the prophets spoken of in the first sixteen verses were public functionaries who exerted their evil influence in the arena of politics4 ,the prophetesses spoken of in the latter part of the chapter are private fortunetellers who practised on the credulity of individuals who consulted them4 ,their art was evidently magical in the strict sense1 a trafficking with the dark powers which were supposed to enter into alliance with men irrespective of moral considerations4 ,then1 as now1 such courses were followed for gain1 and doubtless proved a lucrative means of livelihood4 ,the 8fillets0 and 8veils0 mentioned in ver4 #ah are either a professional garb worn by the women1 or else implements of divination whose precise significance cannot now be ascertained4 ,to the imagination of the prophet they appear as the snares and weapons with which these wretched creatures 8hunted souls02 and the extent of the evil which he attacks is indicated by his speaking of the whole people as being entangled in their meshes4 ,ezekiel naturally bestows special attention on a class of practitioners whose whole influence tended to efface moral landmarks and to deal out to men weal or woe without regard to character4 8,they slew souls that should not die1 and saved alive souls that should not live2 they made sad the heart of the righteous1 and strengthened the hands of the wicked1 that he should not return from his wicked way and be saved alive0 7ver4 #bb74 ,that is to say1 while ,ezekiel and all true prophets were exhorting men to live resolutely in the light of clear ethical conceptions of providence1 the votaries of occult superstitions seduced the ignorant into making private compacts with the powers of darkness in order to secure their personal safety4 ,if the prevalence of sorcery and witchcraft was at all times dangerous to the religion and public order of the state1 it was doubly so at a time when1 as ,ezekiel perceived1 everything depended on maintaining the strict rectitude of ,god in ,his dealings with individual men4 ,,iii ,having thus disposed of the external manifestations of false prophecy1 ,ezekiel proceeds in the fourteenth chapter to deal with the state of mind amongst the people at large which rendered such a condition of things possible4 ,the general import of the passage is clear1 although the precise connection of ideas is somewhat difficult to explain4 ,the following observations may suffice to bring out all that is essential to the understanding of the section4 ,the oracle was occasioned by a particular incident1 undoubtedly historical--namely1 a visit1 such as was perhaps now common1 from the elders to inquire of the ,lord through ,ezekiel4 ,as they sit before him it is revealed to the prophet that the minds of these men are preoccupied with idolatry1 and therefore it is not fitting that any answer should be given to them by a prophet of ,jehovah4 ,apparently no answer was given by ,ezekiel to the particular question they had asked1 whatever it may have been4 ,generalising from the incident1 however1 he is led to enunciate a principle regulating the intercourse between ,jehovah and ,israel through the medium of a prophet3 8,whatever man of the house of ,israel sets his thoughts upon his idols1 and puts his guilty stumblingblock before him1 and comes to the prophet1 ,i ,jehovah will make ,myself intelligible to him27#ci7 that ,i may take the house of ,israel in their own heart1 because they are all estranged from ,me by their idols0 7vv4 #d1 #e74 ,it seems clear that one part of the threat here uttered is that the very withholding of the answer will unmask the hypocrisy of men who pretend to be worshippers of ,jehovah1 but in heart are unfaithful to ,him and servants of false gods4 ,the moral principle involved in the prophet's dictum is clear and of lasting value4 ,it is that for a false heart there can be no fellowship with ,jehovah1 and therefore no true and sure knowledge of ,his will4 ,the prophet occupies the point of view of ,jehovah1 and when consulted by an idolater he finds it impossible to enter into the point of view from which the question is put1 and therefore cannot answer it47#dj7 ,ezekiel assumes for the most part that the prophet consulted is a true prophet of ,jehovah like himself1 who will give no answer to such questions as he has before him4 ,he must1 however1 allow for the possibility that men of this stamp may receive answers in the name of ,jehovah from those reputed to be ,his true prophets4 ,in that case1 says ,ezekiel1 the prophet is 8deceived0 by ,god2 he is allowed to give a response which is not a true response at all1 but only confirms the people in their delusions and unbelief4 ,but this deception does not take place until the prophet has incurred the guilt of deceiving himself in the first instance4 ,it is his fault that he has not perceived the bent of his questioners' minds1 that he has accommodated himself to their ways of thought1 has consented to occupy their standpoint in order to be able to say something coinciding with the drift of their wishes4 ,prophet and inquirers are involved in a common guilt and share a common fate1 both being sentenced to exclusion from the commonwealth of ,israel4 ,the purification of the institution of prophecy necessarily appeared to ,ezekiel as an indispensable feature in the restoration of the theocracy4 ,the ideal of ,israel's relation to ,jehovah is 8that they may be ,my people1 and that ,i may be their ,god0 7ver4 #aa74 ,that implies that ,jehovah shall be the source of infallible guidance in all things needful for the religious life of the individual and the guidance of the state4 ,but it was impossible for ,jehovah to be to ,israel all that a ,god should be1 so long as the regular channels of communication between ,him and the nation were choked by false conceptions in the minds of the people and false men in the position of prophets4 ,hence the constitution of a new ,israel demands such special judgments on false prophecy and the false use of true prophecy as have been denounced in these chapters4 ,when these judgments have been executed1 the ideal will have become possible which is described in the words of another prophet3 8,thine eyes shall see thy teachers3 and thine ears shall hear a word behind thee1 saying1 ,this is the way1 walk ye in it0 7,isa4 xxx4 #bj1 #ba74 ,chapter ,,ix4 ,jerusalem--,an ,ideal ,history4 ,chapter xvi4 ,in order to understand the place which the sixteenth chapter occupies in this section7#da7 of the book1 we must remember that a chief source of the antagonism between ,ezekiel and his hearers was the proud national consciousness which sustained the courage of the people through all their humiliations4 ,there were1 perhaps1 few nations of antiquity in which the flame of patriotic feeling burned more brightly than in ,israel4 ,no people with a past such as theirs could be indifferent to the many elements of greatness embalmed in their history4 ,the beauty and fertility of their land1 the martial exploits and signal deliverances of the nation1 the great kings and heroes she had reared1 her prophets and lawgivers--these and many other stirring memories were witnesses to ,jehovah's peculiar love for ,israel and ,his power to exalt and bless ,his people4 ,to cherish a deep sense of the unique privileges which ,jehovah had conferred on her in giving her a distinct place among the nations of the earth was thus a religious duty often insisted on in the ,old ,testament4 ,but in order that this sense might work for good it was necessary that it should take the form of grateful recognition of ,jehovah as the source of the nation's greatness1 and be accompanied by a true knowledge of ,his character4 ,when allied with false conceptions of ,jehovah's nature1 or entirely divorced from religion1 patriotism degenerated into racial prejudice and became a serious moral and political danger4 ,that this had actually taken place is a common complaint of the prophets4 ,they feel that national vanity is a great obstacle to the acceptance of their message1 and pour forth bitter and scornful words intended to humble the pride of ,israel to the dust4 ,no prophet addresses himself to the task so remorselessly as ,ezekiel4 ,the utter worthlessness of ,israel1 both absolutely in the eyes of ,jehovah and relatively in comparison with other nations1 is asserted by him with a boldness and emphasis which at first startle us4 ,from a different point of view prophecy and its results might have been regarded as fruits of the national life1 under the divine education vouchsafed to that people4 ,but that is not ,ezekiel's standpoint4 ,he seizes on the fact that prophecy was in opposition to the natural genius of the people1 and was not to be regarded as in any sense an expression of it4 ,accepting the final attitude of ,israel toward the word of ,jehovah as the genuine outcome of her natural proclivities1 he reads her past as an unbroken record of ingratitude and infidelity4 ,all that was good in ,israel was ,jehovah's gift1 freely bestowed and justly withdrawn2 all that was ,israel's own was her weakness and her sin4 ,it was reserved for a later prophet to reconcile the condemnation of ,israel's actual history with the recognition of the divine power working there and moulding a spiritual kernel of the nation into a true 8servant of the ,lord0 7,isa4 xl4 ff474 ,in chs4 xv4 and xvi41 therefore1 the prophet exposes the hollowness of ,israel's confidence in her national destiny4 ,the first of these appears to be directed against the vain hopes cherished in ,jerusalem at the time4 ,it is not necessary to dwell on it at length4 ,the image is simple and its application to ,jerusalem obvious4 ,earlier prophets had compared ,israel to a vine1 partly to set forth the exceptional privileges she enjoyed1 but chiefly to emphasise the degeneration she had undergone1 as shown by the bad moral fruits which she had borne 7cf4 ,isa4 v4 #a ff42 ,jer4 ii4 #ba2 ,hos4 x4 #a74 ,the popular imagination had laid hold of the thought that ,israel was the vine of ,god's planting1 ignoring the question of the fruit4 ,but ,ezekiel reminds his hearers that apart from its fruit the vine is the most worthless of trees4 ,even at the best its wood can be employed for no useful purpose2 it is fit only for fuel4 ,such was the people of ,israel1 considered simply as a state among other states1 without regard to its religious vocation4 ,even in its pristine vigour1 when the national energies were fresh and unimpaired1 it was but a weak nation1 incapable of attaining the dignity of a great power4 ,but now the strength of the nation has been worn away by a long succession of disasters1 until only a shadow of her former glory remains4 ,israel is no longer like a green and living vine1 but like a branch burned at both ends and charred in the middle1 and therefore doubly unfit for any worthy function in the affairs of the world4 ,by the help of this illustration men may read in the present state of the nation the irrevocable sentence of rejection which ,jehovah has passed on ,his people4 ,we now turn to the striking allegory of ch4 xvi41 where the same subject is treated with far greater penetration and depth of feeling4 ,there is no passage in the book of ,ezekiel at once so powerful and so full of religious significance as the picture of ,jerusalem1 the foundling child1 the unfaithful spouse1 and the abandoned prostitute1 which is here presented4 ,the general conception is one that might have been presented in a form as beautiful as it is spiritually true4 ,but the features which offend our sense of propriety are perhaps introduced with a stern purpose4 ,it is the deliberate intention of ,ezekiel to present ,jerusalem's wickedness in the most repulsive light1 in order that if possible he might startle men into abhorrence of their national sin4 ,in his own mind the feelings of moral indignation and physical disgust were very close together1 and here he seems to work on the minds of his readers1 so that the feeling excited by the image may call forth the feeling appropriate to the reality4 ,the allegory is a highly idealised history of the city of ,jerusalem from its origin to its destruction1 and then onward to its future restoration4 ,it falls naturally into four divisions3-- i4 ,vv4 #aad4--,the first emergence of ,jerusalem into civic life is compared to a newborn female infant1 exposed to perish1 after a cruel custom which is known to have prevailed among some ,semitic tribes4 ,none of the offices customary on the birth of a child were performed in her case1 whether those necessary to preserve life or those which had a merely ceremonial significance4 ,unblessed and unpitied she lay in the open field1 weltering in blood1 exciting only repugnance in all who passed by1 until ,jehovah ,himself passed by1 and pronounced over her the decree that she should live4 ,thus saved from death1 she grew up and reached maturity1 but still 8naked and bare10 destitute of wealth and the refinements of civilisation4 ,these were bestowed on her when a second time ,jehovah passed by and spread ,his skirt over her1 and claimed her for ,his own4 ,not till then had she been treated as a human being1 with the possibilities of honourable life before her4 ,but now she becomes the bride of her protector1 and is provided for as a highborn maiden might be1 with all the ornaments and luxuries befitting her new rank4 ,lifted from the lowest depth of degradation1 she is now transcendently beautiful1 and has 8attained to royal estate40 ,the fame of her loveliness went abroad among the nations3 8for it was perfect through ,my glory1 which ,i put upon thee1 saith ,jehovah0 7ver4 #ad74 ,it will be seen that the points of contact with actual history are here extremely few as well as vague4 ,it is indeed doubtful whether the subject of the allegory be the city of ,jerusalem conceived as one through all its changes of population1 or the ,hebrew nation of which ,jerusalem ultimately became the capital4 ,the latter interpretation is certainly favoured by ch4 xxiii41 where both ,jerusalem and ,samaria are represented as having spent their youth in ,egypt4 ,that parallel may not be decisive as to the meaning of ch4 xvi42 and the statement 8thy father was the ,amorite and thy mother an ,hittite0 may be thought to support the other alternative4 ,amorite and ,hittite are general names for the pre,israelite population of ,canaan1 and it is a wellknown fact that ,jerusalem was originally a ,canaanitish city4 ,it is not necessary to suppose that the prophet has any information about the early fortunes of ,jerusalem when he describes the stages of the process by which she was raised to royal magnificence4 ,the chief question is whether these details can be fairly applied to the history of the nation before it had ,jerusalem as its metropolis4 ,it is usually held that the first 8passing by0 of ,jehovah refers to the preservation of the people in the patriarchal period1 and the second to the events of the ,exodus and the ,sinaitic covenant4 ,against this it may be urged that ,ezekiel would hardly have presented the patriarchal period in a hateful light1 although he does go further in discrediting antiquity than any other prophet4 ,besides1 the description of ,jerusalem's betrothal to ,jehovah contains points which are more naturally understood of the glories of the age of ,david and ,solomon than of the events of ,sinai1 which were not accompanied by an access of material prosperity such as is suggested4 ,it may be necessary to leave the matter in the vagueness with which the prophet has surrounded it1 and accept as the teaching of the allegory the simple truth that ,jerusalem in herself was nothing1 but had been preserved in existence by ,jehovah's will1 and owed all her splendour to her association with ,his cause and ,his kingdom4 ii4 ,vv4 #aecd4--,the dainties and rich attire enjoyed by the highly favoured bride become a snare to her4 ,these represent blessings of a material order bestowed by ,jehovah on ,jerusalem4 ,throughout the chapter nothing is said of the imparting of spiritual privileges1 or of a moral change wrought in the heart of ,jerusalem4 ,the gifts of ,jehovah are conferred on one incapable of responding to the care and affection that had been lavished on her4 ,the inborn taint of her nature1 the hereditary immorality of her heathen ancestors1 breaks out in a career of licentiousness in which all the advantages of her proud position are prostituted to the vilest ends4 8,as is the mother1 so is her daughter0 7ver4 #dd72 and ,jerusalem betrayed her true origin by the readiness with which she took to evil courses as soon as she had the opportunity4 ,the 8whoredom0 in which the prophet sums up his indictment against his people is chiefly the sin of idolatry4 ,the figure may have been suggested by the fact that actual lewdness of the most flagrant kind was a conspicuous element in the form of idolatry to which ,israel first succumbed--the worship of the ,canaanite ,baals4 ,but in the hands of the prophets it has a deeper and more spiritual import than this4 ,it signified the violation of all the sacred moral obligations which are enshrined in human marriage1 or1 in other words1 the abandonment of an ethical religion for one in which the powers of nature were regarded as the highest revelation of the divine4 ,to the mind of the prophet it made no difference whether the object of worship was called by the name of ,jehovah or of ,baal3 the character of the worship determined the quality of the religion2 and in the one case1 as in the other1 it was idolatry1 or 8whoredom40 ,two stages in the idolatry of ,israel appear to be distinguished in this part of the chapter4 ,the first is the nave1 halfconscious heathenism which crept in insensibly through contact with ,phnician and ,canaanite neighbours 7vv4 #aebe74 ,the tokens of ,jerusalem's implication in this sin were everywhere4 ,the 8high places0 with their tents and clothed images 7ver4 #ag71 and the offerings set forth before these objects of adoration1 were undoubtedly of ,canaanitish origin1 and their preservation to the fall of the kingdom was a standing witness to the source to which ,israel owed her earliest and dearest 8abominations40 ,we learn that this phase of idolatry culminated in the atrocious rite of human sacrifice 7vv4 #bj1 #ba74 ,the immolation of children to ,baal or ,molech was a common practice amongst the nations surrounding ,israel1 and when introduced there seems to have been regarded as part of the worship of ,jehovah47#db7 ,what ,ezekiel here asserts is that the practice came through ,israel's illicit commerce with the gods of ,canaan1 and there is no question that this is historically true4 ,the allegory exhibits the sin in its unnatural heinousness4 ,the idealised city is the mother of her citizens1 the children are ,jehovah's children and her own1 yet she has taken them and offered them up to the false lovers she so madly pursued4 ,such was her feverish passion for idolatry that the dearest and most sacred ties of nature were ruthlessly severed at the bidding of a perverted religious sense4 ,the second form of idolatry in ,israel was of a more deliberate and politic kind 7vv4 #bccd74 ,it consisted in the introduction of the deities and religious practices of the great worldpowers--,egypt1 ,assyria1 and ,chalda4 ,the attraction of these foreign rites did not lie in the fascination of a sensuous type of religion1 but rather in the impression of power produced by the gods of the conquering peoples4 ,the foreign gods came in mostly in consequence of a political alliance with the nations whose patrons they were2 in other cases a god was worshipped simply because he had shown himself able to do great things for his servants4 ,jerusalem as ,ezekiel knew it was full of monuments of this comparatively recent type of idolatry4 ,in every street and at the head of every way there were erections 7here called 8arches0 or 8heights07 which1 from the connection in which they are mentioned1 must have been shrines devoted to the strange gods from abroad4 ,it is characteristic of the political idolatry here referred to that its monuments were found in the capital1 while the more ancient and rustic worship was typified by the 8high places0 throughout the provinces4 ,it is probable that the description applies mainly to the later period of the monarchy1 when ,israel1 and especially ,judah1 began to lean for support on one or other of the great empires on either side of her4 ,at the same time it must be remembered that ,ezekiel elsewhere teaches distinctly that the influence of ,egyptian religion had been continuous from the days of the ,exodus 7ch4 xxiii474 ,there may1 however1 have been a revival of ,egyptian influence1 due to the political exigencies which arose in the eighth century4 ,thus ,jerusalem has 8played the harlot02 nay1 she has done worse--8she has been as a wife that committeth adultery1 who though under her husband taketh strangers407#dc7 ,and the result has been simply the impoverishment of the land4 ,the heavy exactions levied on the country by ,egypt and ,assyria were the hire she had paid to her lovers to come to her4 ,if false religion had resulted in an increase of wealth or material prosperity1 there might have been some excuse for the eagerness with which she plunged into it4 ,but certainly ,israel's history bore the lesson that false religion means waste and ruin4 ,strangers had devoured her strength from her youth1 yet she never would heed the voice of her prophets when they sought to guide her into the ways of peace4 ,her infatuation was unnatural2 it goes almost beyond the bounds of the allegory to exhibit it3 8,the contrary is in thee from other women1 in that thou committest whoredoms1 and none goeth awhoring after thee3 and in that thou givest hire1 and no hire is given to thee1 therefore thou art contrary0 7ver4 #cd74 iii4 ,vv4 #ceeh4--;,having thus made ,jerusalem to 8know her abominations0 7ver4 #b71 the prophet proceeds to announce the doom which must inevitably follow such a career of wickedness4 ,the figures under which the judgment is set forth appear to be taken from the punishment meted out to profligate women in ancient ,israel4 ,the public exposure of the adulteress and her death by stoning in the presence of 8many women0 supply images terribly appropriate of the fate in store for ,jerusalem47#dd7 ,her punishment is to be a warning to all surrounding nations1 and an exhibition of the jealous wrath of ,jehovah against her infidelity4 ,these nations1 some of them hereditary enemies1 others old allies1 are represented as assembled to witness and to execute the judgment of the city4 ,the remorseless realism of the prophet spares no detail which could enhance the horror of the situation4 ,abandoned to the ruthless violence of her former lovers1 ,jerusalem is stripped of her royal attire1 the emblems of her idolatry are destroyed1 and so1 left naked to her enemies1 she suffers the ignominious death of a city that has been false to her religion4 ,the root of her sin had been the forgetfulness of what she owed to the goodness of ,jehovah1 and the essence of her punishment lies in the withdrawal of the gifts ,he had lavished upon her and the protection which amid all her apostasies she had never ceased to expect4 ,at this point 7ver4 #dd ff47 the allegory takes a new turn through the introduction of the sister cities of ,samaria and ,sodom4 ,samaria1 although as a city much younger than ,jerusalem1 is considered the elder sister because she had once been the centre of a greater political power than ,jerusalem1 and ,sodom1 which was probably older than either1 is treated as the youngest because of her relative insignificance4 ,the order1 however1 is of no importance4 ,the point of the comparison is that all three had manifested in different degrees the same hereditary tendency to immorality 7ver4 #de74 ,all three were of heathen origin--their mother a ,hittite and their father an ,amorite--a description which it is even more difficult to understand in the case of ,samaria than in that of ,jerusalem4 ,but ,ezekiel is not concerned about history4 ,what is prominent in his mind is the family likeness observed in their characters1 which gave point to the proverb 8,like mother1 like daughter0 when applied to ,jerusalem4 ,the prophet affirms that the wickedness of ,jerusalem had so far exceeded that of ,samaria and ,sodom that she had 8justified0 her sisters--i4e41 she had made their moral condition appear pardonable by comparison with hers4 ,he knows that he is saying a bold thing in ranking the iniquity of ,jerusalem as greater than that of ,sodom1 and so he explains his judgment on ,sodom by an analysis of the cause of her notorious corruptness4 ,the name of ,sodom lived in tradition as that of the foulest city of the old world1 a ne plus ultra of wickedness4 ,yet ,ezekiel dares to raise the question1 ,what was the sin of ,sodom8 8,this was the sin of ,sodom thy sister1 pride1 superabundance of food1 and careless ease was the lot of her and her daughters1 but they did not succour the poor and needy4 ,but they became proud1 and committed abominations before ,me3 therefore ,i took them away as thou hast seen0 7vv4 #di1 #ej74 ,the meaning seems to be that the corruptions of ,sodom were the natural outcome of the evil principle in the ,canaanitish nature1 favoured by easy circumstances and unchecked by the saving influences of a pure religion4 ,ezekiel's judgment is like an anticipation of the more solemn sentence uttered by ,one who knew what was in man when ,he said1 8,if the mighty works which have been done in you had been done in ,sodom and ,gomorrha1 they would have remained until this day40 ,it is remarkable to observe how some of the profoundest ideas in this chapter attach themselves to the strange conception of these two vanished cities as still capable of being restored to their place in the world4 ,in the ideal future of the prophet's vision ,sodom and ,samaria shall rise from their ruins through the same power which restores ,jerusalem to her ancient glory4 ,the promise of a renewed existence to ,sodom and ,samaria is perhaps connected with the fact that they lay within the sacred territory of which ,jerusalem is the centre4 ,hence ,sodom and ,samaria are no longer sisters1 but daughters of ,jerusalem1 receiving through her the blessings of the true religion4 ,and it is her relation to these her sisters that opens the eyes of ,jerusalem to the true nature of her own relation to ,jehovah4 ,formerly she had been proud and selfsufficient1 and counted her exceptional prerogatives the natural reward of some excellence to which she could lay claim4 ,the name of ,sodom1 the disgraced sister of the family1 was not heard in her mouth in the days of her pride1 when her wickedness had not been disclosed as it is now 7ver4 #eg74 ,but when she realises that her conduct has justified and comforted her sister1 and when she has to take guilty ,sodom to her heart as a daughter1 she will understand that she owes all her greatness to the same sovereign grace of ,jehovah which is manifested in the restoration of the most abandoned community known to history4 ,and out of this new consciousness of grace will spring the chastened and penitent temper of mind which makes possible the continuance of the bond which unites her to ,jehovah4 iv4 ,vv4 #eifc4--,the way is thus prepared for the final promise of forgiveness with which the chapter closes4 ,the reconciliation between ,jehovah and ,jerusalem will be effected by an act of recollection on both sides3 8,i will remember ,my covenant with thee4444 ,thou shalt remember thy ways0 7vv4 #fj1 #fa74 ,the mind of ,jehovah and the mind of ,jerusalem both go back on the past2 but while ,jehovah thinks only of the purpose of love which he had entertained towards ,jerusalem in the days of her youth and the indissoluble bond between them1 ,jerusalem retains the memory of her own sinful history1 and finds in the remembrance the source of abiding contrition and shame4 ,it does not fall within the scope of the prophet's purpose to set forth in this place the blessed consequences which flow from this renewal of loving intercourse between ,israel and her ,god4 ,he has accomplished his object when he has shown how the electing love of ,jehovah reaches its end in spite of human sin and rebellion1 and how through the crushing power of divine grace the failures and transgressions of the past are made to issue in a relation of perfect harmony between ,jehovah and ,his people4 ,the permanence of that relation is expressed by an idea borrowed from ,jeremiah--the idea of an everlasting covenant1 which cannot be broken because based on the forgiveness of sin and a renewal of heart4 ,the prophet knows that when once the power of evil has been broken by a full disclosure of redeeming love it cannot resume its old ascendency in human life4 ,so he leaves us on the threshold of the new dispensation with the picture of ,jerusalem humbled and bearing her shame1 yet in the abjectness of her selfaccusation realising the end towards which the love of ,jehovah had guided her from the beginning3 8,i will establish ,my covenant with thee2 and thou shalt know that ,i am ,jehovah3 that thou mayest remember1 and be ashamed1 and not open thy mouth any more for very shame1 when ,i expiate for thee all that thou hast done1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah0 7vv4 #fb1 #fc74 ,throughout this chapter we see that the prophet moves in the region of national religious ideas which are distinctive of the ,old ,testament4 ,of the influences that formed his conceptions that of ,hosea is perhaps most discernible4 ,the fundamental thoughts embodied in the allegory are the same as those by which the older prophet learned to interpret the nature of ,god and the sin of ,israel through the bitter experiences of his family life4 ,these thoughts are developed by ,ezekiel with a fertility of imagination and a grasp of theological principles which were adapted to the more complex situation with which he had to deal4 ,but the conception of ,israel as the unfaithful wife of ,jehovah1 of the false gods and the worldpowers as her lovers1 of her conversion through affliction1 and her final restoration by a new betrothal which is eternal1 are all expressed in the first three chapters of ,hosea4 ,and the freedom with which ,ezekiel handles and expands these conceptions shows how thoroughly he was at home in that national view of religion which he did much to break through4 ,in the next lecture we shall have occasion to examine his treatment of the problem of the individual's relation to ,god1 and we cannot fail to be struck by the contrast4 ,the analysis of individual religion may seem meagre by the side of this most profound and suggestive chapter4 ,this arises from the fact that the full meaning of religion could not then be expressed as an experience of the individual soul4 ,the subject of religion being the nation of ,israel1 the human side of it could only be unfolded in terms of what we should call the national consciousness4 ,the time was not yet come when the great truths which the prophets and psalmists saw embodied in the history of their people could be translated in terms of individual fellowship with ,god4 ,yet the ,god who spake to the fathers by the prophets is the same who has spoken to us in ,his ,son2 and when from the standpoint of a higher revelation we turn back to the ,old ,testament1 it is to find in the form of a nation's history the very same truths which we realise as matters of personal experience4 ,from this point of view the chapter we have considered is one of the most evangelical passages in the writings of ,ezekiel4 ,the prophet's conception of sin1 for example1 is singularly profound and true4 ,he has been charged with a somewhat superficial conception of sin1 as if he saw nothing more in it than the transgression of a law arbitrarily imposed by divine authority4 ,there are aspects of ,ezekiel's teaching which give some plausibility to that charge1 especially those which deal with the duties of the individual4 ,but we see that to ,ezekiel the real nature of sin could not possibly be manifested except as a factor in the national life4 ,now in this allegory it is obvious that he sees something far deeper in it than the mere transgression of positive commandments4 ,behind all the outward offences of which ,israel had been guilty there plainly lies the spiritual fact of national selfishness1 unfaithfulness to ,jehovah1 insensibility to ,his love1 and ingratitude for ,his benefits4 ,moreover1 the prophet1 like ,jeremiah before him1 has a strong sense of sin as a tendency in human life1 a power which is ineradicable save by the mingled severity and goodness of ,god4 ,through the whole history of ,israel it is one evil disposition which he sees asserting itself1 breaking out now in one form and then in another1 but continually gaining strength1 until at last the spirit of repentance is created by the experience of ,god's forgiveness4 ,it is not the case1 therefore1 that ,ezekiel failed to comprehend the nature of sin1 or that in this respect he falls below the most spiritual of the prophets who had gone before him4 ,in order that this tendency to sin may be destroyed1 ,ezekiel sees that the consciousness of guilt must take its place4 ,in the same way the apostle ,paul teaches that 8every mouth must be stopped1 and all the world become guilty before ,god40 ,whether the subject be a nation or an individual1 the dominion of sin is not broken till the sinner has taken home to himself the full responsibility for his acts and felt himself to be 8without excuse40 ,but the most striking thing in ,ezekiel's representation of the process of conversion is the thought that this saving sense of sin is produced less by judgment than by free and undeserved forgiveness4 ,punishment he conceives to be necessary1 being demanded alike by the righteousness of ,god and the good of the sinful people4 ,but the heart of ,jerusalem is not changed till she finds herself restored to her former relation to ,god1 with all the sin of her past blotted out and a new life before her4 ,it is through the grace of forgiveness that she is overwhelmed with shame and sorrow for sin1 and learns the humility which is the germ of a new hope towards ,god4 ,here the prophet strikes one of the deepest notes of evangelical doctrine4 ,all experience confirms the lesson that true repentance is not produced by the terrors of the law1 but by the view of ,god's love in ,christ going forth to meet the sinner and bring him back to the ,father's heart and home4 ,another question of great interest and difficulty is the attitude towards the heathen world assumed by ,ezekiel4 ,the prophecy of the restoration of ,sodom is certainly one of the most remarkable things in the book4 ,it is true that ,ezekiel as a rule concerns himself very little with the religious state of the outlying world under the ,messianic dispensation4 ,where he speaks of foreign nations it is only to announce the manifestation of ,jehovah's glory in the judgments ,he executes upon them4 ,the effect of these judgments is that 8they shall know that ,i am ,jehovah02 but how much is included in the expression as applied to the heathen it is impossible to say4 ,this1 however1 may be due to the peculiar limitation of view which leads him to concentrate his attention on the ,holy ,land in his visions of the perfect kingdom of ,god4 ,we can hardly suppose that he conceived all the rest of the world as a blank or filled with a seething mass of humanity outside the government of the true ,god4 ,it is rather to be supposed that ,canaan itself appeared to his mind as an epitome of the world such as it must be when the latterday glory was ushered in4 ,and in ,canaan he finds room for ,sodom1 but ,sodom turned to the knowledge of the true ,god and sharing in the blessings bestowed on ,jerusalem4 ,it is surely allowable to see in this the symptom of a more hopeful view of the future of the world at large than we should gather from the rest of the prophecy4 ,if ,ezekiel could think of ,sodom as raised from the dead and sharing the glories of the people of ,god1 the idea of the conversion of heathen nations could not have been altogether foreign to his mind4 ,it is at all events significant that when he meditates most profoundly on the nature of sin and ,god's method of dealing with it1 he is led to the thought of a divine mercy which embraces in its sweep those communities which had reached the lowest depths of moral corruption4 ,chapter ,x4 ,the ,religion ,of ,the ,individual4 ,chapter xviii4 ,in the sixteenth chapter1 as we have seen1 ,ezekiel has asserted in the most unqualified terms the validity of the principle of national retribution4 ,the nation is dealt with as a moral unity1 and the catastrophe which closes its history is the punishment for the accumulated guilt incurred by the past generations4 ,in the eighteenth chapter he teaches still more explicitly the freedom and the independent responsibility of each individual before ,god4 ,no attempt is made to reconcile the two principles as methods of the divine government2 from the prophet's standpoint they do not require to be reconciled4 ,they belong to different dispensations4 ,so long as the ,jewish state existed the principle of solidarity remained in force4 ,men suffered for the sins of their ancestors2 individuals shared the punishment incurred by the nation as a whole4 ,but as soon as the nation is dead1 when the bonds that unite men in the organism of national life are dissolved1 then the idea of individual responsibility comes into immediate operation4 ,each ,israelite stands isolated before ,jehovah1 the burden of hereditary guilt falls away from him1 and he is free to determine his own relation to ,god4 ,he need not fear that the iniquity of his fathers will be reckoned against him2 he is held accountable only for his own sins1 and these can be forgiven on the condition of his own repentance4 ,the doctrine of this chapter is generally regarded as ,ezekiel's most characteristic contribution to theology4 ,it might be nearer the truth to say that he is dealing with one of the great religious problems of the age in which he lived4 ,the difficulty was perceived by ,jeremiah1 and treated in a manner which shows that his thoughts were being led in the same direction as those of ,ezekiel 7,jer4 xxxi4 #bi1 #cj74 ,if in any respect the teaching of ,ezekiel makes an advance on that of ,jeremiah1 it is in his application of the new truth to the duty of the present3 and even here the difference is more apparent than real4 ,jeremiah postpones the introduction of personal religion to the future1 regarding it as an ideal to be realised in the ,messianic age4 ,his own life and that of his contemporaries was bound up with the old dispensation which was passing away1 and he knew that he was destined to share the fate of his people4 ,ezekiel1 on the other hand1 lives already under the powers of the world to come4 ,the one hindrance to the perfect manifestation of ,jehovah's righteousness has been removed by the destruction of ,jerusalem1 and henceforward it will be made apparent in the correspondence between the desert and the fate of each individual4 ,the new ,israel must be organised on the basis of personal religion1 and the time has already come when the task of preparing the religious community of the future must be earnestly taken up4 ,hence the doctrine of individual responsibility has a peculiar and practical importance in the mission of ,ezekiel4 ,the call to repentance1 which is the keynote of his ministry1 is addressed to individual men1 and in order that it may take effect their minds must be disabused of all fatalistic preconceptions which would induce paralysis of the moral faculties4 ,it was necessary to affirm in all their breadth and fulness the two fundamental truths of personal religion--the absolute righteousness of ,god's dealings with individual men1 and ,his readiness to welcome and pardon the penitent4 ,the eighteenth chapter falls accordingly into two divisions4 ,in the first the prophet sets the individual's immediate relation to ,god against the idea that guilt is transmitted from father to children 7vv4 #bbj74 ,in the second he tries to dispel the notion that a man's fate is so determined by his own past life as to make a change of moral condition impossible 7vv4 #bacb74 ,i ,it is noteworthy that both ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel1 in dealing with the question of retribution1 start from a popular proverb which had gained currency in the later years of the kingdom of ,judah3 8,the fathers have eaten sour grapes1 and the children's teeth are set on edge40 ,in whatever spirit this saying may have been first coined1 there is no doubt that it had come to be used as a witticism at the expense of ,providence4 ,it indicates that influences were at work besides the word of prophecy which tended to undermine men's faith in the current conception of the divine government4 ,the doctrine of transmitted guilt was accepted as a fact of experience1 but it no longer satisfied the deeper moral instincts of men4 ,in early ,israel it was otherwise4 ,there the idea that the son should bear the iniquity of the father was received without challenge and applied without misgiving in judicial procedure4 ,the whole family of ,achan perished for the sin of their father2 the sons of ,saul expiated their father's crime long after he was dead4 ,these are indeed but isolated facts1 yet they are sufficient to prove the ascendency of the antique conception of the tribe or family as a unity whose individual members are involved in the guilt of the head4 ,with the spread of purer ethical ideas among the people there came a deeper sense of the value of the individual life1 and at a later time the principle of vicarious punishment was banished from the administration of human justice 7cf4 #b ,kings xiv4 #f with ,deut4 xxiv4 #af74 ,within that sphere the principle was firmly established that each man shall be put to death for his own sin4 ,but the motives which made this change intelligible and necessary in purely human relations could not be brought to bear immediately on the question of divine retribution4 ,the righteousness of ,god was thought to act on different lines from the righteousness of man4 ,the experience of the last generation of the state seemed to furnish fresh evidence of the operation of a law of providence by which men were made to inherit the iniquity of their fathers4 ,the literature of the period is filled with the conviction that it was the sins of ,manasseh that had sealed the doom of the nation4 ,these sins had never been adequately punished1 and subsequent events showed that they were not forgiven4 ,the reforming zeal of ,josiah had postponed for a time the final visitation of ,jehovah's anger2 but no reformation and no repentance could avail to roll back the flood of judgment that had been set in motion by the crimes of the reign of ,manasseh4 8,notwithstanding ,jehovah turned not from the fierceness of ,his great wrath1 wherewith ,his anger was kindled against ,judah1 because of all the provocations that ,manasseh had provoked ,him withal0 7#b ,kings xxiii4 #bf74 ,the proverb about the sour grapes shows the effect of this interpretation of providence on a large section of the people4 ,it means no doubt that there is an irrational element in ,god's method of dealing with men1 something not in harmony with natural laws4 ,in the natural sphere if a man eats sour grapes his own teeth are blunted or set on edge2 the consequences are immediate1 and they are transitory4 ,but in the moral sphere a man may eat sour grapes all his life and suffer no evil consequences whatever2 the consequences1 however1 appear in his children who have committed no such indiscretion4 ,there is nothing there which answers to the ordinary sense of justice4 ,yet the proverb appears to be less an arraignment of the divine righteousness than a mode of self exculpation on the part of the people4 ,it expresses the fatalism and despair which settled down on the minds of that generation when they realised the full extent of the calamity that had overtaken them3 8,if our transgressions and our sins be upon us1 and we pine away in them1 how then should we live80 7ch4 xxxiii4 #aj74 ,so the exiles reasoned in ,babylon1 where they were in no mood for quoting facetious proverbs about the ways of ,providence2 but they accurately expressed the sense of the adage that had been current in ,jerusalem before its fall4 ,the sins for which they suffered were not their own1 and the judgment that lay on them was no summons to repentance1 for it was caused by sins of which they were not guilty and for which they could not in any real sense repent4 ,ezekiel attacks this popular theory of retribution at what must have been regarded as its strongest point--the relation between the father and son4 8,why should the son not bear the iniquity of his father80 the people asked in astonishment 7ver4 #ai74 8,it is good traditional theology1 and it has been confirmed by our own experience40 ,now ,ezekiel would probably not have admitted that in any circumstances a son suffers because his father has sinned4 ,with that notion he appears to have absolutely broken4 ,he did not deny that the ,exile was the punishment for all the sins of the past as well as for those of the present2 but that was because the nation was treated as a moral unity1 and not because of any law of heredity which bound up the fate of the child with that of the father4 ,it was essential to his purpose to show that the principle of social guilt or collective retribution came to an end with the fall of the state2 whereas in the form in which the people held to it1 it could never come to an end so long as there are parents to sin and children to suffer4 ,but the important point in the prophet's teaching is that whether in one form or in another the principle of solidarity is now superseded4 ,god will no longer deal with men in the mass1 but as individuals2 and facts which gave plausibility and a relative justification to cynical views of ,god's providence shall no more occur4 ,there will be no more occasion to use that objectionable proverb in ,israel4 ,on the contrary1 it will be manifest in the case of each separate individual that ,god's righteousness is discriminating1 and that each man's destiny corresponds with his own character4 ,and the new principle is embodied in words which may be called the charter of the individual soul--words whose significance is fully revealed only in ,christianity3 8,all souls are ,mine4444 ,the soul that sinneth1 it shall die40 ,what is here asserted is of course not a distinction between the soul or spiritual part of man's being and another part of his being which is subject to physical necessity1 but one between the individual and his moral environment4 ,the former distinction is real1 and it may be necessary for us in our day to insist on it1 but it was certainly not thought of by ,ezekiel or perhaps by any other ,old ,testament writer4 ,the word 8soul0 denotes simply the principle of individual life4 8,all persons are ,mine0 expresses the whole meaning which ,ezekiel meant to convey4 ,consequently the death threatened to the sinner is not what we call spiritual death1 but death in the literal sense--the death of the individual4 ,the truth taught is the independence and freedom of the individual1 or his moral personality4 ,and that truth involves two things4 ,first1 each individual belongs to ,god1 stands in immediate personal relation to ,him4 ,in the old economy the individual belonged to the nation or the family1 and was related to ,god only as a member of a larger whole4 ,now he has to deal with ,god directly--possesses independent personal worth in the eye of ,god4 ,secondly1 as a result of this1 each man is responsible for his own acts1 and for these alone4 ,so long as his religious relations are determined by circumstances outside of his own life his personality is incomplete4 ,the ideal relation to ,god must be one in which the destiny of every man depends on his own free actions4 ,these are the fundamental postulates of personal religion as formulated by ,ezekiel4 ,the first part of the chapter is nothing more than an illustration of the second of these truths in a sufficient number of instances to show both sides of its operation4 ,there is first the case of a man perfectly righteous1 who as a matter of course lives by his righteousness1 the state of his father not being taken into account4 ,then this good man is supposed to bear a son who is in all respects the opposite of his father1 who answers none of the tests of a righteous man2 he must die for his own sins1 and his father's righteousness avails him nothing4 ,lastly1 if the son of this wicked man takes warning by his father's fate and leads a good life1 he lives just as the first man did because of his own righteousness1 and suffers no diminution of his reward because his father was a sinner4 ,in all this argument there is a tacit appeal to the conscience of the hearers1 as if the case only required to be put clearly before them to command their assent4 ,this is what shall be1 the prophet says2 and it is what ought to be4 ,it is contrary to the idea of perfect justice to conceive of ,jehovah as acting otherwise than as here represented4 ,to cling to the idea of collective retribution as a permanent truth of religion1 as the exiles were disposed to do1 destroys belief in the divine righteousness by making it different from the righteousness which expresses itself in the moral judgments of men4 ,before we pass from this part of the chapter we may take note of some characteristics of the moral ideal by which ,ezekiel tests the conduct of the individual man4 ,it is given in the form of a catalogue of virtues1 the presence or absence of which determines a man's fitness or unfitness to enter the future kingdom of ,god4 ,most of these virtues are defined negatively2 the code specifies sins to be avoided rather than duties to be performed or graces to be cultivated4 ,nevertheless they are such as to cover a large section of human life1 and the arrangement of them embodies distinctions of permanent ethical significance4 ,they may be classed under the three heads of piety1 chastity1 and beneficence4 ,under the first head1 that of directly religious duties1 two offences are mentioned which are closely connected with each other1 although to our minds they may seem to involve different degrees of guilt 7ver4 #f74 ,one is the acknowledgment of other gods than ,jehovah1 and the other is participation in ceremonies which denoted fellowship with idols47#de7 ,to us who 8know that an idol is nothing in the world0 the mere act of eating with the blood has no religious significance4 ,but in ,ezekiel's time it was impossible to divest it of heathen associations1 and the man who performed it stood convicted of a sin against ,jehovah4 ,similarly the idea of sexual purity is illustrated by two outstanding and prevalent offences 7ver4 #f74 ,the third head1 which includes by far the greater number of particulars1 deals with the duties which we regard as moral in a stricter sense4 ,they are embodiments of the love which 8worketh no ill to his neighbour10 and is therefore 8the fulfilling of the law40 ,it is manifest that the list is not meant to be an exhaustive enumeration of all the virtues that a good man must practise1 or all the vices he must shun4 ,the prophet has before his mind two broad classes of men--those who feared ,god1 and those who did not2 and what he does is to lay down outward marks which were practically sufficient to discriminate between the one class and the other4 ,the supreme moral category is ,righteousness1 and this includes the two ideas of right character and a right relation to ,god4 ,the distinction between an active righteousness manifested in the life and a 8righteousness which is by faith0 is not explicitly drawn in the ,old ,testament4 ,hence the passage contains no teaching on the question whether a man's relation to ,god is determined by his good works1 or whether good works are the fruit and outcome of a right relation to ,god4 ,the essence of morality1 according to the ,old ,testament1 is loyalty to ,god1 expressed by obedience to ,his will2 and from that point of view it is selfevident that the man who is loyal to ,jehovah stands accepted in ,his sight4 ,in other connections ,ezekiel makes it abundantly clear that the state of grace does not depend on any merit which man can have towards ,god4 ,the fact that ,ezekiel defines righteousness in terms of outward conduct has led to his being accused of the error of legalism in his moral conceptions4 ,he has been charged with resolving righteousness into 8a sum of separate tzedqth10 or virtues4 ,but this view strains his language unduly1 and seems moreover to be negatived by the presuppositions of his argument4 ,as a man must either live or die at the day of judgment1 so he must at any moment be either righteous or wicked4 ,the problematic case of a man who should conscientiously observe some of these requirements and deliberately violate others would have been dismissed by ,ezekiel as an idle speculation3 8,whosoever shall keep the whole law1 and yet offend in one point1 he is guilty of all0 7,james ii4 #aj74 ,the very fact that former good deeds are not remembered to a man in the day when he turns from his righteousness shows that the state of righteousness is something different from an average struck from the statistics of his moral career4 ,the bent of the character towards or away from goodness is no doubt spoken of as subject to sudden fluctuations1 but for the time being each man is conceived as dominated by the one tendency or the other2 and it is the bent of the whole nature towards the good that constitutes the righteousness by which a man shall live4 ,it is at all events a mistake to suppose that the prophet is concerned only about the external act and indifferent to the state of heart from which it proceeds4 ,it is true that he does not attempt to penetrate beneath the surface of the outward life4 ,he does not analyse motives4 ,but this is because he assumes that if a man keeps ,god's law he does it from a sincere desire to please ,god and with a sense of the rightness of the law to which he subjects his life4 ,when we recognise this the charge of externalism amounts to very little4 ,we can never get behind the principle that 8he that doeth righteousness is righteous0 7#a ,john iii4 #g71 and that principle covers all that ,ezekiel really teaches4 ,compared with the more spiritual teaching of the ,new ,testament his moral ideal is no doubt defective in many directions1 but his insistence on action as a test of character is hardly one of them4 ,we must remember that the ,new ,testament itself contains as many warnings against a false spirituality as it does against the opposite error of reliance on good works4 ,,ii ,the second great truth of personal religion is the moral freedom of the individual to determine his own destiny in the day of judgment4 ,this is illustrated in the latter part of the chapter by the two opposite cases of a wicked man turning from his wickedness 7vv4 #ba1 #bb7 and a righteous man turning from his righteousness 7ver4 #bd74 ,and the teaching of the passage is that the effect of such a change of mind1 as regards a man's relation to ,god1 is absolute4 ,the good life subsequent to conversion is not weighed against the sins of past years2 it is the index of a new state of heart in which the guilt of former transgressions is entirely blotted out3 8,all his transgressions that he hath committed shall not be remembered in regard to him2 in his righteousness that he hath done he shall live40 ,but in like manner the act of apostasy effaces the remembrance of good deeds done in an earlier period of the man's life4 ,the standing of each soul before ,god1 its righteousness or its wickedness1 is thus wholly determined by its final choice of good or evil1 and is revealed by the conduct which follows that great moral decision4 ,there can be no doubt that ,ezekiel regards these two possibilities as equally real1 falling away from righteousness being as much a fact of experience as repentance4 ,in the light of the ,new ,testament we should perhaps interpret both cases somewhat differently4 ,in genuine conversion we must recognise the imparting of a new spiritual principle which is ineradicable1 containing the pledge of perseverance in the state of grace to the end4 ,in the case of final apostasy we are compelled to judge that the righteousness which is renounced was only apparent1 that it was no true indication of the man's character or of his condition in the sight of ,god4 ,but these are not the questions with which the prophet is directly dealing4 ,the essential truth which he inculcates is the emancipation of the individual1 through repentance1 from his own past4 ,in virtue of his immediate personal relation to ,god each man has the power to accept the offer of salvation1 to break away from his sinful life and escape the doom which hangs over the impenitent4 ,to this one point the whole argument of the chapter tends4 ,it is a demonstration of the possibility and efficacy of individual repentance1 culminating in the declaration which lies at the very foundation of evangelical religion1 that ,god has no pleasure in the death of him that dieth1 but will have all men to repent and live 7ver4 #cb74 ,it is not easy for us to conceive the effect of this revelation on the minds of people so utterly unprepared for it as the generation in which ,ezekiel lived4 ,accustomed as they were to think of their individual fate as bound up in that of their nation1 they could not at once adjust themselves to a doctrine which had never previously been enunciated with such incisive clearness4 ,and it is not surprising that one effect of ,ezekiel's teaching was to create fresh doubts of the rectitude of the divine government4 8,the way of the ,lord is not equal10 it was said 7vv4 #be1 #bi74 ,so long as it was admitted that men suffered for the sins of their ancestors or that ,god dealt with them in the mass1 there was at least an appearance of consistency in the methods of ,providence4 ,the justice of ,god might not be visible in the life of the individual1 but it could be roughly traced in the history of the nation as a whole4 ,but when that principle was discarded1 then the question of the divine righteousness was raised in the case of each separate ,israelite1 and there immediately appeared all those perplexities about the lot of the individual which so sorely exercised the faith of ,old ,testament believers4 ,experience did not show that correspondence between a man's attitude towards ,god and his earthly fortunes which the doctrine of individual freedom seemed to imply2 and even in ,ezekiel's time it must have been evident that the calamities which overtook the state fell indiscriminately on the righteous and the wicked4 ,the prophet's purpose1 however1 is a practical one1 and he does not attempt to offer a theoretical solution of the difficulties which thus arose4 ,there were several considerations in his mind which turned aside the edge of the people's complaint against the righteousness of ,jehovah4 ,one was the imminence of the final judgment1 in which the absolute rectitude of the divine procedure would be clearly manifested4 ,another seems to be the irresolute and unstable attitude of the people themselves towards the great moral issues which were set before them4 ,while they professed to be more righteous than their fathers1 they showed no settled purpose of amendment in their lives4 ,a man might be apparently righteous today and a sinner tomorrow2 the 8inequality0 of which they complained was in their own ways1 and not in the way of the ,lord 7vv4 #be1 #bi74 ,but the most important element in the case was the prophet's conception of the character of ,god as one who1 though strictly just1 yet desired that men should live4 ,the ,lord is longsuffering1 not willing that any should perish2 and ,he postpones the day of decision that ,his goodness may lead men to repentance4 8,have ,i any pleasure in the death of the wicked8 saith the ,lord3 and not that he should turn from his ways1 and live80 7ver4 #bc74 ,and all these considerations lead up to the urgent call to repentance with which the chapter closes4 ,the importance of the questions dealt with in this eighteenth chapter is shown clearly enough by the hold which they have over the minds of men in the present day4 ,the very same difficulties which ,ezekiel had to encounter in his time confront us still in a somewhat altered form1 and are often keenly felt as obstacles to faith in ,god4 ,the scientific doctrine of heredity1 for example1 seems to be but a more precise modern rendering of the old proverb about the eating of sour grapes4 ,the biological controversy over the possibility of the transmission of acquired characteristics scarcely touches the moral problem4 ,in whatever way that controversy may be ultimately settled1 it is certain that in all cases a man's life is affected both for good and evil by influences which descend upon him from his ancestry4 ,similarly within the sphere of the individual life the law of habit seems to exclude the possibility of complete emancipation from the penalty due to past transgressions4 ,hardly anything1 in short1 is better established by experience than that the consequences of past actions persist through all changes of spiritual condition1 and1 further1 that children do suffer from the consequences of their parents' sin4 ,do not these facts1 it may be asked1 amount practically to a vindication of the theory of retribution against which the prophet's argument is directed8 ,how can we reconcile them with the great principles enunciated in this chapter8 ,dictates of morality1 fundamental truths of religion1 these may be2 but can we say in the face of experience that they are true8 ,it must be admitted that a complete answer to these questions is not given in the chapter before us1 nor perhaps anywhere in the ,old ,testament4 ,so long as ,god dealt with men mainly by temporal rewards and punishments1 it was impossible to realise fully the separateness of the soul in its spiritual relations to ,god2 the fate of the individual is necessarily merged in that of the community1 and ,ezekiel's doctrine remains a prophecy of better things to be revealed4 ,this indeed is the light in which he himself teaches us to regard it2 although he applies it in all its strictness to the men of his own generation1 it is nevertheless essentially a feature of the ideal kingdom of ,god1 and is to be exhibited in the judgment by which that kingdom is introduced4 ,the great value of his teaching therefore lies in his having formulated with unrivalled clearness principles which are eternally true of the spiritual life1 although the perfect manifestation of these principles in the experience of believers was reserved for the final revelation of salvation in ,christ4 ,the solution of the contradiction referred to lies in the separation between the natural and the penal consequences of sin4 ,there is a sphere within which natural laws have their course1 modified1 it may be1 but not wholly suspended by the law of the spirit of life in ,christ4 ,the physical effects of vicious indulgence are not turned aside by repentance1 and a man may carry the scars of sin upon him to the grave4 ,but there is also a sphere into which natural law does not enter4 ,in his immediate personal relation to ,god a believer is raised above the evil consequences which flow from his past life1 so that they have no power to separate him from the love of ,god4 ,and within that sphere his moral freedom and independence are as much matter of experience as is his subjection to law in another sphere4 ,he knows that all things work together for his good1 and that tribulation itself is a means of bringing him nearer to ,god4 ,amongst those tribulations which work out his salvation there may be the evil conditions imposed on him by the sin of others1 or even the natural consequences of his own former transgressions4 ,but tribulations no longer bear the aspect of penalty1 and are no longer a token of the wrath of ,god4 ,they are transformed into chastisements by which the ,father of spirits makes ,his children perfect in holiness4 ,the hardest cross to bear will always be that which is the result of one's own sin2 but ,he who has borne the guilt of it can strengthen us to bear even this and follow ,him47#df7 ,chapter ,,xi4 ,the ,sword ,unsheathed4 ,chapter xxi4 ,the date at the beginning of ch4 xx4 introduces the fourth and last section of the prophecies delivered before the destruction of ,jerusalem4 ,it also divides the first period of ,ezekiel's ministry into two equal parts4 ,the time is the month of ,august1 #eij ,b4,c41 two years after his prophetic inauguration and two years before the investment of ,jerusalem4 ,it follows that if the book of ,ezekiel presents anything like a faithful picture of his actual work1 by far his most productive year was that which had just closed4 ,it embraces the long and varied series of discourses from ch4 viii4 to ch4 xix42 whereas five chapters are all that remain as a record of his activity during the next two years4 ,this result is not so improbable as at first sight it might appear4 ,from the character of ,ezekiel's prophecy1 which consists largely of homiletic amplifications of one great theme1 it is quite intelligible that the main lines of his teaching should have taken shape in his mind at an early period of his ministry4 ,the discourses in the earlier part of the book may have been expanded in the act of committing them to writing2 but there is no reason to doubt that the ideas they contain were present to the prophet's mind and were actually delivered by him within the period to which they are assigned4 ,we may therefore suppose that ,ezekiel's public exhortations became less frequent during the two years that preceded the siege1 just as we know that for two years after that event they were altogether discontinued4 ,in this last division of the prophecies relating to the destruction of ,jerusalem we can easily distinguish two different classes of oracles4 ,on the one hand we have two chapters dealing with contemporary incidents--the march of ,nebuchadnezzar's army against ,jerusalem 7ch4 xxi471 and the commencement of the siege of the city 7ch4 xxiv474 ,in spite of the confident opinion of some critics that these prophecies could not have been composed till after the fall of ,jerusalem1 they seem to me to bear the marks of having been written under the immediate influence of the events they describe4 ,it is difficult otherwise to account for the excitement under which the prophet labours1 especially in ch4 xxi41 which stands by the side of ch4 vii4 as the most agitated utterance in the whole book4 ,on the other hand we have three discourses of the nature of formal indictments--one directed against the exiles 7ch4 xx471 one against ,jerusalem 7ch4 xxii471 and one against the whole nation of ,israel 7ch4 xxiii474 ,it is impossible in these chapters to discover any advance in thought upon similar passages that have already been before us4 ,two of them 7chs4 xx4 and xxiii47 are historical retrospects after the manner of ch4 xvi41 and there is no obvious reason why they should be placed in a different section of the book4 ,the key to the unity of the section must therefore be sought in the two historical prophecies and in the situation created by the events they describe47#dg7 ,it will therefore help to clear the ground if we commence with the oracle which throws most light on the historical background of this group of prophecies--the oracle of ,jehovah's sword against ,jerusalem in ch4 xxi47#dh7 ,the longprojected rebellion has at length broken out4 ,zedekiah has renounced his allegiance to the king of ,babylon1 and the army of the ,chaldans is on its way to suppress the insurrection4 ,the precise date of these events is not known4 ,for some reason the conspiracy of the ,palestinian states had hung fire2 many years had been allowed to slip away since the time when their envoys had met in ,jerusalem to concert measures of united resistance 7,jer4 xxvii474 ,this procrastination was1 as usual1 a sure presage of disaster4 ,in the interval the league had dissolved4 ,some of its members had made terms with ,nebuchadnezzar2 and it would appear that only ,tyre1 ,judah1 and ,ammon ventured on open defiance of his power4 ,the hope was cherished in ,jerusalem1 and probably also among the ,jews in ,babylon1 that the first assault of the ,chaldans would be directed against the ,ammonites1 and that time would thus be gained to complete the defences of ,jerusalem4 ,to dispel this illusion is one obvious purpose of the prophecy before us4 ,the movements of ,nebuchadnezzar's army are directed by a wisdom higher than his own2 he is the unconscious instrument by which ,jehovah is executing ,his own purpose4 ,the real object of his expedition is not to punish a few refractory tribes for an act of disloyalty1 but to vindicate the righteousness of ,jehovah in the destruction of the city which had profaned ,his holiness4 ,no human calculations will be allowed even for a moment to turn aside the blow which is aimed directly at ,jerusalem's sins1 or to obscure the lesson taught by its sure and unerring aim4 ,we can imagine the restless suspense and anxiety with which the final struggle for the national cause was watched by the exiles in ,babylon4 ,in imagination they would follow the long march of the ,chaldan hosts by the ,euphrates and their descent by the valleys of the ,orontes and ,leontes upon the city4 ,eagerly would they wait for some tidings of a reverse which would revive their drooping hope of a speedy collapse of the great world empire and a restoration of ,israel to its ancient freedom4 ,and when at length they heard that ,jerusalem was enclosed in the iron grip of these victorious legions1 from which no human deliverance was possible1 their mood would harden into one in which fanatical hope and sullen despair contended for the mastery4 ,into an atmosphere charged with such excitement ,ezekiel hurls the series of predictions comprised in chs4 xxi4 and xxiv4 ,with far other feelings than his fellows1 but with as keen an interest as theirs1 he follows the development of what he knows to be the last act in the long controversy between ,jehovah and ,israel4 ,it is his duty to repeat once more the irrevocable decree--the divine delenda est against the guilty ,jerusalem4 ,but he does so in this instance in language whose vehemence betrays the agitation of his mind1 and perhaps also the restlessness of the society in which he lived4 ,the twentyfirst chapter is a series of rhapsodies1 the product of a state bordering on ecstasy1 where different aspects of the impending judgment are set forth by the help of vivid images which pass in quick succession through the prophet's mind4 ,i ,the first vision which the prophet sees of the approaching catastrophe 7vv4 #ad7 is that of a forest conflagration1 an occurrence which must have been as frequent in ,palestine as a prairie fire in ,america4 ,he sees a fire break out in the 8forest of the south10 and rage with such fierceness that 8every green tree and every dry tree0 is burned up2 the faces of all who are near it are scorched1 and all men are convinced that so terrible a calamity must be the work of ,jehovah ,himself4 ,this we may suppose to have been the form in which the truth first laid hold of ,ezekiel's imagination2 but he appears to have hesitated to proclaim his message in this form4 ,his figurative manner of speech had become notorious among the exiles 7ver4 #e71 and he was conscious that a 8parable0 so vague and general as this would be dismissed as an ingenious riddle which might mean anything or nothing4 ,what follows 7vv4 #gaj7 gives the key to the original vision4 ,although it is in form an independent oracle1 it is closely parallel to the preceding and elucidates each feature in detail4 ,the 8forest of the south0 is explained to mean the land of ,israel2 and the mention of the sword of ,jehovah instead of the fire intimates less obscurely that the instrument of the threatened calamity is the ,babylonian army4 ,it is interesting to observe that ,ezekiel expressly admits that there were righteous men even in the doomed ,israel4 ,contrary to his conception of the normal methods of the divine righteousness1 he conceives of this judgment as one which involves righteous and wicked in a common ruin4 ,not that ,god is less than righteous in this crowning act of vengeance1 but ,his justice is not brought to bear on the fate of individuals4 ,he is dealing with the nation as a whole1 and in the exterminating judgment of the nation good men will no more be spared than the green tree of the forest escapes the fate of the dry4 ,it was the fact that righteous men perished in the fall of ,jerusalem2 and ,ezekiel does not shut his eyes to it1 firmly as he believed that the time was come when ,god would reward every man according to his own character4 ,the indiscriminateness of the judgment in its bearing on different classes of persons is obviously a feature which ,ezekiel here seeks to emphasise4 ,but the idea of the sword of ,jehovah drawn from its scabbard1 to return no more till it has accomplished its mission1 is the one that has fixed itself most deeply in the prophet's imagination1 and forms the connecting link between this vision and the other amplifications of the same theme which follow4 ,,ii ,passing over the symbolic action of vv4 #aaac1 representing the horror and astonishment with which the dire tidings of ,jerusalem's fall will be received1 we come to the point where the prophet breaks into the wild strain of dithyrambic poetry1 which has been called the 8,song of the ,sword0 7vv4 #adbb74 ,the following translation1 although necessarily imperfect and in some places uncertain1 may convey some idea both of the structure and the rugged vigour of the original4 ,it will be seen that there is a clear division into four stanzas37#di7-- 7i7 ,vv4 #adaf4 ,a sword1 a sword6 ,it is sharpened and burnished withal4 ,for a work of slaughter is it sharpened6 ,to gleam like lightning burnished6 ,and 'twas given to be smoothed for the grip of the hand1 --,sharpened is it1 and furbished-- ,to put in the hand of the slayer4 7ii7 ,vv4 #ag1 #ah4 ,cry and howl1 son of man6 ,for it has come among my people2 ,come among all the princes of ,israel6 ,victims of the sword are they1 they and my people2 ,therefore smite upon thy thigh6 ,it shall not be1 saith ,jehovah the ,lord4 7iii7 ,vv4 #ai1 #bj4 ,but1 thou son of man1 prophesy1 and smite hand on hand2 ,let the sword be doubled and tripled 7874 ,a sword of the slain is it1 the great sword of the slain whirling around them1-- ,that hearts may fail1 and many be the fallen in all their gates4 ,it is made like lightning1 furbished for slaughter6 7iv7 ,vv4 #ba1 #bb4 ,gather thee together6 ,smite to the right1 to the left1 ,whithersoever thine edge is appointed6 ,and ,i also will smite hand on hand1 ,and appease ,my wrath3 ,i ,jehovah have spoken it4 ,in spite of its obscurity1 its abrupt transitions1 and its strange blending of the divine with the human personality1 the ode exhibits a definite poetic form and a real progress of thought from the beginning to the close4 ,throughout the passage we observe that the prophet's gaze is fascinated by the glittering sword which symbolised the instrument of ,jehovah's vengeance4 ,in the opening stanza 7i7 he describes the preparation of the sword2 he notes the keenness of its edge and its glittering sheen with an awful presentiment that an implement so elaborately fashioned is destined for some terrible day of slaughter4 ,then 7ii7 he announces the purpose for which the sword is prepared1 and breaks into loud lamentation as he realises that its doomed victims are his own people and the princes of ,israel4 ,in the next stanza 7iii7 he sees the sword in action2 wielded by an invisible hand1 it flashes hither and thither1 circling round its hapless victims as if two or three swords were at work instead of one4 ,all hearts are paralysed with fear1 but the sword does not cease its ravages until it has filled the ground with slain4 ,then at length the sword is at rest 7iv71 having accomplished its work4 ,the divine ,speaker calls on it in a closing apostrophe 8to gather itself together0 as if for a final sweep to right and left1 indicating the thoroughness with which the judgment has been executed4 ,in the last verse the vision of the sword fades away1 and the poem closes with an announcement1 in the usual prophetic manner1 of ,jehovah's fixed purpose to 8assuage0 ,his wrath against ,israel by the crowning act of retribution4 ,,iii ,if any doubt still remained as to what the sword of ,jehovah meant1 it is removed in the next section 7vv4 #bccb71 where the prophet indicates the way by which the sword is to come on the kingdom of ,judah4 ,the ,chaldan monarch is represented as pausing on his march1 perhaps at ,riblah or some place to the north of ,palestine1 and deliberating whether he shall advance first against ,judah or the ,ammonites4 ,he stands at the parting of the ways--on the left hand is the road to ,rabbathammon1 on the right that to ,jerusalem4 ,in his perplexity he invokes supernatural guidance1 resorting to various expedients then in use for ascertaining the will of the gods and the path of good fortune4 ,he 8rattles the arrows0 7two of them in some kind of vessel1 one for ,jerusalem and the other for ,riblah72 he consults the teraphim and inspects the entrails of a sacrificial victim4 ,this consulting of the omens was no doubt an invariable preliminary to every campaign1 and was resorted to whenever an important military decision had to be made4 ,it might seem a matter of indifference to a powerful monarch like ,nebuchadnezzar which of two petty opponents he determined to crush first4 ,but the kings of ,babylon were religious men in their way1 and never doubted that success depended on their following the indications that were given by the higher powers4 ,in this case ,nebuchadnezzar gets a true answer1 but not from the deities whose aid he had invoked4 ,in his right hand he finds the arrow marked 8,jerusalem40 ,the die is cast1 his resolution is taken1 but it is ,jehovah's sentence sealing the fate of ,jerusalem that has been uttered4 ,such is the situation which ,ezekiel in ,babylon is directed to represent through a piece of obvious symbolism4 ,a road diverging into two is drawn on the ground1 and at the meetingpoint a signpost is erected indicating that the one leads to ,ammon and the other to ,judah4 ,it is of course not necessary to suppose that the incident so graphically described actually occurred4 ,the divination scene may only be imaginary1 although it is certainly a true reflection of ,babylonian ideas and customs4 ,the truth conveyed is that the ,babylonian army is moving under the immediate guidance of ,jehovah1 and that not only the political projects of the king1 but his secret thoughts and even his superstitious reliance on signs and omens1 are all overruled for the furtherance of the one purpose for which ,jehovah has raised him up4 ,meanwhile ,ezekiel is well aware that in ,jerusalem a very different interpretation is put on the course of events4 ,when the news of the great king's decision reaches the men at the head of affairs they are not dismayed4 ,they view the decision as the result of 8false divination02 they laugh to scorn the superstitious rites which have determined the course of the campaign1--not that they suppose the king will not act on his omens1 but they do not believe they are an augury of success4 ,they had hoped for a short breathing space while ,nebuchadnezzar was engaged on the east of the ,jordan1 but they will not shrink from the conflict whether it be to day or tomorrow4 ,addressing himself to this state of mind1 ,ezekiel once more7#ej7 reminds those who hear him that these men are fighting against the moral laws of the universe4 ,the existing kingdom of ,judah occupies a false position before ,god and in the eyes of just men4 ,it has no religious foundation2 for the hope of the ,messiah does not lie with that wearer of a dishonoured crown1 the king ,zedekiah1 but with the legitimate heir of ,david now in exile4 ,the state has no right to be except as part of the ,chaldan empire1 and this right it has forfeited by renouncing its allegiance to its earthly superior4 ,these men forget that in this quarrel the just cause is that of ,nebuchadnezzar1 whose enterprise only seems to 8call to mind their iniquity0 7ver4 #bh7--;i4e41 their political crime4 ,in provoking this conflict1 therefore1 they have put themselves in the wrong2 they shall be caught in the toils of their own villainy4 ,the heaviest censure is reserved for ,zedekiah1 the 8wicked one1 the prince of ,israel1 whose day is coming in the time of final retribution40 ,this part of the prophecy has a close resemblance to the latter part of ch4 xvii4 ,the prophet's sympathies are still with the exiled king1 or at least with that branch of the royal family which he represents4 ,and the sentence of rejection on ,zedekiah is again accompanied by a promise of the restoration of the kingdom in the person of the ,messiah4 ,the crown which has been dishonoured by the last king of ,judah shall be taken from his head2 that which is low shall be exalted 7the exiled branch of the ,davidic house71 and that which is high shall be abased 7the reigning king72 the whole existing order of things shall be overturned 8until ,he comes who has the right407#ea7 ,,iv ,the last oracle is directed against the children of ,ammon4 ,by ,nebuchadnezzar's decision to subdue ,jerusalem first the ,ammonites had gained a short respite4 ,they even exulted in the humiliation of their former ally1 and had apparently drawn the sword in order to seize part of the land of ,judah4 ,misled by false diviners1 they had dared to seek their own advantage in the calamities which ,jehovah had brought on ,his own people4 ,the prophet threatens the complete annihilation of ,ammon1 even in its own land1 and the blotting out of its remembrance among the nations4 ,that is the substance of the prophecy2 but its form presents several points of difficulty4 ,it begins with what appears to be an echo of the 8,song of the ,sword0 in the earlier part of the chapter3-- ,a sword6 a sword6 ,it is drawn for slaughter2 it is furbished to shine like lightning 7ver4 #cc74 ,but as we proceed we find that it is the sword of the ,ammonites that is meant1 and they are ordered to return it to its sheath4 ,if this be so1 the tone of the passage must be ironical4 ,it is in mockery that the prophet uses such magnificent language of the puny pretensions of ,ammon to take a share in the work for which ,jehovah has fashioned the mighty weapon of the ,chaldan army4 ,there are other reminiscences of the earlier part of the chapter1 such as the 8lying divination0 of ver4 #cd1 and the 8time of final retribution0 in the same verse4 ,the allusion to the 8reproach0 of ,ammon and its aggressive attitude seems to point to the time after the destruction of ,jerusalem and the withdrawal of the army of ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,whether the ,ammonites had previously made their submission or not we cannot tell2 but the fortieth and fortyfirst chapters of ,jeremiah show that ,ammon was still a hotbed of conspiracy against the ,babylonian interest in the days after the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,these appearances make it probable that this part of the chapter is an appendix1 added at a later time1 and dealing with a situation which was developed after the destruction of the city4 ,its insertion in its present place is easily accounted for by the circumstance that the fate of ,ammon had been linked with that of ,jerusalem in the previous part of the chapter4 ,the vindictive little nationality had used its respite to gratify its hereditary hatred of ,israel1 and now the judgment1 suspended for a time1 shall return with redoubled fury and sweep it from the earth4 ,looking back over this series of prophecies1 there seems reason to believe that1 with the exception of the last1 they are really contemporaneous with the events they deal with4 ,it is true that they do not illuminate the historical situation to the same degree as those in which ,isaiah depicts the advance of another invader and the development of another crisis in the people's history4 ,this is due partly to the bent of ,ezekiel's genius1 but partly also to the very peculiar circumstances in which he was placed4 ,the events which form the theme of his prophecy were transacted on a distant stage2 neither he nor his immediate hearers were actors in the drama4 ,he addresses himself to an audience wrought to the highest pitch of excitement1 but swayed by hopes and rumours and vague surmises as to the probable issue of events4 ,it was inevitable in these circumstances that his prophecy1 even in those passages which deal with contemporary facts1 should present but a pale reflection of the actual situation4 ,in the case before us the one historical event which stands out clearly is the departure of ,nebuchadnezzar with his army to ,jerusalem4 ,but what we read is genuine prophecy2 not the artifice of a man using prophetic speech as a literary form1 but the utterance of one who discerns the finger of ,god in the present1 and interprets ,his purpose beforehand to the men of his day4 ,chapter ,,xii4 ,jehovah's ,controversy ,with ,israel4 ,chapter xx4 ,by far the hardest trial of ,ezekiel's faith must have been the conduct of his fellowexiles4 ,it was amongst them that he looked for the great spiritual change which must precede the establishment of the kingdom of ,god2 and he had already addressed to them words of consolation based on the knowledge that the hope of the future was theirs 7ch4 xi4 #ah74 ,yet the time passed on without bringing any indications that the promise was about to be fulfilled4 ,there were no symptoms of national repentance2 there was nothing even to show that the lessons of the ,exile as interpreted by the prophet were beginning to be laid to heart4 ,for these men1 among whom he lived1 were still inveterately addicted to idolatry4 ,strange as it must seem to us1 the very men who cherished a fanatical faith in ,jehovah's power to save ,his people were assiduously practising the worship of other gods4 ,it is too readily assumed by some writers that the idolatry of the exiles was of the ambiguous kind which had prevailed so long in the land of ,israel1 that it was the worship of ,jehovah under the form of images--a breach of the second commandment1 but not of the first4 ,the people who carried ,jeremiah down to ,egypt were as eager as ,ezekiel's companions to hear a word from ,jehovah2 yet they were devoted to the worship of the 8,queen of ,heaven10 and dated all their misfortunes from the time when their women had ceased to pay court to her4 ,there is no reason to believe that the ,jews in ,babylon were less catholic in their superstitions than those of ,juda2 and indeed the whole drift of ,ezekiel's expostulations goes to show that he has the worship of false gods in view4 ,the ancient belief that the worship of ,jehovah was specially associated with the land of ,canaan is not likely to have been without influence on the minds of those who felt the fascination of idolatry1 and must have strengthened the tendency to seek the aid of foreign gods in a foreign land4 ,the twentieth chapter deals with this matter of idolatry2 and the fact that this important discourse was called forth by a visit from the elders of ,israel shows how heavily the subject weighed on the prophet's mind4 ,whatever the purpose of the deputation may have been 7and of that we have no information71 it was certainly not to consult ,ezekiel about the propriety of worshipping false gods4 ,it is only because this great question dominates all his thoughts concerning them and their destiny that he connects the warning against idolatry with a casual inquiry addressed to him by the elders4 ,the circumstances are so similar to those of ch4 xiv4 that ,ewald was led to conjecture that both oracles originated in one and the same incident1 and were separated from each other in writing because of the difference of their subjects4 ,ch4 xiv4 on that view justifies the refusal of an answer from a consideration of the true function of prophecy1 while ch4 xx4 expands the admonition of the sixth verse of ch4 xiv4 into an elaborate review of the religious history of ,israel4 ,but there is really no good reason for identifying the two incidents4 ,in neither passage does the prophet think it worth while to record the object of the inquiry addressed to him1 and therefore conjecture is useless4 ,but the very fact that a definite date is given for this visit leads us to consider whether it had not some peculiar significance to lodge it so firmly in ,ezekiel's mind4 ,now the most suggestive hint which the chapter affords is the idea put into the lips of the exiles in ver4 #cb3 8,and as for the thought which arises in your mind1 it shall not be1 in that ye are thinking1 ,we will become like the heathen1 like the families of the lands1 in worshipping wood and stone40 ,these words contain the key to the whole discourse4 ,it is difficult1 no doubt1 to decide how much exactly is implied in them4 ,they may mean no more than the determination to keep up the external conformity to heathen customs which already existed in matters of worship--as1 for example1 in the use of images4 ,but the form of expression used1 8that which is coming up in your mind10 almost suggests that the prophet was face to face with an incipient tendency among the exiles1 a deliberate resolve to apostatise and assimilate themselves for all religious purposes to the surrounding heathen4 ,it is by no means improbable that1 amidst the many conflicting tendencies that distracted the exiled community1 this idea of a complete abandonment of the national religion should have crystallised into a settled purpose in the event of their last hope being disappointed4 ,if this was the situation with which ,ezekiel had to deal1 we should be able to understand how his denunciation takes the precise form which it assumes in this chapter4 ,for what is1 in the main1 the purport of the chapter8 ,briefly stated the argument is as follows4 ,the religion of ,jehovah had never been the true expression of the national genius of ,israel4 ,not now for the first time has the purpose of ,israel come into conflict with the immutable purpose of ,jehovah2 but from the very beginning the history had been one long struggle between the natural inclinations of the people and the destiny which was forced on it by the will of ,god4 ,the love of idols had been the distinguishing feature of the national character from the beginning2 and if it had been suffered to prevail1 ,israel would never have been known as ,jehovah's people4 ,why had it not been suffered to prevail8 ,because of ,jehovah's regard for the honour of ,his name2 because in the eyes of the heathen ,his glory was identified with the fortunes of this particular people1 to whom ,he had once revealed ,himself4 ,and as it has been in the past1 so it will be in the future4 ,the time has come for the agelong controversy to be brought to an issue1 and it cannot be doubtful what the issue will be4 8,that which comes up in their mind0--this new resolve to live like the heathen--cannot turn aside the purpose of ,jehovah to make of ,israel a people for ,his own glory4 ,whatever further judgments may be necessary for that end1 the land of ,israel shall yet be the seat of a pure and acceptable worship of the true ,god1 and the people shall recognise with shame and contrition that the goal of all its history has been accomplished in spite of its perversity by the 8irresistible grace0 of its divine ,king4 ,i ,,the ,,lesson ,,of ,,history 7vv4 #ebi74--;,it is a magnificent conception of national election which the prophet here unfolds4 ,it takes the form of a parallel between two desert scenes1 one at the beginning and the other at the close of ,israel's history4 ,the first part of the chapter deals with the religious significance of the transactions in the wilderness of ,sinai and the events in ,egypt which were introductory to them4 ,it starts from ,jehovah's free choice of the people while they were still living as idolaters in ,egypt4 ,jehovah there revealed ,himself to them as their ,god1 and entered into a covenant7#eb7 with them2 and the covenant included on the one hand the promise of the land of ,canaan1 and on the other hand a requirement that the people should separate themselves from all forms of idolatry whether native or ,egyptian4 8,in the day that ,i chose ,israel1 444 and made ,myself known to them in the land of ,egypt1 444 saying1 ,i am ,jehovah your ,god2 in that day ,i lifted up ,my hand to them1 to bring them out of the land of ,egypt1 into a land which ,i had sought out for them4 ,and ,i said to them1 ,cast away each man the abomination of his eyes1 and defile not yourselves with the blockgods of ,egypt4 ,i am ,jehovah your ,god0 7vv4 #eg74 ,the point which ,ezekiel specially emphasises is that this vocation to be the people of the true ,god was thrust on ,israel without its consent1 and that the revelation of ,jehovah's purpose evoked no response in the heart of the people4 ,by persistence in idolatry they had virtually renounced the kingship of ,jehovah and forfeited their right to the fulfilment of the promise ,he had given them4 ,and only from regard to ,his name1 that it might not be profaned in the sight of the nations1 before whose eyes ,he had made ,himself known to them1 did ,he turn from the purpose ,he had formed to destroy them in the land of ,egypt4 ,in several respects this account of the occurrences in ,egypt goes beyond what we learn from any other source4 ,the historical books contain no reference to the prevalence of specifically ,egyptian forms of idolatry among the ,hebrews1 nor do they mention any threat to exterminate the people for their rebellion4 ,it is not to be supposed1 however1 that ,ezekiel possessed other records of the period before the ,exodus than those preserved in the ,pentateuch4 ,the fundamental conceptions are those attested by the history1 that ,god first revealed ,himself to ,israel by the name ,jehovah through ,moses1 and that the revelation was accompanied by a promise of deliverance from ,egypt4 ,that the people in spite of this revelation continued to worship idols is an inference from the whole of their subsequent history4 ,and the conflict in the mind of ,jehovah between anger against the people's sin and jealousy for ,his own name is not a matter of history at all1 but is an inspired interpretation of the history in the light of the divine holiness1 which embraces both these elements4 ,in the wilderness ,israel entered on the second and decisive stage of its probation which falls into two acts1 and whose determining factor was the legislation4 ,to the generation of the ,exodus ,jehovah made known the way of life in a code of law which on its own intrinsic merits ought to have commended itself to their moral sense4 ,the statutes and judgments that were then given were such that 8if a man do them he shall live by them0 7ver4 #aa74 ,this thought of the essential goodness of the law as originally given reveals ,ezekiel's view of ,god's relation to men4 ,it derives its significance no doubt from the contrast with legislation of an opposite character afterwards mentioned4 ,yet even that contrast expresses a conviction in the prophet's mind that morality is not constituted by arbitrary enactments on the part of ,god1 but that there are eternal conditions of ethical fellowship between ,god and man1 and that the law first offered for ,israel's acceptance was the embodiment of those ethical relations which flow from the nature of ,jehovah4 ,it is probable that ,ezekiel has in view the moral precepts of the ,decalogue4 ,if so1 it is instructive to notice that the ,sabbath law is separately mentioned1 not as one of the laws by which a man lives1 but as a sign of the covenant between ,jehovah and ,israel4 ,the divine purpose was again defeated by the idolatrous proclivities of the people3 8,they despised ,my judgments1 and they did not walk in ,my statutes1 and they profaned ,my ,sabbaths1 because their heart went after their idols0 7ver4 #af74 ,to the second generation in the wilderness the offer of the covenant was renewed1 with the same result 7vv4 #ahbd74 ,it should be observed that in both cases the disobedience of the people is answered by two distinct utterances of ,jehovah's wrath4 ,the first is a threat of immediate extermination1 which is expressed as a momentary purpose of ,jehovah1 no sooner formed than withdrawn for the sake of ,his honour 7vv4 #ad1 #ba74 ,the other is a judgment of a more limited character1 uttered in the form of an oath1 and in the first case at least actually carried out4 ,for the threat of exclusion from the ,promised ,land 7ver4 #ae7 was enforced so far as the first generation was concerned4 ,now the parallelism between the two sections leads us to expect that the similar threat of dispersion in ver4 #bc is meant to be understood of a judgment actually inflicted4 ,we may conclude1 therefore1 that ver4 #bc refers to the ,babylonian exile and the dispersion among the nations1 which hung like a doom over the nation during its whole history in ,canaan1 and is represented as a direct consequence of their transgressions in the wilderness4 ,there seems reason to believe that the particular allusion is to the twentyeighth chapter of ,deuteronomy1 where the threat of a dispersion among the nations concludes the long list of curses which will follow disobedience to the law 7,deut4 xxviii4 #fdfh74 ,it is true that in that chapter the threat is only conditional2 but in the time of ,ezekiel it had already been fulfilled1 and it is in accordance with his whole conception of the history to read the final issue back into the early period when the national character was determined4 ,but in addition to this1 as if effectually to 8conclude them under sin10 ,jehovah met the hardness of their hearts by imposing on them laws of an opposite character to those first given1 and laws which accorded only too well with their baser inclinations3 8,and ,i also gave them statutes that were not good1 and judgments by which they should not live2 and ,i rendered them unclean in their offerings1 by making over all that opened the womb1 that ,i might horrify them0 7vv4 #be1 #bf74 ,this division of the wilderness legislation into two kinds1 one good and lifegiving and the other not good1 presents difficulties both moral and critical which cannot perhaps be altogether removed4 ,the general direction in which the solution must be sought is indeed tolerably clear4 ,the reference is to the law which required the consecration of the firstborn of all animals to ,jehovah4 ,this was interpreted in the most rigorous sense as dedication in sacrifice2 and then the principle was extended to the case of human beings4 ,the divine purpose in appearing to sanction this atrocious practice was to 8horrify0 the people--that is to say1 the punishment of their idolatry consisted in the shock to their natural instincts and affections caused by the worst development of the idolatrous spirit to which they were delivered4 ,we are not to infer from this that human sacrifice was an element of the original ,hebrew religion1 and that it was actually based on legislative enactment4 ,the truth appears to be that the sacrifice of children was originally a feature of ,canaanitish worship1 particularly of the god ,melek or ,molech1 and was only introduced into the religion of ,israel in the evil days which preceded the fall of the state47#ec7 ,the idea took hold of men's minds that this terrible rite alone revealed the full potency of the sacrificial act2 and when the ordinary means of propitiation seemed to fail1 it was resorted to as the last desperate expedient for appeasing an offended deity4 ,all that ,ezekiel's words warrant us in assuming is that when once the practice was established it was defended by an appeal to the ancient law of the firstborn1 the principle of which was held to cover the case of human sacrifices4 ,these laws1 relating to the consecration of firstborn animals1 are therefore the statutes referred to by ,ezekiel2 and their defect lies in their being open to such an immoral misinterpretation4 ,this view is in accordance with the probabilities of the case4 ,when we consider the tendency of the ,old ,testament writers to refer all actual events immediately to the will of ,god1 we can partly understand the form in which ,ezekiel expresses the facts2 and this is perhaps all that can be said on the moral aspect of the difficulty4 ,it is but an application of the principle that sin is punished by moral obliquity1 and precepts which are accommodated to the hardness of men's hearts are by that same hardness perverted to fatal issues4 ,it cannot even be said that there is a radical divergence of view between ,ezekiel and ,jeremiah on this subject4 ,for when the older prophet1 speaking of childsacrifice1 says that ,jehovah 8commanded it not1 neither came it into ,his mind0 7ch4 vii4 #ca and ch4 xix4 #e71 he must have in view men who justified the custom by an appeal to ancient legislation4 ,and although ,jeremiah indignantly repudiates the suggestion that such horrors were contemplated by the law of ,jehovah1 he hardly in this goes beyond ,ezekiel1 who declares that the ordinance in question does not represent the true mind of ,jehovah1 but belongs to a part of the law which was intended to punish sin by delusion47#ed7 ,in consequence of these transactions in the desert ,israel entered the land of ,canaan under the threat of eventual exile and under the curse of a polluted worship4 ,the subsequent history has little significance from the point of view occupied throughout this discourse2 and accordingly ,ezekiel disposes of it in three verses 7#bgbi74 ,the entrance on the ,promised ,land1 he says1 furnished the opportunity for a new manifestation of disloyalty to ,jehovah4 ,he refers to the multiplication of heathen or semiheathen sanctuaries throughout the land4 ,wherever they saw a high hill or a leafy tree1 they made it a place of sacrifice1 and there they practised the impure rites which were the outcome of their false conception of the ,deity4 ,to the mind of ,ezekiel the unity of ,jehovah and the unity of the sanctuary were inseparable ideas3 the offence here alluded to is therefore of the same kind as the abominations practised in ,egypt and the desert2 it is a violation of the holiness of ,jehovah4 ,the prophet condenses his scorn for the whole system of religion which led to a multiplication of sanctuaries into a play on the etymology of the word bmah 7high places71 the point of which1 however1 is obscure47#ee7 ,,ii ,,the ,,application 7vv4 #cjdd74--;,having thus described the origin of idolatry in ,israel1 and having shown that the destiny of the nation had been determined neither by its deserts nor by its inclinations1 but by ,jehovah's consistent regard for the honour of ,his name1 the prophet proceeds to bring the lesson of the history to bear on his contemporaries4 ,the ,captivity has as yet produced no change in their spiritual condition2 in ,babylon they still defile themselves with the same abominations as their ancestors1 even to the crowning atrocity of childsacrifice4 ,their idolatry is if anything more conscious than before1 for it takes the shape of a deliberate intention to be as other nations1 worshipping wood and stone4 ,it is necessary therefore that once for all ,jehovah should assert ,his sovereignty over ,israel1 and bend their stubborn will to the accomplishment of ,his purpose4 8,as ,i live1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 surely with a strong hand1 and with an outstretched arm1 and wrath poured out1 will ,i be king over you0 7ver4 #cc74 ,but how was this to be done8 ,a heavier chastisement than that which had been inflicted on the exiles could hardly be conceived1 yet it had effected nothing for the regeneration of ,israel4 ,surely the time is come when the divine method must be changed1 when those who have hardened themselves against the severity of ,god must be won by ,his goodness8 ,such1 however1 is not the thought expressed in ,ezekiel's delineation of the future4 ,it is possible that the description which follows 7vv4 #cdch7 may only be meant as an ideal picture of spiritual processes to be effected by ordinary providential agencies4 ,but certain it is that what ,ezekiel is chiefly convinced of is the necessity for further acts of judgment--judgment which shall be decisive1 because discriminating1 and issuing in the annihilation of all who cling to the evil traditions of the past4 ,this idea1 indeed1 of further chastisement in store for the exiles is a fixed element of ,ezekiel's prophecy4 ,it appears in his earliest public utterance 7ch4 v471 although it is perhaps only in this chapter that we perceive its full significance4 ,the scene of ,god's final dealings with ,israel's sin is to be the 8desert of the nations40 ,that great barren plateau which stretches between the ,jordan and the ,euphrates valley1 round which lay the nations chiefly concerned in ,israel's history1 occupies a place in the restoration analogous to that of the wilderness of ,sinai 7here called the 8wilderness of ,egypt07 at the time of the ,exodus4 ,into that vast solitude ,jehovah will gather ,his people from the lands of their exile1 and there ,he will once more judge them face to face4 ,this judgment will be conducted on the principle laid down in ch4 xviii4 ,each individual shall be dealt with according to his own character as a righteous man or a wicked4 ,they shall be made to 8pass under the rod10 like sheep when they are counted by the shepherd47#ef7 ,the rebels and transgressors shall perish in the wilderness2 for 8out of the land of their sojournings will ,i bring them1 and into the land of ,israel they shall not come0 7ver4 #ch74 ,those that emerge from the trial are the righteous remnant1 who are to be brought into the land by number37#eg7 these constitute the new ,israel1 for whom is reserved the glory of the latter days4 ,the idea that the spiritual transformation of ,israel was to be effected during a second sojourn in the wilderness1 although a very striking one1 occurs only here in the book of ,ezekiel1 and it can hardly be considered as one of the cardinal ideas of his eschatology4 ,it is in all probability derived from the prophecies of ,hosea1 although it is modified in accordance with the very different estimate of the nation's history represented by ,ezekiel4 ,it is instructive to compare the teaching of these two prophets on this point4 ,to ,hosea the idea of a return to the desert presents itself naturally as an element of the process by which ,israel is to be brought back to its allegiance to ,jehovah4 ,the return to the desert restores the conditions under which the nation had first known and followed ,jehovah4 ,he looks back to the sojourn in the wilderness of ,sinai as the time of uninterrupted communion between ,jehovah and ,israel--a time of youthful innocence1 when the sinful tendencies which may have been latent in the nation had not developed into actual infidelity4 ,the decay of religion and morality dates from the possession of the land of ,canaan1 and is traced to the corrupting influence of ,canaanitish idolatry and civilisation4 ,it was at ,baalpeor that they first succumbed to the attractions of a false religion and became contaminated with the spirit of heathenism4 ,then the rich produce of the land came to be regarded as the gift of the deities who were worshipped at the local sanctuaries1 and this worship with its sensuous accompaniments was the means of estranging the people more and more from the knowledge of ,jehovah4 ,hence the first step towards a renewal of the relation between ,god and ,israel is the withdrawal of the gifts of nature1 the suppression of religious ordinances and political institutions2 and this is represented as effected by a return to the primitive life of the desert4 ,then in her desolation and affliction the heart of ,israel shall respond once more to the love of ,jehovah1 who has never ceased to yearn after ,his unfaithful people4 8,i will allure her1 and bring her into the wilderness1 and speak to her heart3 444 and she shall make answer there1 as in the days of her youth1 and as in the day when she came up out of the land of ,egypt0 7,hos4 ii4 #ad1 #ae74 ,here there may be a doubt whether the wilderness is to be taken literally or as a figure for exile1 but in either case the image naturally arises out of ,hosea's profoundly simple conception of religion4 ,to ,ezekiel1 on the other hand1 the 8wilderness0 is a synonym for contention and judgment4 ,it is the scene where the meanness and perversity of man stand out in unrelieved contrast with the majesty and purity of ,god4 ,he recognises no glad springtime of promise and hope in the history of ,israel1 no 8kindness of her youth0 or 8love of her espousals0 when she went after ,jehovah in the land that was not sown 7,jer4 ii4 #b74 ,the difference between ,hosea's conception and ,ezekiel's is that in the view of the exilic prophet there never has been any true response on the part of ,israel to the call of ,god4 ,hence a return to the desert can only mean a repetition of the judgments that had marked the first sojourn of the people in the wilderness of ,sinai1 and the carrying of them to the point of a final decision between the claims of ,jehovah and the stubbornness of ,his people4 ,if it be asked which of these representations of the past is the true one1 the only answer possible is that from the standpoint from which the prophets viewed history both are true4 ,israel did follow ,jehovah through the wilderness1 and took possession of the land of ,canaan animated by an ardent faith in ,his power4 ,it is equally true that the religious condition of the people had its dark side1 and that they were far from understanding the nature of the ,god whose name they bore4 ,and a prophet might emphasise the one truth or the other according to the idea of ,god which it was given him to teach4 ,hosea1 reading the religious symptoms of his own time1 sees in it a contrast to the happier period when life was simple and religion comparatively pure1 and finds in the desert sojourn an image of the purifying process by which the national life must be renewed4 ,ezekiel had to do with a more difficult problem4 ,he saw that there was a power of evil which could not be eradicated merely by banishment from the land of ,israel--a hard bedrock of unbelief and superstition in the national character which had never yielded to the influence of revelation2 and he dwells on all the manifestations of this which he read in the past4 ,his hope for the future of the cause of ,god rests no longer on the moral influence of the divine love on the heart of man1 but on the power of ,jehovah to accomplish ,his purpose in spite of the resistance of human sin4 ,that was not the whole truth about ,god's relation to ,israel1 but it was the truth that needed to be impressed on the generation of the ,exile4 ,of the final issue at all events ,ezekiel is not doubtful4 ,he is a man who is 8very sure of ,god0 and sure of nothing else4 ,in man he finds nothing to inspire him with confidence in the ultimate victory of the true religion over polytheism and superstition4 ,his own generation has shown itself fit only to perpetuate the evils of the past--the love of sensuous worship1 the insensibility to the claims and nature of ,jehovah1 which had marked the whole history of ,israel4 ,he is compelled for the present to abandon them to their corrupt inclinations17#eh7 expecting no signs of amendment until his appeal is enforced by signal acts of judgment4 ,but all this does not shake his sublime faith in the fulfilment of ,israel's destiny4 ,despairing of men1 he falls back on what ,st4 ,paul calls the 8purpose of ,god according to election0 7,rom4 ix4 #aa74 ,and with an insight akin to that of the apostle of the ,gentiles1 he discerns through all ,jehovah's dealings with ,israel a principle and an ideal which must in the end prevail over the sin of men4 ,the goal to which the history points stands out clear before the mind of the prophet2 and already he sees in vision the restored ,israel--a holy people in a renovated land--rendering acceptable worship to the one ,god of heaven and earth4 8,for in ,my holy mountain1 in the mountain heights of ,israel1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 there shall serve ,me the whole house of ,israel3 there will ,i be gracious to them1 and there will ,i require your oblations1 and the firstfruits of your offerings1 in all your holy things0 7ver4 #dj74 ,there we have the thought which is expanded in the vision of the purified theocracy which occupies the closing chapters of the book4 ,and it is important to notice this indication that the idea of that vision was present to ,ezekiel during the earlier part of his ministry4 ,chapter ,,xiii4 ,ohola ,and ,oholibah4 ,chapter xxiii4 ,the allegory of ch4 xxiii4 adds hardly any new thought to those which have already been expounded in connection with ch4 xvi4 and ch4 xx4 ,the ideas which enter into it are all such as we are now familiar with4 ,they are3 the idolatry of ,israel1 learned in ,egypt and persisted in to the end of her history2 her fondness for alliances with the great ,oriental empires1 which was the occasion of new developments of idolatry2 the corruption of religion by the introduction of human sacrifice into the service of ,jehovah2 and1 finally1 the destruction of ,israel by the hands of the nations whose friendship she had so eagerly courted4 ,the figure under which these facts are presented is the same as in ch4 xvi41 and many of the details of the earlier prophecy are reproduced here with little variation4 ,but along with these resemblances we find certain characteristic features in this chapter which require attention1 and perhaps some explanation4 ,in its treatment of the history this passage is distinguished from the other two by the recognition of the separate existence of the northern and southern kingdoms4 ,in the previous retrospects ,israel has either been treated as a unity 7as in ch4 xx471 or attention has been wholly concentrated on the fortunes of ,judah1 ,samaria being regarded as on a level with a purely heathen city like ,sodom 7ch4 xvi474 ,ezekiel may have felt that he has not yet done justice to the truth that the history of ,israel ran in two parallel lines1 and that the full significance of ,god's dealings with the nation can only be understood when the fate of ,samaria is placed alongside of that of ,jerusalem4 ,he did not forget that he was sent as a prophet to the 8whole house of ,israel10 and indeed all the great preexilic prophets realised that their message concerned 8the whole family which ,jehovah had brought up out of ,egypt0 7,amos iii4 #a74 ,besides this the chapter affords in many ways an interesting illustration of the workings of the prophet's mind in the effort to realise vividly the nature of his people's sin and the meaning of its fate4 ,in this respect it is perhaps the most finished and comprehensive product of his imagination1 although it may not reveal the depth of religious insight exhibited in the sixteenth chapter4 ,the main idea of the allegory is no doubt borrowed from a prophecy of ,jeremiah belonging to the earlier part of his ministry 7,jer4 iii4 #fac74 ,the fall of ,samaria was even then a somewhat distant memory1 but the use which ,jeremiah makes of it seems to show that the lesson of it had not altogether ceased to impress the mind of the southern kingdom4 ,in the third chapter he reproaches ,judah the 8treacherous0 for not having taken warning from the fate of her sister the 8apostate0 ,israel1 who has long since received the reward of her infidelities4 ,the same lesson is implied in the representation of ,ezekiel 7ver4 #aa72 but as is usual with our prophet1 the simple image suggested by ,jeremiah is drawn out in an elaborate allegory1 into which as many details are crowded as it will bear4 ,in place of the epithets by which ,jeremiah characterises the moral condition of ,israel and ,judah1 ,ezekiel coins two new and somewhat obscure names--,ohola for ,samaria1 and ,oholibah for ,jerusalem47#ei7 ,these women are children of one mother1 and afterwards become wives of one husband--,jehovah4 ,this need occasion no surprise in an allegorical representation1 although it is contrary to a law which ,ezekiel doubtless knew 7,lev4 xviii4 #ah74 ,nor is it strange1 considering the freedom with which he handles the facts of history1 that the division between ,israel and ,judah is carried back to the time of the oppression in ,egypt4 ,we have indeed no certainty that this view is not historical4 ,the cleavage between the north and the south did not originate with the revolt of ,jeroboam4 ,that great schism only brought out elements of antagonism which were latent in the relations of the tribe of ,judah to the northern tribes4 ,of this there are many indications in the earlier history1 and for what we know the separation might have existed among the ,hebrews in ,goshen4 ,still1 it is not probable that ,ezekiel was thinking of any such thing4 ,he is bound by the limits of his allegory2 and there was no other way by which he could combine the presentation of the two essential elements of his conception--that ,samaria and ,jerusalem were branches of the one people of ,jehovah1 and that the idolatry which marked their history had been learned in the youth of the nation in the land of ,egypt4 ,that neither ,israel nor ,judah ever shook off the spell of their adulterous connection with ,egypt1 but returned to it again and again down to the close of their history1 is certainly one point which the prophet means to impress on the minds of his readers 7vv4 #h1 #ai1 #bg74 ,with this exception the earlier part of the chapter 7to ver4 #ce7 deals exclusively with the later developments of idolatry from the eighth century and onwards4 ,and one of the most remarkable things in it is the description of the manner in which first ,israel and then ,judah was entangled in political relations with the ,oriental empires4 ,there seems to be a vein of sarcasm in the sketch of the gallant ,assyrian officers who turned the heads of the giddy and frivolous sisters and seduced them from their allegiance to ,jehovah3 8,ohola doted on her lovers1 on the ,assyrian warriors7#fj7 clad in purple1 governors and satraps1 charming youths all of them1 horsemen riding on horses2 and she lavished on them her fornications1 the lite of the sons of ,asshur all of them1 and with all the idols of all on whom she doted she defiled herself0 7vv4 #f1 #g74 ,the first intimate contact of ,north ,israel with ,assyria was in the reign of ,menahem 7#b ,kings xv4 #ai71 and the explanation of it given in these words of ,ezekiel must be historically true4 ,it was the magnificent equipment of the ,assyrian armies1 the imposing display of military power which their appearance suggested1 that impressed the politicians of ,samaria with a sense of the value of their alliance4 ,the passage therefore throws light on what ,ezekiel and the prophets generally mean by the figure of 8whoredom40 ,what he chiefly deplores is the introduction of ,assyrian idolatry1 which was the inevitable sequel to a political union4 ,but that was a secondary consideration in the intention of those who were responsible for the alliance4 ,the real motive of their policy was undoubtedly the desire of one party in the state to secure the powerful aid of the king of ,assyria against the rival party4 ,none the less it was an act of infidelity and rebellion against ,jehovah4 ,still more striking is the account of the first approaches of the southern kingdom to ,babylon4 ,after ,samaria had been destroyed by the lovers whom she had gathered to her side1 ,jerusalem still kept up the illicit connection with the ,assyrian empire4 ,after ,assyria had vanished from the stage of history1 she eagerly sought an opportunity to enter into friendly relations with the new ,babylonian empire4 ,she did not even wait till she had made their acquaintance1 but 8when she saw men portrayed on the wall1 pictures of ,chaldans portrayed in vermilion1 girt with waistcloths on their loins1 with flowing turbans on their heads1 all of them champions to look upon1 the likeness of the sons of ,babel whose native land is ,chalda--then she doted upon them when she saw them with her eyes1 and sent messengers to them to ,chalda0 7vv4 #adaf74 ,the brilliant pictures referred to are those with which ,ezekiel must have been familiar on the walls of the temples and palaces of ,babylon4 ,the representation1 however1 cannot be understood literally1 since the ,jews could have had no opportunity of even seeing the ,babylonian pictures 8on the wall0 until they had sent ambassadors there47#fa7 ,the meaning of the prophet is clear4 ,the mere report of the greatness of ,babylon was sufficient to excite the passions of ,oholibah1 and she began with blind infatuation to court the advances of the distant strangers who were to be her ruin4 ,the exact historic reference1 however1 is uncertain4 ,it cannot be to the compact between ,merodachbaladan and ,hezekiah1 since at that time the initiative seems to have been taken by the rebel prince1 whose sovereignty over ,babylon proved to be of short duration4 ,it may rather be some transaction about the time of the battle of ,carchemish 7#fjd7 that ,ezekiel is thinking of2 but we have not as yet sufficient knowledge of the circumstances to clear up the allusion4 ,before the end came the soul of ,jerusalem was alienated from her latest lovers--another touch of fidelity to the historical situation4 ,but it was now too late4 ,the soul of ,jehovah is alienated from ,oholibah 7vv4 #ag1 #ah71 and she is already handed over to the fate which had overtaken her less guilty sister ,ohola4 ,the principal agents of her punishment are the ,babylonians and all the ,chaldans2 but under their banner marches a host of other nations--,pekod and ,shoa and ,koa17#fb7 and1 somewhat strangely1 the sons of ,asshur4 ,in the pomp and circumstance of war which had formerly fascinated her imagination1 they shall come against her1 and after their cruel manner execute upon her the judgment meted out to adulterous women3 8,thou hast walked in the way of thy sister1 and ,i will put her cup into thy hand4 ,thus saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 ,the cup of thy sister shalt thou drink1--deep and wide1 and of large content1--filled with drunkenness and anguish--the cup of horror and desolation1 the cup of thy sister ,samaria4 ,and thou shalt drink it and drain it out17#fc7 444 for ,i have spoken it1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah0 7vv4 #cacd74 ,up to this point the allegory has closely followed the actual history of the two kingdoms4 ,the remainder of the chapter 7vv4 #cfdi7 forms a pendant to the principal picture1 and works out the central theme from a different point of view4 ,here ,samaria and ,jerusalem are regarded as still existent1 and judgment is pronounced on both as if it were still future4 ,this is thoroughly in keeping with ,ezekiel's ideal delineations4 ,the limitations of space and time are alike transcended4 ,the image1 once clearly conceived1 fixes itself in the writer's mind1 and must be allowed to exhaust its meaning before it is finally dismissed4 ,the distinctions of far and near1 of past and present and future1 are apt to disappear in the intensity of his reverie4 ,it is so here4 ,the figures of ,ohola and ,oholibah are so real to the prophet that they are summoned once more to the tribunal to hear the recital of their 8abominations0 and receive the sentence which has in fact been already partly executed4 ,whether he is thinking at all of the ten tribes then in exile and awaiting further punishment it would be difficult to say4 ,we see1 however1 that the picture is enriched with many features for which there was no room in the more historic form of the allegory1 and perhaps the desire for completeness was the chief motive for thus amplifying the figure4 ,the description of the conduct of the two harlots 7vv4 #djdd7 is exceedingly graphic17#fd7 and is no doubt a piece of realism drawn from life4 ,otherwise the section contains nothing that calls for elucidation4 ,the ideas are those which we have already met with in other connections1 and even the setting in which they are placed presents no element of novelty4 ,thus with words of judgment1 and without a ray of hope to lighten the darkness of the picture1 the prophet closes this last survey of his people's history4 ,chapter ,,xiv4 ,final ,oracles ,against ,jerusalem4 ,chapters xxii41 xxiv4 ,the close of the first period of ,ezekiel's work was marked by two dramatic incidents1 which made the day memorable both in the private life of the prophet and in the history of the nation4 ,in the first place it coincided exactly with the commencement of the siege of ,jerusalem4 ,the prophet's mysterious knowledge of what was happening at a distance was duly recorded1 in order that its subsequent confirmation through the ordinary channels of intelligence might prove the divine origin of his message 7ch4 xxiv4 #a1 #b74 ,that ,ezekiel actually did this we have no reason to doubt4 ,then the sudden death of his wife on the evening of the same day1 and his unusual behaviour under the bereavement1 caused a sensation among the exiles which the prophet was instructed to utilise as a means of driving home the appeal just made to them4 ,these transactions must have had a profound effect on ,ezekiel's fellowcaptives4 ,they made his personality the centre of absorbing interest to the ,jews in ,babylon2 and the two years of silence on his part which ensued were to them years of anxious foreboding about the result of the siege4 ,at this juncture the prophet's thoughts naturally are occupied with the subject which hitherto formed the principal burden of his prophecy4 ,the first part of his career accordingly closes1 as it had begun1 with a symbol of the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,before this1 however1 he had drawn out the solemn indictment against ,jerusalem which is given in ch4 xxii41 although the finishing touches were probably added after the destruction of the city4 ,the substance of that chapter is so closely related to the symbolic representation in the first part of ch4 xxiv4 that it will be convenient to consider it here as an introduction to the concluding oracles addressed more directly to the exiles of ,telabib4 ,i ,the purpose of this arraignment--the most stately of ,ezekiel's orations--is to exhibit ,jerusalem in her true character as a city whose social condition is incurably corrupt4 ,it begins with an enumeration of the prevalent sins of the capital 7vv4 #baf72 it ends with a denunciation of the various classes into which society was divided 7vv4 #bcca72 while the short intervening passage is a figurative description of the judgment which is now inevitable 7vv4 #agbb74 #a4 ,the first part of the chapter1 then1 is a catalogue of the 8abominations0 which called down the vengeance of ,heaven upon the city of ,jerusalem4 ,the offences enumerated are nearly the same as those mentioned in the definitions of personal righteousness and wickedness given in ch4 xviii4 ,it is not necessary to repeat what was there said about the characteristics of the moral ideal which had been formed in the mind of ,ezekiel4 ,although he is dealing now with a society1 his point of view is quite different from that represented by purely allegorical passages like chs4 xvi4 and xxiii4 ,the city is not idealised and treated as a moral individual1 whose relations to ,jehovah have to be set forth in symbolic and figurative language4 ,it is conceived as an aggregate of individuals bound together in social relations2 and the sins charged against it are the actual transgressions of the men who are members of the community4 ,hence the standard of public morality is precisely the same as that which is elsewhere applied to the individual in his personal relation to ,god2 and the sins enumerated are attributed to the city merely because they are tolerated and encouraged in individuals by laxity of public opinion and the force of evil example4 ,jerusalem is a community in which these different crimes are perpetrated3 8,father and mother are despised in thee2 the stranger is oppressed in the midst of thee2 orphan and widow are wronged in thee2 slanderous men seeking blood have been in thee2 flesh with the blood is eaten in thee2 lewdness is committed in the midst of thee2 the father's shame is uncovered in thee2 she that was unclean in her separation hath been humbled in thee40 ,so the grave and measured indictment runs on4 ,it is because of these things that ,jerusalem as a whole is 8guilty0 and 8unclean0 and has brought near her day of retribution 7ver4 #d74 ,such a conception of corporate guilt undoubtedly appeals more directly to our ordinary conscience of public morality than the more poetic representations where ,jerusalem is compared to a faithless and treacherous woman4 ,we have no difficulty in judging of any modern city in the very same way as ,ezekiel here judges ,jerusalem2 and in this respect it is interesting to notice the social evils which he regards as marking out that city as ripe for destruction4 ,there are three features of the state of things in ,jerusalem in which the prophet recognises the symptoms of an incurable social condition4 ,the first is the loss of a true conception of ,god4 ,in ancient ,israel this defect necessarily assumed the form of idolatry4 ,hence the multiplication of idols appropriately finds a place among the marks of the 8uncleanness0 which made ,jerusalem hateful in the eyes of ,jehovah 7ver4 #c74 ,but the root of idolatry in ,israel was the incapacity or the unwillingness of the people to live up to the lofty conception of the divine nature which was taught by the prophets4 ,throughout the ancient world religion was felt to be the indispensable bond of society1 and the gods that were worshipped reflected more or less fully the ideals that swayed the life of the community4 ,to ,israel the religion of ,jehovah represented the highest social ideal that was then known on earth4 ,it meant righteousness1 and purity1 and brotherhood1 and compassion for the poor and distressed4 ,when these virtues decayed she forgot ,jehovah 7ver4 #ab7--;forgot ,his character even if she remembered ,his name--and the service of false gods was the natural and obvious expression of the fact4 ,there is therefore a profound truth in ,ezekiel's mind when he numbers the idols of ,jerusalem amongst the indications of a degenerate society4 ,they were the evidence that she had lost the sense of ,god as a holy and righteous spiritual presence in her midst1 and that loss was at once the source and the symptom of widespread moral declension4 ,it is one of the chief lessons of the ,old ,testament that a religion which was neither the product of national genius nor the embodiment of national aspiration1 but was based on supernatural revelation1 proved itself in the history of ,israel to be the only possible safeguard against the tendencies which made for social disintegration4 ,a second mark of depravity which ,ezekiel discovers in the capital is the perversion of certain moral instincts which are just as essential to the preservation of society as a true conception of ,god4 ,for if society rests at one end on religion1 it rests at the other on instinct4 ,the closest and most fundamental of human relations depend on innate perceptions which may be easily destroyed1 but which when destroyed can scarcely be recovered4 ,the sanctities of marriage and the family will hardly bear the coarse scrutiny of utilitarian ethics2 yet they are the foundation on which the whole social fabric is built4 ,and there is no part of ,ezekiel's indictment of ,jerusalem which conveys to our minds a more vivid sense of utter corruption than where he speaks of the loss of filial piety and revolting forms of sexual impurity as prevalent sins in the city4 ,here at least he carries the conviction of every moralist with him4 ,he instances no offence of this kind which would not be branded as unnatural by any system of ethics as heartily as it is by the ,old ,testament4 ,it is possible1 on the other hand1 that he ranks on the same level with these sins ceremonial impurities appealing to feelings of a different order1 to which no permanent moral value can be attached4 ,when1 for example1 he instances eating with the blood7#fe7 as an 8abomination10 he appeals to a law which is no longer binding on us4 ,but even that regulation was not so worthless1 from a moral point of view1 at that time as we are apt to suppose4 ,the abhorrence of eating blood was connected with certain sacrificial ideas which attributed a mystic significance to the blood as the seat of animal life4 ,so long as these ideas existed no man could commit this offence without injuring his moral nature and loosening the divine sanctions of morality as a whole4 ,it is a false illuminism which seeks to disparage the moral insight of the prophet on the ground that he did not teach an abstract system of ethics in which ceremonial precepts were sharply distinguished from duties which we consider moral47#ff7 ,the third feature of ,jerusalem's guilty condition is lawless violation of human rights4 ,neither life nor property was secure4 ,judicial murders were frequent in the city1 and minor forms of oppression1 such as usury1 spoliation of the unprotected1 and robbery1 were of daily occurrence4 ,the administration of justice was corrupted by systematic bribery and perjury1 and the lives of innocent men were ruthlessly sacrificed under the forms of law4 ,this after all is the aspect of things which bulks most largely in the prophet's indictment4 ,jerusalem is addressed as a 8city shedding blood in her midst10 and throughout the accusation the charge of bloodshed is that which constantly recurs4 ,misgovernment and party strife1 and perhaps religious persecution1 had converted the city into a vast human shambles1 and the blood of the innocent slain cried aloud to heaven for vengeance4 8,of what avail10 asks the prophet1 8are the stores of wealth piled up in the hands of a few against this damning witness of blood8 ,jehovah smites ,his hand in derision against her gains that she has made1 and against her blood which is in her midst4 ,how can her heart stand or her hands be strong in the days when ,he deals with her80 7vv4 #ac1 #ad74 ,drained of her best blood1 given over to internecine strife1 and stricken with the cowardice of conscious guilt1 ,jerusalem1 already disgraced among the nations1 must fall an easy victim to the ,chaldan invaders1 who are the agents of ,jehovah's judgments4 #b4 ,but the most serious aspect of the situation is that which is dealt with in the peroration of the chapter 7vv4 #bcca74 ,outbursts of vice and lawlessness such as has been described may occur in any society1 but they are not necessarily fatal to a community so long as it possesses a conscience which can be roused to effective protest against them4 ,now the worst thing about ,jerusalem was that she lacked this indispensable condition of recovery4 ,no voice was raised on the side of righteousness1 no man dared to stem the tide of wickedness that swept through her streets4 ,not merely that she harboured within her walls men guilty of incest and robbery and murder1 but that her leading classes were demoralised1 that public spirit had decayed among her citizens1 marked her as incapable of reformation4 ,she was 8a land not watered107#fg7 8and not rained upon in a day of indignation0 7ver4 #bd72 the springs of her civic virtue were dried up1 and a blight spread through all sections of her population47#fh7 ,ezekiel's impeachment of different classes of society brings out this fact with great force4 ,first of all the ancient institutions of social order1 government1 priesthood1 and prophecy were in the hands of men who had lost the spirit of their office and abused their position for the advancement of private interests4 ,her princes7#fi7 have been1 instead of humane rulers and examples of noble living1 cruel and rapacious tyrants1 enriching themselves at the cost of their subjects 7ver4 #be74 ,the priests1 whose function was to maintain the outward ordinances of religion and foster the spirit of reverence1 have done their utmost1 by falsification of the ,torah1 to bring religion into contempt and obliterate the distinction between the holy and the profane 7ver4 #bf74 ,the nobles had been a pack of ravening wolves1 imitating the rapacity of the court1 and hunting down prey which the royal lion would have disdained to touch 7ver4 #bg74 ,as for the professional prophets--those degenerate representatives of the old champions of truth and mercy--we have already seen what they were worth 7ch4 xiii474 ,they who should have been foremost to denounce civil wrong are fit for nothing but to stand by and bolster up with lying oracles in the name of ,jehovah a constitution which sheltered crimes like these 7ver4 #bh74 ,from the ruling classes the prophet's glance turns for a moment to the 8people of the land10 the dim common population1 where virtue might have been expected to find its last retreat4 ,it is characteristic of the age of ,ezekiel that the prophets begin to deal more particularly with the sins of the masses as distinct from the classes4 ,this was due partly perhaps to a real increase of ungodliness in the body of the people1 but partly also to a deeper sense of the importance of the individual apart from his position in the state4 ,these prophets seem to feel that if there had been anywhere among rich or poor an honest response to the will of ,jehovah it would have been a token that ,god had not altogether rejected ,israel4 ,jeremiah puts this view very strongly when in the fifth chapter he says that if one man could be found in ,jerusalem who did justice and sought truth the ,lord would pardon her2 and his vain search for that man begins among the poor4 ,it is this same motive that leads ,ezekiel to include the humble citizen in his survey of the moral condition of ,jerusalem4 ,it is little wonder that under such leaders they had cast off the restraints of humanity1 and oppressed those who were still more defenceless than themselves4 ,but it showed nevertheless that real religion had no longer a foothold in the city4 ,it proved that the greed of gain had eaten into the very heart of the people and destroyed the ties of kindred and mutual sympathy1 through which alone the will of ,jehovah could be realised4 ,no matter although they were obscure householders1 without political power or responsibility2 if they had been good men in their private relations1 ,jerusalem would have been a better place to live in4 ,ezekiel indeed does not go so far as to say that a single good life would have saved the city4 ,he expects of a good man that he be a man in the full sense--a man who speaks boldly on behalf of righteousness and resists the prevalent evils with all his strength3 8,i sought among them a man to build up a fence1 and to stand in the breach before ,me on behalf of the land1 that it might not be destroyed2 and ,i found none4 ,so ,i poured out ,my indignation upon them2 with the fire of ,my wrath ,i consumed them3 ,i have returned their way upon their head1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah0 7vv4 #cj1 #ca74 #c4 ,but we should misunderstand ,ezekiel's position if we supposed that his prediction of the speedy destruction of ,jerusalem was merely an inference from his clear insight into the necessary conditions of social welfare which were being violated by her rulers and her citizens4 ,that is one part of his message1 but it could not stand alone4 ,the purpose of the indictment we have considered is simply to explain the moral reasonableness of ,jehovah's action in the great act of judgment which the prophet knows to be approaching4 ,it is no doubt a general law of history that moribund communities are not allowed to die a natural death4 ,their usual fate is to perish in the struggle for existence before some other and sounder nation4 ,but no human sagacity can foresee how that law will be verified in any particular case4 ,it may seem clear to us now that ,israel must have fallen sooner or later before the advance of the great ,eastern empires1 but an ordinary observer could not have foretold with the confidence and precision which mark the predictions of ,ezekiel in what manner and within what time the end would come4 ,of that aspect of the prophet's mind no explanation can be given save that ,god revealed ,his secret to ,his servants the prophets4 ,now this element of the prophecy seems to be brought out by the image of ,jerusalem's fate which occupies the middle verses of the chapter 7vv4 #agbb74 ,the city is compared to the crucible in which all the refuse of ,israel's national life is to undergo its final trial by fire4 ,the prophet sees in imagination the terrorstricken provincial population swept into the capital before the approach of the ,chaldans2 and he says1 8,thus does ,jehovah cast ,his ore into the furnace--the silver1 the brass1 the iron1 the lead1 and the tin2 and ,he will kindle the fire with ,his anger1 and blow upon it till ,he have consumed the impurities of the land40 ,the image of the smeltingpot had been used by ,isaiah as an emblem of purifying judgment1 the object of which was the removal of injustice and the restoration of the state to its former splendour3 8,i will again bring ,my hand upon thee1 smelting out thy dross with lye and taking away all thine alloy2 and ,i will make thy judges to be again as aforetime1 and thy counsellors as at the beginning3 thereafter thou shalt be called the city of righteousness1 the faithful city0 7,isa4 i4 #be1 #bf74 ,ezekiel1 however1 can hardly have contemplated such a happy result of the operation4 ,the whole house of ,israel has become dross1 from which no precious metal can be extracted2 and the object of the smelting is only the demonstration of the utter worthlessness of the people for the ends of ,god's kingdom4 ,the more refractory the material to be dealt with the fiercer must be the fire that tests it2 and the severity of the exterminating judgment is the only thing symbolised by the metaphor as used by ,ezekiel4 ,in this he follows ,jeremiah1 who applies the figure in precisely the same sense3 8,the bellows snort1 the lead is consumed of the fire2 in vain he smelts and smelts3 but the wicked are not taken away4 ,refuse silver shall men call them1 for the ,lord hath rejected them0 7,jer4 vi4 #bi1 #cj74 ,in this way the section supplements the teaching of the rest of the chapter4 ,jerusalem is full of dross--that has been proved by the enumeration of her crimes and the estimate of her social condition4 ,but the fire which consumes the dross represents a special providential intervention bringing the history of the state to a summary and decisive conclusion4 ,and the ,refiner who superintends the process is ,jehovah1 the ,holy ,one of ,israel1 whose righteous will is executed by the march of conquering hosts1 and revealed to men in ,his dealings with the people whom ,he had known of all the families of the earth4 ,,ii ,the chapter we have just studied was evidently not composed with a view to immediate publication4 ,it records the view of ,jerusalem's guilt and punishment which was borne in upon the mind of the prophet in the solitude of his chamber1 but it was not destined to see the light until the whole of his teaching could be submitted in its final form to a wider and more receptive audience4 ,it is equally obvious that the scenes described in ch4 xxiv4 were really enacted in the full view of the exiled community4 ,we have reached the crisis of ,ezekiel's ministry4 ,for the last time until his warnings of doom shall be fulfilled he emerges from his partial seclusion1 and in symbolism whose vivid force could not have failed to impress the most listless hearer he announces once more the destruction of the ,hebrew nation4 ,the burden of his message is that that day--the tenth day of the tenth month of the ninth year--marked the beginning of the end4 8,on that very day0--a day to be commemorated for seventy long years by a national fast 7,zech4 viii4 #ai2 cf4 vii4 #e7--,nebuchadnezzar was drawing his lines round ,jerusalem4 ,the bare announcement to men who knew what a ,chaldan siege meant must have sent a thrill of consternation through their minds4 ,if this vision of what was happening in a distant land should prove true1 they must have felt that all hope of deliverance was now cut off4 ,sceptical as they may have been of the moral principles that lay behind ,ezekiel's prediction1 they could not deny that the issue he foresaw was only the natural sequel to the fact he so confidently announced4 ,the image here used of the fate of ,jerusalem would recall to the minds of the exiles the illomened saying which expressed the reckless spirit prevalent in the city3 8,this city is the pot1 and we are the flesh0 7ch4 xi4 #c74 ,it was well understood in ,babylon that these men were playing a desperate game1 and did not shrink from the horrors of a siege4 8,set on the pot10 then1 cries the prophet to his listeners1 8set it on1 and pour in water also1 and gather the pieces into it1 every good joint1 leg and shoulder2 fill it with the choicest bones4 ,take them from the best of the flock1 and then pile up the wood7#gj7 under it2 let its pieces be boiled and its bones cooked within it0 7vv4 #ce74 ,this part of the parable required no explanation2 it simply represents the terrible miseries endured by the population of ,jerusalem during the siege now commencing4 ,but then by a sudden transition the speaker turns the thoughts of his hearers to another aspect of the judgment 7vv4 #fh74 ,the city itself is like a rusty caldron1 unfit for any useful purpose until by some means it has been cleansed from its impurity4 ,it is as if the crimes that had been perpetrated in ,jerusalem had stained her very stones with blood4 ,she had not even taken steps to conceal the traces of her wickedness2 they lie like blood on the bare rock1 an open witness to her guilt4 ,often ,jehovah had sought to purify her by more measured chastisements1 but it has now been proved that 8her much rust will not go from her except by fire07#ga7 7ver4 #ab74 ,hence the end of the siege will be twofold4 ,first of all the contents of the caldron will be indiscriminately thrown out--a figure for the dispersion and captivity of the inhabitants2 and then the pot must be set empty on the glowing coals till its rust is thoroughly burned out--a symbol of the burning of the city and its subsequent desolation 7ver4 #aa74 ,the idea that the material world may contract defilement through the sins of those who live in it is one that is hard for us to realise1 but it is in keeping with the view of sin presented by ,ezekiel1 and indeed by the ,old ,testament generally4 ,there are certain natural emblems of sin1 such as uncleanness or disease or uncovered blood1 etc41 which had to be largely used in order to educate men's moral perceptions4 ,partly these rest on the analogy between physical defect and moral evil2 but partly1 as here1 they result from a strong sense of association between human deeds and their effects or circumstances4 ,jerusalem is unclean as a place where wicked deeds have been done1 and even the destruction of the sinners cannot in the mind of ,ezekiel clear her from the unhallowed associations of her history4 ,she must lie empty and dreary for a generation1 swept by the winds of heaven before devout ,israelites can again twine their affections round the hope of her glorious future47#gb7 ,even while delivering this message of doom to the people the prophet's heart was burdened by the presentiment of a great personal sorrow4 ,he had received an intimation that his wife was to be taken from him by a sudden stroke1 and along with the intimation a command to refrain from all the usual signs of mourning4 8,so ,i spake to the people0 7as recorded in vv4 #aad7 8in the morning1 and my wife died in the evening0 7ver4 #ah74 ,just one touch of tenderness escapes him in relating this mysterious occurrence4 ,she was the 8delight of his eyes03 that phrase alone reveals that there was a fountain of tears sealed up within the breast of this stern preacher4 ,how the course of his life may have been influenced by a bereavement so strangely coincident with a change in his whole attitude to his people we cannot even surmise4 ,nor is it possible to say how far he merely used the incident to convey a lesson to the exiles1 or how far his private grief was really swallowed up in concern for the calamity of his country4 ,all we are told is that 8in the morning he did as he was commanded40 ,he neither uttered loud lamentations1 nor disarranged his raiment1 nor covered his head1 nor ate the 8bread of men107#gc7 nor adopted any of the customary signs of mourning for the dead4 ,when the astonished neighbours inquire the meaning of his strange demeanour1 he assures them that his conduct now is a sign of what theirs will be when his words have come true4 ,when the tidings reach them that ,jerusalem has actually fallen1 when they realise how many interests dear to them have perished--the desolation of the sanctuary1 the loss of their own sons and daughters--they will experience a sense of calamity which will instinctively discard all the conventional and even the natural expressions of grief4 ,they shall neither mourn nor weep1 but sit in dumb bewilderment1 haunted by a dull consciousness of guilt which yet is far removed from genuine contrition of heart4 ,they shall pine away in their iniquities4 ,for while their sorrow will be too deep for words1 it will not yet be the godly sorrow that worketh repentance4 ,it will be the sullen despair and apathy of men disenchanted of the illusions on which their national life was based1 of men left without hope and without ,god in the world4 ,here the curtain falls on the first act of ,ezekiel's ministry4 ,he appears to have retired for the space of two years into complete privacy1 ceasing entirely his public appeals to the people1 and waiting for the time of his vindication as a prophet4 ,the sense of restraint under which he has hitherto exercised the function of a public teacher cannot be removed until the tidings have reached ,babylon that the city has fallen4 ,meanwhile1 with the delivery of this message1 his contest with the unbelief of his fellowcaptives comes to an end4 ,but when that day arrives 8his mouth shall be open1 and he shall be no more dumb40 ,a new career will open out before him1 in which he can devote all his powers of mind and heart to the inspiring work of reviving faith in the promises of ,god1 and so building up a new ,israel out of the ruins of the old4 ,,part ,,iii4 ,,prophecies ,,against ,,foreign ,,nations4 ,chapter ,,xv4 ,ammon1 ,moab1 ,edom1 ,and ,philistia4 ,chapter xxv4 ,the next eight chapters 7xxv4xxxii47 form an intermezzo in the book of ,ezekiel4 ,they are inserted in this place with the obvious intention of separating the two sharply contrasted situations in which our prophet found himself before and after the siege of ,jerusalem4 ,the subject with which they deal is indeed an essential part of the prophet's message to his time1 but it is separate from the central interest of the narrative1 which lies in the conflict between the word of ,jehovah in the hands of ,ezekiel and the unbelief of the exiles among whom he lived4 ,the perusal of this group of chapters is intended to prepare the reader for the completely altered conditions under which ,ezekiel was to resume his public ministrations4 ,the cycle of prophecies on foreign peoples is thus a sort of literary analogue of the period of suspense which interrupted the continuity of ,ezekiel's work in the way we have seen4 ,it marks the shifting of the scenes behind the curtain before the principal actors again step on the stage4 ,it is natural enough to suppose that the prophet's mind was really occupied during this time with the fate of ,israel's heathen neighbours2 but that alone does not account for the grouping of the oracles before us in this particular section of the book4 ,not only do some of the chronological notices carry us far past the limit of the time of silence referred to1 but it will be found that nearly all these prophecies assume that the fall of ,jerusalem is already known to the nations addressed4 ,it is therefore a mistaken view which holds that in these chapters we have simply the result of ,ezekiel's meditations during his period of enforced seclusion from public duty4 ,whatever the nature of his activity at this time may have been1 the principle of arrangement here is not chronological1 but literary2 and no better motive for it can be suggested than the writer's sense of dramatic propriety in unfolding the significance of his prophetic life4 ,in uttering a series of oracles against heathen nations1 ,ezekiel follows the example set by some of his greatest predecessors4 ,the book of ,amos1 for example1 opens with an impressive chapter of judgments on the peoples lying immediately round the borders of ,palestine4 ,the thundercloud of ,jehovah's anger is represented as moving over the petty states of ,syria before it finally breaks in all its fury over the two kingdoms of ,judah and ,israel4 ,similarly the books of ,isaiah and ,jeremiah contain continuous sections dealing with various heathen powers1 while the book of ,nahum is wholly occupied with a prediction of the ruin of the ,assyrian empire4 ,and these are but a few of the more striking instances of a phenomenon which is apt to cause perplexity to close and earnest students of the ,old ,testament4 ,we have here to do1 therefore1 with a standing theme of ,hebrew prophecy2 and it may help us better to understand the attitude of ,ezekiel if we consider for a moment some of the principles involved in this constant preoccupation of the prophets with the affairs of the outer world4 ,at the outset it must be understood that prophecies of this kind form part of ,jehovah's message to ,israel4 ,although they are usually cast in the form of direct address to foreign peoples1 this must not lead us to imagine that they were intended for actual publication in the countries to which they refer4 ,a prophet's real audience always consisted of his own countrymen1 whether his discourse was about themselves or about their neighbours4 ,and it is easy to see that it was impossible to declare the purpose of ,god concerning ,israel in words that came home to men's business and bosoms1 without taking account of the state and the destiny of other nations4 ,just as it would not be possible nowadays to forecast the future of ,egypt without alluding to the fate of the ,ottoman empire1 so it was not possible then to describe the future of ,israel in the concrete manner characteristic of the prophets without indicating the place reserved for those peoples with whom it had close intercourse4 ,besides this1 a large part of the national consciousness of ,israel was made up of interests1 friendly or the reverse1 in neighbouring states4 ,the ,hebrews had a keen eye for national idiosyncrasies1 and the simple international relations of those days were almost as vivid and personal as of neighbours living in the same village4 ,to be an ,israelite was to be something characteristically different from a ,moabite1 and that again from an ,edomite or a ,philistine1 and every patriotic ,israelite had a shrewd sense of what the difference was4 ,we cannot read the utterances of the prophets with regard to any of these nationalities without seeing that they often appeal to perceptions deeply lodged in the popular mind1 which could be utilised to convey the spiritual lessons which the prophets desired to teach4 ,it must not be supposed1 however1 that such prophecies are in any degree the expression of national vanity or jealousy4 ,what the prophets aim at is to elevate the thoughts of ,israel to the sphere of eternal truths of the kingdom of ,god2 and it is only in so far as these can be made to touch the conscience of the nation at this point that they appeal to what we may call its international sentiments4 ,now the question we have to ask is1 ,what spiritual purpose for ,israel is served by the announcements of the destiny of the outlying heathen populations8 ,there are of course special interests attaching to each particular prophecy which it would be difficult to classify4 ,but1 speaking generally1 prophecies of this class had a moral value for two reasons4 ,in the first place they reecho and confirm the sentence of judgment passed on ,israel herself4 ,they do this in two ways3 they illustrate the principle on which ,jehovah deals with ,his own people1 and ,his character as the righteous judge of men4 ,israel was to be destroyed for her national sins1 her contempt of ,jehovah1 and her breaches of the moral law4 ,but other nations1 though more excusable1 were not less guilty than ,israel4 ,the same spirit of ungodliness1 in different forms1 was manifested by ,tyre1 by ,egypt1 by ,assyria1 and by the petty states of ,syria4 ,hence1 if ,jehovah was really the righteous ruler of the world1 ,he must visit upon these nations their iniquities4 ,wherever a 8sinful kingdom0 was found1 whether in ,israel or elsewhere1 that kingdom must be removed from its place among the nations4 ,this appears most clearly in the book of ,amos1 who1 though he enunciates the paradoxical truth that ,israel's sin must be punished just because it was the only people that ,jehovah had known1 nevertheless1 as we have seen1 thundered forth similar judgments on other nations for their flagrant violation of the universal law written in the human heart4 ,in this way therefore the prophets enforced on their contemporaries the fundamental lesson of their teaching that the disasters which were coming on them were not the result of the caprice or impotence of their ,deity1 but the execution of ,his moral purpose1 to which all men everywhere are subject4 ,but again1 not only was the principle of the judgment emphasised1 but the manner in which it was to be carried out was more clearly exhibited4 ,in all cases the preexilic prophets announce that the overthrow of the ,hebrew states was to be effected either by the ,assyrians or the ,babylonians4 ,these great world powers were in succession the instruments fashioned and used by ,jehovah for the performance of ,his great work in the earth4 ,now it was manifest that if this anticipation was well founded it involved the overthrow of all the nations in immediate contact with ,israel4 ,the policy of the ,mesopotamian monarchs was well understood2 and if their wonderful successes were the revelation of the divine purpose1 then ,israel would not be judged alone4 ,accordingly we find in most instances that the chastisement of the heathen is either ascribed directly to the invaders or else to other agencies set in motion by their approach4 ,the people of ,israel or ,judah were thus taught to look on their fate as involved in a great scheme of divine providence1 overturning all the existing relations which gave them a place among the nations of the world and preparing for a new development of the purpose of ,jehovah in the future4 ,when we turn to that ideal future we find a second and more suggestive aspect of these prophecies against the heathen4 ,all the prophets teach that the destiny of ,israel is inseparably bound up with the future of ,god's kingdom on earth4 ,the ,old ,testament never wholly shakes off the idea that the preservation and ultimate victory of the true religion demands the continued existence of the one people to whom the revelation of the true ,god had been committed4 ,the indestructibility of ,israel's national life depends on its unique position in relation to the purposes of ,jehovah1 and it is for this reason that the prophets look forward with unwavering confidence to a time when the knowledge of ,jehovah shall go forth from ,israel to all the nations of mankind4 ,and this point of view we must try to enter into if we are to understand the meaning of their declarations concerning the fate of the surrounding nations4 ,if we ask whether an independent future is reserved in the new dispensation for the peoples with whom ,israel had dealings in the past1 we find that different and sometimes conflicting answers are given4 ,thus ,isaiah predicts a restoration of ,tyre after the lapse of seventy years1 while ,ezekiel announces its complete and final destruction4 ,it is only when we consider these utterances in the light of the prophets' general conception of the kingdom of ,god that we discern the spiritual truth that gives them an abiding significance for the instruction of all ages4 ,it was not a matter of supreme religious importance to know whether ,phnicia or ,egypt or ,assyria would retain their old place in the world1 and share indirectly in the blessings of the ,messianic age4 ,what men needed to be taught then1 and what we need to remember still1 is that each nation holds its position in subordination to the ends of ,god's government1 that no power or wisdom or refinement will save a state from destruction when it ceases to serve the interests of ,his kingdom4 ,the foreign peoples that come under the survey of the prophets are as yet strangers to the true ,god1 and are therefore destitute of that which could secure them a place in the reconstruction of political relationships of which ,israel is to be the religious centre4 ,sometimes they are represented as having by their hostility to ,israel or their pride of heart so encroached on the sovereignty of ,jehovah that their doom is already sealed4 ,at other times they are conceived as converted to the knowledge of the true ,god1 and as gladly accepting the place assigned to them in the humanity of the future by consecrating their wealth and power to the service of ,his people ,israel4 ,in all cases it is their attitude to ,israel and the ,god of ,israel that determines their destiny3 that is the great truth which the prophets design to impress on their countrymen4 ,so long as the cause of religion was identified with the fortunes of the people of ,israel no higher conception of the redemption of mankind could be formed than that of a willing subjection of the nations of the earth to the word of ,jehovah which went forth from ,jerusalem 7cf4 ,isa4 ii4 #bd74 ,and whether any particular nation should survive to participate in the glories of that latter day depends on the view taken of its present condition and its fitness for incorporation in the universal empire of ,jehovah soon to be established4 ,we now know that this was not the form in which ,jehovah's purpose of salvation was destined to be realised in the history of the world4 ,since the coming of ,christ the people of ,israel has lost its distinctive and central position as the bearer of the hopes and promises of the true religion4 ,in its place we have a spiritual kingdom of men united by faith in ,jesus ,christ1 and in the worship of one ,father in spirit and in truth--a kingdom which from its very nature can have no local centre or political organisation4 ,hence the conversion of the heathen can no longer be conceived as national homage paid to the seat of ,jehovah's sovereignty on ,zion2 nor is the unfolding of the divine plan of universal salvation bound up with the extinction of the nationalities which once symbolised the hostility of the world to the kingdom of ,god4 ,this fact has an important bearing on the question of the fulfilment of the foreign prophecies of the ,old ,testament4 ,literal fulfilment is not to be looked for in this case any more than in the delineations of ,israel's future1 which are after all the predominant element of ,messianic prediction4 ,it is true that the nations passed under review have now vanished from history1 and in so far as their fall was brought about by causes operating in the world in which the prophets moved1 it must be recognised as a partial but real vindication of the truth of their words4 ,but the details of the prophecies have not been historically verified4 ,all attempts to trace their accomplishment in events that took place long afterwards and in circumstances which the prophets themselves never contemplated only lead us astray from the real interest which belongs to them4 ,as concrete embodiments of the eternal principles exhibited in the rise and fall of nations they have an abiding significance for the ,church in all ages2 but the actual working out of these principles in history could not in the nature of things be complete within the limits of the world known to the inhabitants of ,juda4 ,if we are to look for their ideal fulfilment1 we shall only find it in the progressive victory of ,christianity over all forms of error and superstition1 and in the dedication of all the resources of human civilisation--its wealth1 its commercial enterprise1 its political power--to the advancement of the kingdom of our ,god and ,his ,christ4 ,it was natural from the special circumstances in which he wrote1 as well as from the general character of his teaching1 that ,ezekiel1 in his oracles against the heathen powers1 should present only the dark side of ,god's providence4 ,except in the case of ,egypt1 the nations addressed are threatened with annihilation1 and even ,egypt is to be reduced to a condition of utter impotence and humiliation4 ,very characteristic also is his representation of the purpose which comes to light in this series of judgments4 ,it is to be a great demonstration to all the earth of the absolute sovereignty of ,jehovah4 8,ye shall know that ,i am ,jehovah0 is the formula that sums up the lesson of each nation's fall4 ,we observe that the prophet starts from the situation created by the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,that great calamity bore in the first instance the appearance of a triumph of heathenism over ,jehovah the ,god of ,israel4 ,it was1 as the prophet elsewhere expresses it1 a profanation of ,his holy name in the eyes of the nations4 ,and in this light it was undoubtedly regarded by the petty principalities around ,palestine1 and perhaps also by the more distant and powerful spectators1 such as ,tyre and ,egypt4 ,from the standpoint of heathenism the downfall of ,israel meant the defeat of its tutelary ,deity2 and the neighbouring nations1 in exulting over the tidings of ,jerusalem's fate1 had in their minds the idea of the prostrate ,jehovah unable to save ,his people in their hour of need4 ,it is not necessary to suppose that ,ezekiel attributes to them any consciousness of ,jehovah's claim to be the only living and true ,god4 ,it is the paradox of revelation that ,he who is the ,eternal and ,infinite first revealed ,himself to the world as the ,god of ,israel2 and all the misconceptions that sprang out of that fact had to be cleared away by ,his selfmanifestation in historical acts that appealed to the world at large4 ,amongst these acts the judgment of the heathen nations holds the first place in the mind of ,ezekiel4 ,a crisis has been reached at which it becomes necessary for ,jehovah to vindicate ,his divinity by the destruction of those who have exalted themselves against ,him4 ,the world must learn once for all that ,jehovah is no mere tribal god1 but the omnipotent ruler of the universe4 ,and this is the preparation for the final disclosure of ,his power and ,godhead in the restoration of ,israel to its own land1 which will speedily follow the overthrow of its ancient foes4 ,this series of prophecies forms thus an appropriate introduction to the third division of the book1 which deals with the formation of the new people of ,jehovah4 ,it is somewhat remarkable that ,ezekiel's survey of the heathen nations is restricted to those in the immediate vicinity of the land of ,canaan4 ,although he had unrivalled opportunities of becoming acquainted with the remote countries of the ,east1 he confines his attention to the ,mediterranean states which had long played a part in ,hebrew history4 ,the peoples dealt with are seven in number--,ammon1 ,moab1 ,edom1 the ,philistines1 ,tyre1 ,sidon1 and ,egypt4 ,the order of the enumeration is geographical3 first the inner circle of ,israel's immediate neighbours1 from ,ammon on the east round to ,sidon in the extreme north2 then outside the circle the preponderating worldpower of ,egypt4 ,it is not altogether an accidental circumstance that five of these nations are named in the twentyseventh chapter of ,jeremiah as concerned in the project of rebellion against ,nebuchadnezzar in the early part of ,zedekiah's reign4 ,egypt and ,philistia are not mentioned there1 but we may surmise at least that ,egyptian diplomacy was secretly at work pulling the wires which set the puppets in motion4 ,this fact1 together with the omission of ,babylon from the list of threatened nations1 shows that ,ezekiel regards the judgment as falling within the period of ,chaldan supremacy1 which he appears to have estimated at forty years4 ,what is to be the fate of ,babylon itself he nowhere intimates1 a conflict between that great worldpower and ,jehovah's purpose being no part of his system4 ,that ,nebuchadnezzar is to be the agent of the overthrow of ,tyre and the humiliation of ,egypt is expressly stated2 and although the crushing of the smaller states is ascribed to other agencies1 we can hardly doubt that these were conceived as indirect consequences of the upheaval caused by the ,babylonian invasion4 ,ch4 xxv41 then1 consists of four brief prophecies addressed respectively to ,ammon1 ,moab1 ,edom1 and the ,philistines4 ,a few words on the fate prefigured for each of these countries will suffice for the explanation of the chapter4 #a4 ,,ammon 7vv4 #bg7 lay on the edge of the desert1 between the upper waters of the ,jabbok and the ,arnon1 separated from the ,jordan by a strip of ,israelitish territory from twenty to thirty miles wide4 ,its capital1 ,rabbah1 mentioned here 7ver4 #e71 was situated on a southern tributary of the ,jabbok1 and its ruins still bear amongst the ,arabs the ancient national name ,ammn4 ,although their country was pastoral 7milk is referred to in ver4 #d as one of its chief products71 the ,ammonites seem to have made some progress in civilisation4 ,jeremiah 7ch4 xlix4 #d7 speaks of them as trusting in their treasures2 and in this chapter ,ezekiel announces that they shall be for a spoil to the nations 7ver4 #g74 ,after the deportation of the transjordanic tribes by ,tiglathpileser1 ,ammon seized the country that had belonged to the tribe of ,gad1 its nearest neighbour on the west4 ,this encroachment is denounced by the prophet ,jeremiah in the opening words of his oracle against ,ammon3 8,hath ,israel no children8 or has he no heir8 why doth ,milcom the national deity of the ,ammonites inherit ,gad1 why hath his ,milcom's folk settled in his ,gad's cities0 7,jer4 xlix4 #a74 ,we have already seen 7ch4 xxi47 that the ,ammonites took part in the rebellion against ,nebuchadnezzar1 and stood out after the other members of the league had gone back from their purpose4 ,but this temporary union with ,jerusalem did nothing to abate the old national animosity1 and the disaster of ,judah was the signal for an exhibition of malignant satisfaction on the part of ,ammon4 8,because thou hast said1 ,aha1 against ,my sanctuary when it was profaned1 and the land of ,israel when it was laid waste1 and the house of ,judah when it went into captivity10 etc4 7ver4 #c7--;for this crowning offence against the majesty of ,jehovah1 ,ezekiel denounces an exterminating judgment on ,ammon4 ,the land shall be given up to the 8children of the ,east0--i4e41 the ,bedouin ,arabs--who shall pitch their tent encampments in it1 eating its fruits and drinking its milk1 and turning the 8great city0 ,rabbah itself into a restingplace for camels 7vv4 #d1 #e74 ,it is not quite clear 7though it is commonly assumed7 that the children of the ,east are regarded as the actual conquerors of ,ammon4 ,their possession of the country may be the consequence rather than the cause of the destruction of civilisation1 the encroachment of the nomads being as inevitable under these circumstances as the extension of the desert itself where water fails4 #b4 ,,moab7#gd7 7vv4 #haa7 comes next in order4 ,its proper territory1 since the settlement of ,israel in ,canaan1 was the elevated tableland south of the ,arnon1 along the lower part of the ,dead ,sea4 ,but the tribe of ,reuben1 which bordered it on the north1 was never able to hold its ground against the superior strength of ,moab1 and hence the latter nation is found in possession of the lower and more fertile district stretching northwards from the ,arnon1 now called the ,belka4 ,all the cities1 indeed1 which are mentioned in this chapter as belonging to ,moab--,bethjeshimoth1 ,baalmeon1 and ,kirjathaim--were situated in this northern and properly ,israelite region4 ,these were the 8glory of the land10 which were now to be taken away from ,moab 7ver4 #i74 ,in ,israel ,moab appears to have been regarded as the incarnation of a peculiarly offensive form of national pride17#ge7 of which we happen to have a monument in the famous ,moabite ,stone1 which was erected by ,mesha in the ninth century ,b4,c4 to commemorate the victories of ,chemosh over ,jehovah and ,israel4 ,the inscription shows1 moreover1 that in the arts of civilised life ,moab was at that early time no unworthy rival of ,israel itself4 ,it is for a special manifestation of this haughty and arrogant spirit in the day of ,jerusalem's calamity that ,ezekiel pronounces ,jehovah's judgment on ,moab3 8,because ,moab hath said1 ,behold1 the house of ,judah is like all the nations0 7ver4 #h74 ,these words no doubt reflect accurately the sentiment of ,moab towards ,israel1 and they presuppose a consciousness on the part of ,moab of some unique distinction pertaining to ,israel in spite of all the humiliations it had undergone since the time of ,david4 ,and the thought of ,moab may have been more widely disseminated among the nations than we are apt to suppose3 8,the kings of the earth believed not1 neither all the inhabitants of the world1 that the adversary and the enemy should enter into the gates of ,jerusalem0 7,lam4 iv4 #ab74 ,the ,moabites at all events breathed a sigh of relief when ,israel's pretensions to religious ascendency seemed to be confuted1 and thereby they sealed their own doom4 ,they share the fate of the ,ammonites1 their land being handed over for a possession to the sons of the ,east 7ver4 #aj74 ,both these nations1 ,ammon and ,moab1 were absorbed by the ,arabs1 as ,ezekiel had foretold2 but ,ammon at least preserved its separate name and nationality through many changes of fortune down to the second century after ,christ4 #c4 ,,edom 7vv4 #abad71 famous in the ,old ,testament for its wisdom 7,jer4 xlix4 #g2 ,obad4 #h71 occupied the country to the south of ,moab from the ,dead ,sea to the head of the ,gulf of ,akaba4 ,in ,old ,testament times the centre of its power was in the region to the east of the ,arabah ,valley1 a position of great commercial importance1 as commanding the caravan route from the ,red ,sea port of ,elath to ,northern ,syria4 ,from this district the ,edomites were afterwards driven 7about #cjj ,b4,c47 by the ,arabian tribe of the ,nabatans1 when they took up their abode in the south of ,judah4 ,none of the surrounding nations were so closely akin to ,israel as ,edom1 and with none were its relations more embittered and hostile4 ,the ,edomites had been subjugated and nearly exterminated by ,david1 had been again subdued by ,amaziah and ,uzziah1 but finally recovered their independence during the attack of the ,syrians and ,ephraimites on ,judah in the reign of ,ahaz4 ,the memory of this long struggle produced in ,edom a 8perpetual enmity10 an undying hereditary hatred towards the kingdom of ,judah4 ,but that which made the name of ,edom to be execrated by the later ,jews was its conduct after the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,the prophet ,obadiah represents it as sharing in the spoil of ,jerusalem 7ver4 #aj71 and as 8standing in the crossway to cut off those that escaped0 7ver4 #ad74 ,ezekiel also alludes to this in the thirtyfifth chapter 7ver4 #e71 and tells us further that in the time of the captivity the ,edomites seized part of the territory of ,israel 7vv4 #ajab71 from which indeed the ,jews were never able altogether to dislodge them4 ,for the guilt they thus incurred by taking advantage of the humiliation of ,jehovah's people1 ,ezekiel here threatens them with extinction2 and the execution of the divine vengeance is in their case entrusted to the children of ,israel themselves 7vv4 #ac1 #ad74 ,they were1 in fact1 finally subdued by ,john ,hyrcanus in #abf ,b4,c41 and compelled to adopt the ,jewish religion4 ,but long before then they had lost their prestige and influence1 their ancient seats having passed under the dominion of the ,arabs in common with all the neighbouring countries4 #d4 ,the ,,philistines 7vv4 #aeag7--the 8immigrants0 who had settled along the ,mediterranean coast1 and who were destined to leave their name to the whole country--had evidently played a part very similar to the ,edomites at the time of the destruction of ,jerusalem2 but of this nothing is known beyond what is here said by ,ezekiel4 ,they were at this time a mere 8remnant0 7ver4 #af71 having been exhausted by the ,assyrian and ,egyptian wars4 ,their fate is not precisely indicated in the prophecy4 ,they were in point of fact gradually extinguished by the revival of ,jewish domination under the ,asmonean dynasty4 ,one other remark may here be made1 as showing the discrimination which ,ezekiel brought to bear in estimating the characteristics of each separate nation4 ,he does not ascribe to the greater powers1 ,tyre and ,sidon and ,egypt1 the same petty and vindictive jealousy of ,israel which actuated the diminutive nationalities dealt with in this chapter4 ,these great heathen states1 which played so imposing a part in ancient civilisation1 had a wide outlook over the affairs of the world2 and the injuries they inflicted on ,israel were due less to the blind instinct of national hatred than to the pursuit of farreaching schemes of selfish interest and aggrandisement4 ,if ,tyre rejoices over the fall of ,jerusalem1 it is because of the removal of an obstacle to the expansion of her commercial enterprise4 ,when ,egypt is described as having been an occasion of sin to the people of ,god1 what is meant is that she had drawn ,israel into the net of her ambitious foreign policy1 and led her away from the path of safety pointed out by ,jehovah's will through the prophets4 ,ezekiel pays a tribute to the grandeur of their position by the care he bestows on the description of their fate4 ,the smaller nations embodying nothing of permanent value for the advancement of humanity1 he dismisses each with a short and pregnant oracle announcing its doom4 ,but when he comes to the fall of ,tyre and of ,egypt his imagination is evidently impressed2 he lingers over all the details of the picture1 he returns to it again and again1 as if he would penetrate the secret of their greatness and understand the potent fascination which their names exercised throughout the world4 ,it would be entirely erroneous to suppose that he sympathises with them in their calamity1 but certainly he is conscious of the blank which will be caused by their disappearance from history2 he feels that something will have vanished from the earth whose loss will be mourned by the nations far and near4 ,this is most apparent in the prophecy on ,tyre1 to which we now proceed4 ,chapter ,,xvi4 ,tyre4 ,chapters xxvi41 xxix4 #agba4 ,in the time of ,ezekiel ,tyre was still at the height of her commercial prosperity4 ,although not the oldest of the ,phnician cities1 she held a supremacy among them which dated from the thirteenth century ,b4,c417#gf7 and she had long been regarded as the typical embodiment of the genius of the remarkable race to which she belonged4 ,the ,phnicians were renowned in antiquity for a combination of all the qualities on which commercial greatness depends4 ,their absorbing devotion to the material interests of civilisation1 their amazing industry and perseverance1 their resourcefulness in assimilating and improving the inventions of other peoples1 the technical skill of their artists and craftsmen1 but above all their adventurous and daring seamanship1 conspired to give them a position in the old world such as has never been quite rivalled by any other nation of ancient or modern times4 ,in the grey dawn of ,european history we find them acting as pioneers of art and culture along the shores of the ,mediterranean1 although even then they had been displaced from their earliest settlements in the gean and the coast of ,asia ,minor by the rising commerce of ,greece4 ,matthew ,arnold has drawn a brilliant imaginative picture of this collision between the two races1 and the effect it had on the dauntless and enterprising spirit of ,phnicia3-- ,as some grave ,tyrian trader1 from the sea1 ,descried at sunrise an emerging prow ,lifting the coolhair'd creepers stealthily1 ,the fringes of a southwardfacing brow ,among the gan isles2 ,and saw the merry ,grecian coaster come1 ,freighted with amber grapes1 and ,chian wine1 ,green1 bursting figs1 and tunnies steep'd in brine-- ,and knew the intruders on his ancient home1 ,the young lighthearted masters of the waves-- ,and snatch'd his rudder and shook out more sail2 ,and day and night held on indignantly ,o'er the blue ,midland waters with the gale1 ,betwixt the ,syrtes and soft ,sicily1 ,to where the ,atlantic raves ,outside the western straits2 and unbent sails ,there1 where down cloudy cliffs1 through sheets of foam1 ,shy traffickers1 the dark ,iberians1 come2 ,and on the beach undid his corded bales47#gg7 ,it is that spirit of masterful and untiring ambition kept up for so many centuries that throws a halo of romance round the story of ,tyre4 ,in the oldest ,greek literature1 however1 ,tyre is not mentioned1 the place which she afterwards held being then occupied by ,sidon4 ,but after the decay of ,sidon the rich harvest of her labours fell into the lap of ,tyre1 which thenceforth stands out as the foremost city of ,phnicia4 ,she owed her preeminence partly to the wisdom and energy with which her affairs were administered1 but partly also to the strength of her natural situation4 ,the city was built both on the mainland and on a row of islets about half a mile from the shore4 ,this latter portion contained the principal buildings 7temples and palaces71 the open place where business was transacted1 and the two harbours4 ,it was no doubt from it that the city derived its name 7 ,rock72 and it always was looked on as the central part of ,tyre4 ,there was something in the appearance of the island city--the ,venice of antiquity1 rising from midocean with her 8tiara of proud towers0--which seemed to mark her out as destined to be mistress of the sea4 ,it also made a siege of ,tyre an arduous and a tedious undertaking1 as many a conqueror found to his cost4 ,favoured then by these advantages1 ,tyre speedily gathered the traffic of ,phnicia into her own hands1 and her wealth and luxury were the wonder of the nations4 ,she was known as 8the crowning city1 whose merchants were princes1 and her traffickers the honourable of the earth0 7,isa4 xxiii4 #h74 ,she became the great commercial emporium of the world4 ,her colonies were planted all over the islands and coasts of the ,mediterranean1 and the one most frequently mentioned in the ,bible1 ,tarshish1 was in ,spain1 beyond ,gibraltar4 ,her seamen had ventured beyond the ,pillars of ,hercules1 and undertook distant ,atlantic voyages to the ,canary ,islands on the south and the coasts of ,britain on the north4 ,the most barbarous and inhospitable regions were ransacked for the metals and other products needed to supply the requirements of civilisation1 and everywhere she found a market for her own wares and manufactures4 ,the carrying trade of the ,mediterranean was almost entirely conducted in her ships1 while her richly laden caravans traversed all the great routes that led into the heart of ,asia and ,africa4 ,it so happens that the twentyseventh chapter of ,ezekiel is one of the best sources of information we possess as to the varied and extensive commercial relations of ,tyre in the sixth century ,b4,c47#gh7 ,it will therefore be better to glance shortly at its contents here rather than in its proper connection in the development of the prophet's thought4 ,it will easily be seen that the description is somewhat idealised2 no details are given of the commodities which ,tyre sold to the nations--only as an afterthought 7ver4 #cc7 is it intimated that by sending forth her wares she has enriched and satisfied many nations4 ,so the goods which she bought of them are not represented as given in exchange for anything else2 ,tyre is poetically conceived as an empress ruling the peoples by the potent spell of her influence1 compelling them to drudge for her and bring to her feet the gains they have acquired by their heavy labour4 ,nor can the list of nations7#gi7 or their gifts be meant as exhaustive2 it only includes such things as served to exhibit the immense variety of useful and costly articles which ministered to the wealth and luxury of ,tyre4 ,but making allowance for this1 and for the numerous difficulties which the text presents1 the passage has evidently been compiled with great care2 it shows a minuteness of detail and fulness of knowledge which could not have been got from books1 but displays a lively personal interest in the affairs of the world which is surprising in a man like ,ezekiel4 ,the order followed in the enumeration of nations is not quite clear1 but is on the whole geographical4 ,starting from ,tarshish in the extreme west 7ver4 #ab71 the prophet mentions in succession ,javan 7,ionia71 ,tubal1 and ,meshech 7two tribes to the southeast of the ,black ,sea71 and ,togarmah 7usually identified with ,armenia7 7vv4 #ac1 #ad74 ,these represent the northern limit of the ,phnician markets4 ,the reference in the next verse 7v4 #ae7 is doubtful1 on account of a difference between the ,septuagint and the ,hebrew text4 ,if with the former we read 8,rhodes0 instead of 8,dedan10 it embraces the nearer coasts and islands of the ,mediterranean1 and this is perhaps on the whole the more natural sense4 ,in this case it is possible that up to this point the description has been confined to the sea trade of ,phnicia1 if we may suppose that the products of ,armenia reached ,tyre by way of the ,black ,sea4 ,at all events the overland traffic occupies a space in the list out of proportion to its actual importance1 a fact which is easily explained from the prophet's standpoint4 ,first1 in a line from south to north1 we have the nearer neighbours of ,phnicia--,edom1 ,judah1 ,israel1 and ,damascus 7vv4 #afah74 ,then the remoter tribes and districts of ,arabia--,uzal7#hj7 7the chief city of ,yemen71 ,dedan 7on the eastern side of the ,gulf of ,akaba71 ,arabia and ,kedar 7nomads of the eastern desert71 ,havilah17#ha7 ,sheba1 and ,raamah 7in the extreme south of the ,arabian peninsula7 7vv4 #aibb74 ,finally the countries tapped by the eastern caravan route--,haran 7the great trade centre in ,mesopotamia71 ,canneh 78 ,calneh1 unknown71 ,eden 7differently spelt from the garden of ,eden1 also unknown71 ,assyria1 and ,chilmad 7unknown7 7ver4 #bc74 ,these were the 8merchants0 and 8traders0 of ,tyre1 who are represented as thronging her marketplace with the produce of their respective countries4 ,the imports1 so far as we can follow the prophet's enumeration1 are in nearly all cases characteristic products of the regions to which they are assigned4 ,spain is known to have furnished all the metals here mentioned--silver1 iron1 lead1 and tin4 ,greece and ,asia ,minor were centres of the slave traffic 7one of the darkest blots on the commerce of ,phnicia71 and also supplied hardware4 ,armenia was famous as a horse breeding country1 and thence ,tyre procured her supply of horses and mules4 ,the ebony and tusks of ivory must have come from ,africa2 and if the ,septuagint is right in reading 8,rhodes0 in ver4 #ae1 these articles can only have been collected there for shipment to ,tyre47#hb7 ,through ,edom come pearls and precious stones47#hc7 ,judah and ,israel furnish ,tyre with agricultural and natural produce1 as they had done from the days of ,david and ,solomon--wheat and oil1 wax and honey1 balm and spices4 ,damascus yields the famous 8wine of ,helbon0--said to be the only vintage that the ,persian kings would drink--perhaps also other choice wines47#hd7 ,a rich variety of miscellaneous articles1 both natural and manufactured1 is contributed by ,arabia1--wrought iron 7perhaps swordblades7 from ,yemen2 saddlecloths from ,dedan2 sheep and goats from the ,bedouin tribes2 gold1 precious stones1 and aromatic spices from the caravans of ,sheba4 ,lastly1 the ,mesopotamian countries provide the costly textile fabrics from the looms of ,babylon so highly prized in antiquity--8costly garments1 mantles of blue1 purple1 and broidered work10 8manycoloured carpets10 and 8cords twisted and durable407#he7 ,this survey of the ramifications of ,tyrian commerce will have served its purpose if it enables us to realise in some measure the conception which ,ezekiel had formed of the power and prestige of the maritime city1 whose destruction he so confidently announced4 ,he knew1 as did ,isaiah before him1 how deeply ,tyre had struck her roots in the life of the old world1 how indispensable her existence seemed to be to the whole fabric of civilisation as then constituted4 ,both prophets represent the nations as lamenting the downfall of the city which had so long ministered to their material welfare4 ,the overthrow of ,tyre would be felt as a worldwide calamity2 it could hardly be contemplated except as part of a radical subversion of the established order of things4 ,this is what ,ezekiel has in view1 and his attitude towards ,tyre is governed by his expectation of a great shaking of the nations which is to usher in the perfect kingdom of ,god4 ,in the new world to which he looks forward no place will be found for ,tyre1 not even the subordinate position of a handmaid to the people of ,god which ,isaiah's vision of the future had assigned to her4 ,beneath all her opulence and refinement the prophet's eye detected that which was opposed to the mind of ,jehovah--the irreligious spirit which is the temptation of a mercantile community1 manifesting itself in overweening pride and self exaltation1 and in sordid devotion to gain as the highest end of a nation's existence4 ,the twentysixth chapter is in the main a literal prediction of the siege and destruction of ,tyre by ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,it is dated from the year in which ,jerusalem was captured1 and was certainly written after that event4 ,the number of the month has accidentally dropped out of the text1 so that we cannot tell whether at the time of writing the prophet had received actual intelligence of the fall of the city4 ,at all events it is assumed that the fate of ,jerusalem is already known in ,tyre1 and the manner in which the tidings were sure to have been received there is the immediate occasion of the prophecy4 ,like many other peoples1 ,tyre had rejoiced over the disaster which had befallen the ,jewish state2 but her exultation had a peculiar note of selfish calculation1 which did not escape the notice of the prophet4 ,ever mindful of her own interest1 she sees that a barrier to the free development of her commerce has been removed1 and she congratulates herself on the fortunate turn which events have taken3 8,aha6 the door of the peoples is broken1 it is turned towards me2 she that was full hath been laid waste607#hf7 7ver4 #b74 ,although the relations of the two countries had often been friendly and sometimes highly advantageous to ,tyre1 she had evidently felt herself hampered by the existence of an independent state on the mountain ridge of ,palestine4 ,the kingdom of ,judah1 especially in days when it was strong enough to hold ,edom in subjection1 commanded the caravan routes to the ,red ,sea1 and doubtless prevented the ,phnician merchants from reaping the full profit of their ventures in that direction4 ,it is probable that at all times a certain proportion of the revenue of the kings of ,judah was derived from toll levied on the ,tyrian merchandise that passed through their territory2 and what they thus gained represented so much loss to ,tyre4 ,it was1 to be sure1 a small item in the mass of business transacted on the exchange of ,tyre4 ,but nothing is too trivial to enter into the calculations of a community given over to the pursuit of gain2 and the satisfaction with which the fall of ,jerusalem was regarded in ,tyre showed how completely she was debased by her selfish commercial policy1 how oblivious she was to the spiritual interests bound up with the future of ,israel4 ,having thus exposed the sinful cupidity and insensibility of ,tyre1 the prophet proceeds to describe in general terms the punishment that is to overtake her4 ,many nations shall be brought up against her1 irresistible as the sea when it comes up with its waves2 her walls and fortifications shall be rased2 the very dust shall be scraped from her site1 so that she is left 8a naked rock0 rising out of the sea1 a place where fishermen spread their nets to dry1 as in the days before the city was built4 ,then follows 7vv4 #gad7 a specific announcement of the manner in which judgment shall be executed on ,tyre4 ,the recent political attitude of the city left no doubt as to the quarter from which immediate danger was to be apprehended4 ,the ,phnician states had been the most powerful members of the confederacy that was formed about #eif to throw off the yoke of the ,chaldans1 and they were in open revolt at the time when ,ezekiel wrote4 ,they had apparently thrown in their lot with ,egypt1 and a conflict with ,nebuchadnezzar was therefore to be expected4 ,tyre had every reason to avoid a war with a firstrate power1 which could not fail to be disastrous to her commercial interests4 ,but her inhabitants were not destitute of martial spirit2 they trusted in the strength of their position and their command of the sea1 and they were in the mood to risk everything rather than again renounce their independence and their freedom4 ,but all this avails nothing against the purpose which ,jehovah has purposed concerning ,tyre4 ,it is ,he who brings ,nebuchadnezzar1 the king of kings1 from the north with his army and his siegetrain1 and ,tyre shall fall before his assault1 as ,jerusalem has already fallen4 ,first of all1 the ,phnician cities on the mainland shall be ravaged and laid waste1 and then operations commence against the mothercity herself4 ,the description of the siege and capture of the island fortress is given with an abundance of graphic details1 although1 strangely enough1 without calling attention to the peculiar method of attack that was necessary for the reduction of ,tyre4 ,the great feature of the siege would be the construction of a huge mole between the shore and the island2 once the wall was reached the attack would proceed precisely as in the case of an inland town1 in the manner depicted on ,assyrian monuments4 ,when the breach is made in the fortifications the whole army pours into the city1 and for the first time in her history the walls of ,tyre shake with the rumbling of chariots in her streets4 ,the conquered city is then given up to slaughter and pillage1 her songs and her music are stilled for ever1 her stones and timber and dust are cast into the sea1 and not a trace remains of the proud mistress of the waves4 ,in the third strophe 7vv4 #aeba7 the prophet describes the dismay which will be caused when the crash of the destruction of ,tyre resounds along the coasts of the sea4 ,all the 8princes of the sea0 7perhaps the rulers of the ,phnician colonies in the ,mediterranean7 are represented as rising from their thrones1 and putting off their stately raiment1 and sitting in the dust bewailing the fate of the city4 ,the dirge in which they lift up their voices 7vv4 #ag1 #ah7 is given by the ,septuagint in a form which preserves more nearly than the ,hebrew the structure as well as the beauty which we should expect in the original3-- ,how is perished from the sea-- ,the city renowned6 ,she that laid her terror-- ,on all its inhabitants6 ,now are the isles affrighted-- ,in the day of thy falling6 ,but this beautiful image is not strong enough to express the prophet's sense of the irretrievable ruin that hangs over ,tyre4 ,by a bold flight of imagination he turns from the mourners on earth to follow in thought the descent of the city into the underworld 7vv4 #aiba74 ,the idea that ,tyre might rise from her ruins after a temporary eclipse and recover her old place in the world was one that would readily suggest itself to any one who understood the real secret of her greatness4 ,to the mind of ,ezekiel the impossibility of her restoration lies in the fixed purpose of ,jehovah1 which includes1 not only her destruction1 but her perpetual desolation4 8,when ,i make thee a desolate city1 like the cities that are not inhabited2 when ,i bring up against thee the deep1 and the great waters cover thee2 then ,i will bring thee down with them that go down to the pit1 with the people of old time1 and ,i will make thee dwell in the lowest parts of the earth1 like the immemorial waste places1 with them that go down to the pit1 that thou be not inhabited nor establish thyself in the land of the living40 ,the whole passage is steeped in weird poetic imagery4 ,the 8deep07#hg7 suggests something more than the blue waters of the ,mediterranean3 it is the name of the great primeval ,ocean1 out of which the habitable world was fashioned1 and which is used as an emblem of the irresistible judgments of ,god47#hh7 ,the 8pit0 is the realm of the dead1 ,shel1 conceived as situated under the earth1 where the shades of the departed drag out a feeble existence from which there is no deliverance4 ,the idea of ,shel is a frequent subject of poetical embellishment in the later books of the ,old ,testament2 and of this we have an example here when the prophet represents the once populous and thriving city as now a denizen of that dreary place4 ,but the essential meaning he wishes to convey is that ,tyre is numbered among the things that were4 ,she 8shall be sought1 and shall not be found any more for ever10 because she has entered the dismal abode of the dead1 whence there is no return to the joys and activities of the upper world4 ,such then is the anticipation which ,ezekiel in the year #ehf had formed of the fate of ,tyre4 ,no candid reader will suppose that the prophecy is anything but what it professes to be--a bonfide prediction of the total destruction of the city in the immediate future and by the hands of ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,when ,ezekiel wrote1 the siege of ,tyre had not begun2 and however clear it may have been to observant men that the next stage in the campaign would be the reduction of the ,phnician cities1 the prophet is at least free from the suspicion of having prophesied after the event4 ,the remarkable absence of characteristic and special details from the account of the siege is the best proof that he is dealing with the future from the true prophetic standpoint and clothing a divinely imparted conviction in images supplied by a definite historical situation4 ,nor is there any reason to doubt that in some form the prophecy was actually published among his fellowexiles at the date to which it is assigned4 ,on these points critical opinion is fairly unanimous4 ,but when we come to the question of the fulfilment of the prediction we find ourselves in the region of controversy1 and1 it must be admitted1 of uncertainty4 ,some expositors1 determined at all hazards to vindicate ,ezekiel's prophetic authority1 maintain that ,tyre was actually devastated by ,nebuchadnezzar in the manner described by the prophet1 and seek for confirmations of their view in the few historical notices we possess of this period of ,nebuchadnezzar's reign4 ,others1 reading the history differently1 arrive at the conclusion that ,ezekiel's calculations were entirely at fault1 that ,tyre was not captured by the ,babylonians at all1 and that his oracle against ,tyre must be reckoned amongst the unfulfilled prophecies of the ,old ,testament4 ,others again seek to reconcile an impartial historical judgment with a high conception of the function of prophecy1 and find in the undoubted course of events a real though not an exact verification of the words uttered by ,ezekiel4 ,it is indeed almost by accident that we have any independent corroboration of ,ezekiel's anticipation with regard to the immediate future of ,tyre4 ,oriental discoveries have as yet brought to light no important historical monuments of the reign of ,nebuchadnezzar2 and outside of the book of ,ezekiel itself we have nothing to guide us except the statement of ,josephus1 based on ,phnician and ,greek authorities17#hi7 that ,tyre underwent a thirteen years' siege by the ,babylonian conqueror4 ,there is no reason whatever to call in question the reliability of this important information1 although the accompanying statement that the siege began in the seventh year of ,nebuchadnezzar is certainly erroneous4 ,but unfortunately we are not told how the siege ended4 ,whether it was successful or unsuccessful1 whether ,tyre was reduced or capitulated1 or was evacuated or beat off her assailants1 is nowhere indicated4 ,to argue from the silence of the historians is impossible2 for if one man argues that a catastrophe that took place 8before the eyes of all ,asia0 would not have passed unrecorded in historical books1 another might urge with equal force that a repulse of ,nebuchadnezzar was too uncommon an event to be ignored in the ,phnician annals47#ij7 ,on the whole the most reasonable hypothesis is perhaps that after the thirteen years the city surrendered on not unfavourable terms2 but this conclusion is based on other considerations than the data or the silence of ,josephus4 ,the chief reason for believing that ,nebuchadnezzar was not altogether successful in his attack on ,tyre is found in a supplementary prophecy of ,ezekiel's1 given in the end of the twentyninth chapter 7vv4 #agba74 ,it was evidently written after the siege of ,tyre was concluded1 and so far as it goes it confirms the accuracy of ,josephus' sources4 ,it is dated from the year #egj1 sixteen years after the fall of ,jerusalem2 and it is1 in fact1 the latest oracle in the whole book4 ,the siege of ,tyre therefore1 which had not commenced in #ehf1 when ch4 xxvi4 was written1 was finished before #egj2 and between these terminal dates there is just room for the thirteen years of ,josephus4 ,the invasion of ,phnicia must have been the next great enterprise of the ,babylonian army in ,western ,asia after the destruction of ,judah1 and it was only the extraordinary strength of ,tyre that enabled it to protract the struggle so long4 ,now what light does ,ezekiel throw on the issue of the siege8 ,his words are3 8,nebuchadnezzar1 king of ,babylon1 has made his army to serve a great service against ,tyre2 every head made bald and every shoulder peeled1 yet he and his army got no wages out of ,tyre for the service which he served against her40 ,the prophet then goes on to announce that the spoils of ,egypt should be the recompense to the army for their unrequited labour against ,tyre1 inasmuch as it was work done for ,jehovah4 ,here then1 we have evidence first of all that the long siege of ,tyre had taxed the resources of the besiegers to the utmost4 ,the 8peeled shoulders0 and the 8heads made bald0 is a graphic detail which alludes not obscurely to the monotonous navvy work of carrying loads of stones and earth to fill up the narrow channel between the mainland and the island17#ia7 so as to allow the engines to be brought up to the walls4 ,ezekiel was well aware of the arduous nature of the undertaking1 the expenditure of human effort and life which was involved1 in the struggle with natural obstacles2 and his striking conception of these obscure and toiling soldiers as unconscious servants of the ,almighty shows how steadfast was his faith in the word he proclaimed against ,tyre4 ,but the important point is that they obtained from ,tyre no reward--at least no adequate reward--for their herculean labours4 ,the expression used is no doubt capable of various interpretations4 ,it might mean that the siege had to be abandoned1 or that the city was able to make extremely easy terms of capitulation1 or1 as ,jerome suggests1 that the ,tyrians had carried off their treasures by sea and escaped to one of their colonies4 ,in any case it shows that the historical event was not in accordance with the details of the earlier prophecy4 ,that the wealth of ,tyre would fall to the conquerors is there assumed as a natural consequence of the capture of the city4 ,but whether the city was actually captured or not1 the victors were somehow disappointed in their expectation of plunder4 ,the rich spoil of ,tyre1 which was the legitimate reward of their exhausting toil1 had slipped from their eager grasp2 to this extent at least the reality fell short of the prediction1 and ,nebuchadnezzar had to be compensated for his losses at ,tyre by the promise of an easy conquest of ,egypt4 ,but if this had been all it is not probable that ,ezekiel would have deemed it necessary to supplement his earlier prediction in the way we have seen after an interval of sixteen years4 ,the mere circumstance that the sack of ,tyre had failed to yield the booty that the besiegers counted on was not of a nature to attract attention amongst the prophet's auditors1 or to throw doubt on the genuineness of his inspiration4 ,and we know that there was a much more serious difference between the prophecy and the event than this4 ,it is from what has just been said extremely doubtful whether ,nebuchadnezzar actually destroyed ,tyre1 but even if he did she very quickly recovered much of her former prosperity and glory4 ,that her commerce was seriously crippled during the struggle with ,babylonia we may well believe1 and it is possible that she never again was what she had been before this humiliation came upon her4 ,but for all that the enterprise and prosperity of ,tyre continued for many ages to excite the admiration of the most enlightened nations of antiquity4 ,the destruction of the city1 therefore1 if it took place1 had not the finality which ,ezekiel had anticipated4 ,not till after the lapse of eighteen centuries could it be said with approximate truth that she was like 8a bare rock in the midst of the sea40 ,the most instructive fact for us1 however1 is that ,ezekiel reissued his original prophecy1 knowing that it had not been literally fulfilled4 ,in the minds of his hearers the apparent falsification of his predictions had revived old prejudices against him which interfered with the prosecution of his work4 ,they reasoned that a prophecy so much out of joint with the reality was sufficient to discredit his claim to be an authoritative exponent of the mind of ,jehovah2 and so the prophet found himself embarrassed by a recurrence of the old unbelieving attitude which had hindered his public activity before the destruction of ,jerusalem4 ,he has not for the present 8an open mouth0 amongst them1 and he feels that his words will not be fully received until they are verified by the restoration of ,israel to its own land4 ,but it is evident that he himself did not share the view of his audience1 otherwise he would certainly have suppressed a prophecy which lacked the mark of authenticity4 ,on the contrary he published it for the perusal of a wider circle of readers1 in the conviction that what he had spoken was a true word of ,god1 and that its essential truth did not depend on its exact correspondence with the facts of history4 ,in other words1 he believed in it as a true reading of the principles revealed in ,god's moral government of the world--a reading which had received a partial verification in the blow which had been dealt at the pride of ,tyre1 and which would receive a still more signal fulfilment in the final convulsions which were to introduce the day of ,israel's restoration and glory4 ,only we must remember that the prophet's horizon was necessarily limited2 and as he did not contemplate the slow development and extension of the kingdom of ,god through long ages1 so he could not have taken into account the secular operation of historic causes which eventually brought about the ruin of ,tyre4 ,chapter ,,xvii4 ,tyre 7,continued73 ,sidon4 ,chapters xxvii41 xxviii4 ,the remaining oracles on ,tyre 7chs4 xxvii41 xxviii4 #aai7 are somewhat different both in subject and mode of treatment from the chapter we have just finished4 ,ch4 xxvi4 is in the main a direct announcement of the fall of ,tyre1 delivered in the oratorical style which is the usual vehicle of prophetic address4 ,she is regarded as a state occupying a definite place among the other states of the world1 and sharing the fate of other peoples who by their conduct towards ,israel or their ungodliness and arrogance have incurred the anger of ,jehovah4 ,the two great odes which follow are purely ideal delineations of what ,tyre is in herself2 her destruction is assumed as certain rather than directly predicted1 and the prophet gives free play to his imagination in the effort to set forth the conception of the city which was impressed on his mind4 ,in ch4 xxvii4 he dwells on the external greatness and magnificence of ,tyre1 her architectural splendour1 her political and military power1 and above all her amazing commercial enterprise4 ,ch4 xxviii41 on the other hand1 is a meditation on the peculiar genius of ,tyre1 her inner spirit of pride and selfsufficiency1 as embodied in the person of her king4 ,from a literary point of view the two chapters are amongst the most beautiful in the whole book4 ,in the twentyseventh chapter the fiery indignation of the prophet almost disappears1 giving place to the play of poetic fancy1 and a flow of lyric emotion more perfectly rendered than in any other part of ,ezekiel's writings4 ,the distinctive feature of each passage is the elegy pronounced over the fall of ,tyre2 and although the elegy seems just on the point of passing into the tauntsong1 yet the accent of triumph is never suffered to overwhelm the note of sadness to which these poems owe their special charm4 ,i ,ch4 xxvii4 is described as a dirge over ,tyre4 ,in the previous chapter the nations were represented as bewailing her fall1 but here the prophet himself takes up a lamentation for her2 and1 as may have been usual in real funereal dirges1 he commences by celebrating the might and riches of the doomed city4 ,the fine image which is maintained throughout the chapter was probably suggested to ,ezekiel by the picturesque situation of ,tyre on her seagirt rock at 8the entries of the sea40 ,he compares her to a stately vessel riding at anchor7#ib7 near the shore1 taking on board her cargo of precious merchandise1 and ready to start on the perilous voyage from which she is destined never to return4 ,meanwhile the gallant ship sits proudly in the water1 tight and seaworthy and sumptuously furnished2 and the prophet's eye runs rapidly over the chief points of her elaborate construction and equipment 7vv4 #caa74 ,her timbers are fashioned of cypress from ,hermon17#ic7 her mast is a cedar of ,lebanon1 her oars are made of the oak of ,bashan1 her deck of sherbnwood7#id7 7a variety of cedar7 inlaid with ivory imported from ,cyprus4 ,her canvas fittings are still more exquisite and costly4 ,the sail is of ,egyptian byssus with embroidered work1 and the awning over the deck was of cloth resplendent in the two purple dyes procured from the coasts of ,elishah47#ie7 ,the ship is fitted up for pleasure and luxury as well as for traffic1 the fact symbolised being obviously the architectural and other splendours which justified the city's boast that she was 8the perfection of beauty40 ,but ,tyre was wise and powerful as well as beautiful2 and so the prophet1 still keeping up the metaphor1 proceeds to describe how the great ship is manned4 ,her steersmen are the experienced statesmen whom she herself has bred and raised to power2 her rowers are the men of ,sidon and ,aradus1 who spend their strength in her service4 ,the elders and wise men of ,gebal are her shipwrights 7literally 8stoppers of leaks072 and so great is her influence that all the naval resources of the world are subject to her control4 ,besides this ,tyre employs an army of mercenaries drawn from the remotest quarters of the earth--from ,persia and ,north ,africa1 as well as the subordinate towns of ,phnicia2 and these1 represented as hanging their shields and helmets on her sides1 make her beauty complete47#if7 ,in these verses the prophet pays a tribute of admiration to the astuteness with which the rulers of ,tyre used their resources to strengthen her position as the head of the ,phnician confederacy4 ,three of the cities mentioned--,sidon1 ,aradus1 and ,gebal or ,byblus--were the most important in ,phnicia2 two of them at least had a longer history than herself1 yet they are here truly represented as performing the rough menial labour which brought wealth and renown to ,tyre4 ,it required no ordinary statecraft to preserve the balance of so many complex and conflicting interests1 and make them all cooperate for the advancement of the glory of ,tyre2 but hitherto her 8wise men0 had proved equal to the task4 ,the second strophe 7vv4 #abbe7 contains the survey of ,tyrian commerce1 which has already been analysed in another connection47#ig7 ,at first sight it appears as if the allegory were here abandoned1 and the impression is partly correct4 ,in reality the city1 although personified1 is regarded as the emporium of the world's commerce1 to which all the nations stream with their produce4 ,but at the end it appears that the various commodities enumerated represent the cargo with which the ship is laden4 ,ships of ,tarshish--i4e41 the largest class of merchant vessels then afloat1 used for the long ,atlantic voyage--wait upon her1 and fill her with all sorts of precious things 7ver4 #be74 ,then in the last strophe 7vv4 #bfcf71 which speaks of the destruction of ,tyre1 the figure of the ship is boldly resumed4 ,the heavily freighted vessel is rowed into the open sea2 there she is struck by an east wind and founders in deep water4 ,the image suggests two ideas1 which must not be pressed1 although they may have an element of historic truth in them3 one is that ,tyre perished under the weight of her own commercial greatness1 and the other that her ruin was hastened through the folly of her rulers4 ,but the main idea is that the destruction of the city was wrought by the power of ,god1 which suddenly overwhelmed her at the height of her prosperity and activity4 ,as the waves close over the doomed vessel the cry of anguish that goes up from the drowning mariners and passengers strikes terror into the hearts of all seafaring men4 ,they forsake their ships1 and having reached the safety of the shore abandon themselves to frantic demonstrations of grief1 joining their voices in a lamentation over the fate of the goodly ship which symbolised the mistress of the sea 7vv4 #cbcf77ih73-- ,who was like ,tyre so glorious-- ,in the midst of the sea8 ,when thy wares went forth from the seas-- ,thou filledst the peoples2 ,with thy wealth and thy merchandise-- ,thou enrichedst the earth4 ,now art thou broken from the seas-- ,in depths of the waters2 ,thy merchandise and all thy multitude-- ,are fallen therein4 ,all the inhabitants of the islands-- ,are shocked at thee1 ,and their kings shudder greatly-- ,with tearful countenances4 ,they that trade among the peoples 444-- ,hiss over thee2 ,thou art become a terror-- ,and art no more for ever4 ,such is the end of ,tyre4 ,she has vanished utterly from the earth2 the imposing fabric of her greatness is like an unsubstantial pageant faded2 and nothing remains to tell of her former glory but the mourning of the nations who were once enriched by her commerce4 ,,ii ,ch4 xxviii4 #aai4--;,here the prophet turns to the prince of ,tyre1 who is addressed throughout as the impersonation of the consciousness of a great commercial community4 ,we happen to know from ,josephus that the name of the reigning king at this time was ,ithobaal or ,ethbaal ,,ii4 ,but it is manifest that the terms of ,ezekiel's message have no reference to the individuality of this or any other prince of ,tyre4 ,it is not likely that the king could have exercised any great political influence in a city 8whose merchants were all princes02 indeed1 we learn from ,josephus that the monarchy was abolished in favour of some sort of elective constitution not long after the death of ,ithobaal4 ,nor is there any reason to suppose that ,ezekiel has in view any special manifestation of arrogance on the part of the royal house1 such as a pretension to be descended from the gods4 ,the king here is simply the representative of the genius of the community1 the sins of heart charged against him are the expression of the sinful principle which the prophet detected beneath the refinement and luxury of ,tyre1 and his shameful death only symbolises the downfall of the city4 ,the prophecy consists of two parts3 first1 an accusation against the prince of ,tyre1 ending with a threat of destruction 7vv4 #baj72 and second1 a lament over his fall 7vv4 #aaai74 ,the point of view is very different in these two sections4 ,in the first the prince is still conceived as a man2 and the language put into his mouth1 although extravagant1 does not exceed the limits of purely human arrogance4 ,in the second1 however1 the king appears as an angelic being1 an inhabitant of ,eden and a companion of the cherub1 sinless at first1 and falling from his high estate through his own transgression4 ,it almost seems as if the prophet had in his mind the idea of a tutelary spirit or genius of ,tyre1 like the angelic princes in the book of ,daniel who preside over the destinies of different nations47#ii7 ,but in spite of its enhanced idealism1 the passage only clothes in forms drawn from ,babylonian mythology the boundless selfglorification of ,tyre2 and the expulsion of the prince from paradise is merely the ideal counterpart of the overthrow of the city which is his earthly abode4 ,the sin of ,tyre is an overweening pride1 which culminated in an attitude of selfdeification on the part of its king4 ,surrounded on every hand by the evidences of man's mastery over the world1 by the achievements of human art and industry and enterprise1 the king feels as if his throne on the seagirt island were a veritable seat of the gods1 and as if he himself were a being truly divine4 ,his heart is lifted up2 and1 forgetful of the limits of his mortality1 he 8sets his mind like the mind of a god40 ,the godlike quality on which he specially prides himself is the superhuman wisdom evinced by the extraordinary prosperity of the city with which he identifies himself4 ,wiser than ,daniel6 the prophet ironically exclaims2 8no secret thing is too dark for thee60 8,by thy wisdom and thine insight thou hast gotten thee wealth1 and hast gathered gold and silver into thy treasuries3 by thy great wisdom in thy commerce thou hast multiplied thy wealth1 and thy heart is lifted up because of thy riches40 ,the prince sees in the vast accumulation of material resources in ,tyre nothing but the reflection of the genius of her inhabitants2 and being himself the incarnation of the spirit of the city1 he takes the glory of it to himself and esteems himself a god4 ,such impious selfexaltation must inevitably call down the vengeance of ,him who is the only living ,god2 and ,ezekiel proceeds to announce the humiliation of the prince by the 8most ruthless of the nations0--i4e41 the ,chaldans4 ,he shall then know how much of divinity doth hedge a king4 ,in face of them that seek his life he shall learn that he is man and not ,god1 and that there are forces in the world against which the vaunted wisdom of ,tyre is of no avail4 ,an ignominious death7#ajj7 at the hand of strangers is the fate reserved for the mortal who so proudly exalted himself against all that is called ,god4 ,the thought thus expressed1 when disengaged from its peculiar setting1 is one of permanent importance4 ,to ,ezekiel1 as to the prophets generally1 ,tyre is the representative of commercial greatness1 and the truth which he here seeks to illustrate is that the abnormal development of the mercantile spirit had in her case destroyed the capacity of faith in that which is truly divine4 ,tyre no doubt1 like every other ancient state1 still maintained a public religion of the type common to ,semitic paganism4 ,she was the sacred seat of a special cult1 and the temple of ,melkarth was considered the chief glory of the city4 ,but the public and perfunctory worship which was there celebrated had long ceased to express the highest consciousness of the community4 ,the real god of ,tyre was not ,baal nor ,melkarth1 but the king1 or any other object that might serve as a symbol of her civic greatness4 ,her religion was one that embodied itself in no outward ritual2 it was the enthusiasm which was kindled in the heart of every citizen of ,tyre by the magnificence of the imperial city to which he belonged4 ,the state of mind which ,ezekiel regards as characteristic of ,tyre was perhaps the inevitable outcome of a high civilisation informed by no loftier religious conceptions than those common to heathenism4 ,it is the idea which afterwards found expression in the deification of the ,roman emperors--the idea that the state is the only power higher than the individual to which he can look for the furtherance of his material and spiritual interests1 the only power1 therefore1 which rightly claims his homage and his reverence4 ,none the less it is a state of mind which is destructive of all that is essential to living religion2 and ,tyre in her proud selfsufficiency was perhaps further from a true knowledge of ,god than the barbarous tribes who in all sincerity worshipped the rude idols which represented the invisible power that ruled their destinies4 ,and in exposing the irreligious spirit which lay at the heart of the ,tyrian civilisation the prophet lays his finger on the spiritual danger which attends the successful pursuit of the finite interests of human life4 ,the thought of ,god1 the sense of an immediate relation of the spirit of man to the ,eternal and the ,infinite1 are easily displaced from men's minds by undue admiration for the achievements of a culture based on material progress1 and supplying every need of human nature except the very deepest1 the need of ,god4 8,for that is truly a man's religion1 the object of which fills and holds captive his soul and heart and mind1 in which he trusts above all things1 which above all things he longs for and hopes for407#aja7 ,the commercial spirit is indeed but one of the forms in which men devote themselves to the service of this present world2 but in any community where it reigns supreme we may confidently look for the same signs of religious decay which ,ezekiel detected in ,tyre in his own day4 ,at all events his message is not superfluous in an age and country where energies are wellnigh exhausted in the accumulation of the means of living1 and whose social problems all run up into the great question of the distribution of wealth4 ,it is essentially the same truth which ,ruskin1 with something of the power and insight of a ,hebrew prophet1 has so eloquently enforced on the men who make modern ,england--that the true religion of a community does not live in the venerable institutions to which it yields a formal and conventional deference1 but in the objects which inspire its most eager ambitions1 the ideals which govern its standard of worth1 in those things wherein it finds the ultimate ground of its confidence and the reward of its work47#ajb7 ,the lamentation over the fall of the prince of ,tyre 7vv4 #aaai7 reiterates the same lesson with a boldness and freedom of imagination not usual with this prophet4 ,the passage is full of obscurities and difficulties which cannot be adequately discussed here1 but the main lines of the conception are easily grasped4 ,it describes the original state of the prince as a semidivine being1 and his fall from that state on account of sin that was found in him4 ,the picture is no doubt ironical2 ,ezekiel actually means nothing more than that the soaring pride of ,tyre enthroned its king or its presiding genius in the seat of the gods1 and endowed him with attributes more than mortal4 ,the prophet accepts the idea1 and shows that there was sin in ,tyre enough to hurl the most radiant of celestial creatures from heaven to hell4 ,the passage presents certain obvious affinities with the account of the ,fall in the second and third chapters of ,genesis2 but it also contains reminiscences of a mythology the key to which is now lost4 ,it can hardly be supposed that the vivid details of the imagery1 such as the 8mountain of ,god10 the 8stones of fire10 8the precious gems10 are altogether due to the prophet's imagination4 ,the mountain of the gods is now known to have been a prominent idea of the ,babylonian religion2 and there appears to have been a widespread notion that in the abode of the gods were treasures of gold and precious stones1 jealously guarded by griffins1 of which small quantities found their way into the possession of men4 ,it is possible that fragments of these mythical notions may have reached the knowledge of ,ezekiel during his sojourn in ,babylon and been used by him to fill up his picture of the glories which surrounded the first estate of the king of ,tyre4 ,it should be observed1 however1 that the prince is not to be identified with the cherub or one of the cherubim4 ,the words 8,thou art the anointed cherub that covereth1 and ,i have set thee so0 7ver4 #ad7 may be translated 8,with the 444 cherub ,i set thee02 and similarly the words of ver4 #af1 8,i will destroy thee1 ,o covering cherub10 should probably be rendered 8,and the cherub hath destroyed thee40 ,the whole conception is greatly simplified by these changes1 and the principal features of it1 so far as they can be made out with clearness1 are as follows3 ,the cherub is the warden of the 8holy mountain of ,god10 and no doubt also 7as in ch4 i47 the symbol and bearer of the divine glory4 ,when it is said that the prince of ,tyre was placed with the cherub1 the meaning is that he had his place in the abode of ,god1 or was admitted to the presence of ,god1 so long as he preserved the perfection in which he was created 7ver4 #ae74 ,the other allusions to his original glory1 such as the 8covering0 of precious stones and the 8walking amidst fiery stones10 cannot be explained with any degree of certainty47#ajc7 ,when iniquity is found in him so that he must be banished from the presence of ,god1 the cherub is said to destroy him from the midst of the stones of fire--i4e41 is the agent of the divine judgment which descends on the prince4 ,it is thus doubtful whether the prince is conceived as a perfect human being1 like ,adam before his fall1 or as an angelic1 superhuman creature2 but the point is of little importance in an ideal delineation such as we have here4 ,it will be seen that even on the first supposition there is no very close correspondence with the story of ,eden in the book of ,genesis1 for there the cherubim are placed to guard the way of the tree of life only after man has been expelled from the garden4 ,but what is the sin that tarnished the sanctity of this exalted personage and cost him his place among the immortals8 ,ideally1 it was an access of pride that caused his ruin1 a spiritual sin1 such as might originate in the heart of an angelic being4 ,by that sin fell the angels3 how can man1 then1 ,the image of his ,maker1 hope to win by it8 ,his heart was lifted up because of his beauty1 and he forfeited his godlike wisdom over his brilliance 7ver4 #ag74 ,but really1 this change passing over the spirit of the prince in the seat of ,god is only the reflection of what is done on earth in ,tyre4 ,as her commerce increased1 the proofs of her unjust and unscrupulous use of wealth were accumulated against her1 and her midst was filled with violence 7ver4 #af74 ,this is the only allusion in the three chapters to the wrong and oppression and the outrages on humanity which were the inevitable accompaniments of that greed of gain which had taken possession of the ,tyrian community4 ,and these sins are regarded as a demoralisation taking place in the nature of the prince who is the representative of the city2 by the 8iniquity of his traffic he has profaned his holiness10 and is cast down from his lofty seat to the earth1 a spectacle of abject humiliation for kings to gloat over4 ,by a sudden change of metaphor the destruction of the city is also represented as a fire breaking out in the vitals of the prince and reducing his body to ashes--a conception which has not unnaturally suggested to some commentators the fable of the phnix which was supposed periodically to immolate herself in a fire of her own kindling4 ,,iii ,a short oracle on ,sidon completes the series of prophecies dealing with the future of ,israel's immediate neighbours 7vv4 #bjbc74 ,sidon lay about twenty miles farther north than ,tyre1 and was1 as we have seen1 at this time subject to the authority of the younger and more vigorous city4 ,from the book of ,jeremiah17#ajd7 however1 we see that ,sidon was an autonomous state1 and preserved a measure of independence even in matters of foreign policy4 ,there is therefore nothing arbitrary in assigning a separate oracle to this most northerly of the states in immediate contact with the people of ,israel1 although it must be admitted that ,ezekiel has nothing distinctive to say of ,sidon4 ,phnicia was in truth so overshadowed by ,tyre that all the characteristics of the people have been amply illustrated in the chapters that have dealt with the latter city4 ,the prophecy is accordingly delivered in the most general terms1 and indicates rather the purpose and effect of the judgment than the manner in which it is to come or the character of the people against whom it is directed4 ,it passes insensibly into a prediction of the glorious future of ,israel1 which is important as revealing the underlying motive of all the preceding utterances against the heathen nations4 ,the restoration of ,israel and the destruction of her old neighbours are both parts of one comprehensive scheme of divine providence1 the ultimate object of which is a demonstration before the eyes of the world of the holiness of ,jehovah4 ,that men might know that ,he is ,jehovah1 ,god alone1 is the end alike of ,his dealings with the heathen and with ,his own people4 ,and the two parts of ,god's plan are in the mind of ,ezekiel intimately related to each other2 the one is merely a condition of the realisation of the other4 ,the crowning proof of ,jehovah's holiness will be seen in ,his faithfulness to the promise made to the patriarchs of the possession of the land of ,canaan1 and in the security and prosperity enjoyed by ,israel when brought back to their land a purified nation4 ,now in the past ,israel had been constantly interfered with1 crippled1 humiliated1 and seduced by the petty heathen powers around her borders4 ,these had been a pricking brier and a stinging thorn 7ver4 #bd71 constantly annoying and harassing her and impeding the free development of her national life4 ,hence the judgments here denounced against them are no doubt in the first instance a punishment for what they had been and done in the past2 but they are also a clearing of the stage that ,israel might be isolated from the rest of the world1 and be free to mould her national life and her religious institutions in accordance with the will of her ,god4 ,that is the substance of the last three verses of the chapter2 and while they exhibit the peculiar limitations of the prophet's thinking1 they enable us at the same time to do justice to the singular unity and consistency of aim which guided him in his great forecast of the future of the kingdom of ,god4 ,there remains now the case of ,egypt to be dealt with2 but ,egypt's relations to ,israel and her position in the world were so unique that ,ezekiel reserves consideration of her future for a separate group of oracles longer than those on all the other nations put together4 ,chapter ,,xviii4 ,egypt4 ,chapters xxix4xxxii4 ,egypt figures in the prophecies of ,ezekiel as a great worldpower cherishing projects of universal dominion4 ,once more1 as in the age of ,isaiah1 the ruling factor in ,asiatic politics was the duel for the mastery of the world between the rival empires of the ,nile and the ,euphrates4 ,the influence of ,egypt was perhaps even greater in the beginning of the sixth century than it had been in the end of the eighth1 although in the interval it had suffered a signal eclipse4 ,isaiah 7ch4 xix47 had predicted a subjugation of ,egypt by the ,assyrians1 and this prophecy had been fulfilled in the year #fgb1 when ,esarhaddon invaded the country and incorporated it in the ,assyrian empire4 ,he divided its territory into twenty petty principalities governed by ,assyrian or native rulers1 and this state of things had lasted with little change for a generation4 ,during the reign of ,asshurbanipal ,egypt was frequently overrun by ,assyrian armies1 and the repeated attempts of the ,ethiopian monarchs1 aided by revolts among the native princes1 to reassert their sovereignty over the ,nile ,valley were all foiled by the energy of the ,assyrian king or the vigilance of his generals4 ,at last1 however1 a new era of prosperity dawned for ,egypt about the year #fde4 ,psammetichus1 the ruler of ,sas1 with the help of foreign mercenaries1 succeeded in uniting the whole land under his sway2 he expelled the ,assyrian garrison1 and became the founder of the brilliant twentysixth 7,sate7 dynasty4 ,from this time ,egypt possessed in a strong central administration the one indispensable condition of her material prosperity4 ,her power was consolidated by a succession of vigorous rulers1 and she immediately began to play a leading part in the affairs of ,asia4 ,the most distinguished king of the dynasty was ,necho ,,ii41 the son and successor of ,psammetichus4 ,two striking facts mentioned by ,herodotus are worthy of mention1 as showing the originality and vigour with which the ,egyptian administration was at this time conducted4 ,one is the project of cutting a canal between the ,nile and the ,red ,sea1 an undertaking which was abandoned by ,necho in consequence of an oracle warning him that he was only working for the advantage of foreigners--meaning no doubt the ,phnicians4 ,necho1 however1 knew how to turn the ,phnician seamanship to good account1 as is proved by the other great stroke of genius with which he is credited--the circumnavigation of ,africa4 ,it was a ,phnician fleet1 despatched from ,suez by his orders1 which first rounded the ,cape of ,good ,hope1 returning to ,egypt by the ,straits of ,gibraltar after a three years' voyage4 ,and if ,necho was less successful in war than in the arts of peace1 it was not from want of activity4 ,he was the ,pharaoh who defeated ,josiah in the plain of ,megiddo1 and afterwards contested the lordship of ,syria with ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,his defeat at ,carchemish in #fjd compelled him to retire to his own land2 but the power of ,egypt was still unbroken1 and the ,chaldan king knew that he would yet have to reckon with her in his schemes for the conquest of ,palestine4 ,at the time to which these prophecies belong the king of ,egypt was ,pharaoh ,hophra 7in ,greek1 ,apries71 the grandson of ,necho ,,ii4 ,ascending the throne in #ehh ,b4,c41 he found it necessary for the protection of his own interests to take an active part in the politics of ,syria4 ,he is said to have attacked ,phnicia by sea and land1 capturing ,sidon and defeating a ,tyrian fleet in a naval engagement4 ,his object must have been to secure the ascendency of the ,egyptian party in the ,phnician cities2 and the stubborn resistance which ,nebuchadnezzar encountered from ,tyre was no doubt the result of the political arrangements made by ,hophra after his victory4 ,no armed intervention was needed to ensure a spirited defence of ,jerusalem2 and it was only after the ,babylonians were encamped around the city that ,hophra sent an ,egyptian army to its relief4 ,he was unable1 however1 to effect more than a temporary suspension of the siege1 and returned to ,egypt1 leaving ,judah to its fate1 apparently without venturing on a battle 7,jer4 xxxvii4 #eg74 ,no further hostilities between ,egypt and ,babylon are recorded during the lifetime of ,hophra4 ,he continued to reign with vigour and success till #ega1 when he was dethroned by ,amasis1 one of his own generals4 ,these circumstances show a remarkable parallel to the political situation with which ,isaiah had to deal at the time of ,sennacherib's invasion4 ,judah was again in the position of the 8earthen pipkin between two iron pots40 ,it is certain that neither ,jehoiakim nor ,zedekiah1 any more than the advisers of ,hezekiah in the earlier period1 would have embarked on a conflict with the ,mesopotamian empire but for delusive promises of ,egyptian support4 ,there was the same vacillation and division of counsels in ,jerusalem1 the same dilatoriness on the part of ,egypt1 and the same futile effort to retrieve a desperate situation after the favourable moment had been allowed to slip4 ,in both cases the conflict was precipitated by the triumph of an ,egyptian party in the ,judan court2 and it is probable that in both cases the king was coerced into a policy of which his judgment did not approve4 ,and the prophets of the later period1 ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel1 adhere closely to the lines laid down by ,isaiah in the time of ,sennacherib1 warning the people against putting their trust in the vain help of ,egypt1 and counselling passive submission to the course of events which expressed the unalterable judgment of the ,almighty4 ,ezekiel indeed borrows an image that had been current in the days of ,isaiah in order to set forth the utter untrustworthiness and dishonesty of ,egypt towards the nations who were induced to rely on her power4 ,he compares her to a staff of reed1 which breaks when one grasps it1 piercing the hand and making the loins to totter when it is leant upon47#aje7 ,such had ,egypt been to ,israel through all her history1 and such she will again prove herself to be in her last attempt to use ,israel as the tool of her selfish designs4 ,the great difference between ,ezekiel and ,isaiah is that1 whereas ,isaiah had access to the councils of ,hezekiah and could bring his influence to bear on the inception of schemes of state1 not without hope of averting what he saw to be a disastrous decision1 ,ezekiel could only watch the development of events from afar1 and throw his warnings into the form of predictions of the fate in store for ,egypt4 ,the oracles against ,egypt are seven in number3 7i7 ch4 xxix4 #aaf2 7ii7 #agba2 7iii7 xxx4 #aai2 7iv7 #bjbf2 7v7 xxxi42 7vi7 xxxii4 #aaf2 7vii7 #agcb4 ,they are all variations of one theme1 the annihilation of the power of ,egypt by ,nebuchadnezzar1 and little progress of thought can be traced from the first to the last4 ,excluding the supplementary prophecy of ch4 xxix4 #agba1 which is a later addition1 the order appears to be strictly chronological47#ajf7 ,the series begins seven months before the capture of ,jerusalem 7ch4 xxix4 #a71 and ends about eight months after that event47#ajg7 ,how far the dates refer to actual occurrences coming to the knowledge of the prophet it is impossible for us to say4 ,it is clear that his interest is centred on the fate of ,jerusalem then hanging in the balance2 and it is possible that the first oracles 7chs4 xxix4 #aaf1 xxx4 #aai7 may be called forth by the appearance of ,hophra's army on the scene1 while the next 7ch4 xxx4 #bjbf7 plainly alludes to the repulse of the ,egyptians by the ,chaldans4 ,but no attempt can be made to connect the prophecies with incidents of the campaign2 the prophet's thoughts are wholly occupied with the moral and religious issues involved in the contest1 the vindication of ,jehovah's holiness in the overthrow of the great worldpower which sought to thwart ,his purposes4 ,ch4 xxix4 #aaf is an introduction to all that follows1 presenting a general outline of the prophet's conceptions of the fate of ,egypt4 ,it describes the sin of which she has been guilty1 and indicates the nature of the judgment that is to overtake her and her future place among the nations of the world4 ,the ,pharaoh is compared to a 8great dragon10 wallowing in his native waters1 and deeming himself secure from molestation in his reedy haunts4 ,the crocodile was a natural symbol of ,egypt1 and the image conveys accurately the impression of sluggish and unwieldy strength which ,egypt in the days of ,ezekiel had long produced on shrewd observers of her policy4 ,pharaoh is the incarnate genius of the country2 and as the ,nile was the strength and glory of ,egypt1 he is here represented as arrogating to himself the ownership and even the creation of the wonderful river4 8,my river is mine1 and ,i have made it0 is the proud and blasphemous thought which expresses his consciousness of a power that owns no superior in earth or heaven4 ,that the ,nile was worshipped by the ,egyptians with divine honours did not alter the fact that beneath all their ostentatious religious observances there was an immoral sense of irresponsible power in the use of the natural resources to which the land owed its prosperity4 ,for this spirit of ungodly selfexaltation the king and people of ,egypt are to be visited with a signal judgment1 from which they shall learn who it is that is ,god over all4 ,the monster of the ,nile shall be drawn from his waters with hooks1 with all his fishes sticking to his scales1 and left to perish ignominiously on the desert sands4 ,the rest of the prophecy 7vv4 #haf7 gives the explanation of the allegory in literal1 though still general1 terms4 ,the meaning is that ,egypt shall be laid waste by the sword1 its teeming population led into captivity1 and the land shall lie desolate1 untrodden by the foot of man or beast for the space of forty years4 8,from ,migdol to ,syene07#ajh7--the extreme limits of the country--the rich valley of the ,nile shall be uncultivated and uninhabited for that period of time4 ,the most interesting feature of the prophecy is the view which is given of the final condition of the ,egyptian empire 7vv4 #acaf74 ,in all cases the prophetic delineations of the future of different nations are coloured by the present circumstances of those nations as known to the writers4 ,ezekiel knew that the fertile soil of ,egypt would always be capable of supporting an industrious peasantry1 and that her existence did not depend on her continuing to play the rle of a great power4 ,tyre depended on her commerce1 and apart from that which was the root of her sin could never be anything but the resort of poor fishermen1 who would not even make their dwelling on the barren rock in the midst of the sea4 ,but ,egypt could still be a country1 though shorn of the glory and power which had made her a snare to the people of ,god4 ,on the other hand the geographical isolation of the land made it impossible that she should lose her individuality amongst the nations of the world4 ,unlike the small states1 such as ,edom and ,ammon1 which were obviously doomed to be swallowed up by the surrounding population as soon as their power was broken1 ,egypt would retain her distinct and characteristic life as long as the physical condition of the world remained what it was4 ,accordingly the prophet does not contemplate an utter annihilation of ,egypt1 but only a temporary chastisement succeeded by her permanent degradation to the lowest rank among the kingdoms4 ,the forty years of her desolation represent in round numbers the period of ,chaldan supremacy during which ,jerusalem lies in ruins4 ,ezekiel at this time expected the invasion of ,egypt to follow soon after the capture of ,jerusalem1 so that the restoration of the two peoples would be simultaneous4 ,at the end of forty years the whole world will be reorganised on a new basis1 ,israel occupying the central position as the people of ,god1 and in that new world ,egypt shall have a separate but subordinate place4 ,jehovah will bring back the ,egyptians from their captivity1 and cause them to return to 8,pathros17#aji7 the land of their origin10 and there make them a 8lowly state10 no longer an imperial power1 but humbler than the surrounding kingdoms4 ,the righteousness of ,jehovah and the interest of ,israel alike demand that ,egypt should be thus reduced from her former greatness4 ,in the old days her vast and imposing power had been a constant temptation to the ,israelites1 8a confidence1 a reminder of iniquity10 leading them to put their trust in human power and luring them into paths of danger by deceitful promises 7vv4 #fg74 ,in the final dispensation of history this shall no longer be the case3 ,israel shall then know ,jehovah1 and no form of human power shall be suffered to lead their hearts astray from ,him who is the rock of their salvation4 ,ch4 xxx4 #aai4--,the judgment on ,egypt spreads terror and dismay among all the neighbouring nations4 ,it signalises the advent of the great day of ,jehovah1 the day of ,his final reckoning with the powers of evil everywhere4 ,it is the 8time of the heathen0 that has come 7ver4 #c74 ,egypt being the chief embodiment of secular power on the basis of pagan religion1 the sudden collapse of her might is equivalent to a judgment on heathenism in general1 and the moral effect of it conveys to the world a demonstration of the omnipotence of the one true ,god whom she had ignored and defied4 ,the nations immediately involved in the fall of ,egypt are the allies and mercenaries whom she has called to her aid in the time of her calamity4 ,ethiopians1 and ,lydians1 and ,libyans1 and ,arabs1 and ,cretans17#aaj7 the 8helpers of ,egypt10 who have furnished contingents to her motley army1 fall by the sword along with her1 and their countries share the desolation that overtakes the land of ,egypt4 ,swift messengers are then seen speeding up the ,nile in ships to convey to the careless ,ethiopians the alarming tidings of the overthrow of ,egypt 7ver4 #i74 ,from this point the prophet confines his attention to the fate of ,egypt1 which he describes with a fulness of detail that implies a certain acquaintance both with the topography and the social circumstances of the country4 ,in ver4 #aj ,nebuchadnezzar and the ,chaldans are for the first time mentioned by name as the human instruments employed by ,jehovah to execute ,his judgment on ,egypt4 ,after the slaughter of the inhabitants1 the next consequence of the invasion is the destruction of the canals and reservoirs and the decay of the system of irrigation on which the productiveness of the country depended4 8,the rivers canals are dried up1 and the land is made waste1 and the fulness thereof1 by the hand of strangers0 7ver4 #ab74 ,and with the material fabric of her prosperity the complicated system of religious and civil institutions which was entwined with the hoary civilisation of ,egypt vanishes for ever4 8,the idols are destroyed2 the potentates7#aaa7 are made to cease from ,memphis1 and princes from the land of ,egypt1 so that they shall be no more0 7ver4 #ac74 ,faith in the native gods shall be extinguished1 and a trembling fear of ,jehovah shall fill the whole land4 ,the passage ends with an enumeration of various centres of the national life1 which formed as it were the sensitive ganglia where the universal calamity was most acutely felt4 ,on these cities17#aab7 each of which was identified with the worship of a particular deity1 ,jehovah executes the judgments in which ,he makes known to the ,egyptians ,his sole divinity and destroys their confidence in false gods4 ,they also possessed some special military or political importance1 so that with their destruction the sceptres of ,egypt were broken and the pride of her strength was laid low 7ver4 #ah74 ,ch4 xxx4 #bjbf4--;,a new oracle1 dated three months later than the preceding4 ,pharaoh is represented as a combatant1 already disabled in one arm and sore pressed by his powerful antagonist the king of ,babylon4 ,jehovah announces that the wounded arm cannot be healed1 although he has retired from the contest for that purpose4 ,on the contrary1 both his arms shall be broken and the sword struck from his grasp1 while the arms of ,nebuchadnezzar are strengthened by ,jehovah1 who puts ,his own sword into his hand4 ,the land of ,egypt1 thus rendered defenceless1 falls an easy prey to the ,chaldans1 and its people are dispersed among the nations4 ,the occasion of the prophecy is the repulse of ,hophra's expedition for the relief of ,jerusalem1 which is referred to as a past event4 ,the date may either mark the actual time of the occurrence 7as in ch4 xxiv4 #a71 or the time when it came to the knowledge of ,ezekiel4 ,the prophet at all events accepts this reverse to the ,egyptian arms as an earnest of the speedy realisation of his predictions in the total submission of the proud empire of the ,nile4 ,ch4 xxxi4 occupies the same position in the prophecies against ,egypt as the allegory of the richly laden ship in those against ,tyre 7ch4 xxvii474 ,the incomparable majesty and overshadowing power of ,egypt are set forth under the image of a lordly cedar in ,lebanon1 whose top reaches to the clouds and whose branches afford shelter to all the beasts of the earth4 ,the exact force of the allegory is somewhat obscured by a slight error of the text1 which must have crept in at a very early period4 ,as it stands in the ,hebrew and in all the ancient versions the whole chapter is a description of the greatness not of ,egypt but of ,assyria4 8,to whom art thou like in thy greatness80 asks the prophet 7ver4 #b72 and the answer is1 8,assyria was great as thou art1 yet ,assyria fell and is no more40 ,there is thus a double comparison3 ,assyria is compared to a cedar1 and then ,egypt is tacitly compared to ,assyria4 ,this interpretation may not be altogether indefensible4 ,that the fate of ,assyria contained a warning against the pride of ,pharaoh is a thought in itself intelligible1 and such as ,ezekiel might very well have expressed4 ,but if he had wished to express it1 he would not have done it so awkwardly as this interpretation supposes4 ,when we follow the connection of ideas we cannot fail to see that ,assyria is not in the prophet's thoughts at all4 ,the image is consistently pursued without a break to the end of the chapter1 and then we learn that the subject of the description is 8,pharaoh and all his multitude0 7ver4 #ah74 ,but if the writer is thinking of ,egypt at the end1 he must have been thinking of it from the beginning1 and the mention of ,assyria is out of place and misleading4 ,the confusion has been caused by the substitution of the word ,asshur 7in ver4 #c7 for ,t'asshur1 the name of the sherbn tree1 itself a species of cedar4 ,we should therefore read1 8,behold a ,t'asshur1 a cedar in ,lebanon10 etc427#aac7 and the answer to the question of ver4 #b is that the position of ,egypt is as unrivalled among the kingdoms of the world as this stately tree among the trees of the forest4 ,with this alteration the course of thought is perfectly clear1 although incongruous elements are combined in the representation4 ,the towering height of the cedar with its top in the clouds symbolises the imposing might of ,egypt and its ungodly pride 7cf4 vv4 #aj1 #ad74 ,the waters of the flood which nourish its roots are those of the ,nile1 the source of ,egypt's wealth and greatness4 ,the birds that build their nests in its branches and the beasts that bring forth their young under its shadow are the smaller nations that looked to ,egypt for protection and support4 ,finally1 the trees in the garden of ,god who envy the luxuriant pride of this monarch of the forest represent the other great empires of the earth who vainly aspired to emulate the prosperity and magnificence of ,egypt 7vv4 #ci74 ,in the next strophe 7vv4 #ajad7 we see the great trunk lying prone across mountain and valley1 while its branches lie broken in all the water courses4 ,a 8mighty one of the nations0 7,nebuchadnezzar7 has gone up against it1 and felled it to the earth4 ,the nations have been scared from under its shadow2 and the tree which 8but yesterday might have stood against the world0 now lies prostrate and dishonoured--8none so poor as do it reverence40 ,and the fall of the cedar reveals a moral principle and conveys a moral lesson to all other proud and stately trees4 ,its purpose is to remind the other great empires that they too are mortal1 and to warn them against the soaring ambition and lifting up of the heart which had brought about the humiliation of ,egypt3 8that none of the trees by the water should exalt themselves in stature or shoot their tops between the clouds1 and that their mighty ones should not stand proudly in their loftiness 7all who are fed by water72 for they are all delivered to death1 to the underworld with the children of men1 to those that go down to the pit40 ,in reality there is no more impressive intimation of the vanity of earthly glory than the decay of those mighty empires and civilisations which once stood in the van of human progress2 nor is there a fitter emblem of their fate than the sudden crash of some great forest tree before the woodman's axe4 ,the development of the prophet's thought1 however1 here reaches a point where it breaks through the allegory1 which has been hitherto consistently maintained4 ,all nature shudders in sympathy with the fallen cedar3 the deep mourns and withholds her streams from the earth2 ,lebanon is clothed with blackness1 and all the trees languish4 ,egypt was so much a part of the established order that the world does not know itself when she has vanished4 ,while this takes place on earth1 the cedar itself has gone down to ,shel1 where the other shades of vanished dynasties are comforted because this mightiest of them all has become like to the rest4 ,this is the answer to the question that introduced the allegory4 ,to whom art thou like8 ,none is fit to be compared to thee2 yet 8thou shalt be brought down with the trees of ,eden to the lower parts of the earth1 thou shalt lie in the midst of the uncircumcised1 with them that are slain of the sword40 ,it is needless to enlarge on this idea1 which is out of keeping here1 and is more adequately treated in the next chapter4 ,ch4 xxxii4 consists of two lamentations to be chanted over the fall of ,egypt by the prophet and the daughters of the nations 7vv4 #af1 #ah74 ,the first 7vv4 #aaf7 describes the destruction of ,pharaoh1 and the effect which is produced on earth2 while the second 7vv4 #agcb7 follows his shade into the abode of the dead1 and expatiates on the welcome that awaits him there4 ,both express the spirit of exultation over a fallen foe1 which was one of the uses to which elegiac poetry was turned amongst the ,hebrews4 ,the first passage1 however1 can hardly be considered a dirge in any proper sense of the word4 ,it is essential to a true elegy that the subject of it should be conceived as dead1 and that whether serious or ironical it should celebrate a glory that has passed away4 ,in this case the elegiac note 7of the elegiac measure there is hardly a trace7 is just struck in the opening line3 8,o young lion of the nations6 ,how art thou undone60 ,but this is not sustained3 the passage immediately falls into the style of direct prediction and threatening1 and is indeed closely parallel to the opening prophecy of the series 7ch4 xxix474 ,the fundamental image is the same3 that of a great ,nile monster spouting from his nostrils and fouling the waters with his feet 7ver4 #b74 ,his capture by many nations and his lingering death on the open field are described with the realistic and ghastly details naturally suggested by the figure 7vv4 #cf74 ,the image is then abruptly changed in order to set forth the effect of so great a calamity on the world of nature and of mankind4 ,pharaoh is compared to a brilliant luminary1 whose sudden extinction is followed by a darkening of all the lights of heaven and by consternation amongst the nations and kings of earth 7vv4 #gaj74 ,it is thought by some that the violence of the transition is to be explained by the idea of the heavenly constellation of the dragon1 answering to the dragon of the ,nile1 to which ,egypt had just been likened47#aad7 ,finally all metaphors are abandoned1 and the desolation of ,egypt is announced in literal terms as accomplished by the sword of the king of ,babylon and the 8most terrible of the nations0 7vv4 #aaaf74 ,but all the foregoing oracles are surpassed in grandeur of conception by the remarkable ,vision of ,hades which concludes the series--8one of the most weird passages in literature0 7,davidson74 ,in form it is a dirge supposed to be sung at the burial of ,pharaoh and his host by the prophet along with the daughters of famous nations 7ver4 #ah74 ,but the theme1 as has been already observed1 is the entrance of the deceased warriors into the under world1 and their reception by the shades that have gone down thither before them4 ,in order to understand it we must bear in mind some features of the conception of the underworld1 which it is difficult for the modern mind to realise distinctly4 ,first of all1 ,shel or the 8pit10 the realm of the dead1 is pictured to the imagination as an adumbration of the grave or sepulchre1 in which the body finds its last restingplace2 or rather it is the aggregate of all the buryinggrounds scattered over the earth's surface4 ,there the shades are grouped according to their clans and nationalities1 just as on earth the members of the same family would usually be interred in one buryingplace4 ,the grave of the chief or king1 the representative of the nation1 is surrounded by those of his vassals and subjects1 earthly distinctions being thus far preserved4 ,the condition of the dead appears to be one of rest or sleep2 yet they retain some consciousness of their state1 and are visited at least by transient gleams of human emotion1 as when in this chapter the heroes rouse themselves to address the ,pharaoh when he comes among them4 ,the most material point is that the state of the soul in ,hades reflects the fate of the body after death4 ,those who have received the honour of decent burial on earth enjoy a corresponding honour among the shades below4 ,they have as it were a definite status and individuality in their eternal abode1 whilst the spirits of the unburied slain are laid in the lowest recesses of the pit1 in the limbo of the uncircumcised4 ,on this distinction the whole significance of the passage before us seems to depend4 ,the dead are divided into two great classes3 on the one hand the 8mighty ones10 who lie in state with their weapons of war around them2 and on the other hand the multitude of 8the uncircumcised17#aae7 slain by the sword0--i4e41 those who have perished on the field of battle and been buried promiscuously without due funereal rites47#aaf7 ,there is1 however1 no moral distinction between the two classes4 ,the heroes are not in a state of blessedness2 nor is the condition of the uncircumcised one of acute suffering4 ,the whole of existence in ,shel is essentially of one character2 it is on the whole a pitiable existence1 destitute of joy and of all that makes up the fulness of life on earth4 ,only there is 8within that deep a lower deep10 and it is reserved for those who in the manner of their death have experienced the penalty of great wickedness4 ,the moral truth of ,ezekiel's representation lies here4 ,the real judgment of ,egypt was enacted in the historical scene of its final overthrow2 and it is the consciousness of this tremendous visitation of divine justice1 perpetuated amongst the shades to all eternity1 that gives ethical significance to the lot assigned to the nation in the other world4 ,at the same time it should not be overlooked that the passage is in the highest degree poetical1 and cannot be taken as an exact statement of what was known or believed about the state after death in ,old ,testament times4 ,it deals only with the fate of armies and nationalities and great warriors who filled the earth with their renown4 ,these1 having vanished from history1 preserve through all time in the underworld the memory of ,jehovah's mighty acts of judgment2 but it is impossible to determine whether this sublime vision implies a real belief in the persistence of national identities in the region of the dead4 ,these1 then1 are the principal ideas on which the ode is based1 and the course of thought is as follows4 ,ver4 #ah briefly announces the occasion for which the dirge is composed2 it is to celebrate the passage of ,pharaoh and his host to the lower world1 and consign him to his appointed place there4 ,then follows a scene which has a certain resemblance to a well known representation in the fourteenth chapter of ,isaiah 7vv4 #iaa74 ,the heroes who occupy the place of honour among the dead are supposed to rouse themselves at the approach of this great multitude1 and hailing them from the midst of ,shel1 direct them to their proper place amongst the dishonoured slain4 8,the mighty ones speak to him3 #8,be thou in the recesses of the pit3 whom dost thou excel in beauty8 ,go down and be laid to rest with the uncircumcised1 in the midst of them that are slain with the sword4' 07#aag7 ,thither ,pharaoh has been preceded by other great conquerors who once set their terror in the earth1 but now bear their shame amongst those that go down to the pit4 ,for there is ,asshur and all his company3 there too are ,elam and ,meshech and ,tubal1 each occupying its own allotment amongst nations that have perished by the sword 7vv4 #bbbf74 ,not theirs is the enviable lot of the heroes of old time7#aah7 who went down to ,shel in their panoply of war1 and rest with their swords under their heads and their shields7#aai7 covering their bones4 ,and so ,egypt1 which has perished like these other nations1 must be banished with them into the bottom of the pit 7vv4 #bg1 #bh74 ,the enumeration of the nations of the uncircumcised is then resumed2 ,israel's immediate neighbours are amongst them--,edom and the dynasties of the north 7the ,syrians71 and the ,phnicians1 inferior states which played no great part as conquerors1 but nevertheless perished in battle and bear their humiliation along with the others 7vv4 #bi1 #cj74 ,these are to be ,pharaoh's companions in his last restingplace1 and at the sight of them he will lay aside his presumptuous thoughts and comfort himself over the loss of his mighty army 7vv4 #ca f474 ,it is necessary to say a few words in conclusion about the historical evidence for the fulfilment of these prophecies on ,egypt4 ,the supplementary oracle of ch4 xxix4 #agba shows us that the threatened invasion by ,nebuchadnezzar had not taken place sixteen years after the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,did it ever take place at all8 ,ezekiel was at that time confident that his words were on the point of being fulfilled1 and indeed he seems to stake his credit with his hearers on their verification4 ,can we suppose that he was entirely mistaken8 ,is it likely that the remarkably definite predictions uttered both by him and ,jeremiah7#abj7 failed of even the partial fulfilment which that on ,tyre received8 ,a number of critics have strongly maintained that we are shut up by the historical evidence to this conclusion4 ,they rely chiefly on the silence of ,herodotus1 and on the unsatisfactory character of the statement of ,josephus4 ,the latter writer is indeed sufficiently explicit in his affirmations4 ,he tells us7#aba7 that five years after the capture of ,jerusalem ,nebuchadnezzar invaded ,egypt1 put to death the reigning king1 appointed another in his stead1 and carried the ,jewish refugees in ,egypt captive to ,babylon4 ,but it is pointed out that the date is impossible1 being inconsistent with ,ezekiel's own testimony1 that the account of the death of ,hophra is contradicted by what we know of the matter from other sources 7,herodotus and ,diodorus71 and that the whole passage bears the appearance of a translation into history of the prophecies of ,jeremiah which it professes to substantiate4 ,that is vigorous criticism1 but the vigour is perhaps not altogether unwarrantable1 especially as ,josephus does not mention any authority4 ,other allusions by secular writers hardly count for much1 and the state of the question is such that historians would probably have been content to confess their ignorance if the credit of a prophet had not been mixed up with it4 ,within the last seventeen years1 however1 a new turn has been given to the discussion through the discovery of monumental evidence which was thought to have an important bearing on the point in dispute4 ,in the same volume of an ,egyptological magazine7#abb7 ,wiedemann directed the attention of scholars to two inscriptions1 one in the ,louvre and the other in the ,british ,museum1 both of which he considered to furnish proof of an occupation of ,egypt by ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,the first was an ,egyptian inscription of the reign of ,hophra4 ,it was written by an official of the highest rank1 named ,neshor1 to whom was entrusted the responsible task of defending ,egypt on its southern or ,ethiopian frontier4 ,according to ,wiedemann's translation1 it relates among other things an irruption of ,asiatic bands 7,syrians1 people of the north1 ,asiatics71 which penetrated as far as the first cataract1 and did some damage to the temple of ,chnum in ,elephantine4 ,there they were checked by ,neshor1 and afterwards they were crushed or expelled by ,hophra himself4 ,now the most natural explanation of this incident1 in connection with the circumstances of the time1 would seem to be that ,nebuchadnezzar1 finding himself fully occupied for the present with the siege of ,tyre1 incited roving bands of ,arabs and ,syrians to plunder ,egypt1 and that they succeeded so far as to penetrate to the extreme south of the country4 ,but a more recent examination of the text1 by ,maspero and ,brugsch17#abc7 reduces the incident to much smaller dimensions4 ,they find that it refers to a mutiny of ,egyptian mercenaries 7,syrians1 ,ionians1 and ,bedouins7 stationed on the southern frontier4 ,the governor1 ,neshor1 congratulates himself on a successful stratagem by which he got the rebels into a position where they were cut down by the king's troops4 ,in any case it is evident that it falls very far short of a confirmation of ,ezekiel's prophecy4 ,not only is there no mention of ,nebuchadnezzar or a regular ,babylonian army1 but the invaders or mutineers are actually said to have been annihilated by ,hophra4 ,it may be said1 no doubt1 that an ,egyptian governor was likely to be silent about an event which cast discredit on his country's arms1 and would be tempted to magnify some temporary success into a decisive victory4 ,but still the inscription must be taken for what it is worth1 and the story it tells is certainly not the story of a ,chaldan supremacy in the valley of the ,nile4 ,the only thing that suggests a connection between the two is the general probability that a campaign against ,egypt must have been contemplated by ,nebuchadnezzar about that time4 ,the second and more important document is a cuneiform fragment of the annals of ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,it is unfortunately in a very mutilated condition1 and all that the ,assyriologists have made out is that in the thirtyseventh year of his reign ,nebuchadnezzar fought a battle with the king of ,egypt4 ,as the words of the inscription are those of ,nebuchadnezzar himself1 we may presume that the battle ended in a victory for him1 and a few disconnected words in the later part are thought to refer to the tribute or booty which he acquired47#abd7 ,the thirtyseventh year of ,nebuchadnezzar is the year #efh ,b4,c41 about two years after the date of ,ezekiel's last utterance against ,egypt4 ,the ,egyptian king at this time was ,amasis1 whose name 7only the last syllable of which is legible7 is supposed to be that mentioned in the inscription47#abe7 ,what the ulterior consequences of this victory were on ,egyptian history1 or how long the ,babylonian domination lasted1 we cannot at present say4 ,these are questions on which we may reasonably look for further light from the researches of ,assyriology4 ,in the meantime it appears to be established beyond reasonable doubt that ,nebuchadnezzar did attack ,egypt1 and the probable issue of his expedition was in accordance with ,ezekiel's latest prediction3 8,behold1 ,i give to ,nebuchadnezzar1 king of ,babylon1 the land of ,egypt2 and he shall spoil her spoil1 and plunder her plunder1 and it shall be the wages for his army0 7ch4 xxix4 #ai74 ,there can of course be no question of a fulfilment of the earlier prophecies in their literal terms4 ,history knows nothing of a total captivity of the population of ,egypt or a blank of forty years in her annals when her land was untrodden by the foot of man or of beast4 ,these are details belonging to the dramatic form in which the prophet clothed the spiritual lesson which it was necessary to impress on his countrymen--the inherent weakness of the ,egyptian empire as a power based on material resources and rearing itself in opposition to the great ends of ,god's kingdom4 ,and it may well have been that for the illustration of that truth the humiliation that ,egypt endured at the hands of ,nebuchadnezzar was as effective as her total destruction would have been4 ,,part ,,iv4 ,,the ,,formation ,,of ,,the ,,new ,,israel4 ,chapter ,,xix4 ,the ,prophet ,a ,watchman4 ,chapter xxxiii4 ,one day in ,january of the year #ehf the tidings circulated through the ,jewish colony at ,telabib that 8the city was smitten40 ,the rapidity with which in the ,east intelligence is transmitted through secret channels has often excited the surprise of ,european observers4 ,in this case there is no extraordinary rapidity to note1 for the fate of ,jerusalem had been decided nearly six months before it was known in ,babylon47#abf7 ,but it is remarkable that the first intimation of the issue of the siege was brought to the exiles by one of their own countrymen1 who had escaped at the capture of the city4 ,it is probable that the messenger did not set out at once1 but waited until he could bring some information as to how matters were settling down after the war4 ,or he may have been a captive who had trudged the weary road to ,babylon in chains under the escort of ,nebuzaradan1 captain of the guard17#abg7 and afterwards succeeded in making his escape to the older settlement where ,ezekiel lived4 ,all we know is that his message was not delivered with the despatch which would have been possible if his journey had been unimpeded1 and that in the meantime the official intelligence which must have already reached ,babylon had not transpired among the exiles who were waiting so anxiously for tidings of the fate of ,jerusalem47#abh7 ,the immediate effect of the announcement on the mind of the exiles is not recorded4 ,it was doubtless received with all the signs of public mourning which ,ezekiel had anticipated and foretold47#abi7 ,they would require some time to adjust themselves to a situation for which1 in spite of all the warnings that had been sent them1 they were utterly unprepared2 and it must have been uncertain at first what direction their thoughts would take4 ,would they carry out their halfformed intention of abandoning their national faith and assimilating themselves to the surrounding heathenism8 ,would they sink into the lethargy of despair1 and pine away under a confused consciousness of guilt8 ,or would they repent of their unbelief1 and turn to embrace the hope which ,god's mercy held out to them in the teaching of the prophet whom they had despised8 ,all this was for the moment uncertain2 but one thing was certain--they could no more return to the attitude of complacent indifference and incredulity in which they had hitherto resisted the word of ,jehovah4 ,the day on which the tidings of the city's destruction fell like a thunderbolt in the community of ,telabib was the turningpoint of ,ezekiel's ministry4 ,in the arrival of the 8fugitive0 he recognises the sign which was to break the spell of silence which had lain so long upon him1 and set him free for the ministry of consolation and upbuilding which was henceforth to be his chief vocation4 ,a presentiment of what was coming had visited him the evening before his interview with the messenger1 and from that time 8his mouth was opened1 and he was no more dumb0 7ver4 #bb74 ,hitherto he had preached to deaf ears1 and the echo of his ineffectual appeals had come back in a deadening sense of failure which had paralysed his activity4 ,but now in one moment the veil of prejudice and vain selfconfidence is torn from the heart of his hearers1 and gradually but surely the whole burden of his message must disclose itself to their intelligence4 ,the time has come to work for the formation of a new ,israel1 and a new spirit of hopefulness stimulates the prophet to throw himself eagerly into the career which is thus opened up before him4 ,it may be well at this point to try to realise the state of mind which emerged amongst ,ezekiel's hearers after the first shock of consternation had passed away4 ,the seven chapters 7xxxiii4xxxix47 with which we are to be occupied in this section all belong to the second period of the prophet's work1 and in all probability to the earlier part of that period4 ,it is obvious1 however1 that they were not written under the first impulse of the tidings of the fall of ,jerusalem4 ,they contain allusions to certain changes which must have occupied some time2 and simultaneously a change took place in the temper of the people resulting ultimately in a definite spiritual situation to which the prophet had to address himself4 ,it is this situation which we have to try to understand4 ,it supplies the external conditions of ,ezekiel's ministry1 and unless we can in some measure interpret it we shall lose the full meaning of his teaching in this important period of his ministry4 ,at the outset we may glance at the state of those who were left in the land of ,israel1 who in a sense formed part of ,ezekiel's audience4 ,the very first oracle uttered by him after he had received his emancipation was a threat of judgment against these survivors of the nation's calamity 7vv4 #bcbi74 ,the fact that this is recorded in connection with the interview with the 8fugitive0 may mean that the information on which it is based was obtained from that somewhat shadowy personage4 ,whether in this way or through some later channel1 ,ezekiel had apparently some knowledge of the disastrous feuds which had followed the destruction of ,jerusalem4 ,these events are minutely described in the end of the book of ,jeremiah 7chs4 xl4xliv474 ,with a clemency which in the circumstances is surprising the king of ,babylon had allowed a small remnant of the people to settle in the land1 and had appointed over them a native governor1 ,gedaliah1 the son of ,ahikam1 who fixed his residence at ,mizpah4 ,the prophet ,jeremiah elected to throw in his lot with this remnant1 and for a time it seemed as if through peaceful submission to the ,chaldan supremacy all might go well with the survivors4 ,the chiefs who had conducted the guerilla warfare in the open against the ,babylonian army came in and placed themselves under the protection of ,gedaliah1 and there was every prospect that by refraining from projects of rebellion they might be left to enjoy the fruits of the land without disturbance4 ,but this was not to be4 ,certain turbulent spirits under ,ishmael1 a member of the royal family1 entered into a conspiracy with the king of ,ammon to destroy this last refuge of peace loving ,israelites4 ,gedaliah was treacherously murdered2 and although the murder was partially avenged1 ,ishmael succeeded in making his escape to the ,ammonites1 while the remains of the party of order1 dreading the vengeance of ,nebuchadnezzar1 took their departure for ,egypt and carried ,jeremiah forcibly with them4 ,what happened after this we do not know2 but it is not improbable that ,ishmael and his followers may have held possession of the land by force for some years4 ,we read of a fresh deportation of ,judan captives to ,babylon five years after the capture of ,jerusalem 7,jer4 lii4 #cj72 and this may have been the result of an expedition to suppress the depredations of the robber band that ,ishmael had gathered round him4 ,how much of this story had reached the ears of ,ezekiel we do not know2 but there is one allusion in his oracle which makes it probable that he had at least heard of the assassination of ,gedaliah4 ,those he addresses are men who 8stand upon their sword0--that is to say1 they hold that might is right1 and glory in deeds of blood and violence that gratify their passionate desire for revenge4 ,such language could hardly be used of any section of the remaining population of ,juda except the lawless banditti that enrolled themselves under the banner of ,ishmael1 the son of ,nethaniah4 ,what ,ezekiel is mainly concerned with1 however1 is the moral and religious condition of those to whom he speaks4 ,strange to say1 they were animated by a species of religious fanaticism1 which led them to regard themselves as the legitimate heirs to whom the reversion of the land of ,israel belonged4 8,abraham was one10 so reasoned these desperadoes1 8and yet he inherited the land3 but we are many2 to us the land is given for a possession0 7ver4 #bd74 ,their meaning is that the smallness of their number is no argument against the validity of their claim to the heritage of the land4 ,they are still many in comparison with the solitary patriarch to whom it was first promised2 and if he was multiplied so as to take possession of it1 why should they hesitate to claim the mastery of it8 ,this thought of the wonderful multiplication of ,abraham's seed after he had received the promise seems to have laid fast hold of the men of that generation4 ,it is applied by the great teacher who stands next to ,ezekiel in the prophetic succession to comfort the little flock who followed after righteousness and could hardly believe that it was ,god's good pleasure to give them the kingdom4 8,look unto ,abraham your father1 and unto ,sarah that bare you3 for ,i called him alone1 and blessed him1 and increased him0 7,isa4 li4 #b74 ,the words of the infatuated men who exulted in the havoc they were making on the mountains of ,juda may sound to us like a blasphemous travesty of this argument2 but they were no doubt seriously meant4 ,they afford one more instance of the boundless capacity of the ,jewish race for religious selfdelusion1 and their no less remarkable insensibility to that in which the essence of religion lay4 ,the men who uttered this proud boast were the precursors of those who in the days of the ,baptist thought to say within themselves1 8,we have ,abraham to our father10 not understanding that ,god was able 8of these stones to raise up children to ,abraham0 7,matt4 iii4 #i74 ,all the while they were perpetuating the evils for which the judgment of ,god had descended on the city and the ,hebrew state4 ,idolatry1 ceremonial impurity1 bloodshed1 and adultery were rife amongst them 7vv4 #be1 #bf72 and no misgiving seems to have entered their minds that because of these things the wrath of ,god comes on the children of disobedience4 ,and therefore the prophet repudiates their pretensions with indignation4 8,shall ye possess the land80 ,their conduct simply showed that judgment had not had its perfect work1 and that ,jehovah's purpose would not be accomplished until 8the land was laid waste and desolate1 and the pomp of her strength should cease1 and the mountains of ,israel be desolate1 so that none passed through0 7ver4 #bh74 ,we have seen that in all likelihood this prediction was fulfilled by a punitive expedition from ,babylonia in the twentythird year of ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,but we knew before that ,ezekiel expected no good thing to come of the survivors of the judgment in ,juda4 ,his hope was in those who had passed through the fires of banishment1 the men amongst whom his own work lay1 and amongst whom he looked for the first signs of the outpouring of the divine ,spirit4 ,we must now return to the inner circle of ,ezekiel's immediate hearers1 and consider the change which the calamity had produced on them4 ,the chapter now before us yields two glimpses into the inner life of the people which help us to realise the kind of men with whom the prophet had to do4 ,in the first place it is interesting to learn that in his more frequent public appearances the prophet rapidly acquired a considerable reputation as a popular preacher 7vv4 #cjcc74 ,it is true that the interest which he excited was not of the most wholesome kind4 ,it became a favourite amusement of the people hanging about the walls and doors to come and listen to the fervid oratory of their one remaining prophet as he declared to them 8the word that came forth from ,jehovah40 ,it is to be feared that the substance of his message counted for little in their appreciative and critical listening4 ,he was to them 8as a very lovely song of one that hath a pleasant voice1 and can play well on an instrument03 8they heard his words1 but did them not40 ,it was pleasant to subject oneself now and then to the influence of this powerful and heartsearching preacher2 but somehow the heart was never searched1 the conscience was never stirred1 and the hearing never ripened into serious conviction and settled purpose of amendment4 ,the people were thoroughly respectful in their demeanour and apparently devout1 coming in crowds and sitting before him as ,god's people should4 ,but they were preoccupied3 8their heart went after their gain0 7ver4 #ca7 or their advantage4 ,selfinterest prevented them from receiving the word of ,god in honest and good hearts1 and no change was visible in their conduct4 ,hence the prophet is not disposed to regard the evidences of his newly acquired popularity with much satisfaction4 ,it presents itself to his mind as a danger against which he has to be on his guard4 ,he has been tried by opposition and apparent failure2 now he is exposed to the more insidious temptation of a flattering reception and superficial success4 ,it is a tribute to his power1 and an opportunity such as he had never before enjoyed4 ,whatever may have been the case heretofore1 he is now sure of an audience1 and his position has suddenly become one of great influence in the community4 ,but the same resolute confidence in the truth of his message which sustained ,ezekiel amidst the discouragements of his earlier career saves him now from the fatal attractions of popularity to which many men in similar circumstances have yielded4 ,he is not deceived by the favourable disposition of the people towards himself1 nor is he tempted to cultivate his oratorical gifts with a view to sustaining their admiration4 ,his one concern is to utter the word that shall come to pass1 and so to declare the counsel of ,god that men shall be compelled in the end to acknowledge that he has been 8a prophet among them0 7ver4 #cc74 ,we may be thankful to the prophet for this little glimpse from a vanished past--one of those touches of nature that make the whole world kin4 ,but we ought not to miss its obvious moral4 ,ezekiel is the prototype of all popular preachers1 and he knew their peculiar trials4 ,he was perhaps the first man who ministered regularly to an attached congregation1 who came to hear him because they liked it and because they had nothing better to do4 ,if he passed unscathed through the dangers of the position1 it was through his overpowering sense of the reality of divine things and the importance of men's spiritual destiny2 and also we may add through his fidelity in a department of ministerial duty which popular preachers are sometimes apt to neglect--the duty of close personal dealing with individual men about their sins and their state before ,god4 ,to this subject we shall revert byandby4 ,this passage reveals to us the people in their lighter moods1 when they were able to cast off the awful burden of life and destiny and take advantage of such sources of enjoyment as their circumstances afforded4 ,mental dejection in a community1 from whatever cause it originates1 is rarely continuous4 ,the natural elasticity of the mind asserts itself in the most depressing circumstances2 and the tension of almost unendurable sorrow is relieved by outbursts of unnatural gaiety4 ,hence we need not be surprised to find that beneath the surface levity of these exiles there lurked the feeling of despair expressed in the words of ver4 #aj and more fully in those of ch4 xxxvii4 #aa3 8,our transgressions and our sins are upon us1 and we waste away in them3 how should we then live80 8,our bones are dried1 and our hope is lost3 we are cut off40 ,these accents of despondency reflect the new mood into which the more seriousminded portion of the community had been plunged by the calamities that had befallen them4 ,the bitterness of unavailing remorse1 the consciousness of national death1 had laid fast hold of their spirits and deprived them of the power of hope4 ,in sober truth the nation was dead beyond apparent hope of revival2 and to an ,israelite1 whose spiritual interests were all identified with those of his nation1 religion had no power of consolation apart from a national future4 ,the people therefore abandoned themselves to despair1 and hardened themselves against the appeals which the prophet addressed to them in the name of ,jehovah4 ,they looked on themselves as the victims of an inexorable fate1 and were disposed perhaps to resent the call to repentance as a trifling with the misery of the unfortunate4 ,and yet1 although this state of mind was as far removed as possible from the godly sorrow that worketh repentance1 it was a step towards the accomplishment of the promise of redemption4 ,for the present1 indeed1 it rendered the people more impenetrable than ever to the word of ,god4 ,but it meant that they had accepted in principle the prophetic interpretation of their history4 ,it was no longer possible to deny that ,jehovah the ,god of ,israel had revealed ,his secret to ,his servants the prophets4 ,he was not such a ,being as the popular imagination had figured4 ,israel had not known ,him2 only the prophets had spoken of ,him the thing that was right4 ,thus for the first time a general conviction of sin1 a sense of being in the wrong1 was produced in ,israel4 ,that this conviction should at first lead to the verge of despair was perhaps inevitable4 ,the people were not familiar with the idea of the divine righteousness1 and could not at once perceive that anger against sin was consistent in ,god with pity for the sinner and mercy towards the contrite4 ,the chief task that now lay before the prophet was to transform their attitude of sullen impenitence into one of submission and hope by teaching them the efficacy of repentance4 ,they have learned the meaning of judgment2 they have now to learn the possibility and the conditions of forgiveness4 ,and this can only be taught to them through a revelation of the free and infinite grace of ,god1 who has 8no pleasure in the death of the wicked1 but that the wicked should turn from his way and live0 7ver4 #aa74 ,only thus can the hard and stony heart be taken away from their flesh and a heart of flesh given to them4 ,we can now understand the significance of the striking passage which stands as the introduction to this whole section of the book 7ch4 xxxiii4 #abj74 ,at this juncture of his ministry ,ezekiel's thoughts went back on an aspect of his prophetic vocation which had hitherto been in abeyance4 ,from the first he had been conscious of a certain responsibility for the fate of each individual within reach of his words 7ch4 iii4 #afba74 ,this truth had been one of the keynotes of his ministry2 but the practical developments which it suggested had been hindered by the solidarity of the opposition which he had encountered4 ,as long as ,jerusalem stood the exiles had been swayed by one common current of feeling--their thoughts were wholly occupied by the expectation of an issue that would annul the gloomy predictions of ,ezekiel2 and no man dared to break away from the general sentiment and range himself on the side of ,god's prophet4 ,in these circumstances anything of the nature of pastoral activity was obviously out of the question4 ,but now that this great obstacle to faith was removed there was a prospect that the solidity of popular opinion would be broken up1 so that the word of ,god might find an entrance here and there into susceptible hearts4 ,the time was come to call for personal decisions1 to appeal to each man to embrace for himself the offer of pardon and salvation4 ,its watchword might have been found in words uttered in another great crisis of religious destiny3 8,the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence1 and the violent take it by force40 ,out of such 8violent men0 who act for themselves and have the courage of their convictions the new people of ,god must be formed2 and the mission of the prophet is to gather round him all those who are warned by his words to 8flee from the wrath to come40 ,let us look a little more closely at the teaching of these verses4 ,we find that ,ezekiel restates in the most emphatic manner the theological principles which underlie this new development of his prophetic duties 7vv4 #ajbj74 ,these principles have been considered already in the exposition of ch4 xviii42 and it is not necessary to do more than refer to them here4 ,they are such as these3 the exact and absolute righteousness of ,god in ,his dealings with individuals2 ,his unwillingness that any should perish1 and ,his desire that all should be saved and live2 the necessity of personal repentance2 the freedom and independence of the individual soul through its immediate relation to ,god4 ,on this closely connected body of evangelical doctrine ,ezekiel bases the appeal which he now makes to his hearers4 ,what we are specially concerned with here1 however1 is the direction which they imparted to his activity4 ,we may study in the light of ,ezekiel's example the manner in which these fundamental truths of personal religion are to be made effective in the ministry of the gospel for the building up of the ,church of ,christ4 ,the general conception is clearly set forth in the figure of the watchman1 with which the chapter opens 7vv4 #ai74 ,the duties of the watchman are simple1 but responsible4 ,he is set apart in a time of public danger to warn the city of the approach of an enemy4 ,the citizens trust him and go about their ordinary occupations in security so long as the trumpet is not sounded4 ,should he sleep at his post or neglect to give the signal1 men are caught unprepared and lives are lost through his fault4 ,their blood is required at the watchman's hand4 ,if1 on the other hand1 he gives the alarm as soon as he sees the sword coming1 and any man disregards the warning and is cut down in his iniquity1 his blood is upon his own head4 ,nothing could be clearer than this4 ,office always involves responsibility1 and no responsibility could be greater than that of a watchman in time of invasion4 ,those who suffer are in either case the citizens whom the sword cuts off2 but it makes all the difference in the world whether the blame of their death rests on themselves for their foolhardiness or on the watchman for his unfaithfulness4 ,such then1 as ,ezekiel goes on to explain1 is his own position as a prophet4 ,the prophet is one who sees further into the spiritual issues of things than other men1 and discovers the coming calamity which is to them invisible4 ,we must notice that a background of danger is presupposed4 ,in what form it was to come is not indicated2 but ,ezekiel knows that judgment follows hard at the heels of sin1 and seeing sin in his fellowmen he knows that their state is one of spiritual peril4 ,the prophet's course therefore is clear4 ,his business is to announce as in trumpet tones the doom that hangs over every man who persists in his wickedness1 to reecho the divine sentence which he alone may have heard1 8,o wicked man1 thou shalt surely die40 ,and again the main question is one of responsibility4 ,the watchman cannot ensure the safety of every citizen1 because any man may refuse to take the warning he gives4 ,no more can the prophet ensure the salvation of all his hearers1 for each one is free to accept or despise the message4 ,but whether men hear or whether they forbear1 it is of the utmost moment for himself that that warning should be faithfully proclaimed and that he should thus 8deliver his soul40 ,ezekiel seems to feel that it is only by frankly accepting the responsibility which thus devolves on himself that he can hope to impress on his hearers the responsibility that rests on them for the use they make of his message4 ,these thoughts appear to have occupied the mind of ,ezekiel on the eve of his emancipation1 and must have influenced his subsequent action to an extent which we can but vaguely estimate4 ,it is generally considered that this description of the prophet's functions covers a whole department of work of which no express account is given4 ,ezekiel writes no 8,pastor's ,sketches10 and records no instances of individual conversion through his ministry4 ,the unwritten history of the ,babylonian captivity must have been rich in such incidents of spiritual experience1 and nothing could have been more instructive to us than the study of a few typical cases had it been possible4 ,one of the most interesting features of the early history of ,mohammedanism is found in the narratives of personal adhesion to the new religion2 and the formation of the new ,israel in the age of the ,exile is a process of infinitely greater importance for humanity at large than the genesis of ,islam4 ,but neither in this book nor elsewhere are we permitted to follow that process in its details4 ,ezekiel may have witnessed the beginnings of it1 but he was not called upon to be its historian4 ,still1 the inference is probably correct that a conception of the prophet's office which holds him accountable to ,god for the fate of individuals led to something more than mere general exhortations to repentance4 ,the preacher must have taken a personal interest in his hearers2 he must have watched for the first signs of a response to his message1 and been ready to advise and encourage those who turned to him for guidance in their perplexities4 ,and since the sphere of his influence and responsibility included the whole ,hebrew community in which he lived1 he must have been eager to seize every opportunity to warn individual sinners of the error of their ways1 lest their blood should be required at his hand4 ,to this extent we may say that ,ezekiel held a position amongst the exiles somewhat analogous to that of a spiritual director in the ,catholic ,church or the pastor of a ,protestant congregation4 ,but the analogy must not be pressed too far4 ,the nurture of the spiritual life of individuals could not have presented itself to him as the chief end of his ministrations4 ,his business was first to lay down the conditions of entrance into the new kingdom of ,god1 and then out of the ruins of the old ,israel to make ready a people prepared for the ,lord4 ,perhaps the nearest parallel to this department of his work which history affords is the mission of the ,baptist4 ,the keynote of ,ezekiel's preaching was the same as that of ,john3 8,repent1 for the kingdom of heaven is at hand40 ,both prophets were alike animated by a sense of crisis and urgency1 based on the conviction that the impending ,messianic age would be ushered in by a searching judgment in which the chaff would be separated from the wheat4 ,both laboured for the same end--the formation of a new circle of religious fellowship1 in anticipation of the advent of the ,messianic kingdom4 ,and as ,john1 by an inevitable spiritual selection1 gathered round him a band of disciples1 amongst whom our ,lord found some of ,his most devoted followers1 so we may believe that ,ezekiel1 by a similar process1 became the acknowledged leader of those whom he taught to wait for the hope of ,israel's restoration4 ,there is nothing in ,ezekiel's ministry that appeals more directly to the ,christian conscience than the serious and profound sense of pastoral responsibility to which this passage bears witness4 ,it is a feeling which would seem to be inseparable from the right discharge of the ministerial office4 ,in this1 as in many other respects1 ,ezekiel's experience is repeated1 on a higher level1 in that of the apostle of the ,gentiles1 who could take his hearers to record that he was 8pure from the blood of all men10 inasmuch as he had 8taught them publicly and from house to house10 and 8ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears0 7,acts xx4 #agce74 ,that does not mean1 of course1 that a preacher is to occupy himself with nothing else than the personal salvation of his hearers4 ,st4 ,paul would have been the last to agree to such a limitation of the range of his teaching4 ,but it does mean that the salvation of men and women is the supreme end which the minister of ,christ is to set before him1 and that to which all other instruction is subordinated4 ,and unless a man realises that the truth he utters is of tremendous importance on the destiny of those to whom he speaks1 he can hardly hope to approve himself as an ambassador for ,christ4 ,there are doubtless temptations1 not in themselves ignoble1 to use the pulpit for other purposes than this4 ,the desire for public influence may be one of them1 or the desire to utter one's mind on burning questions of the day4 ,to say that these are temptations is not to say that matters of public interest are to be rigorously excluded from treatment in the pulpit4 ,there are many questions of this kind on which the will of ,god is as clear and imperative as it can possibly be on any point of private conduct2 and even in matters as to which there is legitimate difference of opinion amongst ,christian men there are underlying principles of righteousness which may need to be fearlessly enunciated at the risk of obloquy and misunderstanding4 ,nevertheless it remains true that the great end of the gospel ministry is to reconcile men to ,god and to cultivate in individual lives the fruits of the ,spirit1 so as at the last to present every man perfect in ,christ4 ,and the preacher who may be most safely entrusted with the handling of all other questions is he who is most intent on the formation of ,christian character and most deeply conscious of his responsibility for the effect of his teaching on the eternal destiny of those to whom he ministers4 ,what is called preaching to the age may certainly become a very poor and empty thing if it is forgotten that the age is made up of individuals each of whom has a soul to save or lose4 ,what shall it profit a man if the preacher teaches him how to win the whole world and lose his own life8 ,it is fashionable to hold up the prophets of ,israel as models of all that a ,christian minister ought to be4 ,if that is true1 prophecy must at least be allowed to speak its whole lesson2 and amongst other elements ,ezekiel's consciousness of responsibility for the individual life must receive due recognition4 ,chapter ,,xx4 ,the ,messianic ,kingdom4 ,chapter xxxiv4 ,the term 8,messianic0 as commonly applied to ,old ,testament prophecy bears two different senses1 a wider and a narrower4 ,in its wider use it is almost equivalent to the modern word 8eschatological40 ,it denotes that unquenchable hope of a glorious future for ,israel and the world which is an all but omnipresent feature of the prophetic writings1 and includes all predictions of the kingdom of ,god in its final and perfect manifestation4 ,in its stricter sense it is applied only to the promise of the ideal king of the house of ,david1 which1 although a very conspicuous element of prophecy1 is by no means universal1 and perhaps does not bulk quite so largely in the ,old ,testament as is generally supposed4 ,the later ,jews were guided by a true instinct when they seized on this figure of the ideal ruler as the centre of the nation's hope2 and to them we owe this special application of the name 8,messiah10 the 8,anointed10 which is never used of the ,son of ,david in the ,old ,testament itself4 ,to a certain extent we follow in their steps when we enlarge the meaning of the word 8,messianic0 so as to embrace the whole prophetic delineation of the future glories of the kingdom of ,god4 ,this distinction may be illustrated from the prophecies of ,ezekiel4 ,if we take the word in its more general sense1 we may say that all the chapters from the thirtyfourth to the end of the book are ,messianic in character4 ,that is to say1 they describe under various aspects the final condition of things which is introduced by the restoration of ,israel to its own land4 ,let us glance for a moment at the elements which enter into this general conception of the last things as they are set forth in the section of the book with which we are now dealing4 ,we exclude from view for the present the last nine chapters1 because there the prophet's point of view is somewhat different1 and it is better to reserve them for separate treatment4 ,the chapters from the thirtyfourth to the thirtyseventh are the necessary complement of the call to repentance in the first part of ch4 xxxiii4 ,ezekiel has enunciated the conditions of entrance to the new kingdom of ,god1 and has urged his hearers to prepare for its appearing4 ,he now proceeds to unfold the nature of that kingdom1 and the process by which ,jehovah is to bring it to pass4 ,as has been said1 the central fact is the restoration of ,israel to the land of ,canaan4 ,here the prophet found a point of contact with the natural aspirations of his fellowexiles4 ,there was no prospect to which they had clung with more eager longing than that of a return to national independence in their own land2 and the feeling that this was no longer possible was the source of the abject despair from which the prophet sought to rouse them4 ,how was this to be done8 ,not simply by asserting in the face of all human probability that the restoration would take place1 but by presenting it to their minds in its religious aspects as an object worthy of the exercise of almighty power1 and an object in which ,jehovah was interested for the glory of ,his great name4 ,only by being brought round to ,ezekiel's faith in ,god could the exiles recover their lost hope in the future of the nation4 ,thus the return to which ,ezekiel looks forward has a ,messianic significance2 it is the establishment of the kingdom of ,god1 a symbol of the final and perfect union between ,jehovah and ,israel4 ,now in the chapters before us this general conception is exhibited in three separate pictures of the ,restoration1 the leading ideas being the ,monarchy 7ch4 xxxiv471 the ,land 7chs4 xxxv41 xxxvi471 and the ,nation 7ch4 xxxvii474 ,the order in which they are arranged is not that which might seem most natural4 ,we should have expected the prophet to deal first with the revival of the nation1 then with its settlement on the soil of ,palestine1 and last of all with its political organisation under a ,davidic king4 ,ezekiel follows the reverse order4 ,he begins with the kingdom1 as the most complete embodiment of the ,messianic salvation1 and then falls back on its two presuppositions--the recovery and purification of the land on the one hand1 and the restitution of the nation on the other4 ,it is doubtful1 indeed1 whether any logical connection between the three pictures is intended4 ,it is perhaps better to regard them as expressing three distinct and collateral aspects of the idea of redemption1 to each of which a certain permanent religious significance is attached4 ,they are at all events the outstanding elements of ,ezekiel's eschatology so far as it is expounded in this section of his prophecies4 ,we thus see that the promise of the perfect king--the ,messianic idea in its more restricted signification--holds a distinct but not a supreme place in ,ezekiel's vision of the future4 ,it appears for the first time in ch4 xvii4 at the end of an oracle denouncing the perfidy of ,zedekiah and foretelling the overthrow of his kingdom2 and again1 in a similar connection1 in an obscure verse of ch4 xxi47#acj7 ,both these prophecies belong to the time before the fall of the state1 when the prophet's thoughts were not continuously occupied with the hope of the future4 ,the former is remarkable1 nevertheless1 for the glowing terms in which the greatness of the future kingdom is depicted4 ,from the top of the lofty cedar which the great eagle had carried away to ,babylon ,jehovah will take a tender shoot and plant it in the mountain height of ,israel4 ,there it will strike root and grow up into a lordly cedar1 under whose branches all the birds of the air find refuge4 ,the terms of the allegory have been explained in the proper place47#aca7 ,the great cedar is the house of ,david2 the topmost bough which was taken to ,babylon is the family of ,jehoiachin1 the direct heirs to the throne4 ,the planting of the tender shoot in the land of ,israel represents the founding of the ,messiah's kingdom1 which is thus proclaimed to be of transcendent earthly magnificence1 overshadowing all the other kingdoms of the world1 and convincing the nations that its foundation is the work of ,jehovah ,himself4 ,in this short passage we have the ,messianic idea in its simplest and most characteristic expression4 ,the hope of the future is bound up with the destiny of the house of ,david2 and the reestablishment of the kingdom in more than its ancient splendour is the great divine act to which all the blessings of the final dispensation are attached4 ,but it is in the thirtyfourth chapter that we find the most comprehensive exposition of ,ezekiel's teaching on the subject of the monarchy and the ,messianic kingdom4 ,it is perhaps the most political of all his prophecies4 ,it is pervaded by a spirit of genuine sympathy with the sufferings of the common people1 and indignation against the tyranny practised and tolerated by the ruling classes4 ,the disasters that have befallen the nation down to its final dispersion among the heathen are all traced to the misgovernment and anarchy for which the monarchy was primarily responsible4 ,in like manner the blessings of the coming age are summed up in the promise of a perfect king1 ruling in the name of ,jehovah and maintaining order and righteousness throughout his realm4 ,nowhere else does ,ezekiel approach so nearly to the political ideal foreshadowed by the statesmanprophet ,isaiah of a 8king reigning in righteousness and princes ruling in judgment0 7,isa4 xxxii4 #a71 securing the enjoyment of universal prosperity and peace to the redeemed people of ,god4 ,it must be remembered of course that this is only a partial expression of ,ezekiel's conception both of the past condition of the nation and of its future salvation4 ,we have had abundant evidence7#acb7 to show that he considered all classes of the community to be corrupt1 and the people as a whole implicated in the guilt of rebellion against ,jehovah4 ,the statement that the kings have brought about the dispersion of the nation must not therefore be pressed to the conclusion that civic injustice was the sole cause of ,israel's calamities4 ,similarly we shall find that the redemption of the people depends on other and more fundamental conditions than the establishment of good government under a righteous king4 ,but that is no reason for minimising the significance of the passage before us as an utterance of ,ezekiel's profound interest in social order and the welfare of the poor4 ,it shows moreover that the prophet at this time attached real importance to the promise of the ,messiah as the organ of ,jehovah's rule over ,his people4 ,if civil wrongs and legalised tyranny were not the only sins which had brought about the destruction of the state1 they were at least serious evils1 which could not be tolerated in the new ,israel2 and the chief safeguard against their recurrence is found in the character of the ideal ruler whom ,jehovah will raise up from the seed of ,david4 ,how far this high conception of the functions of the monarchy was modified in ,ezekiel's subsequent teaching we shall see when we come to consider the position assigned to the prince in the great vision at the end of the book47#acc7 ,in the meantime let us examine somewhat more closely the contents of ch4 xxxiv4 ,its leading ideas seem to have been suggested by a ,messianic prophecy of ,jeremiah's with which ,ezekiel was no doubt acquainted3 8,woe to the shepherds that destroy and scatter the flock of ,my pasture6 saith ,jehovah4 ,therefore thus saith ,jehovah1 the ,god of ,israel1 against the shepherds that tend ,my people1 ,ye have scattered ,my flock1 and dispersed them1 and have not visited them3 behold1 ,i will visit upon you the evil of your doings1 saith ,jehovah4 ,and ,i will gather the remnant of ,my flock from all the lands whither ,i have dispersed them1 and will restore them to their folds2 and they shall be fruitful and multiply4 ,and ,i will set shepherds over them who shall feed them3 and they shall not fear any more1 nor be frightened1 nor be lacking1 saith ,jehovah0 7,jer4 xxiii4 #ad74 ,here we have the simple image of the flock and its shepherds1 which ,ezekiel1 as his manner is1 expands into an allegory of the past history and future prospects of the nation4 ,how closely he follows the guidance of his predecessor will be seen from the analysis of the chapter4 ,it may be divided into four parts4 i4 ,the first ten verses are a strongly worded denunciation of the misgovernment to which the people of ,jehovah had been subjected in the past4 ,the prophet goes straight to the root of the evil when he indignantly asks1 8,should not the shepherds feed the flock80 7ver4 #b74 ,the first principle of all true government is that it must be in the interest of the governed4 ,but the universal vice of ,oriental despotism1 as we see in the case of the ,turkish empire at the present day1 or ,egypt before the ,english occupation1 is that the rulers rule for their own advantage1 and treat the people as their lawful spoil4 ,so it had been in ,israel3 the shepherds had fed themselves1 and not the flock4 ,instead of carefully tending the sick and the maimed1 and searching out the strayed and the lost1 they had been concerned only to eat the milk7#acd7 and clothe themselves with the wool and slaughter the fat2 they had ruled with 8violence and rigour40 ,that is to say1 instead of healing the sores of the body politic1 they had sought to enrich themselves at the expense of the people4 ,such misconduct in the name of government always brings its own penalty2 it kills the goose that lays the golden eggs4 ,the flock which is spoiled by its own shepherds is scattered on the mountains and becomes the prey of wild beasts2 and so the nation that is weakened by internal misrule loses its powers of defence and succumbs to the attacks of some foreign invader4 ,but the shepherds of ,israel have to reckon with ,him who is the owner of the flock1 whose affection still watches over them1 and whose compassion is stirred by the hapless condition of ,his people4 8,therefore1 ,o ye shepherds1 hear the word of ,jehovah2 444 ,behold1 ,i am against the shepherds2 and ,i will require ,my flock at their hand2 and ,i will make them to cease from feeding ,my flock1 that they who feed themselves may no longer shepherd them2 and ,i will deliver ,my flock from their mouth1 that they be not food for them0 7vv4 #i1 #aj74 ii4 ,but ,jehovah not only removes the unworthy shepherds2 ,he ,himself takes on ,him the office of shepherd to the flock that has been so mishandled 7vv4 #aaaf74 ,as the shepherd goes out after the thunderstorm to call in his frightened sheep1 so will ,jehovah after the storm of judgment is over go forth to 8gather together the outcasts of ,israel0 7,psalm cxlvii4 #b74 ,he will seek them out and deliver them from all places whither they were scattered in the day of clouds and darkness2 then ,he will lead them back to the mountain height of ,israel1 where they shall enjoy abundant prosperity and security under ,his just and beneficent rule4 ,by what agencies this deliverance is to be accomplished is nowhere indicated4 ,it is the unanimous teaching of the prophets that the final salvation of ,israel will be effected in a 8day of ,jehovah0--i4e41 a day in which ,jehovah's own power will be specially manifested4 ,hence there is no need to describe the process by which the ,almighty works out ,his purpose of salvation2 it is indescribable3 the results are certain1 but the intermediate agencies are supernatural1 and the precise method of ,jehovah's intervention is as a rule left indefinite4 ,it is particularly to be noted that the ,messiah plays no part in the actual work of deliverance4 ,he is not the hero of a national struggle for independence1 but comes on the scene and assumes the reins of government after ,jehovah has gotten the victory and restored peace to ,israel47#ace7 iii4 ,the next six verses 7#agbb7 add a feature to the allegory which is not found in the corresponding passage in ,jeremiah4 ,jehovah will judge between one sheep and another1 especially between the rams and hegoats on the one hand and the weaker animals on the other4 ,the strong cattle had monopolised the fat meadows and clear settled waters1 and as if this were not enough1 they had trampled down the residue of the pastures and fouled the waters with their feet4 ,those addressed are the wealthy and powerful upper class1 whose luxury and wanton extravagance had consumed the resources of the country1 and left no sustenance for the poorer members of the community4 ,allusions to this kind of selfish tyranny are frequent in the older prophets4 ,amos speaks of the nobles as panting after the dust on the head of the poor1 and of the luxurious dames of ,samaria as oppressing the poor and crushing the needy1 and saying to their lords1 8,bring us to drink0 7,amos ii4 #g1 iv4 #a74 ,micah says of the same class in the southern kingdom that they cast out the women of ,jehovah's people from their pleasant houses1 and robbed their children of ,his glory for ever 7,micah ii4 #i74 ,and ,isaiah1 to take one other example1 denounces those who 8take away the right from the poor of ,my people1 that widows may be their prey1 and that they may rob the orphans0 7,isa4 x4 #b74 ,under the corrupt administration of justice which the kings had tolerated for their own convenience litigation had been a farce2 the rich man had always the ear of the judge1 and the poor found no redress4 ,but in ,israel the true fountain of justice could not be polluted2 it was only its channels that were obstructed4 ,for ,jehovah ,himself was the supreme judge of ,his people2 and in the restored commonwealth to which ,ezekiel looks forward all civil relations will be regulated by a regard to ,his righteous will4 ,he will 8save ,his flock that they be no more a prey1 and will judge between cattle and cattle40 iv4 ,then follows in the last section 7vv4 #bcca7 the promise of the ,messianic king1 and a description of the blessings that accompany his reign3 8,i will set up one shepherd over them1 and he shall feed them--,my servant ,david3 he shall feed them1 and he shall be their shepherd4 ,and ,i ,jehovah will be their ,god1 and ,my servant ,david shall be a prince in their midst3 ,i ,jehovah have spoken it40 ,there are one or two difficulties connected with the interpretation of this passage1 the consideration of which may be postponed till we have finished our analysis of the chapter4 ,it is sufficient in the meantime to notice that a ,davidic kingdom in some sense is to be the foundation of social order in the new ,israel4 ,a prince will arise1 endowed with the spirit of his exalted office1 to discharge perfectly the royal functions in which the former kings had so lamentably failed4 ,through him the divine government of ,israel will become a reality in the national life4 ,the ,godhead of ,jehovah and the kingship of the ,messiah will be inseparably associated in the faith of the people3 8,jehovah their ,god1 and ,david their king0 7,hosea iii4 #e7 is the expression of the ground of ,israel's confidence in the latter days4 ,and this kingdom is the pledge of the fulness of divine blessing descending on the land and the people4 ,the people shall dwell in safety1 none making them afraid1 because of the covenant of peace which ,jehovah will make for them1 securing them against the assaults of other nations47#acf7 ,the heavens shall pour forth fertilising 8showers of blessing02 and the land shall be clothed with a luxuriant vegetation which shall be the admiration of the whole earth47#acg7 ,thus happily situated ,israel shall shake off the reproach of the heathen1 which they had formerly to endure because of the poverty of their land and their unfortunate history4 ,in the plenitude of material prosperity they shall recognise that ,jehovah their ,god is with them1 and they shall know what it is to be ,his people and the flock of ,his pasture47#ach7 ,we have now before us the salient features of the ,messianic hope1 as it is presented in the pages of ,ezekiel4 ,we see that the idea is developed in contrast with the abuses that had characterised the historic monarchy in ,israel4 ,it represents the ideal of the kingdom as it exists in the mind of ,jehovah1 an ideal which no actual king had fully realised1 and which most of them had shamefully violated4 ,the ,messiah is the vicegerent of ,jehovah on earth1 and the representative of ,his kingly authority and righteous government over ,israel4 ,we see further that the promise is based on the 8sure mercies of ,david10 the covenant which secured the throne to ,david's descendants for ever4 ,messianic prophecy is legitimist1 the ideal king being regarded as standing in the direct line of succession to the crown4 ,and to these features we may add another1 which is explicitly developed in ch4 xxxvii4 #bbbf1 although it is implied in the expression 8one shepherd0 in the passage with which we have been dealing4 ,the ,messianic kingdom represents the unity of all ,israel1 and particularly the reunion of the two kingdoms under one sceptre4 ,the prophets attach great importance to this idea47#aci7 ,the existence of two rival monarchies1 divided in interest and often at war with each other1 although it had never effaced the consciousness of the original unity of the nation1 was felt by the prophets to be an anomalous state of things1 and seriously detrimental to the national religion4 ,the ideal relation of ,jehovah to ,israel was as incompatible with two kingdoms as the ideal of marriage is incompatible with two wives to one husband4 ,hence in the glorious future of the ,messianic age the schism must be healed1 and the ,davidic dynasty restored to its original position at the head of an undivided empire4 ,the prominence given to this thought in the teaching of ,hosea shows that even in the northern kingdom devout ,israelites cherished the hope of reunion with their brethren under the house of ,david as the only form in which the redemption of the nation could be achieved4 ,and although1 long before ,ezekiel's day1 the kingdom of ,samaria had disappeared from history1 he too looks forward to a restoration of the ten tribes as an essential element of the ,messianic salvation4 ,in these respects the teaching of ,ezekiel reflects the general tenor of the ,messianic prophecy of the ,old ,testament4 ,there are just two questions on which some obscurity and uncertainty must be felt to rest4 ,in the first place1 what is the precise meaning of the expression 8,my servant ,david08 ,it will not be supposed that the prophet expected ,david1 the founder of the ,hebrew monarchy1 to reappear in person and inaugurate the new dispensation4 ,such an interpretation would be utterly false to ,eastern modes of thought and expression1 besides being opposed to every indication we have of the prophetic conception of the ,messiah4 ,even in popular language the name of ,david was current1 after he had been long dead1 as the name of the dynasty which he had founded4 ,when the ten tribes revolted from ,rehoboam they said1 exactly as they had said in ,david's lifetime1 8,what portion have we in ,david8 neither have we inheritance in the son of ,jesse3 to your tents1 ,o ,israel3 now see to thine own house1 ,david407#adj7 ,if the name of ,david could thus be invoked in popular speech at a time of great political excitement1 we need not be surprised to find it used in a similar sense in the figurative style of the prophets4 ,all that the word means is that the ,messiah will be one who comes in the spirit and power of ,david1 a representative of the ancient family who carries to completion the work so nobly begun by his great ancestor4 ,the real difficulty is whether the title 8,david0 denotes a unique individual or a line of ,davidic kings4 ,to that question it is hardly possible to return a decided answer4 ,that the idea of a succession of sovereigns is a possible form of the ,messianic hope is shown by a passage in the thirtythird chapter of ,jeremiah4 ,there the promise of the righteous sprout of the house of ,david is supplemented by the assurance that ,david shall never want a man to sit on the throne of ,israel27#ada7 the allusion therefore appears to be to the dynasty1 and not to a single person4 ,and this view finds some support in the case of ,ezekiel from the fact that in the later vision of chs4 xl4xlviii4 the prophet undoubtedly anticipates a perpetuation of the dynasty through successive generations47#adb7 ,on the other hand it is difficult to reconcile this view with the expressions used in this and the thirtyseventh chapters4 ,when we read that 8,my servant ,david shall be their prince for ever107#adc7 we can scarcely escape the impression that the prophet is thinking of a personal ,messiah reigning eternally4 ,if it were necessary to decide between these two alternatives1 it might be safest to adhere to the idea of a personal ,messiah1 as conveying the fullest rendering of the prophet's thought4 ,there is reason to think that in the interval between this prophecy and his final vision ,ezekiel's conception of the ,messiah underwent a certain modification1 and therefore the teaching of the later passage cannot be used to control the explanation of this4 ,but the obscurity is of such a nature that we cannot hope to remove it4 ,in the prophets' delineations of the future there are many points on which the light of revelation had not been fully cast2 for they1 like the ,christian apostle1 8knew in part and prophesied in part40 ,and the question of the way in which the ,messiah's office is to be prolonged is precisely one of those which did not greatly occupy the mind of the prophets4 ,there is no perspective in ,messianic prophecy3 the future kingdom of ,god is seen1 as it were1 in one plane1 and how it is to be transmitted from one age to another is never thought of4 ,thus it may become difficult to say whether a particular prophet1 in speaking of the ,messiah1 has a single individual in view or whether he is thinking of a dynasty or a succession4 ,to ,ezekiel the ,messiah was a divinely revealed ideal1 which was to be fulfilled in a person2 whether the prophet himself distinctly understood this is a matter of inferior importance4 ,the second question is one that perhaps would not readily occur to a plain man4 ,it relates to the meaning of the word 8prince0 as applied to the ,messiah4 ,it has been thought by some critics that ,ezekiel had a special reason for avoiding the title 8king02 and from this supposed reason a somewhat sweeping conclusion has been deduced4 ,we are asked to believe that ,ezekiel had in principle abandoned the ,messianic hope of his earlier prophecies--i4e41 the hope of a restoration of the ,davidic kingdom in its ancient splendour4 ,what he really contemplates is the abolition of the ,hebrew monarchy1 and the institution of a new political system entirely different from anything that had existed in the past4 ,although the ,davidic prince will hold the first place in the restored community1 his dignity will be less than royal2 he will only be a titular monarch1 his power being overshadowed by the presence of ,jehovah1 the true king of ,israel4 ,now so far as this view is suggested by the use of the word 8prince0 7literally 8leader0 or 8president07 in preference to 8king107#add7 it is sufficiently answered by pointing to the ,messianic passage in ch4 xxxvii41 where the name 8king0 is used three times and in a peculiarly emphatic manner of the ,messianic prince47#ade7 ,there is no reason to suppose that ,ezekiel drew a distinction between 8princely0 and 8kingly0 rank1 and deliberately withheld the higher dignity from the ,messiah4 ,whatever may be the exact relation of the ,messiah to ,jehovah1 there is no doubt that he is conceived as a king in the full sense of the term1 possessed of all regal qualities1 and shepherding his people with the authority which belonged to a true son of ,david4 ,but there is another consideration which weighs more seriously with the writers referred to4 ,there is reason to believe that ,ezekiel's conception of the final kingdom of ,god underwent a change which might not unfairly be described as an abandonment of the ,messianic expectation in its more restricted sense4 ,in his latest vision the functions of the prince are defined in such a way that his position is shorn of the ideal significance which properly invests the office of the ,messiah4 ,the change does not indeed affect his merely political status4 ,he is still son of ,david and king of ,israel1 and all that is here said about his duty towards his subjects is there presupposed4 ,but his character seems to be no longer regarded as thoroughly reliable1 or equal to all the temptations that arise wherever absolute power is lodged in human hands4 ,the possibility that the king may abuse his authority for his private advantage is distinctly contemplated1 and provision is made against it in the statutory constitution to which the king himself is subject4 ,such precautions are obviously inconsistent with the ideal of the ,messianic kingdom which we find1 for example1 in the prophecy of ,isaiah4 ,the important question therefore comes to be1 whether this lower view of the monarchy is anticipated in the thirtyfourth and thirtyseventh chapters4 ,this does not appear to be the case4 ,the prophet still occupies the same standpoint as in ch4 xvii41 regarding the ,davidic monarchy as the central religious institution of the restored state4 ,the ,messiah of these chapters is a perfect king1 endowed with the ,spirit of ,god for the discharge of his great office1 one whose personal character affords an absolute security for the maintenance of public righteousness1 and who is the medium of communication between ,god and the nation4 ,in other words1 what we have to do with is a ,messianic prediction in the fullest sense of the term4 ,in concluding our study of ,ezekiel's ,messianic teaching1 we may make one remark bearing on its typological interpretation4 ,the attempt is sometimes made to trace a gradual development and enrichment of the ,messianic idea in the hands of successive prophets4 ,from that point of view ,ezekiel's contribution to the doctrine of the ,messiah must be felt to be disappointing4 ,no one can imagine that his portrait of the coming king possesses anything like the suggestiveness and religious meaning conveyed by the ideal which stands out so clearly from the pages of ,isaiah4 ,and1 indeed1 no subsequent prophet excels or even equals ,isaiah in the clearness and profundity of his directly ,messianic conceptions4 ,this fact shows us that the endeavour to find in the ,old ,testament a regular progress along one particular line proceeds on too narrow a view of the scope of prophecy4 ,the truth is that the figure of the king is only one of many types of the ,christian dispensation which the religious institutions of ,israel supplied to the prophets4 ,it is the most perfect of all types1 partly because it is personal1 and partly because the idea of kingship is the most comprehensive of the offices which ,christ executes as our ,redeemer4 ,but1 after all1 it expresses only one aspect of the glorious future of the kingdom of ,god towards which prophecy steadily points4 ,we must remember also that the order in which these types emerge is determined not altogether by their intrinsic importance1 but partly by their adaptation to the needs of the age in which the prophet lived4 ,the main function of prophecy was to furnish present and practical direction to the people of ,god2 and the form under which the ideal was presented to any particular generation was always that best fitted to help it onwards1 one stage nearer to the great consummation4 ,thus while ,isaiah idealises the figure of the king1 ,jeremiah grasps the conception of a new religion under the form of a covenant1 the second ,isaiah unfolds the idea of the prophetic servant of ,jehovah1 ,zechariah and the writer of the #aajth ,psalm idealise the priesthood4 ,all these are ,messianic prophecies1 if we take the word in its widest acceptation2 but they are not all cast in one mould1 and the attempt to arrange them in a single series is obviously misleading4 ,so with regard to ,ezekiel we may say that his chief ,messianic ideal 7still using the expression in a general sense7 is the sanctuary1 the symbol of ,jehovah's presence in the midst of ,his people4 ,at the end of ch4 xxxvii4 the kingdom and the sanctuary are mentioned together as pledges of the glory of the latter days4 ,but while the idea of the ,messianic monarchy was a legacy inherited from his prophetic precursors1 the ,temple was an institution whose typical significance ,ezekiel was the first to unfold4 ,it was moreover the one that met the religious requirements of the age in which ,ezekiel lived4 ,ultimately the hope of the personal ,messiah loses the importance which it still has in the present section of the book2 and the prophet's vision of the future concentrates itself on the sanctuary as the centre of the restored theocracy1 and the source from which the regenerating influences of the divine grace flow forth to ,israel and the world4 ,chapter ,,xxi4 ,jehovah's ,land4 ,chapters xxxv41 xxxvi4 ,the teaching of this important passage turns on certain ideas regarding the land of ,canaan which enter very deeply into the religion of ,israel4 ,these ideas are no doubt familiar in a general way to all thoughtful readers of the ,old ,testament2 but their full import is scarcely realised until we understand that they are not peculiar to the ,bible1 but form part of the stock of religious conceptions common to ,israel and its heathen neighbours47#adf7 ,in the more advanced ,semitic religions of antiquity each nation had its own god as well as its own land1 and the bond between the god and the land was supposed to be quite as strong as that between the god and the nation4 ,the god1 the land1 and the people formed a triad of religious relationship1 and so closely were these three elements associated that the expulsion of a people from its land was held to dissolve the bond between it and the god4 ,thus while in practice the land of a god was coextensive with the territory inhabited by his worshippers1 yet in theory the relation of the god to his land is independent of his relation to the inhabitants2 it was his land whether the people in it were his worshippers or not4 ,the peculiar confusion of ideas that arose when the people of one god came to reside permanently in the territory of another is well illustrated by the case of the heathen colony which the king of ,assyria planted in ,samaria after the exile of the ten tribes4 ,these settlers brought their own gods with them2 but when some of them were slain by lions1 they perceived that they were making a mistake in ignoring the rights of the god of the land4 ,they sent accordingly for a priest to instruct them in the religion of the god of the land2 and the result was that they 8feared ,jehovah and served their own gods0 7#b ,kings xvii4 #bdda74 ,it was expected no doubt that in course of time the foreign deities would be acclimatised4 ,in the ,old ,testament we find many traces of the influence of this conception on the ,hebrew religion4 ,canaan was the land of ,jehovah 7,hosea ix4 #c7 apart altogether from its possession by ,israel1 the people of ,jehovah4 ,it was ,jehovah's land before ,israel entered it1 the inheritance which ,he had selected for ,his people out of all the countries of the world1 the ,land of ,promise1 given to the patriarchs while as yet they were but strangers and sojourners in it4 ,although the ,israelites took possession of it as a nation of conquerors1 they did so in the consciousness that they were expelling from ,jehovah's dwellingplace a population which had polluted it by their abominations4 ,from that time onwards the tenure of the soil of ,palestine was regarded as an essential factor of the national religion4 ,the idea that ,jehovah could not be rightly worshipped outside of ,hebrew territory was firmly rooted in the mind of the people1 and was accepted by the prophets as a principle involved in the special relations that ,jehovah maintained with the people of ,israel47#adg7 ,hence no threat could be more terrible in the ears of the ,israelites than that of expatriation from their native soil2 for it meant nothing less than the dissolution of the tie that subsisted between them and their ,god4 ,when that threat was actually fulfilled there was no reproach harder to bear than the taunt which ,ezekiel here puts into the mouth of the heathen3 8,these are ,jehovah's people--and yet they are gone forth out of ,his land0 7ch4 xxxvi4 #bj74 ,they felt all that was implied in that utterance of malicious satisfaction over the collapse of a religion and the downfall of a deity4 ,there is another way in which the thought of ,canaan as ,jehovah's land enters into the religious conceptions of the ,old ,testament1 and very markedly into those of ,ezekiel4 ,as the ,god of the land ,jehovah is the source of its productiveness and the author of all the natural blessings enjoyed by its inhabitants4 ,it is ,he who gives the rain in its season or else withholds it in token of ,his displeasure2 it is ,he who multiplies or diminishes the flocks and herds which feed on its pastures1 as well as the human population sustained by its produce4 ,this view of things was a primary factor in the religious education of an agricultural people1 as the ancient ,hebrews mainly were4 ,they felt their dependence on ,god most directly in the influences of their uncertain climate on the fertility of their land1 with its great possibilities of abundant provision for man and beast1 and on the other hand its extreme risk of famine and all the hardships that follow in its train4 ,in the changeful aspects of nature they thus read instinctively the disposition of ,jehovah towards themselves4 ,fruitful seasons and golden harvests1 diffusing comfort and affluence through the community1 were regarded as proofs that all was well between them and their ,god2 while times of barrenness and scarcity brought home to them the conviction that ,jehovah was alienated4 ,from the allusions in the prophets to droughts and famines1 to blastings and mildew1 to the scourge of locusts1 we seem to gather that on the whole the later history of ,israel had been marked by agricultural distress4 ,the impression is confirmed by a hint of ,ezekiel's in the passage now before us4 ,the land of ,canaan had apparently acquired an unenviable reputation for barrenness4 ,the reproach of the heathen lay upon it as a land that 8devoured men and bereaved its population407#adh7 ,the reference may be partly 7as ,smend thinks7 to the ravages of war1 to which ,palestine was peculiarly exposed on account of its important strategic situation4 ,but the 8reproach of famine07#adi7 was certainly one point in its ill fame among the surrounding nations1 and it is quite sufficient to explain the strong language in which they expressed their contempt4 ,now this state of things was plainly inconsistent with amicable relations between the nation and its ,god4 ,it was evidence that the land lay under the blight of ,jehovah's displeasure1 and the ground of that displeasure lay in the sin of the people4 ,where the land counted for so much as an index to the mind of ,god1 it was a postulate of faith that in the ideal future when ,god and ,israel were perfectly reconciled the physical condition of ,canaan should be worthy of ,him whose land it was4 ,and we have already seen that amongst the glories of the ,messianic age the preternatural fertility of the ,holy ,land holds a prominent place4 ,this conception of ,canaan as the land of ,jehovah undoubtedly has its natural affinities with religious notions of a somewhat primitive kind4 ,it belongs to the stage of thought at which the power of a god is habitually regarded as subject to local limitations1 and in which accordingly a particular territory is assigned to every deity as the sphere of his influence4 ,it is probable that the great mass of the ,hebrew people had never risen above this idea1 but continued to think of their country as ,jehovah's land in precisely the same way as ,assyria was ,asshur's land and ,moab the land of ,chemosh4 ,the monotheism of the ,old ,testament revelation breaks through this system of ideas1 and interprets ,jehovah's relation to the land in an entirely different sense4 ,it is not as the exclusive sphere of ,his influence that ,canaan is peculiarly associated with ,jehovah's presence1 but mainly because it is the scene of ,his historical manifestation of ,himself1 and the stage on which events were transacted which revealed ,his ,godhead to all the world4 ,no prophet has a clearer perception of the universal sweep of the divine government than ,ezekiel1 and yet no prophet insists more strongly than he on the possession of the land of ,canaan as an indispensable symbol of communion between ,god and ,his people4 ,he has met with ,god in the 8unclean land0 of his exile1 and he knows that the moral government of the universe is not suspended by the departure of ,jehovah from ,his earthly sanctuary4 ,nevertheless he cannot think of this separation as other than temporary4 ,the final reconciliation must take place on the soil of ,palestine4 ,the kingdom of ,god can only be established by the return both of ,israel and ,jehovah to their own land2 and their joint possession of that land is the seal of the everlasting covenant of peace that subsists between them4 ,we must now proceed to study the way in which these conceptions influenced the ,messianic expectations of ,ezekiel at this period of his life4 ,the passage we are to consider consists of three sections4 ,the thirtyfifth chapter is a prophecy of judgment on ,edom4 ,the first fifteen verses of ch4 xxxvi4 contain a promise of the restoration of the land of ,israel to its rightful owner4 ,and the remainder of that chapter presents a comprehensive view of the divine necessity for the restoration and the power by which the redemption of the people is to be accomplished4 ,i ,at the time when these prophecies were written the land of ,israel was in the possession of the ,edomites4 ,by what means they had succeeded in effecting a lodgment in the country we do not know4 ,it is not unlikely that ,nebuchadnezzar may have granted them this extension of their territory as a reward for their services to his army during the last siege of ,jerusalem4 ,at all events their presence there was an accomplished fact1 and it appeals to the mind of the prophet in two aspects4 ,in the first place it was an outrage on the majesty of ,jehovah which filled the cup of ,edom's iniquity to the brim4 ,in the second place it was an obstacle to the restoration of ,israel which had to be removed by the direct intervention of the ,almighty4 ,these are the two themes which occupy the thoughts of ,ezekiel1 the one in ch4 xxxv4 and the other in ch4 xxxvi4 ,hitherto he has spoken of the return to the land of ,canaan as a matter of course1 as a thing necessary and selfevident and not needing to be discussed in detail4 ,but as the time draws near he is led to think more clearly of the historical circumstances of the return1 and especially of the hindrances arising from the actual situation of affairs4 ,but besides this one cannot fail to be struck by the effective contrast which the two pictures--one of the mountain land of ,israel1 and the other of the mountain land of ,seir--present to the imagination4 ,it is like a prophetic amplification of the blessing and curse which ,isaac pronounced on the progenitors of these two nations4 ,of the one it is said3-- ,god give thee of the dew of heaven1 and of the fatness of the earth1 ,and abundance of corn and wine4 ,and of the other3-- ,surely far from the fatness of the earth shall thy dwelling be1 ,and far from the dew of heaven from above47#aej7 ,in that forecast of the destiny of the two brothers the actual characteristics of their respective countries are tersely and accurately expressed4 ,but now1 when the history of both nations is about to be brought to an issue1 the contrast is emphasised and perpetuated4 ,the blessing of ,jacob is confirmed and expanded into a promise of unimagined felicity1 and the equivocal blessing on ,esau is changed into an unqualified and permanent curse4 ,thus1 when the mountains of ,israel break forth into singing1 and are clothed with all the luxuriance of vegetation in which the ,oriental imagination revels1 and cultivated by a happy and contented people1 those of ,seir are doomed to perpetual sterility and become a horror and desolation to all that pass by4 ,confining ourselves1 however1 to the thirtyfifth chapter1 what we have first to notice is the sins by which the ,edomites had incurred this judgment4 ,these may be summed up under three heads3 first1 their unrelenting hatred of ,israel1 which in the day of ,judah's calamity had broken out in savage acts of revenge 7ver4 #e72 second1 their rejoicing over the misfortunes of ,israel and the desolation of its land 7ver4 #ae72 and third1 their eagerness to seize the land as soon as it was vacant 7ver4 #aj74 ,the first and second of these have been already spoken of under the prophecies on foreign nations2 it is only the last that is of special interest in the present connection4 ,of course the motive that prompted ,edom was natural1 and it may be difficult to say how far real moral guilt was involved in it4 ,the annexation of vacant territory1 as the land of ,israel practically was at this time1 would be regarded according to modern ideas as not only justifiable but praiseworthy4 ,edom had the excuse of seeking to better its condition by the possession of a more fertile country than its own1 and perhaps also the still stronger plea of pressure by the ,arabs from behind4 ,but in the consciousness of an ancient people there was always another thought present2 and it is here if anywhere that the sin of ,edom lies4 ,the invasion of ,israel did not cease to be an act of aggression because there were no human defenders to bar the way4 ,it was still ,jehovah's land1 although it was unoccupied2 and to intrude upon it was a conscious defiance of ,his power4 ,the arguments by which the ,edomites justified their seizure of it were none of those which a modern state might use in similar circumstances1 but were based on the religious ideas which were common to all the world in those days4 ,they were aware that by the unwritten law which then prevailed the step they meditated was sacrilege2 and the spirit that animated them was arrogant exultation over what was esteemed the humiliation of ,israel's national deity3 8,the two nations and the two countries shall be mine1 and ,i will possess them1 although ,jehovah was there0 7ver4 #aj3 cf4 vv4 #ab1 #ac74 ,that is to say1 the defeat and captivity of ,israel have proved the impotence of ,jehovah to guard ,his land2 ,his power is broken1 and the two countries called by ,his name lie open to the invasion of any people that dares to trample religious scruples underfoot4 ,this was the way in which the action of ,edom would be interpreted by universal consent2 and the prophet is only reflecting the general sense of the age when he charges them with this impiety4 ,now it is true that the ,edomites could not be expected to understand all that was involved in a defiance of the ,god of ,israel4 ,to them ,he was only one among many national gods1 and their religion did not teach them to reverence the gods of a foreign state4 ,but though they were not fully conscious of the degree of guilt they incurred1 they nevertheless sinned against the light they had2 and the consequences of transgression are never measured by the sinner's own estimate of his culpability4 ,there was enough in the history of ,israel to have impressed the neighbouring peoples with a sense of the superiority of its religion and the difference in character between ,jehovah and all other gods4 ,if the ,edomites had utterly failed to learn that lesson1 they were themselves partly to blame2 and the spiritual insensibility and dulness of conscience which everywhere suppressed the knowledge of ,jehovah's name is the very thing which in the view of ,ezekiel needs to be removed by signal and exemplary acts of judgment4 ,it is not necessary to enter minutely into the details of the judgment threatened against ,edom4 ,we may simply note that it corresponds point for point with the demeanour exhibited by the ,edomites in the time of ,israel's final retribution4 ,the 8perpetual hatred0 is rewarded by perpetual desolation 7ver4 #i72 their seizure of ,jehovah's land is punished by their annihilation in the land that was their own 7vv4 #fh72 and their malicious satisfaction over the depopulation of ,palestine recoils on their own heads when their mountain land is made desolate 8to the rejoicing of the whole earth0 7vv4 #ad1 #ae74 ,and the lesson that will be taught to the world by the contrast between the renewed ,israel and the barren mountain of ,seir will be the power and holiness of the one true ,god3 8they shall know that ,i am ,jehovah40 ,,ii ,the prophet's mind is still occupied with the sin of ,edom as he turns in the thirtysixth chapter to depict the future of the land of ,israel4 ,the opening verses of the chapter 7vv4 #ag7 betray an intensity of patriotic feeling not often expressed by ,ezekiel4 ,the utterance of the single idea which he wishes to express seems to be impeded by the multitude of reflections that throng upon him as he apostrophises 8the mountains and the hills1 the watercourses and the valleys1 the desolate ruins and deserted cities0 of his native country 7ver4 #d74 ,the land is conceived as conscious of the shame and reproach that rest upon it2 and all the elements that might be supposed to make up the consciousness of the land--its naked desolation1 the tread of alien feet1 the ravages of war1 and the derisive talk of the surrounding heathen 7,edom being specially in view7--present themselves to the mind of the prophet before he can utter the message with which he is charged3 8,thus saith the ,lord ,jehovah2 ,behold1 ,i speak in ,my jealousy and ,my anger1 because ye have borne the shame of the heathen3 therefore 444 ,i lift up ,my hand1 ,surely the nations that are round about you--even they shall bear their shame0 7vv4 #f1 #g74 ,the jealousy of ,jehovah is here ,his holy resentment against indignities done to ,himself1 and this attribute of the divine nature is now enlisted on the side of ,israel because of the despite which the heathen had heaped on ,his land4 ,but it is noteworthy that it is through the land and not the people that this feeling is first called into operation4 ,israel is still sinful and alienated from ,god2 but the honour of ,jehovah is bound up with the land not less than with the nation1 and it is in reference to it that the necessity of vindicating ,his holy name first becomes apparent4 ,there is what we might almost venture to call a divine patriotism1 which is stirred into activity by the desolate condition of the land where the worship of the true ,god should be celebrated4 ,on this feature of ,jehovah's character ,ezekiel builds the assurance of his people's redemption4 ,the idea expressed by the verses is simply the certainty that ,canaan shall be recovered from the heathen dominion for the purposes of the kingdom of ,god4 ,the following verses 7#hae7 speak of the positive aspects of the approaching deliverance4 ,continuing his apostrophe to the mountains of ,israel1 the prophet describes the transformation which is to pass over them in view of the return of the exiled nation1 which is now on the eve of accomplishment 7ver4 #h74 ,it might almost seem as if the return of the inhabitants were here treated as a mere incident of the rehabilitation of the land4 ,that of course is only an appearance1 caused by the peculiar standpoint assumed throughout these chapters4 ,ezekiel was not one who could look on complacently ,where wealth accumulates and men decay2 nor was he indifferent to the social welfare of his people4 ,on the contrary we have seen from ch4 xxxiv4 that he regards that as a supreme interest in the future kingdom of ,god4 ,and even in this passage he does not make the interests of humanity subservient to those of nature4 ,his leading idea is a reunion of land and people under happier auspices than had obtained of old4 ,formerly the land1 in mysterious sympathy with the mind of ,jehovah1 had seemed to be animated by a hostile disposition towards its inhabitants4 ,the reluctant and niggardly subsistence that had been wrung from the soil justified the evil report which the spies had brought up of it at the first as a 8land that eateth up the inhabitants thereof407#aea7 ,its inhospitable character was known among the heathen1 so that it bore the reproach of being a land that 8devoured men and bereaved its nation40 ,but in the glorious future all this will be changed in harmony with ,jehovah's altered relations with ,his people4 ,in the language of a later prophet17#aeb7 the land shall be 8married0 to ,jehovah1 and endowed with exuberant fertility4 ,yielding its fruits freely and generously1 it will wipe off the reproach of the heathen2 its cities shall be inhabited1 its ruins rebuilt1 and man and beast multiplied on its surface1 so that its last state shall be better than its first 7ver4 #aa74 ,and those who till it and enjoy the benefits of its wonderful transformation shall be none other than the house of ,israel1 for whose sins it had borne the reproach of barrenness in the past 7vv4 #abae74 ,,iii ,the next passage 7vv4 #afch7 deals more with the renewal of the nation than with that of the land2 and thus forms a link of connection between the main theme of this chapter and that of ch4 xxxvii4 ,it contains the clearest and most comprehensive statement of the process of redemption to be found in the whole book1 exhibiting as it does in logical order all the elements which enter into the divine scheme of salvation4 ,the fact that it is inserted just at this point affords a fresh illustration of the importance attached by the prophet to the religious associations which gathered round the ,holy ,land4 ,the land indeed is still the pivot on which his thoughts turn2 he starts from it in his short review of ,god's past judgments on ,his people1 and finally returns to it in summing up the worldwide effects of ,his gracious dealings with them in the immediate future4 ,although the connection of ideas is singularly clear1 the passage throws so much light on the deepest theological conceptions of ,ezekiel that it will be well to recapitulate the principal steps of the argument4 ,we need not linger on the cause of the rejection of ,israel1 for here the prophet only repeats the main lesson which we have found so often enforced in the first part of his book4 ,israel went into exile because its manner of life as a nation had been abhorrent to ,jehovah1 and it had defiled the land which was ,jehovah's house4 ,as in ch4 xxii4 and elsewhere bloodshed and idols are the chief emblems of the people's sinful condition2 these constitute a real physical defilement of the land1 which must be punished by the eviction of its inhabitants3 8,so ,i poured out ,my wrath upon them on account of the blood which they had shed upon the land1 and the idols wherewith they had polluted it3 and ,i scattered them among the nations1 and they were dispersed through the countries407#aec7 ,thus the ,exile was necessary for the vindication of ,jehovah's holiness as reflected in the sanctity of ,his land4 ,but the effect of the dispersion on other nations was such as to compromise the honour of ,israel's ,god in another direction4 ,knowing ,jehovah only as a tribal god1 the heathen naturally concluded that ,he had been too feeble to protect ,his land from invasion and ,his people from captivity4 ,they could not penetrate to the moral reasons which rendered the chastisement inevitable2 they only saw that these were ,jehovah's people1 and yet they were gone forth out of ,his land 7ver4 #bj71 and drew the natural inference4 ,the impression thus produced by the presence of ,israelites amongst the heathen was derogatory to the majesty of ,jehovah1 and obscured the knowledge of the true principles of ,his government which was destined to extend to all the earth4 ,this is all that seems to be meant by the expression 8profaned ,my holy name407#aed7 ,it is not implied that the exiles scandalised the heathen by their vicious lives1 and so brought disgrace on 8that glorious name by which they were called107#aee7 although that idea is implied in ch4 xii4 #af4 ,the profanation spoken of here was caused directly not by the sin but by the calamities of ,israel4 ,yet it was their sins which brought down judgment upon them1 and so indirectly gave occasion to the enemies of the ,lord to blaspheme4 ,there were probably already some of ,ezekiel's compatriots who realised the bitterness of the thought that their fate was the means of bringing discredit on their ,god4 ,their experience would be similar to that of the lonely exile who composed the fortysecond psalm3-- ,as with a sword in my bones1 mine enemies reproach me2 ,while they say daily unto me1 ,where is thy ,god87#aef7 ,now in this fact the prophet recognises an absolute ground of confidence in ,israel's restoration4 ,jehovah cannot endure that ,his name should thus be held up to derision before the eyes of mankind4 ,to allow this would be to frustrate the end of ,his government of the world1 which is to manifest ,his ,godhead in such a way that all men shall be brought to acknowledge it4 ,although ,he is known as yet only as the national ,god of a particular people1 ,he must be disclosed to the world as all that the inspired teachers of ,israel know ,him to be--the one ,being worthy of the homage of the human heart4 ,there must be some way by which ,his name can be sanctified before the heathen1 some means of reconciling the partial revelation of ,his holiness in ,israel's dispersion with the complete manifestation of ,his power to the world at large4 ,and this reconciliation can only be effected through the redemption of ,israel4 ,god cannot disown ,his ancient people1 for that would be to stultify the whole past revelation of ,his character and leave the name by which ,he had made ,himself known to contempt4 ,that is divinely impossible2 and therefore ,jehovah must carry through ,his purpose by sanctifying ,himself in the salvation of ,israel4 ,the outward token of salvation will be their restoration to their own land 7ver4 #bd72 but the inward reality of it will be a change in the national character which will make their dwelling in the land consistent with the revelation of ,jehovah's holiness already given by their banishment from it4 ,at this point accordingly 7ver4 #be7 ,ezekiel passes to speak of the spiritual process of regeneration by which ,israel is to be transformed into a true people of ,god4 ,this is a necessary part of the sanctification of the divine name before the world4 ,the new life of the people will reveal the character of the ,god whom they serve1 and the change will explain the calamities that had befallen them in the past4 ,the world will thus see 8that the house of ,israel went into captivity for their iniquity107#aeg7 and will understand the holiness which the true ,god requires in ,his worshippers4 ,but for the present the prophet's thoughts are concentrated on the operations of the divine grace by which the renewal is effected4 ,his analysis of the process of conversion is profoundly instructive1 and anticipates to a remarkable degree the teaching of the ,new ,testament4 ,we shall content ourselves at present with merely enumerating the different parts of the process4 ,the first step is the removal of the impurities contracted by past transgressions4 ,this is represented under the figure of sprinkling with clean water1 suggested by the ablutions or lustrations which are so common a feature of the ,levitical ritual 7ver4 #be74 ,the truth symbolised is the forgiveness of sins1 the act of grace which takes away the effect of moral uncleanness as a barrier to fellowship with ,god4 ,the second point is what is properly called regeneration1 the giving of a new heart and spirit 7ver4 #bf74 ,the stony heart of the old nation1 whose obduracy had dismayed so many prophets1 making them feel that they had spent their labour for nought and in vain1 shall be taken away1 and instead of it they shall receive a heart of flesh1 sensitive to spiritual influences and responsive to the divine will4 ,and to this is added in the third place the promise of the ,spirit of ,god to be in them as the ruling principle of a new life of obedience to the law of ,god 7ver4 #bg74 ,the law1 both moral and ceremonial1 is the expression of ,jehovah's holy nature1 and both the will and the power to keep it perfectly must proceed from the indwelling of ,his holy ,spirit in the people47#aeh7 ,it is thus ,jehovah ,himself who 8saves0 the people 8out of all their uncleannesses0 7ver4 #bi71 caused by the depravity and infirmity of their natural hearts4 ,when these conditions are realised the harmony between ,jehovah and ,israel will be completely restored3 ,he will be their ,god1 and they shall be ,his people4 ,they shall dwell for ever in the land promised to their fathers2 and the blessing of ,god resting on land and people will multiply the fruit of the tree and the produce of the field1 so that they receive no more the reproach of famine among the nations 7vv4 #bhcj74 ,having thus described the process of salvation as from first to last the work of ,jehovah1 the prophet proceeds to consider the impression which it will produce first on ,israel and then on the surrounding nations 7vv4 #cacf74 ,on ,israel the effect of the goodness of ,god will be to lead them to repentance4 ,remembering what their past history has been1 and contrasting it with the blessedness they now enjoy1 they shall be filled with shame and selfcontempt1 loathing themselves for their iniquities and their abominations4 ,it is not meant that all feelings of joy and gratitude will be swallowed up in the consciousness of unworthiness2 but this is the feeling that will be called forth by the memory of their past transgressions4 ,their horror of sin will be such that they cannot think of what they have been without the deepest compunction and selfabasement4 ,and this sense of the exceeding sinfulness of sin1 reacting on their consciousness of themselves1 will be the best moral guarantee against their relapse into the uncleanness from which they have been delivered4 ,to the heathen1 on the other hand1 the state of ,israel will be a convincing demonstration of the power and godhead of ,jehovah4 ,men will say1 8,yonder land1 which was desolate1 has become like the garden of ,eden2 and the cities that were ruined and waste and destroyed are fenced and inhabited0 7ver4 #ce74 ,they will know that it is ,jehovah's doing1 and it will be marvellous in their eyes4 ,the last two verses seem to be an appendix4 ,they deal with a special feature of the restoration1 about which the minds of the exiles may have been exercised in thinking of the possibility of their deliverance4 ,where was the population of the new ,israel to come from8 ,the population of ,judah must have been terribly reduced by the disastrous wars that had desolated the country since the time of ,hezekiah4 ,how was it possible1 with a few thousands in exile1 and a miserable remnant left in the land1 to build up a strong and prosperous nation8 ,this thought of theirs is met by the announcement of a great increase of the inhabitants of the land4 ,jehovah is ready to meet the questionings of human anxiety on this point3 ,he will 8let ,himself be inquired of0 for this47#aei7 ,the remembrance of the sacrificial flocks that used to throng the streets leading to the ,temple at the time of the great festivals supplies ,ezekiel with an image of the teeming population that shall be in all the cities of ,canaan when this prophecy is fulfilled4 ,such is in outline the scheme of redemption which ,ezekiel presents to the minds of his readers4 ,we shall reserve a fuller consideration of its more important doctrines for a separate chapter47#afj7 ,one general application of its teaching1 however1 may be pointed out before leaving the subject4 ,we see that for ,ezekiel the mysteries and perplexities of the divine government find their solution in the idea of redemption4 ,he is aware of the false impression necessarily produced on the heathen mind by ,god's dealings with ,his people1 as long as the process is incomplete4 ,on account of ,israel's sin the revelation of ,god in providence is gradual and fragmentary1 and seems even for a time to defeat its own end4 ,the omnipotence of ,god was obscured by the very act of vindicating ,his holiness2 and what was in itself a great step towards the complete revelation of ,his character came on the world in the first instance as an evidence of ,his impotence4 ,but the prophet1 looking beyond this to the final effect of ,god's work upon the world1 sees that ,jehovah can be truly known only in the manifestation of ,his redeeming grace4 ,all the enigmas and contradictions that arise from imperfect comprehension of ,his purpose find their answer in this truth1 that ,god will yet redeem ,israel from its iniquities4 ,god is ,his own interpreter1 and when ,his work of salvation is finished the result will be a conclusive demonstration of that lofty conception of ,god to which the prophet had attained4 ,now this argument of ,ezekiel's illustrates a principle of wide application4 ,many objections that are advanced against the theistic view of the universe seem to proceed on the assumption that the actual state of the world adequately represents the mind of its ,creator4 ,the heathen of ,ezekiel's day have their modern representatives amongst dispassionate critics of ,providence like ,j4 ,s4 ,mill1 who prove to their own satisfaction that the world cannot be the work of a being answering to the ,christian idea of ,god4 ,do what you will1 they say1 to minimise the evils of existence1 there is still an amount of undeniable pain and misery in the world which is fatal to your doctrine of an allpowerful and perfectly good ,creator4 ,omnipotence could1 and benevolence would1 find a remedy2 the ,author of the universe1 therefore1 cannot possess both4 ,god1 in short1 if there be a ,god1 may be benevolent1 or ,he may be omnipotent2 but if benevolent ,he is not omnipotent1 and if omnipotent ,he cannot be benevolent4 ,how very convincing this is--from the standpoint of the neutral1 non,christian observer6 ,and how poor a defence is sometimes made by the optimism which tries to make out that most evils are blessings in disguise1 and the rest not worth minding6 ,the ,christian religion rises superior to such criticism1 mainly in virtue of its living faith in redemption4 ,it does not explain away evil1 nor does it profess to account for its origin4 ,it speaks of the whole creation groaning and travailing in pain together even until now4 ,but it also describes the creation as waiting for the manifestation of the sons of ,god4 ,it teaches us to discover in history the unfolding of a purpose of redemption1 the end of which will be the deliverance of mankind from the dominion of sin and their eternal blessedness in the kingdom of our ,god and ,his ,christ4 ,what ,ezekiel foresaw in the form of a national restoration will be accomplished in a worldwide salvation1 in a new heavens and a new earth1 where there shall be no more curse4 ,but meanwhile to judge of ,god from what is1 apart from what is yet to be revealed1 is to repeat the mistake of those who judged ,jehovah to be an effete tribal deity because ,he had suffered ,his people to go forth out of their land4 ,those who have been brought into sympathy with the divine purpose1 and have experienced the power of the ,spirit of ,god in subduing the evil of their own hearts1 can hold with unwavering confidence the hope of a universal victory of good over evil2 and in the light of that hope the mysteries that surround the moral government of ,god cease to disturb their faith in the eternal ,love which labours patiently and unceasingly for the redemption of man4 ,chapter ,,xxii4 ,life ,from ,the ,dead4 ,chapter xxxvii4 ,the most formidable obstacle to faith on the part of the exiles in the possibility of a national redemption was the complete disintegration of the ancient people of ,israel4 ,hard as it was to realise that ,jehovah still lived and reigned in spite of the cessation of ,his worship1 and hard to hope for a recovery of the land of ,canaan from the dominion of the heathen1 these things were still conceivable4 ,what almost surpassed conception was the restoration of national life to the feeble and demoralised remnant who had survived the fall of the state4 ,it was no mere figure of speech that these exiles employed when they thought of their nation as dead4 ,cast off by its ,god1 driven from its land1 dismembered and deprived of its political organisation1 ,israel as a people had ceased to exist4 ,not only were the outward symbols of national unity destroyed1 but the national spirit was extinct4 ,just as the destruction of the bodily organism implies the death of each separate member and organ and cell1 so the individual ,israelites felt themselves to be as dead men1 dragging out an aimless existence without hope in the world4 ,while ,israel was alive they had lived in her and for her2 all the best part of their life1 religion1 duty1 liberty1 and loyalty had been bound up with the consciousness of belonging to a nation with a proud history behind them and a brilliant future for their posterity4 ,now that ,israel had perished all spiritual and ideal significance had gone out of their lives2 there remained but a selfish and sordid struggle for existence1 and this they felt was not life1 but death in life4 ,and thus a promise of deliverance which appealed to them as members of a nation seemed to them a mockery1 because they felt in themselves that the bond of national life was irrevocably broken4 ,the hardest part of ,ezekiel's task at this time was therefore to revive the national sentiment1 so as to meet the obvious objection that even if ,jehovah were able to drive the heathen from ,his land there was still no people of ,israel to whom ,he could give it4 ,if only the exiles could be brought to believe that ,israel had a future1 that although now dead it could be raised from the dead1 the spiritual meaning of their life would be given back to them in the form of hope1 and faith in ,god would be possible4 ,accordingly the prophet's thoughts are now directed to the idea of the nation as the third factor of the ,messianic hope4 ,he has spoken of the kingdom and the land1 and each of these ideals has led him on to the contemplation of the final condition of the world1 in which ,jehovah's purpose is fully manifested4 ,so in this chapter he finds in the idea of the nation a new point of departure1 from which he proceeds to delineate once more the ,messianic salvation in its completeness4 ,i ,the vision of the valley of dry bones described in the first part of the chapter contains the answer to the desponding thoughts of the exiles1 and seems indeed to be directly suggested by the figure in which the popular feeling was currently expressed3 8,our bones are dried2 our hope is lost3 we feel ourselves cut off0 7ver4 #aa74 ,the fact that the answer came to the prophet in a state of trance may perhaps indicate that his mind had brooded over these words of the people for some time before the moment of inspiration4 ,recognising how faithfully they represented the actual situation1 he was yet unable to suggest an adequate solution of the difficulty by means of the prophetic conceptions hitherto revealed to him4 ,such a vision as this seems to presuppose a period of intense mental activity on the part of ,ezekiel1 during which the despairing utterance of his compatriots sounded in his ears2 and the image of the dried bones of the house of ,israel so fixed itself in his mind that he could not escape its gloomy associations except by a direct communication from above4 ,when at last the hand of the ,lord came upon him1 the revelation clothed itself in a form corresponding to his previous meditations2 the emblem of death and despair is transformed into a symbol of assured hope through the astounding vision which unfolds itself before his inner eye4 ,in the ecstasy he feels himself led out in spirit to the plain which had been the scene of former appearances of ,god to ,his prophet4 ,but on this occasion he sees it covered with bones--8very many on the surface of the valley1 and very dry40 ,he is made to pass round about them1 in order that the full impression of this spectacle of desolation might sink into his mind4 ,his attention is engrossed by two facts--their exceeding great number1 and their parched appearance1 as if they had lain there long4 ,in other circumstances the question might have suggested itself1 ,how came these bones there8 ,what countless host has perished here1 leaving its unburied bones to bleach and wither on the open plain8 ,but the prophet has no need to think of this4 ,they are the bones which had been familiar to his waking thoughts1 the dry bones of the house of ,israel4 ,the question he hears addressed to him is not1 ,whence are these bones8 but1 ,can these bones live8 ,it is the problem which had exercised his faith in thinking of a national restoration which thus comes back to him in vision1 to receive its final solution from ,him who alone can give it4 ,the prophet's hesitating answer probably reveals the struggle between faith and sight1 between hope and fear1 which was latent in his mind4 ,he dare not say ,no1 for that would be to limit the power of ,him whom he knows to be omnipotent1 and also to shut out the last gleam of hope from his own mind4 ,yet in presence of that appalling scene of hopeless decay and death he cannot of his own initiative assert the possibility of resurrection4 ,in the abstract all things are possible with ,god2 but whether this particular thing1 so inconceivable to men1 is within the active purpose of ,god1 is a question which none can answer save ,god ,himself4 ,ezekiel does what man must always do in such a case--he throws himself back on ,god1 and reverently awaits the disclosure of ,his will1 saying1 8,o ,jehovah ,god1 ,thou knowest40 ,it is instructive to notice that the divine answer comes through the consciousness of a duty4 ,ezekiel is commanded first of all to prophesy over these dry bones2 and in the words given him to utter the solution of his own inward perplexity is wrapped up4 8,say unto them1 ,o ye dry bones1 hear the word of ,jehovah4444 ,behold1 ,i will cause breath to enter into you1 and ye shall live0 7vv4 #d1 #e74 ,in this way he is not only taught that the agency by which ,jehovah will effect ,his purpose is the prophetic word1 but he is also reminded that the truth now revealed to him is to be the guide of his practical ministry1 and that only in the steadfast discharge of his prophetic duty can he hold fast the hope of ,israel's resurrection4 ,the problem that has exercised him is not one that can be settled in retirement and inaction4 ,what he receives is not a mere answer1 but a message1 and the delivery of the message is the only way in which he can realise the truth of it1 his activity as a prophet being indeed a necessary element in the fulfilment of his words4 ,let him preach the word of ,god to these dry bones1 and he will know that they can live2 but if he fails to do this1 he will sink back into the unbelief to which all things are impossible4 ,faith comes in the act of prophesying4 ,ezekiel did as he was commanded2 he prophesied over the dry bones1 and immediately he was sensible of the effect of his words4 ,he heard a rustling1 and looking he saw that the bones were coming together1 bone to his bone4 ,he does not need to tell us how his heart rejoiced at this first sign of life returning to these dead bones1 and as he watched the whole process by which they were built up into the semblance of men4 ,it is described in minute detail1 so that no feature of the impression produced by the stupendous miracle may be lost4 ,it is divided into two stages1 the restoration of the bodily frame and the imparting of the principle of life4 ,this division cannot have any special significance when applied to the actual nation1 such as that the outward order of the state must be first established1 and then the national consciousness renewed4 ,it belongs to the imagery of the vision1 and follows the order observed in the original creation of man as described in the second chapter of ,genesis4 ,god first formed man of the dust of the ground1 and afterwards breathed into his nostrils the breath of life1 so that he became a living soul4 ,so here we have first a description of the process by which the bodies were built up1 the skeletons being formed from the scattered bones1 and then clothed successively with sinews and flesh and skin4 ,the reanimation of these still lifeless bodies is a separate act of creative energy1 in which1 however1 the agency is still the word of ,god in the mouth of the prophet4 ,he is bidden call for the breath to 8come from the four winds of heaven1 and breathe upon these slain that they may live40 ,in ,hebrew the words for wind1 breath1 and spirit are identical2 and thus the wind becomes a symbol of the universal divine ,spirit which is the source of all life1 while the breath is a symbol of that ,spirit as so to speak specialised in the individual man1 or in other words of his personal life4 ,in the case of the first man ,jehovah breathed into his nostrils the breath of life1 and the idea here is precisely the same4 ,the wind from the four quarters of heaven which becomes the breath of this vast assemblage of men is conceived as the breath of ,god1 and symbolises the lifegiving ,spirit which makes each of them a living person4 ,the resurrection is complete4 ,the men live1 and stand up upon their feet an exceeding great army4 ,this is the simplest1 as well as the most suggestive1 of ,ezekiel's visions1 and carries its interpretation on the face of it4 ,the single idea which it expresses is the restoration of the ,hebrew nationality through the quickening influence of the ,spirit of ,jehovah on the surviving members of the old house of ,israel4 ,it is not a prophecy of the resurrection of individual ,israelites who have perished4 ,the bones are 8the whole house of ,israel0 now in exile2 they are alive as individuals1 but as members of a nation they are dead and hopeless of revival4 ,this is made clear by the explanation of the vision given in vv4 #aaad4 ,it is addressed to those who think of themselves as cut off from the higher interests and activities of the national life4 ,by a slight change of figure they are conceived as dead and buried2 and the resurrection is represented as an opening of their graves4 ,but the grave is no more to be understood literally than the dry bones of the vision itself2 both are symbols of the gloomy and despairing view which the exiles take of their own condition4 ,the substance of the prophet's message is that the ,god who raises the dead and calls the things that are not as though they were is able to bring together the scattered members of the house of ,israel and form them into a new people through the operation of ,his lifegiving ,spirit4 ,it has often been supposed that1 although the passage may not directly teach the resurrection of the body1 it nevertheless implies a certain familiarity with that doctrine on the part of ,ezekiel1 if not of his hearers likewise4 ,if the raising of dead men to life could be used as an analogy of a national restoration1 the former conception must have been at least more obvious than the latter1 otherwise the prophet would be explaining obscurum per obscurius4 ,this argument1 however1 has only a superficial plausibility4 ,it confounds two things which are distinct--the mere conception of resurrection1 which is all that was necessary to make the vision intelligible1 and settled faith in it as an element of the ,messianic expectation4 ,that ,god by a miracle could restore the dead to life no devout ,israelite ever doubted47#afa7 ,but it is to be noted that the recorded instances of such miracles are all of those recently dead2 and there is no evidence of a general belief in the possibility of resurrection for those whose bones were scattered and dry4 ,it is this very impossibility1 indeed1 that gives point to the metaphor under which the people here express their sense of hopelessness4 ,moreover1 if the prophet had presupposed the doctrine of individual resurrection1 he could hardly have used it as an illustration in the way he does4 ,the mere prospect of a resuscitation of the multitudes of ,israelites who had perished would of itself have been a sufficient answer to the despondency of the exiles2 and it would have been an anticlimax to use it as an argument for something much less wonderful4 ,we must also bear in mind that while the resurrection of a nation may be to us little more than a figure of speech1 to the ,hebrew mind it was an object of thought more real and tangible than the idea of personal immortality4 ,it would appear therefore that in the order of revelation the hope of the resurrection is first presented in the promise of a resurrection of the dead nation of ,israel1 and only in the second instance as the resurrection of individual ,israelites who should have passed away without sharing in the glory of the latter days4 ,like the early converts to ,christianity1 the ,old ,testament believers sorrowed for those who fell asleep when the ,messiah's kingdom was supposed to be just at hand1 until they found consolation in the blessed hope of a resurrection with which ,paul comforted the ,church at ,thessalonica47#afb7 ,in ,ezekiel we find that doctrine as yet only in its more general form of a national resurrection2 but it can hardly be doubted that the form in which he expressed it prepared the way for the fuller revelation of a resurrection of the individual4 ,in two later passages of the prophetic ,scriptures we seem to find clear indications of progress in this direction4 ,one is a difficult verse in the twentysixth chapter of ,isaiah--part of a prophecy usually assigned to a period later than ,ezekiel--where the writer1 after a lamentation over the disappointments and wasted efforts of the present1 suddenly breaks into a rapture of hope as he thinks of a time when departed ,israelites shall be restored to life to join the ranks of the ransomed people of ,god3 8,let thy dead live again6 ,let my dead bodies arise6 ,awake and rejoice1 ye that dwell in the dust1 for thy dew is a dew of light1 and the earth shall yield up her shades407#afc7 ,there does not seem to be any doubt that what is here predicted is the actual resurrection of individual members of the people of ,israel to share in the blessings of the kingdom of ,god4 ,the other passage referred to is in the book of ,daniel1 where we have the first explicit prediction of a resurrection both of the just and the unjust4 ,in the time of trouble when the people is delivered 8many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake1 some to everlasting life1 and some to shame and everlasting contempt407#afd7 ,these remarks are made merely to show in what sense ,ezekiel's vision may be regarded as a contribution to the ,old ,testament doctrine of personal immortality4 ,it is so not by its direct teaching1 nor yet by its presuppositions1 but by the suggestiveness of its imagery1 opening out a line of thought which under the guidance of the ,spirit of truth led to a fuller disclosure of the care of ,god for the individual life1 and ,his purpose to redeem from the power of the grave those who had departed this life in ,his faith and fear4 ,but this line of inquiry lies somewhat apart from the main teaching of the passage before us as a message for the ,church in all ages4 ,the passage teaches with striking clearness the continuity of ,god's redeeming work in the world1 in spite of hindrances which to human eyes seem insurmountable4 ,the gravest hindrance1 both in appearance and in reality1 is the decay of faith and vital religion in the ,church itself4 ,there are times when earnest men are tempted to say that the ,church's hope is lost and her bones are dried--when laxity of life and lukewarmness in devotion pervade all her members1 and she ceases to influence the world for good4 ,and yet when we consider that the whole history of ,god's cause is one long process of raising dead souls to spiritual life and building up a kingdom of ,god out of fallen humanity1 we see that the true hope of the ,church can never be lost4 ,it lies in the lifegiving1 regenerating power of the divine ,spirit1 and the promise that the word of ,god does not return to ,him void but prospers in the thing whereto ,he sends it4 ,that is the great lesson of ,ezekiel's vision1 and although its immediate application may be limited to the occasion that called it forth1 yet the analogy on which it is founded is taken up by our ,lord ,himself and extended to the proclamation of ,his truth to the world at large3 8,the hour is coming1 and now is1 when the dead shall hear the voice of the ,son of ,god2 and they that hear shall live407#afe7 ,we perhaps too readily empty these strong terms of their meaning4 ,the ,spirit of ,god is apt to become a mere expression for the religious and moral influences lodged in a ,christian society1 and we come to rely on these agencies for the dissemination of ,christian principles and the formation of ,christian character4 ,we forget that behind all this there is something which is compared to the imparting of life where there was none1 something which is the work of the ,spirit of which we cannot tell whence it cometh and whither it goeth4 ,but in times of low spirituality1 when the love of many waxes cold1 and there are few signs of zeal and activity in the service of ,christ1 men learn to fall back in faith on the invisible power of ,god to make ,his word effectual for the revival of ,his cause among men4 ,and this happens constantly in narrow spheres which may never attract the notice of the world4 ,there are positions in the ,church still where ,christ's servants are called to labour in the faith of ,ezekiel1 with appearances all against them1 and nothing to inspire them but the conviction that the word they preach is the power of ,god and able even to bring life to the dead4 ,,ii ,the second half of the chapter speaks of a special feature of the national restoration1 the reunion of the kingdoms of ,judah and ,israel under one sceptre4 ,this is represented first of all by a symbolic action4 ,the prophet is directed to take two pieces of wood1 apparently in the form of sceptres1 and to write upon them inscriptions dedicating them respectively to ,judah and ,joseph1 the heads of the two confederacies out of which the rival monarchies were formed4 ,the 8companions0 7ver4 #af7--;i4e41 allies--of ,judah are the two tribes of ,benjamin and ,simeon2 those of ,joseph are all the other tribes1 who stood under the hegemony of ,ephraim4 ,if the second inscription is rather more complicated than the first1 it is because of the fact that there was no actual tribe of ,joseph4 ,it therefore runs thus3 8,for ,joseph1 the staff of ,ephraim1 and all the house of ,israel his confederates40 ,these two staves then he is to put together so that they become one sceptre in his hand4 ,it is a little difficult to decide whether this was a sign that was actually performed before the people1 or one that is only imagined4 ,it depends partly on what we take to be meant by the joining of the two pieces4 ,if ,ezekiel merely took two sticks1 put them end to end1 and made them look like one1 then no doubt he did this in public1 for otherwise there would be no use in mentioning the circumstance at all4 ,but if the meaning is1 as seems more probable1 that when the rods are put together they miraculously grow into one1 then we see that such a sign has a value for the prophet's own mind as a symbol of the truth revealed to him1 and it is no longer necessary to assume that the action was really performed4 ,the purpose of the sign is not merely to suggest the idea of political unity1 which is too simple to require any such illustration1 but rather to indicate the completeness of the union and the divine force needed to bring it about4 ,the difficulty of conceiving a perfect fusion of the two parts of the nation was really very great1 the cleavage between ,judah and the ,north being much older than the monarchy1 and having been accentuated by centuries of political separation and rivalry4 ,to us the most noteworthy fact is the steadfastness with which the prophets of this period cling to the hope of a restoration of the northern tribes1 although nearly a century and a half had now elapsed since 8,ephraim was broken from being a people407#aff7 ,ezekiel1 like ,jeremiah1 is unable to think of an ,israel which does not include the representatives of the ten northern tribes4 ,whether any communication was kept up with the colonies of ,israelites that had been transported from ,samaria to ,assyria we do not know1 but they are regarded as still existing1 and still remembered by ,jehovah4 ,the resurrection of the nation which ,ezekiel has just predicted is expressly said to apply to the whole house of ,israel1 and now he goes on to announce that this 8exceeding great army0 shall march to its land not under two banners1 but under one4 ,we have touched already1 in speaking of the ,messianic idea1 on the reasons which lead the prophets to put so much emphasis on this union4 ,they felt as strongly on the point as a ,high ,churchman does about the sin of schism1 and it would not be difficult for the latter to show that his point of view and his ideals closely resemble those of the prophets4 ,the rending of the body of ,christ which is supposed to be involved in a breach of external unity is paralleled by the disruption of the ,hebrew state1 which violates the unity of the one people of ,jehovah4 ,the idea of the ,church as the bride of ,christ1 is the same idea under which ,hosea expresses the relations between ,jehovah and ,israel1 and it necessarily carries with it the unity of the people of ,israel in the one case and of the ,church in the other4 ,it must be admitted also that the evils resulting from the division between ,judah and ,israel have been reproduced1 with consequences a thousand times more disastrous to religion1 in the strife and uncharitableness1 the party spirit and jealousies and animosities1 which different denominations of ,christians have invariably exhibited towards each other when they were close enough for mutual interest4 ,but granting all this1 and granting that what is called schism is essentially the same thing that the prophets desired to see removed1 it does not at once follow that dissent is in itself sinful1 and still less that the sin is necessarily on the side of the ,dissenter4 ,the question is whether the national standpoint of the prophets is altogether applicable to the communion of saints in ,christ1 whether the body of ,christ is really torn asunder by differences in organisation and opinion1 whether1 in short1 anything is necessary to avoid the guilt of schism beyond keeping the unity of the ,spirit in the bond of peace4 ,the ,old ,testament dealt with men in the mass1 as members of a nation1 and its standards can hardly be adequate to the polity of a religion which has to provide for the freedom of the individual conscience before ,god4 ,at the worst the ,dissenter may point out that the ,old ,testament schism was necessary as a protest against tyranny and despotism1 that in this aspect it was sanctioned by the inspired prophets of the age1 that its undoubted evils were partly compensated by a freer expansion of religious life1 and finally that even the prophets did not expect it to be healed before the millennium4 ,from the idea of the reunited nation ,ezekiel returns easily to the promise of the ,davidic king and the blessings of the ,messianic dispensation4 ,the one people implies one shepherd1 and also one land1 and one spirit to walk in ,jehovah's judgments and to observe ,his statutes to do them4 ,the various elements which enter into the conception of national salvation are thus gathered up and combined in one picture of the people's everlasting felicity4 ,and the whole is crowned by the promise of ,jehovah's presence with the people1 sanctifying and protecting them from ,his sanctuary4 ,this final condition of things is permanent and eternal4 ,the sources of internal dispeace are removed by the washing away of ,israel's iniquities1 and the impossibility of any disturbance from without is illustrated by the onslaught of the heathen nations described in the following chapters4 ,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,the ,conversion ,of ,israel4 ,in an early chapter of this volume7#afg7 we had occasion to notice some theological principles which appear to have guided the prophet's thinking from the first4 ,it was evident even then that these principles pointed towards a definite theory of the conversion of ,israel and the process by which it was to be effected4 ,in subsequent prophecies we have seen how constantly ,ezekiel's thoughts revert to this theme1 as now one aspect of it and then another is disclosed to him4 ,we have also glanced at one passage7#afh7 which seemed to be a connected statement of the divine procedure as bearing on the restoration of ,israel4 ,but we have now reached a stage in the exposition where all this lies behind us4 ,in the chapters that remain to be considered the regeneration of the people is assumed to have taken place2 their religion and their morality are regarded as established on a stable and permanent basis1 and all that has to be done is to describe the institutions by which the benefits of salvation may be conserved and handed down from age to age of the ,messianic dispensation4 ,the present is therefore a fitting opportunity for an attempt to describe ,ezekiel's doctrine of conversion as a whole4 ,it is all the more desirable that the attempt should be made because the national salvation is the central interest of the whole book2 and if we can understand the prophet's teaching on this subject1 we shall have the key to his whole system of theology4 #a4 ,the first point to be noticed1 and the one most characteristic of ,ezekiel1 is the divine motive for the redemption of ,israel--,jehovah's regard for ,his own name4 ,this thought finds expression in many parts of the book1 but nowhere more clearly than in the twentysecond verse of the thirtysixth chapter3 8,not for your sakes do ,i act1 ,o house of ,israel1 but for ,my holy name1 which ye have profaned among the heathen1 whither ye went40 ,similarly in the thirtysecond verse3 8,not for your sakes do ,i act1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 be it known unto you3 be ashamed and confounded for your own ways1 ,o house of ,israel40 ,there is an apparent harshness in these declarations which makes it easy to present them in a repellent light4 ,they have been taken to mean that ,jehovah is absolutely indifferent to the weal or woe of the people except in so far as it reflects on ,his own credit with the world2 that ,he accepts the relationship between ,him and ,israel1 but does so in the spirit of a selfish parent who exerts himself to save his child from disgrace merely in order to prevent his own name from being dragged in the mire4 ,it would be difficult to explain how such a ,being should be at all concerned about what men think of ,him4 ,if ,jehovah has no interest in ,israel1 it is hard to see why ,he should be sensitive to the opinion of the rest of mankind4 ,that is an idea of ,god which no man can seriously hold1 and we may be certain that it is a perversion of ,ezekiel's meaning4 ,everything depends on how much is included in the 8name0 of ,jehovah4 ,if it denotes mere arbitrary power1 delighting in its own exercise and the awe which it excites1 then we might conceive of the divine action as ruled by a boundless egoism1 to which all human interests are alike indifferent4 ,but that is not the conception of ,god which ,ezekiel has4 ,he is a moral ,being1 one who has compassion on other things besides ,his own name17#afi7 one who has no pleasure in the death of the wicked1 but that he should turn from his way and live47#agj7 ,but when this aspect of ,his character is included in the name of ,god1 we see that regard for ,his name cannot mean mere regard for ,his own interests1 as if these were opposed to the interests of ,his creatures2 but means the desire to be known as ,he is1 as a ,god of mercy and righteousness as well as of infinite power4 ,the name of ,god is that by which ,he is known amongst men4 ,it is more than ,his honour or reputation1 although that is included in it according to ,hebrew idiom2 it is the expression of ,his character or ,his personality4 ,to act for ,his name's sake1 therefore1 is to act so that ,his true character may be more fully revealed1 and so that men's thoughts of ,him may more truly correspond to that which in ,himself ,he is4 ,there is plainly nothing in this inconsistent with the deepest interest in men's spiritual well being4 ,jehovah is the ,god of salvation1 and desires to reveal ,himself as such2 and whether we say that ,he saves men in order that ,he may be known as a ,saviour1 or that ,he makes ,himself known in order to save them1 does not make any real difference4 ,revelation and redemption are one thing4 ,and when ,ezekiel says that regard for ,his own name is the supreme motive of ,jehovah's action1 he does not teach that ,jehovah is uninfluenced by care for man2 if the question had been put to him1 he would have said that care for man is one of the attributes included in the ,name which ,jehovah is concerned to reveal4 ,the real meaning of ,ezekiel's doctrine will perhaps be best understood from its negative statement4 ,what is meant to be excluded by the expression 8not for your sakes08 ,it might no doubt mean1 8not because ,i care at all for you02 but that we have seen to be inconsistent with other aspects of ,ezekiel's teaching about the divine character4 ,all that it necessarily implies is 8not for any good that ,i find in you40 ,it is a protest against the idea of ,pharisaic selfrighteousness that a man may have a legal claim upon ,god through his own merits4 ,it is true that that was not a prevalent notion amongst the people in the time of ,ezekiel4 ,but their state of mind was one in which such a thought might easily arise4 ,they were convinced of having been entirely in the wrong in their conceptions of the relation between them and ,jehovah4 ,the pagan notion that the people is indispensable to the god on account of a physical bond between them had broken down in the recent experience of ,israel1 and with it had vanished every natural ground for the hope of salvation4 ,in such circumstances the promise of deliverance would naturally raise the thought that there must after all be something in ,israel that was pleasing to ,jehovah1 and that the prophet's denunciations of their past sins were overdone4 ,in order to guard against that error ,ezekiel explicitly asserts1 what was involved in the whole of his teaching1 that the mercy of ,god was not called forth by any good in ,israel1 but that nevertheless there are immutable reasons in the divine nature on which the certainty of ,israel's redemption may be built4 ,the truth here taught is therefore1 in theological language1 the sovereignty of the divine grace4 ,ezekiel's statement of it is liable to all the distortions and misrepresentations to which that doctrine has been subjected at the hands both of its friends and its enemies2 but when fairly treated it is no more objectionable than any other expression of the same truth to be found in ,scripture4 ,in ,ezekiel's case it was the result of a penetrating analysis of the moral condition of his people which led him to see that there was nothing in them to suggest the possibility of their being restored4 ,it is only when he falls back on the thought of what ,god is1 on the divine necessity of vindicating ,his holiness in the salvation of ,his people1 that his faith in ,israel's future finds a sure point of support4 ,and so in general a profound sense of human sinfulness will always throw the mind back on the idea of ,god as the one immovable ground of confidence in the ultimate redemption of the individual and the world4 ,when the doctrine is pressed to the conclusion that ,god saves men in spite of themselves1 and merely to display ,his power over them1 it becomes false and pernicious1 and indeed selfcontradictory4 ,but so long as we hold fast to the truth that ,god is love1 and that the glory of ,god is the manifestation of ,his love1 the doctrine of the divine sovereignty only expresses the unchangeableness of that love and its final victory over the sin of the world4 #b4 ,the intellectual side of the conversion of ,israel is the acceptance of that idea of ,god which to the prophet is summed up in the name of ,jehovah4 ,this is expressed in the standing formula which denotes the effect of all ,god's dealings with men1 8,they shall know that ,i am ,jehovah40 ,we need not1 however1 repeat what has been already said as to the meaning of these words47#aga7 ,nor shall we dwell on the effect of the national judgment as a means towards producing a right impression of ,jehovah's nature4 ,it is possible that as time went on ,ezekiel came to see that chastisement alone would not effect the moral change in the exiles which was necessary to bring them into sympathy with the divine purposes4 ,in the early prophecy of ch4 vi4 the knowledge of ,jehovah and the selfcondemnation which accompanies it are spoken of as the direct result of ,his judgment on sin17#agb7 and this undoubtedly was one element in the conversion of the people to right thoughts about ,god4 ,but in all other passages this feeling of selfloathing is not the beginning but the end of conversion2 it is caused by the experience of pardon and redemption following upon punishment47#agc7 ,there is also another aspect of judgment which may be mentioned in passing for the sake of completeness4 ,it is that which is expounded in the end of the twentieth chapter4 ,there the judgment which still stands between the exiles and the return to their own land is represented as a sifting process1 in which those who have undergone a spiritual change are finally separated from those who perish in their impenitence4 ,this idea does not occur in the prophecies subsequent to the fall of ,jerusalem1 and it may be doubtful how it fits into the scheme of redemption there unfolded4 ,the prophet here regards conversion as a process wholly carried through by the operation of ,jehovah on the mind of the people2 and what we have next to consider is the steps by which this great end is accomplished4 ,they are these two--forgiveness and regeneration4 #c4 ,the forgiveness of sins is denoted in the thirtysixth chapter1 as we have already seen1 by the symbol of sprinkling with clean water4 ,but it must not be supposed that this isolated figure is the only form in which the doctrine appears in ,ezekiel's exposition of the process of salvation4 ,on the contrary forgiveness is the fundamental assumption of the whole argument1 and is present in every promise of future blessedness to the people4 ,for the ,old ,testament idea of forgiveness is extremely simple1 resting as it does on the analogy of forgiveness in human life4 ,the spiritual fact which constitutes the essence of forgiveness is the change in ,jehovah's disposition towards ,his people which is manifested by the renewal of those indispensable conditions of national wellbeing which in ,his anger ,he had taken away4 ,the restoration of ,israel to its own land is thus not simply a token of forgiveness1 but the act of forgiveness itself1 and the only form in which the fact could be realised in the experience of the nation4 ,in this sense the whole of ,ezekiel's predictions of the ,messianic deliverance and the glories that follow it are one continuous promise of forgiveness1 setting forth the truth that ,jehovah's love to ,his people persists in spite of their sin1 and works victoriously for their redemption and restoration to the full enjoyment of ,his favour4 ,there is perhaps one point in which we discover a difference between ,ezekiel's conception and that of his predecessors4 ,according to the common prophetic doctrine penitence1 including amendment1 is the moral effect of ,jehovah's chastisement1 and is the necessary condition of pardon4 ,we have seen that there is some doubt whether ,ezekiel regarded repentance as the result of judgment1 and the same doubt exists as to whether in the order of salvation repentance is a preliminary or a consequence of forgiveness4 ,the truth is that the prophet appears to combine both conceptions4 ,in urging individuals to prepare for the coming of the kingdom of ,god he makes repentance a necessary condition of entering it2 but in describing the whole process of salvation as the work of ,god he makes contrition for sin the result of reflection on the goodness of ,jehovah already experienced in the peaceful occupation of the land of ,canaan4 #d4 ,the idea of regeneration is very prominent in ,ezekiel's teaching4 ,the need for a radical change in the national character was impressed on him by the spectacle which he witnessed daily of evil tendencies and practices persisted in1 in spite of the clearest demonstration that they were hateful to ,jehovah and had been the cause of the nation's calamities4 ,and he does not ascribe this state of things merely to the influence of tradition and public opinion and evil example1 but traces it to its source in the hardness and corruption of the individual nature4 ,it was evident that no mere change of intellectual conviction would avail to alter the currents of life among the exiles2 the heart must be renewed1 out of which are the issues both of personal and national life4 ,hence the promise of regeneration is expressed as a taking away of the stony1 unimpressible heart that was in them1 and putting within them a heart of flesh1 a new heart and a new spirit4 ,in exhorting individuals to repentance ,ezekiel calls on them to make themselves a new heart and a new spirit17#agd7 meaning that their repentance must be genuine1 extending to the inner motives and springs of action1 and not be confined to outward signs of mourning47#age7 ,but in other connections the new heart and spirit is represented as a gift1 the result of the operation of the divine grace47#agf7 ,closely connected with this1 perhaps only the same truth in another form1 is the promise of the outpouring of the ,spirit of ,god47#agg7 ,the general expectation of a new supernatural power infused into the national life in the latter days is common in the prophets4 ,it appears in ,hosea under the beautiful image of the dew17#agh7 and in ,isaiah it is expressed in the consciousness that the desolation of the land must continue 8until spirit be poured upon us from on high407#agi7 ,but no earlier prophet presents the idea of the ,spirit as a principle of regeneration with the precision and clearness which the doctrine assumes in the hands of ,ezekiel4 ,what in ,hosea and ,isaiah may be only a divine influence1 quickening and developing the flagging spiritual energies of the people1 is here revealed as a creative power1 the source of a new life1 and the beginning of all that possesses moral or spiritual worth in the people of ,god4 #e4 ,it only remains for us now to note the twofold effect of these operations of ,jehovah's grace in the religious and moral condition of the nation4 ,there will be produced1 in the first place1 a new readiness and power of obedience to the divine commandments47#ahj7 ,like the apostle1 they will not only 8consent unto the law that it is good027#aha7 but in virtue of the new 8,spirit of life0 given to them1 they will be in a real sense 8free from the law107#ahb7 because the inward impulse of their own regenerate nature will lead them to fulfil it perfectly4 ,the inefficiency of law as a mere external authority acting on men by hope of reward and fear of punishment was perceived both by ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel almost as clearly as by ,paul1 although this conviction on the part of the prophets was based on observation of national depravity rather than on their personal experience4 ,it led ,jeremiah to the conception of a new covenant under which ,jehovah will write ,his law on men's hearts27#ahc7 and ,ezekiel expresses the same truth in the promise of a new ,spirit inclining the people to walk in ,jehovah's statutes and to keep ,his judgments4 ,the second inward result of salvation is shame and selfloathing on account of past transgressions47#ahd7 ,it seems strange that the prophet should dwell so much on this as a mark of ,israel's saved condition4 ,his strong protest against the doctrine of inherited guilt in the eighteenth chapter would have led us to expect that the members of the new ,israel would not be conscious of any responsibility for the sins of the old4 ,but here1 as in other instances1 the conception of the personified nation proves itself a better vehicle of religious truth from the ,old ,testament standpoint than the religious relations of the individual4 ,the continuity of the national consciousness sustains that profound sense of unworthiness which is an essential element of true reconciliation to ,god1 although each individual ,israelite in the kingdom of ,god knows that he is not accountable for the iniquity of his fathers4 ,this outline of the prophet's conception of salvation illustrates the truth of the remark that ,ezekiel is the first dogmatic theologian4 ,in so far as it is the business of a theologian to exhibit the logical connection of the ideas which express man's relation to ,god1 ,ezekiel more than any other prophet may claim the title4 ,truths which are the presuppositions of all prophecy are to him objects of conscious reflection1 and emerge from his hands in the shape of clearly formulated doctrines4 ,there is probably no single element of his teaching which may not be traced in the writings of his predecessors1 but there is none which has not gained from him a more distinct intellectual expression4 ,and what is specially remarkable is the manner in which the doctrines are bound together in the unity of a system4 ,in grounding the necessity of redemption in the divine nature1 ,ezekiel may be said to foreshadow the theology which is often called ,calvinistic or ,augustinian1 but which might more truly be called ,pauline4 ,although the final remedy for the sin of the world had not yet been revealed1 the scheme of redemption disclosed to ,ezekiel agrees with much of the teaching of the ,new ,testament regarding the effects of the work of ,christ on the individual4 ,speaking of the passage ch4 xxxvi4 #afch ,dr4 ,davidson writes as follows3-- 8,probably no passage in the ,old ,testament of the same extent offers so complete a parallel to ,new ,testament doctrine1 particularly to that of ,st4 ,paul4 ,it is doubtful if the apostle quotes ,ezekiel anywhere1 but his line of thought entirely coincides with his4 ,the same conceptions and in the same order belong to both1--forgiveness 7ver4 #be72 regeneration1 a new heart and spirit 7ver4 #bf72 the ,spirit of ,god as the ruling power in the new life 7ver4 #bg72 the issue of this1 the keeping of the requirements of ,god's law 7ver4 #bg2 ,rom4 viii4 #d72 the effect of being #8under grace' in softening the human heart and leading to obedience 7ver4 #ca2 ,rom4 vi41 vii472 and the organic connection of ,israel's history with ,jehovah's revelation of ,himself to the nations 7vv4 #cccf2 ,rom4 xi4740 ,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,jehovah's ,final ,victory4 ,chapters xxxviii41 xxxix4 ,these chapters give the impression of having been intended to stand at the close of the book of ,ezekiel4 ,their present position is best explained on the supposition that the original collection of ,ezekiel's prophecies actually ended here1 and that the remaining chapters 7xl4xlviii47 form an appendix1 added at a later period without disturbing the plan on which the book had been arranged4 ,in chronological order1 at all events1 the oracle on ,gog comes after the vision of the last nine chapters4 ,it marks the utmost limit of ,ezekiel's vision of the future of the kingdom of ,god4 ,it represents the dnouement of the great drama of ,jehovah's self manifestation to the nations of the world4 ,it describes an event which is to take place in the fardistant future1 long after the ,messianic age has begun and after ,israel has long been settled peacefully in its own land4 ,certain considerations1 which we shall notice at the end of this lecture1 brought home to the prophet's mind the conviction that the lessons of ,israel's restoration did not afford a sufficient illustration of ,jehovah's glory or of the meaning of ,his past dealings with ,his people4 ,the conclusive demonstration of this is therefore to be furnished by the destruction of ,gog and his myrmidons when in the latter days they make an onslaught on the ,holy ,land4 ,the idea of a great worldcatastrophe1 following after a long interval the establishment of the kingdom of ,god1 is peculiar to ,ezekiel amongst the prophets of the ,old ,testament4 ,according to other prophets the judgment of the nations takes place in a 8day of ,jehovah0 which is the crisis of history2 and the ,messianic era which follows is a period of undisturbed tranquillity in which the knowledge of the true ,god penetrates to the remotest regions of the earth4 ,in ,ezekiel1 on the other hand1 the judgment of the world is divided into two acts4 ,the nearer nations which have played a part in the history of ,israel in the past form a group by themselves2 their punishment is a preliminary to the restoration of ,israel1 and the impression produced by that restoration is for them a signal1 though not perhaps a complete17#ahe7 vindication of the ,godhead of ,jehovah4 ,but the outlying barbarians1 who hover on the outskirts of civilisation1 are not touched by this revelation of the divine power and goodness2 they seem to be represented as utterly ignorant of the marvellous course of events by which ,israel has been brought to dwell securely in the midst of the nations47#ahf7 ,these1 accordingly1 are reserved for a final reckoning1 in which the power of ,jehovah will be displayed with the terrible physical convulsions which mark the great day of the ,lord47#ahg7 ,only then will the full meaning of ,israel's history be disclosed to the world2 in particular it will be seen that it was for their sin that they had fallen under the power of the heathen1 and not because of ,jehovah's inability to protect them47#ahh7 ,these are some general features of the prophecy which at once attract attention4 ,we shall now examine the details of the picture1 and then proceed to consider its significance in relation to other elements of ,ezekiel's teaching4 ,i ,the thirtyeighth chapter may be divided into three sections of seven verses each4 i4 ,vv4 #ci4--,the prophet having been commanded to direct his face towards ,gog in the land of ,magog1 is commissioned to announce the fate that is in store for him and his hosts in the latter days4 ,the name of this mysterious and formidable personage was evidently familiar to the ,jewish world of ,ezekiel's time1 although to us its origin is altogether obscure4 ,the most plausible suggestion1 on the whole1 is perhaps that which identifies it with the name of the ,lydian monarch ,gyges1 which appears on the ,assyrian monuments in the form ,gugu1 corresponding as closely as is possible to the ,hebrew ,gog47#ahi7 ,but in the mind of ,ezekiel ,gog is hardly an historical figure4 ,he is but the impersonation of the dreaded power of the northern barbarians1 already recognised as a serious danger to the peace of the world4 ,his designation as prince of ,rosh1 ,meshech1 and ,tubal points to the region east of the ,black ,sea as the seat of his power47#aij7 ,he is the captain of a vast multitude of horsemen1 gorgeously arrayed1 and armed with shield1 helmet1 and sword4 ,but although ,gog himself belongs to the 8uttermost north10 he gathers under his banner all the most distant nations both of the north and the south4 ,not only northern peoples like the ,cimmerians and ,armenians17#aia7 but ,persians and ,africans17#aib7 all of them with shield and helmet1 swell the ranks of his motley army4 ,the name of ,gog is thus on the way to become a symbol of the implacable enmity of this world to the kingdom of ,god2 as in the book of the ,revelation it appears as the designation of the ungodly worldpower which perishes in conflict with the saints of ,god 7,rev4 xx4 #g ff474 ,gog therefore is summoned to hold himself in readiness1 as ,jehovah's reserve17#aic7 against the last days1 when the purpose for which he has been raised up will be made manifest4 ,after many days he shall receive his marching orders2 ,jehovah ,himself will lead forth his squadrons and the innumerable hosts of nations that follow in his train17#aid7 and bring them up against the mountains of ,israel1 now reclaimed from desolation1 and against a nation gathered from among many peoples1 dwelling in peace and security4 ,the advance of these destructive hordes is likened to a tempest1 and their innumerable multitude is pictured as a cloud covering all the land 7ver4 #i74 ii4 ,vv4 #ajaf4--;,but like the ,assyrian in the time of ,isaiah1 ,gog 8meaneth not so02 he is not aware that he is ,jehovah's instrument1 his purpose being to 8destroy and cut off nations not a few407#aie7 ,hence the prophet proceeds to a new description of the enterprise of ,gog1 laying stress on the 8evil thought0 that will arise in his heart and lure him to his doom4 ,what urges him on is the lust of plunder4 ,the report of the people of ,israel as a people that has amassed wealth and substance1 and is at the same time defenceless1 dwelling in a land without walls or bolts or gates1 will have reached him4 ,these two verses 7#aa1 #ab7 are interesting as giving a picture of ,ezekiel's conception of the final state of the people of ,god4 ,they dwell in the 8navel of the world02 they are rich and prosperous1 so that the fame of them has gone forth through all lands2 they are destitute of military resources1 yet are unmolested in the enjoyment of their favoured lot because of the moral effect of ,jehovah's name on all nations that know their history4 ,to ,gog1 however1 who knows nothing of ,jehovah1 they will seem an easy conquest1 and he will come up confident of victory to seize spoil and take booty and lay his hand on waste places reinhabited and a people gathered out of the heathen4 ,the news of the great expedition and the certainty of its success will rouse the cupidity of the trading communities from all the ends of the earth1 and they will attach themselves as campfollowers to the army of ,gog4 ,in historic times this rle would naturally have fallen to the ,phnicians1 who had a keen eye for business of this description47#aif7 ,but ,ezekiel is thinking of a time when ,tyre shall be no more2 and its place is taken by the mercantile tribes of ,arabia and the ancient ,phnician colony of ,tarshish4 ,the whole world will then resound with the fame of ,gog's expedition1 and the most distant nations will await its issue with eager expectation4 ,this then is the meaning of ,gog's destiny4 ,in the time when ,israel dwells peacefully he will be restless and eager for spoil27#aig7 his multitudes will be set in motion1 and throw themselves on the land1 covering it like a cloud4 ,but this is ,jehovah's doing1 and the purpose of it is that the nations may know ,him and that ,he may be sanctified in ,gog before their eyes4 iii4 ,vv4 #agbc4--,these verses are in the main a description of the annihilation of ,gog's host by the fierce wrath of ,jehovah2 but this is introduced by a reference to unfulfilled prophecies which are to receive their accomplishment in this great catastrophe4 ,it is difficult to say what particular prophecies are meant4 ,those which most readily suggest themselves are perhaps the fourth chapter of ,joel and the twelfth and fourteenth of ,zechariah2 but these probably belong to a later date than ,ezekiel4 ,the prophecies of ,zephaniah and ,jeremiah1 called forth by the ,scythian invasion17#aih7 have also been thought of1 although the point of view there is different from that of ,ezekiel4 ,in ,jeremiah and ,zephaniah the ,scythians are the scourge of ,god1 appointed for the chastisement of the sinful nation2 whereas ,gog is brought up against a holy people1 and for the express purpose of having judgment executed on himself4 ,on the supposition that ,ezekiel's vision was coloured by his recollection of the ,scythians1 this view has no doubt the greatest likelihood4 ,it is possible1 however1 that the allusion is not to any particular group of prophecies1 but to a general idea which pervades prophecy--the expectation of a great conflict in which the power of the world shall be arrayed against ,jehovah and ,israel1 and the issue of which shall exhibit the sole sovereignty of the true ,god to all mankind47#aii7 ,it is of course unnecessary to suppose that any prophet had mentioned ,gog by name in a prediction of the future4 ,all that is meant is that ,gog is the person in whom the substance of previous oracles is to be accomplished4 ,the question of ver4 #ag leads thus to the announcement of the outpouring of ,jehovah's indignation on the violators of ,his territory4 ,as soon as ,gog sets foot on the soil of ,israel1 ,jehovah's wrath is kindled against him4 ,a mighty earthquake shall shatter the mountains and level every wall to the ground and strike terror into the hearts of all creatures4 ,the host of ,gog shall be panicstricken17#bjj7 each man turning his sword against his fellow2 while ,jehovah completes the slaughter by pestilence and blood1 rain and hailstones1 fire and brimstone4 ,the deliverance of ,israel is effected without the help of any human arm2 it is the doing of ,jehovah1 who thus magnifies and sanctifies ,himself and makes ,himself known before the eyes of many peoples1 so that they may know ,him to be ,jehovah4 iv4 ,ch4 xxxix4 #ah4--;,commencing afresh with a new apostrophe to ,gog1 ,ezekiel here recapitulates the substance of the previous chapter--the bringing up of ,gog from the farthest north1 his destruction on the mountains of ,israel1 and the effect of this on the surrounding nations4 ,mention is expressly made of the bow and arrows which were the distinctive weapons of the ,scythian horsemen47#bja7 ,these are struck from the grasp of ,gog1 and the mighty host falls on the open field to be devoured by wild beasts and by ravenous birds of every feather4 ,but the judgment is universal in its extent2 it reaches to ,magog1 the distant abode of ,gog1 and all the remote lands whence his auxiliaries were drawn4 ,this is the day whereof ,jehovah has spoken by ,his servants the prophets of ,israel1 the day which finally manifests ,his glory to all the ends of the earth4 v4 ,vv4 #iaf4--;,here the prophet falls into a more prosaic strain1 as he proceeds to describe with characteristic fulness of detail the sequel of the great invasion4 ,as the ,english story of the ,invincible ,armada would be incomplete without a reference to the treasures cast ashore from the wrecked galleons on the ,orkneys and the ,hebrides1 so the fate of ,gog's illstarred enterprise is vividly set forth by the minute description of the traces it left behind in the peaceful life of ,israel4 ,the irony of the situation is unmistakable1 and perhaps a touch of conscious exaggeration is permissible in such a picture4 ,in the first place the weapons of the slain warriors furnish wood enough to serve for fuel to the ,israelites for the space of seven years4 ,then follows a picture of the process of cleansing the land from the corpses of the fallen enemy4 ,a buryingplace is assigned to them in the valley of ,abarim7#bjb7 on the eastern side of the ,dead ,sea1 outside of the sacred territory4 ,the whole people of ,israel will be engaged for seven months in the operation of burying them2 after this the mouth of the valley will be sealed17#bjc7 and it will be known ever afterwards as the ,valley of the ,host of ,gog4 ,but even after the seven months have expired the scrupulous care of the people for the purity of their land will be shown by the precautions they take against its continued defilement by any fragment of a skeleton that may have been overlooked4 ,they will appoint permanent officials1 whose business will be to search for and remove relics of the dead bodies1 that the land may be restored to its purity4 ,whenever any passerby lights on a bone he will set up a mark beside it to attract the attention of the buriers4 8,thus in course of time they shall cleanse the land40 vi4 ,vv4 #agbd4--,the overwhelming magnitude of the catastrophe is once more set forth under the image of a sacrificial feast1 to which ,jehovah summons all the birds of the air and every beast of the field 7vv4 #agbj74 ,the feast is represented as a sacrifice not in any religious sense1 but simply in accordance with ancient usage1 in which the slaughtering of animals was invariably a sacrificial act4 ,the only idea expressed by the figure is that ,jehovah has decreed this slaughter of ,gog and his host1 and that it will be so great that all ravenous beasts and birds will eat flesh to the full and drink the blood of princes of the earth to intoxication4 ,but we turn with relief from these images of carnage and death to the moral purpose which they conceal 7vv4 #babd74 ,this is stated more distinctly here than in earlier passages of this prophecy4 ,it will teach ,israel that ,jehovah is indeed their ,god2 the lingering sense of insecurity caused by the remembrance of their former rejection will be finally taken away by this signal deliverance4 ,and through ,israel it will teach a lesson to the heathen4 ,they will learn something of the principles on which ,jehovah has dealt with ,his people when they contrast this great salvation with ,his former desertion of them4 ,it will then fully appear that it was for their sins that they went into captivity2 and so the knowledge of ,god's holiness and ,his displeasure against sin will be extended to the nations of the world4 vii4 ,vv4 #bebi4--,the closing verses do not strictly belong to the oracle on ,gog4 ,the prophet returns to the standpoint of the present1 and predicts once more the restoration of ,israel1 which has heretofore been assumed as an accomplished fact4 ,the connection with what precedes is1 however1 very close4 ,the divine attributes1 whose final manifestation to the world is reserved for the faroff day of ,gog's defeat1 are already about to be revealed to ,israel4 ,jehovah's compassion for ,his people and ,his jealousy for ,his own name will speedily be shown in 8turning the fortunes0 of ,israel1 bringing them back from the peoples1 and gathering them from the land of their enemies4 ,the consequences of this upon the nation itself are described in more gracious terms than in any other passage4 ,they shall forget their shame and all their trespasses when they dwell securely in their own land1 none making them afraid47#bjd7 ,the saving knowledge of ,jehovah as their ,god1 who led them into captivity and brought them back again1 will as far as ,israel is concerned be complete2 and the gracious relation thus established shall no more be interrupted1 because of the divine ,spirit which has been poured out on the house of ,israel4 ,,ii ,it will be seen from this summary of the contents of the prophecy that1 while it presents many features peculiar to itself1 it also contains much in common with the general drift of the prophet's thinking4 ,we must now try to form an estimate of its significance as an episode in the great drama of ,providence which unfolded itself before his inspired imagination4 ,the ideas peculiar to the passage are for the most part such as might have been suggested to the mind of ,ezekiel by the remembrance of the great ,scythian invasion in the reign of ,josiah4 ,although it is not likely that he had himself lived through that time of terror1 he must have grown up whilst it was still fresh in the public recollection1 and the rumour of it had apparently left upon him impressions never afterwards effaced4 ,several circumstances1 none of them perhaps decisive by itself1 conspire to show that at least in its imagery the oracle on ,gog is based on the conception of an irruption of ,scythian barbarians4 ,the name of ,gog may be too obscure to serve as an indication2 but his location in the extreme north1 the description of his army as composed mainly of cavalry armed with bow and arrows1 their innumerable multitude1 and the love of pillage and destruction by which they are animated1 all point to the ,scythians as the originals from whom the picture of ,gog's host is drawn4 ,besides the light which it casts on the genesis of the prophecy1 this fact has a certain biographical interest for the reader of ,ezekiel4 ,that the prophet's furthest vista into the future should be a reflection of his earliest memory reminds us of a common human experience4 8,the thoughts of youth are long1 long thoughts10 reaching far into manhood and old age2 and the mind as it turns back upon them may often discover in them that which carries it furthest in reading the divine mysteries of life and destiny4 ,thus while the ,sun sinks down to rest ,far in the regions of the west1 ,though to the vale no parting beam ,be given1 not one memorial gleam1 ,a lingering light he fondly throws ,on the dear hills where first he rose4 ,for it is not merely the imagery of the prophecy that reveals the influence of these early associations2 the thoughts which it embodies are themselves partly the result of the prophet's meditation on questions suggested by the invasion4 ,his youthful impressions of the descent of the northern hordes were afterwards illuminated1 as we see from his own words1 by the study of contemporary prophecies of ,jeremiah and ,zephaniah called forth by the event4 ,from these and other predictions he learned that ,jehovah had a purpose with regard to the remotest nations of the earth which yet awaited its accomplishment4 ,that purpose1 in accordance with his general conception of the ends of the divine government1 could be nothing else than the manifestation of ,jehovah's glory before the eyes of the world4 ,that this involved an act of judgment was only too certain from the universal hostility of the heathen to the kingdom of ,god4 ,hence the prophet's reflections would lead directly to the expectation of a final onslaught of the powers of this world on the people of ,israel1 which would give occasion for a display of ,jehovah's might on a grander scale than had yet been seen4 ,and this presentiment of an impending conflict between ,jehovah and the pagan world headed by the ,scythian barbarians forms the kernel of the oracle against ,gog4 ,but we must further observe that this idea1 from ,ezekiel's point of view1 necessarily presupposes the restoration of ,israel to its own land4 ,the peoples assembled under the standard of ,gog are those which have never as yet come in contact with the true ,god1 and consequently have had no opportunity of manifesting their disposition towards ,him4 ,they have not sinned as ,edom and ,tyre1 as ,egypt and ,assyria have sinned1 by injuries done to ,jehovah through ,his people4 ,even the ,scythians themselves1 although they had approached the confines of the sacred territory1 do not seem to have invaded it4 ,nor could the opportunity present itself so long as ,israel was in ,exile4 ,while ,jehovah was without an earthly sanctuary or a visible emblem of ,his government1 there was no possibility of such an infringement of ,his holiness on the part of the heathen as would arrest the attention of the world4 ,the judgment of ,gog1 therefore1 could not be conceived as a preliminary to the restoration of ,israel1 like that on ,egypt and the nations immediately surrounding ,palestine4 ,it could only take place under a state of things in which ,israel was once more 8holiness to the ,lord1 and the firstfruits of ,his increase10 so that 8all that devoured him were counted guilty0 7,jer4 ii4 #c74 ,this enables us partly to understand what appears to us the most singular feature of the prophecy1 the projection of the final manifestation of ,jehovah into the remote future1 when ,israel is already in possession of all the blessings of the ,messianic dispensation4 ,it is a consequence of the extension of the prophetic horizon1 so as to embrace the distant peoples that had hitherto been beyond the pale of civilisation4 ,there are other aspects of ,ezekiel's teaching on which light is thrown by this anticipation of a worldjudgment as the final scene of history4 ,the prophet was evidently conscious of a certain inconclusiveness and want of finality in the prospect of the restoration as a justification of the ways of ,god to men4 ,although all the forces of the world's salvation were wrapped up in it1 its effects were still limited and measurable1 both as to their range of influence and their inherent significance4 ,not only did it fail to impress the more distant nations1 but its own lessons were incompletely taught4 ,he felt that it had not been made clear to the dull perceptions of the heathen why the ,god of ,israel had ever suffered ,his land to be desecrated and ,his people to be led into captivity4 ,even ,israel itself will not fully know all that is meant by having ,jehovah for its ,god until the history of revelation is finished4 ,only in the summing up of the ages1 and in the light of the last judgment1 will men truly realise all that is implied in the terms ,god and sin and redemption4 ,the end is needed to interpret the process2 and all religious conceptions await their fulfilment in the light of eternity which is yet to break on the issues of human history4 ,,part ,v4 ,,the ,,ideal ,,theocracy4 ,chapter ,,xxv4 ,the ,import ,of ,the ,vision4 ,we have now reached the last and in every way the most important section of the book of ,ezekiel4 ,the nine concluding chapters record what was evidently the crowning experience of the prophet's life4 ,his ministry began with a vision of ,god2 it culminates in a vision of the people of ,god1 or rather of ,god in the midst of ,his people1 reconciled to them1 ruling over them1 and imparting the blessings and glories of the final dispensation4 ,into that vision are thrown the ideals which had been gradually matured through twenty years of strenuous action and intense meditation4 ,we have traced some of the steps by which the prophet was led towards this consummation of his work4 ,we have seen how1 under the idea of ,god which had been revealed to him1 he was constrained to announce the destruction of that which called itself the people of ,jehovah1 but was in reality the means of obscuring ,his character and profaning ,his holiness 7chs4 iv4xxiv474 ,we have seen further how the same fundamental conception led him on in his prophecies against foreign nations to predict a great clearing of the stage of history for the manifestation of ,jehovah 7chs4 xxv4xxxii474 ,and we have seen from the preceding section what are the processes by which the divine ,spirit breathes new life into a dead nation and creates out of its scattered members a people worthy of the ,god whom the prophet has seen4 ,but there is still something more to accomplish before his task is finished4 ,all through1 ,ezekiel holds fast the truth that ,jehovah and ,israel are necessarily related to each other1 and that ,israel is to be the medium through which alone the nature of ,jehovah can be fully disclosed to mankind4 ,it remains1 therefore1 to sketch the outline of a perfect theocracy--in other words1 to describe the permanent forms and institutions which shall express the ideal relation between ,god and men4 ,to this task the prophet addresses himself in the chapters now before us4 ,that great ,new ,year's ,vision may be regarded as the ripe fruit of all ,god's training of ,his prophet1 as it is also the part of ,ezekiel's work which most directly influenced the subsequent development of religion in ,israel4 ,it cannot be doubted1 then1 that these chapters are an integral part of the book1 considered as a record of ,ezekiel's work4 ,but it is certainly a significant circumstance that they are separated from the body of the prophecies by an interval of thirteen years4 ,for the greater part of that time ,ezekiel's literary activity was suspended4 ,it is probable1 at all events1 that the first thirtynine chapters had been committed to writing soon after the latest date they mention1 and that the oracle on ,gog1 which marks the extreme limit of ,ezekiel's prophetic vision1 was really the conclusion of an earlier form of the book4 ,and we may be certain that1 since the eventful period that followed the arrival of the fugitive from ,jerusalem1 no new divine communication had visited the prophet's mind4 ,but at last1 in the twentyfifth year of the captivity1 and on the first day of a new year17#bje7 he falls into a trance more prolonged than any he had yet passed through1 and he emerged from it with a new message for his people4 ,in what direction were the prophet's thoughts moving as ,israel passed into the midnight of her exile8 ,that they have moved in the interval--that his standpoint is no longer quite identical with that represented in his earlier prophecies--seems to be shown by one slight modification of his previous conceptions1 which has been already mentioned47#bjf7 ,i refer to the position of the prince in the theocratic state4 ,we find that the king is still the civil head of the commonwealth1 but that his position is hardly reconcilable with the exalted functions assigned to the ,messianic king in ch4 xxxiv4 ,the inference seems irresistible that ,ezekiel's point of view has somewhat changed1 so that the objects in his picture present themselves in a different perspective4 ,it is true that this change was effected by a vision1 and it may be said that that fact forbids our regarding it as indicating a progress in ,ezekiel's thoughts4 ,but the vision of a prophet is never out of relation to his previous thinking4 ,the prophet is always prepared for his vision2 it comes to him as the answer to questions1 as the solution of difficulties1 whose force he has felt1 and apart from which it would convey no revelation of ,god to his mind4 ,it marks the point at which reflection gives place to inspiration1 where the incommunicable certainty of the divine word lifts the soul into the region of spiritual and eternal truth4 ,and hence it may help us1 from our human point of view1 to understand the true import of this vision1 if from the answer we try to discover the questions which were of pressing interest to ,ezekiel in the later part of his career4 ,speaking generally1 we may say that the problem that occupied the mind of ,ezekiel at this time was the problem of a religious constitution4 ,how to secure for religion its true place in public life1 how to embody it in institutions which shall conserve its essential ideas and transmit them from one generation to another1 how a people may best express its national responsibility to ,god--these and many kindred questions are real and vital today amongst the nations of ,christendom1 and they were far more vital in the age of ,ezekiel4 ,the conception of religion as an inward spiritual power1 moulding the life of the nation and of each individual member1 was at least as strong in him as in any other prophet2 and it had been adequately expressed in the section of his book dealing with the formation of the new ,israel4 ,but he saw that this was not for that time sufficient4 ,the mass of the community were dependent on the educative influence of the institutions under which they lived1 and there was no way of impressing on a whole people the character of ,jehovah except through a system of laws and observances which should constantly exhibit it to their minds4 ,the time was not yet come when religion could be trusted to work as a hidden leaven1 transforming life from within and bringing in the kingdom of ,god silently by the operation of spiritual forces4 ,thus1 while the last section insists on the moral change that must pass over ,israel1 and the need of a direct influence from ,god on the heart of the people1 that which now lies before us is devoted to the religious and political arrangements by which the sanctity of the nation must be preserved4 ,starting from this general notion of what the prophet sought1 we can see1 in the next place1 that his attention must be mainly concentrated on matters belonging to public worship and ritual4 ,worship is the direct expression in word and act of man's attitude to ,god1 and no public religion can maintain a higher level of spirituality than the symbolism which gives it a place in the life of the people4 ,that fact had been abundantly illustrated by the experience of centuries before the ,exile4 ,the popular worship had always been a stronghold of false religion in ,israel4 ,the high places were the nurseries of all the corruptions against which the prophets had to contend1 not simply because of the immoral elements that mingled with their worship1 but because the worship itself was regulated by conceptions of the deity which were opposed to the religion of revelation4 ,now the idea of using ritual as a vehicle of the highest spiritual truth is certainly not peculiar to ,ezekiel's vision4 ,but it is there carried through with a thoroughness which has no parallel elsewhere except in the priestly legislation of the ,pentateuch4 ,and this bears witness to a clear perception on the part of the prophet of the value of that whole side of things for the future development of religion in ,israel4 ,no one was more deeply impressed with the evils that had flowed from a corrupt ritual in the past1 and he conceives the final form of the kingdom of ,god to be one in which the blessings of salvation are safeguarded by a carefully regulated system of religious ordinances4 ,it will become manifest as we proceed that he regards the ,temple ritual as the very centre of theocratic life1 and the highest function of the community of the true religion4 ,but ,ezekiel was prepared for the reception of this vision1 not only by the practical reforming bent of his mind1 but also by a combination in his own experience of the two elements which must always enter into a conception of this nature4 ,if we may employ philosophical language to express a very obvious distinction1 we have to recognise in the vision a material and a formal element4 ,the matter of the vision is derived from the ancient religious and political constitution of the ,hebrew state4 ,all true and lasting reformations are conservative at heart2 their object never is to make a clean sweep of the past1 but so to modify what is traditional as to adapt it to the needs of a new era4 ,now ,ezekiel was a priest1 and possessed all a priest's reverence for antiquity1 as well as a priest's professional knowledge of ceremonial and of consuetudinary law4 ,no man could have been better fitted than he to secure the continuity of ,israel's religious life along the particular line on which it was destined to move4 ,accordingly we find that the new theocracy is modelled from beginning to end after the pattern of the ancient institutions which had been destroyed by the ,exile4 ,if we ask1 for example1 what is the meaning of some detail of the ,temple building1 such as the cells surrounding the main sanctuary1 the obvious and sufficient answer is that these things existed in ,solomon's ,temple1 and there was no reason for altering them4 ,on the other hand1 whenever we find the vision departing from what had been traditionally established1 we may be sure that there is a reason for it1 and in most cases we can see what that reason was4 ,in such departures we recognise the working of what we have called the formal element of the vision1 the moulding influence of the ideas which the system was intended to express4 ,what these ideas were we shall consider in subsequent chapters2 here it is enough to say that they were the fundamental ideas which had been communicated to ,ezekiel in the course of his prophetic work1 and which have found expression in various forms in other parts of his writings4 ,that they are not peculiar to ,ezekiel1 but are shared by other prophets1 is true1 just as it is true on the other hand that the priestly conceptions which occupy so large a place in his mind were an inheritance from the whole past history of the nation4 ,nor was this the first time when an alliance between the ceremonialism of the priesthood and the more ethical and spiritual teaching of prophecy had proved of the utmost advantage to the religious life of ,israel47#bjg7 ,the unique importance of ,ezekiel's vision lies in the fact that the great development of prophecy was now almost complete1 and that the time was come for its results to be embodied in institutions which were in the main of a priestly character4 ,and it was fitting that this new era of religion should be inaugurated through the agency of one who combined in his own person the conservative instincts of the priest with the originality and the spiritual intuition of the prophet4 ,it is not suggested for a moment that these considerations account for the inception of the vision in the prophet's mind4 ,we are not to regard it as merely the brilliant device of an ingenious man1 who was exceptionally qualified to read the signs of the times1 and to discover a solution for a pressing religious problem4 ,in order that it might accomplish the end in view1 it was absolutely necessary that it should be invested with a supernatural sanction and bear the stamp of divine authority4 ,ezekiel himself was well aware of this1 and would never have ventured to publish his vision if he had thought it all out for himself4 ,he had to wait for the time when 8the hand of the ,lord was upon him10 and he saw in vision the new ,temple and the river of life proceeding from it1 and the renovated land1 and the glory of ,god taking up its everlasting abode in the midst of ,his people4 ,until that moment arrived he was without a message as to the form which the life of the restored ,israel must assume4 ,nevertheless the psychological conditions of the vision were contained in those parts of the prophet's experience which have just been indicated4 ,processes of thought which had long occupied his mind suddenly crystallised at the touch of the divine hand1 and the result was the marvellous conception of a theocratic state which was ,ezekiel's greatest legacy to the faith and hopes of his countrymen4 ,that this vision of ,ezekiel's profoundly influenced the development of postexilic ,judaism may be inferred from the fact that all the best tendencies of the restoration period were towards the realisation of the ideals which the vision sets forth with surpassing clearness4 ,it is impossible1 indeed1 to say precisely how far ,ezekiel's influence extended1 or how far the returning exiles consciously aimed at carrying out the ideas contained in his sketch of a theocratic constitution4 ,that they did so to some extent is inferred from a consideration of some of the arrangements established in ,jerusalem soon after the return from ,babylon47#bjh7 ,but it is certain that from the nature of the case the actual institutions of the restored community must have differed very widely in many points from those described in the last nine chapters of ,ezekiel4 ,when we look more closely at the composition of this vision1 we see that it contains features which neither then nor at any subsequent time have been historically fulfilled4 ,the most remarkable thing about it is that it unites in one picture two characteristics which seem at first sight difficult to combine4 ,on the one hand it bears the aspect of a rigid legislative system intended to regulate human conduct in all matters of vital moment to the religious standing of the community2 on the other hand it assumes a miraculous transformation of the physical aspect of the country1 a restoration of all the twelve tribes of ,israel under a native king1 and a return of ,jehovah in visible glory to dwell in the midst of the children of ,israel for ever4 ,now these supernatural conditions of the perfect theocracy could not be realised by any effort on the part of the people1 and as a matter of fact were never literally fulfilled at all4 ,it must have been plain to the leaders of the ,return that for this reason alone the details of ,ezekiel's legislation were not binding for them in the actual circumstances in which they were placed4 ,even in matters clearly within the province of human administration we know that they considered themselves free to modify his regulations in accordance with the requirements of the situation in which they found themselves4 ,it does not follow from this1 however1 that they were ignorant of the book of ,ezekiel1 or that it gave them no help in the difficult task to which they addressed themselves4 ,it furnished them with an ideal of national holiness1 and the general outline of a constitution in which that ideal should be embodied2 and this outline they seem to have striven to fill up in the way best adapted to the straitened and discouraging circumstances of the time4 ,but this throws us back on some questions of fundamental importance for the right understanding of ,ezekiel's vision4 ,taking the vision as a whole1 we have to ask whether a fulfilment of the kind just indicated was the fulfilment that the prophet himself anticipated4 ,did he lay stress on the legislative or the supernatural aspect of the vision--on man's agency or on ,god's8 ,in other words1 does he issue it as a programme to be carried out by the people as soon as the opportunity is presented by their return to the land of ,canaan8 or does he mean that ,jehovah ,himself must take the initiative by miraculously preparing the land for their reception1 and taking up ,his abode in the finished ,temple1 the 8place of ,his throne1 and the place of the soles of ,his feet08 ,the answer to these questions is not difficult1 if only we are careful to look at things from the prophet's point of view1 and disregard the historical events in which his predictions were partly realised4 ,it is frequently assumed that the elaborate description of the ,temple buildings in chs4 xl4xlii4 is intended as a guide to the builders of the second ,temple1 who are to make it after the fashion of that which the prophet saw on the mount4 ,it is quite probable that in some degree it may have served that purpose2 but it seems to me that this view is not in keeping with the fundamental idea of the vision4 ,the ,temple that ,ezekiel saw1 and the only one of which he speaks1 is a house not made with hands2 it is as much a part of the supernatural preparation for the future theocracy as the 8very high mountain0 on which it stands1 or the river that flows from it to sweeten the waters of the ,dead ,sea4 ,in the important passage where the prophet is commanded to exhibit the plan of the house to the children of ,israel 7ch4 xliii4 #aj1 #aa71 there is unfortunately a discrepancy between the ,hebrew and ,greek texts which throws some obscurity on this particular point4 ,according to the ,hebrew there can hardly be a doubt that a sketch is shown to them which is to be used as a builder's plan at the time of the ,restoration47#bji7 ,but in the ,septuagint1 which seems on the whole to give a more correct text1 the passage runs thus3 8,and1 thou son of man1 describe the house to the house of ,israel 7and let them be ashamed of their iniquities71 and its form1 and its construction3 and they shall be ashamed of all that they have done4 ,and do thou sketch the house1 and its exits1 and its outline2 and all its ordinances and all its laws make known to them2 and write it before them1 that they may keep all its commandments and all its ordinances1 and do them40 ,there is nothing here to suggest that the construction of the ,temple was left for human workmanship4 ,the outline of it is shown to the people only that they may be ashamed of all their iniquities4 ,when the arrangements of the ideal ,temple are explained to them1 they will see how far those of the first ,temple transgressed the requirements of ,jehovah's holiness1 and this knowledge will produce a sense of shame for the dulness of heart which tolerated so many abuses in connection with ,his worship4 ,no doubt that impression sank deep into the minds of ,ezekiel's hearers1 and led to certain important modifications in the structure of the ,temple when it had to be built2 but that is not what the prophet is thinking of4 ,at the same time we see clearly that he is very much in earnest with the legislative part of his vision4 ,its laws are real laws1 and are given that they may be obeyed--only they do not come into force until all the institutions of the theocracy1 natural and supernatural alike1 are in full working order4 ,and apart from the doubtful question as to the erection of the ,temple1 that general conclusion holds good for the vision as a whole4 ,whilst it is pervaded throughout by the legislative spirit1 the miraculous features are after all its central and essential elements4 ,when these conditions are realised1 it will be the duty of ,israel to guard her sacred institutions by the most scrupulous and devoted obedience2 but till then there is no kingdom of ,god established on earth1 and therefore no system of laws to conserve a state of salvation1 which can only be brought about by the direct and visible interposition of the ,almighty in the sphere of nature and history4 ,this blending of seemingly incongruous elements reveals to us the true character of the vision with which we have to deal4 ,it is in the strictest sense a ,messianic prophecy--that is1 a picture of the kingdom of ,god in its final state as the prophet was led to conceive it4 ,it is common to all such representations that the human authors of them have no idea of a long historical development gradually leading up to the perfect manifestation of ,god's purpose with the world4 ,the impending crisis in the affairs of the people of ,israel is always regarded as the consummation of human history and the establishment of ,god's kingdom in the plenitude of its power and glory4 ,in the time of ,ezekiel the next step in the unfolding of the divine plan of redemption was the restoration of ,israel to its own land2 and in so far as his vision is a prophecy of that event1 it was realised in the return of the exiles with ,zerubbabel in the first year of ,cyrus4 ,but to the mind of ,ezekiel this did not present itself as a mere step towards something immeasurably higher in the remote future4 ,it is to include everything necessary for the complete and final inbringing of the ,messianic dispensation1 and all the powers of the world to come are to be displayed in the acts by which ,jehovah brings back the scattered members of ,israel to the enjoyment of blessedness in ,his own presence4 ,the thing that misleads us as to the real nature of the vision is the emphasis laid on matters which seem to us of merely temporal and earthly significance4 ,we are apt to think that what we have before us can be nothing else than a legislative scheme to be carried out more or less fully in the new state that should arise after the ,exile4 ,the miraculous features in the vision are apt to be dismissed as mere symbolisms to which no great significance attaches4 ,legislating for the millennium seems to us a strange occupation for a prophet1 and we are hardly prepared to credit even ,ezekiel with so bold a conception4 ,but that depends entirely on his idea of what the millennium will be4 ,if it is to be a state of things in which religious institutions are of vital importance for the maintenance of the spiritual interests of the community of the people of ,god1 then legislation is the natural expression for the ideals which are to be realised in it4 ,and we must remember1 too1 that what we have to do with is a vision4 ,ezekiel is not the ultimate source of this legislation1 however much it may bear the impress of his individual experience4 ,he has seen the city of ,god1 and all the minute and elaborate regulations with which these nine chapters are filled are but the exposition of principles that determine the character of a people amongst whom ,jehovah can dwell4 ,at the same time we see that a separation of different aspects of the vision was inevitably effected by the teaching of history4 ,the return from ,babylon was accomplished without any of those supernatural adjuncts with which it had been invested in the rapt imagination of the prophet4 ,no transformation of the land preceded it2 no visible presence of ,jehovah welcomed the exiles back to their ancient abode4 ,they found ,jerusalem in ruins1 the holy and beautiful house a desolation1 the land occupied by aliens1 the seasons unproductive as of old4 ,yet in the hearts of these men there was a vision even more impressive than that of ,ezekiel in his solitude4 ,to lay the foundations of a theocratic state in the dreary1 discouraging daylight of the present was an act of faith as heroic as has ever been performed in the history of religion4 ,the building of the ,temple was undertaken amidst many difficulties1 the ritual was organised1 the rudiments of a religious constitution appeared1 and in all this we see the influence of those principles of national holiness that had been formulated by ,ezekiel4 ,but the crowning manifestation of ,jehovah's glory was deferred4 ,prophet after prophet appeared to keep alive the hope that this ,temple1 poor in outward appearance as it was1 would yet be the centre of a new world1 and the dwellingplace of the ,eternal4 ,centuries rolled past1 and still ,jehovah did not come to ,his ,temple1 and the eschatological features which had bulked so largely in ,ezekiel's vision remained an unfulfilled aspiration4 ,and when at length in the fulness of time the complete revelation of ,god was given1 it was in a form that superseded the old economy entirely1 and transformed its most stable and cherished institutions into adumbrations of a spiritual kingdom which knew no earthly ,temple and had need of none4 ,this brings us to the most difficult and most important of all the questions arising in connection with ,ezekiel's vision--,what is its relation to the ,pentateuchal ,legislation8 ,it is obvious at once that the significance of this section of the book of ,ezekiel is immensely enhanced if we accept the conclusion to which the critical study of the ,old ,testament has been steadily driven1 that in the chapters before us we have the first outline of that great conception of a theocratic constitution which attained its finished expression in the priestly regulations of the middle books of the ,pentateuch4 ,the discussion of this subject is so intricate1 so farreaching in its consequences1 and ranges over so wide an historical field1 that one is tempted to leave it in the hands of those who have addressed themselves to its special treatment1 and to try to get on as best one may without assuming a definite attitude on one side or the other4 ,but the student of ,ezekiel cannot altogether evade it4 ,again and again the question will force itself on him as he seeks to ascertain the meaning of the various details of ,ezekiel's legislation1 ,how does this stand related to corresponding requirements in the ,mosaic law8 ,it is necessary1 therefore1 in justice to the reader of the following pages1 that an attempt should be made1 however imperfectly1 to indicate the position which the present phase of criticism assigns to ,ezekiel in the history of the ,old ,testament legislation4 ,we may begin by pointing out the kind of difficulty that is felt to arise on the supposition that ,ezekiel had before him the entire body of laws contained in our present ,pentateuch4 ,we should expect in that case that the prophet would contemplate a restoration of the divine institutions established under ,moses1 and that his vision would reproduce with substantial fidelity the minute provisions of the law by which these institutions were to be maintained4 ,but this is very far from being the case4 ,it is found that while ,ezekiel deals to a large extent with the subjects for which provision is made by the law1 there is in no instance perfect correspondence between the enactments of the vision and those of the ,pentateuch1 while on some points they differ very materially from one another4 ,how are we to account for these numerous and1 on the supposition1 evidently designed divergencies8 ,it has been suggested that the law was found to be in some respects unsuitable to the state of things that would arise after the ,exile1 and that ,ezekiel in the exercise of his prophetic authority undertook to adapt it to the conditions of a late age4 ,the suggestion is in itself plausible1 but it is not confirmed by the history4 ,for it is agreed on all hands that the law as a whole had never been put in force for any considerable period of ,israel's history previous to the ,exile4 ,on the other hand1 if we suppose that ,ezekiel judged its provisions unsuitable for the circumstances that would emerge after the ,exile1 we are confronted by the fact that where ,ezekiel's legislation differs from that of the ,pentateuch it is the latter and not the former that regulated the practice of the postexilic community4 ,so far was the law from being out of date in the age of ,ezekiel that the time was only approaching when the first effort would be made to accept it in all its length and breadth as the authoritative basis of an actual theocratic polity4 ,unless1 therefore1 we are to hold that the legislation of the vision is entirely in the air1 and that it takes no account whatever of practical considerations1 we must feel that a certain difficulty is presented by its unexplained deviations from the carefully drawn ordinances of the ,pentateuch4 ,but this is not all4 ,the ,pentateuch itself is not a unity4 ,it consists of different strata of legislation which1 while irreconcilable in details1 are held to exhibit a continuous progress towards a clearer definition of the duties that devolve on different classes in the community1 and a fuller exposition of the principles that underlay the system from the beginning4 ,the analysis of the ,mosaic writings into different legislative codes has resulted in a scheme which in its main outlines is now accepted by critics of all shades of opinion4 ,the three great codes which we have to distinguish are3 7#a7 the socalled ,book of the ,covenant 7,exod4 xx4 #bdxxiii41 with which may be classed the closely allied code of ,exod4 xxxiv4 #ajbh72 7#b7 the ,book of ,deuteronomy2 and 7#c7 the ,priestly ,code 7found in ,exod4 xxv4xxxi41 xxxv4xl41 the whole book of ,leviticus1 and nearly the whole of the book of ,numbers747#baj7 ,now of course the mere separation of these different documents tells us nothing1 or not much1 as to their relative priority or antiquity4 ,but we possess at least a certain amount of historical and independent evidence as to the times when some of them became operative in the actual life of the nation4 ,we know1 for example1 that the ,book of ,deuteronomy attained the force of statute law under the most solemn circumstances by a national covenant in the eighteenth year of ,josiah4 ,the distinctive feature of that book is its impressive enforcement of the principle that there is but one sanctuary at which ,jehovah can be legitimately worshipped4 ,when we compare the list of reforms carried out by ,josiah1 as given in the twentythird chapter of #b ,kings1 with the provisions of ,deuteronomy1 we see that it must have been that book and it alone that had been found in the ,temple and that governed the reforming policy of the king4 ,before that time the law of the one sanctuary1 if it was known at all1 was certainly more honoured in the breach than the observance4 ,sacrifices were freely offered at local altars throughout the country1 not merely by the ignorant common people and idolatrous kings1 but by men who were the inspired religious leaders and teachers of the nation4 ,not only so1 but this practice is sanctioned by the ,book of the ,covenant1 which permits the erection of an altar in every place where ,jehovah causes ,his name to be remembered1 and only lays down injunctions as to the kind of altar that might be used 7,exod4 xx4 #bdbf74 ,the evidence is thus very strong that the ,book of ,deuteronomy1 at whatever time it may have been written1 had not the force of public law until the year #fba ,b4,c41 and that down to that time the accepted and authoritative expression of the divine will for ,israel was the law embraced in the ,book of the ,covenant4 ,to find similar evidence of the practical adoption of the ,priestly ,code we have to come down to a much later period4 ,it is not till the year #ddd ,b4,c41 in the time of ,ezra and ,nehemiah1 that we read of the people pledging themselves by a solemn covenant to the observance of regulations which are clearly those of the finished system of ,pentateuchal law 7,neh4 viii4x474 ,it is there expressly stated that this law had not been observed in ,israel up to that time 7,neh4 ix4 #cd71 and in particular that the great ,feast of ,tabernacles had not been celebrated in accordance with the requirements of the law since the days of ,joshua 7,neh4 viii4 #ag74 ,this is quite conclusive as to actual practice in ,israel2 and the fact that the observance of the law was thus introduced by instalments and on occasions of epochmaking importance in the history of the community raises a strong presumption against the hypothesis that the ,pentateuch was an inseparable literary unity which must be known in its entirety where it was known at all4 ,now the date of ,ezekiel's vision 7#egb7 lies between these two historic transactions--the inauguration of the law of ,deuteronomy in #fba1 and that of the ,priestly ,code in #ddd2 and in spite of the ideal character which belongs to the vision as a whole1 it contains a system of legislation which admits of being compared point by point with the provisions of the other two codes on a variety of subjects common to all three4 ,some of the results of this comparison will appear as we proceed with the exposition of the chapters before us4 ,but it will be convenient to state here the important conclusion to which a number of critics have been led by discussion of this question4 ,it is held that ,ezekiel's legislation represents on the whole a transition from the law of ,deuteronomy to the more complex system of the ,priestly document4 ,the three codes exhibit a regular progression1 the determining factor of which is a growing sense of the importance of the ,temple worship and of the necessity for a careful regulation of the acts which express the religious standing and privileges of the community4 ,on such matters as the feasts1 the sacrifices1 the distinction between priests and ,levites1 the ,temple dues1 and the provision for the maintenance of ordinances1 it is found that ,ezekiel lays down enactments which go beyond those of ,deuteronomy and anticipate a further development in the same direction in the ,levitical legislation47#baa7 ,the legislation of ,ezekiel is accordingly regarded as a first step towards the codification of the ritual laws which regulated the usage of the first ,temple4 ,it is not of material consequence to know how far these laws had been already committed to writing1 or how far they had been transmitted by oral tradition4 ,the important point is that down to the time of ,ezekiel the great body of ritual law had been the possession of the priests1 who communicated it to the people in the shape of particular decisions as occasion demanded4 ,even the book of ,deuteronomy1 except on one or two points1 such as the law of leprosy and of clean and unclean animals1 does not encroach on matters of ritual1 which it was the special province of the priesthood to administer4 ,but now that the time was drawing near when the ,temple and its worship were to be the very centre of the religious life of the nation1 it was necessary that the essential elements of the ceremonial law should be systematised and published in a form understood of the people4 ,the last nine chapters of ,ezekiel1 then1 contain the first draft of such a scheme1 drawn from an ancient priestly tradition which in its origin went back to the time of ,moses4 ,it is true that this was not the precise form in which the law was destined to be put in practice in the postexilic community4 ,but ,ezekiel's legislation served its purpose when it laid down clearly1 with the authority of a prophet1 the fundamental ideas that underlie the conception of ritual as an aid to spiritual religion4 ,and these ideas were not lost sight of1 though it was reserved for others1 working under the impulse supplied by ,ezekiel1 to perfect the details of the system1 and to adopt the principles of the vision to the actual circumstances of the second ,temple4 ,through what subsequent stages the work was carried we can hardly hope to determine with exactitude2 but it was finished in all essential respects before the great covenant of ,ezra and ,nehemiah in the year #ddd47bab7 ,let us now consider the bearing of this theory on the interpretation of ,ezekiel's vision4 ,it enables us to do justice to the unmistakable practical purpose which pervades its legislation4 ,it frees us from the grave difficulties involved in the assumption that ,ezekiel wrote with the finished ,pentateuch before him4 ,it vindicates the prophet from the suspicion of arbitrary deviations from a standard of venerable antiquity and of divine authority which was afterwards proved by experience to be suited to the requirements of that restored ,israel in whose interest ,ezekiel legislated4 ,and in doing so it gives a new meaning to his claim to speak as a prophet ordaining a new system of laws with divine authority4 ,whilst perfectly consistent with the inspiration of the ,mosaic books1 it places that of ,ezekiel on a surer footing than does the supposition that the whole ,pentateuch was of ,mosaic authorship4 ,it involves1 no doubt1 that the details of the ,priestly law were in a more or less fluid condition down to the time of the ,exile2 but it explains the otherwise unaccountable fact that the several parts of the law became operative at different times in ,israel's history1 and explains it in a manner that reveals the working of a divine purpose through all the ages of the national existence4 ,it becomes possible to see that ,ezekiel's legislation and that of the ,levitical books are in their essence alike ,mosaic1 as being founded on the institutions and principles established by ,moses at the beginning of the nation's history4 ,and an altogether new interest is imparted to the former when we learn to regard it as an epochmaking contribution to the task which laid the foundation of the postexilic theocracy--the task of codifying and consolidating the laws which expressed the character of the new nation as a holy people consecrated to the service of ,jehovah1 the ,holy ,one of ,israel4 ,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,the ,sanctuary4 ,chapters xl4xliii4 ,the fundamental idea of the theocracy as conceived by ,ezekiel is the literal dwelling of ,jehovah in the midst of ,his people4 ,the ,temple is in the first instance ,jehovah's palace1 where ,he manifests ,his gracious presence by receiving the gifts and homage of ,his subjects4 ,but the enjoyment of this privilege of access to the presence of ,god depends on the fulfilment of certain conditions which1 in the prophet's view1 had been systematically violated in the arrangements that prevailed under the first ,temple4 ,hence the vision of ,ezekiel is essentially the vision of a ,temple corresponding in all respects to the requirements of ,jehovah's holiness1 and then of ,jehovah's entrance into the house so prepared for ,his reception4 ,and the first step towards the realisation of the great hope of the future was to lay before the exiles a full description of this building1 so that they might understand the conditions on which alone ,israel could be restored to its own land4 ,to this task the prophet addresses himself in the first four of the chapters before us1 and he executes it in a manner which1 considering the great technical difficulties to be surmounted1 must excite our admiration4 ,he tells us first in a brief introduction how he was transported in prophetic ecstasy to the land of ,israel1 and there on the site of the old ,temple1 now elevated into a 8very high mountain10 he sees before him an imposing pile of buildings like the building of a city 7ver4 #b74 ,it is the future ,temple1 the city itself having been removed nearly two miles to the south4 ,at the east gate he is met by an angel1 who conducts him from point to point of the buildings1 calling his attention to significant structural details1 and measuring each part as he goes along with a measuringline which he carries in his hand4 ,it is probable that the whole description would be perfectly intelligible but for the state of the text1 which is defective throughout and in some places hopelessly corrupt4 ,this is hardly surprising when we consider the technical and unfamiliar nature of the terms employed2 but it has been suspected that some parts have been deliberately tampered with in order to bring them into harmony with the actual construction of the second ,temple4 ,whether that is so or not1 the description as a whole remains in its way a masterpiece of literary exposition1 and a remarkable proof of the versatility of ,ezekiel's accomplishments4 ,when it is necessary to turn himself into an architectural draughtsman he discharges the duty to perfection4 ,no one can study the detailed measurements of the buildings without being convinced that the prophet is working from a ground plan which he has himself prepared2 indeed his own words leave no doubt that this was the case 7see ch4 xliii4 #aj1 #aa74 ,and it is a convincing demonstration of his descriptive powers that we are able1 after the labours of many generations of scholars1 to reproduce this plan with a certainty which1 except with regard to a few minor features1 leaves little to be desired4 ,it has been remarked as a curious fact that of the three temples mentioned in the ,old ,testament the only one of whose construction we can form a clear conception is the one that was never built27#bac7 and certainly the knowledge we have of ,solomon's ,temple from the first book of ,kings is very incomplete compared with what we know of the ,temple which ,ezekiel saw only in vision4 ,it is impossible in this chapter to enter into all the minuti of the description1 or even to discuss all the difficulties of interpretation which arise in connection with different parts4 ,full information on these points will be found in short compass in ,dr4 ,davidson's commentary on the passage4 ,all that can be attempted here is to convey a general idea of the arrangements of the various buildings and courts of the sanctuary1 and the extreme care with which they have been thought out by the prophet4 ,after this has been done we shall try to discover the meaning of these arrangements in so far as they differ from the model supplied by the first ,temple4 ,i ,let the reader1 then1 after the manner of ,euclid1 draw a straight line ,a ,b1 and describe thereon a square ,a ,b ,c ,d4 ,let him divide two adjacent sides of the square 7say ,a ,b and ,a ,d7 into ten equal parts1 and let lines be drawn from the points of section parallel to the sides of the square in both directions4 ,let a side of the small squares represent a length of fifty cubits1 and the whole consequently a square of five hundred cubits47#bad7 ,it will now be found that the bounding lines of ,ezekiel's plan run throughout on the lines of this diagram27#bae7 and this fact gives a better idea than anything else of the symmetrical structure of the ,temple and of the absolute accuracy of the measurements4 ,the sides of the large square represent of course the outer boundary of the enclosure1 which is formed by a wall six cubits thick and six high47#baf7 ,its sides are directed to the four points of the compass1 and at the middle of the north1 east and south sides the wall is pierced by the three gates1 each with an ascent of seven steps outside4 ,the gates1 however1 are not mere openings in the wall furnished with doors1 but covered gateways similar to those that penetrate the thick wall of a fortified town4 ,in this case they are large separate buildings projecting into the court to a distance of fifty cubits1 and twentyfive cubits broad1 exactly half the size of the ,temple proper4 ,on either side of the passage are three recesses in the wall six cubits square1 which were to be used as guardrooms by the ,temple police4 ,each gateway terminates towards the court in a large hall called 8the porch10 eight cubits broad 7along the line of entry7 by twenty long 7across73 the porch of the east gate was reserved for the use of the prince2 the purpose of the other two is nowhere specified4 ,passing through the eastern gateway1 the prophet stands in the outer court of the ,temple1 the place where the people assembled for worship4 ,it seems to have been entirely destitute of buildings1 with the exception of a row of thirty cells along the three walls in which the gates were4 ,the outer margin of the court was paved with stone up to the line of the inside of the gateways 7i4e41 fifty cubits1 less the thickness of the outer wall72 and on this pavement stood the cells1 the dimensions of which1 however1 are not given4 ,there were1 moreover1 in the four corners of the court rectangular enclosures forty cubits by thirty1 where the ,levites were to cook the sacrifices of the people 7ch4 xlvi4 #babd74 ,the purpose of the cells is nowhere specified2 but there is little doubt that they were intended for those sacrificial feasts of a semiprivate character which had always been a prominent feature of the ,temple worship4 ,from the edge of the pavement to the inner court was a distance of a hundred cubits2 but this space was free only on three sides1 the western side being occupied by buildings to be afterwards described4 ,the inner court was a terrace standing probably about five feet above the level of the outer1 and approached by flights of eight steps at the three gates4 ,it was reserved for the exclusive use of the priests4 ,it had three gateways in a line with those of the outer court1 and precisely similar to them1 with the single exception that the porches were not1 as we might have expected1 towards the inside1 but at the ends next to the outer court4 ,the free space of the inner court1 within the line of the gateways1 was a square of a hundred cubits1 corresponding to the four middle squares of the diagram4 ,right in the middle1 so that it could be seen through the gates1 was the great altar of burntoffering1 a huge stone structure rising in three terraces to a height apparently of twelve cubits1 and having a breadth and length of eighteen cubits at the base4 ,that this1 rather than the ,temple1 should be the centre of the sanctuary1 corresponds to a consciousness in ,israel that the altar was the one indispensable requisite for the performance of sacrificial worship acceptable to ,jehovah4 ,accordingly1 when the first exiles returned to ,jerusalem1 before they were in a position to set about the erection of the ,temple1 they reared the altar in its place1 and at once instituted the daily sacrifice and the stated order of the festivals4 ,and even in ,ezekiel's vision we shall find that the sacrificial consecration of the altar is considered as equivalent to the dedication of the whole sanctuary to the chief purpose for which it was erected4 ,besides the altar there were in the inner court certain other objects of special significance for the priestly and sacrificial service4 ,by the side of the north and south gates were two cells or chambers opening towards the middle space4 ,the purpose for which these cells were intended clearly points to a division of the priesthood 7which1 however1 may have been temporary and not permanent7 into two classes--one of which was entrusted with the service of the ,temple1 and the other with the service of the altar4 ,the cell on the north1 we are told1 was for the priests engaged in the service of the house1 and that on the south for those who officiated at the altar 7ch4 xl4 #de1 #df74 ,there is mention also of tables on which different classes of sacrificial victims were slaughtered1 and of a chamber in which the burntoffering was washed 7ch4 xl4 #chdc72 but so obscure is the text of this passage that it cannot even be certainly determined whether these appliances were situated at the east gate or the north gate1 or at each of the three gates4 ,the four small squares immediately adjoining the inner court on the west are occupied by the ,temple proper and its adjuncts4 ,the ,temple itself stands on a solid basement six cubits above the level of the inner court1 and is reached by a flight of ten steps4 ,the breadth of the basement 7north to south7 is sixty cubits3 this leaves a free space of twenty cubits on either side1 which is really a continuation of the inner court1 although it bears the special name of the gizra 78separate place074 ,in length the basement measures a hundred and five cubits1 projecting1 as we immediately see1 five cubits into the inner court in front47#bag7 ,the inner space of the ,temple was divided1 as in ,solomon's ,temple1 into three compartments1 communicating with each other by foldingdoors in the middle of the partitions that separated them4 ,entering by the outer door on the east1 we come first to the vestibule1 which is twenty cubits broad 7north to south7 by twelve cubits east to west4 ,next to this is the hall or 8palace0 7hkl71 twenty cubits by forty4 ,beyond this again is the innermost shrine of the ,temple1 the ,most ,holy ,place1 where the glory of the ,god of ,israel is to take the place occupied by the ark and cherubim of the first ,temple4 ,it is a square of twenty cubits2 but ,ezekiel1 although himself a priest1 is not allowed to enter this sacred space2 the angel goes in alone1 and announces the measurements to the prophet1 who waits without in the great hall of the ,temple4 ,the only piece of furniture mentioned in the ,temple is an altar or table in the hall1 immediately in front of the ,most ,holy ,place 7ch4 xli4 #bb74 ,the reference is no doubt to the table on which the shewbread was laid out before ,jehovah 7cf4 ,exod4 xxv4 #bccj74 ,some details are also given of the woodcarving with which the interior was decorated 7ch4 xli4 #afbj1 #be71 consisting apparently of cherubs and palm trees in alternate panels4 ,this appears to be simply a reminiscence of the ornamentation of the old ,temple1 and to have no direct religious significance in the mind of the prophet4 ,the ,temple was enclosed first by a wall six cubits thick1 and then on each side except the east by an outer wall of five cubits1 separated from the inner by an interval of four cubits4 ,this intervening space was divided into three ranges of small cells rising in three stories one over another4 ,the second and third stories were somewhat broader than the lowest1 the inner wall of the house being contracted so as to allow the beams to be laid upon it without breaking into its surface4 ,we must further suppose that the inner wall rose above the cells and the outer wall1 so as to leave a clear space for the windows of the ,temple4 ,the entire length of the ,temple on the outside is a hundred cubits1 and the breadth fifty cubits4 ,this leaves room for a passage of five cubits broad round the edge of the elevated platform on which the main building stood4 ,the two doors which gave access to the cells opened on this passage1 and were placed in the north and south sides of the outer wall4 ,there was obviously no need to continue the passage round the west side of the house1 and this does not appear to be contemplated4 ,it will be seen that there still remains a square of a hundred cubits behind the ,temple1 between it and the west wall4 ,the greater part of this was taken up by a structure vaguely designated as the 8building0 7biny or binyan71 which is commonly supposed to have been a sort of lumber room1 although its function is not indicated4 ,nor does it appear whether it stood on the level of the inner court or of the outer4 ,but while this building fills the whole breadth of the square from north to south 7a hundred cubits71 the other dimension 7east to west7 is curtailed by a space of twenty cubits left free between it and the ,temple1 the gizra 7see p4 #daj7 being thus continuous round three sides of the house4 ,the most troublesome part of the description is that of two blocks of cells7#bah7 situated north and south of the ,temple building 7ch4 xlii4 #aad74 ,it seems clear that they occupied the oblong spaces between the gizra north and south of the ,temple and the walls of the inner court4 ,their length is said to be a hundred cubits1 and their breadth fifty cubits4 ,but room has to be found for a passage ten cubits broad and a hundred long1 so that the measurements do not exhibit in this case ,ezekiel's usual accuracy4 ,moreover1 we are told that while their length facing the ,temple was a hundred cubits1 the length facing the outer court was only fifty cubits4 ,it is extremely difficult to gain a clear idea of what the prophet meant4 ,smend and ,davidson suppose that each block was divided longitudinally into two sections1 and that the passage of ten cubits ran between them from east to west4 ,the inner section would then be a hundred cubits in length and twenty in breadth4 ,but the other section towards the outer court would have only half this length1 the remaining fifty cubits along the edge of the inner court being protected by a wall4 ,this is perhaps the best solution that has been proposed1 but one can hardly help thinking that if ,ezekiel had had such an arrangement in view he would have expressed himself more clearly4 ,the one thing that is perfectly unambiguous is the purpose for which these cells were to be used4 ,certain sacrifices to which a high degree of sanctity attached were consumed by the priests1 and being 8most holy0 things they had to be eaten in a holy place4 ,these chambers1 then1 standing within the sacred enclosure of the inner court1 were assigned to the priests for this purpose47#bai7 ,in them also the priests were to deposit the sacred garments in which they ministered1 before leaving the inner court to mingle with the people4 ,,ii ,such1 then1 are the leading features presented by ,ezekiel's description of an ideal sanctuary4 ,what are the chief impressions suggested to the mind by its perusal8 ,the fact no doubt that surprises us most is that our attention is almost exclusively directed to the groundplan of the buildings4 ,it is evident that the prophet is indifferent to what seems to us the noblest element of ecclesiastical architecture1 the effect of lofty spaces on the imagination of the worshipper4 ,it is no part of his purpose to inspire devotional feeling by the aid of purely sthetic impressions4 8,the height1 the span1 the gloom1 the glory0 of some venerable ,gothic cathedral do not enter into his conception of a place of worship4 ,the impressions he wishes to convey1 although religious1 are intellectual rather than sthetic1 and are such as could be expressed by the sharp outlines and mathematical precision of a groundplan4 ,now of course the sanctuary was1 to begin with1 a place of sacrifice1 and to a large extent its arrangements were necessarily dictated by a regard for practical convenience and utility4 ,but leaving this on one side1 it is obvious enough that the design is influenced by certain ruling principles1 of which the most conspicuous are these three3 separation1 gradation1 and symmetry4 ,and these again symbolise three aspects of the one great idea of holiness1 which the prophet desired to see embodied in the whole constitution of the ,hebrew state as the guarantee of lasting fellowship between ,jehovah and ,israel4 ,in ,ezekiel's teaching on the subject of holiness there is nothing that is absolutely new or peculiar to himself4 ,that ,jehovah is the one truly holy ,being is the common doctrine of the prophets1 and it means that ,he alone unites in ,himself all the attributes of true ,godhead4 ,the ,hebrew language does not admit of the formation of an adjective from the name for ,god like our word 8divine10 or an abstract noun corresponding to 8divinity40 ,what we denote by these terms the ,hebrews expressed by the words qdsh 1 8holy10 and qdesh1 8holiness40 ,all that constitutes true divinity is therefore summed up in the ,old ,testament idea of the holiness of ,god4 ,the fundamental thought expressed by the word when applied to ,god appears to be the separation or contrast between the divine and the human--that in ,god which inspires awe and reverence on the part of man1 and forbids approach to ,him save under restrictions which flow from the nature of the ,deity4 ,in the light of the ,new ,testament revelation we see that the only barrier to communion with ,god is sin2 and hence to us holiness1 both in ,god and man1 is a purely ethical idea denoting moral purity and perfectness4 ,but under the ,old ,testament access to ,god was hindered not only by sin1 but also by natural disabilities to which no moral guilt attaches4 ,the idea of holiness is therefore partly ethical and partly ceremonial1 physical uncleanness being as really a violation of the divine holiness1 as offences against the moral law4 ,the consequences of this view appear nowhere more clearly than in the legislation of ,ezekiel4 ,his mind was penetrated with the prophetic idea of the unique divinity or holiness of ,jehovah1 and no one can doubt that the moral attributes of ,god occupied the supreme place in his conception of what true ,godhead is4 ,but along with this he has a profound sense of what the nature of ,jehovah demands in the way of ceremonial purity4 ,the divine holiness1 in fact1 contains a physical as well as an ethical element2 and to guard against the intrusion of anything unclean into the sphere of ,jehovah's worship is the chief design of the elaborate system of ritual laws laid down in the closing chapters of ,ezekiel4 ,ultimately no doubt the whole system served a moral purpose by furnishing a safeguard against the introduction of heathen practices into the worship of ,israel4 ,but its immediate effect was to give prominence to that aspect of the idea of holiness which seems to us of least value1 although it could not be dispensed with so long as the worship of ,god took the form of material offerings at a local sanctuary4 ,now in reducing this idea to practice it is obvious that everything depends on the strict enforcement of the principle of separation that lies at the root of the ,hebrew conception of holiness4 ,the thought that underlies ,ezekiel's legislation is that the holiness of ,jehovah is communicated in different degrees to everything connected with ,his worship1 and in the first instance to the ,temple1 which is sanctified by ,his presence4 ,the sanctity of the place is of course not fully intelligible apart from the ceremonial rules which regulate the conduct of those who are permitted to enter it4 ,throughout the ancient world we find evidence of the existence of sacred enclosures which could only be entered by those who fulfilled certain conditions of physical purity4 ,the conditions might be extremely simple1 as when ,moses was commanded to take his shoes off his feet as he stood within the holy ground on ,mount ,sinai4 ,but obviously the first essential of a permanently sacred place was that it should be definitely marked off from common ground1 as the sphere within which superior requirements of holiness became binding4 ,a holy place is necessarily a place 8cut off10 separated from ordinary use and guarded from intrusion by supernatural sanctions4 ,the idea of the sanctuary as a separate place was therefore perfectly familiar to the ,israelites long before the time of ,ezekiel1 and had been exhibited in a lax and imperfect way in the construction of the first ,temple4 ,but what ,ezekiel did was to carry out the idea with a thoroughness never before attempted1 and in such a way as to make the whole arrangements of the sanctuary an impressive object lesson on the holiness of ,jehovah4 ,how important this notion of separateness was to ,ezekiel's conception of the sanctuary is best seen from the emphatic condemnation of the arrangement of the old ,temple pronounced by ,jehovah ,himself on ,his entrance into the house3 8,son of man1 hast thou seen7#bbj7 the place of ,my throne1 and the place of the soles of ,my feet1 where ,i shall dwell in the midst of the children of ,israel for ever8 ,no longer shall the house of ,israel defile ,my holy name1 they and their kings1 by their whoredom idolatry1 and by the corpses of their kings in their death2 by placing their threshold alongside of ,my threshold1 and their post beside ,my post1 with only the wall between ,me and them1 and defiling ,my holy name by their abominations which they committed2 so that ,i consumed them in ,my anger4 ,but now they must remove their whoredom and the corpses of their kings from ,me1 and ,i will dwell amongst them for ever0 7ch4 xliii4 #gi74 ,there is here a clear allusion to defects in the structure of the ,temple which were inconsistent with a due recognition of the necessary separation between the holy and the profane 7ch4 xlii4 #bj74 ,it appears that the first ,temple had only one court1 corresponding to the inner court of ,ezekiel's vision4 ,what answered to the outer court was simply an enclosure surrounding1 not only the ,temple1 but also the royal palace and the other buildings of state4 ,immediately adjoining the ,temple area on the south was the court in which the palace stood1 so that the only division between the dwellingplace of ,jehovah and the residence of the kings of ,judah was the single wall separating the two courts4 ,this of itself was derogatory to the sanctity of the ,temple1 according to the enhanced idea of holiness which it was ,ezekiel's mission to enforce4 ,but the prophet touches on a still more flagrant transgression of the law of holiness when he speaks of the dead bodies of the kings as being interred in the neighbourhood of the ,temple4 ,contact with a dead body produced under all circumstances the highest degree of ceremonial uncleanness1 and nothing could have been more abhorrent to ,ezekiel's priestly sense of propriety than the close proximity of dead men's bones to the house in which ,jehovah was to dwell4 ,in order to guard against the recurrence of these abuses in the future it was necessary that all secular buildings should be removed to a safe distance from the ,temple precincts4 ,the 8law of the house0 is that 8upon the top of the mountain it shall stand1 and all its precincts round about shall be most holy0 7ch4 xliii4 #ab74 ,and it is characteristic of ,ezekiel that the separation is effected1 not by changing the situation of the ,temple1 but by transporting the city bodily to the southward2 so that the new sanctuary stood on the site of the old1 but isolated from the contact of that in human life which was common and unclean47#bba7 ,the effect of this teaching1 however1 is immensely enhanced by the principle of gradation1 which is the second feature exhibited in ,ezekiel's description of the sanctuary4 ,holiness1 as a predicate of persons or things1 is after all a relative idea4 ,that which is 8most holy0 in relation to the profane everyday life of men may be less holy in comparison with something still more closely associated with the presence of ,god4 ,thus the whole land of ,israel was holy in contrast with the world lying outside4 ,but it was impossible to maintain the whole land in a state of ceremonial purity corresponding to the sanctity of ,jehovah4 ,the full compass of the idea could only be illustrated by a carefully graded series of sacred spaces1 each of which entailed provisions of sanctity peculiar to itself4 ,first of all an 8oblation0 is set apart in the middle of the tribes2 and of this the central portion is assigned for the residence of the priestly families4 ,in the midst of this1 again1 stands the sanctuary with its wall and precinct1 dividing the holy from the profane 7ch4 xlii4 #bj74 ,within the wall are the two courts1 of which the outer could only be trodden by circumcised ,israelites and the inner only by the priests4 ,behind the inner court stands the ,temple house1 cut off from the adjoining buildings by a 8separate place10 and elevated on a platform1 which still further guards its sanctity from profane contact4 ,and finally the interior of the house is divided into three compartments1 increasing in holiness in the order of entrance--first the porch1 then the main hall1 and then the ,most ,holy ,place1 where ,jehovah ,himself dwells4 ,it is impossible to mistake the meaning of all this4 ,the practical object is to secure the presence of ,jehovah against the possibility of contact with those sources of impurity which are inseparably bound up with the incidents of man's natural existence on earth47#bbb7 ,before we pass on let us return for a moment to the primary notion of separation in space as an emblem of the ,old ,testament conception of holiness4 ,what is the permanent religious truth underlying this representation8 ,we may find it in the idea conveyed by the familiar phrase 8draw near to ,god40 ,what we have just seen reminds us that there was a stage in the history of religion when these words could be used in the most literal sense of every act of complete worship4 ,the worshipper actually came to the place where ,god was2 it was impossible to realise ,his presence in any other way4 ,to us the expression has only a metaphorical value2 yet the metaphor is one that we cannot dispense with1 for it covers a fact of spiritual experience4 ,it may be true that with ,god there is no far or near1 that ,he is omnipresent1 that ,his eyes are in every place beholding the evil and the good4 ,but what does that mean8 ,not surely that all men everywhere and at all times are equally under the influence of the divine ,spirit8 ,no2 but only that ,god may be found in any place by the soul that is open to receive ,his grace and truth1 that place has nothing to do with the conditions of true fellowship with ,him4 ,translated into terms of the spiritual life1 drawing near to ,god denotes the act of faith or prayer or consecration1 through which we seek the manifestation of ,his love in our experience4 ,religion knows nothing of 8action at a distance02 ,god is near in every place to the soul that knows ,him1 and distant in every place from the heart that loves darkness rather than light4 ,now when the idea of access to ,god is thus spiritualised the conception of holiness is necessarily transformed1 but it is not superseded4 ,at every stage of revelation holiness is that 8without which no man shall see the ,lord407#bbc7 ,in other words1 it expresses the conditions that regulate all true fellowship with ,god4 ,so long as worship was confined to an earthly sanctuary these conditions were so to speak materialised4 ,they resolved themselves into a series of 8carnal ordinances0--gifts and sacrifices1 meats1 drinks1 and divers washings--that could never make the worshipper perfect as touching the conscience4 ,these things were 8imposed until a time of reformation10 the 8,holy ,ghost this signifying1 that the way into the holy place had not been made manifest while as the first tabernacle was yet standing407#bbd7 ,and yet when we consider what it was that gave such vitality to that persistent sense of distance from ,god1 of ,his unapproachableness1 of danger in contact with ,him1 what it was that inspired such constant attention to ceremonial purity in all ancient religions1 we cannot but see that it was the obscure workings of the conscience1 the haunting sense of moral defect cleaving to a man's common life and all his common actions4 ,in heathenism this feeling took an entirely wrong direction2 in ,israel it was gradually liberated from its material associations and stood forth as an ethical fact4 ,and when at last ,christ came to reveal ,god as ,he is1 ,he taught men to call nothing common or unclean4 ,but ,he taught them at the same time that true holiness can only be attained through ,his atoning sacrifice1 and by the indwelling of that ,spirit which is the source of moral purity and perfection in all ,his people4 ,these are the abiding conditions of fellowship with the ,father of our spirits2 and under the influence of these great ,christian facts it is our duty to perfect holiness in the fear of ,god4 ,,iii ,no sooner has the prophet completed his tour of inspection of the sacred buildings than he is conducted to the eastern gate to witness the theophany by which the ,temple is consecrated to the service of the true ,god4 8,he 7the angel7 led me to the gate that looks eastward1 and1 lo1 the glory of the ,god of ,israel came from the east2 its sound was as the sound of many waters1 and the earth shone with its glory4 ,the appearance which ,i saw was like that which ,i had seen when ,he came to destroy the city1 and like the appearance which ,i saw by the river ,kebar1 and ,i fell on my face4 ,and the glory of ,jehovah entered the house by the gate that looks towards the east4 ,the ,spirit caught me up1 and brought me to the inner court2 and1 behold1 the glory of ,jehovah filled the house4 ,then ,i heard a voice from the house speaking to me--the man was standing beside me--and saying1 ,son of man1 hast thou seen the place of ,my throne1 and the place of the soles of ,my feet1 where ,i shall dwell in the midst of the children of ,israel for ever80 7ch4 xliii4 #ag74 ,this great scene1 so simply described1 is really the culmination of ,ezekiel's prophecy4 ,its spiritual meaning is suggested by the prophet himself when he recalls the terrible act of judgment which he had seen in vision on that very spot some twenty years before 7chs4 ix4xi474 ,the two episodes stand in clear and conscious parallelism with each other4 ,they represent in dramatic form the sum of ,ezekiel's teaching in the two periods into which his ministry was divided4 ,on the former occasion he had witnessed the exit of ,jehovah from a ,temple polluted by heathen abominations and profaned by the presence of men who had disowned the knowledge of the ,holy ,one of ,israel4 ,the prophet had read in this the death sentence of the old ,hebrew state1 and the truth of his vision had been established in the tale of horror and disaster which the subsequent years had unfolded4 ,now he has been privileged to see the return of ,jehovah to a new ,temple1 corresponding in all respects to the requirements of ,his holiness2 and he recognises it as the pledge of restoration and peace and all the blessings of the ,messianic age4 ,the future worshippers are still in exile bearing the chastisement of their former iniquities2 but 8the ,lord is in ,his holy ,temple10 and the dispersed of ,israel shall yet be gathered home to enter ,his courts with praise and thanksgiving4 ,to us this part of the vision symbolises1 under forms derived from the ,old ,testament economy1 the central truth of the ,christian dispensation4 ,we do no injustice to the historic import of ,ezekiel's mission when we say that the dwelling of ,jehovah in the midst of ,his people is an emblem of reconciliation between ,god and man1 and that his elaborate system of ritual observances points towards the sanctification of human life in all its relations through spiritual communion with the ,father revealed in our ,lord ,jesus ,christ4 ,christian interpreters have differed widely as to the manner in which the vision is to be realised in the history of the ,church2 but on one point at least they are agreed1 that through the veil of legal institutions the prophet saw the day of ,christ4 ,and although ,ezekiel himself does not distinguish between the symbol and the reality1 it is nevertheless possible for us to see1 in the essential ideas of his vision1 a prophecy of that eternal union between ,god and man which is brought to pass by the work of ,christ4 ,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,the ,priesthood4 ,chapter xliv4 ,in the last chapter we saw how the principle of holiness through separation was exhibited in the plan of a new ,temple1 round which the ,theocracy of the future was to be constituted4 ,we have now to consider the application of the same principle to the personnel of the ,sanctuary1 the priests and others who are to officiate within its courts4 ,the connection between the two is obvious4 ,as has been already remarked1 the sanctity of the ,temple is not intelligible apart from the ceremonial purity required of the persons who are permitted to enter it4 ,the degrees of holiness pertaining to its different areas imply an ascending scale of restrictions on access to the more sacred parts4 ,we may expect to find that in the observance of these conditions the usage of the first ,temple left much to be desired from the point of view represented by ,ezekiel's ideal4 ,where the very construction of the sanctuary involved so many departures from the strict idea of holiness it was inevitable that a corresponding laxity should prevail in the discharge of sacred functions4 ,temple and priesthood in fact are so related that a reform of the one implies of necessity a reform of the other4 ,it is therefore not in itself surprising that ,ezekiel's legislation should include a scheme for the reorganisation of the ,temple priesthood4 ,but these general considerations hardly prepare us for the sweeping and drastic changes contemplated in the fortyfourth chapter of the book4 ,it requires an effort of imagination to realise the situation with which the prophet has to deal4 ,the abuses for which he seeks a remedy and the measures which he adopts to counteract them are alike contrary to preconceived notions of the order of worship in an ,israelite sanctuary4 ,yet there is no part of the prophet's programme which shows the character of the earnest practical reformer more clearly than this4 ,if we might regard ,ezekiel as a mere legislator we should say that the boldest task to which he set his hand was a reformation of the ,temple ministry1 involving the degradation of an influential class from the priestly status and privileges to which they aspired4 ,i ,the first and most noteworthy feature of the new scheme is the distinction between priests and ,levites4 ,the passage in which this instruction is given is so important that it may be quoted here at length4 ,it is an oracle communicated to the prophet in a peculiarly impressive manner4 ,he has been brought into the inner court in front of the ,temple1 and there1 in full view of the glory of ,god1 he falls on his face1 when ,jehovah speaks to him as follows3-- 8,son of man1 give heed and see with thine eyes and hear with thine ears all that ,i speak to thee concerning all the ordinances and all the laws of ,jehovah's house4 ,mark well the rule of entrance into the house1 and all the outgoings in the sanctuary4 ,and say to the house of rebellion1 the house of ,israel3 ,thus saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 ,it is high time to desist from all your abominations1 ,o house of ,israel1 in that ye bring in aliens uncircumcised in heart and uncircumcised in flesh to be in ,my sanctuary1 profaning it1 while ye offer ,my bread1 the fat and the blood2 thus ye have broken ,my covenant1 in addition to all your other abominations2 and ye have not kept the charge of ,my holy things1 but have appointed them as keepers of ,my charge in ,my sanctuary4 ,therefore thus saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 ,no alien uncircumcised in heart and flesh shall enter into ,my sanctuary1 of all the foreigners who are amongst the ,israelites4 ,but the ,levites who departed from ,me when ,israel went astray from ,me after their idols1 they shall bear their guilt1 and shall minister in ,my sanctuary in charge at the gates of the house and as ministers of the house2 they shall slay the burnt offering and the sacrifice for the people1 and stand before them to minister to them4 ,because they ministered to them before their idols1 and were to the house of ,israel an occasion of guilt1 therefore ,i lift ,my hand against them1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah1 and they shall bear their guilt1 and shall not draw near to ,me to act as priests to ,me or to touch any of ,my holy things1 the most holy things1 but shall bear their shame and the abominations which they have committed4 ,i will make them keepers of the charge of the house1 for all its servile work and all that has to be done in it4 ,but the priest,levites1 the sons of ,zadok1 who kept the charge of ,my sanctuary when the ,israelites strayed from ,me--they shall draw near to ,me to minister to ,me1 and shall stand before ,me to present to ,me the fat and the blood1 saith the ,lord ,jehovah4 ,they shall enter into ,my sanctuary1 and they shall draw near to ,my table to minister to ,me1 and shall keep ,my charge0 7xliv4 #eaf74 ,now the first thing to be noticed here is that the new law of the priesthood is aimed directly against a particular abuse in the practice of the first ,temple4 ,it appears that down to the time of the ,exile uncircumcised aliens were not only admitted to the ,temple1 but were entrusted with certain important functions in maintaining order in the sanctuary 7ver4 #h74 ,it is not expressly stated that they took any part in the performance of the worship1 although this is suggested by the fact that the ,levites who are installed in their place had to slay the sacrifices for the people and render other necessary services to the worshippers 7ver4 #aa74 ,in any case the mere presence of foreigners while sacrifice was being offered 7ver4 #g7 was a profanation of the sanctity of the ,temple which was intolerable to a strict conception of ,jehovah's holiness4 ,it is therefore of some consequence to discover who these aliens were1 and how they came to be engaged in the ,temple4 ,for a partial answer to this question1 we may turn first to the memorable scene of the coronation of the young king ,joash as described in the eleventh chapter of the second book of ,kings 7c4 ,b4,c4 #hcg74 ,the moving spirit in that transaction was the chief priest ,jehoiada1 a man who was honourably distinguished by his zeal for the purity of the national religion4 ,but although the priest's motives were pure he could only accomplish his object by a palace revolution1 carried out with the assistance of the captains of the royal bodyguard4 ,now from the time of ,david the royal guard had contained a corps of foreign mercenaries recruited from the ,philistine country2 and on the occasion with which we are dealing we find mention of a body of ,carians1 showing that the custom was kept up in the end of the ninth century4 ,during the coronation ceremony these guards were drawn up in the most sacred part of the inner court1 the space between the ,temple and the altar1 with the new king in their midst 7ver4 #aa74 ,moreover we learn incidentally that keeping watch in the ,temple was part of the regular duty of the king's bodyguard1 just as much as the custody of the palace 7vv4 #eg74 ,in order to understand the full significance of this arrangement1 it must be borne in mind that the ,temple was in the first instance the royal sanctuary1 maintained at the king's expense and subject to his authority4 ,hence the duty of keeping order in the ,temple courts naturally devolved on the troops that attended the king's person and acted as the palace guard4 ,so at an earlier period of the history we read that as often as the king went into the house of ,jehovah1 he was accompanied by the guard that kept the door of the king's house 7#a ,kings xiv4 #bg1 #bh74 ,here1 then1 we have historical evidence of the admission to the sanctuary of a class of foreigners answering in all respects to the uncircumcised aliens of ,ezekiel's legislation4 ,that the practice of enlisting foreign mercenaries for the guard continued till the reign of ,josiah seems to be indicated by an allusion in the book of ,zephaniah1 where the prophet denounces a body of men in the service of the king who observed the ,philistine custom of 8leaping over the threshold0 7,zeph4 i4 #i3 cf4 #a ,sam4 v4 #e74 ,we have only to suppose that this usage1 along with the subordination of the ,temple to the royal authority1 persisted to the close of the monarchy1 in order to explain fully the abuse which excited the indignation of our prophet4 ,it is possible no doubt that he had in view other uncircumcised persons as well1 such as the ,gibeonites 7,josh4 ix4 #bg71 who were employed in the menial service of the sanctuary4 ,but we have seen enough to show at all events that preexilic usage tolerated a freedom of access to the sanctuary and a looseness of administration within it which would have been sacrilegious under the law of the second ,temple4 ,it need not be supposed that ,ezekiel was the only one who felt this state of things to be a scandal and an injury to religion4 ,we may believe that in this respect he only expressed the higher conscience of his order4 ,amongst the more devout circles of the ,temple priesthood there was probably a growing conviction similar to that which animated the early ,tractarian party in the ,church of ,england1 a conviction that the whole ecclesiastical system with which their spiritual interests were bound up fell short of the ideal of sanctity essential to it as a divine institution4 ,but no scheme of reform had any chance of success so long as the palace of the kings stood hard by the ,temple1 with only a wall between them4 ,the opportunity for reconstruction came with the ,exile1 and one of the leading principles of the reformed ,temple is that here enunciated by ,ezekiel1 that no 8alien uncircumcised in heart and uncircumcised in flesh0 shall henceforth enter the sanctuary4 ,in order to prevent a recurrence of these abuses ,ezekiel ordains that for the future the functions of the ,temple guard and other menial offices shall be discharged by the ,levites who had hitherto acted as priests of the idolatrous shrines throughout the kingdom 7vv4 #aaad74 ,this singular enactment becomes at once intelligible when we understand the peculiar circumstances brought about by the enforcement of the ,deuteronomic ,law in the reformation of the year #fba4 ,let us once more recall the fact that the chief object of that reformation was to do away with all the provincial sanctuaries and to concentrate the worship of the nation in the ,temple at ,jerusalem4 ,it is obvious that by this measure the priests of the local sanctuaries were deprived of their means of livelihood4 ,the rule that they who serve the altar shall live by the altar applied equally to the priests of the high places and to those in the ,temple at ,jerusalem4 ,all the priests indeed throughout the country were members of a landless caste or tribe2 the ,levites had no portion or inheritance like the other tribes1 but subsisted on the offerings of the worshippers at the various shrines where they ministered4 ,now the law of ,deuteronomy recognises the principle of compensation for the vested interests that were thus abolished4 ,two alternatives were offered to the ,levites of the high places3 they might either remain in the villages or townships where they were known1 or they might proceed to the central sanctuary and obtain admission to the ranks of the priesthood there4 ,in the former case1 the ,lawgiver commends them earnestly1 along with other destitute members of the community1 to the charity of their welltodo fellowtownsmen and neighbours4 ,if1 on the other hand1 they elected to try their fortunes in the ,temple at ,jerusalem1 he secures their full priestly status and equal rights with their brethren who regularly officiated there4 ,on this point the legislation is quite explicit4 ,any ,levite from any district of ,israel who came of his own free will to the place which ,jehovah had chosen might minister in the name of ,jehovah his ,god1 as all his brethren the ,levites did who stood there before ,jehovah1 and have like portions to eat 7,deut4 xviii4 #fh74 ,in this matter1 however1 the humane intention of the law was partly frustrated by the exclusiveness of the priests who were already in possession of the sacred offices in the ,temple4 ,the ,levites who were brought up from the provinces to ,jerusalem were allowed their proper share of the priestly dues1 but were not permitted to officiate at the altar47#bbe7 ,it is not probable that a large number of the provincial ,levites availed themselves of this grudging provision for their maintenance4 ,in the idolatrous reaction which set in after the death of ,josiah the worship of the high places was revived1 and the great body of the ,levites would naturally be favourable to the reestablishment of the old order of things with which their professional interests were identified4 ,still1 there would be a certain number who for conscientious motives attached themselves to the movement for a purer and stricter conception of the worship of ,jehovah1 and were willing to submit to the irksome conditions which this movement imposed on them4 ,they might hope for a time when the generous provisions of the ,deuteronomic ,code would be applied to them2 but their position in the meantime was both precarious and humiliating4 ,they had to bear the doom pronounced long ago on the sinful house of ,eli3 8,every one that is left in thine house shall come and bow down to him 7the high priest of the line of ,zadok7 for a piece of silver and a loaf of bread1 and shall say1 ,thrust me1 ,i pray thee1 into one of the priests' offices1 that ,i may eat a morsel of bread407#bbf7 ,we see thus that ,ezekiel's legislation on the subject of the ,levites starts from a state of things created by ,josiah's reformation1 and1 let us remember1 a state of things with which the prophet was familiar in his earlier days when he was himself a priest in the ,temple4 ,on the whole he justifies the exclusive attitude of the ,temple priesthood towards the new comers1 and carries forward the application of the idea of sanctity from the point where it had been left by the law of ,deuteronomy4 ,that law recognises no sacerdotal distinctions within the ranks of the priesthood4 ,its regular designation of the priests of the ,temple is 8the priests1 the ,levites02 that of the provincial priests is simply 8the ,levites40 ,all priests are brethren1 all belong to the same tribe of ,levi2 and it is assumed1 as we have seen1 that any ,levite1 whatever his antecedents1 is qualified for the full privileges of the priesthood in the central sanctuary if he choose to claim them4 ,but we have also seen that the distinction emerged as a consequence of the enforcement of the fundamental law of the single sanctuary4 ,there came to be a class of ,levites in the ,temple whose position was at first indeterminate4 ,they themselves claimed the full standing of the priesthood1 and they could appeal in support of their claim to the authority of the ,deuteronomic legislation4 ,but the claim was never conceded in practice1 the influence of the legitimate ,temple priests being strong enough to exclude them from the supreme privilege of ministering at the altar4 ,this state of things could not continue4 ,either the disparity of the two orders must be effaced by the admission of the ,levites to a footing of equality with the other priests1 or else it must be emphasised and based on some higher principle than the jealousy of a close corporation for its traditional rights4 ,now such a principle is supplied by the section of ,ezekiel's vision with which we are dealing4 ,the permanent exclusion of the ,levites from the priesthood is founded on the unassailable moral ground that they had forfeited their rights by their unfaithfulness to the fundamental truths of the national religion4 ,they had been a 8stumblingblock of iniquity0 to the house of ,israel through their disloyalty to ,jehovah's cause during the long period of national apostasy1 when they lent themselves to the popular inclination towards impure and idolatrous worship4 ,for this great betrayal of their trust they must bear the guilt and shame in their degradation to the lowest offices in the service of the new sanctuary4 ,they are to fill the place formerly occupied by uncircumcised foreigners1 as keepers of the gates and servants of the house and the worshipping congregation2 but they may not draw near to ,jehovah in the exercise of priestly prerogatives1 nor put their hands to the most holy things4 ,the priesthood of the new ,temple is finally vested in the 8sons of ,zadok0--i4e41 the body of ,levitical priests who had ministered in the ,temple since its foundation by ,solomon4 ,whatever the faults of these ,zadokites had been--and ,ezekiel certainly does not judge them leniently7#bbg7--they had at least steadfastly maintained the ideal of a central sanctuary1 and in comparison with the rural clergy they were doubtless a purer and betterdisciplined body4 ,the judgment is only a relative one1 as all class judgments necessarily are4 ,there must have been individual ,zadokites worse than an ordinary ,levite from the country1 as well as individual ,levites who were superior to the average ,temple priest4 ,but if it was necessary that in the future the interests of religion should be mainly confided to a priesthood1 there could be no question that as a class the old priestly aristocracy of the central sanctuary were those best qualified for spiritual leadership4 ,in ,ezekiel's vision we thus seem to find the beginning of a statutory and official distinction between priests and ,levites4 ,this fact forms one of the arguments chiefly relied on by those who hold that the book of ,ezekiel precedes the introduction of the ,priestly ,code of the ,pentateuch4 ,two things1 indeed1 appear to be clearly established4 ,in the first place the tendency and significance of ,ezekiel's legislation is adequately explained by the historical situation that existed in the generation immediately preceding the ,exile4 ,in the second place the ,mosaic books1 apart from ,deuteronomy1 had no influence on the scheme propounded in the vision4 ,it is felt that these results are difficult to reconcile with the view that the middle books of the ,pentateuch were known to the prophet as part of a divinely ordained constitution for the ,israelite theocracy4 ,we should have expected in that case that the prophet would simply have fallen back on the provisions of the earlier legislation1 where the division between priests and ,levites is formulated with perfect clearness and precision4 ,or1 looking at the matter from the divine point of view1 we should have expected that the revelation given to ,ezekiel would endorse the principles of the revelation that had already been given4 ,it is equally hard to suppose that any existing law should have been unknown to ,ezekiel1 or to suggest a reason for his ignoring it if it was known4 ,the facts that have come before us seem thus1 so far as they go1 to be in favour of the theory that ,ezekiel stands midway between ,deuteronomy and the ,priestly ,code1 and that the final codification and promulgation of the latter took place after his time4 ,it is nearer our purpose1 however1 to note the probable effect of these regulations on the personnel of the second ,temple4 ,in the book of ,ezra we are told that in the first colony of returning exiles there were four thousand two hundred and eightynine priests and only seventyfour ,levites47#bbh7 ,one man in every ten was a priest1 and the total number was probably in excess of the requirements of a fully equipped ,temple4 ,the number of ,levites1 on the other hand1 would have been quite insufficient for the duties required of them under the new arrangements1 had there not been a contingent of nearly four hundred of the old ,temple servants to supply their lack of service47#bbi7 ,again1 when ,ezra came up from ,babylon in the year #deh1 we find that not a single ,levite volunteered to accompany him4 ,it was only after some negotiations that about forty ,levites were induced to go up with him to ,jerusalem2 and again they were far outnumbered by the ,nethinim or ,temple slaves47#bcj7 ,these figures cannot possibly represent the proportionate strength of the tribe of ,levi under the old monarchy4 ,they indicate unmistakably that there was a great reluctance on the part of the ,levites to share the perils and glory of the founding of the new ,jerusalem4 ,is it not probable that the new conditions laid down by ,ezekiel's legislation were the cause of this reluctance8 ,that1 in short1 the prospect of being servants in a ,temple where they had once claimed to be priests was not sufficiently attractive to the majority to lead them to break up their comfortable homes in exile1 and take their proper place in the ranks of those who were forming the new community of ,israel8 ,and ought we not to spare a moment's admiration even at this distance of time for the publicspirited few who in selfsacrificing devotion to the cause of ,god willingly accepted a position which was scorned by the great mass of their tribesmen8 ,if this was their spirit1 they had their reward4 ,although the position of a ,levite was at first a symbol of inferiority and degradation1 it ultimately became one of very great honour4 ,when the ,temple service was fully organised1 the ,levites were a large and important order1 second in dignity in the community only to the priests4 ,their ranks were swelled by the incorporation of the ,temple musicians1 as well as other functionaries2 and thus the ,levites are for ever associated in our minds with the magnificent service of praise which was the chief glory of the second ,temple4 ,,ii ,the remainder of the fortyfourth chapter lays down the rules of ceremonial holiness to be observed by the priests1 the duties they have to perform towards the community1 and the provision to be made for their maintenance4 ,a few words must here suffice on each of these topics4 #a4 ,the sanctity of the priests is denoted1 first of all1 by the obligation to wear special linen garments when they enter the inner court1 which is the sphere of their peculiar ministrations4 ,vestries were provided1 as we have seen from the description of the ,temple1 between the inner and outer courts1 where these garments were to be put on and off as the priests passed to and from the discharge of their sacred duties4 ,the general idea underlying this regulation is too obvious to require explanation4 ,it is but an application of the fundamental principle that approach to the ,deity1 or entrance into a place sanctified by ,his presence1 demands a condition of ceremonial purity which cannot be maintained and must not be imitated by persons of a lower degree of religious privilege4 ,a strange but very suggestive extension of the principle is found in the injunction to put off the garments before going into the outer court1 lest the ordinary worshipper should be sanctified by chance contact with them4 ,that both holiness and uncleanness are propagated by contagion is of the very essence of the ancient idea of sanctity2 but the remarkable thing is that in some circumstances communicated holiness is as much to be dreaded as communicated uncleanness4 ,it is not said what would be the fate of an ,israelite who should by chance touch the sacred vestments1 but evidently he must be disqualified for participation in worship until he had purged himself of his illegitimate sanctity47#bca7 ,in the next place the priests are under certain permanent obligations with regard to signs of mourning1 marriage1 and contact with death1 which again are the mark of the peculiar sanctity of their caste4 ,the rules as to mourning--prohibition of shaving the head and letting the hair flow dishevelled7#bcb7--;have been thought to be directed against heathen customs arising out of the worship of the dead4 ,in marriage the priest may only take a virgin of the house of ,israel or the widow of a priest4 ,and only in the case of his nearest relatives--parent1 child1 brother1 and unmarried sister--may he defile himself by rendering the last offices to the departed1 and even these exceptions involve exclusion from the sacred office for seven days47#bcc7 ,the relations of these requirements to the corresponding parts of the ,levitical law are somewhat complicated4 ,the great point of difference is that ,ezekiel knows nothing of the unique privileges and sanctity of the high priest4 ,it might seem at first sight as if this implied a deliberate departure from the known usage of the first ,temple4 ,it is certain that there were high priests under the monarchy1 and indeed we can discover the rudiments of a hierarchy in a distribution of authority between the high priest1 second priest1 keepers of the threshold1 and chief officers of the house47#bcd7 ,but the silence of ,ezekiel does not necessarily mean that he contemplated any innovation on the established order of things4 ,the historical books afford no ground for supposing that the high priest in the old ,temple had a religious standing distinguished from that of his colleagues4 ,he was primus inter pares1 the president of the priestly college and the supreme authority in the internal administration of the ,temple affairs1 but probably nothing more4 ,such an office was almost necessary in the interest of order and authority1 and there is nothing in ,ezekiel's regulations inconsistent with its continuance47#bce7 ,on the other hand it must be admitted that his silence would be strange if he had in view the position assigned to the high priest under the law4 ,for there the high priest is as far elevated above his colleagues as these are above the ,levites4 ,he is the concentration of all that is holy in ,israel1 and the sole mediator of the nearest approach to ,god which the symbolism of ,temple worship permitted4 ,he is bound by the strictest conditions of ceremonial sanctity1 and any transgression on his part has to be atoned for by a rite similar to that required for a transgression of the whole congregation47#bcf7 ,the omission of this striking figure from the pages of ,ezekiel makes a comparison between his enactments concerning the priesthood and those of the law difficult and in some degree uncertain4 ,nevertheless there are points both of likeness and contrast which cannot escape observation4 ,thus the laws of this chapter on defilement by a dead body are identical with those enjoined in ,lev4 xxi4 #ac 7the 8,law of ,holiness07 for ordinary priests2 while the high priest is there forbidden to touch any dead body whatsoever4 ,on the other hand ,ezekiel's regulations as to priestly marriages seem as it were to strike an average between the restrictions imposed in the law on ordinary priests and those binding on the high priest4 ,the former may marry any woman that is not violated or a harlot or a divorced wife2 but the high priest is forbidden to marry any one but a virgin of his own people4 ,again1 the priestly garments1 according to ,exod4 xxviii4 #cidb1 xxxix4 #bg1 are made partly of linen and partly of byssus 78 cotton71 which certainly looks like a refinement on the simpler attire prescribed by ,ezekiel4 ,but it is impossible to pursue this subject further here4 #b4 ,the duties of the priests towards the people are few1 but exceedingly important4 ,in the first place they have to instruct the people in the distinctions between the holy and the profane and between the clean and the unclean4 ,it will not be supposed that this instruction took the form of set lectures or homilies on the principles of ceremonial religion4 ,the verb translated 8teach0 in ver4 #bc means to give an authoritative decision in a special case2 and this had always been the form of priestly instruction in ,israel4 ,the subject of the teaching was of the utmost importance for a community whose whole life was regulated by the idea of holiness in the ceremonial sense4 ,to preserve the land in a state of purity befitting the dwellingplace of ,jehovah required the most scrupulous care on the part of all its inhabitants2 and in practice difficult questions would constantly occur which could only be settled by an appeal to the superior knowledge of the priest4 ,hence ,ezekiel contemplates a perpetuation of the old ritual ,torah or direction of the priests even in the ideal state of things to which his vision looks forward4 ,although the people are assumed to be all righteous in heart and responsive to the will of ,jehovah1 yet they could not all have the professional knowledge of ritual laws which was necessary to guide them on all occasions1 and errors of inadvertence were unavoidable4 ,jeremiah could look forward to a time when none should teach his neighbour or his brother1 saying1 ,know ,jehovah1 because the religion which consists in spiritual emotions and affections becomes the independent possession of every one who is the subject of saving grace4 ,but ,ezekiel1 from his point of view1 could not anticipate a time when all the ,lord's people should be priests2 for ritual is essentially an affair of tradition and technique1 and can only be maintained by a class of experts specially trained for their office4 ,ritualism and sacerdotalism are natural allies2 and it is not wholly accidental that the great ritualistic ,churches of ,christendom are those organised on the sacerdotal principle4 ,but1 secondly1 the priests have to act as judges or arbitrators in cases of disagreement between man and man 7ver4 #bd74 ,this again was an important department of priestly ,torah in ancient ,israel1 the origin of which went back to the personal legislation of ,moses in the wilderness47#bcg7 ,cases too hard for human judgment were referred to the decision of ,god at the sanctuary1 and the judgment was conveyed through the agency of the priest4 ,it is impossible to overestimate the service thus rendered by the priesthood to the cause of religion in ,israel2 and ,hosea bitterly complains of the defection of the priests from the ,torah of their ,god as the source of the widespread moral corruption of his time47#bch7 ,in the book of ,deuteronomy the ,levitical priests of the central sanctuary are associated with the civil magistrate as a court of ultimate appeal in matters of controversy that arise within the community2 and this is by no means a tribute to the superior legal acumen of the clerical mind1 but a reassertion of the old principle that the priest is the mouthpiece of ,jehovah's judgment47#bci7 ,that the priests should be the sole judges in ,ezekiel's ideal polity was to be expected from the high position assigned to the order generally2 but there is another reason for it4 ,we have once more to keep in mind that we are dealing with the ,messianic community1 when the people are anxious to do the right when they know it1 and only cases of honest perplexity require to be resolved4 ,the priests' decision had never been backed up by executive authority1 and in the kingdom of ,god no such sanction will be necessary4 ,by this simple judicial arrangement the ethical demands of ,jehovah's holiness will be made effective in the ordinary life of the community4 ,finally1 the priests have complete control of public worship1 and are responsible for the due observance of the festivals and for the sanctification of the ,sabbath 7ver4 #bd74 #c4 ,with regard to the provisions for the support of the priesthood1 the old law continues in force that the priests can hold no landed property and have no possession like the other tribes of ,israel 7ver4 #bh74 ,it is true that a strip of land1 measuring about twentyseven square miles1 was set apart for their residence27#bdj7 but this was probably not to be cultivated1 and at all events it is not reckoned as a possession yielding revenue for their maintenance4 ,the priests' inheritance is ,jehovah ,himself1 which means that they are to live on the offerings of the community presented to ,jehovah at the sanctuary4 ,in the practice of the first ,temple this ancient rule appears to have been interpreted in a broad and liberal spirit1 greatly to the advantage of the ,zadokite priests4 ,the ,temple dues consisted partly of money payments by the worshippers2 and at least the fines for ceremonial trespasses which took the place of the sin and guiltofferings were counted the lawful perquisites of the priests47#bda7 ,ezekiel knows nothing of this system2 and if it remained in force down to his time1 he undoubtedly meant to abolish it4 ,the tribute of the sanctuary is to be paid wholly in kind1 and out of this the priests are to receive a stated allowance4 ,in the first place those sacrifices which are wholly made over to the ,deity1 and yet are not consumed on the altar1 have to be eaten by the priests in a holy place4 ,these are the mealoffering1 the sinoffering1 and the guiltoffering2 of which more hereafter4 ,for precisely the same reason all that is erem--i4e41 8devoted0 irrevocably to ,jehovah--becomes the possession of the priests1 ,his representatives1 except in the cases where it had to be absolutely destroyed4 ,besides this they have a claim to the best 7an indefinite portion7 of the firstfruits and 8oblations0 7termah7 brought to the sanctuary in accordance with ancient custom to be consumed by the worshipper and his friends47#bdb7 ,these regulations are undoubtedly based on preexilic usages1 and consequently leave much to be supplied from the people's knowledge of use and wont4 ,they do not differ very greatly from the enumeration of the priestly dues in the eighteenth chapter of ,deuteronomy4 ,there1 as in ,ezekiel1 we find that the two great sources from which the priests derive their maintenance are the sacrifices and the firstfruits4 ,the ,deuteronomic ,code1 however1 knows nothing of the special class of sacrifices called sin and guiltofferings1 but simply assigns to the priest certain portions of each victim17#bdc7 except of course the burntofferings1 which were consumed entire on the altar4 ,the priest's share of natural produce is the 8best0 of corn1 new wine1 oil1 and wool17#bdd7 and would be selected as a matter of course from the tithe and termah brought to the sanctuary2 so that on this point there is practically complete agreement between ,ezekiel and ,deuteronomy4 ,on the other hand the differences of the ,levitical legislation are considerable1 and all in the direction of a fuller provision for the ,temple establishment4 ,such an increased provision was called for by the peculiar circumstances of the second ,temple4 ,the revenue of the sanctuary obviously depended on the size and prosperity of the constituency to which it ministered4 ,the stipulations of ,deut4 xviii4 were no doubt sufficient for the maintenance of the priesthood in the old kingdom of ,judah2 and similarly those of ,ezekiel's legislation would amply suffice in the ideal condition of the people and land presupposed by the vision4 ,but neither could have been adequate for the support of a costly ritual in a small community like that which returned from ,babylon where one man in ten was a priest4 ,accordingly we find that the arrangements made under ,nehemiah for the endowment of the ,temple ministry are conformed to the extended provisions of the ,priestly ,code 7,neh4 x4 #cbci747bde7 ,,iii ,in conclusion1 let us briefly consider the significance of this great institution of the priesthood in ,ezekiel's scheme of an ideal theocracy4 ,it would of course be an utter mistake to suppose that the prophet is merely legislating in the interests of the sacerdotal order to which he himself belonged4 ,it was necessary for him to insist on the peculiar sanctity and privileges of the priests1 and to draw a sharp line of division between them and ordinary members of the community4 ,but he does this1 not in the interest of a privileged caste within the nation1 but in the interest of a religious ideal which embraced priests and people alike and had to be realised in the life of the nation as a whole4 ,that ideal is expressed by the word 8holiness10 and we have already seen how the idea of holiness demanded ceremonial conditions of immediate access to ,jehovah's presence which the ordinary ,israelite could not observe4 ,but 8exclusion0 could not possibly be the last word of a religion which seeks to bring men into fellowship with ,god4 ,access to ,god might be hedged about by restrictions and conditions of the most onerous kind1 but access there must be if worship was to have any meaning and value for the nation or the individual4 ,although the worshipper might not himself lay his victim on the altar1 he must at least be permitted to offer his gift and receive the assurance that it was accepted4 ,if the priest stood between him and ,god1 it was not merely to separate but also to mediate between them1 and through the fulfilment of superior conditions of holiness to establish a communication between him and the holy ,being whose face he sought4 ,hence the great function of the priesthood in the theocracy is to maintain the intercourse between ,jehovah and ,israel which was exhibited in the ,temple ritual by acts of sacrificial worship4 ,now it is manifest that this system of ideas rests on the representative character of the priestly office4 ,if the principal idea symbolised in the sanctuary is that of holiness through separation1 the fundamental idea of priesthood is holiness through representation4 ,it is the holiness of ,israel concentrated in the priesthood which qualifies the latter for entrance within the inner circle of the divine presence4 ,or perhaps it would be more correct to say that the presence of ,jehovah first sanctifies the priests in an eminent degree1 and then through them1 though in a less degree1 the whole body of the people4 ,the idea of national solidarity was too deeply rooted in the ,hebrew consciousness to admit of any other interpretation of the priesthood than this4 ,the ,israelite did not need to be told that his standing before ,god was secured by his membership in the religious community on whose behalf the priests ministered at the altar and before the ,temple4 ,it would not occur to him to think of his personal exclusion from the most sacred offices as a religious disability2 it was enough for him to know that the nation to which he belonged was admitted to the presence of ,jehovah in the persons of its representatives1 and that he as an individual shared in the blessings which accrued to ,israel through the privileged ministry of the priests4 ,thus to a ,temple poet of a later age than ,ezekiel's the figure of the high priest supplies a striking image of the communion of saints and the blessing of ,jehovah resting on the whole people3-- ,behold1 how good and how pleasant it is ,that they who are brethren should also dwell together6 ,like the precious oil on the head1 ,that flows down on the beard1 ,the beard of ,aaron1 ,that flows down on the hem of his garments-- ,like the ,hermondew that descends on the hills of ,zion2 ,for there hath ,jehovah ordained the blessing1 ,life for evermore47#bdf7 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,prince ,and ,people4 ,chapters xliv4xlvi4 passim4 ,it was remarked in a previous lecture that the 8prince0 of the closing vision appears to occupy a less exalted position than the ,messianic king of ch4 xxxiv4 or ch4 xxxvii4 ,the grounds on which this impression rests require1 however1 to be carefully considered1 if we are not to carry away a thoroughly false conception of the theocratic state foreshadowed by ,ezekiel4 ,it must not be supposed that the prince is a personage of less than royal rank1 or that his authority is overshadowed by that of a priestly caste4 ,he is undoubtedly the civil head of the nation1 owing no allegiance within his own province to any earthly superior4 ,nor is there any reason to doubt that he is the heir of the ,davidic house and holds his office in virtue of the divine promise which secured the throne to ,david's descendants4 ,it would therefore be a mistake to imagine that we have here an anticipation of the ,romish theory of the subordination of the secular to the spiritual power4 ,it may be true that in the state of things presupposed by the vision very little is left for the king to do1 whilst a variety of important duties falls to the priesthood2 but at all events the king is there and is supreme in his own sphere4 ,ezekiel does not show the road to ,canossa4 ,if the king is overshadowed1 it is by the personal presence of ,jehovah in the midst of ,his people2 and that which limits his prerogative is not the sacerdotal power1 but the divine constitution of the theocracy as revealed in the vision itself1 under which both king and priests have their functions defined and regulated with a view to the religious ends for which the community as a whole exists4 ,our purpose in the present chapter is to put together the scattered references to the duties of the prince which occur in chs4 xliv4xlvi41 so as to gain as clear a picture as possible of the position of the monarchy in the theocratic state4 ,it must be remembered1 however1 that the picture will necessarily be incomplete4 ,national life in its secular aspects1 with which the king is chiefly concerned1 is hardly touched on in the vision4 ,everything being looked upon from the point of view of the ,temple and its worship1 there are but few allusions in which we can detect anything of the nature of a civil constitution4 ,and these few are introduced incidentally1 not for their own sake1 but to explain some arrangement for securing the sanctity of the land or the community4 ,this fact must never be lost sight of in judging of ,ezekiel's conception of the monarchy4 ,from all that appears in these pages we might conclude that the prince is a mere ornamental figurehead of the constitution1 and that the few real duties assigned to him could have been equally well performed by a committee of priests or laymen elected for the purpose4 ,but this is to forget that outside the range of subjects here touched upon there is a whole world of secular interests1 of political and social action1 where the king has his part to play in accordance with the precedents furnished by the best days of the ancient monarchy4 ,let us glance first of all at ,ezekiel's institutes of the kingdom in its more political relations4 ,the notices here are all in the form of constitutional checks and safeguards against an arbitrary and oppressive exercise of the royal authority4 ,they are instructive1 not only as showing the interest which the prophet had in good government and his care for the rights of the subject1 but also for the light they cast on certain administrative methods in force previous to the ,exile4 ,the first point that calls for attention is the provision made for the maintenance of the prince and his court4 ,it would seem that the revenue of the prince was to be derived mainly1 if not wholly1 from a portion of territory reserved as his exclusive property in the division of the country among the tribes47#bdg7 ,these crown lands are situated on either side of the sacred 8oblation0 around the sanctuary1 set apart for the use of the priests and ,levites2 and they extend to the sea on the west and to the ,jordan ,valley on the east4 ,out of these he is at liberty to assign a possession to his sons in perpetuity1 but any estate bestowed on his courtiers reverts to the prince in the 8year of liberty407#bdh7 ,the object of this last regulation apparently is to prevent the formation of a new hereditary aristocracy between the royal family and the peasantry4 ,a life peerage1 so to speak1 or something less1 is deemed a sufficient reward for the most devoted service to the king or the state4 ,and no doubt the certainty of a revision of all royal grants every seventh year would tend to keep some persons mindful of their duty4 ,the whole system of royal demesnes which the king might dispose of as appanages for his younger children or his faithful retainers presents a curious resemblance to a wellknown feature of feudalism in the ,middle ,ages2 but it was never practically enforced in ,israel4 ,before the ,exile it was evidently unknown1 and after the ,exile there was no king to provide for4 ,but why does the prophet bestow so much care on a mere detail of a political system in which1 as a whole1 he takes so little interest8 ,it is because of his concern for the rights of the common people against the highhanded tyranny of the king and his nobles4 ,he recalls the bad times of the old monarchy when any man was liable to be ejected from his land for the benefit of some court favourite1 or to provide a portion for a younger son of the king4 ,the cruel evictions of the poorer peasant proprietors1 which all the early prophets denounce as an outrage against humanity1 and of which the story of ,naboth furnished a typical example1 must be rendered impossible in the new ,israel2 and as the king had no doubt been the principal offender in the past1 the rule is firmly laid down in his case that on no pretext must he take the people's inheritance4 ,and this1 be it observed1 is an application of the religious principle which underlies the constitution of the theocracy4 ,the land is ,jehovah's1 and all interference with the ancient landmarks which guard the rights of private ownership is an offence against the holiness of the true divine ,king who has ,his abode amongst the tribes of ,israel4 ,this suggests developments of the idea of holiness which reach to the very foundations of social wellbeing4 ,a conception of holiness which secures each man in the possession of his own vine and fig tree is at all events not open to the charge of ignoring the practical interests of common life for the sake of an unprofitable ceremonialism4 ,in the next place1 we come across a much more startling revelation of the injustice habitually practised by the ,hebrew monarchs4 ,just as later sovereigns were wont to meet their deficits by debasing the currency1 so the kings of ,judah had learned to augment their revenue by a systematic falsification of weights and measures4 ,we know from the prophet ,amos7#bdi7 that this was a common trick of the wealthy landowners who sold grain at exorbitant prices to the poor whom they had driven from their possessions4 ,they 8made the ephah small and the shekel great1 and dealt falsely with balances of deceit40 ,but it was left for ,ezekiel to tell us that the same fraud was a regular part of the fiscal system of the ,judan kingdom4 ,there is no mistaking the meaning of his accusation3 8,have done1 ,o princes of ,israel1 with your violent and oppressive rule2 execute judgment and justice1 and take away your exactions from ,my people1 saith ,jehovah ,god4 ,ye shall have just balances1 and a just ephah1 and a just bath407#bej7 ,that is to say1 the taxes were surreptitiously increased by the use of a large shekel 7for weighing out money payments7 and a large bath and ephah 7for measuring tribute paid in kind74 ,and if it was impossible for the poor to protect themselves against the rapacity of private dealers1 poor and rich alike were helpless when the fraud was openly practised in the king's name4 ,this ,ezekiel had seen with his own eyes1 and the shameful injustice of it was so branded on his spirit that even in a vision of the last days it comes back to him as an evil to be sedulously guarded against4 ,it was eminently a case for legislation4 ,if there was to be such a thing as fair dealing and commercial probity in the community1 the system of weights and measurement must be fixed beyond the power of the royal caprice to alter it4 ,it was as sacred as any principle of the constitution4 ,accordingly he finds a place in his legislation for a corrected scale of weights and measures1 restored no doubt to their original values4 ,the ephah for dry measure and the bath for liquid measure are each fixed at the tenth part of a homer4 8,the shekel shall be twenty geras37#bea7 five shekels shall be five1 and ten shekels shall be ten1 and fifty shekels shall be your maneh407#beb7 ,these regulations extend far beyond the immediate object for which they are introduced1 and have both a moral and a religious bearing4 ,they express a truth often insisted on in the ,old ,testament1 that commercial morality is a matter in which the holiness of ,jehovah is involved3 8,a false balance is an abomination to ,jehovah1 but a just weight is ,his delight407#bec7 ,in the ,law of ,holiness an ordinance very similar to ,ezekiel's occurs amongst the conditions by which the precept is to be fulfilled3 8,be ye holy1 for ,i am holy407#bed7 ,it is evident that the ,israelites had learned to regard with a religious abhorrence all tampering with the fixed standards of value on which the purity of commercial life depended4 ,to overreach by lying words was a sin2 but to cheat by the use of a false balance was a species of profanity comparable to a false oath in the name of ,jehovah4 ,these rules about weights and measures required1 however1 to be supplemented by a fixed tariff1 regulating the taxes which the prince might impose on the people47#bee7 ,it is not quite clear whether any part of the prince's own income was to be derived from taxation4 ,the tribute is called an 8oblation10 and there is no doubt that it was intended principally for the support of the ,temple ritual1 which in any case must have been the heaviest charge on the royal exchequer4 ,but the oblation was rendered to the prince in the first instance2 and the prophet's anxiety to prevent unjust exactions springs from a fear that the king might make the ,temple tax a pretext for increasing his own revenue4 ,at all events the people's duty to contribute to the support of public ordinances according to their ability is here explicitly recognised4 ,compared with the provision of the ,levitical law the scale of charges here proposed must be pronounced extremely moderate4 ,the contribution of each householder varies from onesixtieth to onetwohundredth of his income and is wholly paid in kind47#bef7 ,the proper equivalent under the second ,temple of ,ezekiel's 8oblation0 was a polltax of onethird of a shekel1 voluntarily undertaken at the time of ,nehemiah's covenant 8for the service of the house of our ,god2 for the shewbread and for the continual mealoffering1 and for the continual burntoffering1 of the ,sabbaths1 of the new moons1 for the set feasts1 and for the holy things1 and for the sinofferings to make atonement for ,israel1 and for all the work of the house of our ,god407#beg7 ,in the ,priestly ,code this tax is fixed at half a shekel for each man47#beh7 ,but in addition to this money payment the law required a tenth of all produce of the soil and the flock to be given to the priests and ,levites4 ,in ,ezekiel's legislation the tithes and firstfruits are still left for the use of the owner1 who is expected to consume them in sacrificial feasts at the sanctuary4 ,the only charge1 therefore1 of the nature of a fixed tribute for religious purposes is the oblation here required for the regular sacrifices which represent the stated worship rendered on behalf of the community as a whole4 ,this brings us now to the more important aspect of the kingly office--its religious privileges and duties4 ,here there are three points which require to be noticed4 #a4 ,in the first place it is the duty of the prince to supply the material of the public sacrifices offered in the name of the people47#bei7 ,out of the tribute levied on the people for this purpose he has to furnish the altar with the stated number of victims for the daily service1 the ,sabbaths1 and new moons1 and the great yearly festivals4 ,it is clear that some one must be charged with the responsibility of this important part of the worship1 and it is significant of ,ezekiel's relations to the past that the duty does not yet devolve directly on the priests4 ,they seem to exercise no authority outside of the ,temple1 the king standing between them and the community as a sort of patron of the sanctuary4 ,but the position of the prince is not simply that of an official receiver1 collecting the tribute1 and then handing it over to the ,temple as it was required4 ,he is the representative of the religious unity of the nation1 and in this capacity he presents in person the regular sacrifices offered on behalf of the community4 ,thus on the day of the ,passover he presents a sinoffering for himself and the people17#bfj7 as the high priest does in the ceremonial of the ,great ,day of ,atonement47#bfa7 ,and so all the sacrifices of the stated ritual are his sacrifices1 officiating as the head of the nation in its acts of common worship4 ,in this respect the prince succeeds to the rights exercised by the kings of ,judah in the ritual of the first ,temple1 although on a different footing4 ,before the ,exile the king had a proprietary interest in the central sanctuary1 and the expense of the stated service was defrayed as a matter of course out of the royal revenues4 ,part of this revenue1 as we see in the case of ,joash1 was raised by a system of ,temple dues paid by the worshippers and expended on the repairs of the house2 but at a much later date than this we find ,ahaz assuming absolute control over the daily sacrifices17#bfb7 which were doubtless maintained at his expense4 ,now the tendency of ,ezekiel's legislation is to bring the whole community into a closer and more personal connection with the worship of the sanctuary1 and to leave no part of it subject to the arbitrary will of the prince4 ,but still the idea is preserved that the prince is the religious as well as the civil representative of the nation2 and although he is deprived of all control over the performance of the ritual1 he is still required to provide the public sacrifices and to offer them in the name of his people4 #b4 ,in virtue of his representative character the prince possesses certain privileges in his approaches to ,god in the sanctuary not accorded to ordinary worshippers4 ,in this connection it is necessary to explain some details regulating the use of the sanctuary by the people4 ,the outer court might be entered by prince or people either through the north or south gate1 but not from the east4 ,the eastern gate was that by which ,jehovah had entered ,his dwellingplace1 and the doors of it are for ever closed4 ,no foot might cross its threshold4 ,but the prince--and this is one of his peculiar rights--might enter the gateway from the court to eat his sacrificial meals47#bfc7 ,it seems therefore to have served the same purpose for the prince as the thirty cells along the wall did for common worshippers4 ,the east gate of the inner court was also shut as a rule1 and was probably never used as a passage even by the priests4 ,but on the ,sabbaths and new moons it was thrown open to receive the sacrifices which the prince had to bring on these days1 and it remained open till the evening4 ,on days when the gate was open the worshipping congregation assembled at its door1 while the prince entered as far as the threshold and looked on while the priests presented his offering2 then he went out by the way he had entered4 ,if on any other occasion he presented a voluntary sacrifice in his private capacity1 the east gate was opened for him as before1 but was shut as soon as the ceremony was over4 ,on those occasions when the eastern gate was not opened1 as at the great annual festivals1 the people probably gathered round the north and south gates1 from which they could see the altar2 and at these seasons the prince enters and departs in the common throng of worshippers4 ,a very peculiar regulation1 for which no obvious reason appears1 is that each man must leave the ,temple by the gate opposite to that at which he entered2 if he entered by the north1 he must leave by the south1 and vice vers47#bfd7 ,many of these arrangements were no doubt suggested by ,ezekiel's acquaintance with the practice in the first ,temple1 and their precise object is lost to us4 ,but one or two facts stand out clearly enough1 and are very instructive as to the whole conception of ,temple worship4 ,the chief thing to be noticed is that the principal sacrifices are representative4 ,the people are merely spectators of a transaction with ,god on their behalf1 the efficacy of which in no way depends on their co operation4 ,standing at the gates of the inner court1 they see the priests performing the sacred ministrations2 they bow themselves in humble reverence before the presence of the ,most ,high2 and these acts of devotion may have been of the utmost importance for the religious life of the individual ,israelite4 ,but the congregation takes no real part in the worship2 it is done for them1 but not by them2 it is an opus operatum performed by the prince and the priests for the good of the community1 and is equally necessary and equally valid whether there is a congregation present to witness it or not4 ,those who attend are themselves but representatives of the nation of ,israel1 in whose interest the ritual is kept up4 ,but the supreme representative of the people is the king1 and we note how everything is done to emphasise his peculiar dignity within the sanctuary4 ,it was necessary perhaps to do something to compensate for the loss of distinction caused by the exclusion of the royal bodyguard from the ,temple4 ,the prince is still the one conspicuous figure in the outer court4 ,even his private sacrificial meals are eaten in solitary state1 in the eastern gateway1 which is used for no other purpose4 ,and in the great functions where the prince appears in his representative character he approaches nearer to the altar than is permitted to any other layman4 ,he ascends the steps of the eastern gateway in the sight of the people1 and passing through he presents his offerings on the verge of the inner court which none but the priests may enter4 ,his whole position is thus one of great importance in the celebration of public ordinances4 ,in detail his functions are no doubt determined by ancient prescriptive usages not known to us1 but modified in accordance with the stricter ideal of holiness which ,ezekiel's vision was intended to enforce4 #c4 ,finally1 we have to observe that the prince is rigorously excluded from properly priestly offices4 ,it is true that in some respects his position is analogous to that of the high priest under the law4 ,but the analogy extends only to that aspect of the high priest's functions in which he appears as the head and representative of the religious community1 and ceases the moment he enters upon priestly duties4 ,so far as the special degree of sanctity which characterises the priesthood is concerned1 the prince is a layman1 and as such he is jealously debarred from approaching the altar1 and even from intruding into the sacred inner court where the priests minister4 ,now this fact has perhaps a deeper historical importance than we are apt to imagine4 ,there is good reason to believe that in the old ,temple the kings of ,judah frequently officiated in person at the altar4 ,at the time when the monarchy was established it was the rule that any man might sacrifice for himself and his household1 and that the king as the representative of the nation should sacrifice on its behalf was an extension of the principle too obvious to require express sanction4 ,accordingly we find that both ,saul and ,david on public occasions built altars and offered sacrifice to ,jehovah4 ,the older theory indeed seems to have been that priestly rights were inherent in the kingly office1 and that the acting priests were the ministers to whom the king delegated the greater part of his priestly functions4 ,although the king might not appoint any one to this duty without respect to the ,levitical qualification1 he exercised within certain limits the right of deposing one family and installing another in the priesthood of the royal sanctuary4 ,the house of ,zadok itself owed its position to such an act of ecclesiastical authority on the part of ,david and ,solomon4 ,the last occasion on which we read of a king of ,judah officiating in person in the ,temple is at the dedication of the new altar of ,ahaz1 when the king not only himself sacrificed1 but gave directions to the priests as to the future observance of the ritual4 ,the occasion was no doubt unusual1 but there is not a word in the narrative to indicate that the king was committing an irregular action or exceeding the recognised prerogatives of his position4 ,it would be unsafe1 however1 to conclude that this state of things continued unchanged till the close of the monarchy4 ,after the time of ,isaiah the ,temple rose greatly in the religious estimation of the people1 and a very probable result of this would be an increasing sense of the importance of the ministration of the official priesthood4 ,the silence of the historical books and of ,deuteronomy may not count for much in an argument on this question2 but ,ezekiel's own decisions lack the emphasis and solemnity with which he introduces an absolute innovation like the separation between priests and ,levites in ch4 xliv4 ,it is at least possible that the later kings had gradually ceased to exercise the right of sacrifice1 so that the privilege had lapsed through desuetude4 ,nevertheless it was a great step to have the principle affirmed as a fundamental law of the theocracy2 and this ,ezekiel undoubtedly does4 ,if no other practical object were gained1 it served at least to illustrate in the most emphatic way the idea of holiness1 which demanded the exclusion of every layman from unhallowed contact with the most sacred emblems of ,jehovah's presence4 ,it will be seen from all that has been said that the real interest of ,ezekiel's treatment of the monarchy lies far apart from modern problems which might seem to have a superficial affinity with it4 ,no lessons can fairly be deduced from it on the relations between ,church and ,state1 or the propriety of endowing and establishing the ,christian religion1 or the duty of rulers to maintain ordinances for the benefit of their subjects4 ,its importance lies in another direction4 ,it shows the transition in ,israel from a state of things in which the king is both de jure and de facto the source of power and the representative of the nation and where his religious status is the natural consequence of his civic dignity1 to a very different state of things1 where the forms of the ancient constitution are retained although the power has largely vanished from them4 ,the prince now requires to have his religious duties imposed on him by an abstract political system whose sole sanction is the authority of the ,deity4 ,it is a transition which has no precise parallel anywhere else1 although resemblances more or less instructive might doubtless be instanced from the history of ,catholicism4 ,nowhere does ,ezekiel's idealism appear more wonderfully blended with his equally characteristic conservatism than here4 ,there is no real trace of the tendency attributed to the prophet to exalt the priesthood at the expense of the monarchy4 ,the prince is after all a much more imposing personage even in the ceremonial worship than any priest4 ,although he lacks the priestly quality of holiness1 his duties are quite as important as those of the priests1 while his dignity is far greater than theirs4 ,the considerations that enter in to limit his power and importance come from another quarter4 ,they are such as these3 first1 the loss of military leadership1 which is at least to be presumed in the circumstances of the ,messianic kingdom2 second1 the welfare of the people at large2 and third1 the principle of holiness1 whose supremacy has to be vindicated in the person of the king no less than in that of his meanest subject4 ,perhaps the most remarkable thing is that the transition referred to was not actually accomplished even in the history of ,israel itself4 ,it was only in a vision that the monarchy was ever to be represented in the form which it bears here4 ,from the time of ,ezekiel no native king was ever to rule over ,israel again save the priestprinces of the ,asmonean dynasty1 whose constitutional position was defined by their highpriestly dignity4 ,ezekiel's vision is therefore a preparation for the kingless state of postexilic ,judaism4 ,the foreign potentates to whom the ,jews were subject did in some instances provide materials for the ,temple worship1 but their local representatives were of course unqualified to fill the position assigned to the prince by the great prophet of the ,exile4 ,the community had to get along as best it could without a king1 and the task was not difficult4 ,the ,temple dues were paid directly to the priests and ,levites1 and the function of representing the community before the altar was assigned to the ,high ,priest4 ,it was then indeed that the ,high ,priesthood came to the front and blossomed out into all the magnificence of its legal position4 ,it was not only the religious part of the prince's duties that fell to it1 but a considerable share of his political importance as well4 ,as the only hereditary institution that had survived the ,exile1 it naturally became the chief centre of social order in the community4 ,by degrees the ,persian and ,greek kings found it expedient to deal with the ,jews through the ,high ,priest1 whose authority they were bound to respect1 and thus to leave him a free hand in the internal affairs of the commonwealth4 ,the ,high ,priesthood1 in fact1 was a civil as well as a priestly dignity4 ,we can see that this great revolution would have broken the continuity of ,hebrew history far more violently than it did1 but for the steppingstone furnished by the ideal 8prince0 of ,ezekiel's vision4 ,chapter ,,xxix4 ,the ,ritual4 ,chapters xlv41 xlvi4 ,it is difficult to go back in imagination to a time when sacrifice was the sole and sufficient form of every complete act of worship47#bfe7 ,that the slaughter of an animal1 or at least the presentation of a material offering of some sort1 should ever have been considered of the essence of intercourse with the ,deity may seem to us incredible in the light of the idea of ,god which we now possess4 ,yet there can be no doubt that there was a stage of religious development which recognised no true approach to ,god except as consummated in a sacrificial action4 ,the word 8sacrifice0 itself preserves a memorial of this crude and early type of religious service4 ,etymologically it denotes nothing more than a sacred act4 ,but amongst the ,romans1 as amongst ourselves1 it was regularly applied to the offerings at the altar1 which were thus marked out as the sacred actions par excellence of ancient religion4 ,it would be impossible to explain the extraordinary persistence and vitality of the institution amongst races that had attained a relatively high degree of civilisation1 unless we understand that the ideas connected with it go back to a time when sacrifice was the typical and fundamental form of primitive worship4 ,by the time of ,ezekiel1 however1 the age of sacrifice in this strict and absolute sense may be said to have passed away1 at least in principle4 ,devout ,jews who had lived through the captivity in ,babylon and found that ,jehovah was there to them 8a little of a sanctuary107#bff7 could not possibly fall back into the belief that their ,god was only to be approached and found through the ritual of the altar4 ,and long before the ,exile1 the ethical teaching of the prophets had led ,israel to appreciate the external rites of sacrifice at their true value4 ,wherewithal shall ,i come before ,jehovah ,or bow myself before ,god on high8 ,shall ,i come before ,him with burntofferings1 ,with calves of a year old8 ,is ,jehovah pleased with thousands of rams1 ,with myriads of rivers of oil8 ,shall ,i give my firstborn as an atonement for me1 ,the fruit of my body as a sinoffering for my life8 ,he hath showed thee1 ,o man1 what is good2 ,and what does ,jehovah require of thee1 ,but to do justice and to love mercy1 ,and to walk humbly with thy ,god87#bfg7 ,this great word of spiritual religion had been uttered long before ,ezekiel1 as a protest against the senseless multiplication of sacrifices which came in in the reign of ,manasseh4 ,nor can we suppose that ,ezekiel1 with all his engrossment in matters of ritual1 was insensible to the lofty teaching of his predecessors1 or that his conception of ,god was less spiritual than theirs4 ,as a matter of fact the worship of ,israel was never afterwards wholly absorbed in the routine of the ,temple ceremonies4 ,the institution of the synagogue with its purely devotional exercises of prayer and reading of the ,scriptures must have been nearly coeval with the second ,temple1 and prepared the way far more than the latter for the spiritual worship of the ,new ,testament4 ,but even the ,temple worship was spiritualised by the service of praise and the marvellous development of devotional poetry which it called forth4 8,the emotion with which the worshipper approaches the second ,temple1 as recorded in the ,psalter1 has little to do with sacrifice1 but rests rather on the fact that the whole wondrous history of ,jehovah's grace to ,israel is vividly and personally realised as he stands amidst the festal crowd at the ancient seat of ,god's throne1 and adds his voice to the swelling song of praise407#bfh7 ,how then1 it may be asked1 are we to account for the fact that the prophet shows such intense interest in the details of a system which was already losing its religious significance8 ,if sacrifice was no longer of the essence of worship1 why should he be so careful to legislate for a scheme of ritual in which sacrifice is the prominent feature1 and say nothing of the inward state of heart which alone is an acceptable offering to ,god8 ,the chief reason no doubt is that the ritual elements of religion were the only matters1 apart from moral duties1 which admitted of being reduced to a legal system1 and that the formation of such a system was demanded by the circumstances with which the prophet had to deal4 ,the time was not yet come when the principle of a central national sanctuary could be abandoned1 and if such a sanctuary was to be maintained without danger to the highest interests of religion it was necessary that its service should be regulated with a view to preserve the deposit of revealed truth that had been committed to the nation through the prophets4 ,the essential features of the sacrificial institutions were charged with a deep religious significance1 and there existed in the popular mind a great mass of sound religious impression and sentiment clustering around that central rite4 ,to dispense with the institution of sacrifice would have rendered worship entirely impossible for the great body of the people1 while to leave it unregulated was to invite a recurrence of the abuses which had been so fruitful a source of corruption in the past4 ,hence the object of the ritual ordinances which we are about to consider is twofold3 in the first place to provide an authorised code of ritual free from everything that savoured of pagan usages1 and in the second to utilise the public worship as a means of deepening and purifying the religious conceptions of those who could be influenced in no other way4 ,ezekiel's legislation has a special regard for the wants of the 8common rude man0 whose religious life needs all the help it can get from external observances4 ,such persons form the majority of every religious society2 and to train their minds to a deeper sense of sin and a more vivid apprehension of the divine holiness proved to be the only way in which the spiritual teaching of the prophets could be made a practical power in the community at large4 ,it is true that the highest spiritual needs were not satisfied by the legal ritual4 ,but the irrepressible longings of the soul for nearer fellowship with ,god cannot be dealt with by rigid formal enactments4 ,ezekiel is content to leave them to the guidance of that ,spirit whose saving operations will have changed the heart of ,israel and made it a true people of ,god4 ,the system of external observances which he foreshadows in his vision was not meant to be the life of religion1 but it was1 so to speak1 the trellis work which was necessary to support the delicate tendrils of spiritual piety until the time when the spirit of filial worship should be the possession of every true member of the ,church of ,god4 ,bearing these facts in mind1 we may now proceed to examine the scheme of sacrificial worship contained in chapters xlv4 and xlvi4 ,only its leading features can here be noticed1 and the points most deserving of attention may be grouped under three heads3 the ,festivals1 the ,representative ,service1 and the ,idea of ,atonement4 ,i4 ,,the ,,yearly ,,feasts4--,the most striking thing in ,ezekiel's festal calendar7#bfi7 is the division of the ecclesiastical year into two precisely similar parts4 ,each half of the year commences with an atoning sacrifice for the purification of the sanctuary from defilement contracted during the previous half47#bgj7 ,each contains a great festival--in the one case the ,passover1 beginning on the fourteenth day of the first month and lasting seven days1 and in the other the ,feast of ,tabernacles 7simply called the ,feast71 beginning on the fifteenth day of the seventh month and also lasting for seven days47#bga7 ,the passage is chiefly devoted to a minute regulation of the public sacrifices to be offered on these occasions1 other and more characteristic features of the celebration being assumed as well known from tradition4 ,it is difficult to see what is the precise meaning of the proposed rearrangement of the feasts in two parallel series4 ,it may be due simply to the prophet's love of symmetry in all departments of public life1 or it may have been suggested by the fact that at this time the ,babylonian calendar1 according to which the year begins in spring1 was superimposed on the old ,hebrew year commencing in the autumn47#bgb7 ,at all events it involved a breach with preexilic tradition1 and was never carried out in practice4 ,the earlier legislation of the ,pentateuch recognises a cycle of three festivals--,passover and ,unleavened ,bread1 the ,feast of ,harvest or of ,weeks 7,pentecost71 and the ,feast of ,ingathering or of ,tabernacles47#bgc7 ,in order to carry through his symmetrical division of the sacred year ,ezekiel has to ignore one of these1 the ,feast of ,pentecost1 which seems to have always been counted the least important of the three4 ,it is not to be supposed that he contemplated its abolition1 for he is careful not to alter in any particular the positive regulations of ,deuteronomy2 only it did not fall into his scheme1 and so he does not think it of sufficient importance to prescribe regular public sacrifices for it4 ,after the ,exile1 however1 ,jewish practice was regulated by the canons of the ,priestly ,code1 in which1 along with other festivals1 the ancient threefold cycle is continued1 and stated sacrifices are prescribed for ,pentecost1 just as for the other two47#bgd7 ,similarly1 the two atoning ceremonies in the beginning of the first and seventh months17#bge7 which are not mentioned in the older legislation1 are replaced in the ,priests' ,code by the single ,day of ,atonement on the tenth day of the seventh month1 whilst the beginning of the year is celebrated by the ,feast of ,trumpets on the first day of the same month47#bgf7 ,but although the details of ,ezekiel's system thus proved to be impracticable in the circumstances of the restored ,jewish community1 it succeeded in the far more important object of infusing a new spirit into the celebration of the feasts1 and impressing on them a different character4 ,the ancient ,hebrew festivals were all associated with joyous incidents of the agricultural year4 ,the ,feast of ,unleavened ,bread marked the beginning of harvest1 when 8the sickle was first put into the corn407#bgg7 ,at this time also the firstlings of the flock and herd were sacrificed4 ,the seven weeks which elapse till ,pentecost are the season of the cereal harvest1 which is then brought to a close by the ,feast of ,harvest1 when the goodness of ,jehovah is acknowledged by the presentation of part of the produce at the sanctuary4 ,finally the ,feast of ,tabernacles celebrates the most joyous occasion of the year1 the storing of the produce of the winepress and the threshingfloor47#bgh7 ,the nature of the festivals is easily seen from the events with which they are thus associated4 ,they are occasions of social mirth and festivity1 and the religious rites observed are the expressions of the nation's heartfelt gratitude to ,jehovah for the blessing that has rested on the labours of husbandman and shepherd throughout the year4 ,the ,passover with its memories of anxiety and escape was no doubt of a more sombre character than the others1 but the joyous and festive nature of ,pentecost and ,tabernacles is strongly insisted on in the book of ,deuteronomy4 ,by these institutions religion was closely intertwined with the great interests of everyday life1 and the fact that the sacred seasons of the ,israelites' year were the occasions on which the natural joy of life was at its fullest1 bears witness to the simpleminded piety which was fostered by the old ,hebrew worship4 ,there was1 however1 a danger that in such a state of things religion should be altogether lost sight of in the exuberance of natural hilarity and expressions of social goodwill4 ,and indeed no great height of spirituality could be nourished by a type of worship in which devotional feeling was concentrated on the expression of gratitude to ,god for the bountiful gifts of ,his providence4 ,it was good for the childhood of the nation1 but when the nation became a man it must put away childish things4 ,the tendency of the postexilic ritual was to detach the sacred seasons more and more from the secular associations which had once been their chief significance4 ,this was done partly by the addition of new festivals which had no such natural occasion1 and partly by a change in the point of view from which the older celebrations were regarded4 ,no attempt was made to obliterate the traces of the affinity with events of common life which endeared them to the hearts of the people1 but increasing importance was attached to their historic significance as memorials of ,jehovah's gracious dealings with the nation in the period of the ,exodus4 ,at the same time they take on more and more the character of religious symbols of the permanent relations between ,jehovah and ,his people4 ,the beginnings of this process can be clearly discerned in the legislation of ,ezekiel4 ,not indeed in the direction of a historic interpretation of the feasts1 for this is ignored even in the case of the ,passover1 where it was already firmly established in the national consciousness4 ,but the institution of a special series of public sacrifices1 which was the same for the ,passover and the ,feast of ,tabernacles1 and particularly the prominence given to the sinoffering1 obviously tended to draw the mind of the people away from the passing interest of the occasion1 and fix it on those standing obligations imposed by the holiness of ,jehovah on which the continuance of all ,his bounties depended4 ,we cannot be mistaken in thinking that one design of the new ritual was to correct the excesses of unrestrained animal enjoyment by deepening the sense of guilt and the fear of possible offences against the sanctity of the divine presence4 ,for it was at these festivals that the prince was required to offer the atoning sacrifice for himself and the people47#bgi7 ,thus the effect of the whole system was to foster the sensitive and tremulous tone of piety which was characteristic of ,judaism1 in contrast to the hearty1 if undisciplined1 religion of the ancient ,hebrew feasts4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,stated ,,service4--,in the course of this chapter we have had occasion more than once to touch on the prominence given in ,ezekiel's vision to sacrifices offered in accordance with a fixed rubric in the name of the whole community4 ,the significance of this fact may best be seen from a comparison with the sacrificial regulations of the book of ,deuteronomy4 ,these are not numerous1 but they deal exclusively with private sacrifices4 ,the person addressed is the individual householder1 and the sacrifices which he is enjoined to render are for himself and his family4 ,there is no explicit allusion in the whole book to the official sacrifices which were offered by the regular priesthood and maintained at the king's expense4 ,in ,ezekiel's scheme of ,temple worship the case is exactly the reverse4 ,here there is no mention of private sacrifice except in the incidental notices as to the freewill offerings and the sacrificial meal of the prince17#bhj7 while on the other hand great attention is paid to the maintenance of the regular offerings provided by the prince for the congregation4 ,this of course does not mean that there were no statutory sacrifices in the old ,temple1 or that ,ezekiel contemplated the cessation of private sacrifice in the new4 ,deuteronomy passes over the public sacrifices because they were under the jurisdiction of the king1 and the people at large were not directly responsible for them2 and similarly ,ezekiel is silent as to private offerings because their observance was assured by all the traditions of the sanctuary4 ,still it is a noteworthy fact that of two codes of ,temple worship1 separated by only half a century1 each legislates exclusively for that element of the ritual which is taken for granted by the other4 ,what it indicates is nothing less than a change in the ruling conception of public worship4 ,before the ,exile the idea that ,jehovah could desert ,his sanctuary hardly entered into the mind of the people1 and certainly did not in the least affect the confidence with which they availed themselves of the privileges of worship4 ,the ,temple was there and ,god was present within it1 and all that was necessary was that the spontaneous devotion of the worshippers should be regulated by the essential conditions of ceremonial propriety4 ,but the destruction of the ,temple had proved that the mere existence of a sanctuary was no guarantee of the favour and protection of the ,god who was supposed to dwell within it4 ,jehovah might be driven from ,his ,temple by the presence of sin among the people1 or even by a neglect of the ceremonial precautions which were necessary to guard against the profanation of ,his holiness4 ,on this idea the whole edifice of the later ritual is built up1 and here as in other respects ,ezekiel has shown the way4 ,in his view the validity and efficiency of the whole ,temple service hangs on the due performance of the public rites which preserve the nation in a condition of sanctity and continually represent it as a holy people before ,god4 ,under cover of this representative service the individual may draw near with confidence to seek the face of his ,god in acts of private homage1 but apart from the regular official ceremonial his worship has no reality1 because he can have no assurance that ,jehovah will accept his offering4 ,his right of access to ,god springs from his fellowship with the religious community of ,israel1 and hence the indispensable presupposition of every act of worship is that the standing of the community before ,jehovah be preserved intact by the rites appointed for that purpose4 ,and1 as has been already said1 these rites are representative in character4 ,being performed on behalf of the nation1 the obligation of presenting them rests with the prince in his representative capacity1 and the share of the people in them is indicated by the tribute which the prince is empowered to levy for this end4 ,in this way the ideal unity of the nation finds continual expression in the worship of the sanctuary1 and the supreme interest of religion is transferred from the mere act of personal homage to the abiding conditions of acceptance with ,god symbolised by the stated service4 ,let us now look at some details of the scheme in which this important idea is embodied4 ,the foundation of the whole system is the daily burnt offering--the tmd4 ,under the first ,temple the daily offering seems to have been a burntoffering in the morning and a mealoffering 7minhah7 in the evening17#bha7 and this practice seems to have continued down to the time of ,ezra47#bhb7 ,according to the ,levitical law it consists of a lamb morning and evening1 accompanied on each occasion by a minhah and a libation of wine47#bhc7 ,ezekiel's ordinance occupies a middle position between these two4 ,here the tamd is a lamb for a burntoffering in the morning1 along with a minhah of flour mingled with oil2 and there is no provision for an evening sacrifice47#bhd7 ,the presentation of this sacrifice on the altar in the morning1 as the basis on which all other offerings through the day were laid1 may be taken to symbolise the truth that the acceptance of all ordinary acts of worship depended on the representation of the community before ,god in the regular service4 ,to the spiritual perception of a ,psalmist it may have suggested the duty of commencing each day's work with an act of devotion3-- ,jehovah1 in the morning shalt ,thou hear my voice2 ,in the morning will ,i set my prayer in order before ,thee1 and will look out47#bhe7 ,the offerings for the ,sabbaths and new moons may be considered as amplifications of the daily sacrifice4 ,they consist exclusively of burnt offerings4 ,on the ,sabbath six lambs are presented1 perhaps one for each working day of the week1 together with a ram for the ,sabbath itself 7,smend74 ,at the new moon feast this offering is repeated with the addition of a bullock4 ,it may be noted here once for all that each burnt sacrifice is accompanied by a corresponding minhah1 according to a fixed scale4 ,for sinofferings1 on the other hand1 no minhah seems to be appointed4 ,at the annual 7or rather halfyearly7 celebrations the sinoffering appears for the first time among the stated sacrifices4 ,the sacrifice for the cleansing of the sanctuary at the beginning of each half of the year consists of a young bullock for a sinoffering1 in addition of course to the burntofferings which were prescribed for the first day of the month4 ,for the ,passover and the ,feast of ,tabernacles the daily offering is a he goat for a sinoffering1 and seven bullocks and seven rams for a burnt offering during the week covered by these festivals4 ,besides this1 at ,passover1 and probably also at ,tabernacles1 the prince presents a bullock as a sinoffering for himself and the people4 ,we have now to consider more particularly the place which this class of sacrifices occupies in the ritual4 ,,iii4 ,,atoning ,,sacrifices4--,it is evident1 even from this short survey1 that the idea of atonement holds a conspicuous place in the symbolism of ,ezekiel's ,temple4 ,he is1 indeed1 the earliest writer 7setting aside the ,levitical ,code7 who mentions the special class of sacrifices known as sin and guiltofferings4 ,under the first ,temple ceremonial offences were regularly atoned for at one time by money payments to the priests1 and these fines are called by the names afterwards applied to the expiatory sacrifices47#bhf7 ,it does not follow1 of course1 that such sacrifices were unknown before the time of ,ezekiel1 nor is such a conclusion probable in itself4 ,the manner in which the prophet alludes to them rather shows that the idea was perfectly familiar to his contemporaries4 ,but the prominence of the sinoffering in the public ritual may be safely set down as a new departure in the ,temple service1 as it is one of the most striking symptoms of the change that passed over the spirit of ,israel's religion at the time of the ,exile4 ,of the elements that contributed to this change the most important was the deepened consciousness of sin that had been produced by the teaching of the prophets as verified in the terrible calamity of the ,exile4 ,we have seen how frequently ,ezekiel insists on this effect of the divine judgment2 how1 even in the time of her pardon and restoration1 he represents ,israel as ashamed and confounded1 not opening her mouth any more for the remembrance of all that she had done4 ,we are therefore prepared to find that full provision is made for the expression of this abiding sense of guilt in the revised scheme of worship4 ,this was done not by new rites invented for the purpose1 but by seizing on those elements of the old ritual which represented the wiping out of iniquity1 and by so remodelling the whole sacrificial system as to place these prominently in the foreground4 ,such elements were found chiefly in the sinoffering and guiltoffering1 which occupied a subsidiary position in the old ,temple1 but are elevated to a place of commanding importance in the new4 ,the precise distinction between these two kinds of sacrifice is an obscure point of the ,levitical ritual which has never been perfectly cleared up4 ,in the system of ,ezekiel1 however1 we observe that the guiltoffering plays no part in the stated service1 and must therefore have been reserved for private transgressions of the law of holiness4 ,and in general it may be remarked that the atoning sacrifices differ from others1 not in their material1 but in certain features of the sacred actions to be observed with regard to them4 ,we cannot here enter upon the details of the symbolism1 but the most important fact is that the flesh of the victims is neither offered on the altar as in the burntoffering1 nor eaten by the worshippers as in the peaceoffering1 but belongs to the category of most holy things1 and must be consumed by the priests in a holy place4 ,in certain extreme cases1 however1 it has to be burned without the sanctuary47#bhg7 ,now in the chapters before us the idea of sacrificial atonement is chiefly developed in connection with the material fabric of the sanctuary4 ,the sanctuary may contract defilement by involuntary lapses from the stringent rules of ceremonial purity on the part of those who use it1 whether priests or laymen4 ,such errors of inadvertence were almost unavoidable under the complicated set of formal regulations into which the fundamental idea of holiness branched out1 yet they are regarded as endangering the sanctity of the ,temple1 and require to be carefully atoned for from time to time1 lest by their accumulation the worship should be invalidated and ,jehovah driven from ,his dwellingplace4 ,but besides this the ,temple 7or at least the altar7 is unfit for its sacred functions until it has undergone an initial process of purification4 ,the principle involved still survives in the consecration of ecclesiastical buildings in ,christendom1 although its application had doubtless a much more serious import under the old dispensation than it can possibly have under the new4 ,a full account of this initial ceremony of purification is given in the end of the fortythird chapter1 and a glance at the details of the ritual may be enough to impress on us the conceptions that underlie the process4 ,it is a protracted operation1 extending apparently over eight days47#bhh7 ,the first and fundamental act is the offering of a sinoffering of the highest degree of sanctity1 the victim being a bullock and the flesh being burned outside the sanctuary4 ,the blood alone is sprinkled on the four horns of the altar1 the four corners of the 8settle10 and the 8border03 this is the first stage in the dedication of the altar4 ,then for seven days a hegoat is offered for a sinoffering1 the same rites being observed1 and after it a burntoffering consisting of a bullock and a ram4 ,these sacrifices are intended only for the purification of the altar1 and only on the day after their completion is the altar ready to receive ordinary public or private gifts--burntofferings and peaceofferings4 ,now four expressions are used to denote the effect of these ceremonies on the altar4 ,the most general is 8consecrate10 literally 8fill its hand07#bhi7--;a phrase used originally of the installation of a priest into his office1 and then applied metaphorically to consecration or initiation in general4 ,the others are 8purify107#bij7 8unsin107#bia7 7the special effect of the sinoffering7 and 8expiate407#bib7 ,of these the last is the most important4 ,it is the technical priestly term for atonement for sin1 the reference being of course generally to persons4 ,as to the fundamental meaning of the word1 there has been a great deal of discussion1 which has not yet led to a decisive result4 ,the choice seems to lie between two radical ideas1 either to 8wipe out0 or to 8cover10 and so render inoperative47#bic7 ,but either etymology enables us to understand the use of the word in legal terminology4 ,it means to undo the effect of a transgression on the religious status of the offender1 or1 as in the case before us1 to remove natural or contracted impurity from a material object4 ,and whether this is conceived as a covering up of the fault so as to conceal it from view1 or a wiping out of it1 amounts in the end to the same thing4 ,the significant fact is that the same word is applied both to persons and things4 ,it furnishes another illustration of the intimate way in which the ideas of moral guilt and physical defect are blended in the ceremonial of the ,old ,testament4 ,the meaning of the two atoning services appointed for the beginning of the first and the seventh month is now clear4 ,they are intended to renew periodically the holiness of the sanctuary established by the initiatory rites just described4 ,for it is evident that no indelible character can attach to the kind of sanctity with which we are here dealing4 ,it is apt to be lost1 if not by mere lapse of time1 at least by the repeated contact of frail men who with the best intentions are not always able to fulfil the conditions of a right use of sacred things4 ,every failure and mistake detracts from the holiness of the ,temple1 and even unnoticed and altogether unconscious offences would in course of time profane it if not purged away4 ,hence 8for every one that erreth and for him that is simple07#bid7 atonement has to be made for the house twice a year4 ,the ritual to be observed on these occasions bears a general resemblance to that of the inaugural ceremony1 but is simpler1 only a single bullock being presented for a sinoffering4 ,on the other hand1 it expressly symbolises a purification of the ,temple as well as of the altar4 ,the blood is sprinkled not only on the 8settle0 of the altar1 but also on the doorposts of the house1 and the posts of the eastern gate of the inner court4 ,we may now pass on to the second application made by ,ezekiel of the idea of sacrificial atonement4 ,these purifications of the sanctuary1 which bulk so largely in his system1 have their counterpart in atonements made directly for the faults of the people4 ,for this purpose1 as we have already seen1 a sinoffering was to be presented at each of the great annual festivals by the prince1 for himself and the nation which he represented4 ,but it is important to observe that the idea of atonement is not confined to one particular class of sacrifices4 ,it lies at the foundation of the whole system of the stated service1 the purpose of which is expressly said to be 8to make atonement for the house of ,israel407#bie7 ,thus while the halfyearly sinoffering afforded a special opportunity for confession of sin on the part of the people1 we are to understand that the holiness of the nation was secured by the observance of every part of the prescribed ritual which regulated its intercourse with ,god4 ,and since the nation is in itself imperfectly holy and stands in constant need of forgiveness1 the maintenance of its sanctity by sacrificial rites was equivalent to a perpetual act of atonement4 ,special offences of individuals had of course to be expiated by special sacrifices1 but beneath all particular transgressions lay the broad fact of human impurity and infirmity2 and in the constant 8covering up0 of this by a divinely instituted system of religious ordinances we recognise an atoning element in the regular ,temple service4 ,the sacrificial ritual may therefore be regarded as a barrier interposed between the natural uncleanness of the people and the awful holiness of ,jehovah seated in ,his ,temple4 ,that men should be permitted to approach ,him at all is an unspeakable privilege conferred on ,israel in virtue of its covenant relation to ,god4 ,but that the approach is surrounded by so many precautions and restrictions is a perpetual witness to the truth that ,god is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity and one with whom evil cannot dwell4 ,if these precautions could have been always perfectly observed1 it is probable that no periodical purification of the sanctuary would have been enjoined4 ,the ordinary ritual would have sufficed to maintain the nation in a state of holiness corresponding with the requirements of ,jehovah's nature4 ,but this was impossible on account of the slowness of men's minds and their liability to err in their most sacred duties4 ,sin is so subtle and pervasive that it is conceived as penetrating the network of ordinances destined to intercept it1 and reaching even to the dwelling place of ,jehovah ,himself4 ,it is to remove such accidental1 though inevitable1 violations of the majesty of ,god that the ritual edifice is crowned by ceremonies for the purification of the sanctuary4 ,they are1 so to speak1 atonements in the second degree4 ,their object is to compensate for defects in the ordinary routine of worship1 and to remove the arrears of guilt which had accumulated through neglect of some part of the ceremonial scheme4 ,this idea appears quite clearly in ,ezekiel's legislation1 but it is far more impressively exhibited in the ,levitical law1 where different elements of ,ezekiel's ritual are gathered up into one celebration in the ,great ,day of ,atonement1 the most solemn and imposing of the whole year4 ,hence we see that the whole system of sacrificial worship is firmly knit together1 being pervaded from end to end by the one principle of expiation1 behind which lay the assurance of pardon and acceptance to all who approached ,god in the use of the appointed means of grace4 ,herein lay the chief value of the ,temple ritual for the religious life of ,israel4 ,it served to impress on the mind of the people the great realities of sin and forgiveness1 and so to create that profound consciousness of sin which has passed over1 spiritualised but not weakened1 into ,christian experience4 ,thus the law proved itself a schoolmaster to bring men to ,christ1 in whose atoning death the evil of sin and the eternal conditions of forgiveness are once for all and perfectly revealed4 ,the positive truths taught or suggested by the ritual of atonement are too numerous to be considered here4 ,it is a remarkable fact that neither in ,ezekiel nor in any other part of the ,old ,testament is an authoritative interpretation given of the most essential features of the ritual4 ,the people seem to have been left to explain the symbolism as best they could1 and many points which are obscure and uncertain to us must have been perfectly intelligible to the least instructed amongst them4 ,for us the only safe rule is to follow the guidance of the ,new ,testament writers in their use of sacrificial institutions as types of the death of ,christ4 ,the investigation is too large and intricate to be attempted in this place4 ,but it may be well in conclusion to point out one or two general principles1 which ought never to be overlooked in the typical interpretation of the expiatory sacrifices of the ,old ,testament4 ,in the first place atonement is provided only for sins committed in ignorance2 and moral and ceremonial offences stand precisely on the same footing in the eye of the law4 ,in ,ezekiel's system1 indeed1 it was only sins of inadvertence that needed to be considered4 ,he has in view the final state of things in which the people1 though not perfect nor exempt from liability to error1 are wholly inclined to obey the law of ,jehovah so far as their knowledge and ability extend4 ,but even in the ,levitical legislation there is no legal dispensation for guilt incurred through wanton and deliberate defiance of the law of ,jehovah4 ,to sin thus is to sin 8with a high hand107#bif7 and such offences have to be expiated by the death of the sinner1 or at least his exclusion from the religious community4 ,and whether the precept belong to what we call the ceremonial or to the moral side of the law1 the same principle holds good1 although of course its application is onesided1 strictly moral transgressions being for the most part voluntary1 while ritual offences may be either voluntary or inadvertent4 ,but for wilful and highhanded departure from any precept1 whether ethical or ceremonial1 no atonement is provided by the law2 the guilty person 8falls into the hands of the living ,god10 and forgiveness is possible only in the sphere of personal relations between man and ,god1 into which the law does not enter4 ,this leads to a second consideration4 ,atoning sacrifices do not purchase forgiveness4 ,that is to say1 they are never regarded as exercising any influence on ,god1 moving ,him to mercy towards the sinner4 ,they are simply the forms to which1 by ,jehovah's own appointment1 the promise of forgiveness is attached4 ,hence sacrifice has not the fundamental significance in ,old ,testament religion that the death of ,christ has in the ,new4 ,the whole sacrificial system1 as we see quite clearly from ,ezekiel's prophecy1 presupposes redemption2 the people are already restored to their land and sanctified by ,jehovah's presence amongst them before these institutions come into operation4 ,the only purpose that they serve in the system of religion to which they belong is to secure that the blessings of salvation shall not be lost4 ,both in this vision and throughout the ,old ,testament the ultimate ground of confidence in ,god lies in historic acts of redemption in which ,jehovah's sovereign grace and love to ,israel are revealed4 ,through the sacrifices the individual was enabled to assure himself of his interest in the covenant blessings promised to his nation4 ,they were the sacraments of his personal acceptance with ,jehovah1 and as such were of the highest importance for his normal religious life4 ,but they were not and could not be the basis of the forgiveness of sins1 nor did later ,judaism ever fall into the error of seeking to appease the ,deity by a multiplication of sacrificial gifts4 ,when the insufficiency of the ritual system to give true peace of conscience or to bring back the outward tokens of ,god's favour is dwelt upon1 the ancient ,church falls back on the spiritual conditions of forgiveness already enunciated by the prophets4 ,thou desirest not sacrifice that ,i should give it1 ,thou delightest not in burntoffering4 ,the sacrifices of ,god are a broken spirit3 ,a broken and a contrite heart1 ,o ,god1 ,thou wilt not despise47#big7 ,finally1 we have learned from ,ezekiel that the idea of atonement is not lodged in any particular rite1 but pervades the sacrificial system as a whole4 ,suggestive as the ritual of the sinoffering is to the ,christian conscience1 it must not be isolated from other developments of the sacrificial idea or taken to embody the whole permanent meaning of the institution4 ,there are at least two other aspects of sacrifice which are clearly expressed in the ritual legislation of the ,old ,testament--that of homage1 chiefly symbolised by the burntoffering1 and that of communion1 symbolised by the peaceoffering and the sacrificial feast observed in connection with it4 ,and although1 both in ,ezekiel and the ,levitical law1 these two elements are thrown into the shade by the idea of expiation1 yet there are subtle links of affinity between all three1 which will have to be traced out before we are in a position to understand the first principles of sacrificial worship4 ,the brilliant and learned researches of the late ,professor ,robertson ,smith have thrown a flood of light on the original rite of sacrifice and the important place which it occupies in ancient religion47#bih7 ,he has sought to explain the intricate system of the ,levitical legislation as an unfolding1 under varied historical influences1 of different aspects of the idea of communion between ,god and men1 which is the essence of primitive sacrifice4 ,in particular he has shown how special atoning sacrifices arise through emphasising by appropriate symbolism the element of reconciliation which is implicitly contained in every act of religious communion with ,god4 ,this at least enables us to understand how the atoning ritual with all its distinctive features yet resembles so closely that which is common to all types of sacrifice1 and how the idea of expiation1 although concentrated in a particular class of sacrifices1 is nevertheless spread over the whole surface of the sacrificial ritual4 ,it would be premature as well as presumptuous to attempt here to estimate the consequences of this theory for ,christian theology4 ,but it certainly seems to open up the prospect of a wider and deeper apprehension of the religious truths which are differentiated and specialised in the ,old ,testament dispensation1 to be reunited in that great ,atoning ,sacrifice1 in which the blood of the new covenant has been shed for many for the remission of sins4 ,chapter ,,xxx4 ,renewal ,and ,allotment ,of ,the ,land4 ,chapters xlvii41 xlviii4 ,in the first part of the fortyseventh chapter the visionary form of the revelation1 which had been interrupted by the important series of communications on which we have been so long engaged1 is again resumed4 ,the prophet1 once more under the direction of his angelic guide1 sees a stream of water issuing from the ,temple buildings and flowing eastward into the ,dead ,sea47#bii7 ,afterwards he receives another series of directions relating to the boundaries of the land and its division among the twelve tribes47#cjj7 ,with this the vision and the book find their appropriate close4 ,i ,the ,temple stream1 to which ,ezekiel's attention is now for the first time directed1 is a symbol of the miraculous transformation which the land of ,canaan is to undergo in order to fit it for the habitation of ,jehovah's ransomed people4 ,anticipations of a renewal of the face of nature are a common feature of ,messianic prophecy4 ,they have their roots in the religious interpretation of the possession of the land as the chief token of the divine blessing on the nation4 ,in the vicissitudes of agricultural or pastoral life the ,israelite read the reflection of ,jehovah's attitude towards ,himself and ,his people3 fertile seasons and luxuriant harvests were the sign of ,his favour2 drought and famine were the proof that ,he was offended4 ,even at the best of times1 however1 the condition of ,palestine left much to be desired from the husbandman's point of view1 especially in the kingdom of ,judah4 ,nature was often stern and unpropitious1 the cultivation of the soil was always attended with hardship and uncertainty1 large tracts of the country were given over to irreclaimable barrenness4 ,there was always a vision of better things possible1 and in the last days the prophets cherished the expectation that that vision would be realised4 ,when all causes of offence are removed from ,israel and ,jehovah smiles on ,his people1 the land will blossom into supernatural fertility1 the ploughman overtaking the reaper1 and the treader of grapes him that soweth seed1 the mountains dropping new wine and the hills melting47#cja7 ,such idyllic pictures of universal plenty and comfort abound in the writings of the prophets1 and are not wanting in the pages of ,ezekiel4 ,we have already had one in the description of the blessings of the ,messianic kingdom27#cjb7 and we shall see that in this closing vision a complete remodelling of the land is presupposed1 rendering it all alike suitable for the habitation of the tribes of ,israel4 ,the river of life is the most striking presentation of this general conception of ,messianic felicity4 ,it is one of those vivid images from ,eastern life which1 through the ,apocalypse1 have passed into the symbolism of ,christian eschatology4 8,and he showed me a pure river of water of life1 clear as crystal1 proceeding out of the throne of ,god and of the ,lamb4 ,in the midst of the street of it1 and on either side of the river1 was there the tree of life1 which bare twelve manner of fruits1 and yielded her fruits every month3 and the leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nations407#cjc7 ,so writes the seer of ,patmos1 in words whose music charms the ear even of those to whom running water means much less than it did to a native of thirsty ,palestine4 ,but ,john had read of the mystic river in the pages of his favourite prophet before he saw it in vision4 ,the close resemblance between the two pictures leaves no doubt that the origin of the conception is to be sought in ,ezekiel's vision4 ,the underlying religious truth is the same in both representations1 that the presence of ,god is the source from which the influences flow forth that renew and purify human existence4 ,the tree of life on each bank of the river1 which yields its fruit every month and whose leaves are for healing1 is a detail transferred directly from ,ezekiel's imagery to fill out the description of the glorious city of ,god into which the nations of them that are saved are gathered4 ,but with all its idealism1 ,ezekiel's conception presents many points of contact with the actual physiography of ,palestine2 it is less universal and abstract in its significance than that of the ,apocalypse4 ,the first thing that might have suggested the idea to the prophet is that the ,temple mount had at least one small stream1 whose 8softflowing0 waters were already regarded as a symbol of the silent and unobtrusive influence of the divine presence in ,israel47#cjd7 ,the waters of this stream flowed eastward1 but they were too scanty to have any appreciable effect on the fertility of the region through which they passed4 ,further1 to the south east of ,jerusalem1 between it and the ,dead ,sea1 stretched the great wilderness of ,judah1 the most desolate and inhospitable tract in the whole country4 ,there the steep declivity of the limestone range refuses to detain sufficient moisture to nourish the most meagre vegetation1 although the few spots where wells are found1 as at ,engedi1 are clothed with almost tropical luxuriance4 ,to reclaim these barren slopes and render them fit for human industry1 the ,temple waters are sent eastward1 making the desert to blossom as the rose4 ,lastly1 there was the ,dead ,sea itself1 in whose bitter waters no living thing can exist1 the natural emblem of resistance to the purposes of ,him who is the ,god of life4 ,these different elements of the physical reality were familiar to ,ezekiel1 and come back to mind as he follows the course of the new ,temple river1 and observes the wonderful transformation which it is destined to effect4 ,he first sees it breaking forth from the wall of the ,temple at the righthand side of the entrance1 and flowing eastward through the courts by the south side of the altar4 ,then at the outer wall he meets it rushing from the south side of the eastern gate1 and still pursuing its easterly course4 ,at a thousand cubits from the sanctuary it is only ankle deep1 but at successive distances of a thousand cubits it reaches to the knees1 to the loins1 and becomes finally an impassable river4 ,the stream is of course miraculous from source to mouth4 ,earthly rivers do not thus broaden and deepen as they flow1 except by the accession of tributaries1 and tributaries are out of the question here4 ,thus it flows on1 with its swelling volume of water1 through 8the eastern circuit10 8down to the ,arabah0 7the trough of the ,jordan and the ,dead ,sea71 and reaching the sea it sweetens its waters so that they teem with fishes of all kinds like those of the ,mediterranean4 ,its uninviting shores become the scene of a busy and thriving industry2 fishermen ply their craft from ,engedi to ,eneglaim17#cje7 and the food supply of the country is materially increased4 ,the prophet may not have been greatly concerned about this1 but one characteristic detail illustrates his careful forethought in matters of practical utility4 ,it is from the ,dead ,sea that ,jerusalem has always obtained its supply of salt4 ,the purification of this lake might have its drawbacks if the production of this indispensable commodity should be interfered with4 ,salt1 besides its culinary uses1 played an important part in the ,temple ritual1 and ,ezekiel was not likely to forget it4 ,hence the strange but eminently practical provision that the shallows and marshes at the south end of the lake shall be exempted from the influence of the healing waters4 8,they are given for salt407#cjf7 ,we may venture to draw one lesson for our own instruction from this beautiful prophetic image of the blessings that flow from a pure religion4 ,the river of ,god has its source high up in the mount where ,jehovah dwells in inaccessible holiness1 and where the whiterobed priests minister ceaselessly before ,him2 but in its descent it seeks out the most desolate and unpromising region in the country1 and turns it into a garden of the ,lord4 ,while the whole land of ,israel is to be renewed and made to minister to the good of man in fellowship with ,god1 the main stream of fertility is expended in the apparently hopeless task of reclaiming the ,judan desert and purifying the ,dead ,sea4 ,it is an emblem of the earthly ministry of ,him who made ,himself the friend of publicans and sinners1 and lavished the resources of ,his grace and the wealth of ,his affection on those who were deemed beyond ordinary possibility of salvation4 ,it is to be feared1 however1 that the practice of most ,churches has been too much the reverse of this4 ,they have been tempted to confine the water of life within fairly respectable channels1 amongst the prosperous and contented1 the occupants of happy homes1 where the advantages of religion are most likely to be appreciated4 ,that seems to have been found the line of least resistance1 and in times when spiritual life has run low it has been counted enough to keep the old ruts filled and leave the waste places and stagnant waters of our civilisation ill provided with the means of grace4 ,nowadays we are sometimes reminded that the ,dead ,sea must be drained before the gospel can have a fair chance of influencing human lives1 and there may be much wisdom in the suggestion4 ,a vast deal of social drainage may have to be accomplished before the word of ,god has free course4 ,unhealthy and impure conditions of life may be mitigated by wise legislation1 temptations to vice may be removed1 and vested interests that thrive on the degradation of human lives may be crushed by the strong arm of the community4 ,but the true spirit of ,christianity can neither be confined to the watercourses of religious habit1 nor wait for the schemes of the social reformer4 ,nor will it display its powers of social salvation until it carries the energies of the ,church into the lowest haunts of vice and misery with an earnest desire to seek and to save that which is lost4 ,ezekiel had his vision1 and he believed in it4 ,he believed in the reality of ,god's presence in the sanctuary and in the stream of blessings that flowed from ,his throne1 and he believed in the possibility of reclaiming the waste places of his country for the kingdom of ,god4 ,when ,christians are united in like faith in the power of ,christ and the abiding presence of ,his ,spirit1 we may expect to see times of refreshing from the presence of ,god and the whole earth filled with the knowledge of the ,lord as the waters cover the sea4 ,,ii ,ezekiel's map of ,palestine is marked by something of the same mathematical regularity which was exhibited in his plan of the ,temple4 ,his boundaries are like those we sometimes see on the map of a newly settled country like ,america or ,australia--that is to say1 they largely follow the meridian lines and parallels of latitude1 but take advantage here and there of natural frontiers supplied by rivers and mountain ranges4 ,this is absolutely true of the internal divisions of the land between the tribes4 ,here the northern and southern boundaries are straight lines running east and west over hill and dale1 and terminating at the ,mediterranean ,sea and the ,jordan ,valley1 which form of course the western and eastern limits4 ,as to the external delimitation of the country it is unfortunately not possible to speak with certainty4 ,the eastern frontier is fixed by the ,jordan and the ,dead ,sea so far as they go1 and the western is the sea4 ,but on the north and south the lines of demarcation cannot be traced1 the places mentioned being nearly all unknown4 ,the north frontier extends from the sea to a place called ,hazarenon1 said to lie on the border of ,hauran4 ,it passes the 8entrance to ,hamath10 and has to the north not only ,hamath1 but also the territory of ,damascus4 ,but none of the towns through which it passes--,hethlon1 ,berotha1 ,sibraim--can be identified1 and even its general direction is altogether uncertain47#cjg7 ,from ,hazarenon the eastern border stretches southward till it reaches the ,jordan1 and is prolonged south of the ,dead ,sea to a place called ,tamar1 also unknown4 ,from this we proceed westwards by ,kadesh till we strike the river of ,egypt1 the ,wady el,arish1 which carries the boundary to the sea4 ,it will be seen that ,ezekiel1 for reasons on which it is idle to speculate1 excludes the transjordanic territory from the ,holy ,land4 ,speaking broadly1 we may say that he treats ,palestine as a rectangular strip of country1 which he divides into transverse sections of indeterminate breadth1 and then proceeds to parcel out these amongst the twelve tribes4 ,a similar obscurity rests on the motives which determined the disposition of the different tribes within the sacred territory4 ,we can understand1 indeed1 why seven tribes are placed to the north and only five to the south of the capital and the sanctuary4 ,jerusalem lay much nearer the south of the land1 and in the original distribution all the tribes had their settlements to the north of it except ,judah and ,simeon4 ,ezekiel's arrangement seems thus to combine a desire for symmetry with a recognition of the claims of historical and geographic reality4 ,we can also see that to a certain extent the relative positions of the tribes correspond with those they held before the ,exile1 although of course the system requires that they shall lie in a regular series from north to south4 ,dan1 ,asher1 and ,naphtali are left in the extreme north1 ,manasseh and ,ephraim to the south of them1 while ,simeon lies as of old in the south with one tribe between it and the capital4 ,but we cannot tell why ,benjamin should be placed to the south and ,judah to the north of ,jerusalem1 why ,issachar and ,zebulun are transferred from the far north to the south1 or why ,reuben and ,gad are taken from the east of the ,jordan to be settled one to the north and the other to the south of the city4 ,some principle of arrangement there must have been in the mind of the prophet1 and several have been suggested2 but it is perhaps better to confess that we have lost the key to his meaning47#cjh7 ,the prophet's interest is centred on the strip of land reserved for the sanctuary and public purposes1 which is subdivided and measured out with the utmost precision4 ,it is twentyfive thousand cubits 7about #ha_/c miles7 broad1 and extends right across the country4 ,the two extremities east and west are the crown lands assigned to the prince for the purposes we have already seen4 ,in the middle a square of twentyfive thousand cubits is marked off2 this is the 8oblation0 or sacred offering of land1 in the middle of which the ,temple stands4 ,this again is subdivided into three parallel sections1 as shown in the accompanying diagram4 ,the most northerly1 ten thousand cubits in breadth1 is assigned to the ,levites2 the central portion1 including the sanctuary1 to the priests2 and the remaining five thousand cubits is a 8profane place0 for the city and its common lands4 ,the city itself is a square of four thousand five hundred cubits1 situated in the middle of this southmost section of the oblation4 ,with its free space of two hundred and fifty cubits in width belting the wall it fills the entire breadth of the section2 the communal possessions flanking it on either hand1 just as the prince's domain does the 8oblation0 as a whole4 ,the produce of these lands is 8for food to them that #8serve' i4e41 inhabit the city407#cji7 ,residence in the capital1 it appears1 is to be regarded as a public service4 ,the maintenance of the civic life of ,jerusalem was an object in which the whole nation was interested1 a truth symbolised by naming its twelve gates after the twelve sons of ,jacob47#caj7 ,hence1 also1 its population is to be representative of all the tribes of ,israel1 and whoever comes to dwell there is to have a share in the land belonging to the city47#caa7 ,but evidently the legislation on this point is incomplete4 ,how were the inhabitants of the capital to be chosen out of all the tribes8 ,would its citizenship be regarded as a privilege or as an onerous responsibility8 ,would it be necessary to make a selection out of a host of applications1 or would special inducements have to be offered to procure a sufficient population8 ,to these questions the vision furnishes no answer1 and there is nothing to show whether ,ezekiel contemplated the possibility that residence in the new city might present few attractions and many disadvantages to an agricultural community such as he had in view4 ,it is a curious incident of the return from the ,exile that the problem of peopling ,jerusalem emerged in a more serious form than ,ezekiel from his ideal point of view could have foreseen4 ,we read that 8the rulers of the people dwelt at ,jerusalem3 the rest of the people also cast lots1 to bring one of ten to dwell in ,jerusalem1 the holy city1 and nine parts in other cities4 ,and the people blessed all the men that willingly offered themselves to dwell at ,jerusalem407#cab7 ,there may have been causes for this general reluctance which are unknown to us1 but the principal reason was doubtless the one which has been hinted at1 that the new colony lived mainly by agriculture1 and the district in the immediate vicinity of the capital was not sufficiently fertile to support a large agricultural population4 ,the new ,jerusalem was at first a somewhat artificial foundation1 and a city too largely developed for the resources of the community of which it was the centre4 ,its existence was necessary more for the protection and support of the ,temple than for the ordinary ends of civilisation2 and hence to dwell in it was for the majority an act of selfsacrifice by which a man was felt to deserve well of his country4 ,and the only important difference between the actual reality and ,ezekiel's ideal is that in the latter the supernatural fertility of the land and the reign of universal peace obviate the difficulties which the founders of the postexilic theocracy had to encounter4 ,this seeming indifference of the prophet to the secular interests represented by the metropolis strikes us as a singular feature in his programme4 ,it is strange that the man who was so thoughtful about the saltpans of the ,dead ,sea should pass so lightly over the details of the reconstruction of a city4 ,but we have had several intimations that this is not the department of things in which ,ezekiel's hold on reality is most conspicuous4 ,we have already remarked on the boldness of the conception which changes the site of the capital in order to guard the sanctity of the ,temple4 ,and now1 when its situation and form are accurately defined1 we have no sketch of municipal institutions1 no hint of the purposes for which the city exists1 and no glimpse of the busy and varied activities which we naturally connect with the name4 ,if ,ezekiel thought of it at all1 except as existing on paper1 he was probably interested in it as furnishing the representative congregation on minor occasions of public worship1 such as the ,sabbaths and new moons1 when the whole people could not be expected to assemble4 ,the truth is that the idea of the city in the vision is simply an abstract religious symbol1 a sort of epitome and concentration of theocratic life4 ,like the figure of the prince in earlier chapters1 it is taken from the national institutions which perished at the ,exile2 the outline is retained1 the typical significance is enhanced1 but the form is shadowy and indistinct1 the colour and variety of concrete reality are absent4 ,it was perhaps a stage through which political conceptions had to pass before their religious meaning could be apprehended4 ,and yet the fact that the symbol of the ,holy ,city is preserved is deeply suggestive and indeed scarcely less important in its own way than the retention of the type of the king4 ,ezekiel can no more think of the land without a capital than of the state without a prince4 ,the word 8city0--synonym of the fullest and most intense form of life1 of life regulated by law and elevated by devotion to a common ideal1 in which every worthy faculty of human nature is quickened by the close and varied intercourse of men with each other--has definitely taken its place in the vocabulary of religion4 ,it is there1 not to be superseded1 but to be refined and spiritualised1 until the city of ,god1 glorified in the praises of ,israel1 becomes the inspiration of the loftiest thought and the most ardent longing of ,christendom4 ,and even for the perplexing problems that the ,church has to face at this day there is hardly a more profitable exercise of the ,christian imagination than to dream with practical intent of the consecration of civic life through the subjection of all its influences to the ends of the ,redeemer's kingdom4 ,on the other hand we must surely recognise that this vision of a ,temple and a city separated from each other--where religious and secular interests are as it were concentrated at different points1 so that the one may be more effectually subordinated to the other--is not the final and perfect vision of the kingdom of ,god4 ,that ideal has played a leading and influential part in the history of ,christianity4 ,it is essentially the ideal formulated in ,augustine's great work on the city of ,god1 which ruled the ecclesiastical polity of the medival ,church4 ,the ,state is an unholy institution2 it is an embodiment of the power of this present evil world3 the true city of ,god is the visible ,catholic ,church1 and only by subjection to the ,church can the ,state be redeemed from itself and be made a means of blessing4 ,that theory served a providential purpose in preserving the traditions of ,christianity through dark and troubled ages1 and training the rude nations of ,europe in purity and righteousness and reverence for that by which ,god makes ,himself known4 ,but the ,reformation was1 amongst other things1 a protest against this conception of the relation of ,church to ,state1 of the sacred to the secular4 ,by asserting the right of each believer to deal with ,christ directly without the mediation of ,church or priest it broke down the middle wall of partition between religion and everyday duty2 it sanctified common life by showing how a man may serve ,god as a citizen in the family or the workshop better than in the cloister or at the altar4 ,it made the kingdom of ,god to be a present power wherever there are lives transformed by love to ,christ and serving their fellowmen for ,his sake4 ,and if ,catholicism may find some plausible support for its theory in ,ezekiel and the ,old ,testament theocracy in general1 ,protestants may perhaps with better right appeal to the grander ideal represented by the new ,jerusalem of the ,apocalypse--the city that needs no ,temple1 because the ,lord ,himself is in her midst4 8,and ,i ,john saw the holy city1 new ,jerusalem1 coming down from ,god out of heaven1 prepared as a bride adorned for her husband4 ,and ,i heard a great voice out of heaven saying1 ,behold1 the tabernacle of ,god is with men1 and ,he will dwell with them1 and they shall be ,his people1 and ,god ,himself shall be with them1 and be their ,god4444 ,and ,i saw no temple therein3 for the ,lord ,god ,almighty and the ,lamb are the temple of it4 ,and the city had no need of the sun1 neither of the moon1 to shine in it3 for the glory of ,god did lighten it1 and the ,lamb is the light thereof407#cac7 ,it may be difficult for us amid the entanglements of the present to read that vision aright--difficult to say whether it is on earth or in heaven that we are to look for the city in which there is no ,temple4 ,worship is an essential function of the ,church of ,christ2 and so long as we are in our earthly abode worship will require external symbols and a visible organisation4 ,but this at least we know1 that the will of ,god must be done on earth as it is in heaven4 ,the true kingdom of ,god is within us2 and ,his presence with men is realised1 not in special religious services which stand apart from our common life1 but in the constant influence of ,his ,spirit1 forming our characters after the image of ,christ1 and permeating all the channels of social intercourse and public action1 until everything done on earth is to the glory of our ,father which is in heaven4 ,that is the ideal set forth by the coming of the holy city of ,god1 and only in this way can we look for the fulfilment of the promise embodied in the new name of ,ezekiel's city1 ,jehovahshammah1-- ,,the ,,lord ,,is ,,there4 ,,footnotes #a ,herodotus1 i4 #ajcajf4 #b ,if the 8thirtieth year0 of ch4 i4 #a could refer to the prophet's age at the time of his call1 his birth would fall in the very year in which the ,law ,book was found4 ,although that interpretation is extremely improbable1 he can hardly have been much more1 or less1 than thirty years old at the time4 #c ,the opinion1 once prevalent1 that it was the ,chaboras in ,northern ,mesopotamia1 where colonies of ,northern ,israelites had been settled a century and a half before1 has nothing to justify it1 and is now universally abandoned4 #d ,this1 however1 is not certain4 ,although ,jeremiah's property and residence were in ,anathoth1 his official connection may have been with the ,temple in ,jerusalem4 #e ,the passage xxxiii4 #adbf is wanting in the ,,lxx41 and may possibly be a later insertion4 ,even if genuine it would hardly alter the general estimate of the prophet's teaching expressed above4 #f ,jer4 xv4 #d2 #b ,kings xxiii4 #bf4 #g ,in the superscription of the book 7ch4 i4 #ac7 a double date is given for this occurrence4 ,in ver4 #a it is said to have taken place 8in the thirtieth year02 but this expression has never been satisfactorily explained4 ,the principal suggestions are3 7#a7 that it is the year of ,ezekiel's life2 7#b7 that the reckoning is from the year of ,josiah's reformation2 and 7#c7 that it is according to some ,babylonian era4 ,but none of these has much probability1 unless1 with ,klostermann1 we go further and assume that the explanation was given in an earlier part of the prophet's autobiography now lost--a view which is supported by no evidence and is contrary to all analogy4 ,cornill proposes to omit ver4 #a entirely1 chiefly on the ground that the use of the first person before the writer's name has been mentioned is unnatural4 ,that the superscription does not read smoothly as it stands has been felt by many critics2 but the rejection of the verse is perhaps a too facile solution4 #h ,not 8amber10 but a natural alloy of silver and gold1 highly esteemed in antiquity4 #i ,cf4 ,exod4 xxiv4 #aj3 8like the very heavens for pureness40 #aj ,duhm on ,isa4 xxx4 #bg4 #aa ,bth mri1 or simply mr1 occurring about fifteen times in the first half of the book1 but only once after ch4 xxiv4 #ab ,klostermann4 #ac ,in ch4 iii4 #ab read 8,as the glory of ,jehovah arose from its place0 instead of 8,blessed be the glory10 etc4 7 for 74 #ad ,a somewhat similar episode seems to have occurred in the life of ,isaiah4 ,see the commentaries on ,isa4 viii4 #afah4 #ae ,these verses 7ch4 iii4 #bbbg7 furnish one of the chief supports of ,klostermann's peculiar theory of ,ezekiel's condition during the first period of his career4 ,taking the word 8dumb0 in its literal sense1 he considers that the prophet was afflicted with the malady known as alalia1 that this was intermittent down to the date of ch4 xxiv41 and then became chronic till the fugitive arrived from ,jerusalem 7ch4 xxxiii4 #ba71 when it finally disappeared4 ,this is connected with the remarkable series of symbolic actions related in ch4 iv41 which are regarded as exhibiting all the symptoms of catalepsy and hemiplegia4 ,these facts1 together with the prophet's liability to ecstatic visions1 justify1 in ,klostermann's view1 the hypothesis that for seven years ,ezekiel laboured under serious nervous disorders4 ,the partiality shown by a few writers to this view probably springs from a desire to maintain the literal accuracy of the prophet's descriptions4 ,but in that aspect the theory breaks down4 ,even ,klostermann admits that the binding with ropes had no existence save in ,ezekiel's imagination4 ,but if we are obliged to take into account what seemed to the prophet1 it is better to explain the whole phenomena on the same principle4 ,there can be no good grounds for taking the dumbness as real and the ropes as imaginary4 ,besides1 it is surely a questionable expedient to vindicate a prophet's literalism at the expense of his sanity4 ,in the hands of ,klostermann and ,orelli the hypothesis assumes a stupendous miracle2 but it is obvious that a critic of another school might readily 8wear his rue with a difference10 and treat the whole of ,ezekiel's prophetic experiences as hallucinations of a deranged intellect4 #af ,an ingenious attempt has been made by ,professor ,cornill to rearrange the verses so as to bring out two separate series of actions1 one referring exclusively to the exile and the other to the siege4 ,but the proposed reading requires a somewhat violent handling of the text1 and does not seem to have met with much acceptance4 ,the blending of diverse elements in a single image appears also in ch4 xii4 #caf4 #ag ,the correspondence would be almost exact if we date the commencement of the northern captivity from #gcd1 when ,tiglathpileser carried away the inhabitants of the northern and eastern parts of the country4 ,this is a possible view1 although hardly necessary4 #ah ,or1 with a different pointing1 8,she changed ,my judgments to wickedness40 #ai ,see ch4 xxvii4 #bj ,hammnim--a word of doubtful meaning1 however4 ,the word for idols1 gilllm1 is all but peculiar to ,ezekiel4 ,it is variously explained as blockgods or dunggods--in any case an epithet of contempt4 ,the ashrah1 or sacred pole1 is never referred to by ,ezekiel4 #ba ,in ver4 #ad the true sense has been lost by the corruption of the word ,riblah into ,diblah4 #bb ,the reason may be that two different recensions of the text have been combined and mixed up4 ,so ,hitzig and ,cornill4 #bc ,amos viii4 #b4 #bd ,cf4 ,luke xvii4 #bfcj4 #be ,ezekiel's use of the divine names would hardly be satisfactory to ,renan4 ,outside of the prophecies addressed to heathen nations the generic name is never used absolutely1 except in the phrases 8visions of ,god0 7three times7 and 8spirit of ,god0 7once1 in ch4 xi4 #bd1 where the text may be doubtful74 ,elsewhere it is used only of ,god in ,his relation to men1 as1 e4g41 in the expression 8be to you for a ,god40 occurs once 7ch4 x4 #e7 and alone three times in ch4 xxviii4 7addressed to the prince of ,tyre74 ,the prophet's word1 when he wishes to express absolute divinity1 is just the 8proper0 name 1 in accordance no doubt with the interpretation given in ,exod4 iii4 #ac1 #ad4 #bf ,of what nature this idolatrous symbol was we cannot certainly determine4 ,the word used for 8image0 7semel7 occurs in only two other passages4 ,the writer of the books of ,chronicles uses it of the asherah which was set up by ,manasseh in the ,temple1 and it is possible that he means thus to identify that object with what ,ezekiel saw 7cf4 #b ,chron4 xxxiii4 #g1 and #b ,kings xxi4 #g74 ,this interpretation is as satisfactory as any that has been proposed4 #bg ,the nature of the cults is best explained by ,professor ,robertson ,smith1 who supposes that they are a survival of aboriginal totemistic superstitions which had been preserved in secret circles till now1 but suddenly assumed a new importance with the collapse of the national religion and the belief that ,jehovah had left the land4 ,others1 however1 have thought that it is ,egyptian rites which are referred to4 ,this view might best explain its prevalence among the elders1 but it has little positive support4 #bh ,it has been supposed1 however1 that the sunworship referred to here is of ,persian origin1 chiefly because of the obscure expression in ver4 #ag3 8,behold they put the twig to their nose40 ,this has been explained by a ,persian custom of holding up a branch before the face1 lest the breath of the worshipper should contaminate the purity of the deity4 ,but ,persia had not yet played any great part in history1 and it is hardly credible that a distinctively ,persian custom should have found its way into the ritual of ,jerusalem4 ,moreover1 the words do not occur in the description of the sun worshippers1 nor do they refer particularly to them4 #bi ,following the ,,lxx4 #cj ,it is noteworthy that in the dirge of ch4 xix4 ,ezekiel ignores the reign of ,jehoiakim4 ,is this because he too owed his elevation to the intervention of a foreign power8 #ca ,especially if we read ver4 #ab1 as in ,,lxx41 8,that he may not be seen by any eye1 and he shall not see the earth40 #cb ,by this name for ,chalda ,ezekiel seems to express his contempt for the commercial activity which formed so large an element in the greatness of ,babylon 7ch4 xvi4 #bi ,r4,v471 perhaps also his sense of the uncongenial environment in which the disinherited king and the nobility of ,judah now found themselves4 #cc ,jehoiakim4 #cd ,the long line is divided into two unequal parts by a csura over the end4 #ce ,mostly adopted from ,cornill4 ,the ,english reader may refer to ,dr4 ,davidson's commentary4 #cf ,this word is uncertain4 #cg ,ezekiel1 p4 #he4 #ch ,translating with ,,lxx4 #ci ,the exact force of the reflexive form used 7na' nthi1 niphal7 is doubtful4 ,the translation given is that of ,cornill1 which is certainly forcible4 #dj ,the same rule is applied to direct communion with ,god in prayer in ,psalm lxvi4 #ah3 8,if ,i regard iniquity in my heart1 the ,lord will not hear40 #da ,see above1 p4 #ig f4 #db ,see below1 pp4 #agi f4 #dc ,ver4 #cc may1 however1 be an interpolation 7,cornill74 #dd ,in ver4 #da the ,syriac ,version reads1 with a slight alteration of the text1 8they shall burn thee in the midst of the fire40 ,the reading has something to recommend it4 ,death by burning was an ancient punishment of harlotry 7,gen4 xxxviii4 #bd71 although it is not likely that it was still inflicted in the time of ,ezekiel4 #de 8,to eat upon the mountains0 7if that reading can be retained7 must mean to take part in the sacrificial feasts which were held on the high places in honour of idols4 ,but if with ,w4 ,r4 ,smith and others we substitute the phrase 8eat with the blood10 assimilating the reading to that of ch4 xxxiii4 #be1 the offence is still of the same nature4 ,in the time of ,ezekiel to eat with the blood probably meant not merely to eat that which had not been sacrificed to ,jehovah1 but to engage in a rite of distinctly heathenish character4 ,cf4 ,lev4 xix4 #bj1 and see the note in ,smith's ,kinship and ,marriage in ,early ,arabia1 p4 #caj4 #df ,in the striking passage ch4 xiv4 #abbc the application of the doctrine of individual retribution to the destruction of ,jerusalem is discussed4 ,it is treated as 8an exception to the rule0 7,smend7--perhaps the exception which proves the rule4 ,the rule is that in a national judgment the most eminent saints save neither son nor daughter by their righteousness1 but only their own lives 7vv4 #acbj74 ,at the fall of ,jerusalem1 however1 a remnant escapes and goes into captivity with sons and daughters1 in order that their corrupt lives may prove to the earlier exiles how necessary the destruction of the city was 7vv4 #babc74 ,the argument is an admission that the judgment on ,israel was not carried out in accordance with the strict principle laid down in ch4 xviii4 ,it is difficult1 indeed1 to reconcile the various utterances of ,ezekiel on this subject4 ,in ch4 xxi4 #c1 #d he expressly announces that in the downfall of the state righteous and wicked shall perish together4 ,in the vision of ch4 ix41 on the other hand1 the righteous are marked for exemption from the fate of the city4 ,the truth appears to be that the prophet is conscious of standing between two dispensations1 and does not hold a consistent view regarding the time when the law proper to the perfect dispensation comes into operation4 ,the point on which there is no ambiguity is that in the final judgment which ushers in the ,messianic age the principle of individual retribution shall be fully manifested4 #dg ,this is true whether 7as some expositors think7 the date in ch4 xx4 is merely an external mark introducing a new division of the book1 or whether 7as seems more natural7 it is due to the fact that here ,ezekiel recognised a turningpoint of his ministry4 ,such visits of the elders as that here recorded must have been of frequent occurrence4 ,two others are mentioned1 and of these one is undated 7ch4 xiv4 #a72 the other at least admits the supposition that it was connected with a very definite change of opinion among the exiles 7ch4 viii4 #a3 see above1 p4 #hj74 ,we may therefore reasonably suppose that the precise note of time here introduced marks this particular incident as having possessed a peculiar significance in the relations between the prophet and his fellowexiles4 ,what its significance may have been we shall consider in the next lecture1 see p4 #agd4 #dh ,the verses xx4 #dedi of the ,english ,version really belong to ch4 xxi41 and are so placed in the ,hebrew4 ,in what follows the verses will be numbered according to the ,hebrew text4 #di ,at three places the meaning is entirely lost1 through corruption of the text4 #ej ,cf4 ch4 xvii4 #ea ,the reference is to the ,messiah1 and seems to be based on the ancient prophecy of ,gen4 xlix4 #aj1 reading there instead of 4 #eb ,the word 8covenant0 is not here used4 #ec ,apart from the case of ,jephthah1 which is entirely exceptional1 the first historical instance is that of ,ahaz 7#b ,kings xvi4 #c74 #ed ,there still remain the critical difficulties4 ,what are the ambiguous laws to which the prophet refers8 ,it is of course not to be assumed as certain that they are to be found in the ,pentateuch1 at least in the exact form which ,ezekiel has in view4 ,there may have been at that time a considerable amount of uncodified legislative material which passed vaguely as the law of ,jehovah4 ,the 8lying pen of the scribes0 seems to have been busy in the multiplication of such enactments 7,jer4 viii4 #h74 ,still1 it is a legitimate inquiry whether any of the extant laws of the ,pentateuch are open to the interpretation which ,ezekiel seems to have in view4 ,the parts of the ,pentateuch in which the regulation about the dedication of the firstborn occurs are the socalled ,book of the ,covenant 7,exod4 xxii4 #bi1 #cj71 the short code of ,exod4 xxxiv4 #agbf 7vv4 #ai f471 the enactment connected with the institution of the ,passover 7,exod4 xiii4 #ab f471 and the priestly ordinance 7,numb4 xviii4 #ae74 ,now1 in three of these four passages1 the inference to which ,ezekiel refers is expressly excluded by the provision that the firstborn of men shall be redeemed4 ,the only one which bears the appearance of ambiguity is that in the ,book of the ,covenant1 where we read3 8,the firstborn of thy sons shalt thou give unto ,me2 likewise shalt thou do with thine oxen and thy sheep3 seven days it shall be with its dam1 on the eighth day thou shalt give it to ,me40 ,here the firstborn children and the firstlings of animals are put on a level2 and if any passage in our present ,pentateuch would lend itself to the false construction which the later ,israelites favoured1 it would be this4 ,on the other hand this passage does not contain the particular technical word 7he'ebr7 used by ,ezekiel4 ,the word probably means simply 8dedicate10 although this was understood in the sense of dedication by sacrifice4 ,the only passage of the four where the verb occurs is ,exod4 xiii4 #ab2 and this accordingly is the one generally fixed on by critics as having sanctioned the abuse in question4 ,but apart from its express exemption of firstborn children from the rule1 the passage fails in another respect to meet the requirements of the case4 ,the prophet appears to speak here of legislation addressed to the second generation in the wilderness1 and this could not refer to the ,passover ordinance in its present setting4 ,on the whole we seem to be driven to the conclusion that ,ezekiel is not thinking of any part of our present ,pentateuch1 but to some other law similar in its terms to that of ,exod4 xiii4 #ab f41 although equivocal in the same way as ,exod4 xxii4 #bi f4 ,in the text above ,i have given what appears to me the most natural interpretation of the passage1 without referring to the numerous other views which have been put forward4 ,van ,hoonacker1 in ,le ,museon 7#ahic71 subjects the various theories to a searching criticism1 and arrives himself at the nebulous conclusion that the 8statutes which were not good0 are not statutes at all1 but providential chastisements4 ,that cuts the knot1 it does not untie it4 #ee ,none of the interpretations of ver4 #bi gives a satisfactory sense4 ,cornill rejects it as 8absonderlich und aus dem ,tenor des ganzen ,cap4 herausfallend40 #ef ,see ,dillmann's note on ,lev4 xxvii4 #cb1 quoted by ,davidson4 #eg ,reading for with the ,,lxx4 #eh ,the transition ver4 #ci is1 however1 very difficult4 ,as it stands in the ,hebrew text it contains an ironical concession 7a goodnatured one1 ,smend thinks7 to the persistent advocates of idolatry1 the only tolerable translation being1 8,so serve ye every man his idols1 but hereafter ye shall surely hearken to ,me1 and ,my holy name ye shall no longer profane with your gifts and your idols40 ,but this sense is not in itself very natural1 and the ,hebrew construction by which it is expressed would be somewhat strained4 ,the most satisfactory rendering is perhaps that given in the ,syriac ,version1 where two clauses of our ,hebrew text are transposed3 8,but as for you1 ,o house of ,israel1 if ye will not hearken to ,me1 go serve every man his idols6 ,yet hereafter ye shall no more profane ,my holy name in you10 etc4 #ei ,it is not certain what is the exact meaning wrapped up in these designations4 ,a very slight change in the pointing of the ,hebrew would give the sense 8her tent0 for ,ohola and 8my tent in her0 for ,oholibah4 ,this is the interpretation adopted by most commentators1 the idea being that while the tent or temple of ,jehovah was in ,judah1 ,samaria's 8tent0 7religious system7 was of her own making4 ,it is not likely1 however1 that ,ezekiel has any such sharp contrast in his mind1 since the whole of the argument proceeds on the similarity of the course pursued by the two kingdoms4 ,it is simpler to take the word ,ohola as meaning 8tent10 and ,oholibah as 8tent in her10 the signification of the names being practically identical4 ,the allusion is supposed to be to the tents of the high places which formed a marked feature of the idolatrous worship practised in both divisions of the country 7cf4 ch4 xvi4 #af74 ,this is better1 though not entirely convincing1 since it does not explain how ,ezekiel came to fix on this particular emblem as a mark of the religious condition of ,israel4 ,it may be worth noting that the word contains the same number of consonants as 7 ,samaria1 although the word is always written in the ,old ,testament71 and the same number as 4 ,the ,eastern custom of giving similar names to children of the same family 7like ,hasan and ,husein7 is aptly instanced by ,smend and ,davidson4 #fj ,this word is of doubtful meaning4 #fa ,smend thinks that the illustration is explained by the secluded life of females in the ,east1 which makes it quite intelligible that a woman might be captivated by the picture of a man she had never seen1 and try to induce him to visit her4 #fb ,on these names of nations see ,davidson's ,commentary1 p4 #afh1 and the reference there to ,delitzsch4 #fc ,the words rendered in ,e4,v41 8thou shalt be laughed to scorn and had in derision0 7ver4 #cb71 8and pluck off thy own breasts0 7ver4 #cd71 are wanting in the ,,lxx4 ,the passage gains in force by the omission4 ,the words translated 8break the sherds thereof0 7ver4 #cd7 are unintelligible4 #fd ,although the text in parts of vv4 #db1 #dc is very imperfect4 #fe ,on the reading here see above1 p4 #aej4 #ff ,the eighth verse1 referring to the ,sabbath and the sanctuary1 is rejected by ,cornill on internal grounds1 but for that there is no justification4 ,if the verse is retained1 it will be seen that the enumeration of sins corresponds pretty closely in substance1 though not in arrangement1 with the precepts of the ,decalogue4 #fg ,read with the ,,lxx4 1 instead of 1 8purified40 #fh ,this appears to be the meaning of the simile in ver4 #bd2 the judgment is conceived as a parching drought1 and the point of the comparison is that its severity is not tempered by the fertilising streams which should have descended on the people in the shape of sound political and religious guidance4 #fi ,following the ,,lxx4 we should read 8whose princes0 7 7 for 8the conspiracy of her prophets0 7 7 in ver4 #be4 #gj ,read 1 8wood10 instead of 1 8bones0 7,boettcher and others74 #ga ,the words 8except by fire0 represent an emendation proposed by ,cornill1 which may be somewhat bold1 but certainly expresses an idea in the passage4 #gb ,cf4 ,jer4 xiii4 #bg3 8,thou shalt not be pronounced clean1 for how long a time yet60 #gc ,i4e41 as generally explained1 bread brought by sympathising friends1 to be shared with the mourning household3 cf4 ,jer4 xvi4 #g2 #b ,sam4 iii4 #ce4 ,wellhausen1 however1 proposes to read 8bread of mourners0 7 for 74 #gd ,the words 8and ,seir0 in ver4 #h are wanting in the true text of the ,,lxx41 and should probably be omitted4 #ge ,isa4 xvi4 #f1 xxv4 #aa2 ,jer4 xlviii4 #bi1 #db4 #gf ,rawlinson1 ,history of ,phnicia4 #gg ,closing stanzas of ,the ,scholar ,gipsy4 #gh ,both ,movers and ,rawlinson make it the basis of their survey of ,tyrian commerce4 #gi ,babylon and ,egypt are probably omitted because of the peculiar point of view assumed by the prophet4 ,they were too powerful to be represented as slaves of ,tyre1 even in poetry4 #hj ,e4,v41 8going to and fro40 #ha ,so ,cornill1 for 7 merchants74 #hb ,see ch4 xxvii4 #f1 where ivory is said to come from ,chittim or ,cyprus4 #hc ,the ,hebrew text adds 8purple1 embroidered work1 and byssus02 but most of these things are omitted in the ,,lxx4 #hd ,the text of vv4 #ah1 #ai is in confusion1 and ,cornill1 from a comparison with a contemporary winelist of ,nebuchadnezzar1 and also an ,assyrian one from the library of ,asshurbanipal1 makes it read thus3 8,wine of ,helbon and ,zimin and ,arnaban they furnished in thy markets4 ,from ,uzal10 etc4 ,both lists are quoted in ,schrader's ,cuneiform ,inscriptions and the ,old ,testament1 under this verse4 #he ,the latter half of this verse1 however1 is of very uncertain interpretation4 ,for full explanation of the archological details in this chapter it will be necessary to consult the commentaries and the lexicon4 ,see also ,rawlinson's ,history of ,phnicia1 pp4 #bhe ff4 #hf ,with a change of one letter in the ,hebrew text1 for 1 as in the ,,lxx4 and ,targum4 #hg ,hebrew1 ,thm2 ,babylonian1 ,tiamat4 #hh ,psalm xxxvi4 #f3 cf4 ,gen4 vii1 #aa4 #hi ,contra ,ap41 ,i4 #ba2 ,ant41 ,x4 xi4 #a4 #ij ,cf4 ,hvernick against ,hitzig and ,winer1 ,ezekiel1 pp4 #dcf f4 #ia ,the same engineering feat was accomplished by ,alexander the ,great in seven months1 but the ,greek general probably adopted more scientific methods 7such as piledriving7 than the ,babylonians2 and1 besides1 it is possible that the remains of ,nebuchadnezzar's embankment may have facilitated the operation4 #ib ,for the word 1 rendered 8thy borders10 ,cornill proposes to read 1 which he thinks might mean 8thine anchorage40 ,the translation is doubtful1 but the sense is certainly appropriate4 #ic ,senir was the ,amorite name of ,mount ,hermon1 the ,phnician name being ,sirion 7,deut4 iii4 #i74 ,senir1 however1 occurs on the ,assyrian monuments1 and was probably widely known4 #id ,teasshur 7read instead of 71 a kind of tree mentioned several times in the ,old ,testament1 is generally identified with the sherbn tree4 #ie ,elishah is one of the sons of ,javan 7,ionia7 7,gen4 x4 #d71 and must have been some part of the ,mediterranean coast1 subject to the influence of ,greece4 ,italy1 ,sicily1 and the ,peloponnesus have been suggested4 #if ,the details of the description are nearly all illustrated in pictures of ,phnician wargalleys found on ,assyrian monuments4 ,they show the single mast with its square sail1 the double row of oars1 the fighting men on the deck1 and the row of shields along the bulwarks4 ,in an ,egyptian picture we have a representation of the embroidered sail 7ancient ships are said not to have carried a flag74 ,the canvas is richly ornamented with various devices over its whole surface1 and beneath the sail we see the cabin or awning of coloured stuff mentioned in the text4 #ig ,see above1 pp4 #bcb ff4 #ih ,it is not clear whether the dirge is continued to the end of the chapter1 or whether vv4 #cc ff4 are spoken by the prophet in explanation of the distress of the nations4 ,the proper elegiac measure cannot be made out without some alteration of the text4 #ii ,dan4 x4 #bj1 #ba1 xii4 #a4 #ajj 8,the death of the uncircumcised0--i4e41 a death which involves exclusion from the rites of honourable burial2 like burial in unconsecrated ground among ,christian nations4 #aja ,dean ,church1 ,cathedral and ,university ,sermons1 p4 #aej4 #ajb 8,we have1 indeed1 a nominal religion1 to which we pay tithes of property and sevenths of time2 but we have also a practical and earnest religion1 to which we devote ninetenths of our property1 and sixsevenths of our time4 ,and we dispute a great deal about the nominal religion3 but we are all unanimous about this practical one2 of which ,i think you will admit that the ruling goddess may be best generally described as the #8,goddess of ,gettingon1' or #8,britannia of the ,market4' ,the ,athenians had an #8,athena ,agoraia1' or ,athena of the ,market2 but she was a subordinate type of their goddess1 while our ,britannia ,agoraia is the principal type of ours4 ,and all your great architectural works are1 of course1 built to her4 ,it is long since you built a great cathedral2 and how you would laugh at me if ,i proposed building a cathedral on the top of one of these hills of yours1 to make it an ,acropolis6 ,but your railroad mounds1 vaster than the walls of ,babylon2 your railroad stations1 vaster than the temple of ,ephesus1 and innumerable2 your chimneys1 how much more mighty and costly than cathedral spires6 your harbourpiers2 your warehouses2 your exchanges6--all these are built to your great ,goddess of #8,gettingon2' and she has formed1 and will continue to form1 your architecture1 as long as you worship her2 and it is quite vain to ask me to tell you how to build to her2 you know far better than ,i40--,the ,crown of ,wild ,olive4 #ajc ,the 8fiery stones0 may represent the thunderbolts1 which were harmless to the prince in virtue of his innocence4 ,it may be noted that the 8precious stones0 that were his covering 7ver4 #ac7 correspond with nine out of the twelve jewels that covered the high priestly breastplate 7,exod4 xxviii4 #agai71 the stones of the third row being those not here represented4 ,this suggests that the allusion is rather to bejewelled garments than to the plumage of the wings of the cherub with whom the prince has been wrongly identified4 #ajd ,jer4 xxv4 #bb1 xxvii4 #c4 #aje ,ezek4 xxix4 #f1 #g3 cf4 ,isa4 xxxvi4 #f 7the words of ,rabshakeh74 ,in ver4 #g read 1 8hand10 for 1 8shoulder10 and 1 8madest to totter10 for 1 8madest to stand40 #ajf ,this is probable according to the ,hebrew text1 which1 however1 omits the number of the month in ch4 xxxii4 #ag4 ,the ,septuagint reads 8in the first month02 if this is accepted1 it would be better to read the eleventh year instead of the twelfth in ch4 xxxii4 #a1 as is done by some ancient versions and ,hebrew codices4 ,the change involves a difference of only one letter in ,hebrew4 #ajg ,ch4 xxxii4 #ag1 following the ,,lxx4 reading4 #ajh ,migdol was on the northeast border of ,egypt1 twelve miles south of ,pelusium 7,sin71 at the mouth of the eastern arm of the ,nile4 ,syene is the modern ,assouan1 at the first cataract of the ,nile1 and has always been the boundary between ,egypt proper and ,ethiopia4 #aji ,pathros is the name of ,upper ,egypt1 the narrow valley of the ,nile above the ,delta4 ,in the ,egyptian tradition it was regarded as the original home of the nation and the seat of the oldest dynasties4 ,whether ,ezekiel means that the ,egyptians shall recover only ,pathros1 while the ,delta is allowed to remain uncultivated1 is a question that must be left undecided4 #aaj ,hebrew1 8,cush1 and ,put1 and ,lud1 and all the mixed multitude1 and ,chub1 and the sons of the land of the covenant40 ,cornill reads1 8,cush1 and ,put1 and ,lud1 and ,lub1 and all ,arabia1 and the sons of ,crete40 ,the emendations are partly based on somewhat intricate reasoning from the text of the ,greek and ,ethiopic versions2 but they have the advantage of yielding a series of proper names1 as the context seems to demand4 ,put and ,lud are tribes lying to the west of ,egypt1 and so also is ,lub1 which may be safely substituted for the otherwise unknown ,chub of the ,hebrew text4 #aaa ,reading 1 8strong ones10 instead of 1 8notgods10 as in the ,,lxx4 ,the latter term is common in ,isaiah1 but does not occur elsewhere in ,ezekiel1 although he had constant occasion to use it4 #aab ,the cities are not mentioned in any geographical order4 ,memphis 7,noph7 and ,thebes 7,no7 are the ancient and populous capitals of ,lower and ,upper ,egypt respectively2 ,tanis 7,zoan7 was the city of the ,hyksos1 and subsequently a royal seat2 ,pelusium 7,sin71 8the bulwark of ,egypt10 and ,daphne 7,tahpanhes7 guarded the approach to the ,delta from the ,east2 ,heliopolis 7,on1 wrongly pointed ,aven7 was the famous centre of ,egyptian wisdom1 and the chief seat of the worship of the sungod ,ra2 and ,bubastis 7,pibeseth71 besides being a celebrated religious centre1 was one of the possessions of the ,egyptian military caste4 #aac ,it is only fair to say that the construction 8a ,t'asshur1 a cedar10 or1 still more1 8a ,t'asshur of a cedar10 is somewhat harsh4 ,it is not unlikely that the word 8cedar0 may have been added after the reading 8,assyrian0 had been established1 in order to complete the sense4 #aad ,see ,smend on the passage4 ,dr4 ,davidson1 however1 doubts the possibility of this3 see his commentary4 #aae ,this use of the word 8uncircumcised0 is peculiar4 ,the idea seems to be that circumcision1 among nations which like the ,israelites practised the rite1 was an indispensable mark of membership in the community2 and those who lacked this mark were treated as social outcasts1 not entitled to honourable sepulture4 ,hence the word could be used1 as here1 in the sense of unhallowed4 #aaf ,cf4 ,isa4 xiv4 #ahbj3 8,all of the kings of the nations1 all of them1 sleep in glory1 every one in his own house4 ,but thou art cast forth away from thy sepulchre1 like an abominable branch1 clothed with the slain1 that are thrust through with the sword1 that go down to the stones of the pit2 as a carcase trodden underfoot4 ,thou shalt not be joined with them in burial10 etc4 #aag ,the text of these verses 7#aiba7 is in some confusion4 ,the above is a translation of the reading proposed by ,cornill1 who in the main follows the ,,lxx4 #aah ,,lxx4 for 8of the uncircumcised40 #aai 8,shields10 a conjecture of ,cornill1 seems to be demanded by the parallelism4 #abj ,jer4 xliii4 #hac2 xliv4 #abad1 #bgcj2 xlvi4 #acbf4 #aba ,ant41 ,x4 ix4 #g4 #abb ,zeitschrift fr ,aegyptische ,sprache1 #ahgh1 pp4 #b ff4 and pp4 #hg ff4 #abc ,ibid41 #ahhd1 pp4 #hg ff41 #ic ff4 #abd ,see ,schrader1 ,keilinschriftliche ,bibliothek1 ,,iii4 ii41 pp4 #adj f4 #abe ,the hypothesis of a joint reign of ,hophra and ,amasis from #egj to #efd 7,wiedemann7 may or may not be necessary to establish a connection between the ,babylonian inscription and that of ,neshor2 it is certain that ,amasis began to reign in #egj1 and that ,hophra is not the ,pharaoh mentioned by ,nebuchadnezzar4 #abf ,jerusalem was taken in the fourth month of the eleventh year of ,zedekiah or of ,ezekiel's captivity4 ,the announcement reached ,ezekiel1 according to the reading of the ,hebrew text1 in the tenth month of the twelfth year 7ch4 xxxiii4 #ba7--that is1 about eighteen months after the event4 ,it is hardly credible that the transmission of the news should have been delayed so long as this2 and therefore the reading 8eleventh year10 found in some manuscripts and in the ,syriac ,version1 is now generally regarded as correct4 #abg ,jer4 xxxix4 #i4 #abh ,it is possible1 however1 that the word happlt1 8the fugitive10 may be used in a collective sense1 of the whole body of captives carried away after the destruction of the city4 #abi ,ch4 xxiv4 #babd4 #acj ,chs4 xvii4 #bbbd1 xxi4 #bf1 #bg4 #aca ,see pp4 #ajb ff4 #acb ,cf4 especially ch4 xxii4 #acc ,see below1 pp4 #cah f41 and ch4 xxviii4 #acd ,pointing the ,hebrew text in accordance with the rendering of the ,,lxx4 #ace ,this seems to me to be the clear meaning of ,isaiah's prophecy of the ,messiah in the beginning of the ninth chapter1 although the contrary is often asserted4 ,micah v4 #af may1 however1 be an exception to the rule stated above4 #acf ,ver4 #be4 ,the idea is based on ,hosea ii4 #ah1 where ,god promises to make a covenant for ,israel 8with the beasts of the field1 and the birds of heaven1 and the creeping things of the ground40 ,this is to be understood quite literally3 it means immunity from the ravages of wild beasts and other noxious creatures4 ,ezekiel's promise1 however1 is probably to be explained in accordance with the terms of the allegory3 the 8evil beasts0 are the foreign nations from whom ,israel had suffered so severely in the past4 #acg ,this is the sense of the expression in ver4 #bi 7literally 8a plantation for a name074 ,the ,,lxx41 however1 read 1 which may be translated 8a perfect vegetation40 ,at all events the phrase is not a title of the ,messiah4 #ach ,the word 8men0 in ver4 #ca should be omitted1 as in the ,,lxx4 #aci ,cf4 ,amos ix4 #aa f42 ,hosea ii4 #b1 iii4 #e2 ,isa4 xi4 #ac2 ,micah ii4 #ab f41 v4 #c4 #adj #a ,kings xii4 #af 7cf4 #b ,sam4 xx4 #a74 ,it should be mentioned1 however1 that the last clause in the ,,lxx4 is replaced by a more prosaic sentence3 8for this man is not fit to be a ruler nor a prince40 #ada ,jer4 xxxiii4 #aeag4 #adb ,cf4 ch4 xliii4 #g1 xlv4 #h1 xlvi4 #af ff4 #adc ,ch4 xxxvii4 #be4 #add 8,das ,knigthum wird diese the ,davidic ,familie nicht wieder erhalten1 denn ,ezechiel fhrt fort3 #8,ich ,iahwe werde ihnen ,gott sein und mein ,knecht ,david wird ns d4 h4 ,frst in ihrer ,mitte sein4' ,also nur ein ,frstenthum wird der ,familie ,davids in der besseren ,zukunft ,israel's zu ,theil40--,,stade1 ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel1 vol4 ii41 p4 #ci4 #ade ,ch4 xxxvii4 #bbbd4 #adf ,on the whole subject of the relation of the gods to the land see ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #ia ff4 #adg ,josh4 xxii4 #ai2 #a ,sam4 xxvi4 #ai2 ,hosea ix4 #ce4 #adh ,ch4 xxxvi4 #ac4 #adi ,ch4 xxxvi4 #cj3 cf4 xxxiv4 #bi4 #aej ,gen4 xxvii4 #bh1 #ci4 #aea ,numb4 xiii4 #cb4 #aeb ,isa4 lxii4 #d4 #aec ,vv4 #ah1 #ai4 ,the words in brackets are wanting in the ,,lxx4 #aed ,vv4 #bj1 #bb1 #bc4 #aee ,james ii4 #g4 #aef ,psalm xlii4 #aj4 #aeg ,ch4 xxxix4 #bc4 #aeh ,the phrase 8cause you to walk0 7ver4 #bg7 is very strong in the ,hebrew1 almost 8,i will bring it about that ye walk40 #aei ,the thirtyseventh verse hardly bears the sense which is sometimes put upon it3 8,i am ready to do this for the house of ,israel1 yet ,i will not do it until they have learned to pray for it40 ,that is true of spiritual blessings generally2 but ,ezekiel's idea is simpler4 ,the particle 8yet0 is not adversative but temporal1 and the 8this0 refers to what follows1 and not to what precedes4 ,the meaning is1 8,the time shall come when ,i will answer the prayer of the house of ,israel10 etc4 #afj ,chapter ,,xxiii4 below4 #afa ,cf4 #a ,kings xvii42 #b ,kings iv4 #ac ff41 xiii4 #ba4 #afb #a ,thess4 iv4 #ac ff4 #afc ,isa4 xxvi4 #ai4 #afd ,dan4 xii4 #b4 #afe ,john v4 #be3 cf4 vv4 #bh1 #bi4 #aff ,isa4 vii4 #h4 #afg ,chapter ,v41 above4 #afh ,ch4 xxxvi4 #afch4 #afi ,ch4 xxxvi4 #ba4 #agj ,chs4 xviii4 #bc1 xxxiii4 #aa4 #aga ,see pp4 #ge f4 above4 #agb ,ch4 vi4 #haj4 #agc ,chs4 xvi4 #fafc1 xx4 #dc1 #dd1 xxxvi4 #ca1 #cb4 #agd ,ch4 xviii4 #ca4 #age ,cf4 ,joel's 8,rend your heart1 and not your garments0 7,joel ii4 #ac74 #agf ,chs4 xi4 #ai1 xxxvi4 #bf1 #bg4 #agg ,chs4 xxxvi4 #bg1 xxxvii4 #ad4 #agh ,hosea xiv4 #e4 #agi ,isa4 xxxii4 #ae4 #ahj ,chs4 xi4 #bj1 xxxvi4 #bg4 #aha ,rom4 vii4 #af4 #ahb ,rom4 viii4 #b4 #ahc ,jer4 xxxi4 #cc4 #ahd ,chs4 vi4 #i1 xvi4 #fc1 xx4 #dc1 xxxvi4 #ca1 #cb4 #ahe ,cf4 ch4 xxxix4 #bc4 #ahf ,see ch4 xxxviii4 #aa1 #ab4 #ahg ,ch4 xxxviii4 #aibc4 #ahh ,ch4 xxxix4 #bc4 #ahi ,see ,e4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 p4 #eeh2 ,schrader1 ,cuneiform ,inscriptions1 etc41 on this passage4 #aij ,meshech and ,tubal are the ,moschi and ,tibareni of the ,greek geographers1 lying southeast of the ,black ,sea4 ,a country or tribe ,rosh has not been found4 #aia ,gomer 7according to others1 however1 ,cappadocia7 and ,togarmah 7ver4 #f74 #aib ,cush and ,put 7ver4 #e74 #aic ,ver4 #g4 ,the ,,lxx4 reads 8for me0 instead of 8unto them10 giving to the word mishmar the sense of 8reserve force40 #aid ,the words of ver4 #d1 8,i will turn thee back1 and put hooks into thy jaws10 are wanting in the best manuscripts of the ,,lxx41 and are perhaps better omitted4 ,gog does not need to be dragged forth with hooks2 he comes up willingly enough1 as soon as the opportunity presents itself 7vv4 #aa1 #ab74 #aie ,isa4 x4 #g4 #aif ,an actual parallel is furnished by the crowds of slavedealers who followed the army of ,antiochus ,epiphanes when it set out to crush the ,maccaban insurrection in #aff ,b4,c4 #aig ,in ver4 #ad the ,,lxx4 has 8he stirred up0 instead of 8know10 and gives a more forcible sense4 #aih ,zeph4 i4iii4 #h2 ,jer4 iv4vi4 #aii ,cf4 besides the passages already cited1 ,isa4 x4 #ecd1 xvii4 #abad2 ,micah iv4 #aaac4 #bjj ,ver4 #ba4 ,,lxx43 8,i will summon against him every terror40 #bja 7mounted archers7 is the term applied to them by ,herodotus 7iv4 #df74 #bjb ,this translation1 which is given by ,hitzig and ,cornill1 is obtained by a change in the punctuation of the word rendered 8passengers0 in ver4 #aa3 cf4 the 8mountains of ,abarim10 ,numb4 xxxiii4 #dg1 #dh2 ,deut4 xxxii4 #di4 #bjc 8,it shall stop the noses of the passengers0 7ver4 #aa7 gives no sense2 and the text1 as it stands1 is almost untranslatable4 ,the ,,lxx4 reads1 8and they shall seal up the valley10 which gives a good enough meaning1 so far as it goes4 #bjd ,ver4 #bf4 ,the choice between the rendering 8forget0 and that of the ,english ,version1 8bear10 depends on the position of a single dot in the ,hebrew4 ,in the former case 8shame0 must be taken in the sense of reproach 7schande72 in the latter it means the inward feeling of selfabasement 7schaam74 ,the forgetting of past trespasses1 if that is the right reading1 can only mean that they are entirely broken off and dismissed from mind2 there is nothing inconsistent with passages like ch4 xxxvi4 #ca4 ,it must be understood that in any event the reference is to the future2 8after that they have borne0 is altogether wrong4 #bje ,the beginning of the year is that referred to in ,lev4 xxv4 #i1 the tenth day of the seventh month 7,september,october74 ,from the ,exile downwards two calendars were in use1 the beginning of the sacred year falling in the seventh month of the civil year4 ,it was not necessary for ,ezekiel to mention the number of the month4 #bjf ,see pp4 #cah f4 #bjg ,cf4 ,davidson1 ,ezekiel1 pp4 liv4 f4 #bjh ,see ,prof4 ,w4 ,r4 ,smith1 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church1 pp4 #ddb f4 #bji ,see ver4 #aj1 8let them measure the pattern02 ver4 #aa1 8that they may keep the whole form thereof40 #baj ,this last group is considered to be composed of several layers of legislation1 and one of its sections is of particular interest for us because of its numerous affinities with the book of ,ezekiel4 ,it is the short code contained in ,lev4 xvii4xxvi41 now generally known as the ,law of ,holiness4 #baa ,this argument is most fully worked out by ,wellhausen in the first division of his ,prolegomena zur ,geschichte ,israels3 ,i41 8,geschichte des ,cultus40 #bab ,it should perhaps be stated1 even in so incomplete a sketch as this1 that there is still some difference of opinion among critics as to ,ezekiel's relation to the socalled 8,law of ,holiness0 in ,lev4 xvii4xxvi4 ,it is agreed that this short but extremely interesting code is the earliest complete1 or nearly complete1 document that has been incorporated in the body of the ,levitical legislation4 ,its affinities with ,ezekiel both in thought and style are so striking that ,colenso and others have maintained the theory that the author of the ,law of ,holiness was no other than the prophet himself4 ,this view is now seen to be untenable2 but whether the code is older or more recent than the vision of ,ezekiel is still a subject of discussion among scholars4 ,some consider that it is an advance upon ,ezekiel in the direction of the ,priests' ,code2 while others think that the book of ,ezekiel furnishes evidence that the prophet was acquainted with the ,law of ,holiness1 and had it before him as he wrote4 ,that he was acquainted with its laws seems certain2 the question is whether he had them before him in their present written form4 ,for fuller information on this and other points touched on in the above pages1 the reader may consult ,driver's ,introduction and ,robertson ,smith's ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church4 #bac ,gautier1 ,la ,mission du ,prophte ,ezekiel1 p4 #aah4 #bad ,the cubit which is the unit of measurement is said to be a handbreadth longer than the cubit in common use 7ver4 #e74 ,the length of the larger cubit is variously estimated at from eighteen to twentytwo inches4 ,if we adopt the smaller estimate1 we have only to take the half of ,ezekiel's dimensions to get the measurement in ,english yards4 ,the other1 however1 is more probable4 ,both the ,egyptians and ,babylonians had a larger and a smaller cubit1 their respective lengths being approximately as follows3-- ,common cubit3 ,egypt #ag4h in41 ,babylon #ai4e in4 ,royal cubit3 ,egypt #bj4g in41 ,babylon #ba4i in4 ,in ,egypt the royal cubit exceeded the common by a handbreadth1 just as in ,ezekiel4 ,it is probable in any case that the large cubit used by the angel was of the same order of magnitude as the royal cubit of ,egypt and ,babylon--i4e41 was between twenty and a half and twentytwo inches long4 ,cf4 ,benzinger1 ,hebrische ,archologie1 pp4 #agh ff4 #bae ,see the plan in ,benzinger1 ,archologie1 p4 #cid4 #baf ,the outer court1 however1 is some feet higher than the level of the ground1 being entered by an ascent of seven steps2 the height of the wall inside must therefore be less by this amount than the six cubits1 which is no doubt an outside measurement4 #bag ,smend and ,stade assume that it was a hundred and ten cubits long1 and extended five cubits to the west beyond the line of the square to which it belongs4 ,this was not necessary1 and it would imply that the biny behind the ,temple1 to be afterwards described1 was without a wall on its eastern side1 which is extremely improbable4 7,so ,davidson47 #bah ,according to the ,septuagint they were either five or fifteen in number in each block4 #bai ,from a later passage 7ch4 xlvi4 #ai1 #bj7 we learn that in some recess to the west of the northern block of cells there was a place where these sacrifices 7the sin1 guilt1 and mealofferings7 were cooked1 so that the people in the outer court might not run any risk of being brought in contact with them4 #bbj ,so in the ,,lxx4 #bba ,the actual building of the second ,temple had of course to be carried out irrespective of the bold idealism of ,ezekiel's vision4 ,the miraculous transformation of the land had not taken place1 and it was altogether impossible to build a new metropolis in the region marked out for it by the vision4 ,the ,temple had to be erected on its old site1 and in the immediate neighbourhood of the city4 ,to a certain extent1 however1 the requirements of the ideal sanctuary could be complied with4 ,since the new community had no use for royal buildings1 the whole of the old ,temple plateau was available for the sanctuary1 and was actually devoted to this purpose4 ,the new ,temple accordingly had two courts1 set apart for sacred uses2 and in all probability these were laid out in a manner closely corresponding to the plan prepared by ,ezekiel4 #bbb ,it is not necessary to dwell on the third feature of the ,temple plan1 its symmetry4 ,although this has not the same direct religious significance as the other two1 it is nevertheless a point to which considerable importance is attached even in matters of minute detail4 ,solomon's ,temple had1 for example1 only one door to the side chambers1 in the wall facing the south1 and this was sufficient for all practical purposes4 ,but ,ezekiel's plan provides for two such doors1 one in the south and the other in the north1 for no assignable reason but to make the two sides of the house exactly alike4 ,there are just two slight deviations from a strictly symmetrical arrangement that can be discerned2 one is the washing chamber by the side of one of the gates of the inner court1 and the other the space for cooking the most holy class of sacrifices near the block of cells on the north side of the ,temple4 ,with these insignificant exceptions1 all the parts of the sanctuary are disposed with mathematical regularity2 nothing is left to chance1 regard for convenience is everywhere subordinated to the sense of proportion which expresses the ideal order and perfection of the whole4 #bbc ,heb4 xii4 #ad4 #bbd ,heb4 ix4 #haj4 #bbe #b ,kings xxiii4 #i4 ,the sense of the passage is undoubtedly that given above2 but the expression 8unleavened bread0 as a general name for the priests' portion is peculiar4 ,it has been proposed to read1 with a change merely of the punctuation1 instead of 1 8statutory portions10 as in ,neh4 xiii4 #e4 #bbf #a ,sam4 ii4 #cf4 #bbg ,cf4 ch4 xxii4 #bf4 #bbh ,ezra ii4 #cfdj4 #bbi ,ezra ii4 #eh4 #bcj ,ezra viii4 #aebj4 #bca ,on this peculiar affinity between holiness and uncleanness see the interesting argument in ,robertson ,smith's ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #dbg ff4 ,the passage ,hag4 ii4 #abad does not appear to be inconsistent with what is there said4 ,the meaning is that 8very indirect contact with the holy does not make holy1 but very direct contact with the unclean makes unclean0 7,wellhausen1 ,die ,kleinen ,propheten1 p4 #agj74 #bcb ,cf4 ch4 xxiv4 #ag2 ,lev4 x4 #f1 xxi4 #e1 #aj4 #bcc ,it is remarkable that neither here nor in ,leviticus 7ch4 xxi4 #ac7 is the priest's wife mentioned as one for whom he may defile himself at her death4 #bcd ,cf4 #b ,kings xii4 #aa1 xxiii4 #ad1 xxv4 #ah2 ,jer4 xx4 #a4 #bce ,hence it does not seem to me that any argument can be based on the fact that a high priest was at the head of the returning exiles either for or against the existence of the ,priestly ,code at that date4 #bcf ,lev4 iv4 #c1 #ac3 cf4 ,lev4 xvi4 #f4 #bcg ,exod4 xviii4 #be ff4 #bch ,hosea iv4 #f4 #bci ,cf4 ,deut4 i4 #ag3 8judgment is ,god's40 #bdj ,see below1 p4 #dic4 #bda #b ,kings xii4 #daf4 #bdb ,they also receive the best of the arsoth1 a word of uncertain meaning1 probably either dough or coarse meal4 ,this offering is said to bring a blessing on the household4 #bdc ,deut4 xviii4 #c4 #bdd ,deut4 xviii4 #d4 #bde ,the regulations of the ,priests' ,code with regard to the revenues of the ,temple clergy are most comprehensively given in ,numb4 xviii4 #hcb4 ,the first thing that strikes us there is the distinction between the due of the priests and that of the ,levites4 ,the absence of any express provision for the latter is a somewhat remarkable feature in ,ezekiel's legislation1 when we consider the care with which he has defined the status and duties of the order4 ,it is evident1 however1 that no complete arrangements could be made for the ,temple service without some law on this point such as is contained in the passage ,num4 xviii4 and referred to in ,neh4 x4 #cgci2 and this is closely connected with a disposition of the tithes and firstlings different from the directions of ,deuteronomy1 and probably also from the tacit assumption of ,ezekiel4 ,the book of ,deuteronomy leaves no doubt that both the tithes of natural produce and the firstlings of the flock and herd were intended to furnish the material for sacrificial feasts at the sanctuary 7cf4 chs4 xii4 #f1 #g1 #aa1 #ab1 xiv4 #bbbg74 ,the priest received the usual portions of the firstlings 7ch4 xviii4 #c71 and also a share of the tithe2 but the rest was eaten by the worshipper and his guests4 ,in ,numb4 xviii41 on the other hand1 all the firstlings are the property of the priest 7ver4 #ae71 and the whole of the tithes is assigned to the ,levites1 who in turn are required to hand over a tenth of the tithe to the priests 7vv4 #bdcb74 ,the portion of the priests consists of the following items3 7#a7 ,the mealoffering1 sinoffering1 and guilt offering 7as in ,ezekiel72 7#b7 the best of oil1 new wine1 and corn 7as in ,deuteronomy7 7ver4 #ab72 7#c7 all the firstfruits 7an advance on ,ezekiel7 7ver4 #ac72 7#d7 every devoted thing 7,ezekiel7 7ver4 #ad72 7#e7 all the firstlings 7vv4 #aeah72 7#f7 the breast and right thigh of all ordinary private sacrifices 7ver4 #ah3 cf4 ,lev4 vii4 #cacd7 7like ,deuteronomy1 but choicer portions72 7#g7 the tenth of the ,levites' tithe4 ,it will be seen from this enumeration that the ,temple tariff of the ,priestly law includes1 with some slight modification1 all the requirements of ,deuteronomy and ,ezekiel1 besides the two important additions referred to above4 #bdf ,psalm cxxxiii4 #bdg ,chs4 xlv4 #g1 #h1 xlviii4 #ba1 #bb4 #bdh ,i4e41 either the seventh year1 as in ,jer4 xxxiv4 #ad1 or the year of ,jubilee1 the fiftieth year 7,lev4 xxv4 #aj72 more probably the former4 #bdi ,amos viii4 #e4 #bej ,ezek4 xlv4 #i1 #aj4 ,in the translation of ver4 #i ,i have followed an emendation proposed by ,cornill4 ,the sense is not affected1 but the grammatical construction seems to demand some alteration on the ,massoretic text4 #bea ,in ,exod4 xxx4 #ac1 ,lev4 xxvii4 #be1 ,numb4 iii4 #dg 7,priests' ,code7 the shekel of twenty geras is described as the 8shekel of the sanctuary10 or 8sacred shekel10 clearly implying that another shekel was in common use4 #beb ,ezek4 xlv4 #ab1 according to the ,,lxx4 #bec ,prov4 xi4 #a4 #bed ,lev4 xix4 #ce1 #cf4 #bee ,ezek4 xlv4 #acaf4 #bef ,the exact figures are1 one part in sixty of cereal produce 7wheat and barley71 one share in a hundred of oil1 and one animal out of every two hundred from the flock 7ch4 xlv4 #acae74 #beg ,neh4 x4 #cb1 #cc3 cf4 ,ezek4 xlv4 #ae4 #beh ,exod4 xxx4 #aaaf4 ,whether the third of a shekel in the book of ,nehemiah is a concession to the poverty of the people1 or whether the law represents an increased charge found necessary for the full ,temple service1 is a question that need not be discussed here4 #bei ,ch4 xlv4 #ag4 #bfj ,ch4 xlv4 #bb4 #bfa ,lev4 xvi4 #aa1 #ae4 #bfb #b ,kings xvi4 #ae1 #af4 #bfc ,ch4 xliv4 #ac4 #bfd ,see ch4 xlvi4 #aab4 ,the ,syriac ,version indeed makes an exception to this rule in the case of the prince4 ,ver4 #aj reads3 8,but the prince in their midst shall go out by the gate by which he entered40 ,but why the prince more than any other body should go back by the road he came1 or what particular honour there was in that1 is a mystery2 and it is probable that the reading is an error originating in repetition of ver4 #h4 ,the real meaning of the verse seems to be that the prince must go in and out without the retinue of foreigners who used to give clat to royal visits to the sanctuary4 #bfe ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #aif f4 #bff ,ch4 xi4 #af4 #bfg ,micah vi4 #fh4 #bfh ,smith1 ,old ,testament in ,jewish ,church1 p4 #cgi4 #bfi ,ch4 xlv4 #ahbe4 #bgj ,vv4 #ahbj4 ,in ver4 #bj we should read with the ,,lxx4 8in the seventh month1 on the first day of the month10 etc4 #bga ,vv4 #babe4 ,some critics1 as ,smend and ,cornill1 think that in ver4 #ad we should read fifteenth instead of fourteenth1 to perfect the symmetry of the two halves of the year4 ,there is no ,,ms4 authority for the proposed change4 #bgb ,smend4 #bgc ,exod4 xxiii4 #adag 7,book of the ,covenant1 with which the other code--,exod4 xxxiv4 #ahbb--;agrees72 ,deut4 xvi4 #aag4 #bgd ,cf4 ,lev4 xxiii4 #ddd 7,law of ,holiness72 ,numb4 xxviii41 xxix4 #bge ,it is usual to speak of these ceremonies in ,ezekiel as festivals4 ,but this seems to go beyond the prophet's meaning4 ,only a single sacrifice1 a sinoffering1 is mentioned2 and there is no hint of any public assemblage of the people on these days4 ,it was the priests' business to see that the sanctuary was purified1 and there was no occasion for the people to be present at the ceremony4 ,the congregation would be the ordinary congregation at the new moon feast1 which of course did not represent the whole population of the country4 ,no doubt1 as we see from the references below1 the ceremony developed into a special feast after the ,exile4 #bgf ,cf4 ,lev4 xxiii4 #bccb2 ,numb4 xxix4 #aaa4 #bgg ,cf4 ,deut4 xvi4 #i1 with ,lev4 xxiii4 #aj f41 #ae t4 ,in the one case the seven weeks to ,pentecost are reckoned from the putting of the sickle into the corn1 in the other from the presentation of a first sheaf of ripe corn in the ,temple1 which falls within the ,passover week4 ,the latter can only be regarded as a more precise determination of the former1 and thus ,unleavened ,bread must have coincided with the beginning of barley harvest4 #bgh ,deut4 xvi4 #ac4 #bgi ,ch4 xlv4 #bb4 #bhj ,ch4 xlvi4 #ab3 cf4 xliv4 #c4 #bha #b ,kings xvi4 #ae3 cf4 #a ,kings xviii4 #bi1 #cf4 #bhb ,ezra ix4 #e4 #bhc ,numb4 xxviii4 #ch2 ,exod4 xxix4 #chdb4 #bhd ,ch4 xlvi4 #acae4 #bhe ,psalm v4 #c1 probably used at the presentation of the morning tamd4 ,a more distinct recognition of the spiritual significance of the evening sacrifice is found in ,psalm cxli4 #b4 #bhf #b ,kings xii4 #ag4 #bhg ,cf4 ch4 xliii4 #ba4 #bhh ,another explanation1 however1 is possible1 and is adopted by ,smend and ,davidson4 ,assuming that a burntoffering was offered on the first day1 and holding the whole description to be somewhat elliptical1 they bring the entire process within the limits of the week4 ,this certainly looks more satisfactory in itself4 ,but would ,ezekiel be likely to admit an ellipsis in describing so important a function8 ,i have taken for granted above that the seven days of the double sacrifice are counted from the 8second day0 of ver4 #bb4 #bhi ,ver4 #bf4 #bij 7ver4 #bj74 #bia a denominative form from sin 7ver4 #bb74 #bib 7ver4 #bf74 #bic ,see ,smith1 ,old ,testament in ,jewish ,church1 p4 #cha4 #bid ,ch4 xlv4 #bj4 #bie ,ch4 xlv4 #ae1 #ag4 #bif ,as distinguished from sins1 1 or through inadvertence4 ,see ,numb4 xv4 #cj1 #ca4 #big ,psalm li4 #af1 #ag4 #bih ,see his ,burnet ,lectures on the ,religion of the ,semites1 to which1 as well as to his ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church1 the present chapter is largely indebted4 #bii ,ch4 xlvii4 #aab4 #cjj ,chs4 xlvii4 #acxlviii4 #ce4 #cja ,amos ix4 #ac4 #cjb ,ch4 xxxiv4 #bebi4 #cjc ,rev4 xxii4 #a1 #b4 #cjd ,isa4 viii4 #f4 #cje ,engedi1 8well of the kid10 is at the middle of the western shore2 ,eneglaim1 8well of two calves10 is unknown1 but probably lay at the north end4 ,the eastern side is left to the ,arabian nomads4 #cjf ,ver4 #aa4 #cjg ,i do not myself see much objection to supposing that it leaves the sea near ,tyre and proceeds about due east to ,hazarenon1 which may be near the foot of ,hermon1 where ,robinson located it4 ,in this case the 8entrance to ,hamath0 would be the south end of the ,bea'1 where one strikes north to go to ,hamath4 ,this would correspond nearly to the extent of the country actually occupied by the ,hebrews under the judges and the monarchy4 ,the statement that the territory of ,damascus lies to the north presents some difficulty on any theory4 ,it may be added that ,hazarhattikon in ver4 #af is the same as ,hazarenon2 it is probably1 as ,cornill suggests1 a scribe's error for 7the locative ending being mistaken for the article74 #cjh ,smend1 for example1 points out that if we count the ,levites' portion as a tribal inheritance1 and include ,manasseh and ,ephraim under the house of ,joseph 7as is done in the naming of the gates of the city71 we have the sons of ,rachel and ,leah evenly distributed on either side of the 8oblation40 ,then at the farthest distance from the ,temple are the sons of ,jacob's handmaids1 ,gad in the extreme south1 and ,dan1 ,asher1 and ,naphtali in the north4 ,this is ingenious1 but not in the least convincing4 #cji ,ver4 #ah4 #caj ,vv4 #cacd4 ,it is difficult to trace a clear connection between the positions of the gates and the geographical distribution of the tribes in the country4 ,the fact that here ,levi is counted as a tribe and ,ephraim and ,manasseh are united under the name of ,joseph indicates perhaps that none was intended4 #caa ,ver4 #ai4 #cab ,neh4 xi4 #a1 #b4 #cac ,rev4 xxi4 #b1 #c1 #bb1 #bc4