,transcriber's notes3    ,in this       
transcription1 paired underscores denote
 italicised text  and a  7caret7        
indicates that the next character was   
superscripted in  the original text4    
,footnotes are located at the end of the
 book4    ,the cover image of the book  
was created by the transcriber and is   
placed in the public domain4            
,potential problems3    ,the text       
contains numerous foreign and uncommon  
typographic characters4  ,in addition to
 ,greek1 there are passages of ,hebrew  
and ,arabic text  7which read from      
right-to-left and are normally right    
justified7 that  will not necessarily   
display correctly with all devices4 ,the
 book  is most easily read with a       
browser using the ,,html version of the 
transcription4 ,if some of the          
characters look abnormal1 first ensure  
that the #8character encoding' of your  
device_/browser is set to ,unicode      
7,,utf-#h74 ,you might also need to     
change the default font4 ,standard      

fonts such as ,times ,new ,roman1       
,georgia or ,lucida ,sans ,unicode are  
sometimes adequate1 but it might be     
necessary to use a less-common  font    
such as ,arial ,unicode ,,ms1 ,deja,vu1 
,segoe ,,ui ,symbol or ,free,serif to   
see all characters correctly4 ,right    
alignment of the ,hebrew and ,arabic    
paragraphs will generally only be       
apparent with a monospaced font such  as
 ,deja,vu,sans,mono4      ,some         
diacritics don't display consistently4  
,for example1 the ,greek  letter  occurs
 in several words and with some browsers
 and fonts the  inverted breve is       
displaced towards the following letter2 
the same  anomaly occurs with macrons   
above letters in some old ,english      
words4  ,the ,hebrew passage contains   
several letters with single or double   
overhead dots 7of uncertain             
significance7 that can't be replicated  
on  screen - the ,,html version has a   
hyperlinked image of the original for   
anyone wishing to see it4    ,roman     

numerals are widely used and often in   
archaic ways4 ,numerals  followed by an 
italicised l1 s1 or d indicate monetary 
values  in imperial pounds shillings and
 pence units1 e4g4 xxxiiil4 vis4  viiid4
 represents #cc pounds #f shillings #h  
pence 7a space sometimes  separates the 
numeral from the unit74 ,the last #8i'  
7#8one'7 in a roman  numeral was often  
represented by the letter #8j'2 hence   
iiijd is  equivalent to #d pence1 and   
#8ij holownesses' should be read as     
#8two  holownesses'4    ,numerous       
portions of text enclosed within square 
brackets were inserted  by the author   
7not the transcriber7 for clarification 
or translation1  as were several 7sic7  
entries in the ,hebrew and ,arabic      
texts4    ,the index has many references
 to both page numbers and footnote      
numbers1 e4g4 #bd n4 7a single          
unnumbered footnote71 #ic n4 #c1 #abf   
nn4 #d1  #e1 7pages containing multiple 
footnotes71 and also to numbered figures
  and plates4 ,the original footnote    

numbering began afresh at #a4 on each   
page1 but in this transcription         
footnotes are numbered sequentially     
from the beginning of the book and the  
numbers no longer correspond  to those  
shown in the index4 ,many of the        
illustrations have been  moved from     
their original location to be closer to 
the relevant text  discussion4          
,errors and inconsistencies3            
,punctuation anomalies have been        
corrected silently 7e4g4 missing        
periods1 commas and semicolons1         
incorrect or missing quotation marks1   
unpaired parentheses74    ,unambiguous  
typographic errors such as the          
following1 have been  corrected         
silently3        ,lexico nder--,lexicon 
der      ,aa--,as a matter of fact      
,chiru gie--,chirurgie                  
,weisbaden--,wiesbaden      but         
inconsistent spellings such as those    
below have not been altered3            
paniculi_/panniculi                     
paniculo_/panniculo      fee_/fece      

,literatur_/,litteratur                 
literae_/litterae      aligati_/alligati
      cf4_/cp4      dilatare_/dillatare 
dilitano_/dillitano                     
diuidendo_/dividendo                    
judgement_/judgment    ,inconsistent    
capitalisation of ,fig4 and ,plate has  
been standardised1  as has inconsistent 
spacing of expressions such as ,a4,d4   
i4e4 and  #f  7a paragraph number74     
99       99       99       99       99  
,,studies                               
,,in ,,the                              
,,history ,,and ,,method                
,,of ,,science                          
,,oxford ,,university ,,press           
,,london   ,,edinburgh   ,,glasgow      
,,new ,,york                   ,,toronto
  ,,melbourne  ,,cape ,,town  ,,bombay  
,,humphrey ,,milford                    
,,publisher ,,to ,,the ,,university     
,illustration3 ,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b1  
fo4 #a r    ,plate ,i4 ,,hildegard      
,,receiving ,,the ,,light ,,from        
,,heaven                                

,,studies                               
,,in ,,the                              
,,history ,,and ,,method                
,,of ,,science                          
,,edited ,,by                           
,,charles ,,singer                      
,,oxford                           ,,at 
,,the ,,clarendon ,,press               
#aiag                                   
,,printed ,,in ,,england                
,,at ,,the ,,oxford ,,university ,,press
          ,,introduction      ,the      
record of men and of movements1 ,history
 teaches us the growth and  development 
of ideas4 ,our civilization is the final
 expression of the  two great           
master-thoughts of the race4 ,seeking an
 explanation of the  pressing phenomena 
of life1 man has peopled the world with 
spiritual  beings to whom he has        
assigned benign or malign influences1 to
 be  invoked or propitiated4 ,to the    
great #8uncharted region' 7,gilbert     
,murray7 with its mysteries1 his        
religions offer a guide2 and through    

#8a belief in spiritual beings'         
7,tylor's definition of religion7 he has
  built an altar of righteousness in his
 heart4 ,the birth of the other         
dominant idea1 long delayed1 is         
comparatively recent4 #8,the discovery  
of  things as they really are' 7,plato7 
by a study of nature was the great  gift
 of the ,greeks4 ,knowledge1 scientia1  
knowledge of things we see1  patiently  
acquired by searching out the secrets of
 nature1 is the basis  of our material  
civilization4 ,the true and lawful goal 
of the sciences1  seen dimly and so     
expressed by ,bacon1 is the acquisition 
of new powers  by new discoveries--that 
goal has been reached4 ,niagara has been
  harnessed1 and man's dominion has     
extended from earth and sea to the  air4
 ,the progress of physics and of        
chemistry has revolutionized man's  ways
 and works1 while the new biology has   
changed his mental outlook4    ,the     
greater part of this progress has taken 
place within the memory of  those       

living1 and the mass of scientific work 
has accumulated at such a  rate that    
specialism has become inevitable4 ,while
 this has the obvious  advantage        
resulting from a division of labour1    
there is the penalty of  a narrowed     
horizon1 and groups of men work side by 
side whose language  is unintelligible  
to each other4    ,here is where the    
historian comes in1 with two definite   
objects1  teaching the method by which  
the knowledge has been gained1 the      
evolution of the subject1 and           
correlating the innumerable subdivisions
  in a philosophy at once1 in ,plato's  
words1 a science in itself as well  as  
of other sciences4 ,for example1 the    
student of physics may know  ,crookes's 
tubes and their relation to ,rntgen1 but
 he cannot have a  true conception of   
the atomic theory without a knowledge of
 ,democritus2  and the exponent of      
,madame ,curie and of ,sir ,j4 ,j4      
,thomson will find  his happiest        
illustrations from the writings of      

,lucretius4 ,it is  unfortunate that the
 progress of science makes useless the  
very works  that made progress possible2
 and the student is too apt to think    
that  because useless now they have     
never been of value4    ,the need of a  
comprehensive study of the methods of   
science is now  widely recognized1 and  
to recognize this need important        
,journals have  been started1 notably   
,isis1 published by our ,belgian        
colleague ,george  ,sarton1 interrupted1
 temporarily we hope1 by the war2 and   
,scientia1  an ,international ,review of
 ,scientific ,synthesis published by our
  ,italian ,allies4 ,the numerous good  
histories of science issued within  the 
past few years bear witness to a real   
demand for a wider knowledge  of the    
methods by which the present status has 
been reached4 ,among  works from which  
the student may get a proper outlook on 
the whole  question may be mentioned    
,dannemann's ,die ,naturwissenschaften  
in ihrer  ,entwicklung und in ihrem     

,zusammenhange1 ,bd4 ,,iv2 ,de la       
,mthode dans  les ,sciences1 edited by  
,flix ,thomas 7,paris3 ,alcan72         
,marvin's ,living  ,past1 #crd ed4      
7,clarendon ,press1 #aiag72 and ,libby's
 ,introduction to  the ,history of      
,science 7,houghton ,mifflin  ,co41     
#aiag74    ,this volume of ,essays is   
the outcome of a quiet movement on the  
part of  a few ,oxford students to      
stimulate a study of the history of     
science4  ,shortly after his appointment
 to the ,philip ,walker ,studentship1   
,dr4  ,charles ,singer 7of ,magdalen    
,college7 obtained leave from ,bodley's 
,librarian and the ,curators to have a  
bay in the ,radcliffe ,camera set  apart
 for research work in the history of    
science and a safe installed  to hold   
manuscripts2 and 7with ,mrs4 ,singer7   
offered #ajj a year for  five years to  
provide the necessary fittings1 and     
special books not  already in the       
,library4 ,the works relating to the    
subject have been  collected in the     

room1 the objects of which are3         
,first1 to place at the disposal of the 
general student a collection  that will 
enable him to acquire a knowledge of the
 development of  science and scientific 
conceptions4    ,secondly1 to assist the
 special student in research3 7a7 by    
placing  him in relationship with       
investigations already undertaken2 7b7  
by collecting information on the sources
 and accessibility of his  material2 and
 7c7 by providing him with facilities to
 work up his  material4    ,in spite of 
the absence of ,dr4 ,singer on military 
duty for the greater  part of the time1 
the work has been carried on with       
conspicuous  success1 to use the words  
of ,bodley's ,librarian4 ,ten special   
students  have used the room4 ,professor
 ,ramsay ,wright has made a study of an 
interesting ,persian medical manuscript4
 ,professor ,william ,libby1  of        
,pittsburg1 during the session of       
#aiae-af1 used the room in the          
preparation of his admirable ,history of

 ,science just issued4 ,dr4 ,e4  ,t4    
,withington1 the well-known medical     
historian1 is making a special  study of
 the old ,greek writers for the new     
edition of ,liddell and  ,scott's       
,dictionary4 ,miss ,mildred ,westland   
has helped ,dr4 ,singer  with the       
,italian medical manuscripts4 ,mr4      
,reuben ,levy has worked at  the ,arabic
 medical manuscripts of ,moses          
,maimonides4 ,mrs4 ,jenkinson  is       
engaged on a study of early medicine and
 magic4 ,dr4 ,j4 ,l4 ,e4  ,dreyer1 the  
distinguished historian of ,astronomy1  
has used the room in  connexion with the
 preparation of the ,opera ,omnia of    
,tycho ,brahe4  ,miss ,joan ,evans is   
engaged upon a research on mediaeval    
lapidaries4  ,mrs4 ,singer has begun a  
study of the ,english medical           
manuscripts1  with a view to a complete 
catalogue4 ,how important this is may be
  judged from the first instalment of   
her work dealing with the plague        
manuscripts in the ,british ,museum4    

,with rare enthusiasm and energy ,dr4   
,singer has himself done a great deal of
 valuable work1 and has proved  an      
intellectual ferment working far beyond 
the confines of ,oxford4 ,i  have myself
 found the science history room of the  
greatest convenience1  and it is most   
helpful to have easy access on the      
shelves to a large  collection of works 
on the subject4 ,had the war not        
interfered1 we had  hoped to start a    
,journal of the ,history and ,method of 
,science and to  organize a summer      
school for special students--hopes we   
may perhaps see  realized in happier    
days4    ,meanwhile1 this volume of     
essays 7most of which were in course of 
preparation when war was declared7 is   
issued as a ballon d'essai4    ,,william
 ,,osler4          ,,contents           
,,page      ,,charles ,,singer      ,the
 ,scientific ,views and ,visions of     
,saint ,hildegard 7#ajih-aahj7    #a    
,j4 ,w4 ,,jenkinson      ,vitalism      
#ei      ,,charles ,,singer      ,a     

,study in ,early ,renaissance ,anatomy1 
with a new text3 ,the      ,,anothomia  
of ,hieronymo ,manfredi1 transcribed and
 translated      by ,a4 ,mildred        
,westland                               
#gi      ,,raymond ,,crawfurd      ,the 
,blessing of ,cramp-,rings2 a ,chapter  
in the ,history of the      ,treatment  
of ,epilepsy                            
#afe      ,e4 ,t4 ,,withington      ,dr4
 ,john ,weyer and the ,witch ,mania     
#ahi      ,,reuben ,,levy      ,the     
#8,tractatus de ,causis et ,indiciis    
,morborum'1 attributed to               
,maimonides                             
#bbe      ,,schiller1 ,f4 ,c4 ,s4       
,scientific ,discovery and ,logical     
,proof                           #bce   
,,index                                 
#bia          ,,list ,,of ,,plates      
,,plate                                 
,,facing ,,page            ,i4          
,hildegard receiving the ,light from    
,heaven 7,wiesbaden               ,codex
 ,b1 fo4 #a r7                          

,frontispiece           ,,ii4 ,the      
,three ,scripts of the ,wiesbaden ,codex
 ,b 7fo4 #ag r1               col4 b2   
fo4 #cb v1 col4 b2 fo4 #bje r1 col4 b7  
#d          ,,iii4 ,title-page of the   
,heidelberg ,codex of the ,scivias      
#e           ,,iv4 ,the ,universe 7from 
the ,heidelberg ,codex of the ,scivias7 
#ab            ,v4 7a7 ,opening lines of
 the ,copenhagen ,,ms4 of the ,causae   
et ,curae4 7b7 ,opening lines of the    
,lucca ,,ms4 of               the ,liber
 divinorum operum simplicis hominis     
#ac           ,,vi4 ,nous pervaded by   
the ,godhead and controlling ,hyle      
7,lucca ,,ms41 fo4 #a v7                
#bj          ,,vii4 ,nous pervaded by   
the ,godhead embracing the ,macrocosm   
with               the ,microcosm       
7,lucca ,,ms41 fo4 #i r7                
#ba         ,,viii4 ,the ,macrocosm1 the
 ,microcosm1 and the ,winds 7,lucca     
,,ms41               fo4 #bg v7         
#bh           ,,ix4 ,celestial          
,influences on ,men1 ,animals1 and      

,plants 7,lucca              ,,ms41 fo4 
#cga7                                   
#bh            ,x4 ,a ,crucifix in the  
,uffizi ,gallery2 about the middle of   
the               thirteenth century    
#cj           ,,xi4 ,the ,structure of  
the ,mundane ,sphere 7,lucca ,,ms41     
fo4 #hf v7                              
#cb          ,,xii4 7a7 ,man's ,fall and
 the ,disturbance of the ,elemental     
,harmony 7,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 fo4 #d  
r74  7b7 ,the ,new               ,heaven
 and the ,new ,earth 7,wiesbaden ,codex 
,b1               fo4 #bbd v7           
#cc         ,,xiii4 ,the ,last          
,judgement and ,fate of the ,elements   
7,wiesbaden               ,codex ,b1 fo4
 #bbd r7                                
#cf          ,,xiv4 ,diagram of the     
,relation of ,human and ,cosmic         
,phenomena3               ninth century 
7,bibliothque ,nationale ,,ms4 lat4     
#eedc1               fo4 #acf r7        
#cg           ,,xv4 ,an                 
,eleventh-century ,french ,melothesia   

7,bibliothque               ,nationale  
,,ms4 lat4 #gjbh1 fo4 #aed r7           
#dj          ,,xvi4 ,a ,melothesia of   
about #adjj 7from ,bibliothque          
,nationale               ,,ms4 lat4     
#aabbi1 fo4 #de v7           ,between   
#dj and #da         ,,xvii4 ,facsimile  
from the ,symbolum ,apostolicorum1 a    
,german               ,block ,book of   
the first half of the ,fifteenth        
,century               7,heidelberg     
,university ,library7       ,between #dj
 and #da        ,,xviii4 ,an ,anatomical
 ,diagram of about #abih 7,bodleian     
,,ms4               ,ashmole #cii1 fo4  
#ah r7                                  
#da          ,,xix4 ,birth4 ,the        
,arrival and ,trials of the ,soul       
7,wiesbaden               ,codex ,b1 fo4
 #bb r7                                 
#dd           ,,xx4 ,death4 ,the        
,departure and ,fate of the ,soul       
7,wiesbaden               ,codex ,b1 fo4
 #be r7                                 
#de          ,,xxi4 ,the ,fall of the   

,angels 7,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 fo4 #abc 
r7    #df         ,,xxii4 ,the ,days of 
,creation and the ,fall of ,man         
7,wiesbaden               ,codex ,b1 fo4
 #da v7                                 
#dh        ,,xxiii4 ,the ,vision of the 
,trinity 7,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 fo4     
#dga7     #ej         ,,xxiv4 7a7       
,sedens ,lucidus 7,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 
fo4 #bac v74               7b7 ,zelus   
,dei 7,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 fo4 #aec r7 
#eb          ,,xxv4 ,the ,heavenly ,city
 7,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 fo4 #cj r7      
#ed         ,,xxvi4 ,john ,wilfred      
,jenkinson                              
#eg        ,,xxvii4 ,mundinus 787       
lecturing on ,anatomy 7from the #adic   
edition               of #8,ketham'7    
#gh       ,,xxviii4 7a7 ,four ,diagrams1
 to illustrate the ,anatomy of ,henri   
de ,mondeville 7,bibliothque ,nationale 
,,ms4 fr4 #bjcj1               written  
in #acad74 7b7 ,a ,dissection ,scene1   
circa #abih               7,bodleian    
,,ms4 ,ashmole #cii1 fo4 #cd r7         

#gi         ,,xxix4 ,a ,post-,mortem    
,examination3 late fourteenth century to
               illustrate ,guy de       
,chauliac 7,montpellier1 ,bibliothque   
de la ,facult de ,mdecine ,,ms4 fr4     
#ahd1 fo4 #ad r7       #hj              
,,xxx4 7a7 ,a ,demonstration of ,surface
 ,markings3 second half               of
 fifteenth century 7,vatican ,,ms4      
,hispanice #dhjd1               fo4 #h  
r74 7b7 ,a ,demonstration of the ,bones 
to               illustrate ,guy de     
,chauliac3 first half of fifteenth      
century 7,bristol ,reference ,library   
,,ms41 fo4 #be r7      #ha              
,,xxxi4 ,anatomical ,sketches from the  
,,ms4 of ,guy de ,vigevano of           
#acde at ,chantilly                     
#hd        ,,xxxii4 ,anatomical         
,sketches from the ,,ms4 of ,guy de     
,vigevano of               #acde at     
,chantilly                              
#he       ,,xxxiii4 ,the ,five-,figure  
,series3 ,veins1 c41 ,arteries1 ,nerves1
               ,bones1 ,muscles         

7,bodleian ,,ms4 ,ashmole #cii1         
fos4 #ah r-#bb r73 about #abih          
#ib        ,,xxxiv4 ,demonstrations of  
,anatomy3 second half of fifteenth      
century 7,dresden ,galen ,,ms47         
#ic         ,,xxxv4 ,a ,view of the     
,internal ,organs3 ,leonardo da ,vinci  
7from               a drawing in the    
,library1 ,windsor ,castle7             
#if        ,,xxxvi4 ,two ,persons       
dissecting1 traditionally said to       
represent               ,michelangelo   
and ,antonio della ,torre 7from a       
drawing               in the ,ashmolean 
,museum1 ,oxford1 attributed to         
,bartolomeo ,manfredi 7#aegd8-afjb77    
#ig       ,,xxxvii4 ,portrait of        
,giovanni ,bentivoglio ,,ii1 from his   
tomb in               the ,church of ,s4
 ,giacomo ,maggiore at ,bologna         
#ajb      ,,xxxviii4 7a7 ,roger ,bacon's
 ,diagram of the ,eye3 thirteenth       
century               7,british ,museum 
,,ms4 ,roy4 #g ,f4 ,,viii1 fo4 #ej v74  
7b7 ,leonardo da ,vinci's ,diagram of   

the ,heart3 early                       
sixteenth century 7from a drawing in    
,windsor ,castle7    #ajc       ,,xxxix4
 ,miracles at the ,tomb of ,edward the  
,confessor1 from                        
,norman-,french thirteenth-century ,,ms4
 7,university              ,library1    
,cambridge1 ,,ms4 ,ee4 iii4 #ei7        
#aff          ,,xl4 ,queen ,mary ,tudor 
blessing ,cramp-,rings 7from ,queen     
,mary's ,illuminated ,,ms4 ,manual1 in  
the ,library of the              ,roman 
,catholic ,cathedral at ,westminster7   
#agh         ,,xli4 ,facsimile of the   
,tractatus de ,causis et ,indiciis      
,morborum1              attributed to   
,maimonides 7,bodleian ,,ms41 ,marsh    
#cgi7       #bbe      ,,illustrations   
,,in ,,text    ,,scientific ,,views     
,,and ,,visions ,,of ,,saint ,,hildegard
      ,,figure                          
,,page      #a4 ,the ,hildegard ,country
                                        
#c      #b4 ,hildegard's ,first ,scheme 
of the ,universe 7slightly simplified   

from the ,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 fo4 #ad  
r7                         #i      #c4  
,hildegard's ,second ,scheme of the     
,universe 7reconstructed from           
her measurements7                       
#bi      #d4 ,dante's ,scheme of the    
,universe 7slightly modified from       
,michelangelo ,caetani1 duca di         
,sermoneta1 ,la materia della           
,divina ,commedia di ,dante ,allighieri 
dichiarata in ,,vi tavole7  #ca      #e4
 ,diagram of the ,zones 7from ,herrade  
de ,landsberg1 ,hortus                  
deliciarum7                             
#dj      #f1 #g4 ,melothesiae 7from ,r4 
,fludd1 ,historia utriusque cosmi1      
#afai7 #da      #h4 ,the ,microcosm     
7from ,r4 ,fludd1 ,philosophia sacra seu
 astrologia         cosmica1 #afbh7     
#db      #i4 ,diagram illustrating the  
relationship of the ,planets to the     
,brain         7from ,herrade de        
,landsberg1 ,hortus deliciarum7         
#dh    ,a ,,study ,,in ,,early          
,,renaissance ,,anatomy      #a4  ,the  

first printed picture of ,dissection    
7from the ,french          translation  
of ,bartholomaeus ,anglicus1 #adhb7     
#hj      #b4  ,dissection ,scene in the 
open air 7,title-page of ,mellerstadt's 
edition of the ,anatomy of ,mondino1    
#adic7                    #hb      #c4  
,dissection ,scene 7from the #adie      
edition of #8,ketham'7            #hc   
#d4  ,the first picture of ,dissection  
in an ,english-printed book             
7from the ,english translation of       
,bartholomaeus ,anglicus1               
printed by ,wynkyn de ,worde1 #adie7    
#he      #e4  ,a ,lecture on ,anatomy   
7from the #aece edition of ,berengar of 
,carpi's ,commentary on ,mondino7       
#he      #f4  ,diagrams of the ,internal
 ,organs 7after ,bodleian ,,ms4 ,ashmole
          #cii1 of about #abih7         
#hh      #g4  ,a ,female ,figure laid   
open to show the ,womb and other ,organs
          7from the #adic edition of    
#8,ketham'7                             
#ia      #h4  ,the ,abdominal ,muscles  

7from ,berengar of ,carpi's ,commentary 
on ,mondino1 #aeba7                     
#if      #i4  ,the first printed ,map of
 ,england 7from the #adgb787 ,bologna   
,ptolemy1 edited by ,manfredi and       
others7                    #ajj         
#aj4 ,facsimile of the last page of     
,manfredi's ,prognosticon ad            
annum #adgi                             
#ajb      #aa4 ,diagram showing the ten 
,layers of the ,head1 the ,cerebral     
,ventricles and ,cranial ,nerves1 and   
the ,relation of the          ,nerves to
 the ,senses 7from ,m4 ,hundt1          
,antropologium1 #aeja7  #aab      #ab4  
,the ,layers of the ,head 7from the     
,anatomia of ,johannes                  
,dryander1 #aecg7                       
#aab      #ac4 ,diagram showing the     
,ventricles of the ,brain 7from         
,illustrissimi          philosophi et   
theologi domini ,alberti magni          
compendiosum          insigne ac        
perutile opus ,philosophiae naturalis1  
#adif7      #aad      #ad4 ,diagram of  

the ,senses1 the ,humours1 the ,cerebral
 ,ventricles1          and the          
,intellectual ,faculties4 ,to illustrate
 ,roger ,bacon1          ,de ,scientia  
,perspectiva1 7,british ,museum ,,ms4   
,sloane #baef1          fo4 #aa r7      
#aaf      #ae4 ,diagram illustrating the
 general ideas on ,anatomy current at   
the ,renaissance 7from ,k4 ,peyligk4    
,philosophiae naturalis                 
compendium1 #adhi7                      
#aaf      #af4 ,diagrams of the         
,cerebral ,ventricles viewed from above 
and          from the side 7from ,k4    
,peyligk1 ,philosophiae naturalis       
compendium1 #adhi7                      
#aag      #ag4 ,the ,localization of    
,cerebral ,functions 7from the #adic    
edition          of #8,ketham'7         
#aag      #ah4 ,diagram of the          
,ventricles and the ,senses1 with their 
relation          to the intellectual   
processes1 according to the doctrine of 
the ,renaissance anatomists 7from ,g4   
,reisch1 ,margarita                     

philosophiae1 #aejc7                    
#aag      #ai4 ,the ,anatomy of the ,eye
 7from ,g4 ,reisch1 ,margarita          
philosophiae1 #aejc7                    
#abj      #bj4 ,the ,anatomy of the ,eye
 7from ,vesalius1 ,de humani corporis   
fabrica1 #aedc7                         
#aba      #ba4 ,the ,heart 7from the    
,roncioni ,,ms41 ,pisa #ii7             
#abg      #bb4 ,diagram showing the two 
,lateral ,ventricles and the #8,central'
          ,ventricle1 7from ,johannes   
,adelphus1 ,mundini de omnibus          
humani corporis interioribus menbris    
,anathomia1 #aeac7       #abh      #bc4 
,the ,heart 7from ,hans von ,gersdorff1 
,feldt- und ,stattbch          bewerter 
,wundartznei1 #aeef7                    
#abi    ,,dr4 ,,john ,,weyer ,,and ,,the
 ,,witch ,,mania      ,portrait of ,dr4 
,john ,weyer at the age of #fj1 #aegf   
#ahi              ,,the ,,scientific    
,,views ,,and ,,visions ,,of ,,saint    
,,hildegard 7#ajih-aahj7                
,by ,charles ,singer                    

,,page           ,i4 ,introduction      
#a        ,,ii4 ,life and ,works        
#b       ,,iii4 ,bibliographical ,note  
#f        ,,iv4 ,the ,spurious          
,scientific ,works of ,hildegard        
#ab         ,v4 ,sources of ,hildegard's
 ,scientific ,knowledge        #ae      
,,vi4 ,the ,structure of the ,material  
,universe             #bb       ,,vii4  
,macrocosm and ,microcosm               
#cj      ,,viii4 ,anatomy and           
,physiology                             
#dc        ,,ix4 ,birth and ,death and  
the ,nature of the ,soul         #di    
,x4 ,the ,visions and their             
,pathological ,basis           #ea      
,i4 ,,introduction    ,in attempting to 
interpret the views of ,hildegard on    
scientific  subjects1 certain special   
difficulties present themselves4 ,first 
is  the confusion arising from the      
writings to which her name has been     
erroneously attached4 ,to obtain a true 
view of the scope of her work1  it is   
necessary to discuss the authenticity of

 some of the material  before us4 ,a    
second difficulty is due to the         
receptivity of her mind1  so that views 
and theories that she accepts in her    
earlier works  become modified1 altered1
 and developed in her later writings4 ,a
 third  difficulty1 perhaps less real   
than the others1 is the visionary and   
involved form in which her thoughts are 
cast4    ,but a fourth and more vital   
difficulty is the attitude that she     
adopts  towards phenomena in general4   
,to her mind there is no distinction    
between physical events1 moral truths1  
and spiritual experiences4 ,this  view1 
which our children share with their     
mediaeval ancestors1 was  developed but 
not transformed by the virile power of  
her intellect4  ,her fusion of internal 
and external universe links ,hildegard  
indeed  to a whole series of mediaeval  
visionaries1 culminating with ,dante4   
,in ,hildegard1 as in her fellow        
mystics1 we find that ideas on ,nature  
and ,man1 the ,moral ,world and the     

,material ,universe1 the ,spheres1  the 
,winds1 and the ,humours1 ,birth and    
,death1 and even on the ,soul1  the     
,resurrection of the ,dead1 and the     
,nature of ,god1 are not only           
interdependent1 but closely interwoven4 
,nowadays we are well  accustomed to    
separate our ideas into categories1     
scientific1 ethical1  theological1      
philosophical1 and so forth1 and we even
 esteem it a  virtue to retain and      
restrain our thoughts within limits that
 we  deliberately set for them4 ,to     
,hildegard such classification would    
have  been impossible and probably      
incomprehensible4 ,nor do such terms as 
parallelism or allegory adequately cover
 her view of the relation  of the       
material and spiritual4 ,in her mind    
they are really interfused1  or rather  
they have not yet been separated4       
,therefore1 although in the following   
pages an attempt is made to  estimate   
her scientific views1 yet the writer is 
conscious that such a  method must needs

 interpret her thought in a partial     
manner4 ,hildegard1  indeed1 presents to
 us scientific thought as an            
undifferentiated  factor1 and an attempt
 is here made to separate it by the     
artificial  but not unscientific process
 of dissection from the organic matrix  
in  which it is embedded4    ,the       
extensive literature that has risen     
around the life and works of  ,hildegard
 has come from the hands of writers who 
have shown no interest  in natural      
knowledge1 while those who have occupied
 themselves with the  history of science
 have1 on their side1 largely neglected 
the period  to which ,hildegard belongs1
 allured by the richer harvest of the   
full  scholastic age which followed4    
,this essay is an attempt to fill in a  
small part of the lacuna4      ,,ii4    
,,life ,,and ,,works    ,hildegard of   
,bingen was born in #ajih1 of noble     
parentage1 at  ,bckelheim1 on the river 
,nahe1 near ,sponheim4 ,destined from an
 early  age to a religious life1 she    

passed nearly all her days within the   
walls of ,benedictine houses4 ,she was  
educated and commenced her career  in   
the isolated convent of ,disibodenberg1 
at the junction of the ,nahe  and the   
,glan1 where she rose to be abbess4 ,in 
#aadg she and some of her  nuns migrated
 to a new convent on the ,rupertsberg1 a
 finely placed  site1 where the smoky   
railway junction of ,bingerbrck now mars
 the  landscape4 ,between the little    
settlement and the important mediaeval  
town of ,bingen flowed the river ,nahe1 
spanned by a bridge to which  still     
clung the name of the pagan ,drusus 7see
 ,fig4 #a74 ,at this spot1 a  place of  
ancient memories1 secluded and yet      
linked to the world1 our  abbess passed 
the main portion of her life1 and here  
she closed her  eyes in the             
eighty-second year of her age on        
,september #ag1 #aahj4    ,illustration3
 ,fig4 #a4 ,,the ,,hildegard ,,country  
,hildegard was a woman of               
extraordinarily active and independent  

mind4  ,she was not only gifted with a  
thoroughly efficient intellect1 but  was
 possessed of great energy and          
considerable literary power1 and  her   
writings cover a wide range1 betraying  
the most varied activities  and         
remarkable imaginative faculty4 ,the    
best known1 and in a literary  sense the
 most valuable of her works1 are the    
books of visions4 ,she  was before all  
things an ecstatic1 and both her        
,scivias 7#aada-ej7  and her ,liber     
divinorum operum simplicis hominis      
7#aafc-gj7 contain  passages of real    
power and beauty4 ,less valuable1       
perhaps1 is her  third long mystical    
work 7the second in point of time71 the 
,liber  vitae meritorum 7#aaeh-fb74 ,she
 is credited with the authorship of an  
interesting mystery-play and of a       
collection of musical compositions1     
while her life of ,st4 ,disibode1 the   
,irish missionary 7#eid-fgd7 to  whom   
her part of the ,rhineland owes its     
,christianity1 and her account  of ,st4 

,rupert1 a local saint commemorated in  
the name #8,rupertsberg'1  both bear    
witness alike to her narrative powers1  
her capacity for  systematic            
arrangement1 and her historical         
interests4 ,her extensive               
correspondence demonstrates the         
influence that she wielded in her own   
day and country1 while her ,quaestionum 
solutiones triginta octo1 her           
,explanatio regulae sancti ,benedicti1  
and her ,explanatio symboli  sancti     
,athanasii ad congregationem sororum    
suorum give us glimpses of  her         
activities as head of a religious house4
    ,her biographer1 the monk           
,theodoric1 records that she also busied
  herself with the treatment of the     
sick1 and credits her with miraculous   
powers of healing4#a ,some of the cited 
instances of this faculty1 as  the      
curing of a love-sick maid1#b are1      
however1 but manifestations of  personal
 ascendancy over weaker minds2          
notwithstanding her undoubted           

acquaintance with the science of her    
day1 and the claims made for her  as a  
pioneer of the hospital system1 there is
 no serious evidence that  her treatment
 extended beyond exorcism and prayer4   
,for her time and circumstance          
,hildegard had seen a fair amount of the
  world4 ,living on the ,rhine1 the     
highway of ,western ,germany1 she was   
well placed for observing the traffic   
and activities of men4 ,she had         
journeyed at least as far north as      
,cologne1 and had traversed the  eastern
 tributary of the great river to        
,frankfort on the ,main and  to         
,rothenburg on ,taube4#c ,her own       
country1 the basin of the ,nahe  and the
 ,glan1 she knew intimately4 ,she was1  
moreover1 in constant  communication    
with ,mayence1 the seat of the          
archbishopric in which  ,bingen was     
situated1 and there has survived an     
extensive correspondence  with the      
ecclesiastics of ,cologne1 ,speyer1     
,hildesheim1 ,trves1 ,bamberg1  ,prague1

 ,nrnberg1 ,utrecht1 and numerous other 
towns of ,germany1 the ,low  ,countries1
 and ,central ,europe4    ,illustration3
 ,folio #ag r col4 b   ,folio #cb v col4
 b   ,folio #bje r col4 b    ,plate     
,,ii4 ,,the ,,three ,,scripts ,,of ,,the
 ,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b    ,hildegard's 
journeys1 undertaken with the object of 
stimulating  spiritual revival1 were of 
the nature of religious progresses1 but1
  like those of her contemporary1       
,bernard of ,clairvaux1 they were in    
fact  largely directed against the      
heretical and most cruelly persecuted   
,cathari1 an ,albigensian sect widely   
spread in the ,rhine country of the     
twelfth century1 whom ,hildegard        
regarded as #8worse than the ,jews'4#d  
,in justice to her memory it is to be   
recalled that she herself was  ever     
against the shedding of blood1 and had  
her less ferocious views  prevailed1    
some more substantial relic than the    
groans and tears of  this people had    
reached our time1 while the annals of   

the ,church had  been spared the        
defilement of an inexpiable stain4      
,illustration3 ,plate ,,iii4 ,,title    
,,page ,,of ,,the ,,heidelberg ,,codex  
,,of ,,the  ,,scivias    ,hildegard's   
correspondence with ,st4 ,bernard1 then 
preaching his  crusade1 with four popes1
 ,eugenius ,,iii1 ,anastasius ,,iv1     
,adrian ,,iv1 and  ,alexander ,,iii1 and
 with the emperors ,conrad and ,frederic
 ,barbarossa1  brings her into the      
current of general ,european history1   
while she  comes into some slight       
contact with the story of our own       
country by her  hortatory letters to    
,henry ,,ii and to his consort ,eleanor1
 the divorced  wife of ,louis ,,vii4#e  
,to complete a sketch of her literary   
activities1 mention should  perhaps be  
made of a secret script and language1   
the lingua ignota1  attributed to her4  
,it is a transparent and to modern eyes 
a foolishly  empty device that hardly   
merits the dignity of the term          
#8mystical'4 ,it  has1 however1         

exercised the ingenuity of several      
writers1 and has been  honoured by      
analysis at the hands of ,wilhelm       
,grimm4#f    ,ample material exists for 
a full biography of ,hildegard1 and a   
number  of accounts of her have appeared
 in the vulgar tongue4 ,nearly all are  
marred by a lack of critical judgement  
that makes their perusal a  weary task1 
and indeed it would need considerable   
skill to interest a  detached reader in 
the minutiae of monastic disputes that  
undoubtedly  absorbed a considerable    
part of her activities4 ,perhaps the    
best life  of her is the earliest2 it is
 certainly neither the least critical   
nor  the most credulous1 and is by her  
contemporaries1 the monks ,godefrid  and
 ,theodoric4#g    ,the title of #8saint'
 is usually given to ,hildegard1 but she
 was not  in fact canonized4 ,attempts  
towards that end were made under        
,gregory  ,,ix 7#abcg71 ,innocent ,,iv  
7#abdc71 and ,john ,,xxii 7#acag74      
,miraculous cures  and other works of   

wonder were claimed for her1 but either 
they were  insufficiently miraculous or 
insufficiently attested4#h ,those who   
have impartially traced her life in her 
documents will agree with the  verdict  
of the ,church4 ,hers was a fiery1 a    
prophetic1 in many ways a  singularly   
noble spirit1 but she was not a saint in
 any intelligible  sense of the word4   
,,iii4 ,,bibliographical ,,note         
,there is no complete edition of the    
works of ,hildegard4 ,for the  majority 
of readers the most convenient          
collection will doubtless be  vol4 #aig 
of ,migne1 ,patrologia ,latina4 ,this   
can be supplemented from  ,cardinal ,j4 
,b4 ,pitra's well-edited ,analecta      
sacra1 the eighth volume  of which      
contains certain otherwise inaccessible 
works of ,hildegard1#i  and is the only 
available edition of the ,liber vitae   
meritorum per  simplicem hominem a      
vivente luce1 revelatorum4              
,manuscripts of the writings of our     
abbess are numerous and are widely      

scattered over ,europe4 ,four of them   
are of special importance for our       
purpose1 and are here briefly described4
    7,a7 is a vast parchment of #dhj    
folios in the ,nassauische              
,landesbibliothek at ,wiesbaden4 ,this  
much-thumbed volume1 still bearing  the 
chain that once tethered it to some     
monastic desk1 is written in  a         
thirteenth-century script4 ,there is    
evidence that it was prepared  in the   
neighbourhood of ,hildegard's convent1  
if not in that convent  itself4 ,it is  
interesting as a collection of those    
works that the  immediate local         
tradition attributed to her1 and is thus
 useful as  a standard of               
genuineness4#aj ,reference will be made 
to it in the  following pages as the    
,wiesbaden ,codex ,a4 ,its contents are 
as follows3      #a4 ,liber ,scivias4   
#b4 ,liber vitae meritorum4      #c4    
,liber divinorum operum4      #d4 ,ad   
praelatos moguntienses4      #e4 ,vita  
sanctae ,hildegardis4 ,by ,godefrid and 

,theodoric4      #f4 ,liber epistolarum 
et orationum4 ,this collection contains 
#bib       items1 and includes the      
,explanatio symboli ,athanasii1 the     
,exposition of the ,rule of ,st4        
,benedict1 and the ,lives of ,st4       
,disibode and ,st4 ,rupert4      #g4    
,expositiones evangeliorum4      #h4    
,ignota lingua and ,ignotae litterae4   
#i4 ,litterae villarenses4      #aj4    
,symphonia harmoniae celestum           
revelationum4    7,b7 is also at        
,wiesbaden1 and will be cited here as   
the ,wiesbaden  ,codex ,b4 ,it contains 
the ,scivias only1 and is a truly noble 
volume  of #bce folios1 beautifully     
illuminated1 in excellent preservation1 
and of the highest value for the history
 of mediaeval art4 ,it has  been        
thoroughly investigated by the late ,dom
 ,louis ,baillet1#aa who  concluded that
 it was written in or near ,bingen      
between the dates #aafj  and #aahj4 ,its
 miniatures help greatly in the         
interpretation of the  visions1         

illustrating them often in the minutest 
and most unexpected  details4 ,in view  
of the great difficulty of visualizing  
much of her  narrative1 these miniatures
 afford to our mind strong evidence that
 the  ,,ms4 was supervised by the       
prophetess herself1 or was at least     
prepared  under her immediate tradition4
 ,this view is confirmed by comparing   
the  miniatures with those of the       
somewhat similar but inferior           
,heidelberg  ,,ms4 7,c74    ,both the   
miniatures and the script of the        
,wiesbaden ,codex ,b are  the work of   
several hands4 ,there are three distinct
 handwritings  discernible 7,plate      
,,ii74 ,the earliest is attributed by   
,baillet in  his careful work to the    
twelfth century1 while the later writing
 is  in thirteenth-century hands4#ab ,it
 thus appears to us that while          
,hildegard herself probably supervised  
the earlier stages of the  preparation  
of this volume1 its completion took     
place subsequent to  her death4 ,this   

view is sustained by the fact that some 
of the later  miniatures are far less   
successful than the earlier figures in  
aiding  the interpretation of her text4 
,the two ,wiesbaden ,,mss4 appear to    
have remained at the convent on the     
,rupertsberg opposite ,bingen until the 
seventeenth century4 ,they were  studied
 there by ,trithemius in the fifteenth  
century1 and one of them  at least was  
seen by the ,mayence ,commission of     
#adhi4 ,later they were  noted by the   
theologians ,osiander 7#aebg7 and       
,wicelius 7,weitzel1 #aeed71  and by the
 antiquary ,nicolaus ,serarius 7#afjd74 
,in #afcb1 during the  ,thirty ,years'  
,war1 the ,rupertsberg buildings were   
destroyed1 the ,,mss4  being removed to 
a place of safety in the neighbouring   
settlement  at ,eibingen1 where they    
were again recorded in #affj by the     
,jesuits  ,papenbroch and ,henschen4#ac 
,at some unknown date they were         
transferred  to ,wiesbaden1 where they  
were examined in #ahad by ,goethe1#ad   

and a few  years later by ,wilhelm      
,grimm1#ae and where they have since    
remained4    ,illustration3 ,fig4 #b4   
,,hildegard',s ,,first ,,scheme ,,of    
,,the ,,universe    ,slightly simplified
 from the ,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 folio   
#ad r4    7,c7 ,this ,,ms4 is at the    
,university ,library at ,heidelberg4 ,it
 also  contains only the ,scivias1 and  
it is the only known illuminated  ,,ms4 
of that work except the ,wiesbaden      
,codex ,b4 ,the ,heidelberg ,,ms4  was  
prepared with great care in the early   
thirteenth century1 only a  little later
 than its fellow1 but its figures afford
 little aid in the  interpretation of   
the text4 ,thus1 for instance1 the      
,heidelberg diagram  of the universe    
7,plate ,,iv7 is of a fairly            
conventional type which quite  fails to 
illustrate the difficult description4   
,the obscurities of the  text are1      
however1 at once explained by a figure  
in the ,wiesbaden  ,codex ,b 7,fig4 #b73
 we thus obtain further indirect        

evidence of the  personal influence of  
,hildegard in the preparation of that   
,,ms4 ,the  representation of ,hildegard
 in the ,heidelberg ,,ms4 7,plate ,,iii7
 shows no  resemblance to those in the  
,wiesbaden ,codex ,b 7,plate ,i7 or in  
the ,lucca  ,,ms4 7,plates ,,vi to      
,,ix71 which will now be described4     
7,d7 is an illustrated codex of the     
,liber divinorum operum simplicis       
hominis at the ,municipal ,library at   
,lucca4 ,it contains ten beautiful      
miniatures1 some of which are here      
reproduced 7,plates ,,vi to ,,ix and    
,,xi71  as they are of special value for
 the interpretation of ,hildegard's     
theories on the relation of macrocosm   
and microcosm4    ,this ,lucca ,,ms4 was
 described and its text printed in #agfa
 by ,giovanni  ,domenico ,mansi1#af a   
careful scholar1 who was himself        
sometime  ,archbishop of ,lucca4 ,mansi 
concluded that it was written at the    
end of the twelfth or the beginning of  
the thirteenth century4 ,on             

palaeographical grounds a slightly later
 date would nowadays probably  be       
preferred 7,plate ,v b74    ,the work   
consists of ten visions1 each           
illustrated by a figure4  ,the date1    
character1 and meaning of these         
miniatures raise special  problems to   
which only very superficial reference   
can here be made4  ,unfortunately but   
little work has been done on early      
,italian schools of  miniaturists1 and  
it is not a subject on which any exact  
knowledge can  yet be said to exist4#ag 
,of these ten miniatures we may dismiss 
the last five in a few words4  ,the     
sixth to the tenth visions are of purely
 theological interest1 and  the         
miniatures illustrating them are by a   
different hand to the rest4  ,they are  
all relatively crude products1 which    
appear to us to resemble  other ,italian
 work of the period at which the ,,ms4  
was written4 ,we shall  concentrate our 
attention on the first five miniatures4 
,the first three miniatures of the      

,lucca ,,ms4 7,plates ,,vi to ,,viii7   
may be  attributed to the same hand on  
the following grounds3    #a4 ,all have 
a very similar inset figure of the      
prophetess below the  main picture4     
#b4 ,the character of the principal     
figure of the first miniature  7,plate  
,,vi7 is almost identical with the      
curious universe-embracing              
double-headed figure of the second      
miniature 7,plate ,,vii74    #c4 ,the   
features and draughtsmanship of the     
central figure of the second  miniature 
7,plate ,,vii7 are identical with those 
of the third 7,plate  ,,viii74    #d4   
,the beasts' heads arranged round the   
second miniature 7,plate ,,vii7  are    
exactly reproduced in the third         
miniature 7,plate ,,viii74    ,now      
although these three miniatures are in  
some respects unique1 they  contain     
elements enabling us to date them with  
an approach to accuracy4  ,these        
elements are to be found especially in  
the central figure of the  second and   

third miniatures 7,plates ,,vii and     
,,viii74    ,about the middle of the    
thirteenth century1 as ,venturi has     
shown1#ah  there was a well-marked      
change in ,northern ,italy in the       
traditional  representation of the form 
on the ,cross4 ,this change was followed
 with  almost slavish accuracy1 and the 
new form is well represented by a       
painting in the ,uffizi ,gallery 7,plate
 ,x74 ,it is this figure of ,christ     
which is reproduced by our miniaturist4 
,the central figure of ,plates  ,,vii   
and ,,viii resembles that of the ,uffizi
 crucifix1 for instance1 in  the general
 pose of the body1 in the position of   
the legs and of the  arms1 in the       
treatment of the abdominal musculature1 
in the method of  outlining the muscles 
of the legs and of the arms1 and in a   
minute and  very constant detail by     
which the outline of the left side is   
continued  with the fold of the groin1  
thus giving an impression of the left   
thigh  being advanced on the right4     

,furthermore1 the somewhat ,byzantine   
cast  of countenance of the figure can  
be closely paralleled from ,northern    
,italian work of the same period4 ,we   
therefore regard these first three      
miniatures of the ,lucca ,,ms4 as dating
 from about the middle of the           
thirteenth century4    ,the remaining   
two miniatures 7,plates ,,ix and ,,xi7  
offer special  difficulties4 ,plate ,,xi
 7illustrating the fifth vision7        
presents us with  no complete human     
figures1 except the small and probably  
copied inset  of the prophetess below   
the miniature4 ,the faces bear some     
resemblance  to those of the last five  
miniatures2 the wings1 on the other     
hand1 to  those of the first miniature  
7,plate ,,vi74 ,it is perhaps possible  
that  this miniature was the work of an 
early thirteenth-century artist1 and    
that the wings and some other details   
were added by a later hand4 ,the        
abnormal orientation1 east to the left  
and south above1 suggests that  we have 

here to do with some special influence4 
,the most anomalous of all is1 however1 
the beautiful fourth  miniature 7,plate 
,,ix74 ,this picture has a general      
feeling of the  early ,renaissance1     
though it is hard to find in it any     
definite  humanistic element4 ,the nude 
female figure in the upper left quadrant
  is especially striking4 ,no parallel  
to it is to be found in the             
thirteenth-century ,italian miniatures  
that have so far been reproduced1  and  
it appears to us difficult to date the  
miniature anterior to the  fourteenth   
century at the very earliest4 ,it is1 in
 any event1 by a  different hand to the 
others4 ,the rashes on the patients in  
the two  upper and the right lower      
quadrants are perhaps an attempt to     
render  the fatal #8,god's tokens' of   
those waves of pestilence that          
devastated  the ,italian peninsula in   
the fourteenth century4    ,whatever the
 date of these miniatures1 however1 they
 reproduce the  meaning of the text of  

the ,liber divinorum operum with a      
convincing  certainty and sureness of   
touch4 ,this work is the most difficult 
of all ,hildegard's mystical writings4  
,without the clues provided by  the     
miniatures1 many passages in it are     
wholly incomprehensible4 ,it  appears to
 us therefore by no means improbable    
that the traditional  interpretation of 
,hildegard's works1 thus preserved to   
our time by  these miniatures and by    
them alone1 may have had its origin from
  the mouth of the prophetess herself1  
perhaps through another set of          
miniatures that has disappeared or has  
not yet come to light4#ai      ,,iv4    
,,the ,,spurious ,,scientific ,,works   
,,of ,,hildegard    ,the scientific     
views of ,hildegard are embedded in a   
theological  setting1 and are mainly    
encountered in the ,scivias and the     
,liber  divinorum operum simplicis      
hominis4 ,to a less extent they appear  
occasionally in her ,epistolae and in   
the ,liber vitae meritorum4             

,illustration3 ,from the ,,heidelberg   
,,codex ,,of ,,the ,,scivias    ,plate  
,,iv4 ,,the ,,universe    ,two works of 
non-theological tone and definitely     
scientific character  have been printed 
in her name4 ,one of these was recently 
edited  under the title ,beatae         
,hildegardis causae et curae4#bj ,a     
single  ,,ms4 only of this work is known
 to exist1 and is now deposited in the  
,royal ,library of ,copenhagen4#ba ,it  
is an ill-written document of the       
thirteenth century1 and the original    
work probably dates from this  period4  
,it has none of the characteristics of  
the acknowledged work  of ,hildegard1   
and indeed the only link with her name  
is the title1  which is written in a    
hand different from that of the text    
7,plate ,v  a74 ,nothing could be more  
unlike the ecstatic but well-ordered and
  systematic work of the prophetess of  
,bingen than the prosy disorder  of the 
,causae et curae4 ,linguistically1 also1
 it differs entirely  from the typical  

writings of ,hildegard1 for it is full  
of ,germanisms1  which never interrupt  
the eloquence of her authentic works4   
,again1  ,hildegard's tendency to       
theoretical speculation1 as for instance
 on  the nature of the elements or on   
the form of the ,universe1 finds no     
place in the scrappy paragraphs of this 
apocryphal compilation4                 
,illustration3 ,plate ,v a4 ,,opening   
,,lines ,,of ,,the ,,copenhagen ,,ms4   
,,of ,,the  ,,causae ,,et ,,curae       
,illustration3 ,plate ,v b4 ,,opening   
,,lines ,,of ,,the ,,lucca ,,ms4 ,,of   
,,the ,,liber  ,,divinorum ,,operum     
,,simplicis ,,hominis    ,a second work1
 of somewhat similar character1 is      
entitled ,subtilitatum  diversarumque   
creaturarum libri novem4 ,this is       
clearly a compilation1  and numerous    
passages in it can be traced to such    
sources as ,pliny1  ,walafrid ,strabus1 
,marbod1 ,macer1 the ,physiologus1      
,isidore ,hispalensis1  ,constantine the
 ,african1 and the ,regimen ,sanitatis  

,salerni1 only the  last three of which 
exerted a traceable influence on the    
genuine works  of our authoress4        
,nevertheless this ,liber subtilitatum  
was early  printed as ,hildegard's work1
 along with a treatise attributed with  
as little justification to another woman
 writer1 ,trotula1 one of the  ladies of
 ,salerno1 whose name was also a        
household word in the ,middle  ,ages1   
and was freely attached to medical      
writings with which she had  little or  
nothing to do4#bb ,it is true that      
,hildegard's contemporary  biographer1  
the monk ,theodoric1 assures us that she
 had written ,de  natura hominis et     
elementorum1 diversarumque              
creaturarum1#bc but  there is nothing to
 suggest that the ,liber subtilitatum is
 intended  thereby4    ,the modern      
scholars ,daremberg and ,reuss have     
edited the ,liber  subtilitatum as      
,hildegard's composition1#bd and the    
work attracted  the attention of        
,virchow1#be but notwithstanding the    

authority of  these names1 the          
objections which apply to the           
genuineness of the  ,causae et curae are
 also valid here3    7a7 ,the ,liber    
subtilitatum is not included in the     
,wiesbaden ,codex ,a4    7b7 ,the phrase
 ,de natura hominis et elementorum      
diversarumque  creaturarum1 used by     
,theodoric as a description and by      
,reuss as a  title1#bf would lead one to
 expect great emphasis on the nature of 
the  elements and their entry into the  
human frame4 ,such emphasis is not1 in  
fact1 discoverable in the ,liber        
subtilitatum1 which1 moreover1 does  not
 treat of human anatomy or physiology4  
7c7 ,on the other hand1 the genuine     
,liber divinorum operum simplicis       
hominis does lay stress on these points4
 ,this is possibly therefore  the work  
to which ,theodoric refers1 and to it   
his description certainly  applies well4
    7d7 ,as in the ,causae et curae1    
there are linguistic difficulties  that 
prevent us attributing the ,liber       

subtilitatum to ,hildegard4  ,such1 for 
instance1 is the number of ,germanisms  
as well as the marked  difference from  
the style and method of her acknowledged
 work4    7e7 ,there are statements in  
the ,liber subtilitatum that can        
scarcely be attributed to our authoress4
 ,having largely explored the  ,rhine   
basin1 and corresponding constantly with
 writers beyond the ,alps1  how could   
she possibly derive all rivers1 ,rhine  
and ,danube1 ,meuse and  ,moselle1 ,nahe
 and ,glan1 from the same lake 7of      
,constance7 as does the  author of the  
,liber subtilitatum8#bg    7f7          
,furthermore1 although that spurious    
work has a chapter ,de  elementis1 it   
reveals none of ,hildegard's most       
peculiar and definite  views as to their
 nature1 origin1 and fate1#bh nor does  
it refer to  the sphericity of the      
earth1 to the vascular system of man1 to
 the  humours and their relation to the 
winds and the elements1 or to a dozen   
other points on which1 as we shall see1 

,hildegard had views of her own4        
,before leaving the subject of          
,hildegard's apocryphal works1 brief    
reference may be made to the ,speculum  
futurorum temporum1 a  spurious         
production to which her name is often   
attached4 ,it exists  in innumerable    
,,mss41 and has been frequently edited  
and translated4  ,it is the work of     
,gebeno1 prior of ,eberbach1 who wrote  
it in #abbj1  claiming that he extracted
 it from ,hildegard's writings4 ,another
  work erroneously attributed to        
,hildegard is entitled ,revelatio de    
fratribus quatuor mendicantium ordinum1 
and is directed against  the four       
mendicant orders--,franciscans1         
,dominicans1 ,carmelites1 and           
,augustinians4 ,it also has been        
printed1 but is wholly spurious1 and was
  probably composed towards the latter  
part of the thirteenth century4      ,v4
 ,,sources ,,of ,,hildegard',s          
,,scientific ,,knowledge    ,in the     
works of ,hildegard we are dealing with 

the products of a  peculiarly original  
intellect1 and her imaginative power and
 mystical  tendency make an exhaustive  
search into the origin of her ideas by  
no means an easy task4 ,with her        
theological standpoint1 as such1 we  are
 not here concerned1 and unfortunately  
she does not herself refer  to any of   
her sources other than the ,biblical    
books2 to have cited  profane writers   
would indeed have involved the          
abandonment of her claim  that her      
knowledge was derived by immediate      
inspiration from on high4  ,nevertheless
 it is possible to form some idea1 on   
internal evidence1 of  the origin of    
many of her scientific conceptions4     
,the most striking point concerning the 
sources of ,hildegard is  negative4     
,there is no ,german linguistic element 
distinguishable in  her writings1 and   
they show little or no trace of native  
,german  folk-lore4#bi ,it is true that 
,trithemius of ,sponheim 7#adfb-aeaf71  
who is often a very inaccurate          

chronicler1 tells us that ,hildegard    
#8composed works in ,german as well as  
in ,latin1 although she had  neither    
learned nor used the latter tongue      
except for simple  psalmody'4#cj ,but   
with the testimony before us of the     
writings  themselves and of her skilful 
use of ,latin1 the statement of         
,trithemius  and even the hints of      
,hildegard#ca may be safely discounted  
and set  down to the wish to magnify the
 element of inspiration4#cb ,so far     
from her having been illiterate1 we     
shall show that the structure and       
details of her works betray a           
considerable degree of learning and     
much painstaking study of the works of  
others4 ,thus1 for instance1  she       
skilfully manipulates the ,hippocratic  
doctrines of miasma and the  humours1   
and elaborates a theory of the          
interrelation of the two which1  though 
developed on a plan of her own1 is yet  
clearly borrowed in its  broad outline  
from such a writer as ,isidore of       

,seville4 ,again1 as we  shall see1 some
 of her ideas on anatomy seem to have   
been derived from  ,constantine the     
,african1 who belonged to the           
,benedictine monastery of  ,monte       
,cassino4#cc    ,hildegard lived at     
rather too early a date to drink from   
the broad  stream of new knowledge that 
was soon to flow into ,europe through   
,paris from its reservoir in ,moslem    
,spain4 ,such drops from that source  as
 may have reached her must have trickled
 in either from the earlier  ,italian   
translators or from the ,jews who had   
settled in the ,upper  ,rhineland1 for  
it is very unlikely that she was        
influenced by the  earlier              
twelfth-century translations of         
,averroes1 ,avicenna1 ,avicebron1  and  
,avempace1 that passed into ,france from
 the ,jews of ,marseilles1              
,montpellier1 and ,andalusia4#cd ,her   
intellectual field was thus far  more   
patristic than would have been the case 
had her life-course been  even a quarter

 of a century later4    ,her science is 
primarily of the usual degenerate ,greek
 type1  disintegrated fragments of      
,aristotle and ,galen coloured and      
altered  by the customary mediaeval     
attempts to bring theory into line with 
scriptural phraseology1 though a high   
degree of independence is  obtained by  
the visionary form in which her views   
are set4 ,she  exhibits1 like all       
mediaeval writers on science1 the       
,aristotelian  theory of the elements1  
but her statement of the doctrine is    
illuminated by flashes of her own       
thoughts and is coloured by  suggestions
 from ,st4 ,augustine1 ,isidore         
,hispalensis1 ,bernard ,sylvestris  of  
,tours1 and perhaps from writings       
attributed to ,boethius4    ,the        
translator ,gerard of ,cremona          
7#aaad-hg7 was her contemporary1 and    
his labours made available for western  
readers a number of scientific  works   
which had previously circulated only    
among ,arabic-speaking  peoples4#ce     

,several of these works1 notably        
,ptolemy's ,almagest1  ,messahalah's ,de
 ,orbe1 and the ,aristotelian ,de ,caelo
 et ,mundo1  contain material on the    
form of the universe and on the nature  
of the  elements1 and some of them      
probably reached the ,rhineland in time 
to be  used by ,hildegard4 ,the         
,almagest1 however1 was not translated  
until  #aage1 and was thus inaccessible 
to ,hildegard4#cf ,moreover1 as she     
never uses an ,arabic medical term1 it  
is reasonably certain that she  did not 
consult ,gerard's translation of        
,avicenna1 which is crowded with        
,arabisms4    ,on the other hand1 the   
influence of the ,salernitan school may 
be  discerned in several of her         
scientific ideas4 ,the ,regimen         
,sanitatis  of ,salerno1 written about  
#aaja1 was rapidly diffused throughout  
,europe1  and must have reached the     
,rhineland at least a generation before 
the  ,liber ,divinorum ,operum was      
composed4 ,this cycle of verses may well

  have reinforced some of her           
microcosmic ideas1#cg and suggested also
  her views on the generation of man1#ch
 on the effects of wind on  health1#ci  
and on the influence of the stars4#dj   
,on the subject of the form of the earth
 ,hildegard expressed herself           
definitely as a spherist1#da a point of 
view more widely accepted  in the       
earlier ,middle ,ages than is perhaps   
generally supposed4 ,she  considers in  
the usual mediaeval fashion that this   
globe is surrounded  by celestial       
spheres that influence terrestrial      
events4#db ,but while  she claims that  
human affairs1 and especially human     
diseases1 are  controlled1 under ,god1  
by the heavenly cosmos1 she yet commits 
herself  to none of that more detailed  
astrological doctrine that was          
developing  in her time1 and came to    
efflorescence in the following          
centuries4  ,in this respect she follows
 the earlier and somewhat more          
scientific  spirit of such writers as   

,messahalah1 rather than the wilder     
theories  of her own age4 ,the shortness
 and simplicity of ,messahalah's tract  
on  the sphere made it very popular4 ,it
 was probably one of the earliest  to be
 translated into ,latin2 and its        
contents would account for the  change  
which1 as we shall see1 came over       
,hildegard's scientific views  in her   
later years4    ,the general conception 
of the universe as a series of          
concentric  elemental spheres had       
certainly penetrated to ,western ,europe
 centuries  before ,hildegard's time4   
,nevertheless the prophetess presents it
 to her  audience as a new and striking 
revelation4 ,we may thus suppose that   
translations of ,messahalah1 or of      
whatever other work she drew upon  for  
the purpose1 did not reach the ,upper   
,rhineland1 or rather did not  become   
accepted by the circles in which        
,hildegard moved1 until about  the      
decade #aada-ej1 during which she was   
occupied in the composition of  her     

,scivias4    ,there is another cosmic   
theory1 the advent of which to her      
country1  or at least to her circle1 can
 be approximately dated from her work4  
,hildegard exhibits in a pronounced but 
peculiar and original form  the doctrine
 of the macrocosm and microcosm4 ,hardly
 distinguishable  in the ,scivias       
7#aada-ej71 it appears definitely in the
 ,liber  ,vitae ,meritorum 7#aaeh-fb71dc
 in which work1 however1 it takes no    
very prominent place1 and is largely    
overlaid and concealed by other  lines  
of thought4 ,but in the ,liber          
,divinorum ,operum 7#aafc-gj7 this      
belief is the main theme4 ,the book is  
indeed an elaborate attempt to          
demonstrate a similarity and            
relationship between the nature of the  
,godhead1 the constitution of the       
universe1 and the structure of man1  and
 it thus forms a valuable compendium of 
the science of the day  viewed from the 
standpoint of this theory4    ,from     
whence did she derive the theory of     

macrocosm and microcosm8 ,in  outline   
its elements were easily accessible to  
her in ,isidore's ,de  ,rerum ,natura as
 well as in the ,salernitan poems4 ,but 
the work of  ,bernard ,sylvestris of    
,tours1 ,de mundi universitate sive     
megacosmus et  microcosmus1#dd          
corresponds so closely both in form1 in 
spirit1 and  sometimes even in          
phraseology1 to the ,liber ,divinorum   
,operum that  it appears to us certain  
that ,hildegard must have had access to 
it  also4 ,bernard's work can be dated  
between the years #aade-ec from his     
reference to the papacy of ,eugenius    
,,iii4 ,this would correspond well  with
 the appearance of his doctrines in the 
,liber ,vitae ,meritorum  7#aaeh-fb7 and
 their full development in the ,liber   
,divinorum ,operum  7#aafc-gj74         
,another contemporary writer with whom  
,hildegard presents points of  contact  
is ,hugh of ,st4 ,victor 7#ajie-aada74de
 ,in his writings the  doctrine of the  
relation of macrocosm and microcosm is  

more veiled than  with ,bernard         
,sylvestris4 ,nevertheless1 his symbolic
 universe is on the  lines of           
,hildegard's belief1 and the plan of his
 ,de arca ,noe mystica  presents many   
parallels both to the ,scivias and to   
the ,liber  ,divinorum ,operum4 ,if     
these do not owe anything directly to   
,hugh1 they  are at least products of   
the same mystical movement as were his  
works4    ,we may also recall that at   
,hildegard's date very complex          
cabalistic  systems involving the       
doctrine of macrocosm and microcosm were
 being  elaborated by the ,jews1 and    
that she lived in a district where      
,rabbinic  mysticism specially          
flourished4#df ,benjamin of ,tudela1 who
 visited  ,bingen during ,hildegard's   
lifetime1 tells us that he found there a
  congregation of his people4 ,since we 
know1 moreover1 that she was  familiar  
with the ,jews1#dg it is possible that  
she may have derived  some of the very  
complex macrocosmic conceptions with    

which her last  work is crowded from    
local ,jewish students4    ,the         
,alsatian ,herrade de ,landsberg 7died  
#aaie71 a contemporary of  ,hildegard1  
developed the microcosm theory along    
lines similar to those  of our abbess1  
and it is probable that the theory1 in  
the form in which  these writers present
 it1 reached the ,upper ,rhineland      
somewhere about  the middle or latter   
half of the twelfth century4            
,illustration3 ,from the ,,lucca ,,ms4  
fo4 #a v    ,plate ,,vi4 ,,nous         
,,pervaded ,,by ,,the ,,godhead ,,and   
,,controlling ,,hyle    ,apart from the 
,biblical books1 the work which made the
 deepest  impression on ,hildegard was  
probably ,augustine's ,de ,civitate     
,dei1  which seems to form the          
background of a large part of the       
,scivias4  ,the books of ,ezekiel and of
 ,daniel1 the ,gospel of ,nicodemus1 the
  ,shepherd of ,hermas1 and the         
,apocalypse1 all contain a lurid type of
  vision which her own spiritual        

experiences would enable her to         
utilize1 and which fit in well with her 
microcosmic doctrines4 ,ideas on  the   
harmony and disharmony of the elements  
she may have picked up from  such works 
as the ,wisdom of ,solomon and the      
,pauline writings1 though it  is obvious
 that ,isidore of ,seville and the      
,regimen ,sanitatis ,salerni  were also 
drawn upon by her4    ,illustration3    
,from the ,,lucca ,,ms4 fo4 #i r        
,plate ,,vii4 ,,nous ,,pervaded ,,by    
,,the ,,godhead ,,embracing ,,the       
,,macrocosm ,,with  ,,the ,,microcosm   
,her figure of the ,church in the       
,scivias reminds us irresistibly of     
,boethius' vision of the gracious       
feminine form of ,philosophy4 ,again1   
the visions of the punishments of ,hell 
which ,hildegard recounts in  the ,liber
 ,vitae ,meritorum#dh bear resemblance  
to the work of her  contemporary        
,benedictine1 the monk ,alberic the     
younger of ,monte  ,cassino1 to whom    
,dante also became indebted4#di         

,hildegard repeatedly assures us that   
most of her knowledge was revealed  to  
her in waking visions4 ,some of these we
 shall seek to show had a  pathological 
basis1 probably of a migrainous         
character1 and she was a  sufferer from 
a condition that would nowadays probably
 be classified  as hystero-epilepsy4    
,too much stress1 however1 can easily be
 laid on  the ecstatic presentment of   
her scientific views4 ,visions1 it must 
be remembered1 were #8the fashion' at   
the period1 and were a common  literary 
device4 ,her contemporary ,benedictine  
sister1 ,elizabeth of  ,schnau1 as well 
as numerous successors1 as for example  
,gertrude of  ,robersdorf1 adopted the  
same mechanism4 ,the use of the vision  
for  this purpose remained popular for  
centuries1 and we may say of these      
writers1 as ,ampre says of ,dante1 that 
#8the visions gave not the genius  nor  
the poetic inspiration1 but the form    
merely in which they were  realized'4   
,the contemporaries of ,hildegard who   

provide the closest analogy to  her are 
,elizabeth of ,schnau 7died #aafe71     
whose visions are recounted  in her life
 by ,eckbertus2#ej and ,herrade de      
,landsberg1 ,abbess of  ,hohenburg in   
,alsace1 the priceless ,,ms4 of whose   
,hortus ,deliciarum was  destroyed by   
the ,germans in the siege of ,strasbourg
 in #ahgj4ea ,with  ,elizabeth of       
,schnau1 who lived in her neighbourhood1
 ,hildegard was in  frequent            
correspondence4 ,with ,herrade she had1 
so far as is known1 no  direct          
communication2 but the two were         
contemporary1 lived not very far  apart1
 and under similar political and        
cultural conditions4 ,elizabeth's       
visions present some striking analogies 
to those of ,hildegard1 while  the      
figures of ,herrade1 of which copies    
have fortunately survived1  often       
suggest the illustrations of the        
,wiesbaden or of the ,lucca ,,mss4      
,,vi4 ,,the ,,structure ,,of ,,the      
,,material ,,universe    ,to the student

 of the history of science1 ,hildegard's
 beliefs as to the  nature and structure
 of the universe are among the most     
interesting  that she has to impart4    
,her earlier theories are in some       
respects  unique among mediaeval        
writers1 and we possess in the          
,wiesbaden ,codex  ,b a diagram enabling
 us to interpret her views with a       
definiteness and  certainty that would  
otherwise be impossible4    ,hildegard's
 universe is geocentric1 and consists of
 a spherical  earth1#eb around which are
 arranged a number of concentric shells 
or  zones4 ,the inner zones are         
spherical1 the outer oval1 and the      
outermost  of all egg-shaped1 with one  
end prolonged and more pointed than the 
other 7,fig4 #b74 ,the concentric       
structure is a commonplace of mediaeval 
science1 and is encountered1 for        
instance1 in the works of ,bede1        
,isidore1 ,alexander of ,neckam1 ,roger 
,bacon1 ,albertus ,magnus1 and ,dante4  
,to all these writers1 however1 the     

universe is spherical4 ,the egg-shape   
is peculiar to ,hildegard4 ,many of the 
,mappaemundi of the ,beatus and  other  
types exhibit the surface of the        
habitable earth itself as  oval1 and it 
was from such charts that ,hildegard    
probably gained her  conception of an   
oval universe4 ,in her method of        
orientation also she  follows these     
maps1 placing the east at the top of the
 page where we  are accustomed to place 
the north4#ec    ,it is unfortunate that
 she does not deal with geography in the
  restricted sense1 and so we are not in
 full possession of her views  on the   
antipodes1 a subject of frequent        
derision to patristic and  of           
misconception to scholastic writers4    
,she does1 however1 vaguely  refer to   
the inversion of seasons and climates in
 the opposite  hemisphere1#ed though she
 confuses the issue by the adoption of a
  theory widespread in the ,middle ,ages
 and reproduced in the ,divina          
,commedia1 that the antipodean surface  

of the earth is uninhabitable1  since it
 is either beneath the ocean or in the  
mouth of the ,dragon#ee  7,plate ,,xi1  
cp4 ,fig4 #d74 ,the nature of the       
antipodean inversion of  climates was   
clearly grasped by her contemporary1    
,herrade de ,landsberg  7,fig4 #e74     
,hildegard's views as to the internal   
structure of the terrestrial  sphere are
 also somewhat difficult to follow4 ,her
 obscure and confused  doctrine of      
,purgatory and ,hell has puzzled other  
writers besides  ourselves1#ef nor need 
we consider it here1 but she held that  
the  interior of the earth contained two
 vast spaces shaped like truncated      
cones1 where punishment was meted out   
and whence many evil things had         
issue4#eg ,her whole scheme presents    
analogies as well as contrasts  to that 
of her kindred spirit ,dante4#eh        
,hildegard1 however1 who died  before   
the thirteenth century had dawned1      
presents us with a scheme far  less     
definite and elaborated than that of her

 great successor1 who had  all the      
stores of the golden age of             
scholasticism on which to draw4    ,in  
,hildegard's first diagram of the       
universe1 which is of the nature  of an 
#8optical section'1 the world1 the      
sphaera elementorum of  ,johannes ,sacro
 ,bosco and other mediaeval writers1 is 
diagrammatically  represented as        
compounded of earth1 air1 fire1 and     
water confusedly  mixed in what her     
younger contemporary1 ,alexander of     
,neckam  7#aaeg-abag71 calls #8a certain
 concordant discord of the elements'4   
,in  the illustrations to the ,wiesbaden
 ,codex ,b the four elements have each  
a conventional method of representation1
 which appears again and again  in the  
different miniatures 7,fig4 #b and      
,plates ,,xii and ,,xiii74    ,around   
this world with its four elements is    
spread the atmosphere1 the  aer lucidus 
or alba pellis1 diagrammatically        
represented1 like  the earth which it   
enwraps1 as circular4 ,through this alba

 pellis  no creature of earth can       
penetrate4 ,beyond are ranged in order  
four  further shells or zones4 ,each    
zone contains one of the cardinal       
winds1 and each cardinal wind is        
accompanied by two accessory winds1     
represented in the traditional fashion  
by the breath of supernatural  beings4  
,of the four outer zones the first is   
the aer aquosus1 also round1  from which
 blows the east wind4 ,in the outer part
 of the aer aquosus  float the clouds1  
and according as they contract or expand
 or are blown  aside1 the heavenly      
bodies above are revealed or concealed4 
,enwrapping the aer aquosus is the purus
 aether1 the widest of all  the zones4  
,the long axis of this1 as of the       
remaining outer shells1  is in the      
direction from east to west1 thus       
determining the path of  movement of the
 heavenly bodies4 ,scattered through the
 purus aether  are the constellations of
 the fixed stars1 and arranged along the
 long  axis are the moon and the two    

inner planets4 ,from this zone blows the
  west wind4 ,the position and          
constitution of this purus aether is    
evidently the result of some            
misinterpretation of ,aristotelian      
writings4    ,the next zone1 the umbrosa
 pellis or ignis niger1 is a narrow dark
  shell1 whence proceed the more        
dramatic meteorological events4 ,here1  
following on the hints of the ,wisdom of
 ,solomon 7chap4 v7 and the ,book  of   
,job 7chap4 xxxviii71 are situated the  
diagrammatically portrayed  treasuries  
of lightning and of hail4 ,from here the
 tempestuous north  wind bursts forth4  
,this ignis niger is clearly comparable 
to the dry  earthy exhalation that works
 of the ,peripatetic school regard as   
given  off by the outer fiery zone4 ,the
 presence of the ignis niger thus       
suggests some contact on the part of the
 authoress with the teaching of  the    
,meteorologica of ,aristotle4#ei    ,the
 outermost layer of all is a mass of    
flames1 the lucidus ignis4  ,here are   

the sun and the three outer planets1 and
 from here the south  wind pours its    
scorching breath 7,fig4 #b74    ,the    
movements of the four outer zones around
 each other1 carrying  the heavenly     
bodies with them1 are attributed to the 
winds in each  zone4 ,the seasonal      
variations in the movements of the      
heavenly bodies1  along with the        
recurring seasons themselves1 are also  
determined  by the prevalent winds1     
which1 acting as the motive power upon  
the  various zones1 form a celestial    
parallelogram of forces4 ,in this way   
is ingeniously explained also why in    
spring the days lengthen and in  autumn 
they shorten until in either case an    
equinox is reached 7,fig4 #b74          
#8,i looked and behold the east and the 
south wind with their      collaterals1 
moving the firmament by the power of    
their breath1      caused it to revolve 
over the earth from east to west2 and in
 the      same way the west and north   
winds and their collaterals1 receiving  

the impulse and projecting their blast1 
thrust it back again from      west to  
east4444        #8,i saw also that as   
the days began to lengthen1 the south   
wind and      his collaterals gradually 
raised the firmament in the southern    
zone upwards towards the north1 until   
the days ceased to grow      longer4    
,then when the days began to shorten1   
the north wind with      his            
collaterals1 shrinking from the         
brightness of the sun1 drove      the   
firmament back gradually southward until
 by reason of the      lengthening days 
the south wind began yet again to raise 
it up'#fj      7,plates ,,vii and       
,,viii74    ,intimately bound up not    
only with her theory of the nature and  
structure of the universe but also with 
her eschatological beliefs  is          
,hildegard's doctrine of the elements4  
,before the fall of man  these were     
arranged in a harmony1#fa which was     
disturbed by that  catastrophe 7,plate  
,,xii a71#fb so that they have since    

remained in  the state of mingled       
confusion in which we always encounter  
them on the  terrestrial globe4 ,this   
mistio1 to use the mediaeval            
,aristotelian  term1 is symbolized by   
the irregular manner in which the       
elements are  represented in the central
 sphere of the diagram of the universe  
7,fig4  #b74 ,thus mingled they will    
remain until subjected to the           
melting-pot of  the ,last ,judgement    
7,plate ,,xiii71#fc when they will      
emerge in a new  and eternal harmony1 no
 longer mixed as matter1 but separate   
and pure1  parts of the new heaven and  
the new earth 7,plate ,,xii b74#fd      
#8,but the heavens and the earth1 which 
are now1444 are kept in      store and  
reserved unto fire against the day of   
judgment and      perdition of ungodly  
men4444 ,but the day of the ,lord will  
come 444      in the which the heavens  
shall pass away with a great noise1 and 
the elements shall melt with fervent    
heat1 the earth also and the      works 

that are therein shall be burned up4444 
,nevertheless we1      according to his 
promise1 look for new heavens and a new 
earth1      wherein dwelleth            
righteousness' 7#b ,peter iii4 #g1 #aj1 
and #ac74    ,so ,hildegard1 acting on a
 scriptural hint1 is enabled to         
dematerialize  her doctrine of the      
after-things4    ,but although since    
man's fall the elements have lost their 
order and  their harmony on this        
terrestrial orb1 yet is that harmony    
still in  part preserved in the         
celestial spheres that encircle and     
surround  our globe2 and water1 air1    
earth1 and fire have each their         
respective  representatives in the four 
concentric zones1 the aer aquosus1 the  
purus aether1 the umbrosa pellis1 and   
the lucidus ignis 7,fig4  #b74 ,these   
are the #8superior elements' which still
 retain some at least  of their         
individuality and primal purity4 ,from  
each of their spheres  blows1 as we have
 seen1 one of the cardinal winds1 and   

each wind  partakes of the elemental    
character of the zone whence it issues1 
and  has a corresponding influence on   
man's body1 since each of the four      
humours is specifically affected by the 
element to which it corresponds4        
#8,then ,i saw that by the diverse      
quality of the winds1 and of the        
atmosphere as they in turn sweep through
 it1 the humours in man      are        
agitated and altered4 ,for in each of   
the superior elements      there is a   
breath of corresponding quality by      
which1 through the      power of the    
winds1 the corresponding element below  
is forced to      revolve in the        
atmosphere1 and in no other way is it   
moved4 ,and by      one of those winds1 
with the agency of sun1 moon1 and stars1
 the      atmosphere which tempers the  
world is breathed forth'#fe 7,plate     
,,vii74    ,this doctrine of the        
relation of the various winds to the    
four elements  and through them to the  
four humours is found in the ,de ,rerum 

,natura  of ,isidore of ,seville1 and is
 occasionally illustrated in ,european  
,,mss4 from the ninth century onward1#ff
 but we meet it set forth with  special 
definiteness in the twelfth century in  
the translations from  ,messahalah4 ,it 
is encountered also in the work of      
,herrade de ,landsberg4  ,in and after  
the thirteenth century it had become a  
commonplace4    ,the description we have
 given of the universe was in the main  
set  forth by ,hildegard in her first   
work1 the ,scivias 7#aada-ej74fg        
,subsequently she became dissatisfied   
with the account she had given1  and    
while not withdrawing it1 she sought in 
the ,liber ,divinorum  ,operum          
7#aafc-gj7 so to modify the original    
presentment as to bring  it more into   
line with accepted views4 ,thus she     
writes3 #8,there  appeared to me in     
vision a disk very like that object     
which ,i saw  twenty-eight years ago of 
the form of an egg1 in the third vision 
of my book ,scivias4 ,in the outer part 

of the disk there was as it  were the   
lucidus ignis1 and beneath it the circle
 of the ignis  niger was portrayed 444  
and these two circles were so joined as 
to  be one circle4' ,there was thus one 
outer zone representing the fire4       
#8,under the circle of the ignis niger  
there was another circle in the         
likeness of the purus aether which was  
of the same width as the two  conjoined 
outer fiery circles4 ,and below this    
circle again was the  circle of the aer 
aquosus as wide as the lucidus ignis4   
,and below  this circle was yet another 
circle1 the fortis et albus lucidusque  
aer 444 the width whereof was as the    
width of the ignis niger1 and  these    
circles were joined to make one circle  
which was thus again of  width equal to 
the outer two4 ,again1 under this last  
circle yet another  circle1 the aer     
tenuis1 was distinguishable1 which could
 be seen to  raise itself as a cloud1   
sometimes high and light1 sometimes     
depressed  and dark1 and to diffuse     

itself as it were throughout the whole  
disk4444 ,the outermost fiery circle    
perfuses the other circles with its     
fire1 while the watery circle saturates 
them with its moisture1 cp4  ,wisdom of 
,solomon1 xix4 #ah-bj4 ,and from the    
extreme eastern part of  the disk to the
 extreme west a line is stretched out   
i4e4 the equator  which separates the   
northern zones from the others'#fh 7see 
,fig4 #c and  ,plates ,,vii and ,,viii74
    ,illustration3 ,fig4 #c4            
,,hildegard',s ,,second ,,scheme ,,of   
,,the ,,universe    ,reconstructed from 
her measurements4 ,,ab1 ,,cd1 and ,,ef  
are all equal to  each other1 as are    
also ,,gh1 ,,hk1 and ,,kl4 ,the clouds  
are situated in the  outer part of the  
aer tenuis1 and form a prolongation     
downwards from  the aer aquosus towards 
the earth4    ,the earth lies           
concentrically with the aer tenuis1 and 
its  measurements are given thus3 #8,in 
the midst of the aer tenuis a globe  was
 indicated1 the circumference of which  

was everywhere equidistant  from the    
fortis et albus lucidusque aer1 and it  
was as far across  as the depth of the  
space from the top of the highest circle
 to the  extremity of the clouds1 or    
from the extremity of the clouds to the 
circumference of the inner globe'#fh    
7,fig4 #c74    ,in her earlier work1 the
 ,scivias1 ,hildegard had not apparently
  realized the need of accounting for   
the independent movements of the        
planets other than the sun and moon4    
,she had thus placed the moon  and two  
of the moving stars in the purus aether1
 and the sun and  the three remaining   
moving stars in the lucidus ignis4      
,since these  spheres were moved by the 
winds1 their contained planets would be 
subject to the same influences4 ,in the 
,liber ,divinorum ,operum1  however1 she
 has come to realize how independent the
 movements of the  planets really are1  
and she invokes a special cause for     
their vagaries4  #8,i looked and behold 
in the outer fire 7lucidus ignis7 there 

appeared  a circle which girt about the 
whole firmament from the east westward4 
,from it a blast produced a movement    
from west to east in the opposite       
direction to the movement of the        
firmament4 ,but this blast did not give 
forth his breath earthward as did the   
other winds1 but instead thereof  it    
governed the course of the planets4'#fi 
,the source of the blast is  represented
 in the ,lucca ,,ms4 as the head of a   
supernatural being with a  human face   
7,plate ,,viii74    ,illustration3 ,from
 the ,,lucca ,,ms4 fo4 #bg v    ,plate  
,,viii4 ,,the ,,macrocosm ,,the         
,,microcosm ,,and ,,the ,,winds         
,illustration3 ,plate ,,ix4 ,from ,,the 
,,lucca ,,ms fo4 #cg r    ,,celestial   
,,influences ,,on ,,men ,,animals ,,and 
,,plants    ,these curious passages were
 written at some date after #aafc1 when 
,hildegard was at least #fe years old4  
,they reveal our prophetess  attempting 
to revise much of her earlier theory of 
the universe1  and while seeking to     

justify her earlier views1 endeavouring 
also to  bring them into line with the  
new science that was now just beginning 
to reach her world4 ,note that 7a7 the  
universe has become round2  7b7 there is
 an attempt to arrange the zones        
according to their  density1 i4e4 from  
without inwards1 fire1 air 7ether71     
water1 earth2  7c7 exact measurements   
are given2 7d7 the watery zone is       
continued  earthward so as to mingle    
with the central circle4 ,in all these  
and  other respects she is joining the  
general current of mediaeval science    
then beginning to be moulded by works   
translated from the ,arabic4  ,her      
knowledge of the movements of the       
heavenly bodies is entirely  innocent of
 the doctrine of epicycles1 but in other
 respects her  views have come to       
resemble those1 for instance1 of        
,messahalah1 one  of the simplest and   
easiest writers on the sphere available 
in her  day4 ,furthermore1 her          
conceptions have developed so as to fit 

in with  the macrocosm-microcosm scheme 
which she grasped about the year #aaeh4 
,even in her latest work1 however1 her  
theory of the universe exhibits         
differences from that adopted by the    
schoolmen1 as may be seen by  comparing 
her diagram with1 for example1 the      
scheme of ,dante 7,fig4 #d74            
,illustration3 ,fig4 #d4 ,,dante',s     
,,scheme ,,of ,,the ,,universe          
,slightly modified from ,michelangelo   
,caetani1 duca di ,sermoneta1 ,la       
materia della ,divina ,commedia di      
,dante ,allighieri dichiarata in ,,vi   
tavole1 ,monte ,cassino1 #ahee4    ,like
 many mediaeval writers1 ,hildegard     
would have liked to imagine an  ideal   
state of the elemental spheres in which 
the rarest1 fire1 was  uppermost1 and   
the densest1 earth1 undermost4 ,such a  
scheme was1 in  fact1 purveyed by       
,bernard ,sylvestris and by ,messahalah4
 ,her conceptions  were however         
disturbed by the awkward facts that     
water penetrated  below the earth1 and  

indeed sought the lowest level1 while   
air and not  water lay immediately above
 the earth's surface4 ,mediaeval writers
  adopted various devices and expended a
 great amount of ingenuity in  dealing  
with this discrepancy1 which was a      
constant source of obscurity  and       
confusion4 ,hildegard devotes much space
 and some highly involved  allegory both
 in the ,scivias and in the ,liber      
,divinorum ,operum to  the explanation  
of the difficulty1 while ,dante himself 
wrote a treatise  in high scholastic    
style on this very subject4#gj          
,illustration3 ,plate ,x4 ,a ,,crucifix 
,,in ,,the ,,uffizi ,,gallery    ,about 
the middle of the ,x,i,i,ith ,century4  
,,vii4 ,,macrocosm ,,and ,,microcosm    
,the winds and elements of the outer    
universe1 the macrocosm1 become in      
,hildegard's later schemes intimately   
related to structures and events  within
 the body of man himself1 the microcosm1
 the being around whom  the universe    
centres4 ,the terms macrocosm and       

microcosm are not  employed by her1 but 
in her last great work1 the ,liber      
,divinorum  ,operum1 she succeeds in    
most eloquent and able fashion in       
synthesizing  into one great whole1     
centred around this doctrine1 her       
theological  beliefs and her            
physiological knowledge1 together with  
her conceptions  of the working of the  
human mind and of the structure of the  
universe4  ,the work is thus an epitome 
of the science of the time viewed       
through  the distorting medium of this  
theory4 ,in studying it the modern      
reader  is necessarily hampered by the  
bizarre and visionary form into which   
the whole subject is cast4 ,nevertheless
 the scheme1 though complex  and        
difficult1 is neither incoherent nor    
insane1 as at first sight it  may seem4 
,on the contrary1 it is a highly        
systematic and skilful  presentment of a
 cosmic theory which for centuries      
dominated scientific  thought4    ,as an
 explanation of the complexity of       

existence which thinkers of all  ages   
have sought to bring within the range of
 some simple formula1 this  theory of   
the essential similarity of macrocosm   
and microcosm held in  the ,middle      
,ages1 during the ,renaissance1 and even
 into quite modern  times1 a position   
comparable to that of the theory of     
evolution in our  own age4 ,if at times 
it passed into folly and fantasy1 it    
should be  remembered that it also      
fulfilled a high purpose4 ,it gave a    
meaning  to the facts of nature and a   
formula to the naturalist1 it unified   
philosophic systems1 it exercised the   
ingenuity of theologians1 and  gave a   
convenient framework to prophecy1 while 
it seemed to illumine  history and to   
provide a key and meaning to life       
itself4 ,even now it  is not perhaps    
wholly devoid of message1 but as a      
phenomenon in the  history of human     
thought1 a theory which appealed to such
 diverse  scientific writers as ,seneca1
 ,albertus ,magnus1 ,paracelsus1        

,gilbert1  ,harvey1 ,boyle1 and         
,leibnitz1 is surely worthy of          
attention4    ,in essaying to interpret 
the views of our authoress on this      
difficult  subject1 we rely mainly on   
the text of the ,liber ,divinorum       
,operum1  supplemented by the beautiful 
illuminations of that work which adorn  
the ,lucca ,,ms4 ,the book opens with a 
truly remarkable vision 7,plate ,,vi73  
#8,i saw a fair human form and the      
countenance thereof was of such         
beauty and brightness that it had been  
easier to gaze upon the      sun4 ,the  
head thereof was girt with a golden     
circlet through which      appeared     
another face as of an aged man4 ,from   
the neck of the      figure on either   
side sprang a pinion which swept upward 
above the      circlet and joined its   
fellow on high4 ,and where on the right 
the      wing turned upward1 was        
portrayed an eagle's head with eyes of  
flame1 wherein appeared as in a mirror  
the lightning of the angels1      while 

from a man's head in the other wing the 
lightning of the      stars did radiate4
 ,from either shoulder another wing     
reached to the      knees4 ,the figure  
was robed in brightness as of the sun1  
while the      hands held a lamb shining
 with light4 ,beneath1 the feet trampled
 a      horrible black monster of       
revolting shape1 upon the right ear of  
which a writhing serpent fixed          
itself4'#ga    ,illustration3 ,from the 
,,lucca ,,ms4 fo4 #hf v    ,plate ,,xi4 
,,the ,,structure ,,of ,,the ,,mundane  
,,sphere    ,the image declares its     
identity in words reminiscent of the    
,wisdom  literature or of passages in   
the hermetic writings1 but which seem in
  fact to be partly borrowed from       
,bernard ,sylvestris4        #8,i am    
that supreme and fiery force that sends 
forth all the sparks      of life4      
,death hath no part in me1 yet do ,i    
allot it1 wherefore ,i      am girt     
about with wisdom as with wings4 ,i am  
that living and fiery      essence of   

the divine substance that glows in the  
beauty of the      fields4 ,i shine in  
the water1 ,i burn in the sun and the   
moon and      the stars4 ,mine is that  
mysterious force of the invisible wind4 
,i      sustain the breath of all       
living4 ,i breathe in the verdure and in
      the flowers1 and when the waters  
flow like living things1 it is ,i4      
,i formed those columns that support the
 whole earth4444 ,i am the      force   
that lies hid in the winds1 from me they
 take their source1      and as a man   
may move because he breathes so doth a  
fire burn but      by my blast4 ,all    
these live because ,i am in them and am 
of their      life4 ,i am wisdom4 ,mine 
is the blast of the thundered word by   
which      all things were made4 ,i     
permeate all things that they may not   
die4      ,i am life4'#gb               
,illustration3 ,,wiesb4 ,,cod4 ,b4 fo4  
#d r    ,plate ,x,i,ia4 ,,man',s ,,fall 
,,and ,,the ,,disturbance ,,of ,,the    
,,elemental ,,harmony    ,illustration3 

,,wiesb4 ,,cod4 ,b4 fo4 #bbd v    ,plate
 ,x,i,ib4 ,,the ,,new ,,heaven ,,and    
,,the ,,new ,,earth    ,hildegard thus  
supposes that the whole universe is     
permeated by a  single living spirit1   
the figure of the vision4 ,this spirit  
of the  macrocosm1 the ,nous or #8world 
spirit' of the hermetic and ,neoplatonic
  literature1 the impersonated ,nature1 
as we may perhaps render it1  is in its 
turn controlled by the ,godhead that    
pervades the form and  is represented   
rising from its vertex as a second human
 face4 ,nature1  the spirit of the      
cosmic order1 controls and holds in     
subjection the  hideous monster1 the    
principle of death and dissolution1 the 
,hyle  or primordial matter of the      
,neoplatonists1 whose chaotic and       
anarchic  force would shatter and       
destroy this fair world unless fettered 
by a  higher power4    ,with the details
 of the visionary figure we need not    
delay1#gc but  we pass to the           
description of the structure of the     

macrocosm itself1  to which the second  
vision is devoted 7,plate ,,vii74 ,here 
appears the  same figure of the         
macrocosmic spirit4 ,but now the head   
and feet  only are visible1 and the arms
 are outstretched to enclose the disk   
of the universe which conceals the body4
 ,although the macrocosm now  described 
is considerably altered from            
,hildegard's original scheme  of the    
universe1 she yet declares1 #8,i saw in 
the bosom of the form  the appearance of
 a disk of like sort to that which      
twenty-eight  years before ,i had seen  
in the third vision1 set forth in my    
book of  ,scivias'4#gd ,the zones of    
this disk are then described 7,plates   
,,vii1  ,,viii1 and ,,xi and ,fig4 #b74 
,they are from without inwards3      7a7
 ,the lucidus ignis1 containing the     
three outer planets1 the                
sixteen principal fixed stars1 and the  
south wind4      7b7 ,the ignis niger1  
containing the sun1 the north wind1 and 
the          materials of thunder1      

lightning1 and hail4      7c7 ,the purus
 aether1 containing the west wind1 the  
moon1 the two          inner planets1   
and certain fixed stars4      7d7 ,the  
aer aquosus1 containing the east wind4  
7e7 ,the fortis et albus lucidusque aer1
 where certain other fixed              
stars are placed4      7f7 ,the aer     
tenuis1 or atmosphere1 in the outer part
 of which is          the zone of the   
clouds4    ,from all these objects1 from
 the spheres of the elements1 from the  
sun1 moon1 and other planets1 from the  
four winds each with their  two         
collaterals1 from the fixed stars1 and  
from the clouds1 descend  influences1   
indicated by lines1 towards the figure  
of the macrocosm4    ,the microcosm is  
then introduced4        #8,and again ,i 
heard the voice from heaven saying1     
8,god1 who created      all things1     
wrought also man in his own image and   
similitude1 and      in him he traced   
signavit all created things1 and he held
 him      in such love that he destined 

him for the place from which the        
fallen angel had been cast40'#ge    ,the
 various characters of the winds are    
expounded in a set of curious  passages 
in which the doctrine of the macrocosm  
and microcosm is  further mystically    
elaborated4 ,an endeavour is made to    
attribute to  the winds derived from the
 different quarters of heaven qualities 
associated with a number of animals4#gf 
,the conception is illustrated  and made
 comprehensible by the miniatures in the
 ,lucca ,,ms4 7,plates ,,vii  and       
,,viii74        #8,in the middle of the 
disk of the universe there appeared the 
form of a man1 the crown of whose head  
and the soles of whose feet             
extended to the fortis et albus         
lucidusque aer1 and his hands      were 
outstretched right and left to the same 
circle4444 ,towards      these parts was
 an appearance as of four heads2 a      
leopard1 a wolf1      a lion1 and a     
bear4 ,above the head of the figure in  
the zone of the      purus aether1 ,i   

saw the head of the leopard emitting a  
blast from      its mouth1 and on the   
right side of the mouth the blast1      
curving      itself somewhat backwards1 
was formed into a crab's head 444 with  
two chelae2 while on the left side of   
the mouth a blast similarly      curved 
ended in a stag's head4 ,from the mouth 
of the crab's head1      another blast  
went to the middle of the space between 
the leopard      and the lion2 and from 
the stag's head a similar blast to the  
middle of the space between the leopard 
and the bear 444 and all      the heads 
were breathing towards the figure of the
 man4 ,under his      feet in the aer   
aquosus there appeared as it were the   
head of a      wolf1 sending forth to   
the right a blast extending to the      
middle      of the half space between   
its head and that of the bear1 where it 
assumed the form of the stag's head2 and
 from the stag's mouth      there came1 
as it were1 another breath which ended  
in the middle      line4 ,from the left 

of the wolf's mouth arose a breath which
 went      to the midst of the half     
space between the wolf and the lion1    
where      was depicted another crab's  
head 444 from whose mouth another       
breath ended in the same middle line4444
 ,and the breath of all the      heads  
extended sideways from one to           
another4444 ,moreover on the      right 
hand of the figure in the lucidus ignis1
 from the head of      the lion1 issued 
a breath which passed laterally on the  
right into      a serpent's head and on 
the left into a lamb's head 444         
similarly      on the figure's left in  
the ignis niger there issued a breath   
from the bear's head ending on its right
 in the head of another      lamb1 and  
on its left in another serpent's        
head4444 ,and above the      head of the
 figure the seven planets were ranged in
 order1 three      in the lucidus ignis1
 one projecting into the ignis niger and
      three into the purus aether4444   
,and in the circumference of the        

circle of the lucidus ignis there       
appeared the sixteen principal          
stars1 four in each quadrant between the
 heads4444 ,also the purus      aether  
and the fortis et albus lucidusque aer  
seemed to be full      of stars which   
sent forth their rays towards the       
clouds1 whence 444      tongues like    
rivers descended to the disk and towards
 the figure1      which was thus        
surrounded and influenced by these      
signs4'#gg    ,the third vision is      
devoted to an account of the human body1
 the  microcosm 7,plate ,,viii71 with a 
comparison of its organs to the parts of
  the macrocosmic scheme1 together with 
a detailed account of the effects  of   
the heavenly bodies on the humours in   
man1 the whole brought into a  strongly 
theological setting4 ,some of these     
views are set forth below  in the       
chapter on anatomy and physiology4      
,the fourth vision explains the         
influence of the heavenly bodies and  of
 the superior elements on the power of  

nature as exhibited on the  surface of  
the earth4 ,it is illustrated by a      
charming miniature in the  ,lucca ,,ms4 
7,plate ,,ix74    #8,i saw that the     
upper fiery firmament was stirred1 so   
that as it were  ashes were cast        
therefrom to earth1 and they produced   
rashes and ulcers  in men and animals   
and fruits4' ,these effects are shown in
 the left  upper quadrant of ,plate     
,,ix1 where the ashes are seen          
proceeding from  the lucidus ignis1 the 
#8upper fiery firmament'4 ,two figures  
are seen1  a female semi-recumbent1 who 
lifts a fruit to her mouth1 and a male  
figure fully recumbent1 on whose legs a 
rash is displayed4 ,the trees  also in  
this quadrant show the effects of the   
ashes1 two of them being  denuded of    
fruit and foliage4    #8,then ,i saw    
that from the ignis niger certain       
vapours 7nebulae7  descended1 which     
withered the verdure and dried up the   
moisture of the  fields4 ,the purus     
aether1 however1 resisted these ashes   

and vapours1  seeking to hold back these
 plagues4' ,these vapours may be seen in
  the right upper quadrant of ,plate    
,,ix4 ,they descend from the ignis      
niger1 attenuate for a space in the     
purus aether1 and then descend  through 
the other zones on to an arid and       
parched land4 ,here are two  husbandmen2
 one sits forlornly clasping his axe1   
while the other leans  disconsolately   
upon his hoe4 ,on the legs of the latter
 a rash may be  distinguished4    #8,and
 looking again ,i saw that from the     
fortis et albus lucidusque aer  certain 
other clouds reached the earth and      
infected men and beasts with  sore      
pestilence1 so that they were subjected 
to many ills even to the  death1 but the
 aer aquosus opposed that influence so  
that they were  not hurt beyond         
measure4' ,this scene is portrayed in   
the right lower  quadrant of ,plate     
,,ix4 ,here is a husbandman in mortal   
anguish4 ,he has  gathered his basket of
 fruit and now lies stricken with the   

pestilence4  ,his left hand is laid on  
his heart1 while his right hangs        
listless on  his thigh1 pointing to     
tokens of plague upon his legs4 ,beyond 
lies the  dead body of a beast on which 
a carrion bird has settled4    #8,again 
,i saw that the moisture in the aer     
tenuis was as it were  boiling above the
 surface of the earth1 awakening the    
force of the  earth and making fruits to
 grow4'#gh ,this happier scene is       
represented  in the left lower quadrant 
of ,plate ,,ix4 ,here the beneficent    
fertilizing  influence is falling on    
trees and herbs and the happy husbandmen
 are  reaping its results4              
,illustration3 ,from ,,wiesbaden ,,codex
 ,b fo4 #bbd r    ,plate ,,xiii4 ,,the  
,,last ,,judgement ,,and ,,fate ,,of    
,,the ,,elements    ,the main outline of
 the ,liber ,divinorum ,operum is1 we   
believe1  borrowed from the work of     
,bernard ,sylvestris of ,tours1 ,de     
mundi  universitate libri duo sive      
megacosmus et microcosmus4#gi ,in this  

composition by a teacher at the         
cathedral school of ,chartres1#hj the   
gods and goddesses of the classical     
pantheon flit across the stage1  for all
 the world as though the writer were a  
pagan1 and the work  might be thought to
 be the last one from which our pious   
authoress  would borrow4 ,the ,de mundi 
universitate is alternately in prose    
and verse and betrays an acquaintance   
with the classics very rare at  its     
date4 #8,the rhythm of the hexameters is
 clearly that of ,lucan1  while the     
vocabulary is mainly of ,ovid4'#ha ,the 
mythology is founded  mainly on the     
,timaeus4 ,the eternal seminaria of     
created things are  mentioned1 and it   
has been conjectured that the work      
exhibits traces  of the influence of    
,lucretius1#hb but the general line of  
thought is  clearly related to          
,neoplatonic literature4 ,thus the anima
 universalis  of ,neoplatonic writings  
can be identified with the ,nous or     
,noys  of ,bernard4 ,this principle is  

contrasted with primordial matter or    
,hyle4 ,the parallel character of the   
,liber ,divinorum ,operum and  the ,de  
mundi universitate can be illustrated by
 a few extracts from  the latter4 ,it   
will be seen that although the general  
setting is  changed1 yet ,hildegard's   
figure of the spirit of the macrocosm is
 to be  identified with ,bernard's      
,noys4 ,hyle1 on the other hand1 becomes
  in ,hildegard's plan the monstrous    
form1 the emblem of brute matter1 on    
which the spirit of the universe        
tramples4    ,illustration3 ,from       
,,bibl4 ,,nat4 ,,ms4 ,,lat4 #eedc fo4   
#acf r    ,plate ,,xiv4 ,,diagram ,,of  
,,the ,,relation ,,of ,,human ,,and     
,,cosmic ,,phenomena ,i,xth  ,century   
#8,in huius operis primo libro qui      
,megacosmus dicitur1 id est      maior  
mundus1 ,natura ad ,noym1 id est ,dei   
providentiam1 de primae      materiae1  
id est hyles1 confusione querimoniam    
quasi cum lacrimis      agit et ut      
mundus pulchrius petit4 ,noys igitur    

eius mota precibus      petitioni       
libenter annuit et ita quatuor elementa 
ab invicem      seiungit4 ,novem        
ierarchias angelorum in coelo ponit4    
stellas      in firmamento figit4 signa 
disponit4 sub signis orbes septem       
planetarum currere facit4 quatuor ventos
 cardinales sibi invicem      opponit4  
,sequitur genesis animantium et terrae  
situs medius4444        #8,in secundo   
libro qui ,microcosmus dicitur1 id est  
minor mundus1      ,noys ad ,naturam    
loquitur et de mundi expolitione        
gloriatur et in      operis sui         
completione se hominem plasmaturam      
pollicetur4 ,iubet      igitur ,uraniam1
 quae siderum regina est1 et ,physin1   
quae rerum      omnium est peritissima1 
sollicite perquirat4 ,natura protinus   
iubenti obsequitur et per caelestes     
circulos ,uraniam quaeritans eam        
sideribus inhiantem reperit4 eiusque    
itineris causa praecognita      se      
operis et itineris comitem ,urania      
pollicetur4444 ,subitoque ibi      ,noys

 affuit suoque velle eis ostenso trinas 
speculationes tribus      assignando    
tribuit  ad hominis plasmationem eas    
impellit4 ,physis      igitur de quatuor
 elementorum reliquiis hominem format et
 a capite      incipiens membratim      
operando opus suum in pedibus           
consummat4444        #8,noys ego        
scientia et divinae voluntatis          
arbitraria ad      dispositionem rerum1 
quem ad modum de consensu eius accipio1 
sic      meae administrationis officia  
circumduco4444        #87,noys7 erat    
fons luminis1 seminarium vitae1 bonum   
bonitatis      divinae1 plenitude       
scientiae quae mens altissimi nominatur4
 ,ea      igitur noys summi             
exsuperantissimi ,dei est intellectus et
 ex      eius divinitate nata natura4444
 ,erat igitur videre velut in           
speculo tersiore quicquid generationi   
quicquid operi ,dei secretior           
destinarat affectus4'#hc    ,hildegard's
 conception of macrocosm and microcosm1 
which was thus  probably borrowed from  

,bernard ,sylvestris1 has analogies also
 to those  well-known figures           
illustrating the supposed influence of  
the signs of  the zodiac on the         
different parts of the body4#hd ,such   
figures1 with  the zodiacal symbols     
arranged around a figure of ,christ1 may
 be seen  in certain ,,mss4 anterior to 
,hildegard1#he while the influence of   
the  #8,melothesia'1 to give it the name
 assigned by ,porphyry1 has been traced 
through its period of efflorescence at  
the ,renaissance 7,plates ,,xv1#hf      
,,xvi1#hg and ,,xvii1#hh compare with   
,plates ,,vii and ,,viii7 right down  to
 our own age and country1 where it still
 appeals to the ignorant and            
foolish4#hi    ,hildegard often         
interprets natural events by means of a 
peculiarly  crude form of the doctrine1 
as when she describes how #8if the      
excess of  waters below are drawn up to 
the clouds 7by the just judgment of ,god
  in the requital of sinners71 then the 
moisture from the aer aquosus  transudes

 through the fortis et albus lucidusque 
aer as a draught  drunk into the urinary
 bladder2 and the same waters descend in
 an  inundation'4#ij    ,again1 events  
in the body of man are most naively     
explained on the  basis of the nature of
 the external world as she has pictured 
it4        #8,the humours at times rage 
fiercely as a leopard and again they are
      softened1 going backwards as a    
crab2#ia or they may show their         
diversity by leaping and goring as a    
stag1 or they may be as a      wolf in  
their ravening1 and yet again they may  
invade the body of      man after the   
manner of both wolf and crab4 ,or else  
they may show      forth their strength 
unceasingly as a lion1 or as a serpent  
they      may go now softly1 now        
violently1 and at times they may be     
gentle      as a lamb and at times again
 they may growl as an angered bear1     
and at times they may partake of the    
nature of the lamb and of the           
serpent4'#ib    ,having completed her   

general survey of the macrocosm 7,vision
 ,,ii71  and having investigated in     
detail the structure of man's body1 the 
microcosm1 in terms of the greater      
universe 7,vision ,,iii71 and discussed 
the influence of the heavenly bodies on 
terrestrial events 7,vision ,,iv71      
,hildegard turns to the internal        
structure of the terrestrial sphere     
7,vision ,v74 ,this vision is           
illustrated by the figure in the ,lucca 
,,ms4  reproduced in ,plate ,,xi4       
,illustration3 ,fig4 #e4 ,from ,herrade 
de ,landsberg's ,hortus deliciarum1     
after ,straub and ,keller4    ,upon the 
surface of the earth towards the east   
stands the building  which symbolizes   
the aedificium of the church1 a         
favourite conception  of our authoress4 
,this church is surmounted by a halo1   
whence proceed  a pair of pinions which 
extend their shelter over a full half of
 the  earth's circumference4 ,as for the
 rest of the earth's surface1 part  is  
within the wide-opened jaws of a        

monster1 the ,destroyer1 and the        
remainder is beneath the surface of the 
ocean4 ,within the earth are  five parts
 analogous1 as she would have us        
believe1 to the five senses4  ,an       
eastern clear arc and a western clouded 
one signify respectively  the excellence
 of the orient where ,zion is situated1 
and the ,cimmerian  darkness of the     
occidental regions over which the shadow
 of the  dragon is cast4 ,centrally is a
 quadrate area divided into three zones 
where the qualities of heat and cold and
 of a third intermediate                
#8temperateness' 7temperies7 are stored4
 ,north and south of this are  two areas
 where purgatory is situate4 ,each is   
shaped like a truncated  cone and       
composed also of three sectors4 ,souls  
are seen suffering in  one sector the   
torment of flame1 in another the torment
 of water1 while  in the third or       
intermediate sector lurk monsters and   
creeping  things which add to the       
miseries of purgatory or at times come  

forth to  earth's surface to plague     
mankind4 ,these northern and southern   
sections  exhibit dimly by their        
identically reversed arrangement the    
belief in  the antipodean inversion of  
climate1 an idea hinted several times in
  ,hildegard's writings1 but more       
definitely illustrated by a figure of   
,herrade de ,landsberg 7,fig4 #e74      
,illustration3 ,from ,,bibl4 ,,nat4     
,,ms4 ,,lat4 #gjbh fo4 #aed r    ,plate 
,,xv4 ,,an ,x,ith ,,century ,,french    
,,melothesia    ,illustration3 ,from    
,,bibl4 ,,nat4 ,,ms4 ,,lat4 #aabbi fo4  
#de v    ,plate ,,xvi4 ,a ,,melothesia  
,,of ,,about #adjj    ,illustration3    
,from the ,,symbolum ,,apostolicorum    
,plate ,,xvii4 ,a ,,german ,,block      
,,book    ,first ,half of ,x,vth        
,century4 ,heidelberg ,university       
,library    ,illustration3 ,from        
,,bodleian ,,ms4 ,,ashmole #cii fo4 #ah 
r    ,plate ,,xviii4 ,,an ,,anatomical  
,,diagram ,,of ,,about #abih    ,from   
the ,five-,figure ,series4 ,cp4 ,plate  

,,xxxiii    ,illustration3 ,fig4 #f4    
,illustration3 ,fig4 #g4                
,,melothesiae    ,from ,r4 ,fludd1      
,historia utriusque cosmi1 ,oppenheim1  
#afai1 pp4 #aab and  #aac4              
,illustration3 ,fig4 #h4 ,,the          
,,microcosm    ,from ,r4 ,fludd1        
,philosophia sacra seu astrologia       
cosmica1 ,frankfurt1  #afbh1 p4 #eb4    
,macrocosmic schemes of the type        
illustrated by the text of ,hildegard   
and by the figures of the ,lucca ,,ms4  
had a great vogue in mediaeval  times1  
and were passed on to later ages4 ,some 
passages in ,hildegard's  work read     
curiously like ,paracelsus              
7#adia-aeda71ic and it is not  hard to  
find a link between these two difficult 
and mystical writers4  ,trithemius1 the 
teacher of ,paracelsus1 was abbot of    
,sponheim1 an  important settlement     
almost within sight of ,hildegard's     
convents on the  ,rupertsberg and       
,disibodenberg4 ,trithemius studied     
,hildegard's writings  with great care  

and attached much importance to them1 so
 that they may  well have influenced his
 pupil4 ,the influence of mediaeval     
theories of  the relation of macrocosm  
and microcosm is encountered among      
numerous  ,renaissance writers besides  
,paracelsus1 and is presented to us1 for
  instance1 by such a cautious1         
balanced1 and scientifically-minded     
humanist as ,fracastor4 ,but as the     
years went on1 the difficulty in        
applying the details of the theory      
became ever greater and greater4  ,facts
 were strained and mutilated more and   
more to make them fit the  ,procrustean 
bed of an outworn theory1 which at      
length became untenable  when the       
heliocentric system of ,copernicus and  
,galileo replaced the  geocentric and   
anthropocentric systems of an earlier   
age4 ,the idea  of a close parallelism  
between the structure of man and of the 
wider  universe was gradually abandoned 
by the scientific1 while among the      
unscientific it degenerated and became  

little better than an insane  obsession4
 ,as such it appears in the ingenious   
ravings of the ,english  follower of    
,paracelsus1 the ,rosicrucian1 ,robert  
,fludd1 who reproduced1  often with     
fidelity1 the systems which had some    
novelty five centuries  before his time 
7,figs4 #f1 #g1 and #h74 ,as a similar  
fantastic obsession  this once fruitful 
hypothesis still occasionally appears   
even in modern  works of learning and   
industry4#id      ,,viii4 ,,anatomy     
,,and ,,physiology    ,hildegard's ideas
 on these subjects are set out in the   
fourth vision  of the ,liber ,divinorum 
,operum1 which is devoted to a          
description of  man's body according to 
the macrocosmic scheme4 ,this setting   
makes her  account by no means easy to  
read1 while it increases the difficulty 
of  tracing the origin of her views4    
,the list of works containing anatomical
 descriptions available to a  ,german   
writer in the early ,middle ,ages is not
 long4 ,avicenna was hardly  yet        

accessible1 and only such scraps of     
,galen as appear in ,constantine  and   
the ,salernitans4 ,the available works  
may be enumerated thus3      7a7 ,the   
short ,anatomia porci of ,copho of      
,salerno1 dating from          about    
#ajhe4ie      7b7 ,an anonymous         
,salernitan anatomy1#if written about   
#aajj and          largely based on     
,copho and ,constantine4      7c7 ,the  
,liber de humana natura of ,constantine 
the ,african1          written probably 
between #ajgj and #ajhe at ,monte       
,cassino4#ig      7d7 ,constantine's ,de
 communibus medico cognitu necessariis  
locis1          written about the same  
time as the above4#ih ,this work is in  
four books1 of which the second1 third1 
and fourth are devoted          to      
anatomy and physiology4      7e7 ,here  
may be placed also ,constantine's       
translation of the          ,viaticum of
 ,isaac ,judeus4 ,both these latter     
works of          ,constantine are long 
and technical1 and designed for the use 

of          the trained physician4      
,in addition to these there was in the  
,middle ,ages a definite anatomic       
tradition1 which expressed itself       
constantly in3      7f7 ,a series of    
five anatomical diagrams representing   
respectively          the arteries1     
veins1 bones1 nerves1 and muscles#ii    
7see ,plate          ,,xxxiii1 opposite 
page #ib of the present volume74 ,these 
diagrams          were copied in the    
most servile fashion for centuries1 and 
something very like them has remained in
 use to this day in          ,tibet4#ajj
 ,the versions1 whether in ,persia or   
,england1 in          ,germany or       
,italy1 were remarkably uniform4        
7g7 ,in several ,,mss4 there has been   
found attached to these                 
remarkable diagrams a short text        
describing the five systems1            
arteries1 veins1 nerves1 bones1 and     
muscles4 ,this text1          however1  
purporting to be from ,galen1 has little
 relation to          the figures1 which

 it does not really explain1 and it     
should          therefore be regarded as
 a separate work4#aja    ,illustration3 
,from ,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b fo4 #bb r  
,plate ,,xix4 ,,birth4 ,,the ,,arrival  
,,and ,,trials ,,of ,,the ,,soul        
,illustration3 ,from ,,wiesbaden ,,codex
 ,b fo4 #be r    ,plate ,,xx4 ,,death4  
,,the ,,departure ,,and ,,fate ,,of     
,,the ,,soul    ,of these seven sources 
it appears to us that 7c7 and 7f7--the  
short  ,de humana natura of             
,constantine1 and the five-figure       
series--are  those on which ,hildegard  
drew4 ,the absence of ,arabisms and the 
scarcity of technical anatomical terms  
in her writings1 her failure to         
distinguish between veins and arteries1 
the absence of anything of the  nature  
of myology or osteology1 together with  
the neglect of the spinal  marrow as an 
important organ1 make it very unlikely  
that she consulted  ,constantine's      
longer works or the ,salernitan         
authorities or the text of  the         

five-figure series4 ,her anatomical     
descriptions resemble those of          
,constantine's shorter work1 on the     
other hand1 in the description of  the  
three vesicles of the brain and their   
relations to the faculties  of the mind1
 in the treatment of the five senses1 in
 the view of  the influence of the      
planets on the child and the emphasis   
laid on  epilepsy1 as well as in the    
absence of any distinction between      
arteries  and veins1 and in the loose   
doctrines of the humours and of the     
causes  of deformities and              
monstrosities4 ,in some of these        
respects also her  account of the human 
body presents points of resemblance to  
the ,de  hominis membris ac partibus of 
,hugh of ,st4 ,victor1#ajb with whom1   
however1 her contact appears to be less 
close than with ,constantine4    ,we may
 infer that ,hildegard had consulted    
anatomical diagrams and was  accustomed 
to this method of representing the      
organs from a passage  descriptive of   

the microcosm1 in which she says that   
#8in the mouth of  the figure in whose  
body was the disk1 ,i saw a light       
brighter than  the light of day1 in the 
form of threads1 some circular1 some in 
other geometrical forms1 and some shaped
 like human members belonging  to the   
figure1 which was clearly portrayed on  
the disk upright and  accurately        
limned'4#ajc ,these #8circles and       
geometrical figures' fairly  describe   
the highly diagrammatic manner in which 
the five-figure series  represents the  
internal organs1 and several points     
suggest that she  does indeed refer to  
this series4 ,her description of the    
abdominal  muscles 7umbilicus7          
#8covering the viscera like a cap'1 her 
general  descriptions of the vessels    
7venae7 and the muscles1 and especially 
her account of the vessels of the leg   
and of the intimate relations of  the   
main venae to the organ of hearing1 fits
 in perfectly with the  form of these   
remarkable diagrams 7,plate ,,xviii74   

,we here render some of the most        
important of her general anatomical     
descriptions3        #8,the humours may 
pass to the liver1 where wisdom is      
tested1 having      been already        
tempered in the brain by the strength of
 the spirit1      and having absorbed   
its moisture so that now it is plump1   
strong1      and healthy4        #8,in  
the right of man is the liver and its   
great heat1 so that the      right is   
swift to act and to work2#ajd but       
towards the left are      heart and     
lung1 which fortify the body for its    
task and receive      their heat from   
the liver as from a furnace4 ,but the   
vessels of      the liver1 affected by  
the agitation of the humours1 trouble   
the      venules of the ear of man and  
sometimes confound the organ of         
hearing4444        #8,i saw also that   
sometimes the humours seek the navel1   
which covers      the viscera as a cap1 
and holds them in1 lest they be         
dissipated1      and maintains their    

course and preserves the heat both of   
them      and of the veins4444 ,but     
sometimes the humours seek the loins    
7lumbos71#aje which mock1 deceive1 and  
endanger the virile      powers and     
which are held in place by nerves and   
other vessels2 in      which1           
nevertheless1 reason nourishes so that  
man may know what to      do and what to
 avoid4444        #8,and the same       
humours go to the vessels of the reins  
and of other      members1 and pass in  
their turn to the vessels of the spleen1
 and      then to the lungs and to the  
heart2 and they meet the viscera      on
 the left where they are warmed by the  
lungs1 but the liver      warms the     
right-hand side of the body4 ,and the   
vessels of the      brain1 heart1 lung1 
liver1 and other parts carry strength to
 the      reins1 whose vessels descend  
to the legs1 strengthening them2 and    
returning along with the leg vessels1   
they unite with the virile      organ or
 with the womb as the case may be4      

#8,and as the stomach absorbs food1 or  
as iron is sharpened on a      stone1 so
 do they bring the reproductive power to
 those parts4    ,illustration3 ,from   
,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b1 fo4 #abc r      
,plate ,,xxi4 ,,the ,,fall ,,of ,,the   
,,angels        #8,again1 the muscles of
 the arms1 legs1 and thighs contain     
vessels      full of humours2 and just  
as the belly has within it viscera      
containing nourishment1 so the muscles  
of arms1 legs1 and thighs      have both
 vessels and the contained humours which
 preserve man's      strength4444 ,but  
when a man runs or walks quickly1 the   
nerves about      the knees and the     
venules in the knees become distended4  
,and since      they are united with the
 vessels of the legs1 which are numerous
      and intercommunicate in a net-like
 manner1 they conduct the fatigue       
to the vessels of the liver1 and thus   
they reach the vessels of the           
brain1 and so send the fatigue          
throughout the body4 ,but the vessels   

from the reins pass rather to the left  
leg than to the right1      because the 
right leg gets its strength more from   
the heat of the      liver4 ,and the    
vessels of the right leg ascend as far  
as the renal      and kindred vessels1  
and these latter vessels unite with     
those of      the kidney4 ,and the liver
 warms the reins which lie in the       
fatness      derived from the           
humours4444        #8,the humours in man
 are distributed in just measure4 ,but  
when they      affect the veins of the  
liver1 his humidity is decreased and    
also      the humidity of the chest is  
attenuated2 so that thus dried1 he      
falls into disease of such a nature that
 the phlegm is dry and      toxic and   
ascends to the brain4 ,there it produces
 headache and pain      in the eyes and 
wasting of the marrow1 and thus if the  
moon is in      default he may develop  
the falling evil epilepsy4        #8,the
 humidity also which is in the umbilicus
 is dispersed by the      same humours1 

and turned into dryness and hardness1 so
 that the      flesh becomes ulcerated  
and scabby as though he were leprous1   
if indeed he do not actually become so4 
,and the vessels of his      testicles1 
being adversely affected by these       
humours1 similarly      disturb the     
other vessels1 so that the proper       
humidity is dried up      within them2  
and thus1 the humours being withdrawn1  
impetigos may      arise 444 and the    
marrow of the bones and the vessels of  
the flesh      are dried up1 and so the 
man becomes chronically ill1 dragging   
out      his days in languor4           
#8,but sometimes the humours affect     
breast and liver 444 so that            
various foolish thoughts arise 444 and  
they ascend to the brain      and infect
 it and again descend to the stomach and
 generate fevers      there1 so that the
 man is long sick4 ,yet again they vex  
the minor      vessels of the ear with  
superfluity of phlegm2 or with the same 
phlegm they infect the vessels of the   

lung1 so that he coughs and      can    
scarce breathe2 and the phlegm may pass 
thence into the vessels      of the     
heart and give him pain there1 or the   
pain may pass into the      side1       
exciting pleurisy2 under such           
circumstances also1 the moon      being 
in defect1 the man may lapse into the   
falling sickness4'#ajf      _/          
,sometimes ,hildegard's anatomical ideas
 can be paralleled among her            
contemporaries4 ,thus the following     
passage on the relationship of the      
planets to the brain is well illustrated
 by a diagram of ,herrade de            
,landsberg4    ,illustration3 ,fig4 #i4 
,from ,herrade de ,landsberg's ,hortus  
deliciarum1  after ,straub and ,keller's
 reproduction4#ajg        #8,from the   
summit of the vessel of the brain to the
 extremity of the      forehead seven   
equal spaces can be distinguished4 ,here
 the seven      planets are designated1 
the uppermost planet in the highest     
part1      the moon in front1 the sun in

 the middle and the other planets       
distributed among the other spaces'     
7,fig4 #i74    ,illustration3 ,from     
,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b fo4 #da v        
,plate ,,xxii4 ,,the ,,days ,,of        
,,creation ,,and ,,the ,,fall ,,of ,,man
      ,,ix4 ,,birth ,,and ,,death ,,and 
,,the ,,nature ,,of ,,the ,,soul    ,the
 method by which the soul enters the    
body is set forth in a very  striking   
vision in the ,scivias and is           
illustrated in the ,wiesbaden  ,codex ,b
 by a no less remarkable miniature      
7,plate ,,xix74 ,the soul1 which        
contains the element of wisdom1 passes  
into the infant's body while  yet within
 the mother's womb4 ,the ,wisdom of ,god
 is represented  as a four-square       
object1 with its angles set to the four 
quarters  of the earth1 this form being 
the symbol of stability4 ,from it a     
long tube-like process descends into the
 mother's womb4 ,down this  there passes
 into the child a bright object1        
described variously as  #8spherical' and

 as #8shapeless'1 which #8illumines the 
whole body' and  becomes or develops    
into the soul4    ,the birth scene is   
strikingly portrayed4 ,in the foreground
 lies the  mother with the head and     
shoulders supported and the right arm   
raised4  ,in her womb is the infant in  
the position known to obstetricians as a
  #8transverse presentation'4 ,around   
the child may be distinguished clear    
traces of the uterine membranes4 ,near  
the couch are ranged a group of  ten    
figures who carry vessels containing the
 various qualities of the  child4 ,above
 and to the left the ,evil ,one may be  
seen pouring some  noxious substance    
into one of these vessels1 or perhaps   
abstracting  some element of good4 ,the 
whole scene suggests the familiar fairy 
tale  in which1 while all bring pleasant
 gifts to the child's birth1 there      
comes at last the old witch or the      
ill-used relative who adds a quota  of  
spitefulness4    ,the scene is described
 and expounded as follows3              

#8,behold1 ,i saw upon earth men        
carrying milk in earthen vessels        
and making cheeses therefrom4 ,some was 
of the thick kind from      which firm  
cheese is made1 some of the thinner sort
 from which      more porous tenuis     
cheese is made1 and some was mixed with 
corruption tabes and of the sort from   
which bitter cheese is      made4 ,and  
,i saw the likeness of a woman having a 
complete human      form within her     
womb4 ,and then1 by a secret disposition
 of the      ,most ,high ,craftsman1 a  
fiery sphere having none of the         
lineaments      of a human body         
possessed the heart of the form1 and    
reached the      brain and transfused   
itself through all the members4444 ,and 
,i saw      that many circling eddies   
possessed the sphere and brought it     
earthward1 but with ever renewed force  
it returned upward and with      wailing
 asked1 8,i1 wanderer that ,i am1 where 
am ,i80 8,in death's      shadow40 8,and
 where go ,i80 8,in the way of sinners40

 8,and what is my      hope80 8,that of 
all wanderers40'#ajh ,the vision is     
explained as      follows3 #8,those whom
 thou seest carrying milk in earthen    
vessels      are in the world1 men and  
women alike1 having in their bodies the 
seed of mankind from which are          
procreated the various kinds of         
human beings4 ,part is thickened because
 the seed in its strength      is well  
and truly concocted1 and this produces  
forceful men to      whom are allotted  
gifts both spiritual and carnal4444 ,and
 some      had cheeses less firmly      
curdled1 for they in their feebleness   
have seed imperfectly tempered1 and they
 raise offspring mostly      stupid1    
feeble1 and useless4444 ,and some was   
mixed with corruption      444 for the  
seed in that brew cannot be rightly     
raised1 it is      invalid and makes    
misshapen men who are bitter1           
distressed1 and      oppressed of heart1
 so that they may not lift their gaze to
 higher      things4444#aji ,and often  

in forgetfulness of ,god and by the     
mocking devil1 a mistio is made of the  
man and of the woman and      the thing 
born therefrom is deformed1 for parents 
who have sinned      against me return  
to me crucified in their children4'#aaj 
7,compare      ,constantine ,de humana  
natura1 sections #8,de perfectione' and 
#8,de      impeditione'47    ,hildegard 
thus supposes that the qualities and    
form of a child are  inherited from its 
parents1 but that two factors1 the      
formless soul  from the ,almighty and   
the corrupt fluid instilled by the      
devil1 also  contribute to the character
 of offspring4 ,this is the usual       
mediaeval  view and is broadly portrayed
 in the figure4    ,the strange         
conception of the body being formed from
 the seed1 as  cheese is precipitated   
and curdled from milk1 is doubtless     
derived from  a passage in the ,book of 
,job3        #8,hast thou not poured me 
out as milk1      ,and curdled me like  
cheese8      ,thou hast clothed me with 

skin and flesh1      ,and knit me       
together with bones and sinews' 7,job x4
 #aj1 #aa74aaa    ,when the body has    
thus taken shape there enters into it   
the soul which1  though at first        
shapeless1 gradually assumes the form of
 its host1 the  earthly tabernacle2 and 
at death the soul departs through the   
mouth  with the last breath1 as a fully 
developed naked human shape1 to be      
received by devils or angels as the case
 may be 7,plate ,,xx74    ,illustration3
 ,from ,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b4 fo4 #dg r
    ,plate ,,xxiii4 ,,the ,,vision ,,of 
,,the ,,trinity    ,during its residence
 in the body the soul plays the part    
usually  assigned to it in the earlier  
mediaeval psychology1 before the ideas  
of  ,nemesius and ,ibn ,ghazali had been
 elaborated and systematized by ,albert 
and ,aquinas4 ,hildegard regards the    
brain as having three chambers or       
divisions1 corresponding to the three   
parts of man's nature1 an idea          
encountered in the writings of ,st4     

,augustine4 ,parallel to these there    
are1 she tells us1        #8three       
elements in man by which he shows life2 
to wit1 soul      7anima71 body         
7corpus71 and sense 7sensus74 ,the soul 
vivifies      the body and inspires the 
senses2 the body attracts the soul and  
reveals the senses2 the senses affect   
the soul and allure the      body4 ,for 
the soul rules the body as a flame      
throws light into      darkness1 and it 
has two principal powers or limbs1 the  
intellect      7intellectus7 and the    
will 7voluntas72 not indeed that the    
soul      has limbs to move itself1 but 
that it manifests itself thereby as     
the sun declares himself by his         
brightness4444 ,for the intellect       
is attached to the soul as the arms to  
the body3 for as the body      is       
prolonged into arms with fingers and    
hands attached1 so the      intellect is
 produced from the soul by the operation
 of its various      powers4'#aab    ,we
 need follow ,hildegard no further into 

her maze of micro-cosmology1  in which  
an essential similarity and relationship
 is discovered  between the qualities of
 the soul1 the constitution of the      
external  cosmos1 and the structure of  
the body1 a thought which appears as the
  culmination of her entire system and  
provides the clue to the otherwise      
incomprehensible whole4#aac      ,x4    
,,the ,,visions ,,and ,,their           
,,pathological ,,basis    ,for the      
physical accompaniments and phenomena of
 ,hildegard's visions we  have three    
separate lines of evidence3 her own     
account2 the statements  of her         
contemporary biographers1 ,theodoric and
 ,godefrid2 and the  miniatures of the  
,wiesbaden ,codex ,b1 probably prepared 
under her  supervision4    ,it is clear 
that despite the length and activity of 
her life1 ,hildegard  did not enjoy     
normal health4 ,from a very early age   
she was the subject  of trances and     
visions1 and from time to time she was  
prostrated with  protracted illness4    

#8,god punished me for a time by laying 
me on a bed of sickness so      that the
 blood was dried in my veins1 the       
moisture in my flesh      and the marrow
 in my bones1 as though the spirit were 
about to      depart from my body4 ,in  
this affliction ,i lay thirty days while
 my      body burned as with fever1 and 
it was thought that this sickness       
was laid upon me for a punishment4 ,and 
my spirit also was ailing1      and yet 
was pinned to my flesh1 so that while ,i
 did not die1 yet      did ,i not       
altogether live4 ,and throughout those  
days ,i watched      a procession of    
angels innumerable who fought with      
,michael and      against the dragon and
 won the victory4444 ,and one of them   
called      out to me1 8,eagle6         
,eagle6#aad why sleepest thou8444 ,all  
the eagles      are watching thee4444   
,arise6 for it is dawn1 and eat and     
drink40      ,and then the whole troop  
cried out with a mighty voice1444 8,is  
not      the time for passing come8     

,arise1 maiden1 arise60 ,instantly my   
body and my senses came back into the   
world2 and seeing this1 my              
daughters who were weeping around me    
lifted me from the ground and           
placed me on my bed1 and thus ,i began  
to get back my strength4        #8,but  
the affliction laid upon me did not     
fully cease2 yet was my      spirit     
daily strengthened4444 ,i was yet weak  
of flesh1 timid of      mind1 and       
fearful of pain 444 but in my soul ,i   
said1 8,lord6 ,lord6      all that ,thou
 puttest upon me ,i know to be good 444 
for have ,i not      earned these things
 from my youth up80 ,yet was ,i assured 
,he would      not permit my soul to be 
thus tortured in the future life4444#aae
      ,thus was my body seethed as in a 
pot 444 yet gave ,i thanks to ,god1     
for if this affliction had not been from
 ,him ,i had surely not lived      so   
long4 ,but although ,i was thus         
tortured1 yet did ,i1 in supernal       
vision1 often repeat1 cry aloud1 and    

write those things which the      ,holy 
,spirit willed to put before me4        
#8,three years were thus passed during  
which the ,cherubim pursued me      with
 a flaming sword 444 and at length my   
spirit revived within me      and my    
body was restored again as to its veins 
and marrows1 and      thus ,i was       
healed4'#aaf    ,this illness of        
,hildegard was the longest and the most 
typical1 but  by no means the only one  
through which she passed4 ,she describes
 her  affliction as continuing for long 
periods1 but there can be little  doubt1
 from her history1 that during much of  
the time she was able to  carry on some 
at least of her functions as head of a  
religious house4    ,illustration3      
,,wiesb4 ,,cod4 ,b4 fo4 #bac v          
,,sedens ,,lucidus    ,illustration3    
,from ,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b fo4 #aec r 
,plate ,,xxiv4 ,,zelus ,,dei    ,the    
condition from which she was suffering  
was clearly a functional  nervous       
disorder2 this is sufficiently          

demonstrated by her repeated  complete  
recoveries1 her activity between the    
attacks1 and the great  age to which she
 lived4 ,at first sight1 the long       
procession of  figures and visions      
suggests that she might have been the   
victim of  a condition similar to that  
of which ,jerome ,cardan has left us so 
complete a personal record4 ,but on     
reading the books of visions1 the       
reader will easily convince himself that
 we are not here dealing with a         
dream-state4 ,the visions are indeed    
essentially vivid4 #8,these visions     
which ,i saw'1 she repeatedly assures   
us1 #8,i beheld neither in sleep1  nor  
in dream1 nor in madness1 nor with my   
carnal eyes1 nor with the  ears of the  
flesh1 nor in hidden places2 but        
wakeful1 alert1 with the  eyes of the   
spirit and with the inward ears ,i      
perceived them in open  view and        
according to the will of ,god4 ,and how 
this was compassed is  hard indeed for  
human flesh to search out4'#aag         

,nevertheless1 though the visions       
exhibit great originality and creative  
power--the reader will often be reminded
 of ,william ,blake--all or  nearly all 
present certain characters in common4   
,in all a prominent  feature is a point 
or a group of points of light1 which    
shimmer and  move1 usually in a wavelike
 manner1 and are most often interpreted 
as  stars or flaming eyes4 ,in quite a  
number of cases one light1 larger  than 
the rest1 exhibits a series of          
concentric circular figures of  wavering
 form2 and often definite fortification 
figures are described1  radiating in    
some cases from a coloured area4 ,often 
the lights gave  that impression of     
working1 boiling or fermenting1         
described by so  many visionaries1 from 
,ezekiel onwards4    ,this outline of   
the visions the saint herself variously 
interpreted4  ,we give examples from the
 more typical of these visions1 in which
  the medical reader or the sufferer    
from migraine will1 we think1  easily   

recognize the symptoms of scintillating 
scotoma4 ,some of the  illuminations1   
here reproduced in their original       
colours1 will confirm  this             
interpretation4        #8,i saw a great 
star most splendid and beautiful1 and   
with it      an exceeding multitude of  
falling sparks which with the star      
followed southward4 ,and they examined  
,him upon ,his throne almost      as    
something hostile1 and turning from     
,him1 they sought rather the      north4
 ,and suddenly they were all            
annihilated1 being turned into          
black coals 444 and cast into the abyss 
that ,i could see them no      more'#aah
 7,plate ,,xxi74    ,this vision1       
illustrated by the beautiful figure of  
stars falling into  the waves1 is       
interpreted by her as signifying the    
,fall of the ,angels4    ,the concentric
 circles appear in numerous visions1 and
 notably in  that of the ,days of the   
,creation of the ,world and the ,fall of
 ,man1  illustrated by what is perhaps  

the most beautiful of all the miniatures
  of the ,wiesbaden ,codex ,b 7lib4 ii1 
vis4 #a1 ,plate ,,xxii74 ,it is in this 
concentric form that ,hildegard most    
frequently pictures the ,almighty1  and 
the idea again appears in the eleventh  
miniature1 here reproduced  in its      
original colours1 which she describes as
 #8a most shining light  and within it  
the appearance of a human form of a     
sapphire colour which  glittered with a 
gentle but sparkling glow' 7lib4 ii1    
vis4 #b1 ,plate  ,,xxiii74 ,appearances 
of this type are recorded again and     
again4    ,the type with fortification  
figures is encountered in a whole series
  of visions1 of which we reproduce the 
account and illumination of the  ,zelus 
,dei 7lib4 iii1 vis4 #e1 ,plate ,,xxiv1 
lower section74        #8,i looked and  
behold a head of marvellous form 444 of 
the colour      of flame and red as     
fire1 and it had a terrible human face  
gazing      northward in great wrath4   
,from the neck downward ,i could see no 

further form1 for the body was          
altogether concealed 444 but the        
head itself ,i saw1 like the bare form  
of a human head4 ,nor was it      hairy 
like a man1 nor indeed after the manner 
of a woman1 but it      was more like to
 a man than a woman1 and very awful to  
look upon4        #8,it had three wings 
of marvellous length and breadth1 white 
as a      dazzling cloud4 ,they were not
 raised erect but spread apart one      
from the other and the head rose        
slightly above them 444 and at          
times they would beat terribly and again
 would be still4 ,no word      uttered  
the head1 but remained altogether still1
 yet now and again      beating with its
 extended wings4'    ,from the head     
extended a series of fortification      
lines1 and this  peculiar form of vision
 is reproduced on several occasions and 
variously interpreted 7,plate ,,xxiv1   
upper section74 ,it is united with      
similar visions in what we regard as a  
reconstructed conception of  exceedingly

 complex structure4 ,this she claims to 
see separately1 and  she interprets it  
as the aedificium of the city of ,god   
7,plate ,,xxv74  ,such reconstructed    
visions are clearly of a different type 
and origin  to the simple group in which
 a shining light or group of lights is  
encountered and interpreted as a        
speaking figure4    ,illustration3 ,from
 ,,the ,,wiesbaden ,,codex ,b fo4 #cj r 
,plate ,,xxv4 ,,the ,,heavenly ,,city   
,hildegard's visions1 perhaps without   
exception1 contain this element of  a   
blinding or glittering light1 which she 
interprets in a more or less  spiritual 
manner4 ,we terminate our account with  
the passage in which  she sums up her   
experiences of it4        #8,from my    
infancy'1 she says1 #8up to the present 
time1 ,i being now      more than       
seventy years of age1 ,i have always    
seen this light in      my spirit and   
not with external eyes1 nor with any    
thoughts of my      heart nor with help 
from the senses4 ,but my outward eyes   

remain      open and the other corporeal
 senses retain their activity4 ,the     
light which ,i see is not located but   
yet is more brilliant than the      sun1
 nor can ,i examine its height1 length1 
or breadth1 and ,i name      it the     
8cloud of the living light04 ,and as    
sun1 moon1 and stars are      reflected 
in water1 so the writings1 sayings1     
virtues1 and works      of men shine in 
it before me4 ,and whatever ,i thus see 
in vision      the memory thereof       
remains long with me4 ,likewise ,i see1 
hear1 and      understand almost in a   
moment and ,i set down what ,i thus     
learn4444        #8,but sometimes ,i    
behold within this light another light  
which ,i      name 8the ,living ,light  
itself04444 ,and when ,i look upon it   
every      sadness and pain vanishes    
from my memory1 so that ,i am again as a
      simple maid and not as an old     
woman4444#aai        #8,and now that ,i 
am over seventy years old my spirit     
according      to the will of ,god soars

 upward in vision to the highest heaven 
and to the farthest stretch of the air  
and spreads itself among      different 
peoples to regions exceeding far from me
 here1 and thence      ,i can behold the
 changing clouds and the mutations of   
all created      things2 for all these  
,i see not with the outward eye or ear1 
nor      do ,i create them from the     
cogitations of my heart 444 but within  
my spirit1 my eyes being open1 so that  
,i have never suffered any      terror  
when they left me4'#abj                 
,,note4--,the author's thanks are due to
 the ,rev4 ,h4 ,a4 ,wilson1 ,mr4    ,c4 
,c4 ,j4 ,webb1 and ,mr4 ,r4 ,r4 ,steele1
 who have read the proofs of this       
article and have made valuable          
suggestions2 to ,mr4 ,j4 ,a4 ,herbert of
    the ,,ms4 ,department of the        
,british ,museum1 who drew his attention
 to    the work of ,herrade de          
,landsberg2 and to ,mr4 ,m4 ,h4         
,spielmann1 who    brought to his notice
 the crucifix figured in ,plate ,x4 ,he 

owes a    special debt of gratitude to  
the late ,dom ,louis ,baillet of        
,oosterhoot    for his courtesy and     
generosity in lending him reproductions 
of the    illuminations of the          
,wiesbaden ,codex4 ,baillet was a young 
scholar of    great promise1 whose early
 death is a severe loss to the knowledge
 of    mediaeval science4      ,the     
author has also to thank ,professor     
,henrici of the ,nassauische            
,landesbibliothek at ,wiesbaden1        
,professor ,wille and ,professor ,sillib
    of the ,universittsbibliothek at    
,heidelberg1 and ,signor ,boselli    of 
the ,r4 ,bibliotica ,governativa at     
,lucca1 who have all given him          
exceptional facilities for the study of 
the treasures under their    charge4    
,illustration3 ,signed photograph of    
,john ,wilfred ,jenkinson    ,,john     
,,wilfred ,,jenkinson      ,john        
,wilfred ,jenkinson was born in #ahga1  
and came from ,bradfield  to ,exeter    
,college1 ,oxford1 with a classical     

scholarship in #ahij4  ,after taking his
 degree in ,literae ,humaniores he came1
 in #ahid1 to  ,university ,college1    
,london1 where he devoted himself with  
extraordinary  and never-flagging energy
 to biological studies4    ,without     
having had the usual preliminary        
scientific teaching1 he  brought1 on the
 other hand1 a well-trained mind to bear
 on his new  work1 and the rapidity and 
completeness with which he acquired his 
scientific equipment was one of the most
 striking and interesting  points in his
 career4 ,jenkinson very soon turned to 
original  investigation1 and from the   
first he showed a predilection for      
,embryology4    ,for a short time he    
held a post at one of the great ,london 
hospitals1  but he soon returned to     
,oxford to join the teaching staff of   
the  ,department of ,comparative        
,anatomy4 ,he used the opportunity of   
,university vacations to work in the    
laboratory of the late ,professor  ,a4  
,a4 ,w4 ,hubrecht at ,utrecht1 where    

part of his first published  research   
was written4 ,during the fifteen years  
of life that remained  to him1 he       
established himself as the foremost     
,english writer on  ,embryology1        
devoting himself especially to its      
experimental aspect1 a  line of work in 
which he will rank as one of the        
pioneers4    ,jenkinson became ,doctor  
of ,science in #aije1 and in the same   
year he  married ,constance ,stephenson4
 ,in #aijf he was appointed ,university 
,lecturer in ,embryology1 and in #aiji  
he was elected to a ,research           
,fellowship at ,exeter ,college4        
,jenkinson's mind was not of the type   
that matures early1 but one felt  in him
 a power of solid intellect that gained 
in force from year to  year4 ,the gap in
 the ranks of ,british ,science caused  
by his death  has been generally        
recognized1 but his loss seems greatest 
to those  personally acquainted with    
him1 who know that he had by no means   
reached the zenith of his powers4       

,jenkinson led a single-minded and      
unselfish life1 wholly free from        
worldly and ignoble ambitions4 ,of      
simple and winning humour1 happy in  his
 domestic life and absorbed in his      
studies1 he represented the very  best  
type of scientific worker4    ,he was   
gifted with a powerful physique1 and on 
the outbreak of war  he became an ardent
 member of the ,oxford ,volunteer       
,training ,corps4  ,his qualities of    
calm courage and high sense of duty     
marked him out  as a valuable officer4  
,although forty-three years of age1 he  
took a  commission in the #abth         
,worcester ,regiment in ,january1 #aiae1
 and was  promoted ,captain in the      
following ,april4 ,on ,may #aj he left  
for the  ,dardanelles1 having been      
selected for service with the #bnd      
,royal  ,fusiliers4 ,he was killed in   
action on ,june #d1 only ten days after 
his  arrival at the ,gallipoli          
peninsula4      ,,books ,,and ,,papers  
,,by ,j4 ,w4 ,,jenkinson      #a4 #8,a  

,re-investigation of the ,early ,stages 
of the ,development of the              
,mouse4' ,quart4 ,jour4 ,micr4 ,science1
 xliii4 #aijj4      #b4 #8,observations 
on the ,histology and ,physiology of the
 ,placenta of        the ,mouse4'       
,tijdschr4 ,nederland4 ,dierkund4       
,vereen41 vii 7#b74        #aijb4       
#c4 #8,observations on the ,maturation  
and ,fertilization of the ,egg of       
the ,axolotl4' ,quart4 ,jour4 ,micr4    
,science1 xlviii4 #aije4      #d4       
#8,remarks on the ,germinal ,layers of  
,vertebrates and on the                 
,significance of ,germinal ,layers in   
general4' ,mem4 and ,proc4              
,manchester ,lit4 and ,phil4 ,soc41     
#aijf4      #e4 #8,notes on the         
,histology and ,physiology of the       
,placenta in        ,ungulata4' ,proc4  
,zool4 ,soc4 #aijf4      #f4 #8,on the  
,effects of certain ,solutions upon the 
,development of the        ,frog's      
,egg4' ,arch4 ,ent4-,mech41 xxi4 #aijf4 
#g4 #8,on the ,relation between the     

,symmetry of the ,egg and the ,symmetry 
of the ,embryo in the ,frog 7,rana      
temporaria74' ,biometrika1 v4           
#aijf4      #h4 ,experimental           
,embryology4 ,oxford1 #aiji4      #i4   
#8,on the ,relation between the         
,symmetry of the ,egg1 the ,symmetry    
of ,segmentation1 and the ,symmetry of  
the ,embryo in the ,frog4'              
,biometrika1 vii4 #aiji4      #aj4      
#8,the ,effects of ,sodium ,chloride on 
the ,growth and ,variability of         
the ,tadpole of the ,frog4' ,arch4      
,ent4-,mech41 xxx 7#b74 #aiaj4      #aa4
 #8,vitalism4' ,hibbert ,journal4 #aiaa4
      #ab4 #8,on the ,development of    
,isolated ,pieces of the ,gastrulae of  
the        ,sea-,urchin                 
,strongylocentrotus lividus4' ,arch4    
,ent4-,mech41        xxxii4 #aiaa4      
#ac4 #8,on the ,effect of certain       
,isotonic ,solutions on the ,development
        of the ,frog4' ,arch4           
,ent4-,mech41 xxxii4 #aiaa4      #ad4   
#8,on the ,origin of the ,polar and     

,bilateral ,structure of the ,egg of    
the ,sea-,urchin4' ,arch4 ,ent4-,mech41 
xxxii4 #aiaa4      #ae4 #8,the          
,development of the ,ear-,bones in the  
,mouse4' ,jour4 ,anat4 and              
,phys41 vi 7#c74 #aiaa4      #af4       
#8,growth1 ,variability1 and            
,correlation in ,young ,trout4'         
,biometrika1 viii4 #aiab4      #ag4     
,vertebrate ,embryology4 ,oxford1 #aiac4
      #ah4 #8,the ,effect of            
,centrifugal ,force on the ,structure   
and ,development        of the ,egg of  
the ,frog4' ,quart4 ,jour4 ,micr4       
,science4 #aiad4      #ai4 #8,the       
,placenta of a ,lemur4' ,quart4 ,jour4  
,micr4 ,science4 ,july        #aiae4    
#bj4 ,three ,lectures on ,experimental  
,embryology4 ,oxford1 #aiag4            
,,vitalism                              
,by ,j4 ,w4 ,jenkinson      ,in one of  
the oldest biological treatises in the  
world1 the soul  or life of an organism 
is defined in the most general way as an
  activity of a natural organic living  

body--       --life being autonomous    
nutrition and  growth and decay4 ,the   
activity may1 however1 be latent or     
patent1  passive or active1 sleeping or 
waking1 without losing its peculiar     
characters4 ,it is substance 771 but    
substance as #8form' as opposed  to the 
material substance of the body1 and the 
living body is therefore  also a        
substance in a double sense4    ,it is  
not identical with the body2 but as     
form1 proportion 771  activity 771      
essence 7   71 it is related  to the    
body1 mere matter 771 and potentiality  
77 in just  the same way as the seal is 
related to the wax2 and the body is the 
instrument whereby it effects its       
purposes2 though subsequent in time1  it
 is prior in thought to the body1 as all
 activities are to the  materials with  
which they operate4    ,at the same time
 neither it nor its parts are separable 
from the body1  with the exception1     
possibly1 of mind 772 it is indeed the  
actual  or possible functioning of the  

body1 like the seeing of the eye or  the
 cutting of the axe1 and with the       
disappearance of the capacity of  this  
functioning the soul itself also        
perishes4 ,lastly1 it is a cause  7  7  
in a triple sense3 first1 as the source 
of motion2  secondly1 as that for the   
sake of which the body exists2 and      
thirdly1  as its essence 77 or formal   
cause4 ,the soul or life is of several  
kinds1 which form together an ascending 
series each member of which is          
necessarily involved in those above it4 
,the lowest is the nutritive soul 771   
found in all living  things1 and the    
only soul possessed by plants4 ,it is   
defined as motion  in respect of        
nutrition1 decay1 and growth1 processes 
which involve  alteration 77 in the     
body2 and its functions 77 are to       
utilize food for the maintenance and    
reproduction of the form of the  body1  
and to control and limit growth4    ,the
 second is the perceptive soul 771 the  
possession of  which distinguishes      

animals from plants4 ,this also is a    
kind of  alteration 7 7 and consists in 
being moved and affected4  ,the         
fundamental and indispensable perception
 is touch 771 for it is  concerned in   
the acquisition of the food4 ,it is     
invariably present3 the  others may or  
may not1 some or all1 coexist with it4  
,thirdly1 some animals are possessed of 
a capacity for locomotion1 and  the     
performance of this function requires   
again a special kind of soul4           
,lastly1 there is the reasoning soul 77 
or mind 774 ,this  is found in man      
alone1 unless there be other beings     
similar to him1 or  even nobler than he4
 ,mind alone is eternal and separable   
from the body4    ,though the           
observation and experiment of modern    
science would doubtless  find much to   
alter in the details of these simple    
definitions1 yet it  must be conceded   
that1 by what is certainly a most       
fortunate guess if  it is not the most  
wonderful insight1 ,aristotle has laid  

his finger  on the cardinal point of    
modern physiological doctrine4 ,for1    
putting  aside for the moment the mental
 faculties1 it is here laid down in  the
 clearest manner that not only the      
functions of growth and decay1          
nutrition1 and reproduction1 but also   
the capacity of responding to  stimuli  
are to be ultimately resolved into some 
kind of movement of the  particles of   
which the body is composed4 ,life1 in   
short1 as we might  say with ,virchow1  
is a mode of motion4    ,the biology of 
to-day distinguishes living from        
inanimate bodies by the  possession and 
exercise of the three principal         
properties or functions  of metabolism1 
irritability1 and reproduction2 and     
further1 the body  which performs these 
functions is not only composed of       
chemically  complex                     
substances--proteids--which are not     
found in things that are  not alive1 but
 possesses a structure4 ,in no case1    
even the simplest1 is  the organism a   

mere homogeneous lump of protoplasm1 but
 it has parts or  organs1 visibly       
different from one another1 and         
obviously correlated  with the          
activities appropriated to each2 and it 
is the preservation  of that structure1 
in the individual and in the race1 which
 is the end  towards which the          
collective performance of all these     
functions1 or the  life of the organism1
 is apparently directed4    ,some of    
these peculiarities are shared by       
certain things that are  not commonly   
regarded as alive4 ,crystals have of    
course a definite  structure2 they can  
divide1 and when broken they can make   
good the  missing part1 but they do not 
assimilate to the substance of their own
  bodies a food-material which is less  
complex than it1 and they are not       
irritable4    ,the differences1 indeed1 
between the living and the lifeless are 
so  profound1 that it is not to be      
wondered at that there should have been 
in all ages natural philosophers who    

have held that living activities  are   
phenomena sui generis1 differing toto   
caelo from the properties  exhibited by 
lifeless bodies1 and never by any       
conceivability to be  expressed in terms
 of these4    ,this doctrine is         
vitalism4    ,it exists in several      
varieties1 but one at least is of very  
ancient  lineage and can be traced back 
through mediaeval times to the          
biological speculations of the ,greeks4 
,whether ,aristotle really held the     
vitalistic views which have since  been 
attributed to him is a matter we shall  
have to discuss later on1  but it is    
certain that in the writings of ,galen  
there is to be found  a theory of life  
which bears the stamp of ,aristotelian  
influence1 and  was destined to hand    
that influence on to future generations4
 ,galen  admits the sensitive soul of   
,aristotle as the peculiarity of        
animals1  and the rational soul for man1
 but substitutes for the nutritive soul 
certain works of nature--attraction1    

repulsion1 retention1 alteration4  ,and 
further1 the rational soul is no longer 
immortal1 but perishable1  and is       
dependent on the body1 where its seat is
 in the brain2 it is  material or       
quasi-material1 a 1 most efficient when 
dry4    ,after a long interval this     
doctrine reappears in the sixteenth     
century  in the writings of ,vesalius1  
who tells us that the heart has a vital 
soul1 the liver a natural soul1 while   
there is elaborated in the  ventricles  
of the brain an animal spirit or        
principal soul4    ,meanwhile1 however1 
the conception of life as something     
material had  been discarded by         
,paracelsus for the belief that the     
soul1 or as he  called it1 the          
#8,archaeus'1 by which the chemical     
processes of the body  are governed1 is 
not a material but a spiritual force1 a 
view restated  by ,stahl more than a    
hundred years afterwards4 #8,the events 
of the  body'1 says this author1 #8may  
be rough-hewn by chemical and physical  

forces1 but the soul will shape them to 
its own ends1 and will do that  by its  
instrument1 motion4'    ,this1 of       
course1 is vitalism1 and vitalism in its
 extreme or  #8animistic' form4 ,the    
idea recurs later on in the biology of  
,treviranus4 ,to be living is to have a 
soul1 he tells us1 and the  conscious   
,lebenskraft employs the forces of the  
material world to  form the organism4   
#8,das ,weitzenkorn hat allerdings      
,bewusstsein dessen1  was in ihm ist und
 aus ihm werden kann1 und trumt wirklich
 davon4'  ,though he adds quaintly      
enough1 #8,sein ,bewusstsein und seine  
,trume  mgen dunkel genug sein'4 ,it is 
curious to observe the revival1 at the  
beginning of the twentieth century1 of  
this mediaeval mysticism in the         
speculative writings of so accomplished 
an experimentalist as ,hans  ,driesch4  
,driesch is an embryologist who in his  
earlier days had enunciated an          
invaluable analytical theory of         
development1 a theory which suggests    

that while the formation of the first or
 elementary organs that  appear in the  
embryo or larva--such structures as the 
larval gut or  sense-organ1 or the      
germ-layers--depends upon the presence  
in the germ  of certain specific        
organ-forming substances 7and this is a 
fact which  has since been abundantly   
demonstrated by experiment71 the origin 
of  parts that appear later in          
development may be accounted for by the 
action of the first-formed structures   
upon one another1 these actions  being  
in the nature of physiological responses
 to stimuli2 and for this  also some    
evidence has been produced4 ,on this    
view differentiation is a  mechanical   
process1 set in motion by fertilization 
or some other cause1  and1 given a      
certain initial structure of the germ or
 ovum1 given the  presence in it of a   
certain number of parts or substances   
capable  of acting upon one another with
 a fixed co-ordination or harmony of    
the stimuli and the responses1 given    

further a proper constitution  of the   
external environment1 then a definite   
result must follow1 the  production of  
an organism which is like the parents   
that gave it birth4    ,but in his later
 treatises this hypothesis has been     
repudiated1 and1 by  a remarkable       
volte-face1 replaced by a dogma of a    
wholly different  kind4 ,for now it is  
urged that no merely material factors   
can possibly  account either for the    
harmony of development--the due         
co-ordination  of mutually reacting     
parts2 or for the secondary harmony of  
composition--the formation of complex   
organs by the union of tissues2  or for 
the functional harmony seen in the      
activities of the adult4    ,for        
example1 it is asserted that any        
fragment of an egg of a  sea-urchin1 if 
not too small 7not less than #a_/cb of  
the egg71 can give  rise to a whole and 
normal larva4 ,we are told that the     
cells of the  segmented ovum may be     
disarranged to any extent by various    

means1  such as raising the temperature1
 diluting the sea-water1 removing the   
calcium from the sea-water1 or by       
shaking1 without prejudice to the       
ultimate normality of development4 ,each
 part of the ovum can therefore1        
according to the needs of the case1 give
 rise to any part of the  resulting     
organism4 #8,jeder ,teil kann nach      
,bedrfniss jedes4'    ,and thirdly1 when
 the gastrula of a sea-urchin is        
transversely divided  into two1 each    
half1 it is stated1 develops into a     
diminished whole  larva in which the gut
 becomes divided into the characteristic
 three  regions1 and all the other      
organs are formed in correct proportion4
    ,for each of these acts of          
development in the whole uninjured larva
 an  explanation may conceivably be     
given in terms of formative stimuli     
exerted by the originally distinct parts
 of the egg and calling forth  responses
 in other parts4 ,a mechanism may be    
thought of which1 when  set in motion1  

will achieve a certain end in accordance
 with its own  pre-established harmony2 
but a mechanism which can be subdivided 
ad  libitum1 or almost ad libitum1 and  
the parts of which will still  achieve  
the same end1 will still behave as      
wholes with their parts  co-ordinated in
 the same ratio1 temporally and         
spatially6 ,such a  mechanism is        
inconceivable2 for to ensure the uniform
 result1 the  relative amounts and      
positions of the necessary substances   
must be  imagined as identical in every 
possible fragment of the egg that  is   
not too small4 ,something is therefore  
required to superintend1  to co-ordinate
 the causes of development in the case  
not only of  the part but of the whole  
egg as well2 and this something is not  
material4 ,a corroborative proof of the 
inadequacy of the purely  material      
explanation--the causal explanation in  
the ordinary sense  of the phrase--may  
be derived from a consideration of      
certain other  vital processes4 ,the    

facts of acclimatization and immunity   
betray  an extraordinary adaptability of
 the organism to a change in its        
environment2 an organ will adapt itself 
structurally to an alteration1          
quantitative or qualitative1 of function
 ,roux's #8,functional  ,adaptation'2   
lost parts can be regenerated2 and then 
there is the  physiology of the nervous 
system4    ,in all these cases of       
#8regulation'--and indeed in all other  
responses  to stimuli--the same element1
 inexplicable in chemical and physical  
terms1 exists and must exist in         
development4 ,this entity is not a  form
 of energy1 but a vital constant1       
analogous to the constants  or ultimate 
conceptions of mechanics and physics and
 chemistry and  crystallography1 but not
 reducible to these1 just as these      
cannot be  translated into one another4 
,driesch describes it as a rudimentary  
feeling and willing1 a  #8psychoid'1    
#8morphaesthetic' or perceptive of that 
form which is the  desired end towards  

which it controls and directs all the   
material  elements of differentiation1  
like the grain of wheat of ,treviranus1 
dreaming dimly of its destiny4 ,it is   
thus a vera causa--an  unconditional and
 invariable antecedent--a psychical     
factor which can  intervene in the      
purely physical series of causes and    
effects1 and for  it he revives the     
,aristotelian term #8,entelechy'4       
,such is the #8vitalism' introduced by  
,hans ,driesch1 a teleological  theory  
clearly1 but no mere metaphysical       
doctrine of final causes3  rather a     
dynamic teleology which not only sees an
 end in every organic  process1 but     
postulates an immaterial entity to guide
 the merely  mechanical forces towards  
the realization of that end4    ,such a 
theory is open to very serious criticism
 from both the  scientific and the      
philosophical side4 ,but before we pass 
to that  criticism let us turn aside to 
examine some of the other aspects under 
which the ,proteus of ,vitalism presents

 himself4    ,thus the modern           
physiologist ,bunge1 while owning that  
it would be a  lack of intelligence to  
expect to make with our senses          
discoveries in  living nature of a      
different order to those revealed to us 
in inorganic  nature1 yet insists that  
we must transfer to the objects of our  
sensory  perception1 to the organs1 to  
the tissue elements1 and to every minute
  cell1 something which we have acquired
 from our own consciousness1  something1
 that is to say1 which is not motion1   
and is not in space1  but is in time    
only4    ,the essence of vitalism1 so   
,bunge would have it1 lies in starting  
from  what we know1 the internal world1 
to explain what we do not know1  the    
external world4 ,we can only remark that
 this position appears  to rest upon an 
epistemological confusion1 for ,bunge   
has evidently  failed to distinguish    
between the idealism which teaches that 
the  world of nature1 including our own 
bodies1 only exists in so far as  it is 

an object of knowledge1 that reality is 
ultimately ideal1 and  the #8animism'   
which1 as we have seen1 gives every     
object1 at least  every living object1  
in nature a directive consciousness of  
its own4  ,the former does not lie      
immediately within the scope of the     
present  inquiry2 the latter we shall   
have occasion to discuss again4    ,how 
far the tenets of animism are to be     
attributed to ,johannes ,mller  is not  
very clear4 ,for while ,mller maintained
 that an organism is due  to an idea    
which regulates its structure1 is the   
cause of its harmony1  and is in action 
in the organism itself1 exerting on it a
 formative  power1 yet he held that the 
process was unconscious4 ,mller indeed  
distinguished explicitly between the    
vital and the mental or conscious       
principle1 for in the operations of the 
former the manifestation of  design is  
the result of necessity1 not of choice4 
,at the same time the  two resemble one 
another in being homogeneous1 in        

existing throughout  the mass of the    
organism which they animate1 and in     
being divided  together with the        
organism 7as in regeneration7 without   
suffering any  diminution or change of  
their powers4    ,in this conception of 
the unconscious idea there may possibly 
be some  confusion between the formal   
and the final cause1 between the idea of
  the end to be realized1 present at the
 beginning in the mind of the           
artificer1 and the end itself4 ,the     
former is animism3 the latter is  sound 
enough as metaphysics1 but is not       
science at all4    ,there is still      
another school of vitalists which1 while
 not going so  far as to commit itself  
to a belief in a #8psychoid'1 yet       
proclaims  in no uncertain voice the    
autonomy of the organism1 and not       
content  with the assertion that at     
present we have not succeeded in        
reducing  the activities of the organism
 to chemical1 physical1 and mechanical  
processes1 maintains the utter futility 

of such endeavour1 and  pronounces over 
the hidden mysteries of life an eternal 
,ignorabimus4    ,some such view as this
 we must1 ,i think1 attribute to ,dr4   
,haldane4 #8,in  biology'1 he says1     
#8the phenomena which are or ought to be
 observed  from the very beginning are  
not physical and chemical phenomena as  
self-existent events1 but these         
phenomena as expressions of the         
activity of living organisms4 ,it is the
 living organism1 and not the  physical 
phenomenon1 which is the reality for    
biology4' ,his belief in  organic       
autonomy is based on the physiology of  
metabolism1 secretion  and absorption1  
the circulation of the blood1 and the   
nervous system4  ,thus in discussing the
 blood1 after pointing to the constancy 
in its  volume and composition1 he      
proceeds3 #8,neither starvation nor     
ingestion  of food and drink materially 
affect it3 liquid injected into it is   
got  rid of with remarkable rapidity2   
and any loss of blood by bleeding  is   

soon replaced4 ,this vital metabolism of
 the circulatory system is  doubtless   
due chiefly to the activity of its      
lining endothelium1 which  most         
certainly does not play the mere        
mechanical part which has often  been   
attributed to it4 ,the other so-called  
8mechanisms0 can likewise  be shown to  
have all the characteristics of the     
living body1 inasmuch  as they actively 
maintain their structure1 just as the   
organism as a  whole does so4 ,there is 
thus no warrant for calling them        
mechanisms1  and thus ignoring what is  
one of their essential characteristics4'
 ,in  passages such as these we seem to 
catch an echo of ,mller's unconscious   
idea1 and again we ask ourselves1 ,are  
we dealing with a final or a  formal    
cause8 ,indeed1 ,dr4 ,haldane insists   
that his ground conception is           
teleological4    ,there is still one    
other vitalistic theory to which we must
 allude1  although its interest is now  
merely historical4 ,this is the belief  

in  a special vital material1 unlike the
 material of which lifeless bodies  are 
composed1 and endowed with a special    
vital force1 different from  but        
co-ordinate with the forces of mechanics
 and physics4    ,in his ,histoire      
,gnrale des ,animaux ,buffon1 after     
referring to the  obvious peculiarities 
of animals and vegetables--that their   
actions are  directed to an end1 the    
conservation of a durable               
species--proceeds  to elaborate a thesis
 in which it is held that they are      
composed  of organic germs1 and that    
germs of the same kind are distributed  
throughout nature1 lifeless as well as  
living4 ,when an animal or plant  dies1 
its body is dissolved into these germs1 
which are then scattered  abroad2 when  
it assimilates1 it is by separating     
these ubiquitous  particles from the    
brute inorganic portion of the food4    
,the former is  utilized for its own    
growth1 the latter it gets rid of by    
evacuation  and excretion4 ,lifeless    

matter is therefore never converted into
 living  material4    ,another advocate 
of the doctrine of a vital force1 a     
property of the  tissues of the body1   
and at perpetual war with those         
inorganic forms  which tend to their    
destruction1 was the physiologist       
,bichat1 ,such  a conception as this    
could not of course survive the rise of 
modern  chemistry4 ,its death-knell was 
sounded when ,lavoisier and ,laplace    
showed that the bodies of organisms were
 composed of the same elements  as are  
found in inanimate nature1 and it has   
long since passed into the  limbo of    
discredited speculations4    ,apart from
 this1 vitalistic theories would appear 
to be in the main of  two kinds4        
,first1 there is the metaphysical       
vitalism which tells us we can never    
explain the living in terms of the      
lifeless1 insists on the permanent      
separation of the sciences of biology on
 the one hand from chemistry  and       
physics on the other1 and preaches the  

autonomy of the organism  without       
venturing to tell us in what that       
autonomy consists4    ,secondly1 there  
is the psychological theory of animism  
which posits an  autonomous psychical   
entity to preside over the chemical and 
mechanical  operations of the body1     
whether already formed or in process of 
development1 and to direct them towards 
its own ends1 the conservation  and     
reproduction of that body's specific    
form4    ,a third party1 halting between
 two opinions1 suggests an unconscious  
idea1 without1 however1 clearly         
explaining whether this is to be taken  
in a metaphysical or a psychological    
sense4 ,frankly opposed to vitalism  in 
all its forms is the conception of the  
living body as a mechanism4  ,this has  
also an honourable ancestry behind it4  
,how far the biology  of ,aristotle is  
to be looked upon as mechanistic we     
shall presently  have to inquire1 but in
 ,galen the soul is certainly material1 
or  quasi-material1 as we have already  

observed4 ,it is1 however1 in the       
physiology of ,descartes that mechanism 
first appears unmistakably in  its      
modern guise4    ,for ,descartes the    
body is simply an earthly machine4 ,the 
nerves are  tubes up which--in          
sensation--the animal spirits flow to   
the brain only  to be reflected 7whence 
our term reflex action7 down other tubes
 to the  muscles4    #8,all the         
functions of the body'1 he tells us1    
#8follow naturally from  the sole       
disposition of its organs1 just in the  
same way that the  movements of a clock 
or other self-acting machine or         
automaton follow  from the arrangement  
of its weights and wheels4 ,so that     
there is no  reason on account of its   
functions to conceive that there exists 
in  the body any soul1 whether          
vegetative or sensitive1 or any         
principle  of movement other than the   
blood and its animal spirits agitated by
  the heat of the fire which burns      
continually in the heart and does not   

differ in nature from any of the other  
fires which are met with in  inanimate  
bodies4'    ,the rational soul1 the soul
 which thinks1 that is1 understands1    
wishes1  imagines1 remembers1 and feels1
 is not material4 ,yet it always acts   
through the machine1 though that machine
 can go on perfectly well  without the  
soul4 #8,when the body has all its      
organs properly arranged  for a         
particular movement it has no need of   
the soul to carry them out4  ,all       
movements1 even those which we call     
voluntary1 depend principally  on the   
same disposition of the organs4 ,one and
 the same cause renders  the dead body  
unfit to produce the movements and leads
 the soul to quit  the body4'    ,the   
biology of ,descartes appears to have   
been accepted by contemporary           
physiologists like van ,helmont and     
,borelli1 and certainly commended       
itself to another philosopher of        
eminence1 ,leibnitz4 ,like ,descartes1  
,leibnitz also affirms that the body is 

a machine or natural automaton2  unlike 
,descartes1 however1 he refuses to      
believe that the mind directs  the      
machine in any way4 ,rather there is a  
complete series of psychical  parallel  
to a complete series of physical events1
 and between the two a  pre-established 
harmony4    ,although the details of    
,cartesian physiology have long since   
been  exploded1 yet the mechanical      
principle which that philosophy         
enunciated  so clearly has persisted and
 has indeed proved to be the rock on    
which modern physiological science has  
been built4 ,for1 when once the         
chemists had discovered animal and plant
 structure to be composed of  elements  
found in lifeless bodies1 and had proved
 that compounds found  only in the      
organism could yet be synthesized in    
vitro1 there was  no longer any reason  
why the properties of the compounds     
should be  considered as of a different 
order to the properties of their        
component  elements4 ,a method          

applicable to one was applicable to the 
other1 and  as ,claude ,bernard has put 
it1 mechanical1 physical1 and chemical  
forces  are the only effective agents in
 the living body1 and they are the only 
agencies of which the physiologist has  
to take account4    ,the substances of  
which the living body is made up are no 
doubt  extremely complex1 yet none the  
less--to quote a more recent writer1    
,verworn--#8physiology is in the last   
resort the chemistry of the  proteids'4 
,this is the principle that has now for 
nearly a century  guided and stimulated 
research into the functions of the      
organism3  to this principle            
physiologists1 too numerous to name1    
have not been  ashamed to subscribe3    
under its banner some of the proudest   
triumphs  of the science have been won4 
,yet it is precisely this which modern  
or  neo-vitalism has challenged and asks
 us to relinquish in favour of a  theory
 of psychoids or a pseudo-metaphysical  
view of life4    ,the vitalistic        

position may be assailed from two       
points1 the scientific  and the         
philosophical4    ,in the first place   
the vitalist asserts that mechanism is  
inadequate  to explain the phenomena of 
metabolism1 of transmission of nervous  
stimuli1 or of development4 ,it is upon 
the last of these that ,driesch  lays   
special stress4    ,he has urged1 as we 
have seen1 that although a mechanical   
explanation  might be given 7such an    
explanation has indeed been put forward 
by  himself7 of the specific            
differentiation of the organism by      
supposing  the first-formed elementary  
organs1 developed out of the substances 
given in the initial structure of the   
germ1 to act and react upon one  another
 in accordance with a certain harmony1  
provided for by the same  structure2 yet
 a mechanism which can be subdivided ad 
libitum or  almost ad libitum1 and each 
part of which will still give rise to a 
complete organism1 is not to be         
conceived4 ,the answer to this objection

  has1 however1 been supplied by the    
experiments of ,driesch himself and  of 
many others4 ,for though it is true that
 each of the first two1 four1  eight1 or
 even in some cases each of the first   
sixteen cells into which  the fertilized
 ovum becomes segmented1 can1 when      
separated from its  fellows1 give rise  
to a complete organism1 yet in all cases
 there comes  a time when the parts     
cease to be totipotent and produce not  
whole but  partial structures4    ,this 
invariable restriction of               
potentialities1 which occurs earlier  in
 some cases than in others1 and is not  
due to mere deficiency of  substance1 is
 not hard to account for4    ,those     
substances on the presence of which in  
the ovum1 as experiment  has taught us1 
the formation of the elementary organs  
of the embryo or  larva depends1 are    
arranged in different cases in different
 ways3 and  they certainly may be1 and  
very frequently are1 so distributed that
  while each of the first four cells    

contains a like quantity of each of     
these specific substances1 arranged in  
it exactly as they were in the  whole   
ovum1 the next division will sunder     
these materials in such a way  that of  
the resulting eight blastomeres four    
will have more of one of  the primary   
egg-substances1 less of another2 the    
amounts apportioned  to the other four  
being in just the inverse ratio of this3
 and the  result will be a difference in
 the fate of the cells when they are    
isolated from one another4 ,in those of 
the one group the proportions of  the   
organs developed out of these substances
 will not be the same as  they are in   
the other4 ,this is precisely the result
 which experiment  has revealed2 it is  
exactly this result which ,driesch has  
ignored1 or  rather attempted to explain
 away4    ,it is evident1 then1 that to 
some extent the parts of this mechanism 
are interchangeable1 that it can be     
subdivided1 and that each part1  brought
 now under new conditions1 will still   

possess the potentialities  of the      
whole1 just as such a mechanism as a    
rocket1 out of which1 under  the        
appropriate stimulus1 a certain pattern 
of stars is developed1  might be        
subdivided into two or more rockets of  
half size or less4  ,there is1 however1 
a limit to this interchangeability1     
while if the  subdivision be carried    
beyond a certain point the totipotence  
of the  parts is lost4    ,if the number
 of these organ-forming substances given
 in the germ were  very large1 as large1
 let us suppose1 as the total number of 
separately  inheritable characters1 it  
might indeed be difficult to imagine a  
mechanism divisible into even two       
totipotent parts4 ,but from the need    
for this assumption we are saved by the 
second part of ,driesch's own           
,analytische ,theorie1 which accounts   
for subsequent processes of             
differentiation by attributing the      
production of new parts to the  mutual  
interactions of those that are the first

 to appear4 ,for this  also experimental
 evidence1 though meagre1 is not        
lacking1 while a  close parallel is     
found in the dependence of certain      
bodily functions  upon substances--the  
hormones of ,professor                  
,starling--secreted by other  organs4   
,in the second place the vitalist       
maintains that the processes of         
metabolism defy1 nay more1 always will  
defy1 chemical and physical  analysis4  
,the first part of this statement may be
 a true description  of the knowledge of
 to-day1 but the existence in the living
 body of  the same elements as are met  
with elsewhere1 the synthesis of complex
  organic substances1 the establishment 
of the equivalence of the energy  which 
leaves the body as mechanical work or   
heat to that which enters  it in        
chemical form in the food1 should surely
 make us hesitate before  abandoning all
 hope of attaining to a chemistry of    
life4    ,and thirdly1 there are        
physiologists who believe that the      

complex  phenomena presented to us in   
the activities of the nervous system are
  susceptible of a purely mechanical    
explanation4    #8,a feature'1 says     
,gotch1 #8which more particularly       
suggests spontaneous  cellular activity 
is the well-known fact that centrifugal 
discharges  may continue after the      
obvious centripetal ones have ceased4   
,this is  pre-eminently the case when   
the central mass is rendered extremely  
unstable by certain chemical compounds1 
such as strychnine1 c4 ,there  are1     
however1 suggestive indications in      
connexion with such persistent          
discharges4 ,the more completely all the
 centripetal paths are blocked  by      
severance and other means1 the less     
perceptible is such persistent          
discharge1 and since nervous impulses   
are continually streaming into  the     
central mass from all parts1 even from  
those in apparent repose1  it would seem
 that could we completely isolate       
nerve-cells1 their  discharge would     

probably altogether cease4' ,even in the
 hyper-excitable  condition produced by 
strychnine the spinal motor nerve cells 
do not  discharge centrifugal impulses  
when cut off from the centripetal       
connexions4 ,the physiologist1          
therefore1 has #8definite grounds for   
believing that1 as far as present       
knowledge goes1 both the production  and
 cessation of central nervous discharges
 are the expression of  propagated      
changes and that these changes reveal   
themselves as  physico-chemical         
alterations of an electrolytic          
character4 ,the nervous  process1 which 
rightly seems to us so recondite1 does  
not1 in the light  of this conception1  
owe its physiological mystery to a new  
form of  energy1 but to the circumstance
 that a mode of energy displayed in the 
non-living world occurs in colloidal    
electrolytic structures of great        
chemical complexity4'    ,to all these  
considerations we must add the fact that
 life did once  originate upon this     

planet from matter which was not alive1 
and that  even now some inorganic       
phenomena present at least remote       
analogies  with certain vital processes4
 ,such are the structure1 the           
spontaneous  division1 and the          
regeneration of crystals4    ,we turn   
now to the philosophical objections that
 may be raised to  vitalistic           
speculations2 and here we must be       
careful to distinguish  what we may term
 the psychological from the metaphysical
 form of the  theory4    ,driesch has   
maintained that the belief in a         
morphaesthetic psychoid  finds support  
in the philosophies of ,kant and        
,aristotle4 ,let us examine  the merits 
of this claim4    ,like the scientists  
of to-day1 ,kant1 in his ,critique of   
the  ,teleological ,judgement1 lays it  
down as a rule that the mechanical      
method1 by which natural phenomena are  
brought under general laws of  causation
 and so explained1 should in all cases  
be pushed as far as  it will go1 for    

this is a principle of the determinant  
judgement4  ,there are cases1 however1  
in which this alone does not suffice4   
,the  possibility of the growth and     
nutrition1 above all of the reproduction
  and regeneration of organisms1 is only
 fully intelligible through  another    
quite distinct kind of causality1 their 
purposiveness4  ,organisms are not mere 
machines1 for these have simply moving  
power4  ,organisms possess in themselves
 formative power of a self-propagating  
kind1 which they communicate to their   
materials4 ,they are1 in fact1  natural 
purposes1 both cause and effect of      
themselves1 in which the  parts so      
combine that they are reciprocally both 
end and means1  existing not only by    
means of one another but for the sake of
 one  another and the whole4 ,the whole 
is thus an end which determines the     
process1 a final cause which brings     
together the required matter1  modifies 
it1 forms it1 and puts it in its        
appropriate place4 ,such  purposiveness 

is internal1 for the organism is at once
 its own cause  and an end to itself1   
not merely a means to other ends1 like a
 machine  whose purposiveness is        
relative and whose cause is external4   
,such is the principle of the           
teleological judgement4 ,it is a        
heuristic  principle rightly brought to 
bear1 at least problematically1 upon the
  investigation of organic nature1 by a 
distant analogy with our own  causality 
according to purposes generally1 and    
indispensable to us1 as  anatomists1 as 
a guiding thread if we wish to learn how
 to cognize the  constitution of        
organisms without aspiring to an        
investigation into  their first origin4 
,could our cognitive faculties rest     
content with this maxim of the          
reflective judgement it would be        
impossible for them to conceive of the  
production of these things in any other 
fashion than by attributing  them to a  
cause working by design1 to a ,being    
which would be productive  in a way     

analogous to the causality of           
intelligence4 ,natural science1         
however1 needs not merely reflective but
 determinant principles  which alone can
 inform us of the possibility of finding
 the ultimate  explanation of the world 
of organisms in a causal combination for
  which an understanding is not         
explicitly assumed1 since the principle 
of purposes does not make the mode of   
origination of organic beings  any more 
comprehensible4 ,and then1 in a passage 
remarkable for its  prophetic insight1  
,kant proceeds to show how this might   
be4 ,this  #8analogy of forms'1 he says1
 #8which with all their difference seem 
to  have been produced according to a   
common original type1 strengthens our   
suspicion of an actual relationship     
between them in their production  from a
 common parent1 through the gradual     
approximation of one genus to           
another--from those in which the        
principle of purposes seems to be best  
authenticated1 that is from man down to 

the polype1 and again from this  down to
 mosses and lichens1 and finally to the 
lowest stage of nature  noticeable by   
us1 namely1 crude matter'4 ,and so the  
whole technic of  nature1 which is so   
incomprehensible to us in organized     
beings that  we believe ourselves       
compelled to think a different principle
 for it1  seems to be derived from      
matter and its powers according to      
mechanical  laws like those by which it 
operates in the formation of crystals4  
,a  purposiveness must1 however1 be     
attributed even to the crude matter1    
otherwise it would not be possible to   
think the purposive form of  animals and
 plants4    ,although there are         
doubtless in the ,critique many         
obscurities and  inconsistencies1 to    
which we cannot allude now1 the general 
meaning  of ,kant's reflections upon    
organisms is perfectly clear4 ,he who   
would  #8complete the perfect round' of 
his knowledge must think not only  in   
beginnings but in ends4 ,the end in the 

case of a living being is  apparently   
plain--it is the maintenance and        
reproduction of its form2  the end in   
the case of the cosmic process is to be 
sought in the  ethical1 or1 in ,kantian 
phraseology1 the #8practical' concept of
 the  freedom of the moral consciousness
 of man4    ,such a position is quite   
intelligible1 philosophically1 but the  
testimony it brings to the theory of the
 psychoid is of very doubtful  value1 as
 ,driesch is well aware4 ,he complains  
indeed that ,kant's  teleology is       
descriptive or #8static'1 rather than   
#8dynamic'1 as is  perfectly true1      
except in the case of man1 a point of   
which ,driesch  naturally makes the     
most4 ,there are1 no doubt1 passages    
where ,kant  speaks of #8a cause which  
brings together the required matter1    
modifies  it1 forms it and puts it in   
its appropriate place'2 but against     
these  must be set the explicit         
statement #8that if the body has an     
alien  principle 7the soul7 in communion

 with it1 the body must either be  the  
instrument of the soul--which does not  
make the soul a whit more               
comprehensible--or be made by the soul1 
in which case it would not be  corporeal
 at all4' ,vitalism can glean small     
comfort from this4 ,let us  turn1 then1 
to the second authority4    ,as we have 
seen already1 the souls or functions of 
nutrition and  perception are1 in the   
,aristotelian biology1 ultimately to be 
expressed  as alterations or movements  
of the particles of the body2 mind alone
 is  separable from body and eternal4   
,in the development of the individual   
organism the mind comes in from         
outside1 but the two souls of lower     
order are present in the 1 or  1 as     
,aristotle calls it1 which results from 
the commingling of the  male and female 
elements1 or1 as we should say1 the     
fertilized ovum4  ,the material and     
efficient causes of development are not1
 however1 both  contributed by each of  
the parents4  ,the teaching of          

,aristotle is  that the matter is       
provided by the female and the female   
alone4 ,the  egg 7or catamenia in       
mammals7 is described as being mere     
matter 771  body 771 potentiality 771   
passive 77 and merely  quantitative1    
although it is true that a sort of soul1
 the nutritive1  is somewhat grudgingly 
conceded to it1 since unfertilized eggs 
appear  in some sense to be alive4 ,the 
male element1 on the other hand1        
provides the principle of motion 7  7   
and the form  772 it is qualitative1 it 
is activity1 it produces the perceptive 
soul1 if it is not itself that soul1 and
 it is responsible for the  #8correct   
proportionality' 77 of the organization4
 ,the male element  contributes only    
motion1 but no matter2 it acts upon the 
female element  as rennet acts when it  
coagulates milk1 except that the analogy
 is  incomplete1 since the  brings about
 a qualitative and not merely  a        
quantitative change in the material on  
which it operates4 ,to this  it imparts 

the same kind of motion which itself    
possesses1 the motion  which was present
 in the particles of the food in its    
final form from  which it was itself    
derived4 ,the communication of this     
motion is enough  to set going the      
machinery 772 the rest then follows of  
itself  in proper order4    ,lastly1 the
 sperm of the male acts like a cunning  
workman who makes a  work of art1 using 
heat and cold as the workman uses his   
tools3 for  this heat and this cold     
could never of themselves--by           
coagulations and  condensations--produce
 the form of the body as the older      
naturalists  had supposed1 regarding    
only the efficient and ignoring the     
formal and  the final cause3 for the    
organic body is not what it is because  
it is  produced in such and such a      
fashion1 rather it is because it is to  
be  such and such that it must be       
developed as it is4    ,and here lies   
the kernel of the whole matter4 ,for    
while ,aristotle has  made it perfectly 

plain that1 according to his idea1 the  
soul1 at  least its nutritive and       
perceptive faculties1 is to be regarded 
as a  function of matter and that this  
function may be ultimately expressed  in
 terms of movement1 and further that    
development is a mechanism  which is set
 going by the communication of motion   
proceeding from the  #8soul' of the male
 element and derivable eventually from  
the motions  into which the #8functions'
 or #8soul' of the parent can be        
resolved to  the mere matter which the  
female provides1 it is equally evident  
that  he does not regard this mechanical
 explanation--in terms of material  and 
efficient causes--as satisfactory or    
complete4 ,but when we inquire  why1 he 
gives us no certain nor consistent      
answer4 ,on the one hand1  there are    
passages in which he tells us that there
 must be something  which controls the  
material forces and imposes on them a   
limit and  proportionality of growth2   
that the soul makes use of them as the  

artist makes use of his implements1 and 
such passages are naturally  interpreted
 by ,driesch in the sense of a          
#8dynamic' teleology2 it is the   which 
superintends and controls1 and the  is  
#8entelechy'4    ,elsewhere1 however1 we
 are informed that even the             
proportionality of  the developing parts
 is simply the outcome of the motion    
imparted by  the male1 which is actu    
what the female element only is         
potentia4    ,moreover1 it may be       
questioned whether ,aristotle ever      
intended to  imply more than an         
#8analogy with the causality of purpose'
 when he  uses the figure of the workman
 and his implements to illustrate his   
meaning of the formal cause4 ,the formal
 cause of a work of art is an           
intelligible vera causa2 it is the idea 
in the mind of the artist  antecedent to
 the execution of the work2 but the     
formal or final cause  of an organism1  
the end which it apparently strives to  
attain1 can  only be said by a metaphor 

to be prior in time to the existence of 
the  organism itself4 ,prior in thought1
 however1 it certainly is1 for it  is   
only the performance of its functions 77
 by the organism  complete in all its   
parts that makes the mere mechanism of  
development  comprehensible to us2 the  
process1 therefore1 exists for the sake 
of  the end4 ,only as efficient cause is
 the soul prior in time2 only so far  as
 it is prior in thought can it be said  
to be a final cause4    ,such a         
teleology is1 it is obvious1            
indistinguishable in principle from  the
 position in which ,kant leaves us4 ,it 
is the position adopted by  ,driesch    
himself in his earlier ,analytische     
,theorie1 but abandoned in  the         
,vitalismus in favour of a theory of    
#8psychoids'4    ,now quite apart from  
the meaning which ,aristotle may or may 
not have  intended to convey1 there are 
grave objections to this belief4 ,this  
#8psychoid'1 to which the name          
#8entelechy' is surely misapplied1 this 

rudimentary feeling and willing1 which  
is aware of the form it desires  to     
produce1 must be psychically at least as
 complex as the phenomena it  is        
designed to account for1 and stands1    
therefore1 as much in need of           
explanation as they2 as ,kant has       
observed1 this will involve us at once  
in an infinite series of such entities4 
,in fact it is only a photograph  of the
 problem1 and not a solution at all4    
,again1 when we ask what the modus      
operandi of this cause is1 we  get no   
reply either from ,driesch or from any  
other neovitalist4 ,the  objection that 
the intervention of a psychical cause in
 a physical  process is unintelligible1 
an objection which would probably appeal
  to many1 may be waived1 for in the    
last resort the connexion between       
any--even simple mechanical--causes and 
effects is equally hard to  understand4 
,it may1 however1 be doubted whether    
these entities are not being  multiplied
 beyond necessity1 and whether the      

progress of science would  not be better
 served by an adherence to a simpler    
philosophy4 ,but even  when it has      
discarded the psychoid we find vitalism 
still denying the  possibility of       
mechanical explanation1 still preaching 
the autonomy of  the organism4 ,the     
#8dynamic' teleology of ,driesch has    
only disappeared  to be replaced by the 
metaphysical doctrine of the final      
cause4    ,we may point out1 perhaps1 in
 passing1 that the organism is by no    
means  as autonomous as might be        
desired4 ,the end towards which the     
creature  strives1 the maintenance and  
reproduction of its own specific form1  
is not a constant terminus ad quem1 for 
species are as mortal as  individuals3  
nor is it always achieved2 the autonomy 
of a worm1 which1  bisected in a certain
 way1 regenerates a tail instead of a   
head1 or of  a frog1 which1 after a     
particular injury1 develops six legs    
instead  of two1 has surely renounced   
its rights4 ,but1 setting this aside1 it

  must be seriously questioned whether  
any good purpose is served in           
biological discussion by decrying the   
value of mechanical conceptions  or by  
confounding two distinct orders of      
thought4 ,the questions are  grave ones3
 for the issue at stake is no less than 
the existence of  physiology as the     
science of the causes of living         
activities4    #8,recte ponitur'1 said  
,francis ,bacon1 #8vere scire esse per  
causas  scire4' ,the maxim of the great 
founder of modern inductive science has 
been the lode-star of biology in the    
past1 and is still its watchword        
to-day4 ,by exact observation and       
crucial experiment1 utilizing every     
canon of induction1 the activities of   
the living organism are to  be brought  
under wide general laws of causation1   
which will be1 in  the first instance1  
physiological laws--of response to      
stimuli1 of  metabolism1 and of growth3 
by means of these laws predictions can  
be  made1 and verified as often as we   

please4 ,but no bar can legitimately  be
 set to the scope of human inquiry2 the 
thought process will not  rest here1 and
 ultimately it may be possible to state 
the widest  generalizations of biology  
in chemical and physical1 and these     
again in  purely mechanical terms4 ,the 
maintenance and evolution of form in the
  individual1 as well as the larger     
evolution of form in the race1 become   
but the final terms in a far vaster     
cosmic process1 from #8homogeneity  to  
heterogeneity'4    ,the idea is1 of     
course1 perfectly familiar3 it is the   
analysis of  purely physical causes1    
carried to its extreme limit4 ,phenomena
 are  thought out in terms not of       
origins merely1 but of one origin1 and  
that  one origin is the only mystery    
that remains4 ,this unification of the  
sciences has always been and must still 
remain the dream and the faith  and the 
inspiration of the scientific man1 and  
could such an edifice  of the intellect 
ever be realized1 the task of science   

would have been  completed4 ,only when  
this purely deterministic method has    
been pushed  as far as it will go does  
science leave off2 only where science   
leaves  off does philosophy begin4      
,there is an order of time1 and there is
 an order of thought4 ,science  works in
 the order of time1 and necessarily so3 
for although science  can never say what
 constitutes the invariable link between
 antecedent  and consequent which it    
terms causal1 yet it rightly speaks of  
the  first as cause1 determining the    
second as effect1 since it is its       
function to predict from the past which 
is known to the future which is  not4   
,but the outlook of philosophy is       
different4 ,dissatisfied with the       
endless regress of cause and effect1    
sceptical of first causes and  original 
homogeneities1 out of which by no       
conceivability could any  heterogeneity 
have ever been developed1 philosophy    
looks to the end4    ,the activities of 
living organisms at least appear to be  

directed to  an end2 they are apparently
 purposive1 and it is this purposiveness
  which lends to biology1 though built  
on the fundamental conceptions of       
chemistry and physics1 peculiar features
 of its own1 and is1 of course1         
answerable for the teleological language
 which biologists so frequently  employ4
 ,and by a knowledge of the end1 the    
view of science1 to which  qua science  
it cannot too rigidly confine itself1   
will doubtless be  supplemented and     
enlarged4    ,but1 plain and definite   
though the end of an individual life may
 be1  the end of the race--of the human 
or any other race--the end of the       
universe1 are things only to be guessed 
at1 and all we are left with is  an     
indefinite series of evolving systems   
emerging out of an infinite  past and   
fading into an infinite future4    ,in  
the final issue1 indeed1 the last effect
 is as delusive an ignis  fatuus as the 
first cause4 ,the philosophy which has  
rejected one must  divest itself of the 

other1 and seek its end1 if anywhere1 in
 the  logical prius of the mind1 which1 
though last in time1 is yet first  in   
thought1 since through it alone can that
 ordered knowledge of nature  which we  
call science be born and brought to     
perfection4    ,illustration3 ,from the 
,italian translation of #8,,ketham'1    
,,venice #adic    ,plate ,,xxvii4       
,,mundinus787 ,,lecturing ,,on ,,anatomy
    ,illustration3 ,,biblioth,,que      
,,nationale ,,ms4 fr4 #bjcj ,written in 
#acad    ,,to ,,illustrate ,,the        
,,anatomy ,,of ,,henri ,,de ,,mondeville
    ,illustration3 ,,bodleian ,,ms4     
,,ashmole #cii fo4 #cd r    ,plate      
,,xxviii4 ,a ,,dissection ,,scene circa 
#abih                           ,a      
,,study ,,in ,,early ,,renaissance      
,,anatomy1                              
,,with ,a ,,new ,,text3                 
,,the ,,anothomia ,,of ,,hieronymo      
,,manfredi 7#adij7                      
,by ,charles ,singer             ,,text 
,,transcribed ,,and ,,translated ,,by   

,a4 ,,mildred ,,westland          ,i4   
,anatomy in the ,fourteenth and         
,fifteenth ,centuries          #gi      
,,ii4 ,bolognese ,works on ,anatomy     
#ib      ,,iii4 ,hieronymo ,manfredi1   
,professor at ,bologna1 #adfc-ic        
#ig       ,,iv4 ,the ,manuscript        
,anatomy of ,manfredi                   
#ajc        ,v4 ,translation of         
,selected ,passages from the ,anothomia1
           with ,commentary             
#ajf           7a7 ,the ,brain1 ,cranial
 ,nerves1 c4                      #ajf  
7b7 ,the ,eye                           
#aah           7c7 ,the ,heart          
#abb         ,italian ,text of the      
,anothomia                              
#acj      ,i4 ,,anatomy ,,in ,,the      
,,fourteenth ,,and ,,fifteenth          
,,centuries    ,there was little or no  
progress in the knowledge of anatomy    
between  the death of ,mondino in #acbg 
and the sixteenth century4 ,this appears
  the more remarkable when we recall how
 widespread was the practice  of        

dissection during the period4 ,in       
,france1 at the ,university of          
,montpellier1 public dissections were   
decreed in the year #acgg1aba  and      
,catalonian ,lerida followed suit in    
#acia4abb ,at ,bologna1 where           
dissection had long been customary1 it  
received official recognition  in the   
,university ,statutes in #adje1abc and  
the same event took place  at ,padua in 
#adbi4 ,public anatomies were instituted
 at the ,university  of ,prague in      
#adfj1 of ,paris in #adgh1 and of       
,tbingen in #adhe4abd  ,for these       
#8,anatomies' the bodies of executed    
criminals were usually  employed1 and   
therefore the number of subjects        
available varied  greatly in different  
localities4#abe ,in addition to these   
regular  dissections1 there was         
certainly a considerable amount of      
post-mortem  examination1 surreptitious 
7,plate ,,xxviiib#abf71 or even open    
7,plate  ,,xxix#abg71 long before       
,benivieni published his memorable list 

of  cases4#abh    ,illustration3 ,fig4  
#a4 ,from the ,french translation of    
,bartholomaeus  ,anglicus1 ,lyons1      
#adhb4 ,the first printed picture of    
dissection4    ,illustration3 ,,ms4 fr4 
#ahd fo4 #ad r    ,plate ,,xxix4 ,a     
,,post-,,mortem ,,examination4 ,late    
,x,i,vth ,century    ,illustration3     
,,vatican ,,ms4 ,,hispanice #dhjd fo4 #h
 r    ,plate ,,xxx a4 ,a ,,demonstration
 ,,of ,,surface ,,markings              
,illustration3 ,,bristol ,,reference    
,,library ,,ms4 fo4 #be r    ,plate     
,,xxx b4 ,a ,,demonstration ,,of ,,the  
,,bones ,,to ,,illustrate ,,guy ,,de    
,,chauliac    ,that so much industry was
 rewarded by so small an increase in    
knowledge  may probably be attributed to
 the method adopted4 ,the so-called     
#8anatomies' were conducted in the most 
formal manner4 ,bertuccio1 for  example1
 who succeeded ,mondino as professor of 
,surgery at ,bologna1 was  accustomed1  
as we learn from his pupil ,guy de      
,chauliac1 to give short  systematic    

anatomical demonstrations on a fixed and
 rigid method4#abi  ,the occupant of the
 chair at this period was indeed no     
professor in the  modern sense of the   
word4 ,to expound the tradition of      
anatomy as it  had reached him was      
regarded as the limit of his duty4 ,of  
any attempt  to extend the bounds of    
knowledge1 of any systematic endeavour  
to  correct or improve the anatomical   
views of his predecessors1 we find      
little or no trace4 ,indeed1 at ,padua  
it was expressly laid down in the       
statutes that the exposition of anatomy 
should follow the very words of         
,mondino4#acj    ,early figures         
portraying the teaching of anatomy      
7,plate ,,xxvii and  ,figs4 #a-c1 #e7   
usually show us a medical doctor sitting
 at a desk1 well  removed from the      
subject of dissection1 and reading from 
his text-book  the description of the   
part4 ,meanwhile an assistant1 who is   
usually  also a doctor1 performs the    
actual work of dissection4 ,the         

professor  of ,surgery1 to whom the     
teaching of anatomy was entrusted1      
stands by  with a pointer to indicate   
the different organs4    ,illustration3 
,fig4 #b4 ,title-page of ,mellerstadt's 
edition of the  ,anatomy of ,mondino1   
,leipzig1 #adic4 ,the scene is laid in  
the open  air4#aca    ,illustration3    
,fig4 #c4 ,a ,,dissection ,,scene       
,from the ,venice #adie edition of      
#8,ketham' 7compare ,plate ,,xxvii74    
,illustration3 ,fig4 #d4 ,from the      
,english translation of ,bartholomaeus  
,anglicus1 printed by ,wynkyn de ,worde1
 #adie4 ,the first picture of           
dissection in an ,english-printed book4 
,illustration3 ,,venetiis ,,anno 4,d4   
,m4,,ccccc4,,xxxv4    ,fig4 #e4 ,a      
,,lecture ,,on ,,anatomy    ,from the   
#aece ,venice edition of ,berengar of   
,carpi's ,commentary on  ,mondino4      
,sometimes the professor changes places 
with the reader at the desk4 ,in  some  
later ,,mss4 the teacher is figured as  
himself handling the body  and          

demonstrating to his pupil 7,plate ,,xxx
 a#acb and b#acc71 but  there is        
evidence that the miniatures portraying 
this are the work of  artists unfamiliar
 with dissection and with the teaching  
of anatomy4    ,the study of anatomy had
 to contend with two great difficulties1
 want  of subjects for dissection1 and  
faith in the written word4    ,thus1 at 
,bologna1 where it was arranged that    
every medical student of  over two      
years' standing should attend an        
,anatomy once a year1 no  less than     
twenty students were admitted to see the
 anatomy of each  man1 and thirty to the
 anatomy of each woman4#acd ,this was   
all the  practical instruction received4
 ,some other ,universities had to be    
content with the cadaver of a single    
criminal per annum for the whole  body  
of students4    ,in the first period    
during which the human body was         
dissected in  ,europe1 the thirteenth   
century1 a certain amount of progress   
was  certainly made1 despite the rarity 

of subjects4 ,the rebirth of learning   
in the thirteenth century was not1      
however1 as favourable to anatomical    
progress as might have been hoped4      
,galen1 indeed1 ceased to be a mere     
name1 and the ,latin translations of his
 text1 or of its adumbra in  the        
writings of the ,arabians1 became ever  
more familiar4 ,on the other  hand1 with
 more authoritative texts in their      
hands1 men were but the  more inclined  
to follow the evil scholastic way1 and  
to trust rather  to the written words of
 the master than to the evidence of     
their own  senses4 ,thus it came about  
that the second period1 which covers the
  fourteenth and most of the fifteenth  
century1 was really stationary  so far  
as the first-hand knowledge of anatomy  
was concerned4 ,with  the last decade of
 the fifteenth century1 however1 there  
opens a new  and third period in the    
history of our subject4 ,from that time 
dates the true era of anatomical        
renaissance1 which may be regarded as   

continuing until the commencement of    
modern anatomy with the great work  of  
,vesalius in #aedc4    ,illustration3   
,plate ,,xxxi4 ,from the ,,ms4 of ,,guy 
,,de ,,vigevano of #acde at  ,,chantilly
    ,illustration3 ,plate ,,xxxii4 ,from
 the ,,ms4 of ,,guy ,,de ,,vigevano of  
#acde at  ,,chantilly    ,we have said  
that throughout the second period1 the  
formal  demonstrations based on the     
declaimed text of ,galen or ,avicenna or
  ,mondino were practically the sole    
opportunities afforded to either        
teacher or pupil for the investigation  
of the minuter details of the  human    
frame4 ,but in making this statement    
concerning the arrest of  anatomical    
progress1 we must expressly exclude the 
products of the  mighty genius of       
,leonardo da ,vinci 7#adeb-aeai71 whose 
anatomical  researches were without     
influence1 and remained long            
unnoticed4#ace  ,we must also omit      
evidence gathered from the work of such 
early  ,renaissance painters as ,antonio

 ,pollaiuolo 7#adbi-ih7 or ,andrea del  
,verrocchio 7#adce-hh71 for these       
pursued the study of anatomy in a       
special field and with a special        
object4#acf ,furthermore1 there  are a  
number of artists of similar date of    
whose anatomical studies  we have no    
direct evidence1 but who yet outlined   
the muscles of  the nude human figure in
 such a way as leads us to suppose that 
they had investigated the superficial   
structures at least of flayed  parts4   
,such is the suggestion of some of the  
work of ,luca ,signorelli  7c4 #addb-;c4
 #aebd71 and of ,andrea ,mantegna 7died 
#aejf74 ,with  such reservations1       
however1 it is probably true that no    
evidence is  forthcoming until the last 
decade of the fifteenth century of any  
advance from the standpoint of          
,mondino4#acg    ,but if descriptive    
anatomy developed slowly in the hands of
 the  physicians1 the art of graphic    
representation of anatomical structures 
was still more backward4 ,several groups

 of anatomical drawings of  mediaeval   
date have come down to our time1 but    
examination of them  shows that they    
have been drawn without direct reference
 to the human  frame4 ,some of these    
figures are of the crude type known as  
the  #8five-figure series' 7,plate      
,,xxxiii71 mere traditional diagrammatic
  sketches4#ach ,hardly better or more  
instructive are the series of           
dissections which illustrate certain    
,,ms4 works of ,henri de ,mondeville    
7,plate ,,xxviii a7#aci and ,guido de   
,vigevano 7,plates ,,xxxi and ,,xxxii71 
#acde4adj ,a few sketches representing  
the separate organs have also  survived 
7,fig4 #f71ada but these never suggest  
that the draughtsman  had before him the
 structure which he seeks to depict1 and
 the  drawings appear to have been made 
in order to illustrate contemporary     
physiological theory rather than        
observed anatomical fact4 ,even the     
magnificent illuminated ,dresden ,codex 
of ,galen1 prepared in ,france or       

,flanders as late as the second half of 
the fifteenth century1 betrays  not the 
slightest first-hand knowledge of       
anatomy4#adb ,although the              
illustrations of this ,,ms4 are prepared
 with the utmost technical skill1  they 
yet show us a teacher exhibiting to his 
pupils a heart of the form  found on    
playing-cards1 and other anatomical     
figures scarcely more  faithful to the  
facts 7,plate ,,xxxiv74                 
,illustration3 ,fig4 #f4 ,,diagrams ,,of
 ,,the ,,internal ,,organs    ,after    
,bodleian ,library ,,ms4 ,ashmole #cii  
of about #abih1 fos4 #bc recto-#bd      
recto4    ,the spirit of investigation  
of the artist who perforce went direct  
to  nature1 dissecting with his own     
hands and observing with his own eyes   
7,plate ,,xxxvi71 showed itself indeed  
far more fruitful than the tedious  ex  
cathedra methodization of the           
professor4#adc ,yet the system of  the  
schools needed to be combined with the  
freedom of the artist for  the          

production of an effective anatomical   
work4 ,what the projected  treatise of  
,marcantonio della ,torre 7#adgc-aejf7  
might have been we may  guess from the  
anatomical sketches of ,leonardo da     
,vinci 7,plate ,,xxxv71  who was to have
 been associated with him in the        
work4#add ,in the  event1 however1 the  
medical schools had to wait yet another 
generation  before the subject was      
placed on a sound basis by ,andr        
,vesale4    ,the ,mondino pamphlet--for 
it is little more--used since its       
author's  death in #acbg as a text-book 
in the schools of northern ,italy1 was  
first printed in #adgh4 ,not until the  
last decade of the fifteenth  century   
did there appear another work bearing   
evidence of the hand of  a practical    
anatomist4 ,this was an ,italian        
translation of ,ketham's  ,fasciculus   
medicinae1 impressed at ,venice in the  
year #adic4ade ,the  volume comprises   
,mondino's pamphlet and a collection of 
other medical  tracts that were probably

 put together by ,giorgio di            
,monteferrato from  the work of a writer
 of the previous century1 for their     
contents are  traceable to a            
fourteenth-century ,,ms4#adf ,the text  
is neither original  nor remarkable1 but
 the ,venice volume derives its         
importance from  certain figures which  
appear in it for the first time4    ,two
 of these plates are of great interest  
both intrinsically and also  in relation
 to the history of anatomy4 ,one of them
 is the magnificent  representation of a
 dissection scene1 which is regarded as 
perhaps  the finest example of book     
illustration produced during the first  
century of typography#adg 7,plate       
,,xxvii74 ,this work of the #8matre aux 
dauphins'1 as the unknown artist is     
called by critics1#adh is doubly        
interesting1 for it is the subject of an
 experiment in colour printing1  no less
 than four pigments being laid on by    
means of stencils4 ,as  early as #adeg  
the method of stencilling was employed  

for colouring the  initials of a        
,psalter1 and in #adhe ,erhard ,ratdolt 
in an astronomical  work added yellow to
 the earlier red and black4 ,the figure 
from which  our plate is taken          
represents1 however1 the first attempt  
at a complex  colour scheme and leads up
 to the work of ,hugo da ,carpi4#adi    
,in this picture the professor1 a       
youthful figure perhaps intended to     
represent ,mondino himself1 is shown    
standing at a desk which hides  his     
book4 ,around a corpse1 laid on a       
trestle table before him1 there  cluster
 a number of men in doctor's robes4     
,their valid faces are  sufficient to   
convince us that the artist is here     
presenting us with  portraits4 ,one of  
the listeners has removed his robe and  
stands with  upturned sleeves and knife 
in hand1 ready to make the first        
incision  on the direction of the       
doctor1 who points to the part with a   
wand  held in the left hand4 ,in the    
impression of #adie and in those of     

later  date1 the book appears above the 
desk1 the attitudes of the students  are
 somewhat changed1 and many other       
details are altered4 ,in all these1     
however1 the blocks have been recut and 
the result is artistically  inferior#aej
 7,fig4 #c74    ,illustration3 ,fig4 #g4
 ,a ,,female ,,figure ,,laid ,,open ,,to
 ,,show ,,the ,,womb ,,and  ,,other     
,,organs    ,from the #adic ,venice     
edition of #8,ketham' translated into   
,italian4 ,this  is the first printed   
anatomical figure drawn from the object4
    ,the second plate from the #adic    
,ketham with which we are here concerned
  is the outline of a female body1 in a 
traditional pose1#aea laid open  to     
exhibit some of the internal organs     
7,fig4 #g74 ,these had clearly  been    
sketched from the object1 and therefore 
this drawing1 the first  printed figure 
of its kind1 may be said to introduce   
the new era for  the investigation of   
the human frame4 ,the anatomical        
renaissance had  begun4 ,into a         

discussion of the full development of   
that age we cannot  now enter4 ,but the 
,,ms4 of ,manfredi1 with which we have  
here to deal1  was written at the very  
dawn of the new era and is itself one of
 its  earliest documents4      ,,ii4    
,,bolognese ,,works ,,on ,,anatomy      
,an organized ,medical ,faculty existed 
at ,bologna at least as early  as       
#aaef1aeb though the first record of    
dissection there is of  considerably    
later date4 ,in ,february #acjb a       
certain ,azzolino died under  suspicious
 circumstances4 ,poison was suspected1  
an inquest was held  and a post-mortem  
examination ordered4 ,the investigation 
was conducted  by two physicians and    
three surgeons1 who unanimously agreed  
#8that  the said ,azzolino assuredly met
 his death by no poison1 but on the     
contrary1 we assert that the quantity of
 blood collected in the great  vein     
known as the vena chilis vena cava#aec  
and in the veins of  the liver adjacent 
thereunto1 has prevented the due        

movement of the  spiritus throughout the
 body1 and has thus produced the        
diminution  or rather extinction of the 
innate heat and thereby induced a rapid 
post-mortem discoloration4 ,of this     
condition we have assured ourselves  by 
the evidence of our own senses and by   
the anatomization of the  parts4'#aed   
,the first anatomical document emanating
 from the ,university of ,bologna  is1  
however1 of still earlier date1 and is  
the work of ,william of  ,saliceto      
7#abaj8-hj74 ,this writer was educated  
at ,bologna1 and it is  claimed that he 
was the first to dissect the human body 
there4#aee ,his  ,cyrurgia1 which was   
completed in #abge 7editio princeps1    
,piacenza1  #adgf71 is divided into five
 books1 of which the fourth and shortest
  is devoted to anatomy4 ,its           
descriptions are brief and concise4     
,they  are often clearly the result of  
actual observation1 and they show       
hardly any trace of the absurd and      
irritating teleology that the  influence

 of the ,arabians and of ,galen made    
customary in early  anatomical          
literature4 ,the anatomy of ,saliceto   
appears to us very  sensible and so far 
as it goes practical4 ,it betrays the   
method rather  of the ,salernitan than  
of the ,arabian anatomical writings1 and
 is on  the whole the best ,european    
work of the kind before the             
,renaissance4  ,it was1 however1 soon   
replaced by the text-book of ,mondino di
 ,luzzi  7#abhe-acbg71aef which1 though 
inferior to that of ,saliceto1 held the 
field until the subject was             
revolutionized by ,vesalius4            
,illustration3 ,plate ,,xxxiii4 ,the    
,,five-,,figure ,,series ,,bodleian     
,,ms4  ,,ashmole #cii1 about #abib ,fos4
 #ah r-#bb r    ,,veins1 c4   ,,arteries
   ,,nerves   ,,bones   ,,muscles       
,illustration3 ,from the ,,dresden      
,,galen ,,ms4    ,plate ,,xxxiv4        
,,demonstrations ,,of ,,anatomy         
,second half of ,x,vth ,century         
,mondino was professor at ,bologna till 

his death in #acbg4 ,his work1  easily  
accessible in one of its many editions1 
#8is corrupted by the  barbarous leaven 
of the ,arabian schools1 and his ,latin 
defaced by  the exotic nomenclature of  
,avicenna and ,rhazes'4#aeg ,but it is  
not  the language alone that has        
suffered4 ,the schoolman's attitude1    
well  fitted for the classification of  
ideas1 is an ill instrument for the     
investigation of ,nature1 and in the    
scholastic ,mondino the very basis  of  
scientific judgement is undermined1 so  
that he readily accepts the  views of   
the ancients against what must often    
have been the evidence  of his own      
senses4 ,the work1 however useful to the
 contemporary  student1 was thus        
essentially reactionary as against the  
efforts of  the earlier ,salernitan     
anatomists and of ,william of ,saliceto4
 ,this is  the more remarkable because  
it is quite clear that he was accustomed
  to demonstrate on the actual body--a  
privilege denied to the early           

,salernitan school1--and he was1        
moreover1 a popular and successful      
teacher4 ,his work is a manual of       
dissection rather than a treatise on    
anatomy4 ,this1 added to its conciseness
 and brevity1 strengthened its  appeal  
to the #8practical' man--an epithet     
claimed then1 as now1 by the  majority  
of stupid and unpractical people4 ,the  
personal influence and  enthusiasm of   
its author no doubt helped also towards 
the phenomenal  success of this work1   
which for two hundred years held a      
position  without rival as the text-book
 of the medical schools of ,italy1 where
  even as late as the sixteenth century 
,mondino #8was still worshipped by  all 
the students as a very god'4#aeh        
,mondino was succeeded in the chair of  
,surgery at ,bologna by his pupil1  the 
,lombard ,bertuccio1 who died in the    
,black ,death of #acdg4 ,bertuccio's    
surviving work is unnoteworthy1 but he  
was the anatomical teacher of  ,guy de  
,chauliac1 whose ,surgery#aei is of     

great value and was very  influential in
 standardizing practice1 especially in  
the north and west  of ,europe4         
,nevertheless it appears to us that the 
anatomical section is  the weakest part 
of ,guy's great work4 ,the teleology    
that is a blot in  ,mondino has here    
become a perfect plague1 and ,guy's     
anatomy consists  of one-third          
description and two-thirds wearisomely  
reiterated reasons  for the existence of
 imperfectly described structures4      
,through ,guy  de ,chauliac the         
anatomical tradition of ,mondino passed 
over into the  ,university of           
,montpellier4    ,a later               
fourteenth-century ,bolognese writer was
 ,tommaso di ,garbo 7died  #acgj71 who  
did little but comment on ,avicenna4 ,a 
surgeon of the next  generation1        
however1 ,pietro d',argellata1 deserves 
to be remembered for  his description of
 the examination of the body of ,pope   
,alexander ,v1 who  died suddenly at    
,bologna on ,may #d1 #adaj4 ,his account

 throws light on  the customary         
procedure and may be rendered here4#afj 
#8,i ordered the attendants'1 he says1  
#8first to cut the abdomen      from the
 pomegranate i4e4 the ,adam's apple or  
laryngeal      cartilage#afa to the os  
pectinis i4e4 the symphysis pubis4      
,then1 so that they should not rupture  
the intestines1 ,i myself      sought   
the rectum and ligatured it in two      
places and then cut it      between4    
,next ,i removed all the intestines as  
far as the duodenum      and dealt with 
them as with the rectum1 and so ,i had  
the intestines      clean and without   
fetor4 ,after this ,i extracted the     
liver1 seizing      its ligaments2 then 
the spleen and then the kidneys1 and    
these      were all placed together in a
 jar4 ,i now passed to the spiritual    
members i4e4 the thorax and removed lung
 and heart and all      their ligaments4
 ,then ,i ligatured the meri the        
,arabian term      for oesophagus and   
removed the stomach4 ,when this had been

 done      there were some who wished to
 remove the tongue but knew not how4 ,i 
however cut under the chin and extracted
 the tongue through that      hole1     
together with trachea arteria trachea   
and meri4 ,then      ,i passed to the   
arteria adorti aorta and vena chilis    
vena      cava4 ,lastly ,i removed the  
ligatured remnant of the intestines as  
far as the anal margin4'    ,giovanni da
 ,concoreggio 7died #adch71 who was     
lector in ,surgery at  ,bologna in the  
early part of the fifteenth century1    
left a few  anatomical observations of  
little note1#afb and not very much more 
can be said for his successors and      
,manfredi's contemporaries ,gabriele    
,gerbi 7de ,zerbis1 died #aeje7 and     
,alessandro ,achillini 7#adfc-aeab74    
,gerbi#afc does little but repeat in the
 most verbose fashion the work  of      
,mondino and of ,avicenna1 some of whose
 errors1 however--e4g4 the  three       
ventricles of the heart--he omits4 ,he  
wrote also an anatomy of  the infant1 or

 rather of the foetus1#afd and a        
treatise taken mainly  from ,avicenna's 
,de generatione embryonis4 ,like all his
 work1 these  are in the full scholastic
 style of a professor of ,logic1 a      
position to  which1 in fact1 he         
ultimately attained4    ,achillini's    
work#afe is but a slight advance on that
 of ,gerbi4 ,it is  really little else  
than a note-book for students1 and gives
 the baldest  directions for dissection1
 accompanied by a few comments taken    
from  ,avicenna4 ,achillini occasionally
 ventures to criticize ,mondino1 and    
his work has at least the advantage of  
brevity4 ,he has a claim to be          
remembered in that he was the first to  
describe the duct of ,wharton and  is   
said to have been the first to describe 
the ear ossicles1 malleus  and incus4   
,achillini1 like ,gerbi1 was a windy and
 very #8scholastic'  disputator4 ,he was
 best known to his contemporaries as a  
supporter of  the philosophy of         
,averroes4 ,in #aejf1 when driven from  

,bologna with the  other supporters of  
,bentivoglio1 he became professor of    
,philosophy at  ,padua4                 
,illustration3 ,fig4 #h4 ,,the          
,,abdominal ,,muscles    ,from ,berengar
 of ,carpi's ,commentary on ,mondino1   
,bologna1 #aeba4    ,with ,giacomo      
,berengario da ,carpi we come at length 
to one who  definitely advanced the     
science1 and who may be regarded as the 
first modern anatomist1 so far as       
printed works are concerned4 ,he  was   
professor of ,surgery from #aejb to     
#aebg1 and during that period  published
 his great anatomical work4#aff ,this   
volume1 though modestly  put forward as 
a commentary on ,mondino1 is in reality 
an original  contribution of great      
value4 ,it is the earliest anatomical   
treatise  that can properly be described
 as having figures illustrating the text
  7,fig4 #h74afg ,carpi does not        
hesitate to criticize the work on which 
he comments--as for instance when he    
denies the existence of the #8rete      

mirabile' below the brain1 though       
descriptions of the #8rete mirabile'    
had been based on the statement of no   
less an authority than ,galen4          
,furthermore he was the first to        
describe the vermiform appendix1 and  he
 gave the earliest correct account of   
several other organs1 e4g4  the choroid 
plexus and the olfactory nerves4 ,he was
 an industrious  dissector1 and he tells
 us that he had examined more than a    
hundred  bodies4    ,with ,carpi we     
close our series of ,bolognese          
anatomists4 ,into that  group we now    
proceed to fit the writer with whom we  
are here specially  concerned1          
,hieronymo ,manfredi4    ,illustration3 
,from a drawing in the ,library1        
,,windsor ,,castle    ,plate ,,xxxv4    
,,view ,,of ,,the ,,internal ,,organs   
,,leonardo ,,da ,,vinci                 
,illustration3 ,from a ,drawing in the  
,,ashmolean ,,museum1 ,,oxford1         
attributed to ,,bartolomeo ,,manfredi   
7#aegd8-afjb7    ,plate ,,xxxvi4 ,,the  

,,two ,,figures ,,dissecting ,,are      
,,traditionally ,,said ,,to  ,,represent
 ,,michelangelo ,,and ,,antonio ,,della 
,,torre    ,,iii4 ,,hieronymo ,,manfredi
    ,hieronymo ,manfredi was a member of
 a family that had already for more     
than two centuries provided             
distinguished citizens1 and especially  
physicians1 to the city of ,bologna4#afh
 ,he was born about the year  #adcj and 
was educated at the ,university of      
,bologna4 ,here in #adee he was         
laureatus in ,philosophy and ,medicine1 
and here he became professor of  the    
latter subject in #adfc4afi    ,during  
the second half of the fifteenth        
century1 a perfect mania for  the study 
of astrology infected ,italy and        
penetrated equally into the  ,court1 the
 ,church1 and the ,academy4 ,the        
profession of ,medicine was  far from   
immune1 and at the ,university of       
,bologna1 where a chair of  ,astrology  
had long been established1#agj the study
 was pursued with  ardour and           

enthusiasm4 ,here ,manfredi early       
devoted himself to that                 
will-o'-the-wisp1 the pursuit of which  
absorbed and sterilized many  of the    
best intellects of his day4 ,by the year
 #adfi he was already  regarded as an   
authority on the vainest of studies1#aga
 and as the  years went on he seems to  
have devoted himself to it ever more and
  more4 ,the generally credulous        
character of ,manfredi's astrological   
ideas may be gathered from the page of  
his ,prognosticon ad annum  #adgi which 
we here reproduce 7,fig4 #aj74    ,the  
history of ,manfredi's connexion with   
the ,university of ,bologna may  be     
briefly told4 ,he appears for the first 
time on the professorial  roll in #adfb1
 when we find him giving the            
#8extraordinary' lectures  on           
,philosophy1 a subject then regarded as 
under especial charge of  the           
physicians4 ,in #adfe he was conducting 
the #8ordinary' course  in ,philosophy1 
and at the same time giving occasional  

lectures  on ,medicine4 ,in the         
following year he was called to the     
chair of  ,theoretical ,medicine1 and in
 #adfi he helped the ,faculty out of a  
difficulty by giving lectures on        
#8,astronomia' in place of the aged     
professor ,giovanni de ,fundis4 ,the    
latter died in #adgd1 and from  that    
date onward ,manfredi assumed           
responsibility for the course on        
#8,astronomia'4 ,among the colleagues   
who joined him were ,gabriele  de       
,gerbi1 who became lecturer on ,logic in
 #adgf1 ,filippo ,beroaldo1  who became 
lecturer on ,rhetoric and ,poetry in    
#adgi1 and ,alessandro  ,achillini1 who 
became lecturer on ,logic in #adhd4agb  
,such was the regard for ,manfredi's    
powers of astrological prediction  that 
to all the ,university announcements of 
his course of lectures on  ,astronomy is
 added #8cum hoc quod faciat iudicium et
 tachuinum'4#agc  ,in spite of his      
proficiency in the science1 however1 he 
was unable to  foretell his own death4  

,giovanni ,pico della ,mirandola writes 
of him  thus derisively3        #8quo   
anno #adic obiit omnimodam uite         
incolumitatem fuerat      pollicitus    
,hieronymus manfredus astrologus nostra 
aetate      singularis3 a quo tamen     
nihil mirandum minus praeuisam aliorum  
mortem3 qui nec suam ipse praeuiderit3  
nam cum proxima estate      uita sit    
functus3 in istius tamen anni publico   
uaticinio qui      scilicet ei fuit     
fatalis3 multa  mira sequenti anno      
dicturum      se non semel pollicebatur4
 ,qui nescio oppignoratam fidem quomodo 
reluet3 nisi forte de caelo uerius nunc 
terrena despiciat quam de      terra    
olim caelestia suspiciebat4'#agd        
,manfredi died in #adic and was buried  
in the church of ,santa ,margarita  in  
,bologna4 ,this church no longer exists1
 but it contained in the  eighteenth    
century a tomb bearing the inscription3 
,,hieron4 ,,manfredo ,,bonon4           
,,philosopho ,,ac ,,medico              
,,svae ,,aetatis ,,nemini ,,secvndo     

,,astronomorvmqve                ,,citra
 ,,invidiam ,,facile ,,primario4        
,,posvit ,,svperstes ,,ioan4 ,,filivs   
,,svisqve ,,posteris4                   
,,vale ,,atqve ,,illvm                  
,,valere ,,opta4#age    ,manfredi left a
 widow1 ,anna1 who was still living in  
#adif with a  household of ten persons  
in the ,via ,s4 ,margarita4#agf ,the    
houses on  one side of this street      
backed on the very walls of the         
buildings  belonging to the             
#8,university of ,medicine'1#agg and we 
may suppose that  ,hieronymo ,manfredi  
had resided here on that account4 ,his  
surviving son1  ,giovanni1 lived hard by
 in the ,via ,s4 ,antonio di ,padoa4    
,it cannot be said that ,manfredi's     
printed works suggest great  scientific 
attainments4 ,all are permeated by the  
same astrological  obsession4 ,they     
comprise the following3    7a7 ,the     
editio princeps of ,ptolemy's           
,cosmographia and ,tabulae              
,cosmographiae1 the best-known printed  

work to which ,manfredi's name is       
attached4 ,he was associated in its     
production with the famous scholar      
,filippo ,beroaldo1 and the finely      
produced volume was published at        
,bologna in #adgb 7871#agh and dedicated
 to the memory of ,pope ,alexander  ,v  
7died #adaj74 ,it is interesting as     
containing the first printed map of     
,england 7,fig4 #i74 ,at the end of the 
work we read3        #8,accedit mirifica
 imprimendi tales tabulas ratio4 ,cuius 
inuentoris laus nihil illorum laude     
inferior4 ,qui primi litterarum         
imprimendarum artem pepererunt in       
admirationem sui studiosissimum         
quemque facillime conuertere potest4    
,opus utrumque summa adhibita           
diligentia duo ,astrologiae peritissimi 
castigauerunt ,hieronimus               
,mamfredus  ,petrus bonus4 ,nec minus   
curiose correxerunt summa               
eruditione prediti ,galeottus ,martius  
,colla montanus4 ,extremam              
emendationis manum imposuit philippus   

beroaldus4'    ,illustration3 ,,the     
,,first ,,printed ,,map ,,of ,,england4 
,from the #adgb 787 ,bologna ,ptolemy1  
edited by ,manfredi and others4    7b7  
,liber de homine3 cuius sunt libri duo4 
,primus liber de  conservatione         
sanitatis4444 ,liber secundus de causis 
in homine  circa compositionem eius1    
,bologna1 #adgd4 ,the work is in        
,italian1  and consists of a number of  
paragraphs1 each beginning with the word
  #8perch'4 ,there is a servile         
dedicatory epistle in ,latin addressed  
to ,giovanni ,bentivoglio4 ,the first   
book is concerned with diet1 and        
occupies two-thirds of the volume4 ,the 
second book answers questions  on the   
subject of physiognomy and bears        
resemblance in many passages  to the    
,anatomy4 ,it is taken in the main from 
the pseudo-,aristotelian  ,problemata4  
,the book is without pagination or      
figures4 ,it is well  printed1 and      
illuminated examples are not            
infrequently encountered4    ,this work 

was very popular4 ,in #adgh1 during the 
lifetime of its author1  it was         
audaciously pirated at ,naples with the 
following incipit3  #8,incomenza el     
,libro chiamato della uita costumi      
natura  omne altra  cosa pertinente     
tanto alla conservatione della sanita   
dellomo quanto  alle cause et cose      
humane4 ,composto per ,alberto ,magno   
filosofo  excellentissimo4'    ,in      
#adig1 after ,manfredi's death1 the work
 appeared in black-letter  folio at     
,bologna1 with its author's original    
dedication slightly  altered4 ,the text 
in this edition commences1 #8,perchel   
sophio nele cose  che noi viuemo3  lo   
indebito modo del viuere nostro3 induce 
in noi  egritudine'4    ,in #aejg it    
appeared at ,venice in small            
black-letter quarto as ,opera  noua     
intitulata ,il perche utilissima ad     
intendere la cagione de molte  cose4 ,by
 this title1 ,il ,perch1 the work1 which
 ran through numerous  editions1 has    
usually been known4 ,it continued to be 

reprinted as late  as #affh4    7c7 ,a  
treatise on the ,plague3 ,tractate degno
  utile de la  pestilentia composto per 
el famosissimo philosopho medico        
astrologo maestro ,hieronymo di manfredi
 da ,bologna1 ,bologna1 #adgh4  ,this   
was translated into ,latin by the author
 himself in the same year4  ,the work   
owes much to ,avicenna1 but contains    
some original clinical  observations1   
and shows a certain independence of the 
prevailing spirit  of the age by quoting
 opinions of contemporary as well as of 
ancient  physicians4 ,the remedies are  
similar to those recommended by ,john   
of ,bourdeaux in his widely distributed 
tract on the plague1 and are  probably  
derived ultimately from the ,regimen    
,sanitatis ,salerni4    7d7             
,prognosticon ad annum #adgi1 ,bologna1 
#adgh4 ,we reproduce the  terminal page 
of this work 7,fig4 #aj74               
,illustration3 ,fig4 #aj4 ,the last page
 of ,manfredi's ,prognosticon ad  annum 
#adgi1 ,bologna1 #adgh4                 

,illustration3 ,from his tomb in the    
,church of ,s4 ,giacomo ,maggiore at    
,bologna    ,plate ,,xxxvii4 ,,giovanni 
,,bentivoglio ,,ii    ,illustration3    
,,brit4 ,,mus4 ,,ms4 ,,roy4 #g ,f       
,,viii1 fo4 #ej v    ,plate ,,xxxviii a4
 ,,roger ,,bacon',s ,,diagram ,,of ,,the
 ,,eye4    ,x,i,i,ith ,century          
,illustration3 ,from a drawing in       
,,windsor ,,castle    ,plate ,,xxxviii  
b4 ,,leonardo ,,da ,,vinci',s ,,diagram 
,,of ,,the ,,heart    ,early ,x,v,ith   
,century    7e7 ,prognosticon anni      
#adha1 in which is embodied ,oratio     
contra  turcos  hostes ,christianorum1  
s4 #a4 ,jan4 #adha4    7f7 ,centilogium 
de medicis et infirmis1 ,bologna1 #adhh4
 ,with a  dedication to ,bentivoglio4   
,this short work is wholly astrological1
 and  consists of one hundred precepts  
concerning the relationship of the      
stars to various diseases and           
conditions4 ,reprinted ,venice1 #aejj1  
and  ,nuremberg1 #aecj4    ,the         
following three works are attributed to 

,manfredi1 but are not  mentioned in    
,hain1 ,copinger1 or ,reichling's lists 
of ,incunabula2 we  have not seen any of
 them and their existence is doubtful4  
7g7 ,ephemerides astrologicae           
operationes medicas spectantes1         
mentioned in the ,biographisches        
,lexikon der hervorragenden ,aerzte of  
,e4 ,gurlt and ,a4 ,hirsch4 ,possibly it
 represents another edition of 7e74     
7h7 ,quaestiones subtilissimae super    
librum aphorismorum1 ,bologna1  #adhj   
7871 mentioned by ,haller4#agi ,possibly
 it represents another  edition of 7b74 
7i7 ,chiromantia secundum naturae vires 
ad extra1 ,padua1 #adhd1  mentioned by  
,haller4#agi      ,,iv4 ,,the           
,,manuscript ,,anatomy ,,of ,,manfredi  
,the ,,ms4 of ,manfredi's ,anatomy is in
 the ,bodleian ,library at ,oxford      
7,canon4 ,ital4 #bcg1 ,western #bjbhg74 
,it is a fairly preserved small  quarto 
parchment1 originally of forty-nine     
folios1 of which the third  and fourth  
are missing4 ,the writing is in the fine

 ,italian hand that  the printed type of
 the period was accustomed to imitate4  
,there are no  figures or illuminations1
 but the titles are rubricated in       
burnished  gold or in colours4    ,there
 is no reference to this work in any    
account of ,manfredi1 and the  volume   
itself appears to be quite unknown4     
,neither the man nor his work  is       
mentioned in ,medici's detailed history 
of the anatomical school at             
,bologna#ahj nor in ,martinotti's recent
 study on the same topic1#aha  nor is   
any ,,ms4 of ,manfredi included in      
,mazzatinti's monumental  catalogue of  
the ,,mss4 in the ,italian              
libraries4#ahb    ,manfredi's ,,ms4 is  
written in the involved ,italian of the 
day1 with  sentences of inordinate      
length4 ,these general characters of    
style are  encountered also in his      
published works4 ,the dedication is in  
,latin1 of  the same unpleasing quality1
 and is couched in the usual subservient
  manner4 ,it is addressed to ,giovanni 

,bentivoglio1 and in it ,manfredi       
relates that        #8,your illustrious 
lordship ,johannes ,bentivolus in this  
present      year #adij with your usual 
humanity condescended on one occasion to
      watch the dissection of a         
corpse4444 ,it was then that you saw the
      wonderful works of ,nature in the 
anatomy 444 and you parentally          
urged me1 ,hieronymo ,manfredi1 to      
inscribe to your most noble name        
this work on anatomy4444 ,i therefore   
extracted this work as best ,i          
might from various works of antiquity   
and abbreviated it4 ,i have      not    
followed their order1 but ,i have so    
composed it that the work      should be
 pleasing to your lordship4             
#8,accept then1 ,o great and powerful   
lord1 this work on the anatomy      of  
the human body inscribed to your noble  
name6 ,accept it with your              
customary benevolence and humanity and  
in a kindly and gracious      spirit1   
for it will be pleasing to you and will 

delight you      greatly1 for it is a   
worthy work6'    ,the ,giovanni         
,bentivoglio 7,plate ,,xxxvii71 with    
adulation of whom  ,manfredi was thus   
accustomed to plaster his works1 was the
 second of  the name and was the son of 
,annibale ,bentivoglio4 ,in the year    
#adfb  he became head of the republic of
 ,bologna1 and played there much the    
same rle as did ,lorenzo de' ,medici at 
,florence4 ,he adorned ,bologna  with   
numerous buildings1#ahc and acted as    
patron of the arts and the  sciences4   
,the ,palazzo dei ,bentivogli still     
stands as a memorial to him  and his    
family4 ,a stern and high-handed tyrant1
 he held his position  until #aejf1 when
 he was expelled and the city reverted  
to the papacy4  ,he died two years      
later4    ,it is remarkable to find a   
man of ,bentivoglio's eminence and      
position  taking an interest in the     
practical study of anatomy4 ,other      
,italian  rulers1 ,lorenzo de' ,medici  
among them1 encouraged and legalized the

  practice of dissection1 but probably  
,bentivoglio is the only one  recorded  
as having patronized an #8anatomy' in   
person4 ,the interest  taken in the     
subject by the heads of states must have
 been of great  value to the artists    
whose patrons they were4    ,the ,,ms4  
is a unique copy1 and was doubtless     
written for presentation to             
,bentivoglio4 ,that it was never printed
 is perhaps due to the fact that        
,manfredi died within a comparatively   
short time of its composition4 ,it      
represents the most satisfactory        
post-mediaeval account of the human     
frame until the appearance of the work  
of ,berengario da ,carpi in #aeba4  ,it 
is more complete than the work of       
,william of ,saliceto or of ,mondino  or
 the anatomy erroneously attributed to  
,richardus ,anglicus2 it is more        
natural than the book of ,gabriele de   
,gerbi1 and is far superior to the      
crude contemporary sketches of ,hundt1  
,peyligk1 and ,achillini1 while  it     

wastes less space than ,guy de ,chauliac
 on teleology1 though it has  none of   
the charm of the work of that great     
surgeon4 ,in one respect at  least1 viz4
 the spirit in which it is written1     
,manfredi's ,anatomy  is original and   
probably unique for its age4 ,there is  
no reason to  doubt the assurance of the
 dedication that it was composed for the
  edification of the tyrant of ,bologna1
 and for the simple purpose of  setting 
forth the wonderful structure of man's  
body without thought of  any medical    
application4    ,the sources of the     
,,ms4 are obvious4 ,it is in the main a 
rearranged  and on the whole improved   
,mondino1 but amplified by reference to 
translations from ,galen1 ,rhazes1 ,haly
 ,abbas1 and ,avicenna4 ,guy  de        
,chauliac has perhaps also been used4   
,the work gives a general  impression of
 being the product of a practical       
dissector1 and it  provides us with a   
good example of early ,renaissance      
anatomy as taught  in the ,italian      

schools before the reforms of ,vesalius4
 ,it is perhaps  the first complete     
treatise on its subject written         
originally in the  vernacular4#ahd ,it  
exhibits1 however1 no other original    
features nor  any considerable          
departures from its sources1 and it may 
be taken to  represent1 with but little 
modification1 the tradition of ,mondino 
as  developed at his own ,university of 
,bologna at the end of the fifteenth    
century4    ,manfredi's work1 however1  
if not original is at least eclectic1   
and  the variety of its sources         
indicates a dawning consciousness of the
  unwisdom of trusting to the           
infallibility of any one writer4 ,the   
work  is thus in a sense intermediate   
between the early printed versions  of  
,mondino1 such as that of #adgh1 and the
 edition published in #aebh  by         
,berengario da ,carpi with its frank    
commentary of the master4  ,all         
represent stages towards the freedom of 
the later ,renaissance  investigators4  

,we reproduce the text in full1 and the 
passages on the head1 on the  eye1 and  
on the heart1 are rendered into         
,english4 ,all are similar to  the      
accounts of ,mondino4 ,we are able to   
illustrate them by figures  from        
contemporary works1 and thus to give an 
idea of the limits of the  anatomical   
knowledge of the day4      ,v4          
,,translation ,,of ,,selected ,,passages
 ,,from ,,the ,,anatomy1 ,,with         
,,commentary    7a7 ,,the ,,head        
,tractate i1 ,chapter #b    7folio #e   
verso7 ,there are ten layers of the     
head4    ,the first is the hair made by 
nature for the better protection of  the
 head from external things1 and also for
 beauty4    ,the second part is the     
skin1 which has here to be very thick1  
so  that the hair may be firmly         
embedded1 having its roots thick and    
long2  and also to be a better shield   
and covering for the bone and brain1    
since there is no muscular part here4   
,the third part is the flesh1 developed 

only on the face1 the  temples1 and     
about the jaws1 not on the other parts4 
,the fourth part is an external membrane
 called almochatim ,arabian  term for   
cranial periosteum which1 when the skin 
is raised1 appears  to be continuous and
 covers the whole cranium4 ,and nature  
made this  membrane firstly so that the 
skin which is soft should not come into 
contact with the hard bone1 secondly    
that the bone of the head should  have  
sensation through it1 and thirdly that  
the internal membrane of  the head1     
called dura mater1 should1 by means of  
this membrane1 be  attached to the bone 
of the cranium by certain nerves and    
ligaments4  ,these1 issuing through the 
commissures of the bones1 have thus     
their  origin in the aforesaid internal 
membrane1 while on emerging through  the
 bone1 they weave themselves into or    
rather compose the external  membrane   
called almochatim4    ,the fifth part is
 the skull4 ,this is a bone like a cap1 
inside  the cavity of which is located  

the brain4 ,in the skull are four bones 
sutured together4 ,nature made the skull
 not of one but of many pieces1         
firstly1 so that if harm should fall on 
one part it might not spread  to the    
others2 secondly1 so that by their      
joints or rather sutures  ,italian      
cusituresewings1 the humours of the     
brain might be the  better exhaled2 and 
thirdly1 so that when there is need of  
applying  medicines1 these might the    
better penetrate to the parts within4   
,hence it is that four pieces of bone   
are sutured and joined together  by     
nature in a denticulate fashion1 so that
 they might be the firmer  and stronger4
 ,nor are they bound with ligaments as  
are the joints1 for  these would not    
have been so strong1 and furthermore the
 bones of the  head do not need to move4
    ,these sutures are five in number1  
three being true and two false4  ,the   
true sutures are those which pass right 
through the bone1 while  the false do   
not4 ,of the true sutures one is in the 

anterior part  and is called coronal2 it
 is made like the letter ,c1 and        
stretches  from right to left of the    
head1 the two wings of the ,c being     
directed  towards the forehead4 ,the    
second true suture extends along the    
length  of the head1 beginning from the 
coronal and reaching the back part  of  
the head4 ,it is like a shaft or rather 
arrow that goes backwards  from the     
brow1 wherefore it is called sagittal   
----74 ,the third true  suture is in the
 posterior part and is called laudal1   
for it is made  like a 1 the letter     
called by the ,greeks lauda4 ,the       
sagittal suture  extends from the       
coronal to the lauda ----74    ,the     
false sutures are two1 one on each side4
 ,they are called cortical  because they
 do not penetrate4    ,now if we        
consider these five sutures we shall see
 that there are four  bones articulated 
together4 ,one is the forehead bone     
frontal which  begins at the coronal and
 ends below at another suture1 which    

itself  begins as a branch of the       
coronal suture and proceeds by way of   
the  eyebrow to the corresponding branch
 of the other side 4    ,a second bone  
is behind and terminates at the laudal  
suture4 ,there are  two other bones     
which form the temples4 ,these terminate
 at the false  sutures which themselves 
begin at the laudal and end at the      
coronal  suture4    ,the sixth part of  
the head consists of two membranes4 ,one
 of these  is called dura mater1 and    
lies in contact with the cranium4 ,the  
other  is called pia mater and is in    
contact with and covers the brain4  ,and
 nature contrived it thus1 having great 
solicitude for this latter  member1 that
 while close to the bone1 it should yet 
not be touched  by it4 ,wherefore1      
taking due precautions1 she made the one
 membrane  harder than the other4       
,furthermore she made two membranes1 so 
that if  harm befell one of them1 it    
might not be communicated to the        
underlying  brain4    ,in the pia mater 

are woven certain veins by which the    
brain is  nourished4 ,the brain is      
everywhere covered by it except on the  
posterior part2 because this part being 
dry1 it has no need of this  membrane1  
as have the anterior and middle parts4  
,the two membranes in  many places      
penetrate the substance of the brain1   
dividing it into  a right and a left1 a 
front and a back section4 ,by this      
division1  divers cells or rather small 
chambers are made therein1 in which the 
soul 7anima7 performs its divers        
operations1 for which reason it is      
necessary that these parts should be of 
different structure4    ,when the two   
membranes are raised1 the seventh part  
of the head1  namely the brain itself1  
appears4 ,the brain is wrought by nature
 so  that the vital spirit from the     
torrid heart should be tempered by  its 
cold1 for here it is converted into     
animal spirit1 which is the  beginning  
of the perceptive 7cognoscitiue7 and    
motive processes4    ,the brain is of a 

substance like marrow1 white1 soft1 and 
viscous1 and  from it the nerves arise4 
,the anterior part is moister1 softer1  
and  less cold than the posterior       
because the senses sentimenti  senses   
mental processes1 which are themselves  
moist and soft1 have here  their origin4
 ,in the posterior part the motor nerves
 arise1 and it is  therefore drier and  
firmer4    ,the brain is divided into   
three parts or ventricles4 ,the first   
ventricle or anterior part is itself    
divided into two1 right and left1  and  
is moreover larger than any of the other
 ventricles1 for in this  first         
ventricle nature has placed the two     
faculties subservient to  perception 7al
 cognoscere74 ,one of these is called   
common sensation  7senso comune72 in it 
the external senses terminate as at a   
centre  and deliver the images or rather
 species of sensible things1 so  that   
this faculty may perceive and           
distinguish between one sensible  thing 
and another1 and also comprehend the    

operations of particular  senses2 which 
two things none of these senses of      
themselves can do4  ,the other faculty  
of the first ventricle is called        
fantasia and by  some imagination2 it   
retains and preserves the species of    
sensible  things in the absence of the  
material objects themselves4    ,when   
thou examinest the first ventricle thou 
wilt see three things  before thou      
comest to the second ventricle4    a    
,the first is itself double1 and is     
formed of the very substance  of the    
brain1 so that it forms the base of the 
anterior ventricle both  right and left 
corpora striata4    b ,to the side of   
this is another thing like a            
subterranean worm1  red as blood1 yet   
tethered by certain ligaments and       
nervelets   choroid plexus and taenia   
semicircularis4 ,and this worm when it  
lengthens itself closes these passages1 
and thus blocks the path  between the   
first ventricle and the second4 ,nature 
has wrought it thus1  so that when a man

 wills he may cease from cogitation and 
thought2 and  similarly when1 on the    
other hand1 he would think and          
contemplate1 this  worm contracts itself
 again and opens these passages and thus
 frees the  way between one ventricle   
and another4    c ,the third structure  
is a little lower and is a lacuna or    
rounded concavity  infundibulum4 ,in the
 middle of this is a hole  which passes 
down towards the palate1 and this lacuna
 provides also  a direct passage which  
descends from the middle ventricle to   
its  colature  sieve-like structure1    
i4e4 certain parts of the sphenoid      
bone4 ,and this lacuna has around it    
certain large round eminences  which    
support the veins and arteries that     
ascend to the ventricle4 ,this  passage 
is wide above and narrow below1 and by  
it the first and second  ventricles     
purge themselves of their superfluities1
 but the anterior  part of the first    
ventricle purges itself more by the     
colature of the  nose  cribriform plate4

 ,thus nature has made two passages to  
cleanse  the superfluities of the brain4
    ,when thou hast seen these three    
structures there will appear the  second
 or middle ventricle which is as a      
passage and transit from the  anterior  
to the posterior ventricle4 ,here are   
two faculties4 ,one1  the estimative1   
deduces ,italian elicere the insensible 
from  the sensible4 ,the other1 called  
the cognitive1 comprehends both  things 
sensible and things insensible1         
synthesizing and analysing  them        
7componendo e dividendo74 ,these two    
faculties in the middle  ventricle      
minister to the intellect4 ,now all the 
other faculties  described1 and even the
 power of memory1 are found in brute    
animals1  but this intellectual power is
 encountered in man alone4    ,now will 
appear the third ventricle in the       
posterior part2 and it is  hard1 for it 
gives rise to the greater part of the   
motive nerves which  are of a strong and
 firm nature4 ,this ventricle is        

pyramidal in shape1  and culminates in  
an apex directed upwards where images of
 visible  things 7spetie7 are conserved1
 for these are better stored in a       
strait than in an ample space2 but the  
part below is wide to receive  these    
images1 which are better received in an 
ample than in a strait  place4 ,this    
ventricle has two functions3 it gives   
rise to the spinal  cord nucha1 an      
,arabian term and motor nerves2 and it  
is also the  storehouse of the          
memorative faculties4    ,from what has 
been said it will be apparent that when 
the back of the  head is injured1 the   
memory immediately suffers2 when the    
middle part  is injured1 the estimative 
and cognitive faculties suffer2 and when
  the anterior part is injured1 the     
faculties of common sensation and of    
imagination 7fantasia7 suffer4 ,and thus
 it is that the doctors have  become    
aware of the location of these powers4  
,this being disposed of1 thou wilt next 
raise the brain carefully so as  not to 

break the nerves4 ,commencing now with  
the part in front1 there  will first    
appear two small fleshy protuberances   
like two nipples1 of  like substance to 
the brain in which they originate1 and  
covered by a  thin membrane1 the pia    
mater4 ,these are the olfactory organs1 
wherein  is the sense of smell4    ,from
 the brain arise seven pairs of nerves4 
,proceed therefore farther  with the    
anterior part1 and thou wilt see the    
first pair of these  nerves1 which are  
large1 and called the nervi optici4     
,these have  their origin in the front  
ventricle of the brain and proceed      
towards  the eyes4 ,but before they pass
 through the pia mater1 they join       
together1 and at their place of union   
there is a perforated spot4  ,galen     
maintains that these nerves only join or
 rather unite1 but do  not intersect1 so
 that the nerve that comes from the     
right after union  returns again towards
 the right1 and similarly with the nerve
 coming  from the left1 which after the 

union returns towards the left eye4#ahe 
,but ,rhazes maintains the contrary1#ahf
 although the opinion of ,galen  is the 
more common4 ,these nerves are          
subservient to sight1 and they are      
united so that the images of the things 
received by the two eyes and  conveyed  
by the two nerves should return in      
unity2 so that one thing  should not    
appear as two4    ,after these two      
nerves1 raise the brain towards its     
middle and thou  wilt see another pair  
of nerves1 thin and firm1 which also go 
to the  eyes1 to give them voluntary    
movement1 controlling certain muscles4  
,farther on thou wilt see the third pair
 of nerves1 one part of which  goes to  
the face to give it sensation and       
voluntary movement1 while  another part 
goes to give taste to the tongue4 ,yet a
 third part of  these nerves mingles    
with the fourth#ahg pair of nerves1 and 
together  they descend to give sensation
 to the diaphragm1 stomach1 and other   
viscera4 ,a certain part also of the    

fourth#ahg pair of nerves goes to  give 
sensation to the palate4    ,then there 
is the fifth pair of nerves which go to 
the petrous bone  around the ear2 and of
 these nerves there are framed in the   
ear-holes  certain membranes1 which are 
the organs of hearing4    ,next there is
 the sixth pair of nerves1 which divides
 into three parts4  ,one part goes to   
the muscles of the throat1 the second to
 the muscles  of the shoulders1 and the 
third and largest descends to the       
epiglottis  and to the diaphragm1 and   
spreads into the chest1 the heart1 and  
the  lungs1 accompanying the nerves of  
the third pair4 ,from the nerves of     
this sixth pair which go to the         
epiglottis arise the nerves of the      
voice1 called reversive4    ,the seventh
 pair of nerves arise at the back of the
 brain and give  voluntary movement to  
the tongue4    ,of these seven pairs of 
nerves1 the first two pairs originate in
 the  anterior part of the brain1 the   
third pair originates between the       

anterior and posterior parts1 while the 
remaining four pairs originate  in the  
posterior part4    ,proceeding still    
farther1 the brain may be completely    
raised1 and  the eighth part of the head
 will appear1 that is1 the two membranes
  situated below the brain4 ,when these 
in turn are raised there will  appear   
the ninth part1 which is a certain net  
called rethe mirabile1  because it is   
composed of exceedingly strong and      
marvellous texture1  augmented by       
certain very fine arteries which are    
branches of arteries  that ascend from  
the heart1 and are called the apoplectic
 arteries4  ,in these arteries of this  
net is contained the vital spirit1 sent 
from  the heart to be changed to animal 
spirit4 ,that the spirit may be the     
better modified and distributed1 nature 
made these arteries very fine1  and     
separated them into very small branches 
so that the spirit should  be minutely  
divided4 ,nature placed the rethe       
mirabile under the brain  because it was

 necessary to guard its site carefully1 
and also that the  moist vapours of the 
brain which fall upon the net1          
obstructing it1  should induce natural  
sleep4    ,after all these things thou  
wilt see the basal bone which is the    
tenth  and last part of the head1 and   
called basilar1 because it is the  base 
and foundation of the whole head2 and it
 was made hard so that  the             
superfluities which descend to it should
 not putrefy it4 ,this bone  can be seen
 to be formed of many other bones       
articulated together4  ,it is divisible 
into the petrous bones and the bones of 
the nose and  eyes and two other lateral
 bones which can only be seen by means  
of  disarticulation4 ,folio #aj verso1  
line #bb4           99       99       99
       99       99    ,illustration3    
,fig4 #aa4 ,from ,m4 ,hundt1            
,antropologium1 de hominis  dignitate   
natura et proprietatibus1 ,leipzig1     
#aeja4 ,the figure shows  the ten layers
 of the head1 the cerebral ventricles   

and cranial nerves1  and the relation of
 the nerves to the senses4              
,illustration3 ,fig4 #ab4 ,,the ,,layers
 ,,of ,,the ,,head    ,from the         
,anatomia of ,johannes ,dryander1       
,marburg1 #aecg4    ,the ten parts or   
layers of the head are a commonplace of 
the anatomy of  the period1 taken from  
,avicenna4 ,we may illustrate the       
division by the  crude contemporary     
diagram of ,fig4 #aa1 which is improved 
in the later  drawing reproduced in     
,fig4 #ab4    ,manfredi's account of the
 brain itself is amplified from         
,mondino4 ,the  division of this organ  
into three ventricles1 each associated  
with  a corresponding division of the   
mental functions1 was very familiar  to 
medical writers of the fifteenth        
century4 ,the idea is found among       
,western writers as early as ,st4       
,augustine 7#ced-dcj71 and is           
encountered  in the writings of ,roger  
,bacon 7#abad-id74 ,it had long been    
popularized  in mediaeval psychology by 

the writings of ,albertus ,magnus       
7#abjf-hj74  ,the anatomical distinction
 is found in ,haly ,abbas1 ,avicenna1   
and  ,rhazes1 and in some of the best   
,,mss4 of the latter writer a rough     
diagram of the ventricles is given4#ahh 
,these writers are all clearly  indebted
 to the anatomy of ,galen1#ahi but on   
the psychological  side ,albertus       
,magnus probably drew mainly either from
 ,ghazali#aij  7#ajei-aaaa71 who in turn
 derived his inspiration from ,nemesius 
7fourth  century7 and ,johannes         
,damascenus 7died #gef71 or else from   
early  writers of the ,salernitan       
tradition1 such as ,constantine#aia     
7eleventh  century71 or ,petrocello#aib 
7twelfth century71 who drew largely on  
,theophilus 7seventh century74#aic      
,illustration3 ,fig4 #ac4 ,from         
,illustrissimi philosophi et theologi   
domini ,alberti magni compendiosum      
insigne ac perutile opus ,philosophiae  
naturalis1 ,venice1 #adif1 showing the  
ventricles of the brain4    ,this       

outline of a tripartite division of the 
brain and its cavities was  closely     
followed throughout the ,middle ,ages1  
as was also the curiously  nave and     
excessively #8materialistic' psychology 
to which it gave rise1  and which       
,manfredi adopts4 ,we illustrate his    
views of the relationship  of the       
different parts of the brain and their  
parallelism in mental  processes1 from a
 series of diagrams extracted from      
contemporary works  7,figs4 #ac-ah74    
,illustration3 ,fig4 #ad4 ,diagram of   
the senses1 the humours1 the  cerebral  
ventricles1 and the intellectual        
faculties4 ,,ms4 ,sloane #baef1  folio  
#aa recto1 in the ,british ,museum1     
being a copy written in #adbh of  the   
,de ,scientia ,perpectiva of ,roger     
,bacon    ,illustration3 ,fig4 #ae4     
,from ,k4 ,peyligk's ,philosophiae      
naturalis  compendium1 ,leipzig1 #adhi4 
,illustrating the general ideas on      
anatomy  current at the ,renaissance4   
,illustration3 ,fig4 #af4 ,the cerebral 

ventricles from above and from the      
side4 ,according to ,k4 ,peyligk1       
,philosophiae naturalis compendium1     
,leipzig1 #adhi4    ,illustration3 ,fig4
 #ag4 ,the localization of cerebral     
functions4 ,from  the ,italian edition  
of #8,ketham'1 ,fasciculus ,medicinae1  
,venice1 #adic4    ,illustration3 ,fig4 
#ah4 ,from ,g4 ,reisch1 ,margarita      
philosophiae1  ,leipzig18 #aejc4        
,diagram of the ventricles and the      
senses with their  relation to the      
intellectual processes according to the 
doctrine of the  ,renaissance           
anatomists4    ,the brain was regarded  
by mediaeval and early ,renaissance     
anatomists  as having two channels of   
discharge through which the phlegm1 the 
especial product of this organ1 could be
 evacuated when in excess4  ,one of     
these channels communicated with the    
anterior ventricle of the  brain and    
poured its secretion into the nose4 ,it 
may be identified  with the anterior    
colature or cribriform plate4 ,the      

second1 the  lacuna1 led down from the  
second ventricle and poured its         
secretion  into the pharynx4 ,it may be 
identified with the infundibulum1       
pituitary  body1 and #8cella turcica'4  
,the term #8pituitary' which we still   
use is  derived from its supposed       
association with the #8pituita' or      
phlegm4 ,at  an early date this process 
was connected with the four humours     
7,fig4  #ad74 ,the rest of the          
description of the brain can be easily  
followed4  ,the comparison of the       
choroid plexus to a worm is very common4
 ,the  suggestion originated with ,galen
 and was developed by the ,arabians4    
,,comparative ,,table ,,of ,,ancient    
,,and ,,modern ,,nomenclature ,,of      
,,cranial ,,nerves4      ,mondino and   
,manfredi following ,galen1             
especially in the              ,modern  
usage4        4 ,de usu partium         
corporis humani4                        
----------------------------------------
---------------------------         ,not

 regarded as separate nerves4      ,i4  
,olfactory nerves4                      
----------------------------------------
---------------------------      ,i4    
4              ,,ii4 ,optic nerves4     
----------------------------------------
---------------------------     ,,ii4   
4           ,,iii4 ,oculomotor nerves4  
----------------------------------------
---------------------------         ,not
 mentioned4                       ,,iv4 
,trochlear nerves4                      
----------------------------------------
---------------------------    ,,iii4  4
                               ,v4      
,trigeminal nerves4     ,,iv4  4        
,mondino and ,manfredi confuse          
,galen's fourth pair and ,galen's       
sixth pair4                             
----------------------------------------
---------------------------         ,not
 mentioned by ,manfredi4 ,by            
,,vi4 ,abducent nerves4         ,galen  
probably united with ,,ii4              
----------------------------------------

---------------------------      ,v4  4 
,,vii4 ,facial nerves4                  
,,viii4 ,auditory nerves4               
----------------------------------------
---------------------------     ,,vi4  4
                            ,,ix4       
,glossopharyngeal                       
nerves4                                 
,x4 ,vagi4                              
,,xi4 ,accessory nerves of              
,willis4                                
----------------------------------------
---------------------------    ,,vii4  4
                            ,,xii4      
,hypoglossal nerves4                    
----------------------------------------
---------------------------    ,the     
nomenclature of the cranial nerves      
adopted by ,manfredi is taken  from     
,mondino and is almost identical with   
that of ,galen1 whose  classification is
 summarized above4#aid ,manfredi's      
description of  ,galen's fourth pair is 
confused and inadequate1 but his account
 of  ,galen's sixth pair is an          

improvement upon ,mondino4    ,the      
#8rete mirabile' is an interesting      
survival of ,galenic anatomy4  ,this    
structure is hardly present in man1 but 
is developed in the lower  animals1 and 
especially in calves1 upon whose bodies 
,galen worked4 ,the  father of          
physiology regarded the #8rete mirabile'
 as the place where  the psychic pneuma 
was elaborated4#aie ,galen's findings in
 the lower  animals were assiduously    
transferred to the human body1 to which 
his  descriptions are much less         
applicable1 while his views on the      
pneuma  lasted in more or less          
misunderstood form well into the        
seventeenth  century4      7b7 ,,the    
,,eye    ,tractate i1 ,chapter #c       
7folio #aa recto7 ,the socket of the eye
 is not over-depressed1 for it  has to  
receive the images 7spetie7 of visible  
things4 ,nor does it  project greatly1  
lest it should be liable to injury from 
exterior  violence4 ,for the eyes of man
 being very soft and susceptible1 nature

  provided eyebrows as a shield above1  
and eyelids as protectors in  front1 and
 made moreover the projections of the   
maxillae and the nose1  so that the eyes
 should be guarded on every side4 ,so   
great was the  solicitude of nature for 
these members4    ,seven are the tunics 
of the eye and three its humours4 ,three
 front  coatings join with three        
coatings at the back like six shields1  
the  edges of every pair joining each to
 each1 the outer being larger  and      
containing the others4 ,the seventh     
tunic is largest of all1 and  encloses  
the whole eye1 and therefore it is      
called conjunctiva  because it joins and
 surrounds the whole eye except the     
place where the  pupil is1 and that     
small part is covered by the cornea4    
,now this  first tunic where it covers  
the outside part is seen to be white4   
,the second tunic in its front part is  
called cornea because it  resembles horn
 in its substance and colour2 and this  
covering is  transparent1 so that the   

images of visible things may penetrate  
through  it4 ,and it is also solid and  
large and composed of four membranes1 so
  that being near external things it    
should not receive hurt4 ,with this     
corneal tunic is united posteriorly     
another tunic the third called          
sclerotic1 i4e4 hard4 ,these two        
coverings have their origin in the      
membrane about the brain1 that is in the
 dura mater1 just as the first  tunic   
arises from the membrane over the skull1
 called almochatim4    ,the fourth tunic
 as to its front part is called uvea    
because it is  like a seed of a black   
grape1 and in its midst is a hole called
 the  pupil4 ,nature made this tunic    
opaque so that the visual spirit should 
be conserved and not dissipated by the  
light outside4 ,moreover nature  made   
the opening in the tunic that the image 
might penetrate freely2  while it is    
narrow1 so that the visual spirit should
 be concentrated4  ,thus when the said  
pupil1 or rather hole1 dilates more than

 usual1  either naturally or            
accidentally1 the sight becomes         
imperfect4 ,the  uveal tunic joins      
posteriorly the fifth tunic1 called     
secundina  because it is made like the  
after-birth1 i4e4 the membrane in which 
the  child is enveloped in its mother's 
womb1 and it arises from the pia  mater4
    ,the sixth coating in front is      
called arachnoid because it is formed   
after the manner of a spider's web1 and 
posteriorly it joins the  seventh       
coating1 called retina1 because it is   
made like a net4    ,between the uvea   
and the arachnoid anteriorly there is a 
humour called  albugineus1 like the     
white of an egg1 to moisten the eye and 
to  preserve the convexity of the       
cornea4 ,in a dead man this humour dries
  up1 and the cornea falls and is       
flattened1 and then the vulgar say that 
there appears a curtain before the eyes 
which is an infallible sign of  death4  
,also this humour holds the pupil open2 
therefore when it dries  up the pupil   

contracts4    ,between the two last     
tunics1 i4e4 the arachnoid and the      
retina1 which  have their origin from   
the optic nerve1 there are two humours4 
,these  are the vitreous humour1 so     
called from its likeness to liquified   
glass1 and the crystalline humour1 from 
its likeness to a crystal4  ,this is    
also called the grandid1 because it is  
like a hailstone2  and it is somewhat   
hard and round1 but flattened anteriorly
 where  it receives the images of       
visible things1 and posteriorly         
pyramidal  shape and pointed4 ,and here 
is completed the act of seeing4 ,in the 
posterior part it is surrounded by the  
vitreous humours by which it is         
nourished4 ,the crystalline humour is   
convex anteriorly and the vitreous      
posteriorly4 ,and the optic nerves come 
to the eyes and convey the  images seen 
by the eyes to the seat of common       
sensation and to the  other internal    
faculties4 ,folio #ab verso1 line #g4   
99       99       99       99       99  

,illustration3 ,fig4 #ai4 ,,the         
,,anatomy ,,of ,,the ,,eye    ,from ,g4 
,reisch1 ,margarita philosophiae1       
,leipzig18 #aejc4 ,showing the  seven   
tunics and three humours of the eye     
according to the doctrines of           
,renaissance anatomists4#aif    ,a great
 deal of attention was paid by the      
,arabians to the diseases and  the      
structure of the eye1 and the essentials
 of ,manfredi's description  are to be  
found in ,rhazes1 ,hunain ben ,ishak1   
and ,haly ,abbas4 ,the  tradition       
presented by these writers passed early 
into ,western  science1 and is          
reproduced1 for example1 in the works of
 ,constantine  ,africanus and in the    
well-known anatomy to which the name of 
,richardus  ,anglicus 7,richard of      
,wendover7 has become attached#aig 7cp4 
,fig4  #ai74 ,avicenna's description of 
the eye is somewhat different1 and  gave
 rise to the tradition reproduced in the
 works of ,john of ,peckham  and of     
,roger ,bacon 7,plate ,,xxxviii a71 and 

it influenced the views  of ,leonardo   
and even perhaps of ,vesalius 7,fig4    
#bj74 ,the views on the  anatomy of the 
eye expressed by ,rhazes1 ,hunain ben   
,ishak1 and ,haly  ,abbas were1 on the  
whole1 more widely accepted than those  
of ,avicenna4    ,illustration3 ,fig4   
#bj4    ,,the ,,anatomy ,,of ,,the ,,eye
    ,from ,vesalius1 ,de humani corporis
 fabrica1 ,basel1 #aedc1 p4 #fdc4  ,a1  
,crystalline humour2 ,o1 ,albugineous   
humour2 ,c1 ,vitreous humour2  ,n1      
,cornea2 ,q1 ,conjunctiva2 ,m1          
,sclerotica2 ,g1 ,secundina2 ,h1 ,uvea2 
,k1  ,arachnoidea2 ,e1 ,retina4    ,the 
treatment of the eye was always felt to 
be hardly within the range  of the      
ordinary practitioner of surgery1 and   
its structure1 as we learn  from ,guy de
 ,chauliac1#aih was not usually treated 
in the general  course of anatomy4 ,the 
custom was rather to refer the student  
to  special works such as those of ,jesu
 ,aly or of ,alcoatim4    ,manfredi's   
description of the anatomy of the eye is

 that generally  accepted at the end of 
the fifteenth and the beginning of the  
sixteenth  centuries1 and is unusually  
clear for its date4 ,it represents  a   
considerable advance on such writers as 
,henri de ,mondeville  7#abfj-acbj7aii  
or the pseudo ,richardus ,anglicus1 and 
is far superior  to the descriptions of 
the eye dating from the fourteenth and  
fifteenth  centuries recently brought to
 light by ,sudhoff4#bjj ,we reproduce as
  illustrating ,manfredi a diagram taken
 from the ,margarita philosophica  of   
,gregorius ,reisch 7died #aebe74 ,this  
represents the earliest printed  figure 
of any value of the anatomy of the eye  
7,fig4 #ai74bja ,we give  for comparison
 the figure from a thirteenth-century   
,,ms4 of ,roger ,bacon  7,plate         
,,xxxviii a71 representing the rival    
tradition of ,avicenna and  ,alhazen    
that influenced ,leonardo da ,vinci and 
other contemporaries of  ,manfredi4     
,these figures may be compared with that
 of ,vesalius 7#aedc1  ,fig4 #bj71 whose

 description of the eye is less free    
from traditional  bias than are most    
parts of his epoch-making work4    ,in  
reading any early description of the    
eye1 it is to be remembered  that until 
the nineteenth century the #8emanation  
theory' prevailed4  ,light was regarded 
as of the nature of a stream of         
particles emitted  from the object seen1
 and the act of vision was considered as
 a  collision of this emanation with an 
emission of something from the eye      
itself1 called in mediaeval writings the
 #8visual spirit'4      7c7 ,,the       
,,heart    ,tractate ii1 ,chapter #c    
7folio #ai verso7 ,then you will see in 
the midst of the lung the heart1        
covered by its membranes4 ,it is thus   
situated that the air attracted  by this
 lung should cool it1 and that thus the 
heat and spirit of  the heart be        
tempered4 ,this member is the most      
important of the four  principal        
members1 because it is the first to live
 and the last to  die4 ,it is of medium 

size compared with the other members of 
man1 but  compared with the hearts of   
other animals it is very large1 because 
man1 in a quantitative and not an       
intensive sense1 has more natural  heat 
than other animals4 ,it is pyramidal1   
that is in the form of a  flame2 because
 it is of excellent warmth1 therefore it
 is necessary  that it should be of a   
shape resembling a flame4 ,its figure is
 also  called #8pine-shaped'1 because it
 is wide below and narrow above1 being  
thus formed that distinction could      
better be made between its cavities  or 
ventricles2 moreover1 had it been made  
of a shape all uniform as is  the lower 
part1 it would be too heavy and         
ponderous4    ,this member is situated  
in the middle of the entire body1       
measured in  every direction2 that is1  
in the middle between the upper and     
lower  parts3 in the middle also between
 front and back and right and left1     
like a king standing in the midst of his
 kingdom1 and this was done  that it    

might give the strength of life equally 
to all the members2 and  although the   
heart as regards its foundation and base
 be in the middle1  yet its point       
declines to the left below the left     
breast1 so that it  warms the left side 
as the liver warms the right4    ,this  
member is sustained and strengthened by 
a certain cartilaginous  bone4 ,for     
since it is continually moving1 it needs
 some point of  purchase to support it  
in its movements4 ,moreover1 it has a   
certain  fatty layer on the outside     
which prevents the heart from drying and
  keeps it moist3 and there are certain 
veins and arteries dispersed  through   
its substance3 and it is formed also of 
a kind of hard flesh so  that it may    
sustain many and forceful movements2    
also it is formed of  longitudinal1     
latitudinal1 and transverse fibres1 so  
that it may have  the power to attract1 
retain1 and expel4    ,this member has  
three ventricles or chambers1 like the  
brain4 ,one  ventricle is on the right  

side1 the second on the left1 and the   
third  in between4 ,the right ventricle 
towards the liver has two orifices4 ,one
  is towards the liver and is very      
large4 ,into this there enters a vein   
called vena chilis1 which arises in the 
convexity of the liver and  brings the  
blood from the liver to the heart4 ,in  
that right ventricle  the blood is      
purified1 and then sent by the heart to 
all the other  members4    ,now since   
the heart attracts by this orifice of   
the vena chilis  more than it expels1   
therefore nature ordains that in the    
moment of  contraction when the blood is
 expelled this orifice closes1 and when 
the heart dilates it opens4    ,moreover
 there are three little valves          
7hostiolitti7 or doors opening  from    
without inward1 and these valves are not
 very depressed2 so that  by this same  
orifice only part of the purified blood 
is expelled to  the other members1      
because part goes to the lungs and the  
remainder  forms the vital spirit2      

therefore nature ordains that these     
valves do  not entirely close4 ,from the
 vena chilis1 before it enters the      
cavity  of the heart1 there arises      
another vein1 which surrounds the root  
of  the heart2 and from it are given off
 branches which disperse themselves     
through the substance of the heart1 and 
from the blood of that vein the  heart  
nourishes itself4    ,the right         
ventricle towards the lung has another  
orifice into which  opens the arterial  
vein1 bringing the blood from the heart 
to nourish  the lung3 in this orifice   
also are three valves 7hostioli7 opening
  from within outward and closing from  
without inward1 in the opposite  way to 
the valves of the other orifice2 and    
this is so that they should  entirely   
close4 ,hence by this orifice the heart 
during the period of  contraction can   
expel1 and yet during the period of its 
dilatation  cannot attract anything     
through it as was done in the first     
orifice4    ,the left ventricle of the  

heart has its sides denser and thicker  
than  the sides or walls of the right   
ventricle2 and this for three reasons3  
,firstly1 because in the right ventricle
 is contained the blood1 which  is      
heavy1 while in the left ventricle there
 is spirit1 which is very  light2       
therefore in order that the heart should
 not be heavier and more  ponderous on  
one side than on the other1 it was      
necessary to compensate  in this manner1
 that is1 that the left ventricle should
 be thicker in  its walls than the      
right4 ,in the second place1 the spirit 
being more  subtil and more volatile    
7resolubile7 than blood1 it needs a     
stronger  habitation and better         
supports4 ,thirdly1 the left ventricle  
is much  warmer than the right1 because 
in it is generated the spirit from the  
blood1 by a great heat which makes that 
blood more subtil2 and heat is  better  
preserved in a substance that is dense  
and thick4    ,in the cavity of this    
ventricle near its root are two         

orifices3 one is  the orifice of an     
artery called artharia adorti  aorta1   
because it  has immediate origin in the 
heart and because it is the source of   
all  the others3 by this artery the     
heart sends the generated spirit to all 
the members2 and the very subtil blood  
is mixed with the spirit when  the heart
 contracts4 ,for which reason there are 
at the entrance of this  orifice three  
valves1 which close entirely from the   
outside inwards2  and they open from the
 inside outwards1 and this orifice is   
very deep4    ,the other orifice is that
 of the venal artery which conveys the  
air  from the lung to cool the heart and
 transports warm vapours from the  heart
 to the lung as has been said above2 and
 in this orifice are two  valves which  
do not entirely close3 and they are well
 raised so that  they can better apply  
themselves to the sides edges of the    
heart  when it sends out the spirit3    
these are marvellous works of nature1   
as is also the central ventricle of the 

heart1 for this ventricle has  not one  
cavity but many2 these are small but    
wide1 and more numerous  on the right   
than on the left2 and nature contrived  
thus1 so that the  blood which goes from
 the right ventricle to the left to be  
converted  continually into spirit      
becomes thin in these cavities4    ,and 
by this thou canst see that four things 
have birth in the heart4  ,the first is 
the artery called adorti1 the second is 
the vena  chilis1 the third is the      
arterial vein1 and the fourth the venal 
artery4    ,also thou wilt see in the   
heart certain membranous parts like     
auricles1 or rather like small ears1    
able to dilate or contract3  these are  
contrived by nature in order that when  
overmuch blood or  spirit is generated  
the heart can dilate so as to contain   
it2 and also  that the heart may        
contract when there is no such          
abundance4    ,and it is here that      
,galen asks1 ,why did not nature make   
the heart so  large that it could       

contain every increase of blood or      
spirit without  the addition of these   
membranes8 ,galen replies that this was 
first  because the heart would have been
 too large and therefore too heavy2     
secondly1 because as it is not always   
generating a great quantity  of blood   
and spirit1 if the heart had been too   
large1 its cavity  would usually have   
been empty3 but these auricles dilate   
with the  accumulation of blood or      
spirit1 and contract with its decrease4 
,the heart is surrounded by a firm and  
nervous membrane1 like a  little house  
in which it is placed as in a tabernacle
 to defend it  from accidents4 ,this    
capsule is very dilated1 that the heart 
in its  dilations and movement may not  
be impeded thereby1 and therefore nature
  made this capsule so that it should   
contain a certain dewy moisture  with   
which the heart is bathed and moistened 
so that in its continual  movement it   
should not become dry4 ,for when this   
water be dried up1  then the heart      

itself is desiccated1 and emaciates and 
dries up all the  body4           99    
99       99       99       99    ,the   
description of the heart follows        
,mondino closely4 ,occasionally a       
phrase or two is reminiscent of         
,mondeville4 ,the trite conception of   
the  heart as a king in its necessarily 
central position was very frequently    
repeated by writers in the ,middle      
,ages4 ,to ,harvey1 who had a certain   
mediaeval element in his mentality1 it  
seems to have appealed1 and he  used it 
in his ,prelectiones ,anatomiae1#bjb and
 chose it to introduce  his great work  
on the circulation of the blood4#bjc    
,the heart was  similarly described as  
#8flame-shaped'1 because it was regarded
 as the  source of animal heat4 ,the    
idea that it is the first to live and   
the  last to die comes from             
,aristotle4#bjd ,the bone in the heart  
also  comes from ,aristotle4#bje ,the   
idea was quite familiar to mediaeval    
anatomists1 who frequently endeavoured  

to identify the bone with the  firm     
tissue around the orifices of the aorta 
and pulmonary artery4 ,the  reader may  
be reminded that a true #8os cordis' is 
in fact to be found  in some mammalia4  
,mondino1 followed by ,manfredi1        
describes the action of the heart and   
blood-vessels mainly according to the   
views of ,galen1 but without any  very  
clear or connected statement4 ,the      
#8third ventricle' especially has  its  
origin in a misunderstanding4    ,this  
mythical structure is an attempt to     
combine the views of ,aristotle  and of 
,galen4 ,aristotle1 who probably never  
dissected a human body1  derived his    
anatomical conceptions largely from     
cold-blooded animals1  in some of which 
the heart is provided with three        
cavities4 ,he  considered that the heart
 had three chambers1 the largest being  
on the  right1 the smallest on the left1
 and one of intermediate size between   
the two4 ,as far as they can be         
identified1 the largest was the right   

ventricle plus the right auricle1 the   
smallest or left chamber was the  left  
auricle1 while the intermediate cavity  
appears to have been the  left          
ventricle4#bjf    ,galen's description  
differed altogether from that of        
,aristotle4 ,he  tells us expressly and 
somewhat contemptuously that #8it is no 
marvel if  ,aristotle erred in many     
anatomical matters1 a man who thought   
forsooth  that the heart in the larger  
animals had three chambers'4#bjg ,galen 
always describes the heart as having but
 two chambers1 the right and  left      
ventricles1 a wholly subordinate part   
being assigned to the  auricles4 ,these 
latter were regarded as safety-valves1  
expanding to  hold superfluous blood    
when the chambers of the heart to which 
they  correspond become overfilled4     
,illustration3 ,fig4 #ba4 ,,the ,,heart 
,from the ,roncioni ,,ms4 7,pisa #ii7   
after ,sudhoff4    ,no third ventricle  
is described by ,rhazes or ,haly        
,abbas1#bjh but  ,avicenna1 in his      

,canon1 makes an effort to combine the  
views of  ,aristotle and ,galen4        
,speaking of the anatomy of the heart   
7lib4 iii1  fen4 xi1 chap4 #a7 he       
describes the ventricular portion as    
follows3  #8,in the heart are three     
cavities1 two large1 and a third as it  
were  central in position4 ,so that the 
heart has a a receptacle the  right     
ventricle for the nutriment with which  
it nourishes itself--this  nutriment is 
thick and firm like the substance of the
 heart2 b a  place where the pneuma is  
formed the left ventricle1 being        
engendered  of the subtil blood2 and c1 
thirdly1 a canal between the two4'#bji  
,a somewhat similar account is given in 
,constantine's translation of           
,isaac4#baj ,the idea soon crept into   
,european medicine1 for in a ,pisan     
,,ms4 dating from the first half of the 
thirteenth century#baa a crude  figure  
of a three-chambered heart is to be     
found 7,fig4 #ba74    ,the first        
translator of the ,canon of ,avicenna1  

,gerard of ,cremona1  whose work        
appeared towards the end of the twelfth 
century1 improved  on his original4     
#8,in it the heart are three ventricles2
 two are  large1 and the third as it    
were between1 which ,galen called the   
fovea  or non-ventricular meatus1 so    
that there may be a receptaculum for the
  thick and strong nourishment1 like to 
the substance of the heart1 with  which 
it is nourished1 and also a storehouse  
for the pneuma 7spiritus7  generated in 
it from the subtil blood4 ,and between  
the two are channels  or meatuses4'#bab 
,henri de ,mondeville 7died about       
#acbj71 by going  direct to ,galen1     
avoided some of the errors of ,avicenna1
 with whom1  however1 he still describes
 three ventricles4#bac ,mondino does    
little  but copy the ,arabian1 whom     
,manfredi also follows4    ,we may      
terminate our description of the        
mythical third ventricle by  quoting    
from ,bartholomew the ,englishman4 ,his 
encyclopaedia written  about #abfj was  

translated into ,english in #acig1 and  
printed by ,thomas  ,berthelet#bad in   
the #bgth year of the reign of ,henry   
,,viii 7#aece71 when  ,bartholomew's    
work was still extremely popular4       
,berthelet's rendering  runs as follows3
        #8,and the hert hath ij         
holownesses1 one in the left syde1 that 
cometh sharpe3 and one in the ryght     
side1 that is within3 ,and these        
two holownesses ben called the wombes of
 the hart4 ,and betwene      these two  
wombes is one hole1 that some men call a
 veyne1 other      an holowe way4 ,and  
this hole is brode afore the ryghte     
syde1 and      streyte afore the left   
syde4 ,and that is nedefulle to make the
      bloode subtyll1 that commeth from 
the ryght wombe to the lefte1      and  
so the spirite of lyfe may be bredde the
 easelyer in the lefte      wombe4'     
,in order to understand why all these   
authors invoked the existence of  the   
third ventricle1 regarded by some of    
them as a passage between  the other    

two1 we must turn to the physiological  
beliefs of the age4  ,it must be        
recalled that before the demonstration  
of the circulatory  movement of the     
blood a certain amount of communication 
was believed  to exist between right and
 left ventricles4 ,the complicated      
nature  of the ventricular cavities and 
the intricacy of the columnae  carneae  
promoted the idea of the presence of    
minute passages in the  interventricular
 septum4 ,even so astute an observer as 
,leonardo da  ,vinci considered that    
#8the ventricles are separated by a     
porous wall1  through which the blood of
 the right ventricle penetrates into the
 left  ventricle1 and when the right    
ventricle shuts1 the left opens and     
draws  in the blood which the right one 
gives forth' 7,plate ,,xxxviiib74#bae   
,illustration3 ,fig4 #bb4 ,from         
,johannes ,adelphus1 ,mundini de omnibus
  humani corporis interioribus menbris  
,anathomia1 ,strassburg1 #aeac4 ,the    
diagram shows the two lateral ventricles

 and the #8central' ventricle4  ,by a   
printer's error the letters c and d are 
transposed4 ,the  arteria adorti is the 
aorta1 the arteria venalis the pulmonary
  vein1 the vena chilis the vena cava1  
and the vena arterialis the  pulmonary  
artery4 ,the auricles are ignored1 as is
 frequently the case  in works of the   
period1 and the pulmonary veins are     
represented as  opening directly into   
the ventricles4    ,although the third  
ventricle is described in all the       
twenty-five  editions of ,mondino1 many 
of which are illustrated1 they present  
no  drawing of it except the wretched   
little diagram of ,j4 ,a4 ,muelich      
7,johannes ,adelphus7 in #aeac1 which we
 here reproduce 7,fig4 #bb74 ,the       
confusion1 however1 to which the idea of
 a third ventricle gave rise  influenced
 anatomy almost as late as the          
seventeenth century1 and is  illustrated
 in the anatomical figures of a late    
edition of ,hans von  ,gersdorff        
7#aeef71baf where the trachea is        

actually shown opening into  the left   
ventricle 7,fig4 #bc74 ,it was ,vesalius
 who took the first great  step towards 
the discovery of the circulation of the 
blood1 by firmly  maintaining that the  
interventricular septum was solid and   
contained  neither passages nor         
intermediate ventricle4#bag             
,illustration3 ,fig4 #bc4 ,from ,hans   
von ,gersdorff1 ,feldt und ,stattbch    
bewerter ,wundartznei1 ,frankfurt1      
#aeef4 ,the trachea 7d7 is  represented 
as opening directly into the heart4     
,,vi4 ,,italian ,,text    ,,ms4         
,canonici ,ital4 #bcg    ,hyeronimi     
manfredi ad ,magnificum  potentem       
dominum ac militem  ,iohannem           
,bentiuolum insequens opus de corporis  
humani anothomia  exordium4    folio #a 
verso ,opportet de sapientia admirari   
creatoris ut ,,xv de  utilitate         
particularum scribitur a ,galieno4 ,cum 
enim membrorum nostri  corporis         
admirabilem ,galienus aspiceret         
,armoniam predictum sermonem            

explicauit3 ut nos ad dei sublimis et   
gloriosi admiranda opera  commoueret3   
,quamuis nostra cognitio a dei          
compraehensione deficiat3  unde et      
,seneca ,,xl epistola ad ,lucillum ait  
quid deus sit incertum est  habitat in  
nobis3 ,sed deum mouemur inuocare eius  
sapientiam mirabiliter  contemplantes4  
,quanta enim fuerit summi opificis in   
producendo res  sapientia quanta eius   
solicitudo et prudentia opera profecto  
nature  declarant3 unde et psalmista    
mirabilia sunt opera tua deus1 et alibi 
celi enarrant gloriam dei et opera      
manuum eius annuntiat firmamentum4      
,quis enim talia et tanta inspitiens    
creatorem suum abneget et eius          
potentiam8 ,inscipiens quidem erit hic  
iuxta illud psalmiste dixit  inscipiens 
in corde suo non est deus4 ,sublimis    
autem dei multiplitia  et diuersa fuere 
opera4 ,creauit enim duplitia entium    
genera scilicet  corruptibilia et       
incorruptibilia2 et in utrisque suam    
admirabilem  sapientiam1 suamque folio  

#b recto infinitam potentiam ostendit4  
,totam  enim entis latitudinem nihil    
prorsus de spetiebus1 quas ab aeterno in
  mente sua retinuit obmittens          
perfulciuit1 et eas quas ab aeterno in  
sua habebat essentia ad aliud esse      
procreauit1 ut in indiuiduis esse       
haberent3 quae in suae maiestatis lumine
 existebant3 et uniuscuiusque  spetiei  
modo perfecit ac uarietates per esse    
quod in singularibus  habent 7natura    
mediante  cum lege7 imposuit4           
,admirantur angelorum  caetus obstupent 
hominum intellectus tantae maiestatis   
opera mirabilia3  ut hoc summo bono3 hoc
 perfectissimo ente nihil melius        
excogitari  possit4 ,o admirabilem      
maiestatem1 ,o deitatem                 
incompraehensibilem1 ,o  inefabilem     
potentiam3 ,quis te negliget8 ,quis te  
non insequetur8 ,quis in  operibus tuis 
non delectabitur8    ,omnis igitur qui  
in operum dei gloriosi intuitu          
delectatur1 hic prudens  et non         
inscipiens est3 hic dignus homo3 hic    

intellectu non caret4  ,cum igitur tua  
illustris ,dominatio ,iohannes bentiuole
 magnanimis  praesenti anno ex sui qua  
solet humanitate ad cuiusdam hominis    
defuncti  anothomiam uno semel uidere   
non fuerit dedignata ob sui intellectus 
dignitatem qui semper alta intelligere  
concupiscit1 cumque tu opera tam        
naturae miranda in anothomizato         
incaepisti uidere corpore tunc haec     
intelligendi creuit animus tua digna    
folio #b verso creuit uoluntas3  ,et me 
hyeronimum ,manfredum ad hoc opus de    
anothomia intitulatum materno  sermone  
tuo dignissimo nomini inscribere        
concitasti3 7ut omnino sicut  debeor7   
rem gratam tuae faciam dominationi3 ,in 
hoc enim tui agnoui  dignitatem         
intellectus1 tui ingenii solertiam quod 
in rebus naturae  mirandis tuum         
peruoluas intellectum4 ,hoc enim        
opusculum quantum melius  potui ex      
uariis antiquorum uoluminibus exserpsi  
ac id abreuiaui3 nec  eumdem forte tenui
 ordinem ut illi3 et ipsum materno      

composui sermone  ut opus hoc           
delectabilius tuae sit magnificentie4   
,accipe igitur magnifice et potens      
domine hoc opus de corporis humani      
anothomia tuo dignisimo nomini          
intitulatum1 ea benignitate et          
humanitate1 qua soles3 et animo illari  
ac gratioso id accepta3 qui  satis tibi 
erit delectabile et perplacebit quia    
dignum est opus3 ,vale  miles           
magnanimis1 et solito ama4    ,finis    
prohemii4    ,here a folio is missing4  
folio #c recto a li nerui lequale hano  
origine da le extremita  di musculi3    
,unde e da sapere che li musculi sono   
compositi de  nerui1 corde1 e ligamenti 
e carne facti da la natura a dare el    
moto  uoluntario1 ,impero da le soe     
extrimita escono queste tale corde e    
uadono a membri che se debano mouere3 e 
quando se retraheno li dicti  musculi   
consequenter se se retraheno le lor     
corde3  finaliter i  membri3 et         
similiter quando se dilatano i musculi  
se dilatano etiam le  corde             

consequenter i membri4    ,li ligamenti 
sono etiam simili a nerui facti a ligare
 le iuncture de le  osse e non li dette 
la natura sentimento como fece a li     
nerui  a le  corde acio che per el molto
 mouimento e fricatione de le iuncture  
non  doleseno4    ,le ,artarie sono de  
substantia neruosa  ligamentale in longo
 extense o  concaue3 ne le quale se     
contene el sangue sutilissimo  depurato 
et el  spirito uitale el quale e mandato
 dal core a dare uita a tuti i membri3  
et hano origine da esso core3  impero   
hebeno doe tuniche acio chel  sangue    
sutile  el spirito uitale non usisseno  
fuora4    ,le vene sono simile a        
lartarie ma sono quiete e non se moueno1
 ma hano  origine dal figato et in esse 
se contene el sangue grosso cum li altri
  humuri che non e cusi depurato ne     
folio #c verso cusi sutile como e  el   
sangue de le artarie3 impero non li fece
 senon una tunicha3 per  che quelo      
sangue non era cosi sutile chel potesse 
penetrare fuora ne  anche non           

bisognandose mouere non era suspitione  
de rompersi como ne le  artarie che era 
neccessario a mouerse per refrigerare el
 core atrahendo  laiere frigido         
expellendo fuora li fumi caldi da esso4 
,li panniculi sono composti e texuti de 
fili neruosi sutilissimi che  non se    
posseno uedere e sono questi paniculi   
spissi e sutili e sono de  molte        
manerie3 ,alcuni forno facti a continere
 o coprire a ,alcuni membri  e          
custodirli ne la sua figura e substantia
 como sono li paniculi che  copreno el  
cerebro e molti altri di li quali poi   
diremo3 ,alcuni altri  panniculi sono   
facti a suspendere uno membro a laltro  
como li rognoni  sono aligati a laschina
 mediante uno certo paniculo3 ,alcuni   
altri  paniculi sono facti acio che     
alcuni membri che non hano sentimento   
recceuano qualche sentimento per el     
panniculo3 nel quale sono inuolti  como 
sono el pulmone el figato la milza  i   
rognoni li quali sono  priuati de       
sentimento impero la natura aciascuno di

 loro li fece uno  panniculo doue       
fusseuo inuolti per la casone dicta4    
,da poi tuti questi membra hauendo la   
natura ordito el corpo de lhomo  de     
folio #d recto li predicti bisogno      
reimpire le uacuita e reimpille  de     
carne3 ,fece aduncha la natura la carne 
per reimpire le uacuita che  rimangono  
da lorditura de nerui uene  altri membri
 dicti4    ,praeterea e da sapere che la
 natura ha dato aciascuno di li predicti
  membri quatro uirtu4 ,una e uirtu     
atratiua per laquale ha ad atrahere el  
nutrimento suo a se del quale el membro 
se ha a nutricare3 ,la seconda  uirtu e 
digegtiua per laquale el nutrimento     
atrato se digerisse   conuertese ne la  
sustantia del membro3 ,la terza uirtu si
 e retentiua  per laquale el nutrimento 
atrato se retiene debito tempo acio che 
la  uirtu digestiua possa perficere la  
sua operatione circha quello3 ,la       
quarta uirtu e expulsiua laquale ha     
expellere le superfluita che se         
generano dal nutrimento ne la           

digestione4    ,anche e da sapere che la
 natura nel corpo de lhuomo ha facto    
quatro  membri principali como quatro   
signori et aciascuno di loro li ha dato 
una casa o uero uno palazo a sua        
custodia doue habite cum certe camare  o
 uero stantie che hano aseruirli al suo 
bisogno3 ,el primo membro  principale e 
signore e el cerebro al quale li fece la
 natura el capo  cum le sue             
circumstantie per suo habitaculo e dette
 a questo membro  che lui fusse         
principio e radice de tuto el sentimento
 e moto de tuto  el folio #d verso      
corpo3 dal quale tuti li altri membri   
recceueno el  sentire3 e el mouere1  a  
questo membri li dette etiam cinque     
uirtu  cognoscitiue exteriore cio e li  
cinque sentimenti e cinque altre uirtu  
cognoscitiue interiore che deserueno a  
lo intellecto4    ,el secondo membro    
principale e signore si e el ,core      
alquale la natura  ha dato la sua casa  
cio e el pecto cum le sue adiacentie3 et
 aquesto  membro li ha dato la uirtu de 

la uita dal quale proceda la uita in    
tuti  li altri membri como da uno primo 
principio4    ,el terzo membro          
principale e signore e el ,figato       
alquale dette la  natura per suo        
domicilio el uentre inferiore cum li    
altri membri  circumstanti che sono     
neccessarii a la sua operatione e dette 
a questo  membro la uirtu nutritiua chel
 fusse principio e radice del nutricare 
de tuti li membri4    ,el quarto membro 
principale fu li testiculi e la sua casa
 e la bursa  laquale li contene et      
aquilli deserueno piu altri membri como 
poi se  uedera et a questi testiculi ha 
dato la natura la uirtu generatiua cio  
e de generare el sperma o uero seme el  
quale habia una uirtu generatiua  che   
possa produre una cosa simile a colui   
dal quale se decide tale  sperma3 et    
questo fu facto per conseruare lhuomo in
 spetie non se  possendo conseruare in  
indiuiduo4    ,ultra questi quatro      
membri principali e suoi domicilii folio
 #e recto  ha facto la natura alcuni    

altri membri cio e el collo cum la gola 
che fusse uia e transito dal primo      
membro principale cio e cerebro  ali    
altri membri principali et etiam a tute 
laltre parte  per altre  utilita quale  
noi da poi diremo4    ,item ha facto la 
natura le braza e le mane che hauesseno 
a pigliare el  cibo e mandarlo al luoco 
conueniente et etiam per che lhuomo solo
 uiue  per arte lequale non se possono  
perficere senza le braza e mano4        
,item fece le cosse1 gambe e piedi acio 
se potesse mouere da luocho a  luocho   
secondo li soi bisogni4    ,noi aduncha 
poneremo la ,anothomia de tuti li membri
 e parte dicte3  ,comenciando per ordine
 dal cerebro e da la sua casa et        
consequenter  descendendo per insino    
apiedi4      ,capitulum secundum1       
tractatus primi de anothomia capitis et 
omnium  contentorum in eo4    ,fece la  
natura el capo ossuoso per magiore      
tutela del cerebro3 el quale  essendo   
inmobile non li bisogno hauere musculi3 
,et per che el cerebro  ne lhuomo e     

magiore che ne li altri animali secondo 
la sua grandeza  impero bisogno chel    
capo de lhuomo fusse etiamdio grande per
 rispecto  de li altri animali3 ,et     
etiam bisogno li meati del capo ne      
lhuomo  essere piu distincti essendo piu
 dedito al cognoscere4    ,la figura    
folio #e verso del capo naturale e      
rotonda compressa da  dui canti como sel
 fusse una cera rotonda compressa cum le
 mano da  la parte drita e da la stancha
 faria doe eminentie una dinanzi e      
laltra de drieto e la parte drita e     
stancha rimaneriano piane3 ,bisogno     
fusse rotondo acio fusse pin capace et  
etiam che fusse piu securo e            
risguardato da nocumenti exteriori a li 
quali e molto exposito3 ,bisogno  etiam 
essere facto cum quelle eminentie acio  
che li meati del cerebro  hauesseno     
megliore distinctione et acio che li    
cinque sentimenti  exteriori hauesseno  
origine da la eminentia anteriore4      
,diece sono le parte del capo3 ,la prima
 e li capilli quasi capitis pili  facti 

da la natura a magiore tutela del capo  
da le cose exteriore et  etiam per      
belleza3 ,la seconda parte del capo e la
 cute la quale bisogno  essere molto    
grossa acio che li capilli fusseno ben  
firmi hauendo le  radice sue molte      
grosse e longhe et etiam che fusse      
megliore scuto e  cooperimento de losso 
et del cerebro non li essendo parte     
musculose3 ,la  terza parte si e la     
carne laquale solo e ne la fronte e ne  
le tempie  e circha le masselle e non in
 le altre parte3 ,la quarta parte e uno 
panniculo exteriore chiamato almochatim 
elquale appare in continenti  como e    
liuata su la cute e copre tuto losso del
 craneo de fuora3 ,et  fece la natura   
questo panniculo folio #f recto acio che
 lacute che e  molle non tochasse       
incontinenti losso che e duro3 ,et etiam
 acio che  losso del capo hauesse       
sentimento per questo panniculo3 ,et    
tertio anche  acio che el paniculo      
interiore del capo chiamato ,duramater  
mediante  questo panniculo stesse       

suspeso a losso del craneo cum certi    
nerui e  ligamenti che escono per le    
comissure del dicto osso et hano origine
  dal dicto panniculo interiore  uscendo
 fuora de losso texono o uero  componeno
 quello panniculo exteriore dicto       
,almochatim3 ,la quinta parte  e el     
craneo cioe osso facto como uno capello 
nela concauita del quale  glie locato el
 cerebro3  in questo craneo furno quatro
 ossa cusite  insieme e la natura non   
fece questo osso uno ma de piu pezi acio
 che  achadando nocumento in una parte  
non comunicasse a laltre parte3 ,et     
etiam acio che per quelle comissure o   
uero cusiture potesseno meglio  exhalare
 fuora le fumusitade dal cerebro3 ,et   
tertio acio che bisognando  la uirtu de 
le medicine applicate potesseno meglio  
penetrare ale parte  dentro quisti      
aduncha quatro pezi de osso furno da la 
natura cusiti  et insieme ionti in modo 
de denti acio fusse piu fermi e forti et
 non  furno facti in modo che se        
potesseno uincare como fano le iunture  

per  che non seriano state cusi forte3  
et etiam folio #f verso per che non     
bisognaua a losso del capo mouerse3 ,et 
queste comissure sono cinque cio  e tre 
uere e doe mendose3 ,le comissure uere  
sono quelle che passano  tuto losso et  
le mendose non passano3 ,de le uere     
comissure una si e  ne la parte         
anteriore chiamata coronale et e facta a
 modo de uno ,c  e protende da la parte 
drita a la stancha del capo et ha li    
branchi  uerso la fronte4 ,la secunda   
comissura uera si protende per la       
longheza  del capo comencianda da la    
comissura coronale ala parte posteriore 
como una friza o uero sagitta che uene  
da larcho1 impero e chiamata  sagitale  
----74 ,la terza comissura e ne la parte
 posteriore chiamata  laudale facta a   
modo de uno ,a1 per abacho chiamato dal 
greco lauda3 e  la comissura sagittale  
protende da la coronale a la laudale    
----74    ,le comissure mendose sono due
 da ciascaduno lato una cio e dal drito 
e  dal stanco e sono dicte corticate per

 che non passano4    ,et se noi         
consideremo per queste cinque comissure 
hauemo quatro ossi  cusiti insieme3 ,uno
 si e losso de la fronte che comenza    
dala comissura  coronale e termina uerso
 la parte inferiore a una altra         
comissura la  quale comenza da uno      
brancho de la comissura coronale e      
procede a  presso le ciglie de li ochii 
a laltro brancho 4 ,laltro osso si e de 
drieto el folio #g recto quale se       
termina a la comissura laudale e dui    
altri ossi da le tempie che se terminano
 da le comissure mendose le  quale      
comenzano da la comissura laudale a la  
comissura coronale4    ,la sexta parte  
sono doi paniculi uno chiamato ,dura    
mater el quale e  in continenti de poi  
el craneo3 e laltro se chiama pia mater 
el quale  incontinente copre el cerebro 
e questo fece la natura hauendo grande  
solicitudine di questo membro acio che  
in continenti non fusse tocho  da losso 
ma processe per piu mezi che uno fusse  
piu duro che laltro3  ,et anche fece dui

 panniculi acio che se la cadesse       
nocumento in uno de  loro non           
comunicasse al cerebro in continente4   
,ne la pia matre sono  texute certe uene
 per le quale se nutrisse el cerebro e  
si lo copre  per tuto excepto la parte  
posteriore per che essendo quella parte 
sicca non bisogno di questo paniculo    
como la parte anteriore e meza4  ,questi
 dui panniculi in piu luochi penetrano  
la sustantia del cerebro  et se lo      
diuide in parte drita e parte sinistra  
et in parte anteriore   parte           
posteriore3 et per queste tale diuisione
 furno fabrichate nel  capo diuerse     
celule o uero camerette ne le quale     
produce lanima diuerse  operatione per  
che bisognaua che queste tale parte     
fuseno de diuerse  complexione4    ,e   
leuati adoncha questi dui panniculi     
apparera ,la folio #g verso  ,septima   
parte del capo3 et e esso cerebro facta 
da la natura acio che  el spirito uitale
 mandato dal core calidissimo sia       
contemperato da  la frigidita de esso   

cerebro3 et iue douenti spirito animale 
elquale  e principio de le operatione   
cognoscitiue  motiue3 e questo cerebro  
e una sustantia medulare biancha molle e
 uiscosa a cio che da essa  hauesseno   
origine li nerui3 ma la parte dinanci fu
 generata piu humida  e molle  mancho   
frigida che la parte posteriore per che 
da la parte  anteriore hano origine li  
sentimenti li quali sono molli  humidi  
ma da  la parte posteriore hano origine 
li nerui motiui li quali bisognano      
essere piu sicci e forti3 ,questo       
cerebro aduncha se diuide in tri        
uintriculi oucro tre parte3 ,el primo   
uentriculo o parte anteriore e  diuisa  
in doe1 cio e dextra e sinistra3 et e   
magiore che nesuno de  li altri         
uentriculi3 et in questo primo          
uentriculo li pose la natura  doe uirtu 
deseruente al cognoscere una se chiama  
senso comune doue se  terminano li altri
 sensi exteriori como al suo centro et  
deferiscono  le imagine o uero spetie de
 le cose sensiue a quello luocho acio   

che  quella uirtu cognosca e distingua  
tra una cosa sensibile e laltra et      
etiam cognosca le operatione di li      
sentimenti particulari lequale doe  cose
 non puo fare nesuno de quilli4         
,laltra uirtu de questo primo uentriculo
 se folio #h recto chiama  fantasia et  
apresso alcuni se chiama imaginatiua    
laquale ha a retinere  et conseruare le 
spetie de le cose sensibile ne la       
absentia de le cose  sensibile4 ,quando 
tu harai ueduto el uentriculo primo tu  
uederai tre  cose inanzi che uegni al   
uentriculo secondo4 ,la prima si e doe  
anche  cio e una cosa facta de la       
sustantia del cerebro in modo de doe    
anche  che sono fundamento del          
uentriculo anteriore cusi da la dextra  
como  da la sinistra parte3 et dal lato 
di ciascuna ancha glie una altra  cosa  
facta a modo de uno uerme subterraneo   
rosa se sanguinea ligata  de certi      
ligamenti e neruitti el quale uerme     
quando se alonga chiude  quelle anche et
 consequenter chiude la uia tra el primo

 uentriculo et  el secondo et questo    
fece la natura acio che lhuomo quando   
uole posse  cessare da le cogitatione e 
dal considerare et similiter quando uole
  considerare e pensare questo uerme se 
contrahe et contrahendosi apre  quelle  
anche et consequenter apre la uia che e 
tra uno uentriculo e  laltro3 ,la terza 
cosa che tu uederai un poco piu de sotta
 e una lacuna  cio e una certa          
conchauita rotonda che tra allongo nel  
mezio de laquale  glie uno bucho che ua 
gioso al palato et a questo bucho li    
occorre una  uia drita laquale descende 
dal uentriculo di mezo al colatorio e   
questa  lacuna ha circumquaque eminentie
 grande rotonde facte a sustentare      
folio #h verso le uene et artharie che  
ascendeno a dicti uentriculi3 e  quello 
bucho e lato di sopra e stretto in fonde
 e per questa lacuna el  primo e secondo
 uentriculo purgano le sue superfluitade
 benche la parte  anteriore piu se      
purghi per li colatorii del naso3 ,unde 
queste doe uie  fece la natura ad       

expurgare le superfluita del cerebro4   
,quando adoncha tu hauerai ueduto queste
 tre cose incontinente te  apparera el  
secondo uentriculo del mezo el quale e  
como una uia et uno  transito dal primo 
uentriculo al posteriore3 in questo     
uentriculo sono  doe uirtu una chiamata 
extimatiua1 laquale ha elicere cose     
insensate  da le cose sensate4 ,laltra  
uirtu se chiama cogitatiua laquale      
cognosce  cusi le cose sensate como le  
cose insensate componendo e diuidendo3 e
  questa uirtu in mediate deserue a lo  
intellecto3 et tute le altre uirtu      
dicte et anche la uirtu memoratiua se   
ritrouano ne li animali bruti1 ma       
questa solo se retruoua ne lhuomo4      
,dapoi te occorrera el terzo uentriculo 
situato ne la parte posteriore  duro per
 che e principio de la piu parte di     
nerui motiui liquali  bisogno essere piu
 forti e duri3 ,questo uentriculo e de  
figura  pyramidale cio e facto in ponta 
e la ponta si e ne la parte superiore   
doue ha aconseruare le spetie per che   

meglio se riserua la cosa folio  #i     
recto in stretto luocho che in amplo3 e 
la parte di sotto e lata  per che ha a  
receuere le spetie e meglio se receue in
 luocho amplo  che stretto3 ,due adoncha
 utilita se ha da questo uentriculo una 
che e  principio de la nucha e di li    
nerui mottiui4 ,laltra si e che e camera
  de la uirtu memoratiua4    ,e per     
questo appare che quando e offesa la    
parte posteriore del capo in  continenti
 se offende la memoria e quando se      
offende la parte de mezo  se offende la 
uirtu extimatiua  cogitatiua  offesa la 
parte dinanzi  se offende el senso      
comune e la fantasia et in questo modo  
ueneno in  cognitione li medici de li   
luochi de le dicte uirtu4    ,facto     
questo tu leuarai el cerebro            
ligieramente chel non si rompa  alcuno  
neruo e comezarai da la parte di nanzi  
incontinenti te  apparerano doe carne   
picole in modo de doi capi de mamille   
simile ala  sustantia de cerebro per che
 nascono da quello et sono coperte dal  

paniculo subtile cio e da la pia matre e
 queste sono lorgano de lo  oderato doue
 e la uirtu olphatiua4    ,dal cerebro  
nascono septe para de nerui3 procedi    
adoncha piu oltra ne  la parte dinanci e
 uederai el primo paro de dicti nerui   
liquali sono  grandi chiamasi nerui     
obtitii de li quali la origine e dal    
cerebro  ne li uentriculi anteriori e   
procedeno uerso li ochii ma nanci che   
escano la pia matre se coniongeno folio 
#i verso et in luocho de  la sua unione 
sono perforati3 ,uolse ,galieno che     
dicti nerui solo se  coniongeseno o uero
 se unisseno e non se incrutiasseno ma  
quello neruo  che uiene dala parte drita
 da poi la unione ritorna pure dala     
parte  drita et similiter quello che    
uiene da la parte sinestra da poi la    
unione ritorna uerso lochio sinistro3   
,ma ,rasis uolse el contrario  benche la
 opinione de ,galieno sia piu comune3   
questi nerui deserueno al  uedere e fu  
necessario che se uniseno acio che le   
spetie de la cosa che  se uede receuuta 

in doi ochii e portata per doi nerui    
ritorni a unita  acio che una cosa non  
appara doe4    ,dapoi li dicti nerui    
leua el cerebro secondo la sua medieta e
 uederai  uno altro pare de nerui       
subtili et duri li quali uengono        
similiter a li  ochii a darli el        
mouimento uoluntario componendo certi   
musculi4    ,da poi tu uederai el terzo 
pare de nerui di quali una parte se ne  
ua  ala faza a darli el sentire e el    
mouere uoluntario et anche una parte  de
 quisti ua a dare el gusto a la lengua3 
,un altra parte de dicti nerui  se      
mescola insieme cum el quarto#bah pare  
de nerui et descendeno  insieme gioso a 
dare sentimento al ,diafragma et al     
stomaco et alaltre  uiscera3 ,una certa 
parte de li nerui del quarto#bah pare se
 ne ua a  dare el sentimento al palato4 
,da poi e el quinto pare de nerui se ne 
ua a li ossi petrosi liquali  sono      
apresso folio #aj recto le orechie e de 
questi nerui ne li buchi  de lorechie se
 componeno certi panniculi liquali sono 

organo de lo  audire4    ,da poi e el   
sexto pare de nerui che se diuide in tre
 parte una parte  ua ali musculi de la  
gola3 ,laltra parte ua ali musculi de le
 spalle la  terza parte che e magiore de
 le altre descende gio a lo epyglotto e 
nel  diafragma se sparge nel pecto nel  
core e nel polmone a compagnandosi      
insieme cum li nerui del terzo pare     
dicti3 ,et anche da li nerui di  questo 
sexto pare quali uadeno gio a lo        
epyglotto se generano li nerui  de la   
uoce chiamati reuersiui dili quali piu  
disotto se uedera4    ,dapoi e el       
septimo pare de nerui ha origine da la  
parte posteriore del  cerebro e uadeno a
 dare el mouimento a la lingua          
uoluntario3 ,de questi  septe para de   
nerui li primi doi pari hano origine da 
la anteriore  parte del cerebro3 el     
terzo pare ha origine dal mezo de       
lanteriore e  posteriore parte3 li altri
 quatro para de nerui hano origine da la
  parte posteriore4    ,e dapoi quisti  
procedendo piu oltre leua tuto el       

cerebro  apparera  la octaua parte del  
capo cioe doi panniculi posti sotto el  
cerebro li  quali leuati apparerati la  
nona parte che e una certa rethe laquale
 se  chiama rethe mirabile per che e    
contexta de una tessetura fortissima  et
 miraculosa multiplicata de certe       
artharie sutilissime3 lequale  sono     
folio #aj verso rami de alcune artharie 
che ascendeno dal core  chiamate        
artharie apopletice3  in queste artharie
 di questa rethe se  contiene el spirito
 uitale mandate dal core acio che       
douenti animale3  et acio che questo    
spirito meglio se alterasse e disponesse
 fece la  natura quelle artharie        
sutilissime diuise per minime parte acio
 che  questo spirito fusse diuiso anche 
in minime parte3 et pose la natura      
questa rethe mirabile sotto el cerebro  
perche bisogno hauere de molta  custodia
 onde lo situo in luoco tutissimo et    
etiam acio che le humidita  uaporese del
 cerebro che cadeno sopra questa rethe  
opilandola inducesse  el somno naturale4

    ,da poi tute queste cose uederai    
losso basilare che e la decima et       
ultima parte del capo e chiamasi        
basilare per che e base e fondamento  de
 tuto el capo e fu facto duro acio che  
le superfluita che descendono  a lui non
 lo putrefesse3 e questo osso e diuiso  
in molti altri ossi  como se puo uedere 
cociandelo4 ,onde se diuide ne le osse  
petrose e ne  li ossi del naso e ne le  
ossi de li ochii  in doi altri ossi     
laterali  li quali non se possono uedere
 se non per uia de decocione4           
,capitulum tertium de anothomia oculorum
 et membrorum deseruientium  uisui4     
,le ossa del naso forno cauernose e     
porrose acio che le superfluita  del    
cerebro possano meglio de folio #aa     
recto scendere e lo odore  ascendere4   
,dapoi scinde tuti doi li ossi de       
gliochii e uederai la colligantia  loro 
cum li nerui obtitii e cum li nerui     
motiui3 e el loco de li ochii  non fu   
molto in profondo per che douca receuere
 le spetie de le cose  uisibile3 ne     

anche fu tropo eminente acio non        
receuesse lesione da le  cose exteriore3
 ,et essendo li ochii molto molli e     
passibili ne lhuomo  fece la natura li  
supercilii acio fusseno custoditi da le 
cose che  descendeno de su in gioso e   
fece le palpebre che fuseno custoditi da
  le cose che uengono da fuora dentro3 e
 fece le eminentie de le maxille  et    
anche el naso in mezo che da ogne lato e
 per ogne uerso fusseno  custoditi3     
tanto fu la solicitudine che hebe la    
natura di questo membro4    ,septe sono 
le tuniche e tri humori di liquali e    
composto lochio tre  tuniche anteriore  
se coiongeno cum tre altre posteriore   
como se fusseno  sei scutelle che cum la
 bocha ogne doe se coniongesseno e che  
doe  fussene magiore che contineseno le 
altre doe e poi li e la septima  tunica 
che e magiore de tute e contene tuto    
lochio3 e pero se chiama  coniontiua per
 che congionge e circunda tuto lochio   
excepto el luocho  de la pupilla e      
quello pocho de la cornea che appare e  

questa e la  prima tunicha comenzando da
 le parte de fuora et e biancha4    ,la 
seconda tunicha ne la parte dinanci se  
si chiama cornea1 folio #aa  verso per  
che se asomiglia al corno quanto ala    
substantia e quanto  al colore3 e fu    
questa tunicha transparente acio che le 
spetie de le  cose uisibile potesseno   
penetrare per essa e fu etiam sollida e 
grossa  composita de quatro pellicule e 
questo fu per che e propinqua a le  cose
 exteriore non receuesse nocumento da   
esse e cum questa tunicha  ne la parte  
posteriore se conionge un altra tunica  
dicta scliroticha  cio e dura e queste  
doe tuniche hano origine dal paniculo di
 sotto el  craneo cio e da la dura matre
 cusi como la prima tunicha ha origine  
dal  panniculo disopra el craneo dicto  
almochatim4    ,la quarta tunicha ne la 
parte dinanzi se chiama uuea a          
similitudine  de uno grano de uua negra 
et in el mezo di quella glie uno buco   
che  se chiama la pupilla3 fece la      
natura questa tunica obscura acio  chel 

spirito uisiuo se confortasse e che non 
si resoluesse dal lume  exteriore3 e    
fece quello buco in questa tunica acio  
che le spetie  potesseno penetrare senza
 impedimento e fecelo stretto acio chel 
spirito uisiue fusse unito3 ,onde quando
 dicta pupilla o uero buco se  alargha  
oltra el debito o per natura o per      
accidente se impedisse  el uedere3 e ne 
la parte de drieto se li coniongne la   
quinta tunica  dicta secundina per che e
 facta a similitudine de la secondina   
cio e  paniculo nel quale se inuoltano  
li putti nel uentre folio #ab recto de  
la matre et hano origine de la pia      
matre4    ,la sexta tunicha se chiama ne
 la parte dinanzi aranea per che e facta
  in modo de una tela de ragno a la     
quale ne la parte posteriore se li      
coniongne la septima tunicha chiamata   
arethina per che e facta in modo  de una
 rethe3 et in mezo de la tunicha uuea et
 de la aranea da la parte  dinanzi glie 
uno humore dicto albugineo facto a      
similitudine de uno  albumo de ouo facto

 per humettare lochio et acio che la    
tunicha cornea  stia suleuata impero in 
li homini che moreno quando questo      
humore se  desicca cade la cornea e se  
si spiana et a lhora dice el uulgo che  
appare una tela dinanzi da gliochii et e
 signo infalibile de la morte3  ,et     
anche questo humore tiene la pupilla    
apperta impero quando se sicca  se      
stringe la pupilla3 ,nel meze de le due 
ultime tuniche cio e aranea  et arethina
 lequale hano origine da nerui obtitii  
li sono dui humuri  cio e uno humore    
uitreo a similitudine de uno uetro      
liquefacto3 ,laltro  humore e dicto     
cristallino a similitudine del          
cristallo3 dicto etiam  grandineo a     
similitudine de una grandine et e       
alquanto duro e rotondo  cum una certa  
planitie ne la parte anteriore doue se  
receueno le spetie  de le cose uisibile3
 e ne la parte posteriore e de figura   
pyramidale  cio e che e facta in ponta3 
et iue se conpisse folio #ab verso lacto
  del uedere3 e ne la parte posteriore e

 circumdato da lhumore uitreo  dal quale
 se nutrisse3 e questo humore cristalino
 declina piu uerso la  parte anteriore e
 lhumore uitreo uerso la parte          
posteriore4 ,et a li  ochii uengono li  
nerui obtitii per li quali se de portano
 le spetie  uisibile da gliochii al     
senso comune et ali altri sensi         
interiori4      ,capitulum quartum de   
anothomia aurium et membrorum           
deseruientium  auditui4    ,expedito    
questo tu uederai le orechie poste da   
doi lati del capo in  mezo de lanteriore
 parte e posteriore acio che la uoce o  
uero sono se  potesse audire da ogne    
canto cio e da la parte drita e stancha 
dinanzi  e de drieto de sopra e disotto3
 non furno situate da la parte dinanzi  
per che iue li sono gliochii el gusto e 
lolphato3 non furno poste de  drieto per
 che seriano state tropo distante dal   
senso comune3 forno  poste sotto la     
tonsura di capilli per che se piu sopra 
fusene stato  poste seriano state uelate
 da cepilli e da quelle cose che se     

portano  in capo4    ,furno le orechie  
rotonde acio fusseno piu capace de laere
 sonoro3 non  furno ossuose acio che per
 qualche percussione o caso non se      
rompeseno3  forno adoncha carthilaginose
 acio che fusseno piu sonore3 non furno 
etiamdio carnose ne paniculare per che  
non hauerebeno seruata la figura  e     
compositione folio #ac recto debita4    
,hebbe uno buco ritorto e non dritto    
como quello de le limache acio  che se  
facesse megliore reuerberatione de      
laiere sonoro in esse3 et  anche ne     
aiere disproportionato ne sono si tropo 
forte senza misura  peruenisse a lorgano
 de laudito3 e questo buco e uelato de  
uno paniculo  duro texuto de fili       
neruosi che hano origine dal quinto pare
 de nerui  del cerebro et de fili       
ligamentali che hano origine da losso   
petroso al  quale se termina el dicto   
buco3 ne la concauita del quale li e el 
neruo  auditiuo cio e nel quale se      
compisse laudito et e texuto in modo de 
uno panniculo3 et e continuo a la dura  

matre nel quale se contiene uno  certo  
spirito auditiuo dal principio de la    
generatione iue complantato3  et apresso
 di quello li e una certa uisichetta ne 
laquale e posto un  certo aiere         
connaturale el quale deserue a laudito4 
,capitulum quintum de anothomia nasi et 
aliorum membrorum deseruientium         
olphatui4    ,le osse de le maxille     
comenzano da la comissura che e tra el  
craneo  e losso basilare in luocho che e
 ne la fine del sopracilio e de la      
fronte et procede uerso la parte        
posteriore a presso losso petroso doue  
se termina lorechia e terminano ne la   
parte di sotto a li denti3 de  liquali  
poi uederemo la nothomia4    ,el naso e 
composito de doi ossi figurati folio #ac
 verso secondo la  forma de doi         
trianguli che hano le ponte in su uerso 
el collatorio3  et sono lati ne la parte
 de sotto4 ,onde el naso e piu largo di 
sotto  che di sopra e queste ossa furno 
sutile acio che fusseno ligiere e non   
graue3 ne anche furno tropo dure per che

 non li bisognaua in quello  luocho     
grande forteza4    ,fu etiam el naso    
composto de tre carthilagine cio e doe  
ne lextremita  de doi ossi acio che le  
parte molle cio e la cute e li musculi  
inmediate non fusseno tochi da le osse  
dure e che le nare stesseno  aperte e se
 potesseno dilatare e constringere      
secondo la neccessita  de laiere atrato 
expulso e questo non se harebe potuto   
fare se solo  fusse stato ossuoso4      
,la terza carthilagine diuide el naso   
per mezo per el longo et e piu  dura ne 
la parte superiore che ne la inferiore3 
,onde furno facti doi  meati e buchi    
acio che uscendo le superfluita per uno 
laltro deseruisse  a laiere atrahato et 
expulso3 ,onde essendo uno meato solo ne
 lexito de  le superfluita harebbe      
impedito el transito de laiere3 questi  
doe meati  peruengono al collatorio cio 
e uno buco che e ne losso basilare et   
similiter iue sono perforati li dui     
panniculi che copriuano el cerebro  per 
insino a le caronchole mamillare3       

lequale sono ne lextremita de le  due   
parte del uentriculo anteriore del      
cerebro como e stato dicto4    ,el naso 
etiam fu composto de doi musculi folio  
#ad recto picoli acio  che essendo      
grandi non impedisseno glialtri musculi 
de la faza cio e  quilli che sono ne le 
maxille che moueno i labri3 et similiter
 glialtri  musculi4    ,el naso fu      
composto per molte rasone3 prima per    
euentare el cerebro3  ,secundo ad       
atrahere laiere3 nel quale sono le      
spetie de le cose  odorabile3 e cusi    
deserue a lolphato3 ,tertio acio che le 
littere  prolate meglio se distinguano  
come el buco grande de la fistola o uero
  zalamella deserue ala distinctione di 
soni3 ,quarto acio che per questo  meato
 se expurgaseno le superfluita del      
cerebro4      ,capitulum sextum de      
anothomia oris palati dentium uuulae    
faucum et  linguae4    ,ne la bocha sono
 doi labri uno disotto e laltro si e    
disopra composti  de nerui carne cute e 
panniculo de una mirabile comixtione in 

modo che  la cute e la carne e li nerui 
et el panniculo non se posseno seperare 
insieme3 e questo fu facto acio che     
hauendo bisogno quisti labri di  mouerse
 per ognie uerso bisogno che fusseno    
cusi composti per che non  se posse fare
 in quello luocho musculi per la graueza
 grande che seria  stata3 el paniculo   
che copre i labri nasce da la tunicha   
intrinsecha  del meri cio e de la uia   
che ua a lo stomaco3 et consequenter se 
continua per questo modo cum la tunicha 
interiore del stomaco cusi  como etiam  
dio tute le altre parte de la bocha se  
folio #ad verso  continuano acio chel   
sentimento del stomaco se conformi al   
sentimento  de la bocha et per questo   
appare che quando el de uenire uomito a 
qualche uno trema lo labro inferiore4   
,da poi li labri sono trentadoi denti   
sedeci superiori et sedici  inferiori3  
de li inferiori doi sono dicti duali3   
doi altri incisiui3  doi altri canini3  
quatro maxillari3 et sei molari che sono
 in tuto  sedici3  altratanti superiori4

 ,forno facti li denti3 prima per       
masticare el cibo acio che meglio si    
digesta3 secundo per la uoce et         
distinctione de la eloquela cusi como   
furno facti li labri4 ,onde quilli  che 
manchano de denti o de labri non        
proferiscono bene4    ,da poi tu uederai
 el palato el quale ha una certa        
concauita ne la  sumittade acio che la  
uoce habbia el suo tono3 et etiam chel  
cibo  quando se masticha meglio si possa
 reuolgere per bocha3    ,ne la fine del
 palato tu uederai una carne pendente in
 modo de uno  grano duua3 impero si     
chiama uuula3 et e de substantia rara e 
spongiosa  per che fu facta             
principalmente a receuere la humidita   
che descende  dal capo acio non descenda
 a membri inferiori impero spesso se    
tumefa  dicta uuula3 fu facta etiamdio  
acio che temperasse et modulasse la     
uoce refrangendo laiere che uiene dal   
polmone3 et etiam che lo aiere  atrahato
 al polmone lo ritenga al quanto        
repercutiendolo acio che cusi  frigido  

non peruenga al polmone folio #ae recto 
ma alquanto alterato3  e per questa     
rasone appare che quilli che hano       
tagliata la uuula sono  molto catarosi  
impero comandano i medici che non se    
taglie quando e  apostomata3 ma che se  
cauterige cum fuoco4    ,dapoi la uuula 
sono le fauce3 e sono li luochi ampli   
glandosi disposti  a receuere le        
superfluitade del cerebro impero        
facilmente se apostemano4    ,dapoi e la
 lingua laquale e fabricata et ligata a 
losso posteriore del  capo dicto lauda  
facto a modo de uno ,a per abacho e fu  
composta di  carne1 panniculo1 uene1    
artharie1 et noue musculi3 e forno facti
 tanti  musculi in essa per che se douea
 molto mouere per ogne uerso secondo  el
 bisogno de la loquela3 ,et fu in essa  
piu uene artharie e nerui che  in       
qualoncha altro membro rispetto de la   
sua grandeza3 et fu facta la  lingua    
acio che fusse organo del gusto per     
nerui che uengono dal terzo  pare di    
nerui gia dicto circa la sua radice3 et 

sono de due facta nerui  che uengono a  
la lingua cio e uno paro di nerui motiui
 a darli el moto3  et uno altro paro di 
nerui sensitiui a darli el gusto3 et tu 
uederai  che li nerui motiui piu se     
profondano ne la lingua per darli el    
mouere3  et li nerui sensitiui sono piu 
expansi ne la superficie3 et nel suo    
panniculo a darli el gusto e el tacto3  
,fu etiam facto la lingua che           
deseruisse al proferire de le parole3 et
 etiam a reuolgere el cibo per  bocha   
quando se masticha4    ,circa folio #ae 
verso la radice de la lingua da ciascuno
 lato sono  carne glandose facte acio   
che generasseno la humidita saliuale che
  hauesse a humetare la lengua acio che 
non se siccase per tanti  mouimenti che 
ha in se3 et in queste carne glandose   
sono dui buchi che  poria intrare uno   
stile e per quilli buchi se distilla la 
humidita  saliuale4 ,sotto la lingua    
sono doe uene grande uiride da le quale 
poi  procedeno piu altre uene4    ,et   
nota che la megliore lingua quanto al   

deseruire al parlare e la  lingua che e 
mediocre ne la longitudine e sua        
latitudine cio e che non  sia tropo     
longa ne tropo larga3 e che apresso de  
la ponta et extremita  sua exteriore sia
 sutile per che la lingua che e longa   
larga e grossa o  uero tropo picola non 
e conueniente al parlare4    ,nota etiam
 che la lingua ha colligantia cum el    
cerebro mediante li  nerui che uengono  
ad essa et cum el figato mediante le    
uene3 et cum el  core mediante le       
artharie et cum el stomaco mediante el  
meri3 et cum el  polmono mediante la    
cana de esso polmone3 impero in ciascuna
 infirmita  i signi de la lengua sono   
molti efficaci a iudicare di tale       
infirmita3  e quiue se finisse la       
anothomia del primo membro principale   
cio e el  cerebro e del suo habitaculo4 
,tractatus secundus de anothomia        
membrorum spiritualium et secundi       
membri principalis3 capitulum primum de 
anothomia gule et colli4    folio #af   
recto ,finito el primo membro principale

 e ueduta la  anothomia del suo         
habitaculo e de le altre camare         
deseruente a quello  resta a uedere la  
anothomia di gli altri membri           
principali3 ,e prima  uederemo la       
nothomia del collo e de la gola che e   
condutto e meato  dal primo membro      
principale a glialtri4 ,diciamo adoncha 
che la gola  si e uno certo spatio nel  
quale sono doe uie una che mena el cibo 
al  stomaco3 e questa se chiama meri3   
,laltra uia mena laiere al pulmone a    
rifrigerare el core3  etiam mena fuora  
laiere e uapori caldi da esso  core3    
,onde se tu scarni el collo e la gola tu
 uederai certi musculi  longitudinali   
sopra liquali nota le uene da tuti doi  
li canti3 et  eleuati quilli musculi tu 
uederai doe carne ala forma de doe      
mandole  ne la radice de la lingua3 una 
da ciascuno lato3 de le quale habiamo   
dicto parte disopra3 et anche noi dicemo
 che sono como doe orechiette  picole1 e
 sono neruose acio che siano forte et   
aiuteno a fare  penetrare laiere a la   

canna del polmone3 et etiam queste tale 
amigdale  hano a congregare una certa   
humidita per humettare la lingua como e 
stato dicto et per humetare etiam la    
canna del polmone acio che non  se      
dessiccasse3 et anche acio che          
reimpisseno i luochi uacui de la  gola3 
et anche acio che fusseno scuto e       
tutella de le uene  artharie  che       
ascendeno al capo3 ,onde per questo     
collo e gola passano le uene dal  figato
 ascendendo al cerebro a darli el       
nutrimento folio #af verso  per esso    
anche passano le artharie che ascendeno 
dal core al cerebro  a darli la uita3 et
 acio chel spirito uitale per esse uada 
al rethe  mirabile delquale e stato     
dicto douenti animale e chiamase queste 
artharie apopletice per che quando se   
opillano generano la poplesia cio  e el 
male de la gozola prohibendo el transito
 del spirito4 ,per questo  etiam collo  
passano i nerui che descendeno dal capo 
ai membri inferiore  a darli el sentire 
et el mouere3 e tute queste parte potrai

 uedere  escarnando e tagliando el collo
 e la gola per lo longo4      ,capitulum
 secundum de anothomia pulmonis et      
tracheae artharie2 id est  cane         
pulmonis4    ,vediamo hora la anothomia 
del core el quale e laltro membro       
principale3  e del suo domicilio nel    
quale e anche collocato el polmone como 
quello  che serue ad esso core4         
,volse ,aristotile chel core fusse el   
primo principio e cagione de tute  le   
operatione del corpo3 e che fusse       
principio del sentire e del mouere  e   
del nutrire e del uiuere e che li era   
solo uno membro principale3 e  che el   
cerebro e el figato erano suoi ministri3
 ma questo non piaque a  ,galieno ne a  
li altri medici liquali per hora noi    
seguitemo4    ,el domicilio adoncha del 
core si e el luocho del pecto circundato
 da  le coste dala parte dinanzi e da la
 parte de drieto folio #ag recto  da uno
 certo panniculo chiamato mediastino e  
da la parte di sopra el  comenza dal    
principio de la canna del polmone et    

terminase ale parte di  sotto a uno     
paniculo chiamato diafragma4 ,comentiamo
 aduncha ala parte  disopra cio e dal   
principio de la canna del polmone e     
diciamo che el  meri cio e la uia del   
cibo et la trachea artharia cioe la     
canna del  polmone che e uia de lo      
hanelito comentiano in uno medesimo     
luocho3  ,et impero fece la natura uno  
coopertorio al principio de la canna del
  polmone de una carne carthilaginosa e 
panniculosa anexa al palato sotto       
luuula e questa carne copre lorificio de
 essa canna del polmone el  quale       
orificio si chiama epiglotto3 acio che  
ne lhora del transglutire  niente del   
cibo e del poto descendesce a la uia del
 polmone per che  indurebbe             
suffocatione3 ,impero aduiene che se uno
 ridendo transglutisse  qualche cosa ua 
al polmone et appare che lhuomo se      
soffochi per che  ne lhora del ridere se
 apre lo epiglotto3 ,lieua adoncha el   
meri da la  trachea artharia acio che tu
 uidi la compositione sua3 ma sapii che 

el  meri e la trachea facilmente se     
seperano per insino al epyglotto cio  e 
al orificio de essa trachea ma circa lo 
epyglotto cum dificulta se  seperano per
 che la tunica del meri si e dispersa ne
 lo epyglotto3 e  questo fece la natura 
sagacemente acio che ne lhora del       
transglutire  del cibo quando folio #ag 
verso el meri se lieua uerso la bocha ad
  atrahere el cibo anche lo epyglotto se
 lieua acio che remanendo gioso  per la 
sua dureza non impedisse el transito del
 cibo4    ,la trachea artharia o uero   
canna del polmone e composita de anuli  
carthilaginosi e panniculosi e de       
ligamenti che continuano quilli  anuli  
insieme facta da la natura a            
transportare laiere al polmone  per     
auentare el core3  a transportare fuora 
i uapori caldi da esso  et etiam fu     
facta a formare la uoce ne la sua       
extremita cio e ne lo  epyglotto3       
,questa canna bisogno che fusse         
carthilaginosa et alquanto  dura et non 
pelliculare e molle perche bisognaua    

stare aperta essendo  uia de laiere3 e  
non fu etiam ossuosa per che douea      
essere flexibile  per la formatione de  
la uoce3 et anche se fusse ossuosa      
impediria  el transito del cibo per el  
meri quando fusse tropo3 ,et per questa 
ragione la carthilagine di questa canna 
non fu una ma furno piu  continuate per 
certe pellicole insieme3 e queste sono  
facte como certi  semicirculi in modo de
 uno ,c per che se fusse una            
carthilagine seria  dura e comprimirebbe
 el meri et impediria el transito del   
cibo4 ,onde  questa cana ne la parte    
anteriore e carthilaginosa per che uerso
 quella  parte non tocha el meri et     
anche acio che sia piu difesa da le cose
  exteriore ma uerso la parte posteriore
 e pelliculare per insino a lo          
epyglotto3 ,la quale poi tuta e         
carthilaginosa folio #ah recto per la   
ragione dicta3 e questa canna del       
pulmone non descende se non insino a  la
 furcula sotto laquale e incontinenti   
situato el pulmone3 et el sito  de essa 

e ne la parte dinanzi3 et dritamente    
procede e non storta acio  che laiere   
habbia piu libero ingresso3 et lo       
epyglotto che e principio  di questa    
canna si e tuto carthilaginoso acio che 
sia piu sonoro3 et  e apresso la bocha  
acio che sia instrumento dela uoce3     
laquale poi ne  la bocha douenta        
locutione per che la uoce finalmente ne 
lhuomo se  ordina al parlare4 ,questo   
epyglotto e composto de tre carthilagine
 e  uinti musculi3 ,una carthilagine si 
e ne la parte anteriore e chiamasi      
clipeale a modo de uno capello3 ,laltra 
si e ne la parte posteriore  uerso el   
meri e questa non ha nome3 ,la terza si 
e in mezo di queste  doe et in essa e   
una lenguetta in modo de una lingua de  
zalamella e  chiamasi questa            
carthilagine fistula de lo epyglotto per
 che como la  fistula se ordina nel sono
 cusi questa carthilagine si e ordinata 
al  canto e la melodia3 ,questo         
epyglotto etiam e composto de uinti     
musculi  a dare el moto uoluntario      

secondo el bisogno de formare la uoce3 e
  dodeci di quisti sono da la parte di  
dentro e octo dala parte de fuori  et a 
quisti musculi uengono dui nerui che    
hano origine dal sexto pare  de nerui   
del cerebro dicti3 di quali una parte   
descende per insino  al core e poi      
comenza a reascendere per insino a lo   
epyglotto impero  folio #ah verso sono  
dicti nerui reuersiui li quali sono     
nerui de la  uoce e quando sono alo     
epyglotto se spargeno inquisti uinti    
musculi  a darli el sentire e el mouere4
 ,questi nerui forno reuersiui e non    
directi per molte cagione3 prima acio   
che fusseno piu forti per che  quanto el
 neruo e piu remoto dal cerebro tanto e 
piu sicco e forte3 ,la  seconda acio che
 fuseno facti a modo de uno freno da    
cauallo acio  chel cerebro meglio       
mouesse lo epyglotto secondo lo imperio 
de la sua  uolunta mediante questi nerui
 como lhuomo moue el cauallo al suo     
libito  mediante el freno3 ,la terza    
cagione e per che la uoce non solo      

depende  dal cerebro como dal principio 
del moto uoluntario ma etiam depende    
dal core como da quello nel quale se    
formano i concepti del cerebro et       
consequenter i concepti de la uoce3     
bisogno adoncha che dicti nerui         
comunicasseno al core3 ,la quarta       
cagione e per che quisti nerui douendo  
uegnire ali musculi predicti bisogno che
 uigniseno al principio de  dicti       
musculi e non a la fine3 et el principio
 di quisti musculi de lo  epyglotto e ne
 la parte inferiore4    ,da poi la      
trachea artharia tu uederai el pulmone  
ala compositione del  quale concorreno  
piu parte ramificate como fili sutili ad
 ordire la sua  substantia3 ,la prima   
parte che entra ne la substantia del    
polmone si e  la trachea artharia       
laquale folio #ai recto como gionge a la
 furcula  del pecto se diuide in doe    
parte3 una ua al dritto e laltra al     
sinistro  del pulmone e ciascuna di     
quelle se diuide in doe altre parte cio 
e  superiore et inferiore3 e ciascuno de

 quilli rami3 se diuide etiam in  rami  
minori e cusi diuidendosi peruengono a  
rami minimi como fili e  circundano tuta
 la substantia del pulmone4 ,una altra  
parte che ordisse  la substantia del    
pulmone si e una certa uena che ha      
origine dal  uentriculo dritto del core 
laquale porta el sangue sutile dal core 
a  nutrire el pulmone3 e chiamasi uena  
arthariale ,vena per che non pichia     
arthariale per che e composta de doe    
tuniche como sono le artharie3 e  questa
 uena se ramifica ne la substantia del  
pulmone como la trachea  artaria4    ,la
 terza parte che compone el pulmone si e
 una certa artharia che nasce  dal      
sinistro uentriculo del core dicta      
artharia uenale3 ,artharia per  che     
pichia ,venale per che e composta de una
 tunica como le altre uene  et per      
questa artharia se transporta dal       
pulmone al core laiere che  uiene da la 
trachea artharia a refrigerare esso     
core3 ,et perquesta  artharia etiam se  
manda dal core al pulmone laiere e      

uapori caldi  e dal polmone poi escono  
fuori per essa trachea e questa artharia
  similiter se ramifica como le altre   
doe parte predicte3 ,onde li rami  de la
 trachea folio #ai verso e de lartharia 
uenale e uena arthariale  compongono    
tuto el pulmone in modo de una rethe3 et
 i buchi de questa  rethe reimpisse una 
certe carne molle spongiosa laquale     
proprio e  substantia de esso pulmone3  
,et tute queste quatro parte predicte   
sono  inuolute da uno certo panniculo   
che ha origine da uno panniculo che  e  
sotto le coste chiamato pleura del quale
 poi se dira per questo  panniculo ha el
 pulmone el sentimento per che el       
pulmone non sente  secondo la sua       
substantia4    ,et nota che li rami de  
la trachea artharia sono magiori che li 
rami de  la uena arthariale1 et de la   
artharia uenale per che nascono da      
magiore  troncho et etiam nota che el   
pulmone e magiore ne la parte dritta che
  ne la stancha per che dal lato stancho
 glie el core che occupa quello  luocho3

 ,similiter e magiore ne la parte       
posteriore che ne la parte  anteriore3  
,questo membro sie como flabello del    
core a refrigerarlo et  etiam a         
mondificarlo da li uapuri che continue  
se generano in esso3  impero e seruo e  
ministro del core4      ,capitulum      
tertium de anothomia cordis quod est    
secundum membrum  principale4    ,dapoi 
te apparera el core nel mezo del pulmone
 cooperto da le sue  penole acio che    
laiere atrahatto da esso pulmone lo     
refrigere1 e  del suo caldo e spirito se
 tempri3 ,questo membro tra lialtri     
quatro  e principalissimo per che e el  
primo che ne la generatione folio  #bj  
recto uiue et e lultimo che more4       
,questo membro e de mediocre  quantita  
per rispecto di li altri membri de      
lhuomo3 ma per rispecti  di li cori de  
lialtri animali e molto grande perche   
lhuomo ha piu del  caldo naturale che   
glialtri animali quantitatiue et non    
intensiue3  ,et e di figura pyramidale  
cio e de la forma del fuocho per che    

esso  e de excellente calidita impero   
bisogno che fusse de una figura che     
asomigliasse a la figura del fuocho3 e  
questa tale figura se chiama  pigneale  
cio e simile ala figura de una pigna    
laquale e lata disotto  e strecta di    
sopra et di tale figura fu facto acio   
che meglio se  facessono distinctione de
 le sue cellule o uentriculi3 et etiam  
se  fusse stato de una figura tuta      
uniforme como e la parte disotto seria  
stato tropo graue e ponderoso4 ,questo  
membro e situato nel mezo de tuto  el   
corpo tolti uia glie extremi cio e nel  
mezo de le parte superiore et           
inferiore3 nel mezo de le parte dinanzi 
e de drieto1 e nel mezo de la  parte    
dritta e sinistra como uno re che sta   
nel mezo del suo regname e  questo fu   
facto acio che potesse equalmente dare  
la uirtu de la uita  a tuti membri3 ,e  
benche el core sia quanto al suo        
fondamento et ala  sua base nel mezo    
tamen secondo la sua ponta declina al   
lato stancho  sotto la mamilla sinistra 

acio che riscaldasse la parte sinistra  
como el figato riscalda la parte dritta3
 e questo folio #bj verso  membro se    
sustenta e ferma de uno certo osso      
cartilaginoso per che e  in continuo    
mouimento3 bisogno aduncha che hauesse  
uno apogiamento  alquale se fermasse nel
 suo mouimento3 ,et e etiam composto de 
una certa  pinguedine ne la parte       
exteriore acio che prohibisca chel core 
non se  desichi tenendolo humectato3 ,et
 e composto di certe uene et artharie   
disperse per la sua substantia3 et e    
composto etiamdio de una certa  carne   
dura per che haueua a sustignire de     
molti e forti mouimenti3 ,et  etiam fu  
composto de uili longitudinali          
latitudinali e transuersali per  che    
bisognaua che hauesse uirtu de atrahere 
retignire et expellere3 ,e  questo      
membro ha tri uentriculi o uero tre     
cellule como ha el cerebro4  ,uno       
uentriculo e dal lato dritto e laltro   
dal lato stancho e el terzo  e in mezo3 
el uentriculo dritto uerso el figato3 el

 quale ha doi  orificii3 uno e uerso el 
figato et e molto grande nel quale entra
 una  uena chiamata uena chilis laquale 
nasce dal gibbo del figato e porta  el  
sangue dal figato al core3 ,et in questo
 uentriculo dextro del core  se         
puriffica quello sangue e cusi          
purificato poi lo manda el core a  tuti 
li altri membri3 e per che per questo   
orificio ha el core piu ad  atrahere che
 ad expellere impero ordino la natura   
che ne lhora de la  constrictione quando
 de expellere che questo orificio se    
chiudesse3 e  che folio #ba recto quando
 el core se dilatta se aprisse3 ,et iui 
sono  tre hostiolitti o uero usitti     
liquali se apreno da fuora adentro3 e   
questi hostioli non sono molto depressi 
e per che per questo medesimo  orificio 
se expelle el sangue depurato aglialtri 
membri ma non tuto per  che una parte ua
 al polmone e de laltra parte se ne fa  
spirito uitale3  impero ordino la natura
 che quisti hostioli non se chiudesseno 
in tuto3  ,e da questa uena chilis      

inanzi che entri la concauita del core  
nasce  un altra uena laquale circunda la
 radice del core e da quella nascono    
alcuni rami che se disparghono per la   
substantia del core3 ,e del sangue  de  
questa uena se nutrisse esso core4      
,uno altro orificio ha questo uentriculo
 destro uerso el pulmone nel  quale     
entra la uena arthariale che porta el   
sangue dal core a nutrire  el pulmone3  
,et in questo orificio li sono etiam tri
 hostioli liquali se  apreno de la parte
 dentro a la parte difuori e se chiudeno
 da la parte  difuori a la parte di     
dentro per el contrario di li hostioli  
de laltro  orificio3 e questo e per che 
in tuto se chiudeno3 ,onde per questo   
orificio el core ne lhora de la         
constrictione solo ha ad expellere3  e  
ne lhora de la sua dilatatione non ha ad
 atrahere alcuna cosa como  faceua nel  
primo orificio4    ,el uentriculo       
sinistro del core ha i lati piu densi e 
piu spissi che li  lati o uero parieti  
del uentriculo dextro3 e questo folio   

#ba verso fu  per tre ragione3 ,la prima
 per che nel uentriculo dextro se de    
contenere  el sangue el quale e graue4  
,e nel uentriculo sinistro se de        
continere  el spirito el quale e molto  
ligiero3 acio aduncha chel core non     
fusse  piu graue e ponderoso da una     
parte che da laltra bisogno recompensare
  in questo modo cio e che lo uentriculo
 stancho hauesse piu groseza ne  li suoi
 parieti che el dextro3 ,la seconda     
cagione e che essendo el  spirito piu   
suttile e piu resolubile chal sangue    
bisogno adoncha che  el suo habitaculo  
hauesse piu grosso e de megliore sponde3
 ,la terza  cagione si e per che el     
uentriculo sinistro e molto piu caldo   
cha el  dextro per che iui se genera el 
spirito dal sangue per una grande       
calidita che suttiglia quello sangue e  
la calidita meglio se conserua  nel     
subiecto denso e grosso3    ,ne la      
concauita di questo uentriculo circa la 
sua radice li sono dui  orificii3 uno si
 e lorificio de una artharia chiamata   

artharia adorti  per che inmediate ha   
origine dal core e per che e principio  
de la  origine de tute le altre3 per    
laquale artharia manda el core el       
spirito  generato a tuti i membri3 et   
etiam el sangue molto suttile insieme   
cum  el spirito e questo fa quando el   
core se constringe3 ,onde nel principio 
di questo orificio li sono tri hostioli 
liquali in tuto se chiudeno da  la parte
 difuori a quella dentro3 e se se apreno
 da la parte dentro a  la parte difuori 
e questo folio #bb recto orificio e     
molto profundo4    ,laltro orificio si e
 de lartharia uenale laquale transporta 
laiere dal  polmone a refrigerare el    
core e transporta i uapori caldi dal    
core al  polmone como e stato dicto     
disopra3 ,et in questo orificio li sono 
doi  hostioli che non se chiudeno       
altuto3 ,et sono molto eleuati acio che 
se apogiono melglio a la sponda del core
 quando el manda el spirito3  ,queste   
sono mirabile opere de la natura como   
anche mirabile opera fu  nel uentriculo 

mezo del core per che questo uentriculo 
non ha una  concauita ma piu lequale    
sono picole ma larghe e piu nela drita  
parte  che la sinistra3 ,e questo fece  
la natura acio chel sangue che ua dal   
drito uentriculo al sinistro per        
conuertersi in spirito continuamente  se
 uegna suttigliando per quelle          
concauita4    ,et per questo tu poi     
uedere che dal core nascono quatro cose 
cio e  lartharia chiamata adhorti3      
,laltra si e la uena chilis3 la terza si
 e  la uena arthariale3 e la quarta si e
 artharia uenale4    ,anche uederai nel 
core certe parte pelliculare  in modo de
 auricule o  uero orechiette apte a     
dillatarsi e constringersi facte da la  
natura  acio che quando nel core se     
genera molto sangue o molto spirito se  
potesse el core dilatare a contenire    
quello sangue o quello spirito          
multiplicato et anche se constrinza     
quando non glie tanta habundantia  di   
sangue o de spirito4    ,e qui adimanda 
,galieno folio #bb verso per che non    

fece la natura  el core si grande che   
potesse continere ogne multitudine di   
sangue  e de spirito senza quilli       
adittamenti di quelle pellicule4        
,risponde  ,galieno che questo fu3 prima
 perche el core seria stato tropo       
grande3  et consequenter tropo          
ponderoso3 ,secundario per che non se   
generando  sempre molta quantita de     
sangue o de spirito sel core fusse stato
 tropo  grande per la piu parte de le   
uolte la concauita del core seria stata 
uacua3 ma queste tale auricule se       
dillatano ne lo aduenimento del  sangue 
o del spirito e cusi se stringono ne la 
paucita soa4    ,questo core e          
circumdato da uno panniculo duro neruoso
 o uero  pelliculare facto in modo de   
una cassetta nel quale e posto el core  
como in uno suo tabernaculo a           
diffensarlo da le cose occurrente3 ,et e
  questa capsula molto dilatata acio    
chel core ne la sua dillatatione e      
mouimento non fusse agrauato da essa3   
,et etiam fece la natura questa  capsula

 acio che continesse una certa aquosita 
rorida de laquale se  bagnasse et       
humetasse el core acio che per el suo   
continuo mouimento  non se sichasse3    
,onde quando questa aqua che e ne la    
capsula del core  sie desiccata etiam se
 desicca esso cuore et consequenter se  
demacra e  desicca tuto el corpo4       
,capitulum quartum de anothomia trium   
panniculorum interiorum scilicet        
mediastine1 pleure1  diafragmatis4      
folio #bc recto ,tri sono li panniculi  
interiori diquesto domicilio del  core3 
,uno che se chiama mediastino che diuide
 la concauita del pecto  per mezo cio e 
la parte dinanzi da la parte de drieto  
et consequenter  diuide el polmone per  
mezo3 e questo panniculo non e neruoso  
ne anche  e ueramente uno continuo como 
li altri paniculi3 e questo ha facto la 
natura per alcune utilita3 prima acio   
che se una parte del polmone  receuesse 
nocumento di qualchi superflui humuri   
che se agregasseno in  quella non       
peruegnisse el nocumento e non          

regurgitasse quella materia a  laltra   
parte2 ,secundario acio che tenesse     
suspeso e ligato el polmone  al pecto4  
,el secondo panniculo chiamato pleura e 
uno panniculo duro e neruoso e  molto   
grande3 el quale copre tute le coste da 
la parte dentro3 impero  ha colligantia 
cum tuti li membri liquali se contengono
 ne la concauita  del pecto e questo    
panniculo fece la natura acio che       
cuprisse tuti  quilli membri a sua      
tutela2 et acio che li paniculi dili    
membri tuti  del pecto hauesseno        
principio et origine da quello4    ,el  
terzo panniculo se chiama ,diafragma e  
da ,aristotile e chiamato  diazona per  
che e como una cintura che cinge per    
mezo3 ,questo panniculo  e musculoso cio
 e carnoso e neruoso et e situato ne la 
fine del pecto  e de le coste e ne la   
parte dinanzi quanto a la parte sua     
folio #bc  verso carnosa e continuato   
cum le carthilagine de le coste mendose1
 e  ne la parte posteriore e continuato 
cum la duodecima spondile doue sono  le 

rene3 ,de le coste e di li spondili poi 
noi diremo4    ,la utilita de questo    
panniculo prima fu acio chel seperasse  
li membri  spirituali da li membri      
naturali cio e el secondo domicilio dal 
terzo  acio che li fumi leuati da le    
feze non peruegniseno a li membri       
spirituali3 ,secundario per che ha a    
mouere el pulmone al mouimento  de lo   
hanelito3 e questo panniculo benche     
cingha per mezo oblique  tamen et non ex
 directo3 e la cagione di questa        
obliquita sie che da  questo panniculo  
insieme cum el myrach del quale poi noi 
diremo se  comprimino le feze che sono  
ne lintestini ne lhora de la egestione  
como se fusseno tra doe asse de uno     
torchio3 ,e quanto a la parte meza  di  
questo panniculo laquale e neruosa e    
panniculosa e colligato cum  el pulmone 
per darli el mouimento como e stato     
dicto mediante i nerui  quali uengono ad
 esso dal cerebro e da la nucha e per   
questo appare la  cagione de la         
diuersita de el ,diafragma e de li altri

 musculi per che  li altri musculi nel  
luocho doue se congiongeno cum el membro
 quale  debeno mouere sono como corde e 
ne li altri luochi sono carnosi per  che
 sono facti principaliter a mouere le   
osse3 ma nel diafragma e tuto  el       
contrario per che fu instituito         
principalmente folio #bd recto a  mouere
 el pulmone e non le ossa1 e per questo 
appare chel diafragma sie  rotondo cum  
una certa longitudine e che la sua      
substantia e musculosa e  cordosa e che 
le utilitade sue sono tre3 ,prima acio  
che sia principio  del moto de lo       
hanelito3 ,secundo acio che diuida tra  
membri spirituali  e naturali3 ,tertio  
acio che aiuti el mirach ad expellere le
 superfluita  quale sono ne lintestini4 
,capitulum quintum de anothomia pectoris
 seu toracis continentis membra         
spiritualia4    ,dicto di li membri che 
sono contenuti dentro dal pecto3 poniamo
  adesso la anothomia de esso pecto3 e  
disopra habiamo dicto che glie  uno     
paniculo chiamato pleura quale copre    

tute le coste da la parte di  dentro3   
,da poi quello panniculo tu uederai le  
ossa le quale sono di  doe maniere cio e
 le coste e li spondili che sono como   
sponde doue se  apogiano le coste       
lequale sono dodece da ciascuno lato cio
 e septe  uere e cinque mendose3 ,le    
coste uere sono continuate cum li       
spondili  a coprire et perficere el     
pecto3 ma le mendose non3 et una costa  
non  attinge laltra ne la extremita acio
 che meglio se possa dilatare e         
constringere el pecto3 ,li spondili sono
 septe che se coniungono cum le  septe  
coste uere mediante certe cartilagine   
lequale sono tra luno e  laltro3 e da   
queste carthilagine cum le sue ossa     
folio #bd verso se  compone uno membro  
chiamato la furcula del pecto facta a   
modo de una  furcula bifurchata2 e ne la
 extremita sua li e una certa           
carthilagine  facta a modo de uno scuto 
a custodire la bocha del stomaco e      
chiamasi  pomo granato3 ,da li lati de  
le coste mendose sono certe             

carthilagine4    ,da poi uenendo a le   
parte de fuora3 sono alcuni musculi di  
li quali  alcuni sono a dillatare el    
pecto e sono dui musculi del ,diafragma 
posti  ne le parte inferiore del pecto3 
et hano a dillatare el ,diafragma  et   
consequenter el pecto ne la parte       
inferiore doue e una grande  spaciosita3
 ,item li sono dui altri musculi liquali
 sono nel collo et  hano a dillatare la 
concauita superiore del pecto la quale e
 picola4  ,item sono altri musculi ne la
 schina doue e la origine de le coste1  
e comenzano apresso la origine de la    
prima costa3 ,item sono molti  altri    
musculi picoli liquali cum difficulta se
 possono uedere ne la  anothomia3 e tuti
 quisti musculi predicti sono solo a    
dillatare4    ,alcuni altri musculi sono
 a dilatare e constringere e sono       
situati  tra le coste perche tra        
ciascune doe coste li sono doi musculi  
di  liquali uno ha li uili latitudinali 
a dillatare1 e laltro ha li uili        
transuersali a constringere4    ,oltra  

questi musculi appare la pinguedine le  
mamille e la cute3 ,la  cute e la       
pinguedine e asai manifesta folio #be   
recto impero solo noi  direme de la     
anothomia de le mamille e haueremo      
fornito la anothomia  del secondo       
domicilio e del secondo membro          
principale4      ,capitulum sextum de   
anothomomia mamillarum et de            
utilitatibus earum4    ,la figura de le 
mamille si e in modo de una cucha       
rotonda per che  bisognaua essere capace
 del sangue che se ha a connetere in    
lacte e la  figura rotonda e piu capace 
cha le altre3 et etiam per che le       
mamille  sono como scuto del core impero
 doueano hauere una figura piu secura da
  li nocumenti3 e questa tale figura e  
la rotonda4    ,le mamille hebbeno doi  
capi picoli acio che la creatura potesse
 suciare  el lacte3 ,e la substantia sua
 si e certe carne glandose le quale de  
sua  natura sono frigide acio che el    
sangue douenti biancho in esse e questo 
non se fa senon per infrigidatione del  

dicto sangue4    ,la quantita de le     
mamille ne la dona e magiore che nel    
maschio per che  bisognaua generare el  
lacte ne la dona e non nel maschio4 ,et 
etiam  essendo la femina piu frigida    
chel maschio bisogno essere magiore le  
mamille in esse acio che facesseno      
magiore reuerberatione del caldo al     
core et per questa reuerberatione lo    
fortifficaseno4    ,le mamille ne lhuomo
 forno facte due como in tuti li altri  
animali che  generano una o doe         
creature3 ma ne folio #be verso glialtri
 animali  che generano piu figlioli sono
 facte piu mamille4    ,ne lhuomo forno 
situate nel pecto e ne li altri animali 
nel uentre3 e  questo fu per molte      
casone3 ,la prima secondo ,galieno e    
chel sangue del  quale se genera el     
lacte deba essere ben digesto impero    
bisogno essere  propinque al core ne    
lhuomo per la cui calidita quello sangue
 fusse  meglio digesto3 ma ne li altri  
animali molta quantita de tale sangue   
superfluo ua a conuertirse in corni o in

 altri membri4    ,la seconda cagione   
asegna ,aristotile che li altri animali 
hano le gambe  dinanzi molto strette et 
impero hano el pecto molto stretto3 ma  
ne  lhuomo el pecto e amplo3 onde non   
potete la natura situare le mamille  ne 
glialtri animali como ne lhuomo4    ,la 
terza cagione si e chel core de lhuomo  
hebbe bisogno de essere  piu deffensato 
che el core de li altri animali li quali
 li hano pili  disopra impero fece la   
natura le mamille como defensaculo ne   
lhuomo che  non ha pili inquelle parte4 
,le mamille hano colligantia cum el core
 e cum el figato per una certa  uena che
 ascende dal figato ad esse mamille3 ha 
etiam dio colligantia  cum la matrice   
mediante certe uene che uengono da la   
matrice ad esse e  procedeno quelle uene
 tortuose acio che continuamente se     
asuttiglie el  sangue e meglio se       
digesta a conuertirse in lacte4         
folio #bf recto ,tractatus tertius de   
anothomia tertii membri  principalis    
scilicet epatis et eidem deseruientibus3

 capitulum primum  de anothomia stomaci4
    ,veduto de doi membri principali et 
di li suoi ministri et etiam de li  suoi
 domicilii vediamo mo la anothomia do   
doi altri membri principali  cio e      
figato e testiculi et di li membri che  
sono suoi ministri et  etiam de li suoi 
domicilii3 ,e noi determinaremo de tuti 
dui quisti  inquesto tractato per che li
 membri che deserueno a la generatione  
non  hanno distincto domicilio da li    
membri nutritiui3 ,e questo domicilio   
comenza dal pomo granato che copre la   
bocha del stomaco del quale  habiamo    
dicto e dura per insino al petenechio   
inclusiue includendoli la  uirga e li   
testiculi3 et questo e quanto per lo    
longo1 ma quanto per el  largo dura da  
uno fiancho a laltro e per el profondo  
dura da la cute de  lombelico che copre 
el corpo dinanzi dale coste ingioso per 
insino a  laschina de drieto3           
,inquesto domicilio li sono contenuti di
 molti membri cio e stomaco1  intestini1
 figato1 fele1 milza misinterii1 girbo1 

rognoni1 vesica1  testiculi1 vasi       
spermatici1 matrice ne la femina1 e la  
uirga ne lhuomo  de liquali membri solo 
dui sono principali cio e el figato et  
li  testiculi secondo ,galieno1 o uasi  
spermatici secondo ,aristotile4    ,noi 
adoncha sequitaremo secondo el nostro   
ordine consueto comentiando  a li membri
 superiori e descendendo a linferiori4  
,comentiaremo folio  #bf verso adoncha  
dal stomaco e dal meri che e uia del    
cibo ad esso  stomaco1 ,e noi habiamo   
dicto di sopra che como la cana del     
pulmone era  conducto de laiere cusi el 
meri era conducto del cibo e del poto3  
,e che  la bocha de la cana del pulmone 
e la bocha del meri erano congionte     
insieme per la rasone iue dicta4    ,la 
sustantia di questo meri sie pelliculare
 e molle como la cana del  pulmone e    
pelliculare e carthilaginosa e bisogno  
chel meri fusse molle  acio potesse     
dilatarsi quando lhuomo piglia tropo    
cibo1 et anche questo  meri non sta     
aperta como fa la cana del pulmone ma   

per la sua mollitie  una parte cade     
sopra laltra4    ,la subatantia del meri
 e composta de doe tuniche una          
intrinsecha che  ha certi uili o        
neruetti longitudinale che sono facti ad
 atrahere el  cibo3 e laltra sie        
exteriore lie laquale sono uili         
latitudinali facti  ad expellere quello 
che e stato atratto da la tunicha       
interiore3 benche  la prima tunicha sie 
piu principale che la seconda4    ,la   
quantita del meri e magiore che non e la
 quantita de la cana del  pulmone per   
che el meri ua piu longo che non fa essa
 cana3 ,onde el  meri ua per insino al  
diafragma e desotto da esso se continua 
cum la  bocha del stomaco onde el       
stomaco e incontinenti sotto el         
diafragma3 ,et  anche el meri e magiore 
in largheza per che hauea a passare per 
esso  cosa piu grosa che non e folio #bg
 recto laiere4    ,questo etiam ,meri e 
posto piu nel profondo uerso le parte   
posteriore  cio e uerso la schina doue  
ua a ritrouare la bocha del stomaco     

laquale  bocha e uerso le parte         
posteriore3 per che la bocha del stomaco
 e  ligata ala schina ex directo in el  
principio de la sua ligatura cio e  a la
 decima terza spondile sotto el         
diafragma3 el quele se termina ala      
duodecima spondile e poi consequenter   
procede el stomaco aligandosi ali       
spondili de le rene4    ,questo stomaco 
sie cella del cibo et e quasi in mezo de
 tuto el corpo  como e stato dicto del  
core3 per che essendo como lauezo doue  
se ha a  cocere el cibo bisogno essere  
in mezo acio chel receuesse calore da   
tute le parte e da tuti li membri       
circumstanti3 et non fu posto el        
stomaco apresso de la bocha per la      
rasone dicta3 ,tu uederai adoncha el    
stomaco hauere sopra si el core e el    
diafragma e desotto el misinterio  e    
lintestini3 da la parte dritta el figato
 el quale lo abraza cum  cinque sue     
penole3 da la parte sinistra la milza   
laquale li rende  calore mediante le sue
 artharie3 da la parte dinanzi ha una   

rethe  chiamata el ,girbo3 da la parte  
de drieto li musculi de la schina e una 
uena grande e una artharia che passa per
 la schina como poi se uedera3  da tuti 
quisti membri receue calore el stomaco  
acio che coza bene el  cibo4    ,e ben  
chel stomaco sia situato sopra de la    
,schina niente di meno la  parte sua    
superiore declina al folio #bg verso    
lato stancho1 e la  parte inferiore al  
lato drito3 e questo fu per che ne la   
parte dritta  li e el figato molto      
eleuato ne le parte superiore1 e la     
milza ne la  parte stancha e piu de     
pressa3 impero la parte superiore del   
stomaco  non se potete locare ne la     
parte dritta per che el figato occupaua 
quello luocho ma ben se potete locare ne
 la sinistra cio e disopra dala  milza  
doue li era uacuita4 ,item per che      
disotto dal figato li sono  glintestini 
suttili e gracili liquali occupano pocho
 luocho et iue  remane una grande       
concanita impero fu locata la parte     
inferiore del  stomaco iue a reimpire   

quella concauita3 ,et per che etiam ne  
la parte  stancha disotto da la milza   
apresse de le rene glie uno intestino   
molto  grosso chiamato colon el quale   
occupa uno grande luocho impero non se  
potete locare dicta parte inferiore nel 
lato stancho4    ,una altra cagione per 
laquale el stomaco non fu posto a presso
 de  la bocha e perche apresso de la    
bocha bisognorno essere i membri  de lo 
hanelito ad atrahere laiere3 ,et anche  
per che el bisognaua  che glintestini   
fusseno continuati cum el stomaco1 e    
bisognaua che  glintestini fusseno      
disotto dal diafragma4    ,et per questo
 appare che per molte cagione el stomac 
non fu locate per  el dritto ma per lo  
storto e per lo obliquo3 la prima si e  
gia dicta  acio reimpisse la uacuita de 
la parte dritta e stancha3 ,la seconda  
per  che essendo lhuomo de statura      
dritta non retigniria bene el cibo folio
  #bh recto ma subito uscirebe fuori per
 la bocha disotto3 ,la terza  cagione   
per che bisognaua chel stomaco receuesse

 da la milza quanto a  la bocha         
superiore lhumore melenconico a darli   
lapetito3 et quanto a  la bocha disotto 
bisono che receuesse lhumore collerico  
dal figato3 et  impero bisogno che la   
bocha superiore del stomaco fusse dal   
lato stanco  doue e la milza e la bocha 
inferiore fusse dal lato dritto doue e  
el  figato4    ,e per questo appare chel
 stomaco ha colligantia cum la milza per
  certe nene che portano lhumore        
melenconico ad esso3 et ha similiter    
colligantia cum el figato per molte     
altre uene che li portano el  nutrimento
 dal figato3 et ha colligantia cum el   
core mediante una  grande artharia che e
 posta sotto esso3 et ha colligantia cum
 el  cerebro mediante uno certo neruo el
 quale ua ala bocha del stomaco et  iue 
se sparge e diuidese circa la superiore 
parte de esso stomaco4    ,la figura del
 stomaco fu rotonda acio che fusse piu  
tuta da li  nocumenti extrinseci et acio
 anche che fusse piu capace per che     
bisognaua continere di molto cibo3 ,ma  

non fu perfectamente rotonda per  la    
rasone dicta per che bisognaua che una  
parte declinasse al lato  dritto e      
laltra al lato stanco impero e di figura
 arcuale in modo de  una cucha ritorta e
 fu molto grande el stomaco acio potesse
 receuere  grande quantita de cibo4     
,el stomaco e composto de due tuniche3  
,una interiore laquale e neruosa  e     
laltra folio #bh verso exteriore e      
carnosa3 ,et la prima tunica  neruosa e 
piu grossa e spessa che la seconda per  
che hauea a tochare  el cibo acio che   
non receuesse nocumento da esso e per   
che se potesse  dilatare e constringere 
secondo el bisogno de la quantita del   
cibo3 ma  la tunicha exteriore fu piu   
suttile onde e da notare che la tunicha 
interiore bisogno essere neruosa per    
molte rasone3 prima per che in  essa  de
 essere lapetito e el sentimento e non e
 dubio che meglio se  sente la cosa     
quando senza mezo ocorre al sentimento3 
ma la exteriore  fu carnosa facta a     
digerire et alterare el cibo3 la        

alteratione e  digestione se puo ben    
fare per mezo e non occorrendo in       
mediate a la  cosa3 ,questa tunicha     
adoncha exteriore e piu suttile che la  
interiore  per che e aiutata dai membri 
circumstanti a digerere3 non bisogno    
essere adoncha tropo grossa4    ,la     
tunicha interiore e deputata ad atrahere
 el cibo et a retignirlo  debito tempo  
per insino che se digestisse3 impero ha 
alcuni uili  longitudinali ne la        
superficie interiore mediante li quali  
atrahe a  se el cibo3 e ne la superficie
 exteriore ha alcuni uili transuersali  
per liquali ritiene el cibo3 ,et la     
tunicha exteriore ha a digerire el  cibo
 et consequenter ha ad expelerlo quando 
e digesto3 impero in essa  certi uili   
latitudinali sono posti per liquali ha  
ad expellere el cibo  digesto3    ,la   
bocha del stomaco superiore e piu lata  
che non e la inferiore  per che folio   
#bi recto per la bocha disopra hauea    
intrare el cibo  grosso indigesto e per 
la bocha disotto hauea uscire el cibo   

suttile  e digesto3 ,e quisti doi       
orificii non sono facti molto eminenti  
ma la  parte inferiore del stomaco e piu
 disotto che la bocha inferiore acio    
chel cibo se retegna et similiter la    
parte superiore del stomaco e piu       
eminente e piu insuso che non e la bocha
 superiore acio che essendo  el stomaco 
pieno de cibo inclinandosi lhuomo cum la
 bocha in giu non  ritornasse el cibo   
fuora4    ,doe adoncha sono le utilita  
del stomaco3 ,una ad appetere el cibo   
necessario per tuto el corpo3 e questo  
fa per la tunicha neruosa  interiore e  
laltra e a digerere el cibo e questo fa 
per la tunica  exteriore carnosa4       
,capitulum secundum tractatus tertii de 
anothomia intestinorum et  misinterii4  
,dapoi il stomaco li sequitano          
glintestini li quali sono sei reuoluti  
cioe tri suttili e tri grossi et non fu 
ne lhuomo uno solo intestino  recto ma  
furno piu e circumuoluti acio chel cibo 
longo tempo se  continesse nel stomaco  
et intestini per che se cusi non fusse  

bisogneria che lhuomo fusse in continua 
asumptione de cibo1 et in  continua     
egestione e seria stato lhuomo molto    
occupato in tale uile  operatione3 ,et  
anche sel fusse stato uno solo intestino
 recto non seria  stato tuto el cibo da 
ciascuna parte de lo folio #bi verso    
intestino  toco et consequenter non     
seria stato exsiccata tuta lhumiditade  
del  cibo3 ,acio adoncha tuta la        
humidita del cibo sia desiccata et      
atratta  al figato e che niente o pocha 
non rimanga ne le feze3 ,furno facti piu
  intestini circumuoluti3 ,el primo     
adoncha intestino e chiamato duodeno  et
 e suttile e chiamasi duodeno perche e  
longo quanto e dodice uolte  el dito    
grosso di quello tale3 ,et in questo    
intestino li entra el  cibo como e      
digesto nel stomaco per la bocha de     
sotto de esso stomaco  chiamata         
portonaria o uero pylerum cum la quale  
se continua questo  intestino duodeno4  
,digesto andoncha el cibo nel stomaco se
 apre questo  portonario e manda la     

uirtu expulsiua del stomaco questo tale 
cibo ne  lo intestino duodeno3 ,a questo
 intestino ua uno canale o uero condutto
  dal fele per el quale se porta la     
collera ad esso intestino4 ,da poi      
questo intestino li sequitan uno altro  
intestino suttile chiamato  ieiuno      
perche e la piu parte del tempo uacuo   
per doe ragione3 ,prima per  che e      
dritto e non inuoluto3 ,la seconda per  
che una grande multitudine  de collera  
pura uiene ad esso per quello medesimo  
condutto che ua al  duodeno3 e questa   
collera mordica lo intestino e fa       
descendere gioso el  cibo4    ,dapoi    
sequita el terzo intestino suttile      
chiamato ileon per che e  situato circa 
gli ilii id est li fianchi3 ,onde in    
questo intestino glie  uiene el dolore  
iliaco cio e dolore de fianco e questo  
folio #cj recto  intestino hebbe molte  
inuolutione1 et anche ad esso peruengono
 de molte  uene picole dal figato       
chiamate mesaraiche3 ,e questo fece la  
natura  acio che el figato atrahesse la 

humorosita dal cibo per quelle uene1    
onde a questo intestino li peruengono   
piu uene mesaraiche che nesuno di  li   
altri4    ,dapoi questi tri intestini   
sutili sucedeno li grossi3 ,e questo fu 
facto  per che quanto el cibo uiene piu 
descendendo tanto piu douentano dure  le
 feze e piu grosse impero bisogno che   
glintestini inferiori fusseno  piu ampli
 che li superiori4    ,el primo adoncha 
intestino grosso che sequita ali suttili
 si e chiamato  monoculo1 non per che   
habia solo uno oreficio per che questo  
seria  impossibile anzi ne ha doi como  
li altri uno per elquale atrahe el  cibo
 e laltro per elquale expelle3 ma per   
che quisti doi oreficii  inquesto       
intestino sono uno a presso de laltro   
como coiuncti e non  dispartiti como ne 
glialtri impere appare hauere solo uno  
oreficio1  onde per questo monoculo e   
chiamato3 ,et anche chiamato sacco per  
che  pende la sua concauita como un     
sacco stando li suoi orificii de sopra3 
,questo intestino e situato ne la parte 

dritta apresso lancha e disotto  dal    
rognone dritto4 ,e fu facto acio che    
retinesse el cibo ani lo  reuerberase a 
li intestini superiori e prohibisse che 
non descendesse  acio che in quilli     
intestini se esuccasse dal figato la sua
 humidita  como e stato dicto4    ,da   
poi questo intestino sequita laltro     
grosso folio #cj verso chiamato  colon  
per che ha piu colli o uero cellule ne  
lequale el stercho recceue  la sua      
forma4    ,questo intestino ha de molte 
inuolutione circa el rognon stancho e   
poi  ascende e copre la milza e poi se  
declina a la parte dritta uendo piu     
uerso le parte exteriore e copre el     
stomaco4    ,e per questo appare la     
cagione per che fu locato sopra del     
stomaco e de  sopra tuti li altri       
intestini3 questo fu per che era piu    
ignobile de  lialtri1 e como membro piu 
ignobile fu posto uerso le parte        
exteriore  et anche per che le feze se  
indurano in esso acio che hauesse       
qualche  humidita dal girbo del quale   

poi noi uederemo4 ,laltra cagione de cio
 e  che essendo questo intestino facto a
 continere et expellere le feze ma  piu 
ad expelere impero bisognaua ad esso    
uenire piu collera che hauesse  a       
stimulare la uirtu expulsiua piu che ne 
glialtri3 impero sopra di  quello ne la 
parte dritta una penula del figato doue 
e alligata la  cesta del fele como      
appare al sentimento3 e questo fu che de
 sopra de  questo intestini li          
peruenisse la collera oltra quella che  
ua a la sua  concauita como etiam ua a  
le concauita de glialtri intestini4     
,la substantia di questo intestino e    
grossa e sollida facta cusi per la      
uentosita grande che se genera in esso  
laquale fa dolore fortissimo  chiamato  
dolore collico3 ,et in questo intestino 
se generano certi uermi  longi folio #ca
 recto et altre manerie de uermi        
chiamati lombrici4    ,da poi e lultimo 
intestino chiamato intestino dritto de  
el quale la  extremita et oreficio      
inferiore se chiama ano o uero culo3 e  

uasene  uerso el fiancho stancho doue   
poi comenza lo intestino colon predicto4
  ,in questo intestino recto li sono una
 grande moltitudine de uene  meserayce  
che uengono a sugare se qualche humidita
 fusse rimasta ne le  feze4    ,quisti  
sono adoncha li sei intestini liquali   
sono alligati a la schina  mediante uno 
certo membro chiamato misinterio o uero 
intriglio quasi  interiora tenens che   
non solo glintestini ma tute le uiscere 
sono  alligate per questo interiglio ala
 schina et impero questo membro fu      
composto de uene1 corde1 panniculi1 e   
ligamenti acio potesse ligare li        
predicti membri3 ,et e etiam e composto 
de una sustantia seposa e pingue  acio  
che li membri duri como sono li spondili
 non se congiongesseno  senza mezo cum  
li membri molli cio e cum li intestini e
 le altre  uiscere acio che el molle non
 receuesse nocumento dal duro4 ,le altre
  uacuita di questo membro sono reimpite
 de certe sustantie glandose1  facte    
etiam acio che sustentino le uene       

meseraiche che sono disperse in  questo 
membro3 et forse che sono facte etiam a 
generare la humidita che  humetti la    
feze de glintestini acio che piu tosto  
lubrichi3 et impero  uedemo che         
mangiando cibi duri folio #ca verso     
niente dimeno quello  che nesce per     
egestione e liquido4      ,capitulum    
tertium de anothomia epatis quod est    
tertium membrum  principale3 et de uenis
 orientibus ab eo4    ,vediamo mo del   
terzo membro principale situato in      
questo palazo et e el  figato alquale   
deseueno tuti li altri membri che sono  
posti quiue4 ,el  figato naturalmente e 
situato sotto el diafragma et non sotto 
le coste  uere1 ma una parte de esso sta
 sotto le parte mendose3 benche ne      
lhuomo  morto appara essere locato tuto 
sotto le coste1 e questo e per che li   
membri spirituali ne lhumo morto sono   
molto anihilati et el figato ua a       
reimpire le uacuita derelicte3 impero   
quando tu fai la anothomia tu dei       
eleuare el corpo morte e tirare in gioso

 el figato acio chel uada al  suo luocho
 naturale4    ,la quantita del figato fu
 molto granda ne lhuomo per che e molto 
sanguineo e de natura calda e humida4   
,el figato sie composto de certe uene   
diuise e disperse in modo de una  rethe 
et le uacuita sue reimpisse una certa   
carne rossa che e como  sangue          
coagulato3 ,et per queste uene se si    
sparze el cibo digesto nel  stomaco     
chiamato chile cio facto in modo de suco
 dorzo che cusi douenta  nel stomaco1 e 
questo fu facto acio che se diuidesse in
 parte picole  che tuto el figato       
potesse tochare tuto quello chilo acio  
che meglio lo  conuertisse in sangue3   
,ma nel stomaco non sono tal uene done  
se hauesse  a receuere el cibo ma solo  
folio #cb recto li fece una concauita   
per  che li cibi che se pigliano sono   
molto grossi che non harebono potuto    
penetrare per dicte uene4 ,questa       
decocione che se fa nel figato a        
conuertere el chile in sangue piu se    
compisse ne la parte superiore3 et      

impero quella parte e piu solida e dura3
 ,hebbe el figato cinque penule  benche 
ne lhuomo non siano sempre diuise che se
 possano uedere4    ,questo figato ha   
doe parte cio e la parte gibosa e la    
parte concaua1 et  ha colligantia cum el
 core per una certa uena che nasce dal  
suo gibo  e uasene al core1 et e        
chiamata uena chilis3 ,et etiam ha      
colligantia  cum el diafragma alquale   
sta suspenso4 ,et similiter a li        
spondili de  la schina ala quale e      
alligato mediante un certo paniculo3    
,onde ha dui  panniculi uno chel        
suspende e liga al diafragma e ala      
schina e laltre  chel copre e sel       
circunda4 ,dala gibosita sua nasce la   
uena chilis  laquale porta el sangue al 
core de laquale habiamo gia dicto4 ,e da
 la  parte sua concaua ne nasce unaltra 
chiamata porta o uero uena concaua  e   
questa uena ha cinque rami3 cusi como   
sono cinque penule del figato  ne le    
quale entrano quisti cinque rami4 ,e poi
 quando escono fuora del  figato sono da

 poi otto de lequale doe sono molte     
picole che male se  possono discernere  
ma si le altre sei3 ,de lequale una ua  
ala dextra  parte del stomaco a nutrire 
la tunicha sua exteriore et maxime la   
parte inferiore3 ,laltra uena ua a la   
milza et e asai grande de laquale  nel  
mezo del folio #cb verso suo transito   
nasce un ramo che descende  gioso a     
nutrire lintriglio e portali el sangue  
piu aquoso3 ,da poi  quando questa uena 
sa proxima a la milza nasce un altro    
ramo el quale  ua a nutrire la parte    
sinistra inferiore del stomaco da poi   
sucede piu  oltra e uasene ala concauita
 de la milza et iue se diuide in doi    
rami  cio e inferiore e superiore3      
linferiore ramo descende gioso a nutrire
  el girbo quanto ala parte sua         
sinistra3 el ramo superiore passa per   
le concauita de la milza e diuidise in  
doi altri rami di liquali uno  ua a     
nutrire la parte superiore sinistra del 
stomaco1 ,laltro ua circa  la bocha     
superiore del stomaco a portarli lhumore

 melenconicho per  incitare lo apetito3 
,laltro ramo che rimane ua a la milza   
anutricarla4    ,la terza uena di queste
 sei sene ua al lato stancho e uaseno   
alo  intestino recto a sucare se qualche
 humidita uiuatiua fusse rimasta ne  le 
feze4    ,la quarta uena se ne ua a la  
superiore parte dritta del stomaco per  
nutrirla3 ,la quinta una ha doe parte   
una ua a nutrire la dritta parte  del   
girbo1 laltra parte se ne ua alo        
intestino colon a sucare quello  che e  
rimasto ne le feze de humidita et anche 
a nutrirlo3 et impero el  girbo molto se
 congionge cum lo intestino colon ne la 
parte dritta3 ,la  sexta uena sene ua   
alo intestine ieiuno et a lialtri       
intestini suttili  a sucarli e nutrirli4
    ,la figura del figato debba folio   
#cc recto essere lunare in modo de  una 
luna quando e piu che meza4 ,questo     
membro ha quatro uirtu una  atratiua per
 la quale atrahe el chilo a se3 ,la     
seconda retentiua per  laquale lo       
ritiene debito tempo acio che la terza  

uirtu che e digestiua  lo conuerta in   
sangue3 ,la quarta uirtu e expulsiua per
 laquale manda el  sangue a tuti i      
membri a nutricarli3 et cum esso sangue 
manda anche el  spirito nutritiuo el    
quale se genera in esso figato4         
,capitulum quartum4 ,tractatus tertii de
 anothomia chistis fellis4    ,el fele  
si ha uno uase como una cista doue se   
contiene lhumore  collerico et e apicata
 a la meza penula del figato acio che   
depuri  el sangue da lhumore collerico3 
e fu situate nel concauo e non nel  gibo
 acio che piu facilmente potesse mandare
 la colera aglintestini a  incitare la  
uirtu expulsiua che mandi fuora le feze4
    ,et ha doe parte cio e el collo che 
porta la collera e la uesica chela      
contiene3 ,el collo a certa distantia   
rimane uno3 ,e dapoi se diuide  in doi  
rami uno ua amezo del figato ad         
attrahere la collera da esso4  ,laltro  
ramo descende alo intestino duodeno et  
questo se diuide anche in  doi altri    
rami uno ua al fondo del stomaco a      

confortare la digestione  e questo ramo 
e picolo per che non bisognaua folio #cc
 verso andare  tropo collera al stomaco 
per non incitare tropo la uirtu         
expulsiua  del stomaco ad expellere1 ma 
solo a confortare como e stato dicto3   
,et  impero quilli che hano questo rame 
molto grande sono chiamati da medici    
infelici impero che sempre  al continuo 
regurgita su al stomaco la  collera3    
,e per questo appare che questo membro  
ha colligantia cum el stomaco1          
intestini e figato e chel se nutrisse   
per certe uene et artharie che  uadeno  
ad esso cio e a la sua concauita3 et    
anche peruengono a lui  alcuni nerui a  
darli el sentimento3 ,onde ha anche     
colligantia cum el  core e cum el       
cerebro4    ,questo membro si e di      
figura oblonga cum una certa rotondita e
 la sua  substantia e pelliculare cio e 
in modo de una pellicula facta per le   
utilita sopradicte4      ,capitulum     
quintum de anothomia splenis et de eius 
uiuamentis4    ,dal lato stanco sotto le

 coste mendose li e la milza laquale cum
 el suo  concauo al lato del stomaco    
stanco se glie apozia3 ,e quanto ala    
parte  sua gibosa e alligata ala ,schina
 et al panniculo dicto siphae mediante  
alcuni panniculi sutili4    ,et non fu  
posta cusi insu o uero in luocho alto   
como el figato ma piu  ingioso3 ,et e di
 figura quadrangulare per che ha        
areimpire la concauita  sinistra        
circumstante del stomaco che e di tale  
figura3 ma e piu grossa  ne la parte    
disopra et e piu sutile ne la parte     
inferiore a modo de una  lingua4    ,e  
questo folio #cd recto membro e composto
 de una certe carne  spongiosa acio che 
meglio receua lhumore grosso melenconico
 alquale  finalmente e ordinata1 ,et    
anche e composta di uene et artharie    
molte1   de uno paniculo che linuolge4  
,onde appare che la milza ha colligantia
  cum el figato1 lintriglio1 girbo1  cum
 el stomaco1 cum le coste e  cum el     
diafragma1 et ha anche colligantia cum  
el core mediante certe  artharie che    

uengono ad esse acio chel sangue grosso 
melenconico per el  calore di queste    
artharie se suttigliasse e digerisse3   
,et anche acio  che riscaldasse la      
sinistra parte del stomaco a laquale lui
 se apogia4    ,fu facto questo membro  
per molte utilita3 ,prima acio chel     
mondificasse  el sangue da lhumore      
melenconico el quale atrahe asi3        
,secondo fu facto  a contra operare ala 
calidita del core e del figato3 ,tertio 
acio che  excitasse lo appetito         
transmitendo lhumore melenconico a la   
bocha de  esso stomaco4      ,capitulum 
sextum de anothomia girbi siue1 rethis  
cooperientis stomacum   intestina4      
,appare uno certo panniculo chiamato el 
,girbo o uero la rethe el quale  copre  
el stomaco da la parte dinanzi3 e ne    
lhuomo tuti glintestini3  e non ne      
lialtri animali3 ,e questo fu facto ne  
lhuomo per che tra  glialtri animali de 
equale quantita la uirtu digestiua piu  
debile  ne lhuomo3 et etiam per che     
glintestini suoi per la suttilita de la 

cute sono piu dispositi a folio #cd     
verso receuere li nocumenti  exteriori3 
,et impero appare la utilita di questo  
membro per la quale fu  principalmente  
facto3 et e acio chel confortasse la    
uirtu digestiua nel  stomaco e de       
glintestini reuerberando el caldo       
naturale ad essi3 ,onde  narro ,galieno 
de uno che fu uulnerato e cauato li fu  
el girbo e da poi  che fu guarito non   
potete mai ben padire4    ,et impero    
bisogno che fusse composto di tre       
sustantie cio e prima de  doi panniculi 
subtili acio che continesse glialtri    
membri et etiam per  che douea essere   
ligiero e che se potesse dilatare3 et   
anche fu spesso  acio che reuerberasse  
piu la calidita ali membri predicti3    
,secundo e  composto de una assungia    
seposa la quale hauesse ariscaldare     
essendo la  natura de lasongia molto    
propinqua al caldo3 ,tertio e composto  
di certe  artharie e uene lequale molto 
riscaldano4    ,et per questo appare    
chel girbo ha colligantia cum el stomaco

 cum la  milza e cum glintestini1 ,et   
maxime cum lo intestino colon cum       
liquali  lui si termina cooperendoli3   
,et etia ha colligantia cum li membri da
  liquali ha origine3 onde nasce da uno 
certo panniculo carnoso da la  schina   
tra el diafragma per che a questo       
panniculo seglie terminano  do extremita
 del panniculo chiamato siphac del quale
 poi noi diremo3  ,lequale extremita    
compogono el girbo3 ,et etiam per che   
iue glie una  uena grande et etiam      
artharia folio #ce recto de lequale     
apresso el  stomaco nascono certe uene  
et artharie picole lequale componeno el 
girbo3 ,ha etiam colligantia cum        
lintriglio dal quale nasce la sua       
songia seposa laquale reimpie le sue    
uacuita4    ,per insino adoncha qui     
habiamo ueduto la anothomia del girbo1  
del  stomaco1 de glintestini1 de        
lintriglio1 del figato1 del fele1 e de  
la  milza andiamo mo a glialtri membri  
di questa terza casa4      ,capitulum   
septimum de anothomia membrorum urine   

scilicet renum   uesice et aliorum      
membrorum deseruentium eis4    ,vediamo 
la anothomia dele rene4 ,onde tu uederai
 che da la uena chilis  che nasce dal   
gibo del figato se fa uno ramo grande   
che descende gioso  a le parte          
inferiore1 e quando questo ramo e       
indritto de lerene se  diuide in doi    
altri rami di liquali uno ua al rognone 
dritto e laltro  al rognone stanco cio e
 a le sue concauita e chiamase uene     
emulgente3  ,e gliorificii di queste doe
 uene non sono indritto uno dilaltro ma 
uno  piu elto et e quello del rognone   
dritto e laltro piu basso cio e quello  
che ua al rognone stanco3 ,et questo fu 
perche el rognone dritto si e  piu de   
sopra per che el rognone dritto e piu   
caldo cha el stanco1 e de  natura del   
caldo e distare disopra benche a le     
uolte acada chel rognone  stanco sia    
disopra al dritto et alhora el rognone  
stanco uira essere  piu caldo che el    
dritto3 ben che questo sia folio #ce    
verso rare uolte4    ,queste uene       

deportano la aquosita del sangue che e  
inutile al  nutrimento del corpo a le   
rene et consequenter ala uesica3 laquale
  esce poi fuora per urina3 ,e per che  
cum questa aquosita e mescolato  anche  
del sangue impero bisogno fare a la     
natura che el se colasse ne  le rene in 
modo chel sangue mescolato cum questa   
aquosita rimanesse1  e laquosita sola   
pasasse ala uesica3 et impero se tu     
scindi el rogne  ne la parte gibosa per 
lo longo per insino ala concauita tu    
uederai  uno panniculo como uno panno   
raro per el quale puo passare la        
aquosita  ma el sangue non impero quilli
 che hano aperto questo panniculo o     
uero colatorio orinano sangue4 ,e questo
 panniculo si genera da la  uena        
emulgente dicta laquale intrando ne la  
concauita del rognone se  rariffica in  
modo de uno colatorio4    ,e bisognorno 
essere dui rognoni e non uno per che era
 molta quantita  daquosita laquale uno  
solo rognone non haueria potuto atrahere
 sel non  fusse stato molto grande e non

 se seria posuto debitamente situare sel
  non hauesse facto qualche eminentia in
 quello luoco che seria stato  molte    
deforme4    ,quisti rognoni sono picoli 
in comparatione de li altri membri      
interiori  e sono de una figura alquanto
 rotonda acio che fusseno capaci di     
magiore quantita1 et etiam che fusse piu
 tuto da li nocumenti  extrinseci3 ,e   
furno etiam alquanto longhi acio che li 
suoi oreficii  cio e el superiore1 doue 
entra folio #cf recto laquosita e       
loreficio  inferiore doue esce haueseno 
megliore distintione3 a loreficio di    
sotto  segli continua uno porro chiamato
 ,uritides cioe che porta la urina  da  
le rene a la uesica3 ,onde sono dui     
porri uritides como sono doi  rognoni3  
,et in quisti rognoni ale uolte se      
genera la preda de molte  harenule per  
la calidita de le rene la quale desicca 
certa humidita  fleumaticha laquale se  
genera nel stomaco per indigestione1 e  
poi sene  ua al figato1 et tandem se ne 
uiene ale rene1 et iue per la calidita  

de esse rene se conuerte in harenule et 
tandem se conuerte in preda3  laquale   
poi si discerne dala preda generata ne  
la uesica per che la  preda de le rene e
 rossa e quella de la uesica e biancha4 
,li homini  adoncha che hano fredo el   
stomaco e calde le rene sono disposti   
ala  generatione de la preda et maxime  
hauendo li meati de lurina stricti4     
,leuate adoncha le rene e ueduti i porri
 uritides tu uederai che  terminano al  
mezo de la uesicha e non forano la      
uesicha ex directo cum  uno bucho grande
 ma cum piu busitti picoli et obliqui   
facti tra una  tunica e laltra de la    
uesica o uero tra el cooptorio e la     
tunica e non  uno indritto de laltro1 e 
questo fu acio che quando la uesica     
fusse  piena de urina ritornasse la     
urina indrieto ale rene1 anzi quanto la 
uesica e piu piena de urina tanto piu se
 chiudeno dicti buchi4    ,la uesica e  
composta de doe tuniche quanto al suo   
fundo ma quanto  al folio #cf verso suo 
collo e composta de carne e musculo4    

,item e  composta de nerui e de uene e  
de artharie ad atrahere laquosita dale  
rene et consequenter ad expellerla fuora
 per la uena4    ,e per questo appare   
che tuti quisti membri dicti cioe uene  
emulgente  rognoni porri uritides e la  
uesica sono facti de la natura a        
mondificare el sangue che de nutrire el 
corpo de la predicta aquosita e         
mandarla fuora per urina4    ,et impero 
li rognoni furno de sustantia e carne   
dura acio non fusse  mordicata et       
corrosa de lacuita de lurina e da alcuni
 humori acuti che  molte uolte se       
mescola cum essa urina4    ,questi      
rognoni hebbeno dui paniculi uno che li 
copre e questo li da el  sentimento1 e  
laltro chel liga e suspende a la schina 
et anche questo  li da el sentire3 e    
ciascuno di questi doi panniculi e      
composto de uno  certo neruo che nasce  
da la nucha de li spondili de la schina 
in luocho  chiamato alchatim che e      
luocho a lo indritto de le rene et etiam
 e  composto de uno certo ligamento che 

nasce da quilli medesimi spondili4    ,e
 per questo appare che hano colligantia 
cum el cerebro e la nucha  et cum la    
schina mediante li nerui di li predicti 
panniculi1 et  hanno colligantia cum el 
core mediante certe artharie che nascono
 da  lartharia adorthi e cum el figato  
mediante le uene emulgente1 e folio  #cg
 recto cum la uesica mediante li porri  
uritide liquali sono certi  canili      
stricti per liquali passa la aquosita   
urinale da le rene a la  uesica como e  
stato dicto4 ,e questa uesica ha una    
grande concauita  laquale e neruosa et  
el suo collo e carnoso e musculoso acio 
che quando  bisogna lhuomo expella la   
urina e quando bisogna lui la ritengha  
et  congiongese el collo de la uesica   
cum la uirga ne li maschii1 nel quale   
collo insieme cum la uirga e uno bucho  
per loquale se urina3 ma ne le  femine  
lextrimita del collo de lauesica se     
termina apresso a dua dita  al oreficio 
de uulua3 et el collo de la uesica ne li
 maschii e piu  longo che ne le done4   

,e per questo appare che sel se incide  
la uesica nel collo se puo  consolidare 
ma se si taglia nel fondo non si puo    
saldare1 per che el  collo e musculoso e
 carnoso1 et el fonde da la uesica e    
neruoso4    ,et el collo de la uesica ne
 li homini ha tre tortuosita1 ne le     
quale  se ritiene lurina acio che       
facilmente non esca fuori senza uolunta 
de lhuomo ma ne le femine non ha sino   
una tortuosita1 et el collo ne  le      
femine e piu largo che ne li maschii3   
,et el fondo de la uesica e  composto de
 doe tuniche como e stato dicto1 e la   
tunica interiore e doe  uolte piu grossa
 che la exteriore per che inmediate     
tocha la urina4    ,a la uesica         
peruengono nerui da la nucha et anche le
 uene da la uena  chilis et etiam certe 
artharie da la artharia adhorthi4 ,et   
nel collo  suo e solo uno folio #cg     
verso musculo che circunda esso collo   
del  quale la utilita e a retinere la   
urina secondo el bisogno e la uolunta   
de lhuomo4 ,e quando lhuomo uole urinare

 se relassa quello musculo3 et  alhora  
li musculi del uentre de liquali diremo 
constringeno la uesica e  mediante la   
uirtu expulsiua mandano fuora lurina4   
,tractatus quartus de anothomia         
membrorum generationis capitulum        
primum1 de anothomia matricis et uasorum
 spermaticorum in mulieribus4    ,veduto
 la anothomia de tri membri principali e
 signori li quali cum  li soi ministri  
sono producti da la natura a conseruare 
lo indiuiduo  poniamo adesso la         
anothomia del quarto membro principale  
el quale e  facto a conseruare la       
spetie4 ,et benche anche noi non habiamo
 fornito  la anothomia del domicilio del
 terzo membro principale per che in uno 
medesimo domicilio quasi sono locati    
dicti membri cum li suoi ministri4      
,diciamo adoncha che i membri de la     
generatione in alcune cose conuenene  ne
 li maschii e ne le femine3 prima quanto
 a la origine per nascono  circa le rene
 in questo modo che li uasi che sono ne 
la parte sinistra  e li uasi che sono ne

 la parte dritta nascono desopra de le  
rene1 cio e  le loro uene da la uena    
chilis e le lore artharie da lartharia  
adorthi4  ,onde appare per questo che li
 uasi spermatici ne li maschii e ne le  
femine sono decusi da el core e da el   
figato e questa e la seconda            
conuenientia4    ,ma etiam sono         
differenti per che ne le femine questi  
uasi se terminano  a la matrice fol4 #ch
 recto nel luocho exteriore doue sono li
 loro te  testiculo anzi propriamente   
parlando non sono ueramente testiculi   
como  ne gli maschii anzi sono como     
testiculi de lepore4 ,onde fuora de la  
matrice se riuolgono e se contexeno e le
 concauita diquella texitura se         
reimpiseno di certe carne minute        
glandose3 ,e sono facti ne le femine    
acio che generino una certa humidita    
saliuale laquale e cagione de la        
delectatione de cohito ne la femina4    
,da poi quisti uasi spermatici penetrano
 la matrice per insino a la  concauita e
 li suoi oreficii di quisti uasi ne la  

concauita de la  matrice se chiamano    
cotilidoni cio e legamenti per che      
mediante quilli  sta ligata la creatura 
ala matrice3 e per questi oreficii uene 
el  sangue mestruo ala femina3 ,et      
alcuni di questi uasi peruengono a la   
bocha de la matrice a portar li la      
humidita saliuale gia dicto3 ,et  da    
queste uene ramificate nascono doe uene 
da ciascun lato cio e una  che penetra  
nel panniculo chiamato mirach et        
ascendeno per insina che  peruengono ale
 mamille a deportare el sangue a quelle3
 ,et nota che  quanto piu ascendeno     
tanto piu se acostano a la cute di      
fuora3 et sono  piu manifeste3 ma nel   
mirach sono piu oculte e questo e       
contrario ne  la porcha o altri animali 
che hano le mamille nel mirach3 ,queste 
uene  nascono da la matrice e se        
manifestano nel mirach doue sono poste  
le  mamille4    ,e dapoi queste uene    
ascende dal folio #ch verso profondo del
 pecto  indrito al pomo granato una     
certe uena laquale uene ale mamille a   

cuocere el sangue che se de conuertire  
in lacto e non appare senon una  uena4  
,el luocho de la matrice e che le       
situata ne la concauita del luocho      
chiamato alchatim1 laquale concauita e  
circundata da certi spondili  dela      
schina per insino a la cauda da la parte
 de drieto1 ma da la  parte dinanzi e   
circundata da la parte che se chiama    
petenechio3 onde  la matrice e locata   
inmediate tra lo intestino recto el     
quale e como  colcitra sua da la parte  
posteriore e fra la uesica da la parte  
dinanzi  et el collo de la uesica e piu 
eminente cha el collo de la matrice     
benche la concauita de la matrice sia   
piu profonda che la concauita de  la    
uesica3 et la matrice e posta nel mezo  
preciso tra el lato dritto e  el stanco4
    ,questa matrice ha colligantia quasi
 cum tuti li membri superi cio cum  el  
core mediante certe artharie e cum el   
figato mediante certe uene1 e  cum el   
cerebro mediante molti nerui1 e cum el  
stomaco mediante nerui e  uene3 et ha   

colligantia cum li membri di mezo cio e 
cum el diafragma  le rene1 et mirach3   
per che mediante quisti e alligata ali  
predicti  ha maxime colligantia cum le  
mamille como e stato dicto3 ,ha etiam   
colligantia cum li membri inferiori cio 
e cum la uesica mediante el suo  collo3 
et e similiter cum lo intestino colon4  
,et e alligata a le folio #ci recto     
anche mediante alcuni ligamenti  grossi 
e forti li quali apresso de la matrice  
sono larghi e grossi  et apresso le     
anche sono suttili como corne che sono  
nel capo de  glianimali et impero sono  
chiamati corni de la matrice4    ,la    
figura sua e quadrangulare cum certa    
rotondita3 et ha el collo  inferiore    
longo et hebbe questa figura acio che   
meglio se potesseno  distinguere le     
cellule o uero camerette che sono ne la 
sua concauita e  sono septe tre ne la   
parte dritta e tre ne la parte stancha e
 una ne la  sumita o uero mezo e queste 
celule sono certe concauita ne la       
matrice  ne lequale el sperma cum el    

sangue mestruo se possano continere et  
coagulare et consequenter alligarsi a li
 oreficii de le uene4    ,la quantita de
 la matrice fu mediocre secondo la      
quantita de la uesica1  ma e magiore in 
una femina che in laltra per che la     
femina che fa  figlioli ha magiore      
matrice che la sterile et similiter la  
femina che  e usa al cohito lha magiore 
che la uergene et similiter la matrice  
de  la giouene e magiore che quella de  
la puta e de la uechia e per altre      
cagione narrate da medici puo essere    
questa diuersita4    ,la sua sustantia e
 neruosa e pelliculosa acio che se possa
 dillatare a  continere la creatura3 et 
e molto spessa e grossa4    ,le parte   
exteriore de la matrice sono queste cio 
e li lati difuori  aliquali sono        
alligati li testiculi e anche sono li   
uasi seminarii e  folio #ci verso le sue
 corne di liquali tuti habiamo dicto3 et
 el suo  collo del quale lextremita se  
chiama uulua3 e questo collo e longo    
quanto e uno palmo como e la uirga de   

lhuomo et e lato e dillatabile3  et     
impero pelliculoso3 ,et ha le rughe o   
uero crespe in modo de sangue  sughe    
acio che la uirga de lhuomo nela        
confricatione del cohito se le  induca  
tintalatione e consequenter dolceza3 ,et
 ne lextremita di questa  uulua sono doe
 pellicole che se lieuano e deprimeno   
sopra el dicto  oreficio acio che       
prohibiscano lo introito de laiere o di 
qualche cosa  extrinsecha nel collo de  
la matrice o uero uesica como la uirga  
de  lhuomo e custodita da la pellicula  
del preputio4    ,e la bocha de la      
matrice e molto neruosa facta in modo de
 una bocha de  uno cagnolo nouamente    
nato o uero meglio a modo de una tench  
uechia3 et  e ualata de uno uele suttile
 ne le uergene e ne le uiolate se rompe 
et  impero se sanguina4    ,facto e     
adoncha questo membro da la natura per  
la conceptione3 et ne  lhomo fu facto   
anche acio che mondificasse tuto el     
corpo de la femina  dal superfluo sangue
 indigesto el quale se genera in essa   

per la sua  frigidita1 e nel maschio non
 e cusi3 ma li altri animali non hano   
questo fluxo mestruale per che tale     
superfluita che se genera in loro  se   
conuerte in pelle in pili in unghie in  
rostri e penne e simili  membri di quali
 lhuomo e priuato4      folio #dj recto 
,capitulum secundum de anothomia uasorum
 spermaticorum  et testiculorum in viris
 seu masculis4    ,dicto di uasi        
spermatici e testiculi de le femine     
diciamo di quilli  di li maschii3 ,onde 
e da sapere che li uasi spermatici sono 
de doe  manerie1 alcuni sono uasi che   
preparano el sperma e quisti descendeno 
da luochi predicti ali testiculi  circa 
la parte superiore de essi se  inuolgeno
 intanto che fano in modo de uno sacho o
 uero de una bursa e  questi non intrano
 la sustantia dili testiculi e questi   
sono uenosi e  neruosi4    ,alcuni altri
 uasi sono dilatorii liquali portano el 
sperma preparato  ne li altri uasi dicti
 a li testiculi e questi se continuano  
cum li  predicti et sono piu neruosi3 e 

quanto uano piu ascendendo da li        
testiculi sono tanto piu neruosi et     
ascendeno per insino a losso del        
petenechio3 et alhora se profondano     
dentro apresso el collo de la  uesica e 
finaliter procedeno al meato de la uirga
 nel luocho che e nel  bucho de losso   
del petenechio e per doe meati che sono 
iue mandano el  sperma fora da li       
testiculi el quale fu preparato prima   
negli altri  uasi e mandano quello      
sperma nel canale de la uirga e poi la  
uirga el  manda fuori4    ,et li        
testiculi ne lhuomo maschio sono di     
fuora e non detro como e ne  le femine  
onde li uasi spermatici del maschio non 
sono terminati dentro  dal mirach o uero
 dentro dal corpo ma escono fuora e se  
copulano a li  folio #dj verso testiculi
 como a doi suspensorii o uero          
contrapeso1  ,et quisti uasi sono       
cooperti  uelati de uno panniculo       
chiamato  didimo el quale nasce del     
paniculo siphach del quale poi noi      
diremo1  e questo didimo se ha uno      

oreficio chiuso ne la fine de dicti uasi
  et in processo se dillata e tanto     
procede dilatandosi che infine di       
quello se dillatta ala quantita de li   
testiculi et iue fa una bursa la  quale 
se chiama borsa di testiculi3 onde      
appare che questo didimo fu  facto a    
continere o custodire li testiculi3 et  
li uasi spermatici che  peruengono ad   
essi4    ,et in questa borsa glie sono  
posti doi testiculi facti de sustantia  
glandosa rotondi facti secondo li medici
 a generare e produre el  sperma per che
 benche el sia preparato ne li uasi     
spermatici tamen  non recceue in essi la
 debita forma specifica ma da li        
testiculi4 ,et  secondo el philosopho   
,aristotile el sperma perfectamente se  
produce ne  li uasi spermatici e che li 
testiculi furno facti como doi          
contrapesi a  retinere i uasi aper ne la
 proiectione del sperma4      ,capitulum
 tertium de anothomia uirgae et de      
musculis ani3  de quinque  uenis        
emoroydalibus4    ,ultimo e la uirga    

continuata cum lo collo de la uesica    
carnoso e e  continuata cum esso cum    
molti ligamenti e corde lequale nascono 
da  losso del petenechio insieme cum    
certi nerui folio #da recto che  nascono
 da la nucha3 et impero questo membro e 
molto sensibile et  extensible2 ,et     
anche e continuata la uirga cum gran    
uene che nascono  dal ramo de la uena   
che descende ale parte inferiore et     
similiter e  continuata cum grande      
artharie lequale nascono da quella      
artharia  laquale se bifurcha ale doe   
anche3 onde a la lingua et ala uirga    
uengono magiore uene et arthariae che a 
nesuno altro membro a tanto  pertanto3  
,et impero queste uene  artharie nel    
luocho chiamato  peritoneon cio e tra   
loreficio del culo et el luocho di      
testiculi sono  inuolute e sono molto   
grande3 et iue e el principio de la     
uirga3 ,et per  questo la uirga e tuta  
cauernosa e le sue cauernosita se       
reimpino de  uentuosita laquale se      
genera in quelle artharie et alhora se  

driza la  uirga3 ,onde se tu scindi per 
lo longo la uirga insino al suo canale  
et  apparerano dui buchi predicti et    
etiam le sue cauernosita4    ,la        
quantita de la uirga o uero longheza sie
 duno palmo como e quello  del collo de 
la matrice4    ,la sustantia de la uirga
 sie neruosa excepto la extremita sua   
che se  chiama preputio4    ,da poi a   
lextremita delo intestino recto chiamato
 anus tu trouerai  certi musculi che    
apreno  asera o quello oreficio et      
similiter ne  lextremita del dicto      
oreficio li sono cinque uene terminato  
ad esso  chiamate uene folio #da verso  
emoroydale per lequale in alcuni homini 
a certi tempi esce di molto sangue4     
,capitulum quartum de anothomia mirach3 
quod est domicilium predictorum  duorum 
membrorum principalium4    ,dapoi che   
noi habiamo ueduto de doi membri        
principali uno che serue al  nutrimento 
di li membri a conseruare el corpo e    
laltro a conseruare la  spetie3 et anche
 de li suoi ministri resta a uedere del 

suo domicilio  el quale e comune a tuti 
quilli el quale se chiama mirach4       
,questo mirach o uero questo domicilio  
si e composto de cinque parte cio  e    
cute pinguedine uno certo panniculo     
carnoso e certi musculi cum le  sue     
corde et el siphac3 de tute queste      
cinque parte se constituisse uno        
cooperculo et una casa ne laquale se    
contengono li membri predicti4    ,e    
questo tale domicilio fu posto di sotto 
da li altri per la ignobilita  di membri
 che se contengono in esso3 ,onde       
contiene alcuni membri  deputati a      
purgare le fee e le superfluita lequale 
essende graue  descendeno a le parte    
inferiore4    ,questo domicilio non     
potette essere ossuoso ma fu carnoso et 
pelliculoso acio che secondo li bisogni 
se potesse dillatare et  intumescere    
como ne la femina pregnante o uero in   
colui che ha  pigliato troppo cibo o    
uero ne lo ydropico o per qualche altra 
cagione  bisognasse infiare el uentre1  
sel fusse ossuoso non se potria fare    

questo4    folio #db recto ,la prima    
parte di questo mirach si e la cute de  
fuora  circa laquale sono da considerare
 piu luochi3 ,uno si e corespondente    
ala bocha del stomaco che una           
cartiligine che copre quello e chiamasi 
pomo granato como e stato dicto4        
,laltro luocho si e la parte che e sopra
 el stomaco sopra de lombelico  circa a 
quatro dita4    ,el terzo luocho si e la
 parte umbelicale cio e doue e          
lombellico cum  el quale sta alligata la
 creatura nela matrice cum le uene de   
essa  matrice3 et impero ne le parte    
interiore de lombelico appare una certa 
uena che se continua cum esso1 et passa 
per el gibo del figato e per  questa    
uena se porta el sangue da le uene de la
 matrice al figato de la  creatura et   
inquesto modo se nutrisse nel uentre de 
la matre3 ,ma questa  uena quando lhuomo
 e nato se priua di sangue per che      
mancha la sua  operatione quale facea   
alhora3 ,et impero continuamente se ua  
diminuendo  quella uena1 onde ne li     

uechii appare molte minore che ne li    
gioueni3  ,et similiter cum questa uena 
descende una certa artharia a lombelico 
de la creatura laquale quando e ne      
lombelico descende gioso e uasene  a    
lartharia adorthi apresso li spondili de
 le rene et di li fianchi e  questa     
artharia simelmente se ua deleguando e  
continue appare minore  como e stato    
dicto de la predicta uena4 ,e questa    
artharia tu uederai  exscarnando apresso
 lombelico et apparerati in forma de uno
 neruo o  de una corda folio #db verso4 
,el quarto luocho se chiama sumen1 di   
sotto da lo imbilico quatro dita et e   
una parte ne laquale se terminano       
alcune uene ala cute per le quale la    
creatura nel uentre de la matre  manda  
fuora le sue aquosita3 e queste uene e  
questa tale parte si e  piu manifesta ne
 li puti che non sono nati che ne li    
perfecti perche  essendo queste uene    
frustrate da la sua operatione se uadeno
 anullande4    ,el quinto luocho si e el
 petenechio doue sono li membri         

genitali4    ,da poi anche tu hai a     
considerare le parte laterale cioe li li
 fianchi  e li ypocondrii uno da la     
parte dritto sotto el quale sta el      
figato e  laltro da la parte mancho doue
 e locata la milza4    ,dapoi la cute   
apparerati incontinenti la pinguedine la
 quale e molto  piu grande nel porcho   
che ne lhuomo4    ,dapoi et tertio te   
apparera uno panniculo el quale e       
composto de carne  e nerui4    ,quarto  
di sotto a questo panniculo li sono     
etiam octo musculi di  liquali doi sono 
longitudinali che protendeno per el     
longo dal clipeo  de la bocha del       
stomaco insino a lossa del petenechio1 e
 quisti musculi  non hano gran corde    
senon ligamentale1 ,quatro altri sono   
transuersali  dui superiori e dui       
inferiori3 ,li superiori nascono da le  
parte di  sopra a presso le coste et    
terminano a certe corde circa le ossa   
del petenechio inquesto modo che la     
corda folio #dc recto dritta  ua        
alingioso al musculo che uiene da la    

parte sinistra1 et la corda  stancha ua 
gioso al musculo che uiene da la parte  
dritta3 ,onde le corde  se incrociano ne
 la parte inferiore4 ,li altri dui      
musculi transuersali  sono inferiori per
 che comentiano da le ossa del          
petenechio et de le  anche e se         
terminano a certe corde in questo       
medesimo modo che la corda  dritta ua al
 musculo sinistro e la sinistra ua al   
musculo dritto1 e le  corde se          
incrociano como e stato dicto4    ,doi  
altri sono latitudinali cusi dicti per  
che li fili di liquali se  componeno    
protendendeno secondo el lato3 ,et uno  
di quisti musculi e dal  lato dritto e  
laltro del lato stancho1 e sono piu     
manifesti et anche  la sua origine      
apresso de la schina uerso la parte     
superiore3 e quisti  musculi            
latitudinali insieme cum li             
longitudinali se intersecano ne li      
anguli dritti4    ,la utilita di quisti 
musculi sie prima acio che deffendeseno 
li membri  interiori da li nocumenti    

extrinseci1 et anche che li riscaldaseno
  reuerberando la loro calidita a le    
parte dentro4 ,la seconda e acio che    
aiutino ad expellere le superfluita dal 
pecto e le superfluita dele  feze et    
etiam ad expellere la creatura fuora1 e 
queste sono utilita  comune a quisti    
octo musculi3 ,ma piu particularmente   
parlando ,li  musculi folio #dc verso   
longitudinali sono facti primo ad       
atrahere1  secondo ad expellere1 onde   
expelleno contrahendo li suoi uili      
liquali  contratti comprimeno           
glintestini uerso el diafragma como se  
fosseno tra  doe mane che li            
comprimeseno e per questo modo expelleno
 fuora le feze3  ,et per che glintestini
 hano bisogno maxime di queste doe      
operatione cio  e de atrahere et        
expellere impero quisti musculi furno   
grandi4    ,ma li musculi latitudinali  
sono solo facti ad expellere3  impero   
sono piu apresso glintestini et fano    
questa expulsione comprimendo la  parte 
da laquale deno expellere3 ,et per che  

la expulsione se fa da  suso ingioso    
impero furno locati piu tosto ne le     
parte superiore che  inferiore4    ,li  
transuersali furno facti a retinere e   
questo fano mediante li  suoi uili      
transuersali1 ,e questo bisogno fare la 
natura acio che  le superfluita gio     
descese non reascendeseno impero fece li
 dui  transuersali superiori et anche   
hebbe intentione che le fee non         
descendeseno molto ueloce mente anzi se 
retignisseno tanto che el  figato le    
potesse bene esuccarle como e stato     
dicto impero fece  altri du imusculi    
transuersali inferiori3 liquali sono    
minori che li  superiori per che magiore
 fu intentione de la natura a fare che  
le feze  non reascendeseno cha che      
uelocemente non descendeseno4    ,la    
quinta parte de questo mirach folio #dd 
recto si e uno panniculo  suttilissimo e
 molto duro chiamato siphac et fu facto 
acio chel  prohibisse che li musculi    
dicti non comprimeseno i membri naturali
  e per questo fu neruoso acio che se   

possa dillatere e constringere  quando  
quilli membri se dillateno e se         
constringeno4 ,e fu sutile acio  che    
quello non li agrauasse4 ,et fu duro    
acio che facilmente el non se  rompesse 
per che quando se rompe accade quella   
passione che si chiama  crepatura4    ,e
 fu facto etiam questo panniculo acio   
che el lighe glintestini a la  schina et
 acio che tuti li panniculi de li altri 
membri interiori  che se contengono in  
esso habiano origine da quello3 ,et     
etiam acio  chel prohibisca che         
glintestini non se rompano quando se    
infiano de  uentosita1 e perquesto      
appare la anothomia de tuto el mirach el
 quale e  domicilio de tuti li altri    
membri gia dicti4      ,tractatus       
quintus de anothomia partium extremarum 
ossium ,capitulum  primum de anothomia  
ossium et neruorum quae sunt a collo    
usque ad  caudam4    ,expediti li quatro
 membri principali cum li loro ministri 
e cum li loro  domicilii4 ,vediamo mo la
 anothomia de le parte extreme cio e    

braza cum  le mano1 et de le cosse cum  
li piedi ma prima uederemo de le ossa   
nerui  e nucha comentiando dal collo per
 infino a la cauda4    ,diciamo adonca  
che el collo fu facto per el pulmone e  
per la sua cana  ne li animali che      
respirano3 et inquesto collo sono septe 
folio  #dd verso ossa chiamati spondili1
 et sono piu suttili de glialtri        
inferiori per che sono sustentati da    
quilli3 ,et benche siano suttili  pur   
sono molto duri e firmamente congionti  
acio che non si dislacaseno1  et anche  
che non receuesseno nocumento da le cose
 extrinsece4 ,et quisti  spondili benche
 siano piu suttili de li altri pur hano 
el bucho magiore  per che la nucha e piu
 grossa nel collo che in alcuna pare di 
li altri  spondili e questo fu per che  
iue ha la sua origine4    ,dapoi quisti 
septe spondili li sono altri spondili   
che se chiamano  spondili de le coste e 
sono dodece secondo el numero de le     
coste de  lequale septe sono uere e     
cinque mendose4    ,da poi sono li      

spondili de le rene liquali sono cinque1
 e sono molto  grossi e grandi per che  
sono fondamento e sustentaculo de li    
altri  spondili4    ,da poi sono alcuni 
altri spondili liquali sono ne          
plichatura che e  da la schina a la     
cauda e sono tri minori di li predicti  
per che se  doueano congiongere cum li  
spondili de la cauda liquali sono       
picoli4    ,ultimo sono li spondili de  
la cauda et quiui sono molte differentie
 de  buchi per liquali passano li nerui1
 e queste tale diuersitade se uedeno    
meglio nel corpo cotto o uero           
perfectamente esiccato4    ,et in       
ciascuno spondile e posta la nucha la   
quale e una medula simile  ala          
substantia del cerebro senon che e piu  
uiscosa e piu salda et ha  folio #de    
recto origine da esso cerebro1 el quale 
essendo diuise in  doe parte cio e ne la
 parte dritta e ne la parte mancha      
impero ne la  superficie di questa nucha
 appare uno filo che la diuide per mezo 
cio e  la parte dritta da la parte      

stancha3 ,e fu facta da la natura acio  
desse  el sentire e el mouere a tuto el 
corpo dal capo ingio onde la nucha e    
ditta uicaria del cerebro4    ,da la    
nucha in ciascaduno spondile nasce uno  
pare de nerui che uanno  a dare el      
sentire e el mouere a certi e uarii     
membri4 ,e per che li  spondili sono    
intuto trenta impero sono trenta para de
 nerui secondo  el numero di li         
spondili3 et poi dala cauda ne nasce un 
altro pare de  nerui onde sono intuto   
trentauno pare de nerui oltra quelli sei
 para  ditti disopra che nascono dal    
cerebro4      ,capitulum secundum de    
anothomia brachiorum et manuum4    ,le  
braze e le mano sono composti de cute   
pinguedine1 carne1 uene1  corde1        
ligamenti1 ossa4    ,tu uederai una uena
 che penetra per sotto la lasina del    
brazo e procede  per la parte domestica 
e uasene ala curuatura del brazo et     
appare ne  la parte inferiore de gubito 
e chiamasi basilica e poi protende piu  
oltra descendendo gioso a la mano ne la 

parte siluestra e uasene tra  doi digiti
 cio e el digito picolo chiamato        
auriculare et el suo proximo  digito    
folio #de verso chiamato annulare1 e    
chiamasi questa uena iue  sylen e       
coresponde ala basilica como suo ramo4  
,vederai simelmente un altra uena che   
uiene per la parte domestica del  brazo 
ne la parte superiore de gubito e       
chiamasi cephalica per che e  uacua del 
capo et nasce da una uena che ascende al
 capo e questa uena  piu oltra procede  
uerso la mano e uassene ne la siluestra 
parte tra  e il dito grosso e lindice e 
chiamasi saluatella e corresponde a la  
cephalica4    ,un altra uena uederai ne 
la curuatiua del brazo in mezo de le    
predicte  como uno ramo continuato cum  
tute doe e chiamase uena media o uero   
uena  comune4    ,da poi le uene tu     
uederai di molti musculi e molte corde  
grande e  grosse4 ,li musculi furno     
facti a dare el moto uoluntario al quale
  deserueno etiam esse corde4    ,dapoi 
tu uederai le ossa et comentiando ala   

spala tu uederai prima uno  osso        
chiamato spatula de simile figura como e
 una spatula de legno el  quale e largo 
disotto acio che non impedischa el pecto
 e le coste1 et  e strecto di sopra acio
 che cum laltro osso che tu uederai     
chiamato  aiutorio meglio se firme3 et  
impero ne la extremita superiore di     
questa  spatula glie una concauita      
superficiale rotonda acio che in esse   
sia  situata la extrimita de lo aiutorio
 rotonda del quale el capo primo  e     
rotondo locato ne la extremita de losso 
de la spatula poi nel mezo  se obliqua  
uerso la domestica parte acio che nel   
plicare et folio #df  recto amplexare de
 le cose sia piu habile3 ,et lo extremo 
di questo  aiutorio ha quasi doe        
eminentie per che se congionge cum dui  
ossi  chiamati focilli1 et in mezo de   
quelle parte eminente ha piu disopra    
una certa concauita ne laquale entra    
lextremita del focille inferiore        
laquale e facta a modo de uno           
instrumento da trare laqua acio che sia 

piu ferma la sua coniunctione et el     
focille inferiore e piu longo che  el   
superiore per che linferiore sustenta el
 superiore3 ,ma tuti dui  conuegono in  
questo che ne li extremi sono piu grossi
 che nel mezo per  che da li extremi    
loro nascono ligamenti e iuncture1 et   
nel mezo glie  sono musculi che         
supliseno a la loro sutilita3 ,et el    
focille superiore  non procede          
dritamente como linferiore acio che sia 
cagione de plicare  la mano et el brazo4
    ,dapoi questi do focilli glie la    
resetta de la mano ne la quale sono     
octo ossi in doe schiere cioe quatro per
 schiera3 ,dapoi sono le ossa  del      
pectine de la mano perche e facta ala   
forma de uno pectine e sono  quatro     
correspondenti a quatro digiti per che  
al dito grosso non  corresponde alcuno  
osso di questo pectine per che non e in 
schiera cum  li altri digiti4    ,dapoi 
sono le ossa de li cinque digiti1 et    
hano tre ossi per digito  che sono      
intuto quindice3 ,da poi sono le corde  

che uano ale iuncture  et ultimo la     
carne laquale e molto piu ne la parte   
domestica1 et da li  lati ma pocha ne la
 parte siluestra per che plicandosi     
folio #df verso  ne la parte domestica  
non recceuesse lesione per la dureza de 
li ossi e  che non accadesse uacuita    
alcuna dai lati e da poi li sono le     
onghie a  coprire la cornosita che e ne 
lextremita de dicti digiti4             
,capitulum tertium de anothomia cossarum
 tibiarum et pedum4    ,vediamo mo      
ultimamente de la anothomia de le cosse1
 gambe e piedi4  ,diciamo adoncha che   
scorticando le cosse tu trouerai doe    
uene grande  che sono ramificate dal    
troncho de la uena chilis che descende  
gioso el  quale quando e nel fine de li 
spondili dele rene se diuide in doi rami
  uno ua ala gamba dritta e laltro ala  
stancha et similiter se ramifica  el    
troncho de lartharia adorthi che        
descende3 e ciascuno di quisti doi  rami
 in ciascuna gamba se diuide in doi     
altri rami uno descende per el  dritto e

 per la domestica parte de la gamba et  
chiamas ,saphena per che  flobotomata e 
uacua dai membri naturali e genitali et 
appare questa  uena sopra del genochio e
 sopra la cauichia del piede1 e desotto 
nel  calchagno et appare anche nel      
pectine del pede4    ,un altro ramo se  
obliqua et intra apresso la iunctura de 
la scia#bai o  del galbue#bai impero e  
chiamata siatica3 ondo per la           
obliquatione che  fa circa queste       
iuncture flobotomata uale ne le sue     
passione3 ,et appare  questa uena intuti
 i predicti folio #dg recto luochi como 
e dicto de  la saphena4    ,ne la parte 
siluestra ua escarnando e lieua su li   
musculi e le corde  e uederai prima     
losso del petenechio sopra del quale    
sono fabricati  li spondili de la schina
 et consequenter tuto el corpo ne la    
parte  inferiore ha una concauita ne    
laquale e locata la extremita rotonda   
laquale extremita se chiama uertebro e  
nel mezo di quisti doi da la  parte     
dentro lie uno certo ligamento e questa 

iunctura di questi doi  ossi se chiama  
scia3 et impero el dolore che uiene iui 
se chiama dolore  sciatico4    ,dapoi tu
 uederai losso grande de la cossa el    
quale e magiore de tute  le ossa che    
sono nel corpo per che sustentaculo de  
tuto el corpo3 ,et  hebbe una grande    
concauita acio che fusse piu ligiero e  
che hauesse  molta merolla4 ,et per che 
potesse meglio sustentare non lo fece   
dritto  la natura ma ne la extremita    
fecelo pighato uerso la domestica parte3
 e  nel mezo sie plicato e conuexo4     
,dapoi questo osso nela iunctura del    
genochio sono dui ossi dicti  focilli de
 la gamba ma uerso la parte dinanzi di  
quella iunctura glie  uno osso chiamato 
patella facto in modo de una patella    
acio che la  iunctura fusse piu forte3 e
 questa iunctura e facta de ligamenti   
como  fusse ligata per uno groppo4 ,et  
el focille che e ne la parte domestica  
e magiore e piu grosso per che ha piu a 
sustentar el peso folio #dg  verso del  
corpo e quello de la parte siluestra e  

piu sutile e curto  facto solo chel sia 
apogio del magiore4    ,da poi lie losso
 de la caichia cum el quale se          
congiongeno li dicti  focilli1 et e     
losso del calcagno grosso quadrangulato 
sotto del quale e  una cute grossa e    
callosa molto4    ,da poi e uno osso    
facto in modo de una u nauicula         
quadrangulare  alquanto longo4    ,dapoi
 e la rasetta del pede composto de tri  
ossi e non de octo como fu  la resetta  
de la mano perche el pede douea stare   
firmo e non mouersi a  retinire qualche 
cosa como la mano4    ,da poi li e el   
pectine composto da cinque ossi per che 
el dito grosso e  inschiera cum li      
altri4    ,da poi sono le ossa dili     
digiti che sono quatuordice cioe dui al 
dito  grosso e tri per ciascaduno de li 
altri4 ,da poi sono certi musculi e     
molte corde a mouere contrahendo e      
dillatando i digiti et ultimo li  sono  
le onghie che copreno la carnosita de li
 cime de li digiti como  e stato dicto  
di digiti de le mane4 ,e cussi a laude  

de dio habiamo  compiuto quello che era 
nostra intentione e quello che dal      
principio  noi prometessimo di narrare4 
,,the ,,blessing ,,of ,,cramp-,,rings   
,a ,,chapter ,,in ,,the ,,history ,,of  
,,the ,,treatment ,,of ,,epilepsy       
by ,raymond ,crawfurd      ,the origin  
of this ceremony of blessing rings1 by  
the kings and queens  of ,england1 for  
the cure of epilepsy and other spasmodic
 disorders1  appears to be well attested
 by the evidence of many contemporary   
records4 ,all alike refer it back to    
,edward the ,confessor1 or1 to be  more 
exact1 to the ring which was one of the 
sacred relics in the  shrine of the     
,confessor in his abbey of ,westminster4
 ,caxton1 in the  ,golden ,legend1#bbj  
tells the tale of this wonderful ring1  
as follows3        #8,when the blessed  
,king ,edward had lived many years1 and 
was fallen      into great age1 it      
happened he came riding by a church in  
,essex      called ,havering1 which was 
at that time in hallowing1 and should   

be dedicated in the honour of our ,lord 
and ,s4 ,john the ,evangelist2          
wherefore the king for great devotion   
lighted down and tarried1      while the
 church was in hallowing4 ,and in the   
time of procession1      a fair old man 
came to the king and demanded of him    
alms in the      worship of ,god and ,s4
 ,john the ,evangelist4 ,then the king  
found      nothing ready to give1 ne his
 almoner was not present1 but he took   
off the ring from his finger and gave it
 to the poor man1 whom the      poor man
 thanked and departed4 ,and within      
certain years after1 two      pilgrims  
of ,england went into the holy land to  
visit holy places      there1 and as    
they had lost their way and were gone   
from their      fellowship1 and the     
night approached1 and they sorrowed     
greatly as      they that wist not      
whither to go1 and dreaded sore to be   
perished      among wild beasts2 at the 
last they saw a fair company of men     
arrayed in white clothing1 with two     

lights borne afore them1 and      behind
 them there came a fair ancient man with
 white hair for age4      ,then these   
pilgrims thought to follow the light and
 drew nigh4      ,then the old man asked
 them what they were1 and of what       
region1      and they answered that they
 were pilgrims of ,england1 and had     
lost their fellowship and way also4     
,then this old man comforted      them  
goodly1 and brought them into a fair    
city where was a fair      cenacle      
honestly arrayed with all manner of     
dainties1 and when      they had well   
refreshed them and rested there all     
night1 on the      morn this fair old   
man went with them1 and brought them in 
the      right way again4 ,and he was   
glad to hear them talk of the welfare   
and holiness of their king ,s4 ,edward4 
,and when he should depart      from    
them1 then he told them what he was and 
said3 ,i am ,john the      ,evangelist1 
and say ye unto ,edward your king that  
,i greet him right      well1 by the    

token that he gave to me this ring with 
his own hands      at the hallowing of  
my church1 which ring ye shall deliver  
to him      again4 ,and say ye to him   
that he dispose his goods1 for within   
six months he shall be in the joy of    
heaven with me1 where he      shall have
 his reward for his chastity and for his
 good living4444      ,and when he had  
delivered to them the ring he departed  
from them      suddenly4 ,and soon after
 they came home and did their message to
      the king1 and delivered to him the
 ring1 and said that ,s4 ,john the      
,evangelist sent it to him4'    ,shortly
 after this ,edward departed this life1 
and was laid in his  abbey of           
,westminster1 where the usual abundant  
harvest of miraculous  cures was enacted
 at his shrine4 ,in the above story we  
have also the  explanation of one       
synonym of epilepsy1 the #8morbus sancti
 ,iohannis'4    ,the further history of 
the ring may be gleaned from several    
sources1  but notably from a ,,ms4 by   

one ,richard ,sporley1 a monk of the    
abbey1  entitled1 #8,de fundacione      
ecclesie ,westm'1 dated ,a4,d4 #adej1   
and now in  the ,british ,museum4#bba   
,st4 ,edward's ring was deposited with  
his corpse in the tomb in ,a4,d4  #ajff4
 ,he was translated at midnight of      
,october #ac1 #aafc1 when his body  was 
found to be incorrupt4 ,abbot ,lawrence 
took the robes from the body  and made  
them into three copes1 and gave the ring
 as a sacred relic to  the ,abbey3      
#8,dompnus ,laurentius quondam abbas    
huius loci 444 sed et annulo            
eiusdem 7,sancti ,edwardi7 quem ,sancto 
,iohanni quondam tradidit1      quem et 
ipse de paradiso remisit1 elapsis annis 
duobus et dimidio1      postea in nocte 
translationis de digito regis tulit1 et 
pro      miraculo in loco isto custodiri
 iussit4'    ,illustration3 ,from       
,,cambridge ,,university ,,library ,,ms4
 ,ec4 iii4 #ei    ,plate ,,xxxix4       
,,miracles ,,at ,,the ,,tomb ,,of       
,,edward ,,the ,,confessor    ,x,i,i,ith

 ,century    ,the story of the ring is  
also depicted in the miniatures of a    
beautiful  illuminated ,norman-,french  
,,ms4 ,life of ,st4 ,edward the ,king1  
dating  from the thirteenth century1 and
 now in the ,university ,library at     
,cambridge4#bbb ,the single miniature   
reproduced here 7,plate ,,xxxix7  shows 
seven blind men1 restored to sight1     
kneeling at the shrine1  while a priest 
reads the ,te ,deum4 ,at the sides of   
the shrine are  figures on pillars of   
,st4 ,john as the palmer 7left71 and    
,st4 ,edward  with his ring 7right74 ,no
 cure of epilepsy1 so-called cramp1 is  
depicted among the many miraculous cures
 recorded in the ,,ms4 ,the  earliest   
extant records of the use of the ring   
for this purpose date  from the reign of
 ,edward ,,ii4    ,anstis#bbc cites the 
following entry from the last chapter of
 the  ,constitutions of the ,household  
of ,edward ,,ii3 #8,item le ,roi doit   
offrer  de certein le jour de grant     
vendredi a crouce4 v s4 queux il est    

acustumez receivre devers lui a la mene 
le chapelein afair ent anulx  a donner  
pur medicine az divers gentz'3 the      
language1 however1 of  the entry leaves 
little room to doubt that the custom was
 already an  established one4 ,at his   
coronation1 too1 ,edward ,,ii offered a 
pound of  gold wrought into a figure    
representing ,st4 ,edward holding a     
ring1 and  a mark of gold1 or eight     
ounces1 worked into the figure of a     
pilgrim  putting forth his hand to      
receive the ring3 and the presumption is
 that  this gold was to be converted    
into cramp-rings4    ,we have detailed  
accounts of the manner of this ceremony 
of hallowing  cramp-rings dating from   
early ,tudor times1 and there is        
sufficient  evidence in the brief       
notices of earlier date to show that the
  ceremonial observed by the            
,plantagenet kings was essentially      
similar4  ,on ,good ,friday1 when the   
king went to adore the cross1 he used to
  make an offering of money1 which was  

redeemed by a sum of equivalent  value3 
the money so received was converted into
 rings1 which were  subsequently        
hallowed by the king4 ,in ,tudor times  
the hallowing of the  rings took place  
on ,good ,friday1 so that the offering  
of the money must  have been made at    
some previous time1 or this part of the 
ritual may  have actually become        
obsolete4 ,the change of custom was     
effected some  time between #i ,edward  
,,iv 7#adgj-a7 and #ac ,henry ,,viii    
7#aeba-b71 and was  probably therefore  
the work of ,henry ,,vii1 who1 as we    
know1 materially  altered the kindred   
ceremonial of ,touching for the ,evil4  
,a ,,ms4 copy of the ,orders of the     
,king of ,england's ,household1 #ac     
,henry  ,,viii1 preserved in the        
,bibliothque ,nationale at ,paris1#bbd  
contains1  #8,the ,order of the ,kynge1 
on ,good ,friday1 touching the cominge  
to  ,service1 ,hallowinge of the ,crampe
 ,rings1 and ,offeringe and ,creepinge  
to  the ,crosse'4 ,it is quoted in      

extenso in the ,northumberland          
,household  ,book1#bbe and also by      
,mansell in his ,monumenta              
,ritualia4#bbf ,it  runs as follows3    
#8,first the king to come to the closett
 or to the chappell with the      lords 
and noblemen wayting on him1 without any
 sword to bee borne      before him on  
that day1 and there to tarry in his     
travers till      the bishop and deane  
have brought forth the crucifix out of  
the      vestry 7the almoner reading the
 service of the cramp rings7 layd       
upon a cushion before the high altar1   
and then the huishers shall      lay a  
carpet before yt for ye king to creepe  
to the crosse upon3      and yt done1   
there shall be a fourme set upon the    
carpet before      the crucifix1 and a  
cushion layd before it for the king to  
kneele      on2 and the ,master of the  
jewell house shal be ther ready with the
      crampe rings in a basin or basins 
of silver3 the king shall kneele        
upon the sayd cushion before the fourme1

 and then must the clerke      of the   
closett bee ready with the booke        
conteyninge ye service of      the      
hallowing of the said rings1 and the    
almoner must kneel upon      the right  
hand of the king1 holding of the sayd   
booke1 and when      yt is done the king
 shall rise and go to the high altar1   
where      an huisher must be ready with
 a cushion to lay for his grace to      
kneele upon1 and the greatest ,lord or  
,lords being then present      shall    
take the basin or basins with the rings 
and bear them after      the king1 and  
then deliver them to the king to offer2 
and this done      the queen shall come 
down out of her closett or travers into 
the      chappell with ladies and       
gentlewomen wayters on her1 and creepe  
to      the crosse2 and that done she   
shall returne againe into her closett   
or travers1 and then the ladies shall   
come downe and creepe to the            
crosse1 and when they have done1 the    
,lords and noblemen shall in            

likewise4'    ,creeping to the ,cross   
seems to have been practised in noble   
households  as well as in that of the   
king4 ,the following entry is found in  
the  ,northumberland ,household         
,book#bbg 7temp4 ,henry ,,viii73        
#8,item my ,lord useth and accustometh  
yerely when his ,lordship is at         
home to cause to be delyveride for the  
,offerings of my ,lordis ,sone      and 
,heire the ,lord ,percy upon the said   
,good ,friday ,when he crepith      the 
,crosse ijd4 ,ande for every of my      
,yonge ,maisters my ,lords      ,yonger 
,sonnes after jd4 to every of them for  
their ,offerings when      they ,crepe  
the ,cross the said ,good ,friday       
iiijd4'    ,many of the entries in the  
accounts of the ,plantagenet kings show 
that the homage was paid to the ,gneyth 
,cross4 ,this cross was held in  great  
veneration1 and1 according to tradition1
 was made of wood from  the true ,cross 
presented by a pilgrim to ,richard ,cur 
de ,lion3 no  satisfactory explanation  

of its name is forthcoming4 ,it seems to
 have  been transferred from place to   
place4 ,under ,edward ,i we find it in  
the  royal chapel of the ,priory of     
,plympton3 under ,edward ,,ii in the    
royal  chapel within the ,tower3 under  
,edward ,,iii in the private chapel of  
the  royal ,manor of ,clipstone1 and    
later in the same reign in ,st4         
,george's  ,chapel at ,windsor1 where it
 was in the time of ,henry ,,vii4 ,the  
purpose  of the ceremony is set forth in
 a ,proclamation of ,february #bf1 #cj  
,henry  ,,viii1 now in the possession of
 the ,society of ,antiquaries3 #8,on    
,good  ,friday it shall be declared howe
 creepyng of the ,crosse signifyeth an  
humblynge of ourselfe to ,christe before
 the ,crosse1 and the kyssynge of  it a 
memorie of our redemption made upon the 
,crosse4' ,when ,convocation1  in ,a4,d4
 #aecf1 abolished some of the old       
ceremonies1 on the ground that  they    
were superstitious1 this of ,creeping to
 the ,cross was retained as  a laudable 

and edifying custom4    ,the following  
records1 taken from the ,household      
,books and ,account ,rolls  of the      
times1 serve to establish the continuity
 of the ceremonial  subsequent to its   
first mention in the time of ,edward    
,,ii4    ,in the ,eleemosyna ,roll of #i
 ,edward ,,iii#bbh occurs the following 
entry3        #8,in oblacione domini    
,regis ad crucem de ,gneythe die        
parasceues in      capella sua1 infra   
mannerium suum de ,clipstone1 in precium
 duorum      florencium de ,florencia1  
xiiii die ,aprilis1 vis4 viijd41 et in  
denariis quos posuit pro dictis         
florenciis reassumptis pro annulis      
medicinalibus inde faciendis1 eodem die1
 vis43 summa xiis4      viiid4' ,for the
 offering of the lord ,king to the      
,gneythe ,cross      on ,good ,friday in
 his chapel1 in his manor of ,clipstone1
 to the      value of two florins1 on   
the #adth day of ,april1 vis4 viiid41   
and for the pence bestowed in redemption
 of the said florins for      the making

 of medicinal rings1 on the same day1   
vis43 total      xiis4 viiid4    ,again1
 in the ,eleemosyna ,roll of the        
following year1 #aj ,edward ,,iii3#bbi  
#8,in oblacione domini ,regis ad crucem 
de ,gneyth in die parasceues      apud  
,eltham1 xxix die ,marcii1 vs41 et pro  
iisdem denariis      reassumptis pro    
annulis inde faciendis per manus        
,iohannis de      ,crokeford eodem die1 
xs4'    ,in this entry the name of the  
almoner is introduced1 and the form of  
the account is abbreviated by omitting  
repetition of the substituted  vs4      
,and in #aa ,edward ,,iii3#bcj          
#8,in oblacione domini regis ad crucem  
de ,gneyth in capella sua in      pco de
 ,wyndesore die parasceues1 vs41 et pro 
totidem denariis      reassumptis pro   
annulis inde faciendis vs4'    ,here the
 sum total is omitted3 the three        
entries1 though mutually  explanatory1  
show how puzzling becomes a too strict  
economy of words4    ,entries           
substantially the same as these may be  

seen in the ,wardrobe  ,accounts of     
#ab-ad ,edward ,,iii4#bca    ,one more  
entry from the ,account ,books of ,john 
de ,ypres1 #dd ,edward ,,iii1  is       
perhaps worth quoting1 as it seems to   
point definitely to the rings  being    
made in this instance of both gold and  
silver3        #8,in oblacionibus ,regis
 factis adorando crucem in capella sua  
infra      castrum suum de ,wyndesore   
die parasceues in pretio trium nobilium 
auri et quinque solidorum sterling      
xxvs4--,in denariis solutis      pro    
iisdem oblacionibus reassumptis pro     
annulis medicinalibus inde              
faciendis1 eodem die xxv4'    ,the      
offering of both gold and silver money  
would seem to bear out the  suggestion  
as to the material of the rings1 as we  
know that in later  times both metals   
were used4 ,it is1 of course1 arguable  
that the larger  sum of money indicates 
only a greater demand for the rings4    
,richard ,,ii's ,account ,books#bcb show
 that he maintained the practice of  his

 grandfather4 ,the following is from an 
account of the ,controller of  the      
,wardrobe in his reign3        #8in     
denar solut decano capelle ,regis pro   
eisdem oblacionibus      reassumpt pro  
anulis medicina inde faciendis1 xxvs4'  
,the substituted money seems to have    
been actually laid on the altar1  and   
removed thence to be made into rings3   
this will explain payment  being made in
 this case to the ,dean of the ,chapel  
,royal4    ,henry ,,iv could ill afford 
to dispense with any of the prerogatives
 of  royalty1 and we find him offering  
#be shillings in the chapel of the      
palace of ,eltham for the making of     
medicinal rings4#bcc    ,it is no matter
 for surprise that no mention should be 
forthcoming of  cramp-rings in the reign
 of ,henry ,v1 most of which was spent  
beyond  the shores of ,england1 and in  
the propagation rather than in the      
relief of disease4 ,a passage1 however1 
in the literary remains of ,sir  ,john  
,fortescue#bcd taken from a tract       

entitled ,defensio ,iuris ,domus        
,lancastriae1 now to be seen in the     
,cotton ,collection at the ,british     
,museum1 and referable to the year      
,a4,d4 #adfb1 seems to show that the    
practice had not been allowed to lapse  
during his memory1 which ranged  over   
the reigns of ,henry ,,iv1 ,v1 and ,,vi4
 ,the translated passage runs  thus3    
#8,many duties likewise are incumbent on
 the ,kings of ,england in      virtue  
of the kingly office1 which are         
inconsistent with a woman's      nature1
 and ,kings of ,england are endowed with
 certain powers by      special grace   
from heaven1 wherewith ,queens in the   
same country are      not endowed4 ,the 
,kings of ,england at their very        
anointing receive      such an infusion 
of grace from heaven1 that by touch of  
their      anointed hands they cleanse  
and cure those infected with a certain  
disease1 that is commonly called the    
,king's ,evil1 though they be           
pronounced otherwise incurable4         

,epileptics too1 and persons subject    
to the falling sickness1 are cured by   
means of gold and silver      devoutly  
touched and offered by the sacred       
anointed hands of the      kings of     
,england upon ,good ,friday1 during     
divine service 7according      to the   
ancient custom of the ,kings of         
,england72 as has been proved      by   
frequent trial of rings1 made of the    
said gold and silver and      placed on 
the fingers of sick persons in many     
parts of the world4      ,the gift is   
not bestowed on ,queens1 as they are not
 anointed on the      hands4'    ,the   
passage also brings out the fact that   
the use of both gold and  silver rings  
had long been customary4    ,we have    
abundant evidence of the maintenance of 
the ceremony under  ,edward ,,iv in a   
number of separate entries4 ,thus in an 
,eleemosyna ,roll  of #h ,edward ,,iv is
 the following3 #8,pro eleemosyna in die
 parasceves  c4 marc4 et pro annulis de 
auro et argento pro eleemosyna ,regis   

eodem die4' ,and in a ,liber ,niger     
,domus ,regis ,edwardi ,,iv3 #8,item1 to
  the ,kynge's offerings to the crosse  
on ,good ,friday1 out from the          
counting-house for medycinable rings of 
gold and silver1 delyvered to  the      
jewell house xxvs4' ,and again in a     
,privy ,seal ,account of #i ,edward     
,,iv3 #8,item1 paid for the ,king's     
,good ,fryday rings of gold and silver  
xxxiiil4 vis4 viiid4' ,edward ,,iv seems
 to have aimed at fortifying  himself   
upon the throne by a liberal use of the 
,royal ,gift of ,healing1  and ,i have  
elsewhere expressed my belief1 in the   
absence of any written  evidence1 that  
it was in his reign1 and not in that of 
,henry ,,vii1  as commonly believed1    
that the dole of the angel to those     
touched by  the ,king for the ,evil was 
instituted4 ,cramp-rings are mentioned  
in  the ,comptroller's ,accounts of #bj 
,henry ,,vii1 but the ,tudors certainly 
devoted their healing powers chiefly to 
sufferers from the ,evil4    ,there is a

 passage in the ,historia ,anglicana of 
,polydore ,vergil1#bce  the ,italian1   
who came to live in ,england in ,a4,d4  
#aejb1 and wrote his  history during the
 reigns of ,henry ,,vii and ,,viii1     
which shows the nature  of the patients 
for whom these sacred rings were used4  
#8,iste annulus in eodem templo 7scil4  
,westmonasterii71 mult      veneratione 
perdiu est servatus1 quod salutaris     
esset membris      stupentibus          
valeretque adversus comitialem morbum1  
cum tangeretur      ab illis1 qui       
eiusmodi tentarentur morbis4 ,hinc      
natum1 ut reges      postea ,angliae    
consueverint in die ,parasceues1 mult   
coeremoni      sacrare annulos1 quos qui
 induunt1 hisce in morbis omnino nunquam
      sunt4'    ,besides true           
epileptics1 they were used for those who
 had palsied  limbs3 this is interesting
 as suggesting the inclusion of         
,jacksonian  epilepsy1 and perhaps      
hemiplegia1 and the resulting           
contractures  in these conditions may   

have contributed to the confusion with  
contractures from other causes1 such as 
chronic rheumatism4 ,we have  to bridge 
over in some such way the gap between   
their conception of  #8cramp' and ours4 
,in the will of ,john ,baret of ,bury   
,st4 ,edmunds1#bcf dated #adfc1 is a    
bequest to #8my lady ,walgrave' of a    
#8rowund ryng of the ,kynges silver'2   
and also to #8,thomais ,brews1 esquiyer1
 my crampe ryng with blak innamel1  and 
a part silvir and gilt4' ,and in #aece  
,edmund ,lee bequeaths to #8my  nece    
,thwartow my gold ryng wt a turkes1 and 
a crampe ryng of gold wt  all4'         
,there are even earlier bequests than   
this of healing-rings1#bcg  but not     
specifically termed cramp-rings3 they   
are simply spoken of  as #8vertuosi'4   
,thus ,thomas de ,hoton1 rector of      
,kyrkebymisperton1  in #acea1 bequeathed
 to his chaplain #8j4 zonam de serico1  
j4 bonam  bursam1 j4 firmaculum1 et j4  
anulum vertuosum4 ,item1 domino ,thome  
de  ,bouthum j4 par de bedes de corall1 

j4 anulum vertuosum4' ,talismanic       
rings1 inscribed with the names of the  
three ,magi1 ,caspar1 ,melchior1        
,balthazar1 were used as preservatives  
from epilepsy in ,plantagenet  times4   
,the royal cramp-rings enjoyed no       
monopoly in the cure of epilepsy1  as is
 shown by an extract from a medical     
treatise written in the  fourteenth     
century3#bch        #8,for the ,crampe4 
,tak and ger gedine on ,gude ,friday1 at
 fyfe      parriche kirkes1 fife of the 
first penyes that is offerd at the      
crosse1 of ilk a kirk the first penye3  
than tak them al and ga      before the 
crosse and say ,v4 pater nosters in the 
worschip of fife      wondes1 and bere  
thaim on the ,v4 dais1 and say ilk a day
 als mekyl      on the same wyse3 and   
then gar mak a ryng thar of with owten  
alay      of other metel1 and writ with 
in ,jasper1 ,batasar1 ,altrapa1 and writ
      with outen ,ih' c4 nazarenus2 and 
sithen tak it fra the goldsmyth         
upon a ,fridai1 and say ,v4 pater       

nosters als thu did before and use      
it alway afterward4'    ,the #8fife     
wondes' are1 of course1 the five wounds 
of the crucified  ,jesus4    ,a silver  
ring1 made of five sixpences contributed
 by five different  bachelors1 conveyed 
by a bachelor to the hand of a smith    
that was also  a bachelor1 was another  
reputed remedy for epilepsy2 and its    
virtue was  enhanced1 if none of the    
bachelors knew for what purpose or to   
whom it  was given4#bci    ,in          
,berkshire1 rings made from a piece of  
silver collected at the  ,communion     
found favour1 and they were more        
efficacious if collected  on ,easter    
,sunday4 ,devonshire preferred a ring   
made of three nails or  screws that had 
been used to fasten a coffin1 and that  
had been dug out  of a churchyard4#bdj  
,cramp-rings hallowed by the ,king of   
,england enjoyed repute beyond the      
shores of ,england4#bda ,lord ,berners1 
the translator of ,froissart1 when      
ambassador to ,charles ,v1 writing to   

#8my ,lorde ,cardinall's grace from     
,saragoza1 the xxi daie of ,june1       
#aeaj'1 says3 #8,if your grace remember 
me with some crampe rynges ye shall do a
 thynge muche looked for1 and  ,i trust 
to bestow thaym well1 with ,godd's      
grace1 who evermor preserve  and        
encrease your moste reverent astate4'   
,among various charms that  ,charles ,v 
carried about with him were #8gold rings
 from ,england against  cramp'4#bdb     
,in ,a4,d4 #aeah we find the ,president 
of the ,college of ,physicians lending  
his patronage to the royal cramp-rings4 
,in a letter to the ,parisian  scholar1 
,guillaume ,bud1#bdc ,thomas ,linacre   
writes that he #8has sent  him some     
rings consecrated by the ,king as a     
charm against ,spasms'3 and  on ,july   
#aj1 #aeah1 ,bud replies to him from    
,paris that he has #8received  his      
letter with the rings on ,july #f'1 and 
has distributed among the  wives of his 
relatives and friends the eighteen rings
 of silver and one  of gold he received 

from ,linacre1 telling them that they   
were amulets  against slander and       
calumny4    ,even the hard-headed ,scot 
was not proof against the magnetism of  
the  royal rings4 ,a letter from ,dr4   
,thomas ,magnus1 ,warden of ,sibthorpe  
,college1 ,nottinghamshire1 to ,cardinal
 ,wolsey1#bdd written in ,a4,d4 #aebf   
says3        #8,pleas it your ,grace to 
write that ,m4 ,wiat of his goodnes sent
      unto me for a present certaine    
cramp ringges1 which ,i distributed     
and gave to sondery myne acquaintaunce  
at ,edinburghe1 amonges      other to   
,m4 ,adame ,otterbourne1 who1 with oone 
of thayme1 releved a      mann lying in 
the falling sekenes1 in the sight of    
myche people3      sethenne which tyme  
many requestes have been made unto me   
for cramp      ringges1 at my departing 
there1 and also sethenne my comyng from 
thennes4 ,may it pleas your ,grace      
therefore to show your gracious         
pleasure to the said ,m4 ,wyat1 that    
some ringges may be kept and      sent  

into ,scottelande2 whiche after my poore
 oppyniyoun shulde be a      good dede1 
remembering the power and operacion of  
thaym is knowne      and proved in      
,edinburgh1 and that they be gretly     
required for the      same cause both by
 grete personnages and other4'    ,when 
,bishop ,gardiner was in ,rome in ,a4,d4
 #aebi1 ,anne ,boleyn wrote him  the    
following letter3#bde        ,master    
,stephyns1        ,i thank you for my   
letter1 wherein ,i perceive the willing 
and      faithful mind that you have to 
do me pleasure1 not doubting1 but       
as much as is possible for man's wit to 
imagine1 you will do4 ,i      pray ,god 
to send you well to speed in all your   
matters1 so that      you would put me  
to the study1 how to reward your high   
service3 ,i      do trust in ,god you   
shall not repent it1 and that the end of
 this      journey shall be more        
pleasant to me than your first1 for that
 was      but a rejoicing hope1 which   
causing the like of it1 does put me to  

the more pain1 and they that are        
partakers with me1 as you do know3      
and therefore ,i do trust that this hard
 beginning shall make the      better   
ending4        ,master ,stephyns1 ,i    
send you here cramp-rings for you and   
,master      ,gregory1 and ,mr4 ,peter1 
praying you to distribute them as you   
think      best4 ,and have me kindly    
recommended to them both1 as she that   
you      may assure them1 will be glad  
to do them any pleasure1 which shall    
be in my power4 ,and thus ,i make an    
end1 praying ,god send you good         
health4        ,written at ,grenwiche1  
the #dth day of ,april1                 
,by your assured friend1                
,anne ,boleyn4        ,to ,master       
,stephyns this be delivered4            
,burnet#bdf refers to this letter1 as   
follows3        #8,when he ,gardiner    
went to ,rome1 in the year #aebi1 ,anne 
,boleyn      writ a very kind letter to 
him1 which ,i have put in the           
,collection      7,records ,no4 #bd74   

,by it1 the reader will clearly perceive
 that he      was then in the secret of 
the ,king's designing to marry her as   
soon as the divorce was obtained4 ,there
 is another particular in      that     
letter1 which corrects a conjecture     
which ,i had set down in      the       
beginning of the former book concerning 
the cramp rings that      were blessed  
by ,king ,henry1 which ,i thought might 
have been done by      him after he was 
declared head of the ,church4#bdg ,that 
part was      printed before ,i saw this
 letter3 but this letter shows they were
      used to be blessed before the     
separation from ,rome3 for ,anne ,boleyn
      sent them as great presents       
thither4 ,this use of them had been 7it 
seems7 discontinued in ,king ,edward's  
time3 but now1 under ,queen      ,mary1 
it was designed to be revived1 and the  
office for it was      written out in a 
fair ,,ms4 yet extant1 of which ,i have 
put a copy      in the ,collection 7,no4
 #be74 ,but the silence in the writers  

of that      time makes me think it was 
seldom if ever practised4'    ,queen    
,mary's ,manual1 of which we shall have 
more to say later1 seems to  have been  
the source from which ,burnet           
transcribed the ,office4 ,in his  time  
it was in the library of ,r4 ,smith1    
titular ,bishop of ,chalcedon4          
,numerous allusions in the records of   
the ,de ,lisle family bear testimony  to
 the popularity of cramp-rings in the   
reign of ,henry ,,viii4#bdh  ,edward    
,seymour1 ,earl of ,hertford and        
afterwards ,duke of ,somerset1  writes  
to ,lady ,lisle1 in #aecg3              
#8,hussey told me you were very desirous
 to have some cramp-rings      against  
the time that you should be brought a   
bedd4444 ,i send by      the present    
messenger #ah cramp-rings1 which you    
should have had      long ago4'#bdi     
,john ,husee writes from ,london on     
,april #ag1 #aece1 to his mistress1     
,lady  ,lisle3 #8,i send you by ,mr4    
,degory ,gramefilld #ei cramp rings of  

silver1  that ,christofer ,morys giveth 
you1 and one of gold'2#bej and again1 on
  ,may #b1 #aech3 #8,cramp-rings ,i can 
get none out of the jewel-house4 ,mr4   
,wyllms says the ,king had the most part
 of gold1 but has promised me  twelve   
silver4'#bea    ,in a letter of ,may    
#ac1 #aecf1 ,john ,husee combines       
denunciation of ,anne  ,boleyn with a   
promise of cramp-rings to ,lady ,lisle3 
#8,madam1 ,i think verily that if all   
the books and cronycles were            
totally revolved and to the uttermost   
proscuted and tried1 which      against 
wymen hath been pennyd1 contryvyd1 and  
wryten1 syns ,adam      and ,eve1 these 
same were ,i think verily nothing in    
comparison with      that which hath    
been done and committed by ,anne the    
,queen4444 ,i      think not the        
contrary but she and all they shall     
suffre4 ,john      ,williams hath       
promised me some cramp rings for your   
,ladyship'2#beb    and again1 six days  
after3        #8,your ladyship shall    

receive of this berer #i cramp-rings of 
silver4      ,john ,williams says he    
never had so few of gold as this year4  
,the      king had the most part        
himself3 but next year he will make you 
amends4'#bec    ,this day1 ,may #ai1    
#aecf1 was the day of ,anne ,boleyn's   
execution4    ,margaret ,mylynton1 in   
#aeaf1 bequeaths to #8my dame ,croche my
 best gown  and a kercheve1 and my      
cramp-ring'4#bed ,there is nothing1     
however1 to  show that it had received  
the royal benediction4    ,andrew       
,boorde1 in his ,introduction of        
,knowledge1 says1 #8the kynges  of      
,englande doth halowe every yere crampe 
rynges1 ye which rynges  worne on ones  
fynger doth help them whych hath the    
crampe'2 and again1  in his ,breviarie  
of ,health1 published in #aedg1 but     
written during  the lifetime of ,henry  
,,viii3 #8,the kynges majesty hath a    
great helpe in  this matter1 in         
hallowing crampe rynges1 and so given   
without money  or petition4' ,boorde was

 medical attendant to ,thomas1 eighth   
,duke of  ,norfolk1 ,lord ,president of 
the ,council and uncle of ,anne ,boleyn1
 and by  him was recommended to the     
notice of ,henry ,,viii1 who employed   
him much  in ,state business1 but not1  
so far as is known1 in a medical        
capacity4  ,his testimony therefore is  
peculiarly reliable1 and shows that     
,henry  ,,viii maintained the ceremony  
throughout his reign1 as is borne out   
by the scattered references we have     
adduced from other contemporary         
sources4    ,in #aedg1 after the death  
of ,henry ,,viii1 ,gardiner sent a      
letter to  ,ridley1 which contains the  
following passage3        #8,the late   
king used to bless cramp rings both of  
gold and silver1      which were much   
esteemed everywhere1 and when he was    
abroad they      were often desired from
 him4 ,the gift he hoped the young king 
would not neglect4 ,he believed the     
invocation of the name of ,god          
might give such a virtue to holy water  

as well as to the water of              
baptism1' and further he speaks of the  
rings as endued #8by the      special   
gift of curation ministered to the king 
of this realm'4#bee    ,that ,edward    
,,vi did not relinquish the practice of 
blessing cramp-rings1  as has been      
supposed1 and as ,burnet submits1 is    
conclusively proved  by an entry in the 
,household ,accounts of the year #aeec1 
before his  death4 ,under the heading   
#8,oblations' is #be shillings for the  
redemption  of rings commonly called    
medicine rings1 to be made of gold and  
silver4#bef    ,it was little likely    
that ,mary would allow a ,catholic      
ceremonial to  lapse for want of royal  
patronage4 ,in the ,appendix to         
,illustrations  of the manners and      
expences of antient times in ,england1  
in the #aeth1  #afth1 and #agth         
centuries1 deduced from the accompts of 
churchwardens  and other authentic      
documents1 ,london1 #agig1 #dto1 printed
 in the same  year1 is a list of the    

,new ,year's gifts presented by ,queen  
,mary in  #aeef1 among which we find3   
#8,item1 deliuerid by the queins        
commandement--to the said ,robert       
,raynes1 in broken golde1 to make crampe
 rings1 etc4 ,item1 more      deliuerid 
the same time1 to make cramp ringes1 in 
broke plate of      silu' theise        
parcelles1' c4    ,illustration3 ,plate 
,,xl4 ,,queen ,,mary ,,tudor ,,blessing 
,,cramp-,,rings    ,from ,,queen        
,,mary',s ,,ms4 ,,manual fo4 iv         
,library of the ,roman ,catholic        
,cathedral at ,,westminster    ,but     
there is further the evidence of the    
actual existence of ,queen  ,mary's     
,illuminated ,,ms4 ,manual1 in the      
,library of the ,roman ,catholic        
,cathedral of ,westminster1 giving the  
,office of the ,blessing of             
,cramp-rings in ,latin1 with rubrics in 
,english showing it to be the  form made
 use of by herself4 ,it also contains a 
miniature painting of  ,queen ,mary     
performing the service of consecration4 

,the whole office is  transcribed below4
 ,a full description of the ,manual will
 be found in  the ,proceedings of the   
,society of ,antiquaries1#beg at a      
meeting of  whom it was shown and       
described by ,sir ,henry ,ellis4        
,sparrow ,simpson has  also described it
 in the ,journal of the ,archaeological 
,association1  #ahga4 ,it is a #8small  
quarto volume1 eight and a half inches  
in height  by six and three-eighths in  
width'4 ,cardinal ,wiseman1 to whom it  
formerly belonged1 has written on the   
fly-leaf1 #8,queen ,mary's manual  for  
blessing cramp-rings and touching for   
the ,evil4 ,bound #ahej4' ,the  cover is
 spangled with roses and fleurs-de-lis1 
together with the  ,queen's monogram    
,,mr4 #8,the volume consists of nineteen
 leaves of vellum1  each surrounded with
 a rich border1 and filled either with  
miniatures  or with the two offices     
which it comprises4 ,then follow four   
ruled  leaves and fifteen plain leaves  
without manuscript4444 ,on the recto of 

leaf #a the royal arms of ,philip and   
,mary are emblazoned1 surrounded  by a  
garter and surmounted by a crown4 ,a    
rich border containing the  rose1 the   
fleur-de-lis1 and the pomegranate1      
together with a shield  bearing the     
cross of ,st4 ,george1 completes the    
decorations of the  page4' ,the red and 
white roses represent ,queen ,mary's    
double title  to the throne of ,england 
as the heiress of the houses of         
,lancaster  and ,york1 the fleur-de-lis 
her claim to the throne of ,france1 and 
the pomegranate of ,granada her descent 
from ,ferdinand and ,isabella4  ,the    
,cross of ,st4 ,george is derived from  
the shield of the ,order of  the        
,garter4 #8,on the verso of this leaf is
 an illumination 7,plate ,,xl7          
representing the interior of a chapel   
with an altar furnished with  curtains1 
candlesticks1 and crucifix4 ,at a       
prayer-desk before the altar  kneels the
 ,queen2 before her is an open book1 and
 on either side two  golden basins      

containing cramp-rings4' ,leaves #b to  
#aj contain #8certayn  prayo's to be    
vsed by the quenes heighnes in the      
consecration of the  crampe ryngs'4 ,a  
study of the rubrics1 which are in      
,english1 suffices  #8to show the       
essentials for the consecration of the  
rings3 the prayers1  the royal touch1   
the holy water4444 ,the recto of leaf   
#aa is filled  with an illumination of  
the ,crucifixion with ,st4 ,mary and    
,st4 ,john4 ,in  the border are the     
instruments of the ,passion--the spear1 
the reed and  sponge1 the hammer and    
pincers1 three nails1 two scourges1 and 
7a very  unusual addition7 a centre-bit 
of the same form as that now in use4 ,on
  the verso of this leaf is a very      
interesting full-page illumination4  ,at
 a prayer-desk1 on which is an open     
book1 kneels the ,queen1 turning  to the
 right 7the dexter side of the picture71
 wearing the head-dress  familiar to us 
in all her portraits4 ,before her kneels
 a sufferer1  apparently a young man1   

whose bare and swollen neck the ,queen  
holds  between her two hands4 ,behind   
him1 holding open the collar of the     
patient's coat1 kneels the 8clarke of   
the closett0 in a cassock and  gown1 and
 with a tonsured head4 ,on the left of  
the prayer-desk stands  8the chaplen01 a
 bald-headed1 venerable man in a long   
cassock1 a  somewhat short surplice with
 full sleeves1 and the 8stole abowte his
  neck0 ordered in the rubric1 reading  
the appointed office4 ,the ,queen  wears
 a brown dress cut square at the neck1  
white sleeves1 and a lace  ruff and     
waist-bands4 ,the office for the healing
 follows1 commencing on  folio #ab;a1   
and ending on folio #ai;a4    #8,the    
rubrics are in red ink1 bright and      
fresh2 and each page has a rich  border 
of scrolls1 leaves1 flowers1 and fruit1 
with occasional figures  of children1 c4
 ,i enumerate the most important        
subjects4 ,folio #a;b1  ,david with head
 of ,goliath1 ,st4 ,george and the      
,dragon1 and a child  with a skull2     

folio #b;b1 arms of the city of ,london2
 folio #c;a1  ,,veritas ,,temporis      
,,filia 7the ,queen's favourite motto71 
with a sword and  sceptre2 folios #c;b  
and #d;a1 large terminal figures with   
grapes2  folio #d;a1 arms of ,france and
 ,england quarterly2 folio #d;b1 ,d,,ns 
,,mihi  ,,adivtor2 folios #e;a and b1   
portcullis and rose2 folios #f;a and b1 
,,pacientia and ,,prvd,,tia1 with       
allegorical figures2 folios #g;a and b1 
,,charitas and ,,ivsticia2 folios #h;a  
and b1 ,,fides and ,,spes2 folios #i;a  
and b1 ,,fortitvdo and ,,temperancia4'  
,with the death of ,mary1 the ceremonial
 seems finally to have fallen  into     
disuse4 ,there is1 however1 a passage in
 the ,historia ,anglicana               
,ecclesiastica of ,nicholas             
,harpsfield1#beh which was written      
entirely  in the reign of ,elizabeth1   
which seems to throw some doubt on the  
point4 ,the words are as follows3       
#8,quin et annulus ille1 de quo diximus1
 magna in ,westmonasteriensi            

,londini coenobio postea reverentia     
reservatus1 adversus comitialem         
morbum multis profuit3 indeque etiam    
ortum1 ut ad sacram      parasceuen     
,reges ,angliae certos annulos statis   
quibusdam precibus      et caerimoniis  
consecrare consueverint1 adversus eundem
 morbum      salutares4 ,quae consuetudo
 et ad nostra usque tempora perducta    
est1 multique huiusmodi annulorum       
beneficium1 nostra etiam aetate1        
senserunt4' ,and further the            
above-mentioned ring was reverently     
preserved afterwards in the monastery of
 ,westminster in ,london1 and           
relieved many of epilepsy4 ,that too was
 the origin of the custom      of the   
,kings of ,england on ,good ,friday     
consecrating certain rings      with set
 prayers and ceremonies1 for the cure of
 the same disease4      ,which custom   
has persisted even down to our own      
times1 and many      even in our own    
lifetimes have derived benefit from     
rings of this      kind4    ,nicholas   

,harpsfield1 though he did not write    
till the reign of  ,elizabeth1 was born 
as early as ,a4,d4 #aeai1 so that his   
words are  consistent with              
discontinuance of the ceremony after the
 time of ,queen  ,mary4    ,it remains  
to consider what diseased states were   
embraced by the term  #8cramp'4         
,epilepsy1 convulsions1 and rheumatism  
certainly4 ,all these  terms have in    
common the idea of muscular contraction 
or spasm1 and  their relation in usage  
to one another may be represented       
graphically  as under3                  
,convulsion                             
,cramp  ,rheumatism4                _/  
,epilepsy    ,confusion of these terms  
is far more marked in medical than in   
lay writers2 but at the same time there 
is little doubt that the  conservative  
sentiment inspired by the royal         
ceremonial kept the term  #8cramp' alive
 in a sense that was all but obsolete in
 the common  diction4    ,chaucer       
applies #8crampe' to muscular spasm3    

,but wel he felte about his herte crepe 
444      ,the crampe of death1 to       
streyne him by the herte4#bei           
,linacre1 as we have seen1 speaks of    
cramp-rings1 in #aeah1 as a charm       
against spasms1 while about the same    
year ,polydore ,vergil speaks  of the   
royal cramp-rings as a cure for the     
morbus comitialis4 ,each  of these two  
writers clearly indicates epilepsy4 ,in 
#aebf ,magnus  speaks definitely of     
cramp-rings as relieving a man lying in 
the  falling-sickness1 a term habitually
 applied to epilepsy4 ,nicholas         
,harpsfield too1 writing in the middle  
of the reign of ,elizabeth1  speaks of  
cramp-rings blessed by the kings as     
remedies for the morbus  comitialis4 ,in
 all probability royal cramp-rings were 
used for  epilepsy and epilepsy only1   
but it is quite possible1 and ,i am     
inclined  to think probable1 that other 
cramp-rings had a less exclusive use4   
,bacon's description of cramp in his    
,natural and ,experimental ,history  is 

fairly explicit and obviously does not  
embrace epilepsy3 #8,the cramp  cometh  
of contraction of sinews1 which is      
manifest1 in that it comes  either by   
cold or dryness4'    ,shakespeare       
recognizes both epilepsy and rheumatism 
as entities apart  from cramp4 ,epilepsy
 he seems to associate more with falling
 than with  convulsion3 thus1 of the fit
 that attacked ,caesar when the crown   
was  offered to him1 he writes3         
,casca4 ,he fell down in the            
market-place1 and foamed at mouth1 and  
was speechless4        ,brutus4 #8,tis  
very like3 he hath the                  
falling-sickness4#bfj    #8,cramp' is   
used by ,shakespeare for muscular spasms
 or contractures1 and  he links the term
 on the one side to rheumatism1 and on  
the other to  convulsions1 in the       
following passages3        ,for this1 be
 sure1 to-night thou shalt have cramps1 
,side-stitches that shall pen thy breath
 up4#bfa    ,parolles says3        #8,in
 a retreat he outruns any lackey3 marry1

 in coming on he has the                
cramp4'#bfb    ,prospero says3          
,go1 charge my goblins that they grind  
their joints      ,with dry convulsions2
 shorten up their sinews      ,with aged
 cramps4#bfc    and        #8,leander   
444 went but forth to wash him in the   
,hellespont1 and      being taken with  
the cramp was drowned4'#bfd    ,robert  
,bayford1 in his ,enchiridion ,medicum  
published in #afee1  includes both      
wry-neck and convulsions under the      
heading cramp1 but he  treats epilepsy  
separately on the ground that1 as we    
know to be the  case1 it is not always  
associated with convulsions4 ,he has no 
word  #8rheumatism' at all4    ,pepys   
7#affd7 carried about with him a hare's 
foot as a charm against  colic1 i4e4    
against muscular spasm4 ,among ,indians1
 ,norwegians1 and  ,central ,africans1  
the foot of an elk was a charm against  
epilepsy4  ,pepys also recites a charm  
against cramp3        ,cramp1 be thou   
faintless      ,as our ,lady was sinless

      ,when she bare ,jesus4    ,in this
 charm the word cramp seems to refer to 
the painful muscular  spasms of labour4 
,pepys1 as we know1 suffered from colic1
 but not  from epilepsy1 so in using a  
hare's foot as a charm against colic  he
 was probably employing a charm against 
epilepsy4 ,in like manner  the          
#8rheumatic ring' of to-day seems to be 
the lineal descendant of  the cramp-ring
 of aforetime1 and the confusion of     
nomenclature has  doubtless not affected
 its efficacy4 ,folk-medicine serves    
rather to  confirm than to elucidate the
 confusion1 for in ,suffolk moles' feet 
are  carried as a charm against         
rheumatism1 but in ,sussex against      
cramp4 ,in  ,devonshire a dried frog is 
worn as a cure for fits4    ,boswell1 in
 his description of ,johnson at the time
 of their tour to  the ,hebrides1 uses  
the word #8cramp' in its earlier        
significance4  #8,his head1' he says1   
#8and sometimes also his body1 shook    
with a kind  of motion like the effect  

of a palsy3 he appeared to be frequently
  disturbed by cramps1 or convulsive    
contractions1 of the nature of that     
distemper called ,st4 ,vitus's dance4'  
,it may be asked how it came about that 
rings were used in the first  instance  
as a remedy for epilepsy4 ,it has       
occurred to me that their  use may have 
originated in the time-honoured belief  
that an epileptic  seizure may be       
aborted by ligature of a limb or part   
above the  situation in which the       
warning #8aura' commences4 ,galen1      
,alexander of  ,tralles1 ,rhazes1 and   
,avicenna1 among the earlier writers on 
medicine1  all recommend the measure4   
,,the ,,office ,,of ,,consecrating ,,the
 ,,cramp-,,rings    ,certain prayers to 
be used by the queen's highness1 in the 
consecration of the cramp-rings4        
,deus misereatur nostri et benedicat nos
 ,deus1 illuminet vultum suum  super nos
 et misereatur nostri4    ,ut           
cognoscamus in terra viam tuam1 in      
omnibus gentibus salutare tuum4         

,confiteantur tibi populi ,deus1        
confiteantur tibi populi omnes4         
,laetentur et exultent gentes1 quoniam  
iudicas populos in aequitate1 et  gentes
 in terra dirigis4    ,confiteantur tibi
 populi ,deus1 confiteantur tibi populi 
omnes1 terra  dedit fructum suum4       
,benedicat nos ,deus1 ,deus noster1     
benedicat nos ,deus1 et metuent eum     
omnes fines terrae4    ,gloria ,patri1  
et ,filio1 et ,spiritui ,sancto4        
,sicut erat in principio1 et nunc1 et   
semper1 et in saecula saeculorum1       
,amen4    ,omnipotens sempiterne ,deus1 
qui ad solatium humani generis1 varia ac
  multiplicia miseriarum nostrarum      
levamenta uberrimis gratiae tuae  donis 
ab inexhausto benignitatis tuae fonte   
manantibus incessanter  tribuere        
dignatus es1 et quos ad regalis         
sublimitatis fastigium  extulisti1      
insignioribus gratiis ornatos1          
donorumque tuorum organa  atque canales 
esse voluisti1 ut sicut per te regnant  
aliisque praesunt1  ita te authore      

reliquis prosint1 et tua in populum     
beneficia conferant3  preces nostras    
propitius respice1 et quae tibi vota    
humillime fundimus1  benignus admitte1  
ut quod a te maiores nostri de tua      
misericordia  sperantes obtinuerunt1 id 
nobis etiam pari fiducia postulantibus  
concedere digneris4 ,per ,christum      
,dominum nostrum4 ,amen4    ,the rings  
lying in one bason1 or more1 this prayer
 to be said over  them4    ,deus        
coelestium terrestriumque conditor      
creaturarum1 atque humani  generis      
benignissime reparator1 dator           
spiritualis gratiae1 omniumque          
benedictionum largitor1 immitte         
,spiritum ,sanctum tuum ,paracletum de  
coelis super hos annulos arte fabrili   
confectos1 eosque magna tua  potentia   
ita emundare digneris1 ut omni nequitia 
lividi venenosique  serpentis procul    
expulsa1 metallum a te bono conditore   
creatum1 a  cunctis inimici sordibus    
maneat immune4 ,per ,christum ,dominum  
nostrum4  ,amen4    ,benedictio         

annulorum4    ,deus ,abraham1 ,deus     
,isaac1 ,deus ,iacob1 exaudi misericors 
preces nostras1  parce metuentibus1     
propitiare supplicibus1 et mittere      
digneris sanctum  ,angelum tuum de      
coelis qui sanctificet  et benedicat    
annulos istos1  ut sint remedium        
salutare omnibus nomen tuum humiliter   
implorantibus1  ac semetipsos pro       
conscientia delictorum suorum           
accusantibus1 atque  ante conspectum    
divinae clementiae tuae facinora sua    
deplorantibus1 et  serenissimam pietatem
 tuam humiliter obnixeque flagitantibus2
 prosint  denique per invocationem      
sancti tui nominis omnibus istos        
gestantibus1  ad corporis et animae     
sanitatem4 ,per ,christum ,dominum      
nostrum4 ,amen4    ,benedictio4    ,deus
 qui in morbis curandis maxima semper   
potentiae tuae miracula  declarasti1    
quique annulos in ,iuda patriarcha fidei
 arrabonem1 in  ,aarone sacerdotale     
ornamentum1 in ,dario fidelis custodiae 
symbolum1  et in hoc regno variorum     

morborum remedia esse voluisti1 hos     
annulos  propitius  benedicere et       
sanctificare digneris3 ut omnes qui eos 
gestabunt sint immunes ab omnibus       
,satanae insidiis1 sint armati virtute  
coelestis defensionis1 nec eos infestet 
vel nervorum contractio1 vel  comitialis
 morbi pericula1 sed sentiant te        
opitulante in omni morborum  genere     
levamen4 ,in nomine ,patris  et ,filii  
et ,spiritus ,sancti 4  ,amen4          
,benedic anima mea ,domino3 et omnia    
quae intra me sunt nomini sancto  eius4 
,here follows the rest of that ,psalm4  
,immensam clementiam tuam misericors    
,deus humiliter imploramus1 ut  qua     
animi fiducia et fidei sinceritate1 ac  
certa mentis pietate1 ad  haec          
impetranda accedimus1 pari etiam        
devotione gratiae tuae symbola  fideles 
prosequantur3 facessat omnis            
superstitio1 procul absit  diabolicae   
fraudis suspicio1 et in gloria tui      
nominis omnia cedant3 ut  te largitorem 
bonorum omnium fideles tui intelligant1 

atque a te uno  quicquid vel animis vel 
corporibus vere prosit1 profectum       
sentiant et  profiteantur4 ,per         
,christum ,dominum nostrum4 ,amen4      
,these prayers being said1 the queen's  
highness rubbeth the rings  between her 
hands1 saying3    ,sanctifica ,domine   
annulos istos1 et rore tuae             
benedictionis benignus  asperge1 ac     
manuum nostrarum confricatione1 quas1   
olei sacra infusione  externa1          
sanctificare dignatus es pro ministerii 
nostri modo1 consecra1  ut quod natura  
metalli praestare non possit1 gratiae   
tuae magnitudine  efficiatur4 ,per      
,christum ,dominum nostrum4 ,amen4      
,then must holy water be cast on the    
rings1 saying3    ,in nomine ,patris1 et
 ,filii1 et ,spiritus ,sancti4 ,amen4   
,domine ,fili  ,dei unigenite1 ,dei et  
hominum ,mediator1 ,iesu ,christe1 in   
cuius unius  nomine salus recte         
quaeritur1 quique in te sperantibus     
facilem ad  ,patrem accessum            
conciliasti1 quem quicquid in nomine tuo

 peteretur1 id  omne daturum1 cum       
certissimo veritatis oraculo ab ore tuo 
sancto1 quum  inter homines versabaris  
homo pronunciasti1 precibus nostris     
aures tuae  pietatis accommoda1 ut ad   
thronum gratiae in tua fiducia          
accedentes1  quod in nomine tuo         
humiliter postulavimus1 id a nobis1 te  
mediante1  impetratum fuisse1 collatis  
per te beneficiis1 fideles intelligant4 
,qui vivis et regnas cum ,deo patre in  
unitate ,spiritus ,sancti ,deus1 per    
omnia saecula saeculorum4 ,amen4        
,vota nostra quaesumus ,domine1         
,spiritus ,sanctus qui a te procedit1   
aspirando praeveniat1 et prosequatur1 ut
 quod ad salutem fidelium  confidenter  
petimus1 gratiae tuae dono efficaciter  
consequamur4 ,per  ,christum ,dominum   
nostrum4 ,amen4    ,maiestatem tuam     
clementissime ,deus1 ,pater1 ,filius1 et
 ,spiritus ,sanctus1  suppliciter       
exoramus1 ut quod ad nominis tui        
sanctificationem piis hic  ceremoniis   
peragitur1 ad corporis simul et animae  

tutelam valeat in  terris1 et ad        
uberiorem felicitatis fructum proficiat 
in coelis4    ,qui vivis et regnas      
,deus1 per omnia saecula saeculorum4    
,amen4      ,,the ,,ceremonies ,,of     
,,blessing ,,cramp-,,rings1 ,,on ,,good 
,,friday1 ,,used ,,by ,,the  ,,catholick
 ,,kings ,,of ,,england    ,the psalme  
#8,deus misereatur nostri1 etc4'1 with  
the #8,gloria ,patri'4    ,may ,god take
 pity upon us and blesse us3 may he send
 forth the light of  his face upon us1  
and take pity on us4    ,that we may    
know thy ways on earth3 among all       
nations thy salvation4    ,may people   
acknowledge thee1 ,o ,god3 may all      
people acknowledge thee4    ,let nations
 rejoice and be glad1 because thou      
judgest people with  equity3 and doest  
guide nations on the earth4    ,may     
people acknowledge thee1 ,o ,god1 may   
all people acknowledge thee3  the earth 
has sent forth her fruit4    ,may ,god  
blesse us1 that ,god who is ours3 may   
that ,god blesse us3 and  may all the   

bounds of the earth feare him4    ,glory
 be to the ,father1 and to the ,son3 and
 to the holy ,ghost4    ,as it was in   
the beginning1 and now1 and ever3 and   
for ever and ever4  ,amen4    ,then the 
king reades this prayer3    ,almighty   
eternal ,god1 who by the most copious   
gifts of thy grace  flowing from the    
unexhausted fountain of thy bounty1 hast
 been  graciously pleased for the       
comfort of mankind1 continually to grant
 us  many and various means to relieve  
us in our miseries1 and art willing  to 
make those the instruments and channels 
of thy gifts1 and to grace  those       
persons with more excellent favours1    
whom thou hast raised to the  royal     
dignity2 to the end that as by thee they
 reign and govern others1  so by thee   
they may prove beneficial to them1 and  
bestow thy favours on  the people3      
graciously heare our prayers and        
favourably receive those  vows we powre 
forth with humility1 that thou mayest   
grant to us1 who  beg with the same     

confidence1 the favour which our        
ancestors by their  hopes in thy mercy  
have obtained1 through ,christ our      
,lord4 ,amen4    ,the rings lying in one
 bason1 or more1 this prayer is to be   
said over  them3    ,o ,god1 the maker  
of heavenly and earthly creatures1 and  
the most  gracious restorer of mankind1 
the dispenser of spiritual grace1 and   
the  origin of all blessings3 send downe
 from heaven thy holy ,spirit the       
,comforter upon these rings1            
artificially fram'd by the workman1 and 
by  thy greate power purify them so1    
that all the malice of the fowle and    
venomous serpent be driven out2 and so  
the metal1 which by thee was  created1  
may remaine pure and free from all the  
dregs of the enemy1  through ,christ our
 ,lord4 ,amen4    ,the blessing of the  
rings4    ,o ,god of ,abraham1 ,god of  
,isaac1 ,god of ,jacob1 heare mercifully
 our  prayers4 ,spare those who feare   
thee4 ,be propitious to thy suppliants1 
and graciously be pleased to send downe 

from heaven thy holy angel3  that he may
 sanctify  and blesse  these rings3 to  
the end they may  prove a healthy remedy
 to such as implore thy name with       
humility1 and  accuse themselves of the 
sins which ly upon their conscience3 who
  deplore their crimes in the sight of  
thy divine clemency1 and beseech  with  
earnestnes and humility thy most serene 
pity4 ,may they in fine by  the         
invocation of thy holy name become      
profitable to all such as weare  them1  
for the health of their soule and body1 
through ,christ our ,lord4  ,amen4    ,a
 blessing4    ,o ,god1 who has          
manifested the greatest wonders of thy  
power by the  cure of diseases1 and who 
were pleased that rings should be a     
pledge  of fidelity in the patriark     
,judah1 a priestly ornament in ,aaron1  
the  mark of a faithful guardian in     
,darius1 and in this kingdom a remedy   
for divers diseases3 graciously be      
pleased to blesse  and sanctify   these 
rings1 to the end that all such as weare

 them may be free from  all snares of   
the devil1 may be defended by the power 
of celestial  armour1 and that no       
contraction of the nerves or any danger 
of the  falling-sickness may infest     
them1 but that in all sort of diseases  
by  thy help they may find relief4 ,in  
the name of the ,father1  and of the    
,son1  and of the ,holy ,ghost 4 ,amen4 
,blesse1 ,o my soule1 the ,lord3 and let
 all things which are within me  praise 
his holy name4    ,blesse1 ,o my soule1 
the ,lord3 and do not forget all his    
favours4    ,he forgives all thy        
iniquities3 he heales all thy           
infirmities4    ,he redeemes thy life   
from ruin3 he crownes thee with mercy   
and  commiseration4    ,he fils thy     
desires with what is good3 thy youth    
like that of the eagle  shal be renewed4
    ,the ,lord is he who does mercy3 and
 does justice to those who suffer       
wrong4    ,the merciful and pitying     
,lord3 the long sufferer and most mighty
  merciful4    ,he will not continue his

 anger for ever3 neither wil he threaten
 for  ever4    ,he has not dealt with us
 in proportion to our sins3 nor has he  
rendred  unto us according to our       
offences4    ,because according to the  
distance of heaven from earth3 so has he
  enforced his mercies upon those who   
feare him4    ,as far distant as the    
east is from the west3 so far has he    
divided our  offences from us4    ,after
 the manner that a father takes pity of 
his sons2 so has the ,lord  taken pity  
of those who feare him3 because he knows
 what we are made of4    ,he remembers  
that we are but dust3 man like hey such 
are his days3 like  the flower in the   
field so wil he fade away4    ,because  
his breath wil passe away through him1  
and he wil not be able  to subsist3 and 
it wil find no longer its owne place4   
,but the mercy of the ,lord is from all 
eternity3 and will be for ever  upon    
those who feare him4    ,and his justice
 comes upon the children of their       
children3 to those who  keep his wil4   

,and are mindful of his commandements3  
to performe them4    ,the ,lord in      
heaven has prepared himselfe a throne3  
and his kingdom  shall reign over all4  
,blesse yee the ,lord all yee angels of 
his1 yee who are powerful in  strength3 
who execute his commands1 at the hearing
 of his voice when he  speakes4         
,blesse yee the ,lord all yee vertues of
 his3 yee ministers who execute  his    
wil4    ,blesse yee the ,lord all yee   
works of his throughout all places of   
his  dominion3 my soule praise thou the 
,lord4    ,glory be to the ,father1 and 
to the ,son3 and to the holy ,ghost4    
,as it was in the beginning1 and now1   
and ever3 and for ever and ever4  ,amen4
    ,wee humbly implore1 ,o merciful    
,god1 thy infinit clemency3 that as we  
come to thee with a confident soule1 and
 sincere faith1 and a pious  assurance  
of mind3 with the like devotion thy     
beleevers may follow on  these tokens of
 thy grace4 ,may all superstition be    
banished hence1 far  be all suspicion of

 any diabolical fraud1 and to the glory 
of thy name  let all things succeede3 to
 the end thy beleevers may understand   
thee  to be the dispenser of all good2  
and may be sensible and publish1 that   
whatsoever is profitable to soul or     
body1 is derived from thee3 through     
,christ our ,lord4 ,amen4    ,these     
prayers being said1 the king's highnes  
rubbeth the rings between  his hands1   
saying3    ,sanctify1 ,o ,lord1 these   
rings1 and graciously bedew them with   
the dew  of thy benediction1 and        
consecrate them by the rubbing of our   
hands1  which thou hast been pleased    
according to our ministery to sanctify  
by  an external effusion of holy oyle   
upon them2 to the end that what the     
nature of the mettal is not able to     
performe1 may be wrought by the         
greatnes of thy grace3 through ,christ  
our ,lord4 ,amen4    ,then must holy    
water be cast on the rings1 saying3     
,in the name of the ,father1 and of the 
,son1 and of the holy ,ghost4 ,amen4    

,o ,lord1 the only begotten ,son of     
,god1 mediatour of ,god and men1 ,jesus 
,christ1 in whose name alone salvation  
is sought for1 and to such as  hope in  
thee givest an easy access to thy       
,father2 who when conversing  among men1
 thyself a man1 didst promise by an     
assured oracle flowing  from thy sacred 
mouth1 that thy ,father should grant    
whatever was asked  in thy name2 lend a 
gracious eare of pity to these prayers  
of ours3 to  the end that approaching   
with confidence to the throne of thy    
grace1  the beleevers may find by the   
benefits conferrd upon them1 that by thy
  mediation we have obteined1 what we   
have most humbly beg'd in thy ,name2    
who livest and reignest with ,god the   
,father1 in the unity of the holy       
,ghost1 one ,god1 for ever and ever4    
,amen4    ,wee beseech thee1 ,o ,lord1  
that the ,spirit1 which proceedes from  
thee1  may prevent and follow on our    
desires2 to the end that what we beg    
with  confidence for the good of the    

faithful1 we may efficaciously obteine  
by thy gracious gift3 through ,christ   
our ,lord4 ,amen4    ,o most clement    
,god2 ,father1 ,son1 and holy ,ghost3   
wee supplicate and  beseech ,thee1 that 
what is here performed by pious         
ceremonies to the  sanctifying of thy   
name1 may be prevalent to the defense of
 our soule  and body on earth2 and      
profitable to a more ample felicity in  
heaven4  ,who livest and reignest ,god1 
world without end4 ,amen4               
,,dr4 ,,john ,,weyer ,,and ,,the ,,witch
 ,,mania                                
,by ,e4 ,t4 ,withington      ,the value 
of every new truth or discovery is      
relative1 and depends upon  the state of
 ideas or knowledge prevalent at the    
time4 ,should it go  greatly beyond     
this1 it may lose much in practical     
effect1 like good  seed falling on      
unprepared soil2 but the discoverer is  
no less worthy  of praise though he be  
so far in advance of his fellows that   
they  refuse to accept his teaching1 and

 persecute instead of honouring him4    
,posterity1 however1 often ignores      
former conditions1 especially in an  era
 of rapid progress1 for the quicker the 
advance the sooner will the  early      
stages be forgotten1 however important  
and difficult they may  have been4      
,illustration3 ,,effigies ,,ioannis     
,,wierlanno ,,tatis ,,lx ,,salvtis      
,m4,d4,,lxxvi    ,among those who were  
so far beyond their age that the truths 
they  proclaimed not only were rejected 
by the majority but brought them into   
danger was ,dr4 ,john ,weyer1 the first 
serious opponent of the witch  mania4   
,he stood almost alone4 ,his attack on  
the witch-hunters1 though  it marks the 
turn of the tide1 was followed by more  
than a century of  cruelty1 injustice1  
and superstition2 yet our ideas on the  
subject are  now so entirely altered    
that it is hard to imagine the value and
 danger  of the service he performed1   
and his name was almost forgotten even  
by  members of his own profession1 when 

his biography was published by ,dr4  ,k4
 ,binz in #ahhe4bfe    ,let us try to   
get some idea of the nature of the witch
 mania1 that we  may better appreciate  
the courage and intelligence of this    
ancient  physician4    ,in the second   
half of the fifteenth century a new age 
began in  ,western ,europe4 ,the revival
 of ,greek1 the invention of printing1  
and the discovery of ,america gave fresh
 ideas and new prospects to  mankind4   
,but1 as the sun's rays were believed to
 breed serpents in  fermenting matter1  
so amid this ferment of new life and    
light rose a  hideous monster1 more     
terrible than any fabled dragon of      
romance or  superstition of the darkest 
ages1 which for generations satiated    
itself  on the tears and blood of the   
innocent and helpless4 ,this was the    
witch mania4 ,for two centuries the     
majority of theologians and jurists  in 
,western ,europe were convinced that    
vast numbers of their fellow  creatures1
 especially women1 were in league with  

the devil1 that they  had sexual        
intercourse with him or his imps1 and   
that he bestowed on  them in exchange   
for their souls the power of injuring   
their neighbours  in person or property4
 ,they thought it their duty to search  
out these  witches1 to force from them1 
by the most terrible tortures they could
  devise1 not only confessions of their 
own guilt1 but also denunciations  of   
their associates1 and finally to put    
them to death1 preferably by  burning4  
,in consequence1 many thousands of      
innocent persons of all ages  and ranks1
 but especially poor women1 were        
judicially murdered1 after  being first 
compelled by unspeakable torments to    
commit moral suicide  by declaring      
themselves guilty of unmentionable      
crimes1 and to involve  their dearest   
friends and relations in a similar fate4
 ,there is no  sadder scene in the whole
 tragicomedy of human history4    ,there
 had been nothing like it in the darkest
 of the dark ages1 there  was nothing   

like it among the far more ignorant and 
superstitious  adherents of the ,eastern
 ,church4 ,the witch mania in its       
extreme form  has been manifested only  
by the ,catholics and ,protestants of   
the  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
 and by some tribes of ,african         
savages4    ,in early ,christian times1 
witchcraft was recognized as a relic of 
paganism1 but it was not feared4 ,christ
 had overcome the powers of  darkness1  
and ,his true followers need fear no    
harm from them4 ,a canon  of the        
,church1 at least as early as the ninth 
century1 declared that  women who       
thought they rode through the air with  
,diana or ,herodias were  only deluded  
by the devil1 and that those who        
believed human beings  could create     
anything1 or change themselves or others
 into animal  forms1 were infidels and  
worse than heathens2 and confessors were
  instructed to inquire into and inflict
 penance for the belief that  witches   
could enter closed doors1 make          

hail-storms1 or kill persons  without   
visible means4#bff    ,in the           
enlightened sixteenth century1 any one  
who professed his  disbelief that       
witches could ride through the air1     
change themselves  into cats1 or make   
caterpillars and thunder-storms1 would  
have had an  excellent chance of being  
burnt as a heretic or concealed         
sorcerer4  ,st4 ,boniface 7#fhj-gee7    
classed belief in witches and           
were-wolves among  the works of the     
devil1 and ,st4 ,agobard of ,lyons      
7#ggi-hdj7 declared  the idea that      
witches caused hail and thunder-storms  
to be impious and  absurd4#bfg ,the laws
 of ,charlemagne made it murder to put  
any one to  death on charge of          
witchcraft1 and in the eleventh century 
,king ,coloman  of ,hungary asserted    
briefly1 #8,let no one speak of witches1
 seeing there  are none'4#bfh ,few1     
indeed1 were quite so sceptical as this2
 still  witchcraft was in the ,middle   
,ages looked upon by the educated in a  

half-contemptuous fashion1 and even     
those who openly professed sorcery      
frequently escaped with no worse        
punishment than penance1 banishment1  or
 an ecclesiastical scourging4    ,this  
may be well illustrated by a story told 
in the life of the learned  ,dominican1 
,st4 ,vincent of ,beauvais4 ,an old     
woman once 7#aaij-abfd7 came  to a      
priest in his church and demanded money 
from him1 saying she had  done him a    
great service1 for that1 when she and   
her companions1 who  were witches1 had  
entered his bedroom the previous night1 
she had  prevented them from injuring   
him4 #8,but how'1 asked the priest1     
#8could  you enter my chamber1 seeing   
that the door was locked8' #8,oh1' said 
the witch1 #8that matters naught to us1 
for we go through keyholes as  easily as
 through open doors4' #8,if what you say
 is true1' replied the  holy man1 #8you 
shall not lack a reward1 but ,i must    
first have proof of  it4' ,with these   
words1 he locked the church door1 and   

began vigorously  to beat the old woman 
with the handle of the crucifix he      
carried1  asking her1 when she          
complained1 why she did not escape      
through the  keyhole4#bfi    ,the great 
,pope ,nicholas ,i 7died #hfg7 strongly 
condemned the use of  torture to induce 
confessions1 and ,gregory ,,vii 7died   
#ajhe7 forbade  inquisition to be made  
for witches and sorcerers on occasions  
of plague  or bad weather4#bgj ,later1  
the inquisitorial process1 combined with
  torture to enforce denunciations1     
became the chief agent in spreading  and
 maintaining the witch mania4    ,the   
,eastern ,church remained in this       
mediaeval stage1 and never  developed a 
witch mania4 ,in the ,west the change   
seems to have been  brought about mainly
 by two causes1 the development of      
heresies and the  increasing prominence 
of the devil4    ,there is no doubt that
 the ,albigensian and other heresies of 
the  twelfth and thirteenth centuries   
contained ,manichean elements4 ,it  was 

taught that there were two              
divinities--one perfectly good1 the     
creator of the invisible spiritual      
world1 the other the creator of  the    
material world1 the ,demiurgus1 a being 
capable of evil passions1  wrath1       
jealousy1 c41 who was identified with   
the ,jehovah of the ,old                
,testament4#bga ,it required very little
 to confound this ,demiurgus with       
,satan1 the ,prince of this world2 after
 which it was easy to look upon  ,satan 
as a being not entirely evil1 as        
,lucifer1 son of the morning1 the       
disinherited son or brother of ,god1 a  
natural object of worship for the       
oppressed and discontented4#bgb    ,the 
serfs1 equally tyrannized over by bishop
 and noble1 the relics  of the          
persecuted sects ,waldenses and         
,cathari1#bgc sought refuge1  like ,saul
 of old1 in forbidden arts1 and thus    
sects of ,luciferans1  or               
devil-worshippers1 arose 7especially in 
,germany and ,france7 whose  numbers    

were exaggerated by the fear and horror 
of the orthodox4#bgd    ,at the same    
time the devil acquired more importance 
in other ways4  ,that fearful calamity1 
the ,black ,death1 seemed to display his
 power  over both the just and the      
unjust2 while the ,great ,schism in     
which each  pope excommunicated the     
other1 handing him and his adherents    
over to  ,satan1 put every one not      
absolutely certain of being on the right
 side  in reasonable fear of the powers 
of darkness4    ,the belief in the great
 activity and power of the devil and his
  servants the sorcerers was further    
supported by the vast authority of  ,st4
 ,thomas ,aquinas 7#abbe-gd71 whose     
ingenuity enabled him to explain  away  
those ancient canons which seemed       
opposed to the more extreme  views4     
,thus the synod of ,bracara 7,a4,d4     
#efc7 had declared the doctrine  that   
the devil can produce drought or        
thunder-storms to be heresy2 to  which  
the ,doctor ,angelicus replied that     

though it is doubtless heresy  to       
believe the devil can make natural      
thunder-storms1 it is by no means       
contrary to the ,catholic faith to hold 
that he may1 by the permission  of ,god1
 make artificial ones4#bge    ,for these
 and other reasons1 the devil assumed   
greater prominence  during the          
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries than 
ever before4 ,men  believed that he     
might appear to them from behind every  
hedge or ruin1  that his action was to  
be seen in almost all pains and         
diseases1 but  that he was to be dreaded
 most of all when he entered into a     
league  with some man or woman4 ,thus   
everything was ready for the outbreak   
of witch mania when1 in #adhd1 ,pope    
,innocent ,,viii by his bull ,summis    
desiderantes gave the sanction of the   
,church to the popular beliefs          
concerning witches1 such as sexual      
intercourse with devils1 destruction  of
 crops1 and infliction of sterility and 
disease on man and beast4    ,the charge

 of sorcery had usually been employed in
 earlier times either  to check learned 
men who seemed to be going too far1 or  
tending to  heresy in their researches1 
as in the case of the physicians ,arnold
  of ,villanova 7#abdj-acab7 and ,peter 
of ,abano 7#abej-acbj71 or to crush     
individuals and societies who were      
politically dangerous1 as with  ,joan of
 ,arc1 the ,duchess of ,gloucester1 and 
the ,templars--the ,church  being called
 in to aid the civil power4 ,now it was 
the ,church which  called upon the civil
 power to assist in a crusade against   
witches and  sorcerers as being the     
worst and most dangerous of heretics4   
,in the ,middle ,ages it was held that a
 man who called up the devil1  knowing  
it to be wrong1 was not a heretic but   
merely a sinner4 ,but  if he thought it 
was not wrong1 or that the devil would  
tell him the  truth1 or that the devil  
could do anything without ,god's        
permission1  he was also a heretic1     
since these beliefs are contrary to     

,church  doctrine4 ,in the fifteenth    
century it was taught that all sorcerers
  are heretics1 maleficus being1        
according to the learned authors of  the
 ,malleus ,maleficarum1 a contraction of
 male de fide sentiens or  heretic4#bgf 
,nor was the identification of heresy   
and witchcraft illogical1  whatever we  
may think of the etymology4 ,the ,church
 is the kingdom of  ,god1 heretics form 
the kingdom of the devil1 and just as   
the ,church  possesses saints who see   
visions1 work miracles1 and commune with
  ,christ face to face1 so there are    
specially eminent heretics1 saints of   
the devil's church1 who work miracles   
and have obscene intercourse with  their
 master4 ,all true ,christians are      
potential saints1 all heretics          
potential sorcerers1 for all have       
committed treason against the divine    
,majesty1 though only some may have     
entered into a definite compact  with   
the enemy4 ,the former1 if they repent1 
may hope for perpetual  imprisonment2   

the latter are to be put to death       
whether they repent or  not4    ,this   
view was also of advantage to the       
,church1 for it increased the  horror of
 heresy and facilitated its suppression4
 ,the laity had never  entirely         
reconciled themselves to the sight of   
their apparently  harmless neighbours   
being tortured and burnt for differences
 in  abstract belief1 but almost every  
one was ready to torture and burn a     
sorcerer1 and local outbreaks of        
witch-hunting were frequently started   
by mob violence4 ,in #aeee it was       
declared by the ,peace of ,augsburg     
that no one should suffer in life and   
property for his religion2 but  to take 
a ,lutheran1 call him a sorcerer1       
confiscate his goods1 and  force him by 
torture to confess that he was led into 
his errors by  the devil himself1 seems 
to have been too great a temptation for 
the  prince-bishops who headed the      
#8counter-reformation' in ,south        
,germany  to resist4 ,that this was     

partly the cause of the great           
witch-burnings  in the bishoprics of    
,wrzburg1 ,bamberg1 ,fulda1 and ,trves  
is evidenced  by the large proportion of
 male victims1 and by the frequent and  
significant appearance of the phrase    
#8is also ,lutheran' in the  official   
reports4    ,as soon as the ,reformation
 was established1 ,protestants vied with
  ,catholics as witch-hunters4 ,eager to
 show that they were in no way  inferior
 to their opponents in zeal for the     
,lord and enmity against  ,satan and his
 servants1 they had the advantage of    
being able to follow  the scriptural    
injunction1 #8,thou shalt not suffer a  
witch to live'1  without previously     
explaining away ancient canons and      
decrees of ,church  synods which seemed 
to throw doubt on the very existence of 
the more  typical forms of witchcraft4  
,nor did they hesitate to attack their  
rivals with similar weapons4 ,if        
,protestants were burnt as sorcerers at 
,wrzburg1 we find the first ,danish     

,lutheran bishop1 ,peter ,palladius1    
recommending the zealous members of his 
flock to seek out the so-called  wise   
women of their neighbourhoods on        
pretence of having some disease4  ,if   
then the latter use paternosters1 holy  
water1 or invocations of  saints1 they  
are probably not only ,catholics but    
witches1 and should be  treated         
accordingly4#bgg    ,almost all the     
victims of the witch mania were executed
 on their own  confession1 extorted in  
the vast majority of instances by       
torture  or the fear of torture4 ,in    
,england1 where torture was             
theoretically  illegal1 confessions were
 comparatively rare1 and nearly all died
  protesting their innocence4 ,the few  
exceptions prove the rule2 thus  ,elinor
 ,shaw and ,mary ,philips1 almost the   
last witches legally executed  in       
,england1 #agje1 confessed because they 
were threatened with death  if they     
refused1 and promised release if they   
pleaded guilty1#bgh  while others were  

induced to admit their guilt by being   
kept awake  several nights1 and forced  
to run up and down their cells till     
utterly  exhausted1 methods almost as   
effectual in producing #8a readiness to 
confess' as the rack or the             
thumb-screw4#bgi    ,nearly all the     
confessions were to a similar effect4   
,from ,lisbon to  ,liegnitz1 from       
,calabria to ,caithness1 the central    
point of the story  was the #8sabbat'1  
an assembly of witches and sorcerers in 
some barren  spot where they adored a   
visible devil1 indulged in feasts1      
dances1  and sexual orgies1 reported    
what evil they had done and plotted     
more4    ,a few examples will therefore 
suffice1 and they may be best taken from
  the ,daemanolatria#bhj of ,nicholas   
,remy1 ,inquisitor of ,lorraine1 who    
burned nearly #ijj witches and sorcerers
 in fifteen years1 #aege-ij4    ,he     
proves the reality of the witch dances  
as follows3 ,a boy named ,john  of      
,haimbach confessed that his mother took

 him to a sabbat to play the  flute4 ,he
 was told to climb up into a tree that  
he might be heard the  better1 and was  
so amazed by what he saw that he        
exclaimed3 #8,good ,god6  where did this
 crowd of fools and lunatics come from8'
 ,thereupon he  fell from the tree and  
found himself alone with a dislocated   
shoulder4  ,ottilia ,velvers1 who was   
arrested soon after1 confirmed the whole
  story1 as did also ,eysarty ,augnel1  
who was burnt the following year4  ,so  
too1 ,nicholas ,langbernard1 while going
 home in the early morning of  ,july    
#ba1 #aeij1 saw in full daylight a      
number of men and women dancing  back to
 back1 some of them with cloven hoofs4  
,he cried out #8,jesus' and  crossed    
himself1 upon which all vanished except 
a woman called ,pelter1  whose          
broomstick dropped1 and who was then    
carried off by a whirlwind4  ,the grass 
was afterwards found to be beaten down  
in a circle with marks  of hoof-prints4 
,pelter and two other women were        

arrested and confessed  they were       
present1 as also did ,john ,michael1 who
 said he was playing  the flute in a    
tree1 and fell down when ,nicholas      
crossed himself1 but  was carried off in
 a whirlwind1 his broomstick not being  
at hand4    #8,what further evidence'1  
asks the inquisitor1 #8can any one      
require8'  ,the only possible objection1
 viz4 that they were phantoms or spirits
 of  people whose bodies were asleep in 
their beds1 is worthless1 #8it being    
the pious and ,christian belief that    
soul and body when once parted do  not  
reunite till the day of judgement'4     
,the food at these sabbats usually      
included the flesh of unbaptized        
children1 and was always abominable4 ,a 
certain ,morel said he was  obliged to  
spit it out1 at which the demon was much
 enraged4 #8,dancing  opens a large     
window to wickedness1' and is therefore 
specially  encouraged by the devil1 but 
the dances cause great exhaustion1 just 
as  his feasts cause loathing1 and his  

money changes to dung or potsherds4     
#8,barberina ,rahel1 and nearly all     
others1 declared they had to lie in  bed
 two days after a witch dance1 but even 
the oldest cannot excuse  themselves1   
and the devil beats them if they are    
lazy4' ,the music is  horrible2 every   
one sings or plays what he likes1 a     
favourite method  being to drum on horse
 skulls or trees4 ,sometimes the devil  
gives a  concert of his own1 at which   
all are required to applaud and show    
pleasure2 those who do not are beaten so
 that they are sore for two  days1 as   
,joanna ,gransandeau confessed4    ,all 
are compelled to attend and give an     
account of their evil deeds  under heavy
 penalties4 ,c4 ,g4 said #8he was beaten
 till he nearly died  for failing to    
attend a sabbat1 and for curing a girl  
whom he had been  told to poison4 ,the  
devil also carried him up into the air  
over the  river ,moselle1 and threatened
 to drop him unless he swore to poison  
a certain person4' ,the witch ,belhoria 

was attacked by dropsy because  she     
refused to poison her husband4 ,if they 
failed in their attempts on  others1    
they were compelled to poison their own 
children1 or destroy  their own         
property4    ,antonius ,welch was asked 
to lend his garden for a witch dance4   
,he  refused1 and found it full of      
snails and caterpillars4 ,men of little 
faith have objected that only ,god can  
create1 for #8without ,him nothing  is  
made that was made'2 but why should not 
demons collect vast numbers  of insects 
in a moment8 ,look at the well-known    
rain of frogs1 blood1  c4 ,this is      
doubtless done by devils out of mere    
sport3 how much more  would they do for 
love of harm8 ,the making of            
thunder-storms is harder  to believe1   
but has been admitted by more than #bjj 
condemned witches  and sorcerers4       
,almost all confessed that they could   
creep into locked  rooms and houses in  
the form of small animals1 and resuming 
their  natural shape commit all sorts of

 crimes1 showing1 says ,remy1 what a    
peril they are to mankind4    ,a worthy 
comrade of ,remy was ,peter ,binsfeld1  
suffragan ,bishop of ,trves  and        
foremost opponent of ,john ,weyer4 ,he  
is said to have burnt no fewer  than    
#f1ejj persons and to have so desolated 
his diocese that in many  villages round
 ,trves there was scarcely a woman left4
 ,his ,tractatus  de confessionibus     
maleficorum#bha begins with the         
following case1  which with those       
mentioned above affords a complete view 
of the usual  witch confessions4 ,john  
,kuno ,meisenbein1 a youth about        
eighteen years  old1 was studying       
#8poetry and the humaner letters' at the
 ,high ,school  in ,trves1 when he      
confessed to the authorities that his   
mother1  brother1 sister1 and self were 
all in league with the devil4 ,he said  
that in his ninth year his mother had   
initiated him as a sorcerer1  and had   
carried him up the chimney on a goat to 
a heath near ,trves1  where he took part

 in the usual sabbat and had intercourse
 with a  female demon named ,capribarba4
 ,the mother1 ,anna ,meisenbein1 a woman
 of  good position1 had already escaped 
to ,cologne1 but a son and daughter     
were arrested1 strangled1 and burned4   
#8,they died with much sorrow and       
penitence4' ,the eldest son1 ,john      
,kuno1 thereupon urged the judges to    
use all means to capture his mother1    
#8that by punishment and momentary      
death in this world she might escape    
eternal damnation'4    ,moved by this   
most creditable and merciful petition   
7honestissima et  plenissima            
misericordiae petitione excitatus71 the 
prior wrote to his  friends at ,cologne1
 and the unhappy woman was arrested and 
taken back  to ,trves4 ,at first she    
protested her innocence1 #8but when more
 severe  tortures were employed' she    
made the usual admissions4 ,having lost 
a  baby1 she had1 for a moment1 doubted 
the goodness of ,god4 ,whereupon  a man 
in black raiment appeared at the side of

 the bed1 and promised  if she would    
renounce ,god and serve him he would    
give her peace of  mind4 ,she did so1   
and he became her lover1 and gave her   
money1 which  however vanished4 ,he     
called himself ,fedderhans1 and had     
asses' feet4  ,then follows the usual   
story of the sabbat4 #8,this woman'1    
concludes  the bishop1 #8was burnt alive
 ,october #bj1 #aeij1 and had a good    
end4'  ,they offered to behead ,john    
,kuno as a reward for his filial piety  
and repentance1 but he said he was      
unworthy of such a favour and was       
therefore strangled and burnt4 #8,he had
 a most edifying end1' says  the bishop1
 who proceeds to comment upon sexual    
intercourse between  witches1 sorcerers1
 and demons1 #8which is so certain that 
it is an  impudence to deny it1 as ,st4 
,augustine saith1#bhb being supported by
  the confessions of learned and        
unlearned1 and by all the doctors of the
  ,church1 though a few medical men1    
advocates of the devil's kingdom an     

obvious reference to ,weyer1 whom he    
abuses in the preface1 have dared  to   
deny it'4#bhc    ,it is not our purpose 
to try and discover what amount of truth
 is  contained in the immense farrago of
 absurdities comprised in the witch     
confessions4 ,actual nocturnal meetings 
of peasants1 either to celebrate        
heathen rites or to plot against their  
oppressors1 or merely to enjoy  rude    
dances and music1 as the negro in the   
,southern ,states was supposed  to play 
the banjo nightly after his labours on  
the plantation1 may or  may not have    
assisted in spreading and confirming the
 belief in the  sabbat1 but they were   
not necessary4 ,the whole story of child
 murder1  obscene worship of a demon1   
dances and sexual orgies1 was ready to  
hand  long before4 ,it had been applied 
in classic times to the worshippers  of 
,isis and ,bacchus1 by the pagans to the
 early ,christians1 by the  orthodox to 
the first heretics1 to the ,jews1 to the
 ,templars1 and in  our own day we have 

seen very similar charges brought       
against the  ,freemasons4 ,all these    
sets of people had known                
meeting-places--the  witches had none2  
they must therefore meet on some barren 
moor or  mountain and be carried there  
supernaturally4 ,once started1 the      
belief  spread rapidly4 ,indeed we know 
from contemporary writers that it was a 
common subject of village gossip1 and if
 any wretched victim had any  doubt as  
to what she was expected to confess1 the
 gaoler and judges  were always ready   
with hints or leading questions4    ,one
 learned ,german#bhd has attributed the 
whole witch mania to the  ,datura       
,stramonium1 or thorn-apple1 a plant    
introduced into ,europe  about this     
time4 ,women dosed themselves with this 
drug1 or applied  it in ointments1 and  
forthwith had hallucinations of         
broomstick  rides and witch dances4     
,others look upon belladonna as the     
principal  agent1 and one ardent        
investigator took dangerous doses of it 

in the  hope of experiencing the        
adventures of a mediaeval sorcerer1 but 
without definite effect4 ,a similar     
experiment has recently been made  by   
,kiesewetter1 the historian of          
#8,spiritualism'4 ,he used the witch    
ointments described by ,baptista ,porta 
and others1 but could produce  nothing  
more diabolical than dreams of          
travelling in an express  train4#bhe    
,others1 again1 have supposed that the  
badly baked rye bread  of the period    
must have produced an immense amount of 
nightmare among  the poorer classes4    
,the power of suggestion1 doubtless1 had
 a very real  influence both on the     
victims and their judges1 and with the  
aid of  narcotics may not infrequently  
have produced vivid dreams of dancing   
and other intercourse with demons4      
,no doubt many persons were quite ready 
to become witches or sorcerers1  and    
some really believed they had acquired  
such powers4 ,cases are  recorded in    
which formal agreements1 duly signed in 

blood1 and awaiting  the devil's        
acceptance1 were discovered1 and        
resulted in the arrest and  burning of  
the would-be wizard4 ,others took       
pleasure in the terror the  reputed     
powers inspired1 and may have sometimes 
caused or increased it  by the use of   
actual poisons4    ,but these formed but
 a small minority of the vast army of   
victims2 and  even when some real       
criminal was arrested or some           
half-insane person  voluntarily         
#8confessed'1 she was encouraged or     
compelled to denounce  her supposed     
associates1 and thus often involved     
scores of innocent  acquaintances in her
 own awful fate4    ,the witch-hunters  
are not to be blamed for believing in   
witchcraft1  or even for carrying out   
the scriptural injunction #8,thou shalt 
not  suffer a witch to live'4 ,it is the
 methods they employed1 compared with   
which the procedure of a ,jeffreys or a 
,caiaphas was just and merciful1  which 
cannot be excused by any talk about the 

spirit of the age1 which  brought agony 
and death to many thousands of innocent 
men1 women and  little children1 and    
which excited the fiery and righteous   
indignation  of ,dr4 ,john ,weyer4      
,according to ,pascal1 men never do     
wrong so thoroughly and so cheerfully   
as when they are obeying the promptings 
of a false principle of  conscience4 ,to
 which we may add that men are never    
more cruel and  unjust than when they   
are in a fright4 ,the witch-hunters1    
most of  them at least1 were pious and  
conscientious men4 ,they appeal to ,god1
  the ,church1 and the ,bible at every  
step4 ,nicholas ,remy1 for instance1    
after torturing and burning over #hjj of
 his fellow creatures1 retired  from    
work thinking he had done ,god and man  
good service4 ,but one thing  troubled  
his conscience4 ,he had spared the lives
 of certain young  children1 and merely 
ordered them to be scourged naked three 
times  round the place where their      
parents were burning4 ,he is convinced  

that this was wrong1 and that they will 
all grow up into witches and  sorcerers4
 ,besides1 if ,god sent two she-bears to
 slay the forty and two  children who   
mocked ,elisha1 of how much greater     
punishment are those  worthy who have   
done despite to ,god1 ,his ,mother1 the 
saints1 and the  ,catholic religion8#bhf
 ,he hopes his sinful clemency will not 
become a  precedent--a fear which was   
quite unnecessary1 for scores of        
children  under twelve were burnt for   
witchcraft2 and the one plea which even 
then respited the most atrocious        
murderess did not always avail a  witch1
 since it was believed that her future  
child1 if not the actual  offspring of  
the devil1 would infallibly belong to   
his kingdom4    ,but the witch-hunters  
were urged on by fear as well as by     
piety1 for  not only did they think     
themselves exposed to personal attacks  
from the  devil and his allies1 but they
 believed there was a vast and          
increasing  society of men and women in 

league with the evil one1 and that the  
fate  of the world depended on its      
suppression4    ,all the machinery1     
therefore1 which the ,roman emperors had
 devised for  their protection against  
treason and the ,church for the         
suppression  of heresy was brought into 
action against the witches1 for         
witchcraft  was the acme of treason and 
heresy1 a crimen laesae maiestatis      
divinae4#bhg    ,for a description of   
the methods employed we cannot do better
 than  go to the ,malleus               
,maleficarum1#bhh the guide and handbook
 of the  witch-hunters4    ,all         
proceedings in cases of witchcraft1 say 
the reverend authors1  must be on the   
plan recommended by ,popes ,clement ,v  
and ,boniface ,,viii1  #8summarie1      
simpliciter1 et de plano1 ac sine       
strepitu ac figura  iudicii'1 a harmless
 looking phrase which swept away at a   
stroke all  the safeguards which the    
lawyers of pagan ,rome and the ruder    
justice  of ancient ,gaul and ,germany  

had placed around accused persons4      
,there  are1 says the ,malleus1#bhi two 
forms of criminal procedure3 7#a7  the  
old legal or accusatorial form where the
 prosecutor offers to  prove his charge 
and to accept the consequences of       
failure1 which must  be carefully       
avoided as being dangerous and          
litigious2 and 7#b7 the  inquisitorial1 
where a man denounces another either    
from zeal for  the faith1 or because    
called upon to do so1 but takes no      
further part  nor offers to prove his   
charge1 or where a man is suspected by  
common  report and the judge makes      
inquiry1 and this method must always be 
preferred4 ,the inquisitors1 on entering
 a new district1 should issue  a        
proclamation calling on all persons to  
give information against  suspected     
witches on pain of excommunication and  
temporal penalties4  ,any one may be    
compelled1 by torture if necessary1 to  
give evidence1  and if he refuses must  
be punished as an obstinate heretic4    

,other  sorcerers1 or the man's wife and
 family1 are lawful witnesses against1  
but not for1 the accused4 ,criminals and
 perjured persons1 if they show  zeal   
for the faith1 may be admitted to give  
evidence4 ,priests1 nobles1  graduates  
of universities1 and others legally     
exempt from torture are  not exempt in  
the case of witch trials4#bij           
#8,delation1' the scandal of imperial   
,rome1 was not only encouraged  but     
enforced1 and in some places1 as at     
,milan1 boxes were put in the  churches1
 into which any one might drop an       
anonymous denunciation of  his          
neighbour4    ,names of informers are   
not to be revealed under penalty of     
excommunication2 the advocate1 if there 
is one1 need be told the  charges only4 
,this advocate must not be chosen by the
 accused but  by the inquisitor1 and he 
must refuse the case if it seems to him 
unjust or hopeless4 ,he must not use    
legal quibbles or make delays or        
appeals1 and is to be specially warned  

that if he be found a protector  of     
heretics or a hinderer of the           
inquisition1 he will incur the usual    
penalties for those heinous crimes4 ,if 
he reply that he defends the  person1   
not the error1 this avails not1 for he  
must make no defence  which interferes  
with proceeding summarie1 simpliciter1  
et de  plano4#bia ,after this it is not 
surprising to find that those accused   
of witchcraft were rarely defended by an
 advocate4    ,faith need be kept with  
heretics and sorcerers #8for a time     
only'4#bib  ,therefore an inquisitor may
 promise not to condemn a person if he  
confesses1 and then pass sentence after 
a few days1 or if of very  tender       
conscience by the mouth of another4 ,it 
is also lawful to  introduce persons1   
etiam mulieres honestae1 to the accused 
who  promise to find means for their    
escape if they will teach them some     
form of witchcraft4 ,this1 say the      
authors1 is a most successful method    
for getting convictions4#bic            

,torture1 though it may not be repeated 
on the same charge1 may be  continued as
 long as necessary1 and any fresh       
evidence justifies a  repetition4       
,finally the accused may be burnt       
without confession if the  evidence is  
strong enough1 or he may be kept in     
prison for months  or years1 when the   
squalor carceris may induce him to      
confess his  crimes4#bid    ,such are   
the proceedings recommended against     
persons suspected of or  denounced for  
witchcraft1 and they conclude           
appropriately with the  hideously       
hypocritical formula with which they    
were delivered over to  be burnt3       
#8,relinquimus te potestati curiae      
secularis1 deprecantes tamen  illam ut  
erga te citra sanguinis effusionem et   
mortis periculum suam  sententiam       
moderetur'1#bie which means1 according  
to the ,malleus1  that sorcerers are to 
be burned even though they repent1 while
  repentant heretics may be imprisoned  
for life4    ,what was meant by the     

squalor carceris may be seen from the   
following  description by an            
eye-witness1 ,pretorius3#bif            
#8,some of the dungeons are holes like  
cellars or wells1 fifteen      to thirty
 fathoms 787 deep with openings above1  
through which they      let down the    
prisoners with ropes and draw them up   
when they will4      ,such prisons ,i   
have seen myself4 ,some sit in great    
cold1 so that      their feet are       
frost-bitten or frozen off1 and         
afterwards1 if they      escape1 they   
are crippled for life4 ,some lie in     
continual darkness1      so that they   
never see a ray of sunlight1 and know   
not whether it      be night or day4    
,all of them have their limbs confined  
so that they      can hardly move1 and  
are in continual unrest1 and lie in     
their own      refuse1 far more filthy  
and wretched than cattle4 ,they are     
badly      fed1 cannot sleep in peace1  
have much anxiety1 heavy thoughts1 bad  
dreams4 ,and since they cannot move     

hands or feet1 they are plagued      and
 bitten by lice1 rats1 and other vermin1
 besides being daily      abused and    
threatened by gaolers and executioners4 
,and since all      this sometimes lasts
 months or years1 such persons1 though  
at first      they be courageous1       
rational1 strong1 and patient1 at length
 become      weak1 timid1 hopeless1 and 
if not quite1 at least half idiotic and 
desperate4'    ,yet all this was not    
considered torture1 and if some poor    
wretch1 after  a year of it1 went mad1  
or preferred a quick death to a slow    
one1 her  confession was described as   
being #8entirely voluntary and without  
torture'4    ,as to the torture itself1 
it combined all that the ferocity of    
savages  and the ingenuity of civilized 
man had till then invented4 ,besides the
  ordinary rack1 thumb-screws1 and      
leg-crushers or ,spanish boots1 there   
were spiked wheels over which the       
victims were drawn with weights on      
their feet2 boiling oil was poured on   

their legs1 burning sulphur  dropped on 
their bodies1 and lighted candles held  
beneath their  armpits4 ,at ,bamberg    
they were fed on salt fish and allowed  
no water1  and then bathed in scalding  
water and quicklime4 ,at ,lindheim they 
were  fixed to a revolving table and    
whirled round till they vomited and     
became unconscious1 and on recovery     
remained in so dazed a state that  they 
were ready to confess anything4#big ,at 
,neisse they were fastened  naked in a  
chair #8with #aej finger-long spikes in 
it' and kept there  for hours4 ,and so  
effective were these tortures that nine 
out of ten  innocent persons preferred  
to die as confessed sorcerers rather    
than  undergo a repetition of them4     
,the ,jesuit ,father ,spee1 a worthy    
successor of ,john ,weyer1 accompanied  
nearly two hundred victims to the stake 
at ,wrzburg in less than two  years4 ,at
 the end of this time his hair had      
turned grey and he seemed  twenty years 
older1 and on being questioned as to the

 cause1 declared  that he was convinced 
that all these persons were innocent4   
,they had1  he said1 at first repeated  
the usual confession1 but on being      
tenderly  dealt with had one and all    
protested their innocence1 adjuring him 
at  the same time not to reveal this1   
for they would much rather die than  be 
tortured again4 ,he added that he had   
received similar reports from  other    
father confessors4#bih ,a few years     
later1 #afca1 he plucked up  courage to 
publish anonymously his ,cautio         
,criminalis1 in which he  exclaims3     
#8,why do we search so diligently for   
sorcerers8 ,i will show you      at once
 where they are4 ,take the ,capuchins1  
the ,jesuits1 all the      religious    
orders1 and torture them--they will     
confess4 ,if some      deny1 repeat it a
 few times--they will confess4 ,should a
 few still      be obstinate1 exorcise  
them1 shave them3 they use sorcery1 the 
devil hardens them1 only keep on        
torturing--they will give in4 ,if       

you want more1 take the ,canons1 the    
,doctors1 the ,bishops of the           
,church--they will confess4 ,how should 
the poor delicate creatures      hold   
out8 ,if you want still more1 ,i will   
torture you and then you      me4 ,i    
will confess the crimes you will have   
confessed1 and so we      shall all be  
sorcerers together4'#bii    ,in the most
 notorious of judicial murders1 we read 
that the judges had  some difficulty    
owing to a disagreement between the     
witnesses4 ,this  rarely troubled the   
witch-hunters4 ,at ,lindheim a woman was
 accused  of having dug up and carried  
off the body of an infant1 which1 under 
torture1 she admitted1 denouncing four  
others as her accomplices4  ,but on the 
grave being opened1 the body was found  
uninjured4 ,the  inquisitors at once    
decided that this must be a delusion of 
the devil1  and all five women were     
burned4 ,a man confessed1 under torture1
 that  he was a were-wolf1 and in that  
form had killed a calf belonging to a   

neighbour2 the latter1 however1 said he 
had never lost a calf1 though  two or   
three years ago two hens had            
disappeared1 he believed through        
witchcraft4 ,the accused was burnt1 for 
what need had they of witnesses8  ,had  
they not heard his confession8#cjj      
,it was even laid down as a principle   
that doubtful points must be  decided   
#8in favour of the faith'--in other     
words1 against the accused4  #8,if a    
sorcerer retracts his denunciations at  
the stake1 it is not void1  for he may  
have been corrupted by friends of the   
accused4 ,also when  witnesses vary1 as 
they often do1 the positive assertion is
 always to  be believed1' says ,bishop  
,covarivias1 a prominent member of the  
,council  of ,trent4 ,in which he is    
supported by the jurist ,menochius of   
,padua1  #8ne tam horrendum crimen      
occultum sit'4    ,anything might start 
a witch-hunting1 and once started it    
increased  like an avalanche4 ,if an old
 woman happened to be out of doors in a 

thunder-storm2 if the winter was        
prolonged2 if there was a more than     
usual number of flies and caterpillars2 
if a woman had a spite against  her     
neighbour1 some one might be denounced  
and forced in turn to  denounce others4 
,the prolonged winter of #aehf in       
,savoy1 for instance1  resulted in the  
burning of #aac women and two men1 who  
confessed1 after  torture1 that it was  
due to their incantations4    ,it is    
thus not difficult to understand how1 in
 the diocese of ,como1  witches were    
burnt for many years at an average rate 
of #ajj per annum2  how in that of      
,strassburg #e1jjj were burnt in twenty 
years1 #afae-ce2  how in the small      
diocese of ,neisse #a1jjj suffered      
between #afdj-ej1  insomuch that they   
gave up the stake and pile as being too 
costly1  and roasted them in a specially
 prepared oven2 and how the ,protestant 
jurist ,benedict ,carpzov could boast   
not only of having read the ,bible      
through fifty-three times1 but also of  

having passed #bj1jjj death  sentences1 
chiefly on witches and sorcerers4#cja   
,one of ,carpzov's victims is specially 
interesting to medical men1 the  ,saxon 
physician1 ,dr4 ,veit ,pratzel1 who on  
one occasion 7#affj7 produced  twenty   
mice by sleight of hand in a            
public-house1 probably for the  sake of 
advertisement4 ,he was denounced as a   
sorcerer1 tortured and  burnt1 while his
 children were bled to death in a warm  
bath by the  executioner1 lest they     
should acquire similar diabolical       
powers4#cjb    ,a like fate befell the  
servant of a travelling dentist at      
,schwersenz  in ,poland4 ,the dentist1  
,john ,plan1 left his assistant in the  
town  to attract attention by conjuring 
tricks1 while he went to sell his       
infallible toothache tinctures in the   
neighbouring villages4 ,on  his return  
next evening1 he was horrified to see   
the body of the  unfortunate man hanging
 on the town gallows1 and was told on   
inquiry  that he was an evident sorcerer

 who had made eggs1 birds1 and plants   
before everybody in the market-place4   
,he had therefore been arrested1        
scourged1 put on the rack1 and otherwise
 tortured till he confessed  he was in  
league with the devil4 ,whereupon the   
town council1 #8out  of special grace   
and to save expense'1 had1 instead of   
burning him1  mercifully condemned him  
to be hanged4 ,the dentist fled in      
terror to  ,breslau4#cjc    ,but it was 
by no means necessary to be so foolhardy
 as this to fall  into the hands of the 
witch-hunters4 ,a woman at ,lindheim was
 noticed to  run into her barn as the   
inquisitorial officials came down the   
street4  ,she had never been accused or 
even suspected of witchcraft1 but was   
nevertheless immediately arrested1 and  
brought more dead than alive to  the    
chief inquisitor1 ,geiss1#cjd who       
declared her flight justified the       
strongest suspicion4 ,exposed to the    
most extreme torture1 she confessed     
nothing1 but at length1 at the question 

whether she had made a compact  with the
 devil1 one of the inquisitors declared 
he saw her nod her  head4 ,this was     
enough2 she was burnt2 probably a happy 
fate under the  circumstances1 for she  
thus escaped being forced by further    
tortures to  give details of her        
imaginary crime and to denounce her     
neighbours4    ,once in the clutches of 
the witch-hunters1 the unfortunate      
victim was  confronted by a series of   
dilemmas from which few escaped4 ,a     
favourite  beginning was to ask whether 
he believed in witchcraft4 ,if he said  
#8,yes'1 he evidently knew more of the  
subject2 if #8,no'1 he was ipso  facto a
 heretic and slanderer of the           
inquisition2 if in confusion he  tried  
to distinguish1 he was varius in        
confessionibus1#cje and a  fit subject  
for immediate torture4 ,if he confessed 
under torture1 the  matter was1 of      
course1 settled2 if he endured manfully1
 it was evident  that the devil must be 
aiding him4 ,if a mark could be found on

 his body  which was insensible and did 
not bleed when pricked1 it was the      
devil's  seal and a sure sign of guilt2 
but if there was none1 his case was no  
better1 for it was held that the devil  
only marked those whose fidelity  he    
doubted1 so that a suspected person who 
had no such mark was in all  probability
 a specially eminent sorcerer4#cjf      
,then came the water test1 of which     
there is no better account than the     
report sent by ,w4 ,a4 ,scribonius1     
,professor of ,philosophy at ,marburg1  
to  the town council of ,lemgo in #aehc3
        #8,when ,i came to you1 most    
prudent and learned consules1 #bfth     
,september1 there were1 two days later  
on ,st4 ,michael's eve1 three           
witches burnt alive for divers and      
horrible crimes4 ,the same day          
three others1 denounced by those        
aforesaid1 were arrested1 and on        
the following day about #b p4m4 for     
further proving of the truth      were  
thrown into water to see whether they   

would swim or not4 ,their      clothes  
were removed and they were bound by the 
right thumb to      the left big toe and
 vice versa1 so that they could not move
 in      the least4 ,they were then cast
 three times into the water in the      
presence of some thousands of           
spectators1 and floated like logs       
of wood1 nor did one of them sink4 ,and 
it is also remarkable that      almost  
at the moment they touched the water a  
shower of rain then      falling ceased1
 and the sun shone1 but when they were  
taken out it      started raining as    
before4'    ,on request of the          
burgomaster1 he investigated #8the      
philosophy' of  this1 and1 though he    
could find nothing definite1 had no     
doubt of  its value as a test of        
witchcraft4 #8,the physician ,weyer     
rejects it  as absurd and fallacious1   
but he can produce no good arguments or 
examples against it1 and may therefore  
be ignored4' ,perhaps witches are  made 
lighter because possessed by demons who 

are #8powers of the air'  and often     
carry them through the air4 ,all who    
float have afterwards  confessed1       
therefore though not scriptural nor of  
itself sufficient to  convict1 the      
swimming test is not to be despised4#cjg
    ,with regard to the number of       
victims1 even sober historians1 such as 
,soldan1 speak of millions1 but if we   
take three-quarters of a million  for   
the two centuries #aejj-agjj1 it will   
give a rate of ten executions  daily1 at
 least eight of which were judicial     
murders4    ,even more pathetic than the
 notice of #hjj condemned in one body by
 the  senate of ,savoy#cjh are the long 
lists of yearly executions preserved  in
 the fragmentary records of small towns 
and villages4 ,thus at  ,meiningen1     
between #afaj-ca and #afef-he1 #ajf     
suffered--in #afaj three1  #afaa        
twenty-two1 #afab four1 c4 c41 the      
intervening records being  omitted owing
 to war4 ,similar notices have survived 
at ,waldsee1 ,thun in  ,alsace1 and many

 other hamlets1 where through a long    
series of years  we read of one to      
twenty persons burnt annually1 some of  
them being  previously #8torn with      
red-hot pincers'4#cji    ,at ,wrzburg   
the ,prince-bishop1 ,philip of          
,ehrenberg1 is said to  have burnt #ijj 
in five years 7#afbg-ca71 and we have   
terrible lists  of twenty-nine of the   
burnings1 almost all of which include   
young  children4 ,here are two of them3 
#8,in the thirteenth burning1 four      
persons3 the old court smith1 an        
old woman1 a little girl of nine or ten 
years1 a younger girl her      sister4' 
#8,in the twentieth burning1 six        
persons3 ,babelin ,goebel1 the          
prettiest girl in ,wrzburg2 a student in
 the fifth form who knew      many      
languages and was an excellent musician1
 instrumental and      vocal2 two boys  
from the new minster1 twelve years old2 
,babel      ,stepper's daughter2 the    
caretaker on the bridge4'#caj    ,at    
,bamberg the ,prince-bishop1 ,john      

,george1 #afbe-cj1 burnt at least  #fjj 
persons1 and his predecessors had been  
hardly less vigorous  witch-hunters4 ,he
 was ably seconded by his suffragan1    
,bishop ,frner1  and two doctors of law1
 ,braun and ,ktzendrffer1 who besides   
the  ordinary torture implements1 salt  
fish and quicklime baths1 found a       
so-called prayer stool or bench covered 
with spikes1 on which the  victim was   
forced to kneel1 and a cage with a sharp
 ridged floor on  which he could not    
stand1 sit1 or lie without torment1 of  
great value  in extorting confessions4  
,the record of their deeds has been     
published  by ,dr4 ,f4 ,leitschuh1#caa  
librarian of ,bamberg1 and contains1    
among  other cases1 that of the         
,burgomaster1 ,john ,junius1 which      
throws more  light on the nature of the 
witch trials than do volumes of         
second-hand  history4#cab    ,john      
,junius1 a man universally respected1   
had been five times  ,burgomaster of    
,bamberg1 and held that office in ,june 

#afbh1 when he was  arrested on a charge
 of sorcery4 ,he protested his innocence
 though  six witnesses declared1 under  
torture1 that they had seen him at the  
witch dances4 ,on ,june #cj he endured  
the torment of the thumb-screws and     
leg-crushers 7,spanish boots7 without   
confession4 ,then they stuck pins  in   
him and found a #8devil's mark'1 and    
finally drew him up with his  arms      
twisted backwards1 but he would admit   
nothing4 ,next day1 however1  when      
threatened with a repetition of the     
torture1 he broke down1 made  the usual 
confession 7including intercourse with a
 female demon who  turned into a        
he-goat71 and denounced twenty-seven    
persons whose names  and addresses are  
given4#cac ,he was condemned to be      
beheaded and  burnt1 but before his     
death wrote the following letter to his 
daughter3        #8,many hundred        
thousand good-nights1 my dearest        
daughter ,veronica6      ,guiltless was 
,i taken to prison1 guiltless have ,i   

been tortured1      guiltless ,i must   
die4 ,for whoever comes here must either
 be a      sorcerer1 or is tortured     
until 7,god pity him7 he makes up a     
confession of sorcery out of his head4  
,i'll tell you how ,i fared4      ,when 
,i was questioned the first time1 there 
were present ,dr4 ,braun1      ,dr4     
,ktzendrffer1 and two strangers4 ,dr4   
,braun asked me1 8,friend1      how came
 you hither80 ,i answered1 8,through    
lies and misfortune40      8,hear you10 
said he1 8you're a sorcerer4 ,confess it
 willingly or      we'll bring witnesses
 and the executioner to you40 ,i said1  
8,i am      no sorcerer4 ,i have a clear
 conscience on this matter1 and care    
not for a thousand witnesses1 but am    
ready to hear them40 ,then the          
chancellor's son1 ,dr4 ,haan1 was       
brought out4 ,i asked1 8,herr ,doctor1  
what do you know of me8 ,i never had    
anything to do with you1 good      or   
bad40 ,he answered1 8,sir1 it is a      
judgement matter1 excuse me      for    

witnessing against you4 ,i saw you at   
the dances40 8,yes1 but      how80 ,he  
did not know4 ,then ,i asked the        
commissioners to put him on      oath1  
and examine him properly4 8,the thing is
 not to be arranged      as you want    
it10 said ,dr4 ,braun2 8it is enough    
that he saw you40      ,i said1 8,what  
sort of witness is that8 ,if things are 
so managed1      you are as little safe 
as ,i or any other honourable person40  
,next      came the chancellor and said 
the same as his son4 ,he had seen me1   
but had not looked carefully to see who 
,i was4 ,then ,elsa ,hopffen4      ,she 
had seen me dancing on ,haupt's moor4   
,then came the executioner      and put 
on the thumb-screws1 my hands being tied
 together1 so that      the blood       
spurted from under the nails1 and ,i    
cannot use my hands      these four     
weeks1 as you may see by this writing4  
,then they tied      my hands behind and
 drew me up4 ,i thought heaven and earth
 were      disappearing4 ,eight times   

they drew me up and let me fall so that 
,i      suffered horrible agony4 ,all   
which time ,i was stark naked1 for they 
had me stripped4        #8,but our ,lord
 ,god helped me1 and ,i said to them1   
8,god forgive      you for treating an  
innocent man like this2 you want not    
only to      destroy body and soul1 but 
also to get the goods and chattels40 ,at
      ,bamberg1 two-thirds of the       
property of convicted sorcerers went to 
the bishop1 and the rest to the         
inquisitors4 8,you're a rascal10        
said ,dr4 ,braun4 ,i replied1 8,i am no 
rascal1 but as respectable as      any  
of you2 but if things go on like this1  
no respectable man in      ,bamberg will
 be safe1 you as little as ,i or        
another40 ,the doctor      said he had  
no dealings with the devil4 ,i said1    
8,nor have ,i4 ,your      false         
witnesses are the devils1 your horrible 
tortures4 ,you let no      one go1 even 
though he has endured all your          
torments40        #8,it was ,friday1    

#cjth ,june1 that1 with ,god's help1 ,i 
endured these      tortures4 ,i have    
ever since been unable to put my clothes
 on or use      my hands1 besides the   
other pains ,i had to suffer innocently4
        #8,when the executioner took me 
back to prison1 he said to me1 8,sir1   
for ,god's sake confess something1      
whether true or not4 ,think a           
little4 ,you can't stand the tortures   
they'll inflict on you1 and      even if
 you could you wouldn't escape1 though  
you were a count1 but      they'll go   
through them again and again and never  
leave you till      you say you are a   
sorcerer1 as may be seen by all their   
judgements1      for all end alike40    
,another came and said the bishop had   
determined      to make an example of me
 which would astonish people1 and begged
 me      for ,god's sake to make up     
something1 for ,i should not escape even
      though ,i were innocent1 and so   
said ,neudecker and others4             
#8,then ,i asked to see a priest1 but   

could not get one4444 ,and then         
this is my confession as follows1 but   
all of it lies4        #8,here follows1 
dearest child1 what ,i confessed that ,i
 might escape      the great torments   
and agonies1 for ,i could not have      
endured them      any longer4 ,this is  
my confession1 nothing but lies1 that ,i
 had to      make on threat of still    
greater tortures1 and for which ,i must 
die4        #88,i went into my field1   
and sat down there in great melancholy1 
when a peasant girl came to me and said1
 #8,sir1 what is the matter8      ,why  
are you so sorrowful8' ,i said ,i did   
not know1 and then she sat      down    
close to me1 and suddenly changed into a
 he-goat and said1      #8,now you know 
with whom you have to do4' ,he took me  
by the throat      and said1 #8,you must
 be mine1 or ,i'll kill you4' ,then ,i  
said1 #8,god      forbid4' ,then he     
vanished and came back with two women   
and three      men2 bade me deny ,god1  
and ,i did so1 denied ,god and the      

heavenly      host4 ,then he baptized me
 and the two women were sponsors2 gave  
me      a ducat1 which turned into a    
potsherd40        #8,now ,i thought ,i  
had got it over1 but they brought in the
      executioner1 and asked where ,i   
went to the witch dances4 ,i did not    
know what to say1 but remembered that   
the chancellor and his son      and     
,elsa ,hopffen had mentioned ,haupt's   
moor and other places1 so ,i      said  
the same4 ,then ,i was asked whom ,i had
 seen there4 ,replied ,i      did not   
recognize any4 8,you old rascal1 ,i must
 get the executioner      to you4 ,was  
the chancellor there80 ,said 8,yes40    
8,who else80 8,i      recognized none40 
,then he said1 8,take street by street1 
beginning      from the market40 ,then  
,i had to name some persons4 ,then ,long
      ,street4 ,i knew nobody2 had to   
name eight persons4444 ,did ,i know     
any one in the castle8 ,i must speak out
 boldly whoever it was4      ,so they   
took me through all the streets till ,i 

could and would      say no more4 ,then 
they gave me to the executioner to      
strip1 shave      off my hair1 and      
torture me again4 8,the rascal knows a  
man in the      market-place1 goes about
 with him daily1 and won't name him40   
,they      meant ,dietmeyer1 so ,i had  
to name him4        #8,next they asked  
what evil ,i had done4 ,i replied1      
8,none40 ,the      devil bade me to1 and
 beat me when ,i refused4 8,put the     
rascal on      the rack40 ,so ,i said ,i
 was told to murder my children but     
killed      a horse instead4 ,that      
wasn't enough for them4 ,i had also     
taken a      sacramental wafer and      
buried it4 ,when ,i said this they left 
me in      peace4        #8,there1      
dearest child1 you have all my          
confession1 for which ,i must      die1 
and it is nothing but lies and made-up  
things1 so ,god help me4      ,for ,i   
had to say all this for fear of the     
tortures threatened me1      besides all
 those ,i had gone through4 ,for they go

 on torturing till      one confesses   
something2 be he as pious as he will1 he
 must be a      sorcerer4 ,no one       
escapes1 though he were a count4 ,and if
 ,god does      not interfere1 all our  
friends and relations will be burnt1 for
      each has to confess as ,i had4    
#8,dearest child1 ,i know you are pious 
as ,i1 but you have already had         
some trouble1 and if ,i may advise1 you 
had better take what money      there is
 and go on a pilgrimage for six months1 
or somewhere where      you can stay for
 a time outside the diocese till one    
sees what      will happen4 ,many       
honourable men and women in ,bamberg go 
to church      and about their business1
 do no evil1 and have clear consciences 
as      ,i hitherto1 as you know1 yet   
they come to the witch prison1 and if   
they have a tongue to confess1 confess  
they must1 true or not4                 
#8,neudecker1 the chancellor1 his son1  
,candelgiesser1 ,hofmeister's           
daughter1 and ,elsa ,hopffen all        

denounced me at once4 ,i had no         
chance4 ,many are in the same case1 and 
many more will be1 unless      ,god     
intervenes4        #8,dear child1 keep  
this letter secret so that nobody sees  
it1 or ,i      shall be horribly        
tortured and the gaoler will lose his   
head1 so      strict is the rule against
 it4 ,you may let ,cousin ,stamer read  
it      quickly in private4 ,he will    
keep it secret4 ,dear child1 give this  
man a thaler4        #8,i have taken    
some days to write this4 ,both my hands 
are lamed4 ,i      am in a sad state    
altogether4 ,i entreat you by the last  
judgement1      keep this letter secret1
 and pray for me after my death as for  
your      martyred father 444 but take  
care no one hears of this letter4 ,tell 
,anna ,maria to pray for me too4 ,you   
may take oath for me that ,i am      no 
sorcerer1 but a martyr4                 
#8,good-night1 for your father1 ,john   
,junius1 will see you never more4       
#bdth ,july1 #afbh4'    ,on the margin  

is written3        #8,dear child1 six   
denounced me3 the chancellor1 his son1  
,neudecker1      ,zaner1 ,ursula        
,hoffmaister1 and ,elsa ,hopffen1 all   
falsely and on      compulsion as they  
all confessed4 ,they begged my pardon   
for ,god's      sake before they were   
executed4 ,they said they knew nothing  
of me      but what was good and loving4
 ,they were obliged to name me1 as ,i   
should find out myself4 ,i cannot have a
 priest1 so take heed of      what ,i   
have written1 and keep this letter      
secret4'    ,the letter is still        
preserved1 with its crippled            
handwriting1 in the  library at         
,bamberg4 ,this case is beyond comment4 
,it is like the trial  of ,faithful at  
,vanity ,fair1 but with rack and        
thumb-screw in place of  a jury4 ,yet it
 is but a moderate sample of those      
outrages on justice  and humanity called
 witch trials4 ,men rarely held out     
long1 but1 did  space permit1 we might  
tell stories of many heroic women who   

endured  ten1 twenty1 even fifty        
repetitions of torture1 till they died  
on the  rack or in the dungeon rather   
than falsely accuse themselves or their 
neighbours4#cad    ,for when once       
arrested1 the victim had small hope of  
acquittal1 and in  the most favourable  
cases1 when there was no external       
evidence1 and no  amount of torture     
could induce a #8confession'1 the       
accused was sent  back friendless and   
crippled to her home1 which she was     
forbidden to  leave1 having first sworn 
to have no more dealings with the devil1
 and  to take no proceedings against her
 accusers4 ,to acquit her would imply   
that an innocent person had been        
tortured1 a thing naturally repugnant   
to the tender consciences of the        
inquisitors4    ,nor was the mania      
confined to any special class4          
,protestants vied with  ,catholics1 and 
town councils with bishops in cruelty   
and injustice4  ,at ,nrdlingen they had 
a special set of torture instruments    

which the  ,protestant town council lent
 to neighbouring district authorities1  
with  the pious observation that #8by   
these means1 and more especially by the 
thumb-screw1 ,god has often been        
graciously pleased to reveal the truth1 
if not at first1 at any rate at the     
last'4#cae    ,it is obvious from the   
above cases that the main cause of the  
continuance of the witch-burnings1 and  
of the number of the victims1  was the  
use of torture to obtain denunciations4 
,the instances in which  insane persons 
accused themselves or others seem to    
have been fewer  than we might have     
expected4    ,then1 as now1 there were  
melancholics who thought they had       
committed  the unpardonable sin1 and in 
those days the unpardonable sin might   
be represented by an imaginary compact  
with the devil4 ,then1 as  now1 the     
#8mania of persecution' was a prominent 
symptom in some  forms of insanity1 and 
the idea of being bewitched by some old 
woman  corresponded to the modern dread 

of detectives1 electric batteries1 or   
telephones4    ,some of the supposed    
signs of witchcraft resemble those of   
mania and  melancholia4 ,thus maniacs   
sometimes collect dirt for money1 and   
witches  often confessed that the       
devil's money changed to dirt4          
,melancholics  mutter to themselves1    
look on the ground1 and avoid society1  
all of  which were considered signs of  
witchcraft4 ,but then red hair and      
left-handedness were no less infallible 
indications4    ,insanity and crime were
 indeed present at the witch trials1 but
 they  were at least as obvious in the  
accusers and judges as in the victims1  
and the first man who was bold enough to
 say so was ,dr4 ,john ,weyer4  ,though 
a few feeble protests may have been made
 by others1 it was from  the medical    
profession that the first determined    
opposition came4  ,mystics like         
,paracelsus and ,cardan might encourage 
the superstition2  pious and able       
members of the profession like ,ambroise

 ,par and ,sir  ,thomas ,brown might    
give it their sanction1 but it was the  
physician  ,cornelius ,agrippa who first
 successfully defended a witch at the   
risk of his own life1#caf and it was his
 pupil ,john ,weyer who first  declared 
open war against the witch-hunters and  
invoked the vengeance  of heaven upon   
their atrocities4        #8,the feareful
 abounding at this time in this countrie
 of those      detestable slaves of the 
divell1 the witches or enchanters hath  
moved me 7beloved reader7 to dispatch in
 post the following      treatise of    
mine1 not in any wise 7as ,i protest7 to
 serve for a      shewe of my learning  
and ingine1 but only 7moved of          
conscience to      preasse thereby7 so  
far as ,i can1 to resolve the doubting  
hearts      of manie both that such     
assaults of ,satan are most certainly   
practised1 and that the instruments     
thereof merit most severely      to be  
punished1 against the damnable opinions 
of two principally      in our age1     

whereof the one called ,scot1 an        
,englishman1 is not      ashamed in     
public print to denie that there can be 
such a thing      as witchcraft and so  
maintains the old error of the ,sadduces
 in      denying of spirits1 the other  
called ,wierus1 a ,german physition     
sets out a publike apologie for all     
these crafts-folks1 whereby             
procuring for their impunity1 he plainly
 bewrayes himself to have      been of  
that profession4'    ,thus did our      
#8,british ,solomon'1 ,james ,i1        
commence his ,daemonologia  7#aeih71 a  
work directed against the two men who   
alone up to that time  had made a bold  
and open protest against the witch mania
 and its  abominations4 ,reginald ,scot 
in his ,discovery of ,witchcraft 7#aehd7
  took the view of a modern common-sense
 ,englishman1 that the whole thing  is  
absurd1 a mixture of roguery and false  
accusations4 ,weyer1 on the  other hand1
 his predecessor by twenty years1 is a  
firm believer in the  activity of the   

devil1 whose object1 however1 is not to 
get possession  of the souls of crazy   
old women1 but by deluding them1 to     
convert pious  and learned lawyers and  
theologians into torturers and          
murderers4    ,born about #aeaf at      
,grave in ,brabant1 the son of a dealer 
in hops and  faggots1 ,weyer was        
acquainted with the supernatural from   
his earliest  years1 for they had a     
domestic #8house cobold' or             
,poltergeist1 who was  heard tumbling   
the hop-sacks about whenever a customer 
was expected4 ,at  seventeen years of   
age the boy was sent to study medicine  
as apprentice  to ,cornelius ,agrippa1  
an extraordinary man1 long held to be a 
sorcerer1  who had recently incurred yet
 stronger suspicion by his heroic and   
successful defence of a woman accused of
 witchcraft at ,metz1 and by his        
fondness for a black dog called         
#8,monsieur' which scarcely ever left   
him4 ,the young ,weyer used to take this
 animal out on a string1 and  soon      

became convinced1 to use his own words1 
that it was #8a perfectly  natural male 
dog'4#cag ,he next went to ,paris and   
thence to ,orleans1  a university then  
famous for its medical school1 where he 
took the  degree of ,m4,d4 in #aecg4 ,he
 commenced practice in ,brabant1 became 
public  medical officer at ,arnheim in  
#aede1 and in #aeej physician to ,duke  
,william of ,cleves4 ,in #aefc he       
published his great work ,de praestigiis
  daemonum et incantationibus ac        
veneficiis1#cah the object of which  is 
to show that so-called witchcraft is    
usually due to delusions of  demons1 who
 take advantage of the weaknesses and   
diseases of women to  bring about       
impious and absurd superstitions1       
hatreds1 cruelties1 and  a vast         
outpouring of innocent blood1 things in 
which they naturally  delight4    ,he   
proposes to treat the subject under four
 heads corresponding to  the four       
faculties1 theology1 philosophy1        
medicine1 and law4 ,in the  first       

section he attempts to show that the    
,hebrew word ,kasaph does  not mean     
#8witch' but #8poisoner'1 or at any rate
 that ,greek1 ,latin1  and ,rabbinical  
interpreters so vary1 that no reliance  
can be placed  upon them4 ,moreover the 
law of ,moses was given to the ,jews    
#8for the  hardness of their hearts'1   
and is by no means always to be used by 
,christians4#cai ,magicians and         
sorcerers do indeed still exist1 as  in 
ancient ,egypt1 but these are always    
men1 and usually rogues and  swindlers1 
such as was ,faust1 of whom ,weyer gives
 us one of the  earliest and most       
authentic notices4 ,faust1 he says1 was 
once arrested  by ,baron ,hermann of    
,batoburg1 and given in charge of his   
chaplain1 ,j4  ,dursten1 who hoping to  
see some sign or wonder1 treated him    
with much  kindness1 giving him the best
 of wine4 ,but all he got out of him was
  a magic ointment to enable him to     
shave without a razor1 containing       
arsenic1 and so strong that it brought  

not only the hair but the skin  from the
 reverend gentleman's cheeks4 #8,the    
which he has told me more  than once    
with much indignation4'#cbj    ,weyer1  
however1 firmly believes that the devil 
may assist sorcerers1  such as ,faust1  
in some of their feats1 though he does  
this chiefly by  deluding the eyes of   
the spectators4 ,he may also delude     
women into the  belief that they have   
been at witch dances and caused         
thunder-storms1  c41 but his greatest   
deception is to make men believe in the 
reality  of witchcraft and so torture   
and murder the innocent4#cba ,women are 
more liable to his deceptions owing to  
their greater instability both  of mind 
and body1 and the delusion may be       
favoured by the use of  drugs and       
ointments1 especially those containing  
belladonna1 lolium1  henbane1 opium1 and
 even more by herbs recently introduced 
from east  and west1 such as ,indian    
hemp1 datura1 #8and the plant called by 
the ,indians 8tabacco01 by the          

,portuguese 8peto01 and by the ,french  
8nicotiana0'4#cbb    ,as for the        
supposed compact with the devil1 it is  
an absurdity only  surpassed by the     
belief in sexual intercourse with       
demons4 ,this  delusion1 ,weyer points  
out1 may be explained medically by the  
phenomena  of nightmare and the effects 
of certain drugs1 and is not sanctioned 
by ,scripture4 ,for1 though holy men    
such as ,lactantius1 ,justin ,martyr1   
and ,tertullian have maintained that the
 #8sons of ,god' mentioned in  ,genesis 
vi4 #b were spirits1 this interpretation
 is opposed by still  more eminent      
theologians1 such as ,saints ,jerome1   
,gregory ,nazianzen1  and ,chrysostom1  
though he is obliged to admit that ,st4 
,augustine  believed in incubi and      
succubae1#cbc and that distinguished    
living  theologians hold that ,luther's 
father was literally the devil4 ,this1  
however1 says ,weyer1 is an unfair and  
prejudiced way of attacking the         
,lutheran heresy4#cbd    ,people who    

fancy themselves bewitched are really   
possessed or assaulted  by the devil1 as
 were ,job and the demoniacs of the ,new
 ,testament4 ,if  these demoniacs had   
lived in our days1 he remarks1 they     
would probably  have each cost the lives
 of numerous old women4#cbe ,the strange
  objects vomited by such persons are   
either deceptions or put into the       
person's mouth by the devil1 as is shown
 by there being no admixture  of food1  
and the absence of pain or injury in    
spite of the size of the  objects4#cbf  
,a girl near ,cleves fell into          
convulsions with clenched hands and     
teeth  which1 according to her father1  
could only be opened by making the sign 
of the cross4 ,she also complained of   
pains for which it was necessary  to buy
 a bottle of holy water from a priest at
 ,amersfort1 on drinking  which she     
proceeded to vomit pins1 needles1 scraps
 of iron1 and pieces  of cloth4 ,she    
spoke in an altered boyish voice1       
intended for that of a  demon1 and      

declared the whole was caused by an #8in
 my opinion honest  matron'1 who was    
imprisoned with her mother and two other
 women4    ,weyer undertook the case1   
#8whereupon she said in her boy's voice 
she  would have nothing to do with me1  
and that ,i was a cunning fellow4       
8,look what sharp eyes he has40' ,weyer 
opened her hands and mouth1  without    
making the sign of the cross1 #8not that
 ,i would in any way  speak irreverently
 thereof'4 ,he also showed that the     
objects produced1  even soon after      
eating1 were free from admixture of     
food1 and had  therefore never been     
farther than the mouth2 and he thus     
obtained the  release of the four women 
after a month's imprisonment4#cbg    ,as
 for the stories of men changed into    
animals1 they are partly poetic  and    
moral allegories1 as the sailors of     
,ulysses1 and partly a form of  insanity
 long recognized by physicians1 and     
termed lycanthropy4#cbh    ,many think  
they are possessed when they are only   

melancholic1 and  others pretend to be  
so to excite interest and obtain money4 
,those who  fancy themselves attacked by
 devils should1 instead of accusing     
their  neighbours1 take to themselves   
the armour of ,god as described by ,st4 
,paul4 ,unfortunately1 spiritual        
pastors1 in their ignorance and greed1  
teach that not only diabolical          
possession1 but even ordinary diseases  
are to be cured by charms1 incantations1
 palm branches1 consecrated  candles1   
and an execrable abuse of scriptural    
words4 ,cures are1 indeed1  sometimes so
 produced1 but are really due to the    
imagination4    ,persons supposed to be 
possessed should first be taken to an   
intelligent physician1 who should       
investigate and treat any bodily        
disorder4 ,should spiritual disorders be
 also present he may then send  the     
patient to a pious minister of the      
,church1 but this will often  be        
unnecessary4 ,the devil is especially   
fond of attacking nuns1 who  should be  

separated from the rest1 and1 if        
possible1 sent home to their            
relations4#cbi    ,here ,weyer inserts  
several instances in his own experience4
    ,philip ,wesselich1 a monk of       
,knechtenstein near ,cologne1 an honest1
  simple-minded man1 was miserably      
afflicted by a spirit about the year    
#aeej4 ,sometimes he was carried up to  
the roof1 at others thrust in  among the
 beams of the belfry1 often carried     
unexpectedly through the  wall          
7plerumque per murum transferebatur     
inopinato7 and knocked about  generally4
 ,at length the spirit declared he was  
,matthew ,duren1 a former  abbot1       
condemned to penance for having paid an 
artist insufficiently  for a painting of
 the ,blessed ,virgin1 so that the poor 
man went  bankrupt and committed        
suicide1 #8which was true'4 ,he could   
only be  released if the monk went to   
,trves and ,aix and recited three masses
 in  the respective cathedrals4 ,the    
theological faculty of ,cologne advised 

that he should do so1 but the abbot     
,gerard1 a man of firmness and          
intelligence1 told the possessed man    
that he was a victim of diabolical      
deceptions1 and that unless he put his  
trust in ,god1 and pulled himself       
together1 he should be publicly whipped4
 ,whereupon the monk did so1 and  the   
devil left him and went elsewhere4#ccj  
,a similar case was that of a young     
woman known to ,weyer1 who had          
convulsions in church whenever the      
#8,gloria in excelsis' was sung in      
,german1 and said she was possessed4 ,it
 was observed1 however1 that she  looked
 about for a soft place to fall on4 ,she
 was therefore sent for by  ,weyer's    
friend the ,countess ,anna of ,virmont1 
who said she was about to  sing the     
chant1 and that if the demon attacked   
her she would soon drive  him out4 ,the 
young woman fell in the usual fit1 on   
which the countess1  prudens et cordata 
matrona1 with the aid of her daughter   
pulled up  her dress and gave her a good

 whipping4 #8,she confessed to me       
afterwards  that it completely cured    
her4' ,extreme diseases1 adds ,weyer1   
require1  according to ,hippocrates1    
extreme remedies1 but care should be    
taken to  distinguish suitable          
cases4#cca    ,the last and most        
important section of the book treats of 
the  punishment of witches1 who are to  
be carefully distinguished from         
poisoners and magicians1 such as ,faust1
 who are often wealthy men and  spend   
much money in travel1 books1 c41 to     
learn diabolic arts2 or  deceivers1 such
 as the mason who buried wolves' dung in
 a cattle stall1  and when the animals  
showed great excitement1 said they were 
bewitched1  and offered to cure them for
 a consideration4 ,such men1 when proved
 to  have done serious harm1 are to be  
severely punished4 ,the less guilty     
should be admonished1 and among them are
 those who spread superstitious         
practices and persuade sick people that 
they are bewitched by some old  woman4  

,this is all that the laws of ,church or
 ,state require1 and is a  very         
different thing from seizing poor women 
possessed by diabolic  delusions1 or on 
the malicious accusations or foolish    
suspicions of  the ignorant vulgar1 and 
casting them into horrible dungeons1    
whence  they are dragged to be torn and 
crushed by every imaginable instrument  
of torture1 till1 however guiltless they
 are1 they confess to sorcery1  since it
 is better to give their souls to ,god  
in innocence1 even  through flame1 than 
longer endure the hideous torments of   
bloodthirsty  tyrants4 ,and should they 
die under torture or in prison1 the     
accusers  and judges cry out            
triumphantly that they have committed   
suicide1 or  that the devil has broken  
their necks4    ,here follows a burst of
 indignant eloquence which would have   
cost ,weyer  dear had he fallen into the
 clutches of the witch-hunters1 and     
which  may be given in the terse vigour 
of the original3        #8,sed ubi      

tandem is apparuerit quem nihil latet1  
,scrutator cordium      et renum1 ipsius
 abstrusissimae etiam veritatis         
,cognitor et ,iudex1      vestri actus  
palam fient1 ,o vos praefracti tyranni1 
,o iudices      sanguinarii1 hominem    
exuti et caecitate ab omni misericordia 
procul remoti4 ,ad ipsius extremi       
iudicii tribunal iustissimum      vos   
provoco1 qui inter vos et me decernet   
ubi sepulta et culcata      ,veritas    
resurget vobisque in faciem resistet    
latrociniorum ultionem                  
exactura4'#ccb    ,their credulity      
almost equals their cruelty1 as shown by
 the belief  that a certain old woman   
caused the excessive cold of the        
preceding  winter1 and by the absurd    
swimming test4 ,what effect can denial  
of  faith1 evil intentions1 or a corrupt
 fantasy have upon a person's  specific 
gravity1 on which floating depends8     
,moreover1 women usually  float1 since  
their specific gravity is less than that
 of men1 as  ,hippocrates pointed       

out4#ccc ,but nothing is too absurd for 
a witch  inquisitor4 ,some fishermen at 
,rotterdam drew up their nets full of   
stones but fishless4 ,this was clearly  
witchcraft1 so they seized an           
unfortunate woman who confessed in her  
terror that she had flown out  of the   
window through a hole the size of a     
finger-end1 dived under the  sea in a   
mussel-shell1#ccd and there terrified   
the fishes and put  stones in the nets4 
,the woman1 says ,weyer1 was evidently  
mad or deluded  by the devil1 but they  
burnt her all the same4 ,treachery and  
cruelty  go together4 ,a priest1 having 
failed to make a witch confess1 promised
  that if she would admit some small act
 of sorcery1 he would see that  she was 
released after some slight penance4     
,thereupon she confessed and  was burnt 
alive4#cce    ,in contrast to this1     
,weyer describes the method of dealing  
with  witchcraft in the duchy of        
,cleves4 ,in #aefc a farmer1 finding his
 cows  gave less milk than usual1       

consulted a witch-finder1 who told him  
that  one of his own daughters had      
bewitched them4 ,the girl1 deluded by   
the  devil1 admitted this and accused   
sixteen other women of being her        
accomplices4 ,the magistrate wrote to   
the duke proposing to imprison  them    
all1 but the latter1 probably at        
,weyer's instigation1 replied that  the 
witch-finder was to be imprisoned1 the  
girl to be instructed by  a priest and  
warned against the delusions of demons1 
and the sixteen  women in no way to be  
molested4#ccf    ,an old woman of eighty
 was arrested at ,mons on charge of     
witchcraft1  the chief evidence being   
that her mother had long ago been       
tortured to  death on a similar charge4 
,to make her confess they poured boiling
 oil  over her legs1 which produced     
blisters and ulcers1 and her son hearing
  of it sent her a roll of lint to put  
round them4 ,this was supposed to  make 
magic bandages by the aid of which the  
woman might escape1 and the  son was    

promptly arrested4 ,the mother was to be
 burnt in a few days1  and her son would
 probably have followed1 when ,weyer1 by
 permission of  the ,duke of ,cleves1   
visited ,count ,william of ,mons and    
explained his  views on witchcraft4 ,he 
also examined the old woman1 who was so 
broken  down that she fainted several   
times1 and finally obtained the release 
of both4#ccg    ,theologians 7says      
,weyer in conclusion7 may object that he
 is only a  physician and bid him keep  
to his last4 ,he can only reply that    
,st4 ,luke  was a physician1 and that he
 is one of those who hope by the mercy  
of  ,god and grace of ,christ to attain 
that royal priesthood of which ,st4     
,paul and ,st4 ,john speak4 ,finally he 
is ready to submit all he has said  to  
the judgement of the ,church1 and to    
recant any errors of which he  may be   
convicted4    ,the ,church answered by  
putting his name on the ,index as an    
auctor  primae classis1 that is1 one    
whose opinions are so dangerous  that   

none of his works may be read by the    
faithful without special  permission1   
while his book was solemnly burnt by the
 ,protestant  ,university of            
,marburg4#cch ,the ,duke of ,alva1 then 
engaged in his  notorious work in the   
,netherlands1 used his influence to get 
,weyer  removed from his position at the
 court of ,cleves4 ,in this he was      
aided by the duke's increasing          
melancholia and ill health1 which were  
considered by many a judgement upon him 
for his protection of ,weyer  and       
neglect of witch-burning4 ,in #aegh     
,weyer resigned his post to his  son    
,galen1 and in #aeha witch-hunting      
commenced in the duchy of ,cleves4      
,weyer1 however1 as befitted the        
chivalrous defender of outraged         
womanhood1 enjoyed the friendship and   
protection of ,countess ,anna of        
,techlenburg1 at whose residence he     
died1 #aehh1 aged seventy-two4    ,the  
work on ,the ,deceptions of ,demons has 
been aptly compared to a  torch thrown  

out into the darkness1 which for a      
moment brightly illumes  a small space  
and then disappears4 ,it made a         
temporary sensation1 and  was welcomed  
by a few of the more enlightened spirits
 of the time2  it saved the lives of    
some unfortunate women 7being           
successfully  quoted the very year after
 publication in defence of a young woman
  at ,frankfort1 who confessed she had  
flown through the air and had           
intercourse with the devil71 and it     
marks the beginning of an open and      
persistent opposition to the witch      
mania4 ,spee also has a curious story   
showing the influence of ,weyer's book3 
#8,a great prince invited two priests to
 his table1 both men of      learning   
and piety4 ,he asked one of them whether
 he thought it      right to arrest and 
torture persons on the evidence of #aj  
or #ab      witches4 ,might not the     
devil have deceived them in order to    
make      rulers shed innocent blood1 as
 certain learned men had lately         

argued1 8thereby causing us pangs of    
conscience08 ,the priest      stoutly   
maintained that these pangs were        
needless1 for ,god would      never     
allow the devil to bring innocent men to
 a shameful and      horrible death in  
this way2 and so he 7the prince7 might  
continue      the witch trials as usual4
 ,he persisted in this1 till the prince 
said1 8,i am sorry1 my father1 you have 
condemned yourself and      cannot      
complain were ,i to order your immediate
 arrest1 for no less      than #ae      
persons have sworn you were with them at
 the witch dances01      and he produced
 the records of their trials in proof4  
,then the good      man stood like      
butter in the sun in the dog-days1 and  
had nothing      more to say for        
himself4'#cci _/    ,but it had little  
effect on the superstition itself1 which
 reached  its height during the         
following half-century2 and the author  
is  compelled by his religious beliefs  
to admit so much that his position  is  

hardly tenable4 ,indeed1 his premisses  
had already been granted by  the        
witch-hunters themselves4 ,the jurist   
,molitor1 for instance1 admits  that    
much witchcraft is imaginary and due to 
the deceptions of demons1  but while the
 physician argues that these deceptions 
are rendered  possible by disease1 and  
are themselves largely of the nature of 
disease1 so that the victims deserve    
pity and medical treatment rather  than 
burning1 the lawyer asserts that a      
person can only be so deceived  by his  
free will1 and therefore a woman who    
believes she has made a  compact or had 
intercourse with the devil is as        
deserving of punishment  as if she had  
actually done so4#cdj    ,just over a   
century after the appearance of ,weyer's
 book 7#affd7        #8,sir ,thomas     
,brown of ,norwich1 the famous physician
 of his time1      was desired by my    
,lord ,chief ,baron ,hale to give his   
judgement      in a case of witchcraft4 
,and he declared that he was clearly of 

opinion ,that the ,fits were natural1   
but heightened by the devil             
co-operating with the malice of the     
witches at whose instance he      did   
the villanies4 ,and he added1 ,that in  
,denmark there had been      lately a   
great ,discovery of ,witches1 who used  
the very same way of      afflicting    
persons by conveying pins into them4'   
,the jury #8having ,sir ,thomas ,brown's
 ,declaration about ,denmark for their  
encouragement1 in half an hour brought  
them in guilty4444 ,they were  hanged   
maintaining their innocence4'#cda       
,had ,brown been better acquainted with 
,the ,deceptions of ,demons he  might   
have hesitated to make that             
#8,declaration about ,denmark'1 but     
,weyer's early opponent1 ,bishop        
,binsfeld1 has no difficulties4 ,quoting
  ,origen 7in ,matt4 xvii4 #ae7 he      
exclaims1 #8,physicians may say what    
they  like1 we who believe the ,gospel  
hold that devils cause lunacy' and  many
 other diseases4#cdb ,but for a demon to

 cause disease or do other  harm1 two   
things are requisite1 the permission of 
,god and the free will  of some         
malicious person1 witch1 or sorcerer4   
,the physician1 ,weyer1  has denied the 
possibility of a compact with the devil1
 but is easily  refuted by ,scripture   
and ,church authority4 ,did not the     
devil try to  make a compact with       
,christ ,himself8#cdc ,similarly he has 
no difficulty  in showing that the      
,hebrew word for witch means much more  
than  #8poisoner'1 and1 given the almost
 universal beliefs of the age1 it must  
be admitted that ,brown and the bishop  
have the best of the argument4    ,in   
the opening chapter of his well-known   
work on rationalism1 ,lecky  says that  
the decline of the belief in witchcraft 
#8presents a spectacle  not of argument 
and conflict1 but of silent evanescence 
and decay'2  it was #8unargumentative   
and insensible'4 ,scot's work           
#8exercised no  appreciable influence'1 
and1 so far as the result was concerned1

 he1  ,weyer1 and their like might as   
well have kept quiet and waited for  the
 change to be effected by #8what is     
called the spirit of the age'1  that is1
 #8a gradual insensible yet profound    
modification of the habits  of thought' 
due to #8the progress of civilization'4 
,this theory has  been ably criticized  
elsewhere4#cdd ,the truth it contains   
seems to  be that argument would not    
have sufficed to change public opinion  
about witchcraft1 without the aid of    
changes in other matters1 and           
especially the development and success  
of scientific investigation4  ,such     
discoveries as the motion of the earth  
and circulation of the  blood1 when     
generally accepted 7which was not till  
late in the  seventeenth century71      
showed that the learned as well as the  
vulgar  might be utterly mistaken in    
important beliefs supported by          
apparently  good evidence1 and that     
scientific methods of attaining truth   
differed  widely from those of the      

witch-hunters4    ,the progress of      
civilization by practically abolishing  
the use of  torture would alone have    
immensely diminished the number of      
victims1  and of those #8confessions' on
 which the belief was fed4 ,to use      
military  language1 the witch mania was 
an ugly and formidable redoubt connected
  with other forts and entrenchments4   
,it suffered somewhat from the          
bombardment by ,weyer and ,scot1 but    
could only be finally demolished by  a  
general advance of the forces of science
 and civilization4 ,but if  every one   
had trusted to #8the spirit of the age' 
rather than disturb  his neighbours'    
beliefs1 we might still be burning our  
grandmothers4    ,though born in what is
 now ,holland and educated in ,france1  
,german  writers claim ,weyer as their  
countryman and compare him with ,martin 
,luther4 ,the monk of ,wittenberg is    
indeed a fine figure with his #8,here   
stand ,i2 ,i cannot otherwise1 ,god help
 me6' ,but he had half ,germany  behind 

him2 both princes and populace were     
ready to protect him4 ,weyer  stood     
practically alone1 and if he escaped    
being burnt by jurists and  theologians1
 had a fair chance of being lynched by  
an enraged mob as a  sorcerer and       
protector of witches4 ,there was little 
to save him from  torture and death but 
the strength of mind of ,duke ,william  
of ,cleves1  who came of an insane      
family and already showed signs of      
melancholia4    ,weyer was happily      
spared such a trial of his fortitude1   
but none  the less does he deserve our  
admiration as the chivalrous champion   
of womanhood1 who first1 with vizor up  
and lance in rest1 greeted1  alas6 not1 
like the knights of legend1 by prayers  
and blessings but  by threats and       
imprecations1 went forth to do open     
battle with the  hideous monster which  
had so long tortured and slain the      
innocent and  helpless4                 
,illustration3 ,plate ,,xli4 ,,the      
,,bodleian ,,manuscript    ,,ms4 ,,marsh

 #cgi fo4 #gc                           
,,the #8,,tractatus ,,de ,,causis ,,et  
,,indiciis ,,morborum'                  
,,attributed ,,to ,,maimonides          
,by ,reuben ,levy      ,among modern    
authorities on ,arabian medicine1 the   
opinion has been  widely held that the  
position of ,maimonides as a medical    
writer must  depend mainly upon an      
unpublished work from his hand1 known as
 the  ,tractatus de ,causis et ,indiciis
 ,morborum4#cde ,it is here sought  to  
demonstrate that the ,bodleian ,,ms4    
7,marsh #cgi71 hitherto regarded  as    
containing this work1 is in reality by  
another author1 while the  ,paris ,,ms4 
7,bibliothque ,nationale1 ,ancien ,fonds
 #daa71cdf the only  other alleged copy 
of the ,tractatus de ,causis et         
,indiciis ,morborum1  contains in fact  
no such work4 ,moreover1 evidence will  
be adduced  showing that it is not      
probable that ,maimonides composed a    
treatise of  this scope4    ,for their  
information concerning the ,tractatus1  

the modern  bibliographers evidently    
rely entirely on entries in the         
catalogues of  the respective libraries4
 ,the #agci ,catalogue of ,arabic and   
,hebrew ,,mss4  in the ,bibliothque     
,nationale contains the following       
entry3#cdg #8,codex  bombycinus1 ,aleppo
 in bibliothecam ,colbertinam anno #afgc
 illatus1 quo  continetur ,r4 ,mosis    
,maemonidae de morborum causis et       
illorum curatione  tractatus1 ,arabice1 
charactere ,hebraico4' ,careful         
examination of  the manuscript disclosed
 the fact that it contained no fewer    
than  four works of ,maimonides1 viz4 on
 ,poisons1#cdh on ,asthma1#cdi the      
,tractatus de ,regimine ,sanitatis1#cej 
and the ,tractatus de ,morbo  ,regis    
,aegypti1#cea all bound together in     
confusion4#ceb ,all these  are known to 
be by ,maimonides1 and there is nothing 
besides them in the  volume4    ,there  
has always been a good deal of confusion
 about the works de  ,regimine          
,sanitatis and de ,morbo ,regis         

,aegypti4 ,the former is  variously     
known as de ,regimine ,sanitatis1 de    
,cibo et ,alimento1 de  ,dietetica1     
#8the letter to the ,sultan'1 or as     
#8the ,consultation  concerning 7the    
,sultan7 ,al ,afal'4#cec ,the latter    
also has a number  of titles1 such as de
 ,causis ,accidentium1#ced de ,morborum 
,causis et  ,curatione1 and ,responsum  
ad ,regem ,raqqa1 in addition to its    
title  of de ,morbo ,regis ,aegypti4 ,in
 #aead1 in ,venice the two treatises    
were  printed together in ,latin as one 
work4#cee    ,leclerc#cef has made      
confusion worse confounded by saying    
that #8ce  que l'on a dsign sous les    
titres1 ,de ,morbo ,regis ,aegypti1 ,de 
,causis  ,accidentium1 ,de ,causis et   
,indiciis ,morborum1 ,de ,cibo et       
,alimento1  ne sont autre chose que tout
 ou partie du mme ouvrage'4#ceg ,no     
doubt he was led into making this       
statement partly by the fact that       
,wstenfeld#ceh gives the title of de    
,causis et ,indiciis ,morborum  both to 

the ,bibliothque ,nationale ,,ms4 7which
 ,leclerc knew as de  ,causis           
,accidentium7 and to the ,bodley ,,ms4  
,the entry concerning the latter in     
,uri's ,bodleian ,catalogue of  #aghgcei
 reads as follows3        #8,codex      
bombycinus1 anno ,hegirae #gfe1 ,christi
 #acfc exaratus1 folia      #aaf        
implens4 ,comprehendit succinctum de    
omnium corporis humani      morborum    
causis1 signis et remediis tractatum ab 
,ibn ,hobaish      ,hierosolymitano ex  
,hebraica lingua in ,arabicam conversum1
 cui      sectiones sex supra centum    
sunt4 ,initium fit a morbis capitis2    
finis in elephantiasi4 ,composuit ,musa 
,ben ,maimun ,alcortubi1                
,israelita4 ,marsh #cgi4'    ,the ,,ms4 
bears upon one of its pages the title   
'        #8,this is the book of the     
causes and symptoms1 by the ,doctor ,msa
 ibn  ,maimn the ,cordovan1 the         
,israelite4' 7,plate ,,xli47    ,as a   
matter of fact it is no such thing4     
,this title1 together with  an extra    

title-page and colophon in the same     
hand1 is a much later  addition to the  
,,ms41 which also has a fragment of some
 other medical  work--at present        
unidentified--bound up with it4 ,the    
folios of the ,,ms4  which deal with the
 ,tractatus have been bound together in 
extreme  disorder1 but examination of   
them has shown that they really form a  
fragment of the second book of   1 the  
,delectus de  ,medicina1 by        1    
,muhaib ed  ,din ,abu'l ,hasan ,ali ,ibn
 ,amad of ,bagdad4#cfj    ,ibn ,abi     
,uaibia 7#abjc-abfi7cfa gives a life of 
this writer and  a list of his works1   
which includes the ,delectus de         
,medicina4  ,according to him1 ,muhaib  
ed ,din was born at ,bagdad in ,a4,h4   
#eae 7  ,a4,d4 #aaba71 and after        
studying medicine and philosophy settled
 at  ,mosul4 ,later he became the       
physician of the ,shah ,arman1 chieftain
  of ,khalt on ,lake ,van in ,armenia1  
in whose service he amassed great       
wealth4 ,he completed the ,delectus at  

,mosul in the year ,a4,h4 #efj  7 ,a4,d4
 #aafd71 and died there in ,a4,h4 #faj 7
 ,a4,d4 #abac71 with the  reputation of 
being first physician of his time4      
,another fragment of the same work of   
,muhaib ed ,din1 which includes  most of
 the contents of the ,bodleian ,,ms41   
besides a good deal of  material which  
has been lost from the latter1 exists in
 the ,british  ,museum4#cfb ,the ,leyden
 ,library contains a unique copy of the 
work in  three books4 ,this is claimed  
to be complete by the ,catalogue of the 
library1#cfc although ,bar ,hebraeus    
#abbf-abhf--;,catholicus of the         
,jacobite 7,monophysite7                
,church#cfd--says that the work ran into
 four  parts4#cfe ,the three books of   
the ,leyden ,,ms4 treat 7i7 of          
generalities  7i4e4 ,anatomy1           
,physiology1 and the general causes of  
disease71 7ii7 of  medicaments1 and     
7iii7 of particular diseases and their  
treatment4    ,the ,bodleian and        
,british ,museum ,,mss4 contain part of 

the third book1  which was probably in  
general use by itself as a dictionary of
  medicine4 ,the ,british ,museum copy  
has only lost the earlier chapters  of  
this third part1 but the ,bodleian      
,,ms41 although possessing a few  more  
chapters at the beginning1 is far less  
complete in the other  portions4#cff    
,wstenfeld and the bibliographers that  
followed him have evidently  derived    
their information concerning these      
,,mss4 from the catalogues of  the      
,bodleian ,library and of the           
,bibliothque ,nationale4 ,no mediaeval  
bibliographer has up to the present been
 found who mentions this book  of       
,maimonides4#cfg ,wstenfeld's usual     
authority for his statements  is the    
great thirteenth-century medical        
biographer1 ,ibn ,abi #8,uaibia4  ,but1 
though the latter gives a life of the   
,hebrew physician and a list  of his    
writings1#cfh he makes no mention of the
 ,tractatus de ,causis  et ,indiciis    
,morborum4 ,moreover1 this ,tractatus   

has no place in ,haji  ,khalfa's        
admirable bibliography of ,arabic works1
 which contains notices  of four books  
bearing the title ,de ,causis et        
,indiciis ,morborum1 not  one of which  
is by ,maimonides4 ,lastly1 neither the 
historian ,al ,qifty  in his ,classes   
philosophorum et astronomorum et        
medicorum1#cfi nor  ,bar ,hebraeus1 who 
is said to have plagiarized him1#cgj    
notice the work  in their sketches of   
the physician's life4    ,the ,bodleian 
,,ms4 alleged to contain the ,tractatus 
is one of a  collection of over seven   
hundred volumes bequeathed to the       
library  on his death1 ,november #b1    
#agac1 by ,narcissus ,marsh1 ,archbishop
  successively of ,cashel1 ,dublin1 and 
,armagh4 ,most of his ,oriental ,,mss4  
had been procured for him either in the 
,east by ,robert ,huntington1  ,bishop  
of ,raphoe and chaplain to the ,english 
merchants at ,aleppo1 or  at the sale of
 ,golius's library at ,leyden in        
,october #afif4cga ,golius  was a ,dutch

 orientalist1 born at ,leyden in #aeif4 
,he studied medicine  and ,oriental     
languages at the ,university of ,leyden1
 and after leaving  it he accompanied a 
,french embassy to ,morocco in #afbb4   
,he remained in  ,morocco for two years1
 and while there collected various      
,,mss4 ,on his  return in #afbd he was  
appointed to the ,chair of ,arabic at   
,leyden1 but  was allowed a period of   
leave for travel in the ,east before    
taking up  his appointment4 ,he took    
with him a grant of money for the       
purchase of  ,,mss41 and these to the   
number of over two hundred are now      
deposited  in the ,university ,library  
at ,leyden4 ,on several occasions during
 his  travels in ,arabia attempts were  
made by ,arab chiefs to detain him for  
his medical knowledge1 but he returned  
safely and later wrote a number  of     
works mainly concerned with ,arabic4 ,he
 died in #affg4    ,among the ,,mss4    
which ,golius himself procured for the  
,leyden ,library  was that of the       

,delectus4 ,it is at least unlikely     
therefore that  such a profound         
,arabist1 who was also a medical man1   
would have bought  the ,bodley fragment 
for a genuine work of ,maimonides2 the  
primary  responsibility for the error   
thus probably rests with ,huntington4   
,however that may be1 it was ,uri1 in   
his catalogue of the ,bodleian ,,mss41  
who first published the error1 and from 
him it was passed on to the  modern     
bibliographers4    ,john ,uri was a     
,hungarian who had studied ,oriental    
literature under  ,schultens at ,leyden1
 and was recommended to ,archbishop     
,secker for the  purpose of cataloguing 
the ,bodleian ,oriental ,,mss41 by ,sir 
,joseph ,yorke1  then ambassador in the 
,netherlands4#cgb ,many years were      
occupied in  the preparation of the     
work1 which appears to have commenced in
 #agff  and was not completed till      
#aghg4 ,in spite of the length of time  
which  ,uri occupied in his task1 his   
successor1 ,pusey1 found sufficient     

errors  in it to fill sixty closely     
printed pages4 ,in his preface to the   
second volume of the ,catalogue1 issued 
in #ahce1cgc ,pusey complains  #8,urius 
vero ,,mss4 haud raro negligenter       
exscripsit'1 and says that on           
re-examination of ,uri's work he        
discovered1 #8besides the errors which  
,uri himself would have admitted1 that  
nearly all the purchasers of  these     
books1 ,pocock alone excepted1 had had  
spurious works foisted  on them by wily 
,orientals4 ,he therefore looked through
 all the books  which ,uri had          
enumerated1 excepting the more common   
ones1 to see if  they corresponded to   
their titles or not4 ,by doing this he  
discovered  various irregularities4 ,in 
some cases the titles had been covered  
over with paper or obliterated with ink1
 or practically erased with a  knife4   
,in others1 by slight changes in the    
authors' names1 more famous  people were
 indicated as responsible for the works4
 ,lastly1 by changing  the pagination in

 some of the volumes fragments were     
represented as  complete works1 and a   
few pages of one work were even         
occasionally  sewn on at the beginning  
of another4'#cgd    ,uri's errors will  
be the more readily condoned when it is 
remembered  that he did not specialize  
on the ,arabic ,,mss4 alone1 and that   
his  work seeks to catalogue1 for the   
first time1 a two hundred years'        
accumulation of ,oriental ,,mss41       
including ,hebrew1 ,aramaic1 ,syriac1   
,aethiopic1 ,arabic1 ,persian1 ,turkish1
 and ,coptic writings4 ,nevertheless1   
,uri's entry with reference to the      
present ,,ms4 deserves some of ,pusey's 
criticism4 ,the ,,ms4 has three parts1  
each written in a different hand1  the  
first and most important part being the 
supposed ,tractatus de  ,causis et      
,indiciis ,morborum1 which covers folios
 #b-hg4 ,the second part  is a fragment 
of some as yet unidentified medical work
 7folios #hh-aae72  and the third1      
consisting of the first and last folios1

 gives us an  introduction and an end   
piece to the first part4    ,the alleged
 author and translator are named on the 
first page3                             
#8,this is the book of ,msa ibn ,maimn  
which he put together as a              
compilation for general use4 ,al        
,tamimi1 the sheikh ,sulaiman the       
,abyssinian1 known as ,ibn ubaish1#cge  
translated it in the noble      city of 
,jerusalem4 ,finis4'    ,on the next    
page there is an introduction to the    
book which commences3                   
#8,in the name of ,god1 the ,merciful1  
the ,compassionate4      ,so says ,msa  
ibn ,maimn1 the ,cordovan1 the          
,israelite1' c4    ,the whole of the    
passage is an extract from chapter vi of
 the ,aphorisms  of ,maimonides1 adapted
 as a kind of introduction1 and runs as 
follows3                                
7sic7                                   
7sic7                                   
,trans4 #8,i teach in this discourse of 
mine concerning the animal      power1  

the vital power1 and the natural power1 
but we will here      call all man's    
bodily functions by one name4 ,there is 
a saying that      the noblest of the   
functions is breathing1 next the pulse1 
and      lastly the senses4 ,of the     
senses1 the noblest is sight1 which is  
followed by hearing4 ,following on the  
senses is the appetite for      food and
 drink1 after it being speech and then  
the mind2 ,i mean      that which       
contains the reason and the intellect4  
,next comes the      8 allocation of the
 various powers to the other parts of   
the      body according to the customary
 manner4 ,this arrangement in order     
of nobility is only according to the    
requirements of life or 8      health4  
#8,you will recognize that 8nature0 is  
an equivocal term which can      be used
 in many meanings4 ,one of these        
meanings1 for example1 is      8the     
motive power of animals04 ,so1 too1 is  
8natural04        88444 #8and that which
 is nobler4 ,and you will retain the    

noblest      of the noble functions4    
,and these causes which we have noticed 
we have set down in their order2 and the
 beginning is concerning      catarrhal 
discharges from the head4'    ,compare  
with this the real text of              
,maimonides3#cgf                        
4                                   #cgg
   4                  4                 
4   4   4                7sic7#cgh      
4 4 4 4 4 4                             
4             #8,thou knowest the       
opinion of the physicians concerning    
animal      power1 vital power1 and     
natural power4 ,but it is my intention  
here to call all the functions of man's 
body by the one name of      8bodily    
functions04 ,the noblest of the         
functions is breathing1      next the   
pulse1#cgg and lastly the senses4 ,of   
the senses1 the      noblest is sight1  
which is followed by hearing4 ,following
 on the      senses is the appetite for 
food and drink1 after it being speech   
and then the mind1 by which ,i mean the 

thoughts and the intellect4      ,next  
comes the motion of the other parts of  
the body according to      their        
customary manner4 ,this arrangement in  
order of nobility is      only according
 to the requirements of life or the     
health of its      faculties4           
#8,from this preface you will recognize 
that 8nature0 is an equivocal      term 
which can be used in many meanings4 ,one
 of these meanings for      example is  
8the motive power in the bodies of      
animals0 which the      physicians call 
8nature0 too4444 ,and if you discover   
this1 you will      exchange that which 
is nobler and retain that which is      
noblest4 ,by      means of this process 
of arrangement1 a disease can be        
recognized1'      c4    ,this           
introduction was added when the folios  
stood in a state of  disorder different 
from their present one4 ,the catchword  
at the bottom  of the page   and this   
points forward to the title already     
mentioned1#cgi which appears on folio   

thirty-nine of the present  arrangement4
 ,the text below this title is part of  
the chapter on  discharges and catarrh1 
so that the folio once followed         
immediately on  the introduction1 being 
then1 too1 out of its proper place4     
,the last page1 written in the same hand
 as the introduction1 bears a  piece of 
some unidentified work and a colophon   
which reads3                            
7sic7                        7sic7      
#8,this noble book is finished2 the     
composition of ,msa ibn ,maimn      the 
,cordovan1 the ,israelite1 to whom ,god 
be gracious4 ,this blessed      book is 
part of that which he composed and      
tested4 ,the number of      its chapters
 is #ajf1 dealing with all the diseases 
of the body1      which he arranged in  
their proper order4        #8,the book  
was completed in the year #gfe4'chj     
,the number #ajf1 which according to the
 colophon is the number of  chapters in 
the book1 is really the number of titles
 in the ,,ms4 written  in large hand4   

,fragments of many chapters whose titles
 are lost still  remain in it however1  
while many of the chapters that have    
preserved  their titles are no longer   
complete4    ,again it may be pointed   
out that all the known medical works of 
,maimonides were written in ,arabic and 
therefore did not need to be  translated
 into that language as the ,bodleian    
,,ms4 claims to have been4  ,the        
spurious title-page thus further betrays
 itself by saying that this  work was   
translated from ,hebrew4    ,finally1   
the identification of the real contents 
of the ,paris ,,ms4  disposes of the    
last foundation of the idea that        
,maimonides wrote any  compendium of    
medicine known as    7,tractatus de     
,causis et ,indiciis ,morborum71 and    
clears up the confusion caused by  the  
faulty entries in the ,paris and        
,bodleian catalogues4                   
,,scientific ,,discovery ,,and ,,logical
 ,,proof                                
,by ,f4 ,c4 ,s4 ,schiller       #a4     

,among the obstacles to scientific      
progress a high place must  certainly be
 assigned to the analysis of scientific 
procedure which  ,logic has provided4   
,this analysis has not only been        
inadequate in  itself1 but has set      
itself a mistaken aim4 ,it has not tried
 to describe  the methods by which the  
sciences have actually advanced1 and to 
extract from their experience the       
logical rules which might be used to    
regulate scientific progress1 but has   
treated scientific discoveries  almost  
entirely as illustrations of a          
preconceived ideal of proof1  and so has
 freely rearranged the actual procedure 
in accordance with  its prejudices4 ,for
 the order of discovery there has been  
substituted  an order of #8proof'1 and  
this substitution has been justified by 
the  assumption that if discovery had   
taken the ideally best course1 it  would
 have coincided with the process of     
proof4 ,it followed1 of course1  that   
the same logic would do for both1 and   

that this logic was already  in         
existence4    ,the damage thus inflicted
 upon ,science was twofold4 ,not only   
were the  logicians given a plausible   
excuse for persisting in their profound 
misapprehension of scientific inquiry   
and rendered incapable of giving  any   
help or guidance in the solution of     
actual problems1 but1 what was  much    
worse1 the scientists themselves were   
misled about the nature of  their       
operations4    ,the precise value of the
 service which a correct logical        
analysis  of its procedure might have   
rendered to ,science is perhaps open to 
dispute1 though it must surely be       
beneficial to operate consciously1  and 
with a full understanding of their      
nature1 the methods which have  been hit
 upon empirically2 but even if logicians
 have commonly been  too unfamiliar with
 the details of scientific problems to  
offer much  practical advice1 it would  
be difficult to overrate the mischiefs  
which  must have resulted from referring

 scientists to an incorrect analysis  of
 their actual procedures4 ,for the      
attempt to justify by such a false      
ideal what they had actually done was   
bound to divert their attention  from   
the methods that were actually effective
 and fruitful to others  which were     
impracticable and sterile1 to waste     
energy upon false aims  and impossible  
ideals1 and so to hamper scientists     
fatally in the  exercise of their       
scientific rights and powers4    ,hence 
it is not too much to say that the more 
deference men of science  have paid to  
,logic1 the worse it has been for the   
scientific value of  their reasoning1   
while the less they have troubled to    
know about the  theory of ,science1 the 
better it has been for their practice4  
,fortunately for the world1 however1 the
 great men of science have  usually been
 kept in salutary ignorance of the      
logical tradition  and left to their own
 devices1 by the accident that the      
historical  organization of academic    

studies nearly everywhere confined      
#8logic'  to the literary curriculum4   
,nevertheless1 the moral of this        
situation  is not that it is right for  
science to neglect logic and for logic  
to  despise science1 but that science   
should appeal from logic as it is to    
logic as it ought to be1 and should     
insist on being provided with a         
reformed logic4 ,for surely if a        
scientific education is to be more  than
 a narrow and technical specialty1 and  
is to exert a #8liberalizing'  and      
broadening effect on the mind1 it ought 
to include a study of  scientific method
 in its generality and a certain        
understanding of  the intellectual      
instruments by which all others are     
operated and  constructed4    ,the whole
 evidence for these contentions it will 
not1 of course1 be  possible to marshal 
within the limits of this essay1 but the
 systematic  criticism to which the     
whole traditional logic has been        
subjected  in my ,formal ,logic#cha may 

perhaps absolve me from the duty of     
substantiating them exhaustively4 ,it   
may suffice to indicate the extent  of  
the scientific grievance against        
#8logic' by drawing up a list of        
problems in the logic of science which  
the traditional logic has  misconceived1
 and then to select for fuller treatment
 a palmary example  of the radical      
discrepancy between the two4    ,the    
traditional logic may be convicted of   
having gravely  misrepresented1 7#a7 the
 value of classification and the        
formation  of classes1 scientific       
processes of which the real logic was   
only  revealed by the ,darwinian theory1
 7#b7 the function of definition1 7#c7  
the importance of analogy1 7#d7 of      
hypothesis and 7#e7 of fictions1 7#f7   
the incomplete dependence of scientific 
results on the #8principles' by  which  
they are 7apparently7 obtained1 7#g7 the
 formation of scientific  #8law' and its
 relation to its #8cases'1 7#h7 the     
nature of causal  analysis4 ,other      

important features of scientific        
procedure cannot  be said to have been  
recognized at all1 e4g4 7#i7 the problem
 of  determining what is relevant to an 
inquiry and what practically must  be1  
and safely may be1 excluded1 7#aj7 the  
methods and justification of  selection1
 7#aa7 the essentially experimental     
nature of all thought  and consequent   
inevitableness of risk1 7#ab7 the       
necessity of so  conceiving #8truth' and
 #8error' that it is possible to        
discriminate  between them1 and 7#ac7   
the need for an inquiry into meaning and
 into  the conditions of its            
communication4      ,i     #b4 ,the most
 instructive1 however1 of the           
discrepancies between  #8logic' and     
scientific procedure will appear if we  
compare the logical  notion of proof    
with the scientific process of          
discovery1 and  examine how far it can  
afford any means of regulating1         
stimulating1 or  even apprehending the  
latter4 ,we shall find that the logical 

theory of  #8proof' has no bearing on   
the scientific process of discovery1 is 
not  related to what the sciences call  
proof1 and can only have a paralysing   
influence on any scientific activities  
which try to model themselves  upon it4 
,on the other hand1 the study of the    
process of discovery will  point to an  
important correction in the notion of   
logic4     #c4 ,the scientific          
uselessness of the traditional logic    
should not1  however1 excite surprise4  
,for what reason was there to expect    
that  the theory of proof should turn   
out to be adequate1 or even relevant1   
to scientific procedure8 ,it had sprung 
from a totally different  interest1     
proceeded on different assumptions1 and 
aimed at different  ends4 ,it did not   
spring from interest in the exploration 
of nature1  and did not aim at its      
prediction and control4 ,nor did it     
presuppose  an incomplete system of     
knowledge which it was desired to extend
 and  improve4 ,it originated in a very 

special context1 from the social need   
of regulating the practice of           
dialectical debate in the ,greek        
schools1  assemblies1 and law-courts4   
,it was necessary to draw up rules for  
determining which side had won1 and     
which of the points that had been       
scored were good4    ,these were the    
aims ,greek logic set itself1 and       
successfully achieved4  ,but the impress
 of this origin remains stamped all over
 it1 and the  accounts given of logical 
proof ever since have retained essential
  features of ,greek dialectics4        
,thus it was assumed that science could 
start from principles1 as  indisputable 
as are the current meanings of words in 
a dialectical  debate1 and the end of   
the whole theory of proof was always    
conceived  as being to secure the       
conviction 77 of one party to a dispute1
  who was to be definitely crushed by   
the triumphant cogency of a  syllogistic
 demonstration1 while the more real and 
fruitful analogy  between scientific    

inquiry and debate1 viz4 that there is  
always  another side1 to which also it  
is well to listen1 was unfortunately    
obscured by ,aristotle's discovery of   
the syllogistic form and its show  of   
conclusiveness4 ,but for the purpose of 
apprehending scientific  procedure the  
syllogism is a snare3 by putting        
scientific reasoning  into syllogisms1  
the difference between the true and the 
false  views is made to appear          
qualitative and absolute1 instead of    
being  a quantitative question of more  
or less of scientific value4 ,thus      
dogmatism is fostered at the expense of 
progressiveness1 and the  mistake is    
committed of approaching the discovery  
of truth in a party  spirit4 ,hence its 
dialectical origin has become fons et   
origo malorum  for logic4     #d4 ,it is
 true that this mistake is very old1 and
 has grown deeply  into the fabric of   
logic4 ,for ,aristotle had no sooner    
worked out the  classic formulation of  
the rules of dialectical proof than he  

proceeded  to extend their scope by     
applying them to the theory of science1 
in  the ,posterior ,analytics4 ,his     
instinct in so doing was sound enough2  
for there is no better verification of a
 theory than its capacity to  bear      
extension to analogous cases4 ,and of   
course if this extension had  been      
successful1 it would have supported the 
belief that the theory of  discovery    
could profitably be amalgamated with    
that of proof4    ,unfortunately1       
however1 the verification only seemed to
 be successful4  ,aristotle chose to    
exemplify his theory of scientific proof
 from the  mathematical sciences4 ,his  
choice was natural enough1 because they 
were the only sciences which had reached
 any considerable development  in his   
day1 and they had1 moreover1 an apparent
 necessity and  universality and a      
fascinating appearance of exactness4    
,but he had  unwittingly chosen the most
 difficult and deceptive exemplification
  of scientific procedure4 ,because the 

mathematical sciences were in a         
relatively advanced condition they      
seemed to lend themselves to his        
design4 ,he could there find terms whose
 meaning1 and principles whose  truth1  
was no longer in dispute4 ,they could in
 consequence be argued  from with as    
much assurance as debaters could assume 
the recognized  meanings of words4 ,and 
the fact that results seemed to follow  
from  mathematical definitions and      
premisses which were not merely verbal1 
shed a delusive glory on the forms of   
dialectical proof by which they  had    
been reached4 ,hence it easily escaped  
notice that the logical  superiority of 
mathematics was an achievement1 not a   
datum4 ,just  because the mathematical  
sciences were very ancient1 their       
origins had  been forgotten1 and with   
them the tentative gropings which had   
first  selected1 and subsequently       
confirmed1 their principles4 ,they had  
become  immediately certain and         
#8self-evident'1 and no one was disposed

 to  dispute them4 ,on this             
psychological fact the whole theory of  
logical  proof was erected4    ,again1  
it was natural to suppose that the true 
nature of scientific  knowing must be   
revealed in its most perfect specimens3 
no one stopped  to reflect that even so 
the real difficulties of making a       
science are  more keenly felt and more  
easily seen in the nascent stage than in
 one  which has victoriously overcome   
them1 and has rewritten its history in  
the assurance of its prosperous issue4  
,lastly1 the subtle ambiguity which     
pervades all mathematical reasoning1    
according as its terms are taken as pure
 or as applied1 was  overlooked         
entirely--with the disastrous result    
that the universality1  certainty1 and  
exactness pertaining 7hypothetically7 to
 the ideal  creations of #8pure'        
mathematics were erroneously transferred
 to their  #8applied' counterparts4 ,to 
this day logicians are found to argue   
that real space is homogeneous because  

it is convenient in ,euclidean  geometry
 to abstract from the multitudinous     
deformations to which  bodies moving    
through it are subjected1 and to leave  
them to be treated  by physics2#chb nor 
are they aware of any lack of           
#8exactness' and  discrimination when   
they identify the ideal triangle with   
the figures  they draw on the           
blackboard4     #e4 ,after its apparent 
success in analysing mathematical       
procedure  there was no more disputing  
the supremacy of the theory of #8proof'4
  ,the facts that its field of          
application was soon found to be much   
narrower than that of science1 and that 
it failed egregiously to apply  to the  
procedures of the 7openly7 empirical    
sciences1 and a fortiori  could not     
justify them1 if they were noticed at   
all1 were held merely  to show that     
these sciences stood on a low level of  
thought1 which  from the loftier        
standpoint of logic could be            
contemplated only with  contempt2 if    

they required help and got none1 so much
 the worse for  them4 ,accordingly the  
whole theory of science was so          
interpreted1  and the whole of logic was
 so constructed1 as to lead up to the   
ideal of demonstrative science1 which in
 its turn rested on a false  analogy    
which assimilated it to the dialectics  
of #8proof'4 ,does not  this mistake go 
far to account for the neglect of       
experience and the  unprogressiveness of
 science for nearly #b1jjj years after  
,aristotle8     #f4 ,yet the deplorable 
consequences of this error should not   
render us  unjust4 ,the influence of    
,aristotelian logic on the theory of    
science  was natural1 and in a sense    
deserved4 ,for ,aristotelian logic is   
perhaps  the mightiest discovery any man
 has achieved single-handed4 ,its  might
 is sufficiently attested by the length 
of its reign4 ,euclidean  geometry alone
 is comparable with it1 and ,euclid owed
 far more to his  predecessors than     
,aristotle4 ,moreover1 the ,aristotelian

 logic may be  said to have achieved its
 purpose4 ,it was able to regulate      
dialectical  discussion4 ,the syllogism 
did determine whether a disputant had   
proved  his case1 and for any one who   
had accepted its assumptions its        
decision  was final1 while even its     
severest critics had to admit that it   
was an  indisputable fact1 the          
interpretation of which was a real      
problem4    ,unfortunately1 there is not
 yet any agreement among logicians about
  the solution of this problem4         
,aristotle's own analysis did not go    
back  far enough3 he stopped short at   
the ,dictum de ,omni and the reduction  
of syllogisms in the second and third   
figures to the first4 ,he did  not      
penetrate to the ultimate assumptions   
which were implied in the  dialectical  
purpose and social function of the      
syllogism4 ,but the truth  is that      
syllogistic reasoning presupposes quite 
a number of conventions  which          
,aristotle did not state1 and which can 

hardly be said to have  been adequately 
recognized since4     #g4 7#a7 ,the     
first of these may be called the ,fixity
 of ,terms4  ,syllogistic reasoning     
manifestly depends on the assumption    
that the  terms occurring in it have    
meanings sufficiently stable to stand   
transplantation from one context to     
another2 for only so can they  establish
 connexions between one context and     
another4 ,thus a syllogism  in ,barbara 
argues that because all ,m is ,p and all
 ,s is ,m1 all ,s  must be ,p4 ,but it  
can do this #8validly' only if ,m1 its  
middle term1  remains immutably itself1 
and is the same in both premisses4      
,doubt1  dispute1 or confute this       
assumption1 and the cogency of the      
syllogism  as a form of #8proof' is     
overthrown at once4 ,if the sense in    
which ,m is  ,p is not the same as that 
in which ,s is ,m1 the syllogism breaks 
in  two1 and its conclusion becomes     
precarious4 ,raise the question of how  
far reality conforms to this assumption1

 and you get at once a subtle  problem  
of the applicability of the syllogistic 
form to the case in  hand1 which is     
precisely analogous to the question     
whether a theorem  of pure mathematics  
is applicable to the behaviour of a real
 thing4 ,in  either case the cogency of 
the #8proof' which establishes the      
conclusion  is impaired and ceases to be
 unconditional4 ,the conclusion of a    
#8valid'  syllogism will only follow if 
the middle term can be known to be      
unambiguous1 and if the objects         
designated by the terms do not change   
rapidly enough to defeat the inference4 
,and that this is the case can  usually 
be ascertained only by actual           
experience4 ,the conclusion1  therefore1
 cannot be simply deduced2 it has       
actually to come true1  before we can be
 sure that the reasoning was sound4     
,absolutely a  priori proof thus becomes
 impossible1 if the assumption of the   
fixity  of terms is contested3 all proof
 becomes1 in a sense1 empirical4        

,nevertheless1 experience shows that the
 fixity of terms1 though not a  #8fact'1
 is a valid #8fiction'3 in ordinary     
discussion the terms may  usually be    
taken as fixed enough to render valid   
syllogisms common4 ,an  ordinary debate 
proceeds upon the assumption that the   
meaning of the  terms involved is fixed1
 and cannot be varied arbitrarily4 ,to  
science1  however1 this assumption does 
not apply without restriction4 ,in a    
progressive science the meaning of terms
 often develops so rapidly that  such   
verbal reasoning does not suffice4      
,hence the mere occurrence of  verbal   
contradictions in a scientific reasoning
 is no proof that the  argument is      
unsound4 ,it may show merely that its   
terms are growing4    ,it should be     
observed further that this same         
assumption is implied in  the           
fundamental #8laws of thought' on which 
the traditional logic rests4  ,indeed1  
the notorious #8,law of ,identity' seems
 to be merely another  statement of it4 

,it is usually formulated as #8,a is    
,a'1 but in its  actual logical use it  
is really the assumption that           
#8everything is  what it is called'4 ,it
 is1 of course1 anything but            
self-evident that  #8,a' is ,a1 but     
unless the ,s1 ,m1 and ,p of the        
syllogism are  rightly so called1 the   
syllogism will not hold4 ,similarly1 the
 ,law  of ,contradiction collapses at   
once if the terms to which it is applied
  are allowed to change4 ,the inability 
of #8,a' both to be ,b and not to  be ,b
 vanishes if #8,a' is not fixed and may 
change its habits4 ,and of  course the  
real things known to science all change1
 and are fixed only  by a fiction4      
,hence every application of the logical 
convention to real  things may be       
challenged3 it involves a fiction and   
takes a risk1 and  both of these may be 
bad4 ,but the traditional logic ignores 
both the  risk and the fiction and the  
lack of cogency in its attitude4     #h4
 7#b7 ,it is a further presupposition of

 the syllogism that the  meaning of its 
terms is known4 ,when a discussion is   
begun the  parties to it are supposed to
 understand each other1 and not to have 
first to find out and form the meaning  
of the terms they use4 ,this  assumption
 also is roughly true in ordinary       
debate1 and its convenience  is         
manifest4 ,if things are rightly named1 
and if this feat has been  accomplished 
once for all--presumably by ,adam and   
,eve before they were  turned out of    
,paradise for trying to know too        
much--we shall escape  many of the most 
trying difficulties of scientific       
inquiry4 ,we need  no longer trouble    
whether the best names have been given1 
and whether  a name good for one purpose
 is equally good for another1 nor need  
we inquire whether our names may not    
unite what is alien on account  of a    
superficial likeness1 or separate what  
is akin on account of a  superficial    
difference4    ,in science1 on the other
 hand1 the assumption that we know what 

meanings our terms can convey is not    
made as a matter of course4 ,we may     
begin with roughly labelling objects of 
interest1 and then inquiries  may be    
conducted into1 e4g41 #8electricity'1   
#8elements'1 #8life'1  #8species'1 c41  
in the hope of settling what these terms
 shall mean1  and of finding out more   
about their meaning1 and without making 
the  assumption that whatever new facts 
are discovered about them must  conform 
to our preconceptions and confirm our   
nomenclature4 ,thus  to a man of science
 it will not be cogent to argue that    
because an  #8element' is 7by           
definition7 an ultimate form of matter  
which cannot  be broken up1 and         
#8radium' breaks up1 #8radium' is not an
 #8element'1  or that because #8species'
 are eternal forms1 and the ,darwinian  
theory  claims that they are not        
immutable1 it can be dismissed as       
involving  the #8contradiction' that a  
#8species' is not a species4 ,thus the  
best  syllogisms lose their cogency so  

soon as a question is raised whether    
the verbal identity of their terms is an
 adequate guarantee of the  real        
identity of the things they are applied 
to4     #i4 7#c7 ,it is a further       
presupposition of the logician's        
conception of  #8proof' that absolute   
truths exist1 and that in the ideal     
demonstration  they form the premisses  
from which the conclusion follows4 ,this
  presupposition is not stated1 and is  
not implied in the form of the          
syllogism4 ,for a syllogism is no less  
#8valid' if its premisses are  true only
 hypothetically1 and not absolutely4    
,indeed1 it is not  thought to impair   
the #8validity' of a syllogism that its 
premisses  should be utterly false4 ,at 
any rate we can reason quite as well    
with hypotheses and probabilities as    
with absolute truths1 and this  is in   
fact what we usually do1 whether or not 
we are aware that our  premisses are    
conditional and hypothetical4 ,this     
ordinary practice1  however1 is resented

 by the traditional logic4 ,for if our  
premisses are  only hypothetically true1
 how can they lead to conclusions which 
can  be declared absolutely true8 ,and  
if our conclusions are not absolutely   
true1 how can they be certain8 ,are they
 not bound to remain infected  with the 
doubts which beset their premisses8#chc 
,as we value the  certainty of our      
conclusions1 therefore1 absolutely true 
and certain  premisses must be procured4
 ,if they cannot be procured1 even the  
best  formal proofs will remain         
hypothetical1 and all truth will become 
dependent on experience4 ,for if nothing
 is true absolutely1 and every  truth   
has originated humbly in a guess that   
has grown into a successful  hypothesis1
 it can always be suggested that after  
all it may benefit by  a little more    
verification4 ,it may be true enough    
psychologically and  for practical      
purposes1 but it does not realize the   
ideal of #8logical  certainty'4     #aj4
 ,this ideal ,logic has formulated from 

the first4 ,aristotle  already was not  
content with merely analysing the form  
of reasoning2  he aspired to formulate  
the norm of scientific demonstration4   
,the  #8demonstrative syllogism'1 which 
he held to be the form of truly         
scientific reasoning1 differs from the  
formal syllogism in two  essential      
respects4 ,its premisses are absolutely 
true1 and its middle  term states the   
real #8cause'1 which connects its terms 
and is not  merely a ratio cognoscendi4 
,the reasoning proceeds1 therefore1 from
  premisses which are unambiguous1 true1
 and certain1 i4e4 necessarily  true and
 absolutely certain4 ,nor does the      
conclusion lose any of this  excellence4
 ,logic puts on a fine air of modesty1  
and merely claims  that the syllogistic 
form is a guarantee that no truth can be
 lost  on the way from the premisses to 
the conclusion in a #8valid' argument4  
,if1 therefore1 our thought is properly 
arranged1 our conclusion will be  as    
true and certain as were its premisses1 

and no man will be able to  gainsay it4 
,it is the great beauty and merit of the
 syllogistic form  that it is an        
arrangement which gives us this         
guarantee4    ,it was natural1          
therefore1 that throughout the history  
of logic  enormous importance should be 
attached to the acquisition of          
unquestionable starting-points4 ,for the
 possession of #8valid forms' was  not  
enough4 ,it only insured against loss of
 truth1 it did not provide  for its     
acquisition4 ,it seemed1 however1 to    
imply that truth could only  be         
generated out of truth1 and handed down 
from the premisses to the  conclusion4  
,hence the insistent demand for assured 
starting-points1  self-evident          
#8principles'1 which the infallible     
method of syllogistic  deduction might  
conduct to equally certain conclusions4 
,in reality1 however1 this demand for   
certainty was extra-logical3 it  is not 
required for the purpose of analysing   
reasoning4 ,for it is  just as easy to  

reason from doubtful and probable       
premisses as from  certainties1 nor need
 the doubt in the reasoner's mind affect
 the  form of the reasoning4 ,if1       
however1 there is an imperative desire  
for  certainty1 it must be somehow      
gratified by logic4 ,and there seemed to
  be no way of doing so except by       
ascribing absolute truth and certainty  
to the initial principles of science4   
,of course it was covertly assumed that 
certainty could only be reached  by     
starting from certainty1 and that no    
possibility of a growth of  assurance in
 the progress of the reasoning could be 
entertained4 ,in a  sense this          
assumption was correct 7cf4  #bg1 #bh71 
because it is true  that the gradual    
verification of scientific truths does  
not render them  absolute2 but it led to
 neglect of all methods which appeared  
to start  with premisses initially      
doubtful and hardening into certainties 
by  gradual confirmation4 ,no doubt it  
was not strictly impossible to reason   

from premisses not known to be true1 but
 such reasoning was despised  as        
#8dialectical'1 and no inquiry was made 
into the frequency of its  occurrence in
 actual science4 ,why1 then1 waste time 
upon so unworthy  a procedure1 instead  
of fixing one's whole attention upon the
 truly  logical ideal1 the absolute     
proof of absolute truth8 ,let us        
maintain1  rather1 the old              
,aristotelian#chd conviction that the   
truly scientific  syllogism proceeds    
from premisses that are true and        
underivative  7because #8self-evident'7 
and inerrant1 and demonstrates its      
conclusion  with ineluctable necessity6 
,thus the attainment of absolute truth  
was unobtrusively smuggled in as the aim
 of reasoning1 and became an  integral  
feature of the ideal of                 
#8demonstration'4     #aa4 ,from the    
standpoint of the scientific inquirer1  
however1 this  whole theory of proof is 
open to the gravest objections4 ,he     
finds  first that it is impracticable1  

being composed throughout of counsels   
of perfection with which he cannot      
comply1 and then that1 even if he       
could1 they would be perfectly useless1 
and destructive of his aims4    7#a7 ,it
 strikes him at once that the ,fixity of
 ,terms is an obvious  fiction4 ,he will
 of course be aware1 from his scientific
 experience1  that fictions have their  
uses and are often indispensable2 but he
 will  know also that not all fictions  
are useful1 and that the adoption of a  
fiction has in each case to be justified
 by its usefulness4 ,moreover1  it is   
not so much its immediate and           
prospective use which justifies it1     
though this yields the usual motive for 
its adoption1 as the ulterior  uses     
ascertained ex post facto by experience4
    ,he will ask1 therefore1 for        
evidence that an absolute fixity of     
terms  is the vital necessity for logic 
it is declared to be4 ,he will admit1   
of course1 the familiar arguments for a 
certain stability of meanings  which    

have come down from the days of ,plato1 
but he will suggest that  a relative    
fixity of terms is quite sufficient to  
content them4 ,he  will point out that  
in a progressive science any absolute   
fixity in its  terms is precluded by the
 very progress of the science4 ,for the 
terms  in use must somehow manage to    
convey the growing knowledge they are   
employed to #8fix'4 ,the term #8gas'1   
for example1 must not be tied down  to  
the meaning ,van ,helmont desired to    
convey when he invented it2 it  must    
incorporate all that physics has        
discovered about #8gases' ever  since4  
,similarly1 when ,darwinism transforms  
the notion of #8species'1  and the      
discovery of radio-activity that of     
#8atom'1 these developments  of meaning 
must be recognized as perfectly proper4 
,to object to  these conceptions as     
modern science uses them1 on the ground 
that1  because to ,plato and ,aristotle 
species were eternal and immutable1  a  
#8species' that changes cannot be truly 

a species1 or that because  an #8atom'  
is etymologically #8indivisible'1 it    
becomes an impossible                   
self-contradiction when it is made up   
out of #8electrons'1 will seem to  him  
to reveal only the fatuous pedantry of  
an utterly unscientific mind4     #ab4  
7#b7 ,if he is acquainted with          
psychology1 he will perceive also  that 
the fiction of the fixity of terms is   
subject to a further  restriction4 ,it  
is not only in science as such--for all 
sciences  must be conceived as          
progressive--that the fixity of terms   
cannot  be made absolute3 a real fixity 
is strictly inconceivable for and  in   
every human mind4 ,for every term that  
is actually used to convey  a meaning   
must be held to form part of a new      
truth1#che i4e4  of a truth that was not
 previously in being4 ,it is not a      
question  of principle whether the truth
 is supposed to be new only to the      
person to whom it is addressed1 or      
claims to be new to all1 i4e4 to        

science4 ,for no judgement would be made
 unless it had something new  to        
say4#chf ,hence every real judgement1 as
 opposed to the verbal  formulas which  
are called judgements in the            
logic-books1 more or  less modifies the 
meaning of its terms4 ,if it succeeds in
 being a  real judgement and a new      
truth1 it establishes a new and         
previously  unknown relation between its
 subject and its predicate4 #8,s' is    
henceforth an                           
,s-which-can-have-,p-predicated-of-it1  
and #8,p'  a                            
,p-which-can-be-predicated-of-,s4 ,thus 
both the psychological  associations and
 the logical associates of ,s and ,p are
 changed4  ,that logicians should not   
have noticed so obvious a fact can be   
attributed only to their inveterate     
habit of not using in their             
illustrations real judgements intended  
to cope with actual problems1  but      
operating with their verbal skeletons1  
which are not being used by  any one to 

convey his meaning1 and so do not have  
any actual meaning4    ,clearly1 then1  
no science can interpret the fixity of  
terms quite  literally4 ,or rather1 it  
can only interpret it literally--as a   
matter  of the literal integrity of the 
words that may convey a meaning4  ,but  
in a scientific inquiry the convention  
of formal logic must be  reversed2 the  
fixity of terms must be understood not  
to be absolute1  but to be merely ad hoc
 and sufficient to convey a definite    
meaning1  which it is desired to        
develop4 ,accordingly it must always be 
assumed  that the results of an inquiry 
are to modify its terms1 and that it is 
permissible1 and indeed inevitable1 to  
develop their meaning1 so long  as they 
remain capable of expressing and        
conveying the new truth4 ,we  must come 
to every inquiry with a willingness to  
learn and to expand  our terms4 ,the    
,fixity of ,terms1 as it is tacitly     
presupposed in the  traditional logic1  
is a scientific blunder of the gravest  

kind4     #ac4 7#c7 ,to renounce it1    
however1 entails further consequences4  
,it  appears to undermine the whole     
notion of formal validity4 ,for if we   
admit in principle that the meaning of  
terms depends vitally on that  of the   
judgement in which they occur1 how can  
we continue to rely  absolutely on the  
mere verbal identity of its terms to    
hold together a  syllogism8 ,in any     
syllogism the middle term1 ,m1 may have 
one shade of  meaning in relation to ,p1
 another in relation to ,s4 ,it may be  
quite  right to call ,m ,p in one       
connexion1 and to call ,s ,m in another2
  and yet1 when the two assertions are  
put together1 they may lead to  a       
conclusion which is an error or an      
absurdity4 ,the man who 7in his         
laboratory7 would rightly declare that  
#8all salt is soluble in water'  and 7at
 his dinner table7 as properly hold that
 #8all ,cerebos is salt'1  could not    
combine these assertions to draw the    
conclusion that #8all  ,cerebos is      

soluble in water'1 without finding that 
the facts confuted  his anticipation4   
,no doubt1 when this had happened1 he   
might explain it1 ex post facto  7if he 
knew logic71 by alleging a hidden       
#8ambiguity of the middle  term'4 ,we   
need not here discuss whether it is fair
 to treat as an  inherent ambiguity what
 is really a juxtaposition of shades of 
meaning  which were relative to         
different purposes and right in their   
original  contexts1 thus manufacturing a
 fallacy by selecting the premisses3 the
  important thing is that the logician  
should be driven to admit that  any     
middle term may become ambiguous in this
 way when a syllogism is  constructed1  
and that this completely stultifies his 
assumption that  the verbal identity of 
the middle guarantees the real identity 
of  the objects to which it refers4#chg 
,if we call two things1 which are  and  
must be different if they are to be two1
 both #8,m'1 we necessarily  take the   
risk that the differences are irrelevant

 for the purpose  of our argument4 ,we  
may legitimately assume this1 but if we 
do1 our  hypothesis has to be confirmed 
in fact2 it is nave to think that the   
verbal identity of the terms is quite   
enough4 ,if1 then1 actual identity      
cannot be absolutely guaranteed1 if     
there is always a possibility  that the 
same term when put into a syllogism and 
used in reasoning may  develop an       
ambiguity and become effectively two1 it
 is evident that no  amount of formal   
validity will safeguard the truth of a  
conclusion1  even when the premisses are
 in themselves severally true4 ,the     
syllogistic form is convicted of losing 
truth which it started from1  and this  
is the very thing it boasted it could   
never do4 ,moreover1  its coercive      
#8cogency' is exploded3 whoever wishes  
to deny a #8valid'  conclusion after    
admitting its premisses1 has merely to  
suggest that by  putting the premisses  
together a fatal ambiguity has been     
generated in  the middle term4     #ad4 

7#d7 ,the assumption that everything has
 been named rightly1 and  is what it is 
called1 will scarcely commend itself to 
the scientific  researcher4 ,he will    
know from much painful experience that  
language  only embodies the knowledge   
which has been acquired up to date1 and 
too  often is only a compendium of      
popular errors4 ,hence in any research  
which really breaks new ground the      
existing terminology will always  prove 
inadequate1 and new technical terms have
 usually to be devised  in order to     
embody the new knowledge4 ,the reason is
 obvious4 ,ex  hypothesi we are         
inquiring farther into the subject1     
because our  knowledge is felt to be    
insufficient4 ,accordingly the probable 
defects  of the terminology we are      
initially forced to use must be borne in
  mind3 we may expect it to omit what is
 unknown1 to misdescribe and  to        
classify wrongly what is partially      
known1 putting together what  does not  
belong together and separating what     

does1 emphasizing the  unimportant and  
slurring over the important1 and        
generally failing to  provide the mind  
with words that give it a real          
apprehension of the  objects under      
inquiry4 ,hence the tacit assumption of 
,aristotelian logic  that the terms     
reasoned with are fully known1 that     
adequate notions are  already extant1   
that truth has merely to be disentangled
 by a verbal  criticism of existing     
opinions1 and has not to be discovered  
outright1  is false2 nor can any        
argument from a verbal identity be taken
 as final4     #ae4 7#e7 ,but of all the
 assumptions lurking in the theory of   
proof1  the belief that reasoning can   
and should start from certainty will    
seem the falsest and most pernicious to 
the man of science4 ,for it  means that 
we are committed to a search for        
absolutely certain  premisses as a      
preliminary to every inquiry1 and       
proscribes consciously  hypothetical1   
i4e4 truly experimental1 reasoning      

altogether1 or at  least condemns it as 
incapable of leading to certainty4 ,this
 search1  however1 will either be       
perfunctory and uncritical1 if it       
accepts false  claims to certainty2 or  
else vain1 if it is conscientious4 ,for 
every  attempt to prove a conclusion    
absolutely demands two absolutely true  
premisses2 hence the more we try to     
prove1 the more we have to prove1  and  
our search grows the more endless and   
futile1 the longer it is  continued4 ,an
 immutable basis of absolutely certain  
truths1 therefore1  for reasoning to    
start from1 is nowhere to be found4 ,in 
no science  is it possible to start with
 truths that are absolutely certain4    
,in every science the initial #8facts'  
are doubtful2 they are alleged1  but not
 yet approved4 ,they embody only        
unsystematic observation  and           
prescientific experience of the subject1
 and so are probably  the products of   
inaccurate observation1 bad             
interpretation1 false  preconceptions1  

and popular superstitions4 ,to acquire  
any considerable  scientific value1 such
 material has to be thoroughly revised  
and  refined4    ,the validity of       
methods and the certainty of            
#8principles' are no more  assured than 
the #8facts'1 initially4 ,every science 
has to work out its  own appropriate    
methods experimentally2 even if it      
borrows methods  from another1 it has to
 find out how and how far they apply to 
a new  subject4 ,neither does a science 
acquire its principles by divine        
revelation2 even if they fell from      
heaven ready-made1 it would insist  on  
testing the authenticity of the         
revelation4 ,but philosophers have  been
 extremely reluctant to admit that the  
certainty of principles is  a gradual   
growth3 for over #b1jjj years they have 
been endeavouring to  discover some way 
of securing an infallibility to         
principles which  would render them     
independent of the working of the       
sciences which use  them4 ,but if their 

labours have proved anything1 it is that
 no such way  can be found4    7a7 ,they
 have recognized many principles as     
#8self-evident'1 and  equipped the mind 
with a variety of #8faculties'1         
expressly invented to  enable it to     
apprehend the #8self-evident'           
inerrantly4 ,but they have not  been    
able to agree upon a list of            
self-evident principles1#chh nor  even  
to find any truth whose claims to       
self-evidence have not been  denied by  
competent critics4 ,nor have they been  
able to define their  notion of         
#8self-evidence' itself2 they cannot    
discriminate between  the sound         
#8logical' self-evidence1 which they    
conceived to guarantee  truth1 and its  
merely #8psychological' #8mimic'1 which 
is certainly much  commoner1 and becomes
 more intense and extensive the more    
unsound is  the mind that #8apprehends' 
it4#chi ,hence an unprejudiced observer 
has  no reason to put the #8intuitions' 
of philosophers and the #8faculties'    

which apprehend them on a higher        
cognitive level than those of women  or 
even lunatics4 ,they all impose         
themselves psychologically2 but this    
proves nothing as to their logical      
value1 and science has to test them     
just the same4    7b7 ,the principles   
which are said to be necessary or       
logical  #8presuppositions' all turn out
 to be hypothetical when they are       
examined4 ,they are needed1 no doubt1 to
 solve the problem in hand1 if  the     
particular way it is formulated is taken
 for granted4 ,but if either  the order 
or the formulation of problems is       
altered1 they cease to be  either       
#8necessary' or #8presuppositions'4 ,for
 example1 the #8axiom of  parallels'1   
alias #8,euclid's postulate'1 is a      
necessary presupposition  of geometry1  
if the existence of parallels is        
assumed4 ,but if we  prefer it1 we can  
just as well 7with ,aristotle7 make it  
our axiomatic  #8presupposition' that   
the interior angles of a triangle are   

equal to  two right angles1 and can then
 deduce the existence of parallels4     
,i4e4  ,euclid might have deduced what  
he assumed1 and assumed what he deduced4
  ,if1 moreover1 we do not desire to    
construct a ,euclidean geometry at  all1
 we can deny both presuppositions1 and  
proceed from alternative  postulates1   
which lead to the various               
metageometries4 ,the only things1  in   
short1 which all scientific principles  
presuppose are the desire to  construct 
a science1 and the desire to construct  
it in a particular  way1 which is       
simplest1 or easiest1 or most           
systematic1 or most in  accordance with 
the reigning prejudices4 ,but these     
desires are the  very things which the  
logician's account of principles always 
omits to  mention4    ,again1 the whole 
of ,kant's scheme of a priori           
presuppositions in  the theory of       
knowledge rests upon an arbitrary       
assumption1 viz4  that mental data are  
to be conceived as originally discrete  

and  are therefore in need of           
#8synthesis'4 ,but it is just as        
possible  to conceive an analysis of    
knowledge which starts from the         
#8presupposition' of a continuum or     
flux1 and proceeds to trace out the     
principles by means of which this       
continuum is broken up into a world  of 
apparently distinct things and          
processes4 ,nor is it possible to say   
in advance of experience which of such  
#8presuppositions' is going to be  more 
convenient and more conducive to        
scientific progress4    7c7 ,it demands 
a high and rare degree of philosophic   
insight to  perceive that very many     
principles are neither certain1         
necessary1  nor probable1 but simply    
methodological4 ,whether we think them  
true  or not1 we adopt them because of  
their eminent convenience4 ,if they     
turn out to be false1 candour compels us
 to call them methodological  fictions2 
but they continue in use4 ,our belief in
 the trustworthiness  of memory is a    

good example4 ,for though we often find 
that our memory  has played us tricks1  
we continue to accept as true what we   
#8distinctly  remember'4 ,if no         
limitations to the truth-claim of such  
assumptions  are discovered1 enthusiasts
 will probably insist on promoting them 
to  the rank of indisputable #8axioms'1 
and hail them as absolute truths4  ,but 
their scientific value is not thereby   
enhanced1 and the cautious  will eschew 
such exaggerations4 ,for there is no    
real reason why the  scientific rank of 
principles should not rest openly and   
entirely on  their actual services1 and 
why a #8methodological assumption'      
should  not rank higher than a          
#8self-evident truth'4 ,for the latter  
is at most  a fact of our mental        
organization which nothing has so far   
turned up  in nature to set at naught1  
and as such a fact it is itself a thing 
to  marvel at rather than an explanation
 of other things4 ,the scientific       
spirit will always hesitate to acquiesce

 in the limits which are set  to inquiry
 by sheer brute facts1 and if the       
absolute truth of certain  principles   
were merely an ultimate fact which could
 neither be impugned  nor explained1    
this would go far to make these         
principles appear  unintelligible and   
would be a constant challenge to        
dispense with them1  or somehow to evade
 them4 ,a principle1 then1 should always
 be prepared  to state the reasons a    
science had for adopting it3 only the   
reasons  will appear from the actual    
working of the science4 ,they will      
involve  a reference forward to the     
facts it copes with1 not back to higher 
principles or to any claim that proves  
itself by its self-assertion4    7d7    
,indisputable principles1 then1 are not 
consonant with the  spirit of inquiry3  
it will gladly let them go1 if it can   
attain truth  and advance knowledge in  
other ways4 ,it will not shrink even    
from  repudiating the ideal of          
absolutely true and demonstrated truth1 

if it  can be realized only by          
sacrificing the progressiveness of      
science2 nor  will it be dismayed to    
find that this ideal is unrealizable4   
,for when  the inquirer reflects upon   
his own procedure1 he finds that it     
points  to a radically different ideal1 
and that the existence of absolute      
truths would only be a hindrance and a  
restriction upon his endeavour  7cf4    
#bh 7#d774      ,,ii     #af4 ,before1  
however1 we attempt to delineate the    
logical ideal of  the discoverer1 it    
will be necessary to encounter a serious
 objection  which protests on principle 
against such an undertaking1 and urges  
that discovery by its very nature must  
elude logical treatment4 ,it  is        
contended1 in the supposed interests of 
logic1 that discovery is  a process so  
inherently and incurably psychological  
that no logical  account can ever be    
given of it4 ,discoveries are windfalls1
 and come  as #8happy thoughts' to the  
gifted geniuses that make them1 in a    

manner  neither they nor any one else   
can account for or describe3 they are   
therefore logically fortuitous1 and to  
set forth the ideal of proof by  which  
the truth of discoveries is tested is   
all that need1 or can1 be  the concern  
of logic4    ,certainly the great       
majority of deductive logicians have    
taken up some  such attitude towards the
 process of discovery4 ,aristotle       
contents  himself with a bare mention of
 #8sagacity' 771 which is defined  as   
the instantaneous apprehension of the   
suitable middle term for  constructing a
 demonstrative syllogism4#cij ,when one 
recollects the  weary centuries of      
painful effort and continual failure    
which elapsed  while the lite of the    
human race were seeking for clues to1   
e4g41  the mysteries of disease and of  
physical happenings1 before they hit    
upon the notions of microbes and the    
mechanical theory1 this nave            
underestimate of the most difficult and 
essential of scientific  procedures     

sounds like a mockery4 ,yet the whole   
,aristotelian school  pass over the     
problem as lightly4 ,they all seem to   
believe that1 while  it is merely low   
cunning to make a discovery1 it is a    
real proof of  mental capacity to       
arrange it #8in logical order' after it 
has been  made1 and to show how far     
short it falls of the logical ideal4    
,even the  inductive logicians may be   
said to have participated in this       
attitude4  ,for they were not more      
anxious to propound methods of discovery
 than  to contend that their conclusions
 were just as rigidly proved and just   
as formally valid as those of           
syllogisms4 ,they did not see that they 
were thereby accepting the demonstrative
 ideal of proof and giving away  their  
own2 what they should have shown was    
that this ideal was utterly  nugatory1  
and that their own methods could never  
conduct to #8proof'1  but only to       
something vastly superior4     #ag4 ,in 
spite1 however1 of this wonderful       

consensus of logicians the  above       
argument depends essentially on a       
confusion4 ,it has confused  two things 
which are perfectly distinct1 the actual
 procedure of  the individual           
discoverer1 and the generalized         
description of the  attitude of mind and
 procedures of discoverers1 as they     
appear to  subsequent logical           
reflection4 ,both present problems to   
the logician1  but the problems are not 
the same4 ,to anticipate the process of 
actual  discovery may well be left to   
the prophets2 it will transcend the     
powers of logic and indeed of any       
science1 unless it be individual        
psychology1 if it exists1 or history1 if
 it be a science4#cia ,it may  readily  
be admitted that anecdotes about the    
bath which fomented in  the mind of     
,archimedes the idea of specific        
gravity1 and the streets  of ,syracuse  
through which he ran and cried          
#8,heureka6'1 or about  the apple-tree  
which shed its fruit upon ,newton's     

receptive head1  and stimulated his     
brain to frame the law of universal     
gravitation1  are beneath the dignity of
 science4 ,their narration belongs to   
history1 which can go as deeply into    
their details as the scale  of the      
history and the purpose of the historian
 demand2 but the  particular            
circumstances of a particular discovery 
may well be treated  as #8accidental'1  
and be smoothed out of the scientific   
record4 ,but  why does it follow that no
 common features can be traced in these 
histories of discovery1 and that there  
cannot be compiled out of a  sufficient 
number of them a generalized account of 
what appears to be  the #8essential'1   
i4e4 really relevant1 procedure of      
discoverers1 which  may serve as a guide
 and model to subsequent discoverers8   
,why should  this be more difficult than
 to describe the method of lion-hunting 
from the records of lion hunts1 or the  
treatment of a disease from the  history
 of a number of cases8 ,indeed1 it would

 seem that the thing has  been done4    
,any discoverer may reflect upon his own
 discoveries1 and1  like ,poincar1#cib  
formulate the method he has found       
successful4 ,and  if discoverers are not
 all perfectly unique in their methods1 
important  uniformities will probably be
 found by comparing the methods of a    
number of discoverers4    ,why again    
should it be assumed that the general   
account thus extracted  from a          
retrospective study of discoveries must 
at once coincide with  the logical      
#8ideal of proof'8 ,why should it even  
point to this1 or  be related to it     
otherwise than by contrast8 ,surely the 
possibility  should be discussed that   
there are two procedures for logic to   
consider1 of which the one describes how
 human knowers1 starting  from what they
 believe themselves to know1 set about  
it to fortify  and extend their         
knowledge1 while the other moves on a   
superhuman  plane and describes1 with   
,platonic fervour1 how ideal            

demonstration1  descending from         
absolutely certain principles1 moulds   
into a closed  and inexpugnable system  
all the truths which are deducible from 
these  and alone intelligible4 ,the two 
accounts must be distinct1 for they     
have different starting-points and work 
upon different material4 ,nor  need they
 ever have any point of contact4 ,for it
 may well be that human  knowing never  
attains to an absolute certainty and a  
completed system1  while deductive proof
 never condescends to notice mundane    
fact4    ,this was certainly so in the  
first rapturous vision of a priori      
#8proof' which solaced ,plato amid the  
elusiveness and opacity of the  flow of 
happenings4 ,the deduction of the       
intelligible order of the  ideal        
#8,forms' from their supreme ground and 
7sole67 premiss in the  #8,idea of the  
,good' stopped short of facts and events
 at the laws of  minimum generality1#cic
 and recognized in all the happenings of
 the  sensible world an ineradicable    

taint of #8not-being' which rendered    
their stability impossible and their    
prediction vain4 ,aristotle  similarly  
distinguished between the procedure     
which started from the  notiora nobis1  
the apparent facts of perception1 and   
that which  began with the notiora      
naturae1 the self-evident principles    
which  could form the ultimate premisses
 of demonstrations4 ,but that these two 
methods must somehow coincide was       
assumed rather than proved1 in a way    
that should have discredited the        
doctrine4 ,for ,aristotle also was not  
able to explain how #8science'1 being of
 #8universals'1 could apply to          
particulars1 which nevertheless he would
 not with ,plato stigmatize as          
#8unreal'1 while the ascent from the    
sensible fact to the #8universal'1      
which was called the #8induction' of the
 #8principle'1 is hardly  validated by  
the nave allegation of a mental faculty 
of #8intuitive  reason' 77 endowed with 
the special function of apprehending    

principles in their particular          
exemplifications4 ,it is high time1     
therefore1 that this whole assumption   
that a necessary congruity exists       
between the logic of discovery and of   
proof should be subjected to a  thorough
 examination4      ,,iii     #ah4 ,such 
an examination will speedily establish  
that the mental  attitude of the        
discoverer is1 and must be1 quite       
different from that  of the prover4     
,in the first place1 the discoverer is  
not in possession of the  knowledge he  
covets4 ,it is for him a desire1 an     
aspiration1 an aim to  be attained4     
,proof1 on the other hand1 presupposes  
knowledge4 ,not only  must the          
demonstrator know the assured truths he 
uses as premisses1  not only must he    
have a supply of absolutely certain     
truths if his  proof is not to remain   
hypothetical 7 #i71 but he must already 
know  the conclusion he exhibits4 ,he   
cannot be ignorant1 like the discoverer1
  of the result he is to arrive at4 ,he 

is not engaged in discovering  new      
truth1 he is only showing how it follows
 from old truths4 ,his  retrospective   
contemplation has merely to retrace the 
history of its  attainment1 or rather to
 rearrange it in the more pleasing order
  which he calls #8logical'4 ,this order
 is not that in which it was            
discovered1 nor even that in which it   
could be discovered4 ,for  there are    
such things as necessary errors1        
indispensable artifices1  and           
indefensible fictions1 and the way to a 
truth often lies through  them4 ,thus   
from time immemorial mathematicians have
 represented the  continuous by the     
discrete1 quantities by numbers1 knowing
 full  well what fictions their practice
 involved4 ,again1 mathematical         
calculation of shapes1 areas1 and       
motions necessarily presupposes the     
fictions that bodies have the ideal and 
regular forms to which they             
#8approximate'1 and that their #8mass'  
is concentrated at their 7ideal7        

#8centre of gravity'4 ,it is more than  
doubtful whether the notion of  an      
#8evolution' of species could ever have 
been reached1 except by  starting from  
the false notion of the fixity of       
species1 or whether  the true nature of 
the mobility and development of meanings
 could have  been understood except by  
correcting the ,platonic theory of      
immutable  and eternal #8universals'4   
,to #8proof' all these incidents and    
accidents  of the history of discovery  
are irrelevant2 all that has to be done 
is to show that the new truth can be    
deduced from the old1 and that a        
#8logical connexion' exists between     
them4     #ai4 ,not only is this much   
easier to do than to make the discovery1
  but it is very much easier to follow4 
,any one can see the connexion  once the
 data have been arranged in logical     
order4 ,hence the assumption  that this 
order somehow represents the actual     
process in a perfected  form is natural 
enough4 ,but it leads to contempt for   

the procedure  of discovery4 ,the       
discovery is made to look so easy that  
it becomes  impossible to appreciate its
 difficulty and its merit1 and it seems 
astonishing that no one made it long    
before4 ,for did not the #8facts'  all  
but force it upon the dullest mind8 ,who
 could have failed to see  that fossils 
must be 7at least7 as old as the rocks  
in which they are  embedded1 that       
obviously worked flints1 similarly1     
attest the antiquity  of man1 that      
northern ,europe is scratched all over  
with the marks of  a gigantic           
glaciation8 ,it is forgotten that these 
#8facts' were not  there until there    
came a mind prepared to notice them4    
,hence none of  these discoveries were  
in fact easy to make1 and they were     
preceded by  a long struggle of the     
human mind with false preconceptions and
 the  illusory #8facts' which they had  
engendered4    ,nor are discoveries easy
 to get recognized when they have been  
made4  ,the persecutions to which       

discoverers of new truth are subjected  
always and everywhere 7more or less7    
form as discreditable a chapter  of     
human history as the persecution of     
moral reformers4 ,those may  count      
themselves fortunate who are simply     
ignored4 ,hence everything  has to be   
#8discovered' over and over again4      
,nothing new ever enters  the world1    
just as nothing old ever passes away1   
without infinite  pains and after a     
protracted struggle4 ,one curious result
 of this  inertia which deserves to rank
 among the great fundamental #8laws' of 
nature1 is that when a discovery has    
finally won tardy recognition1 it  is   
usually found to have been anticipated1 
often with cogent reasons  and in great 
detail4 ,darwinism1 e4g41 may be traced 
back through the  ages to ,heraclitus   
and ,anaximander4 ,thus it is true that 
there is  #8nothing new under the sun'2 
but only because when a new truth first 
appears it does not prevail3 when after 
a hundred repetitions it is at  length  

recognized1 it is no longer strictly    
new4 ,accordingly1 the  #8discovery' of 
a truth is only the beginning of its    
career1 the first  step by which it     
makes its way in the world1 and still   
very distant  from the crowning #8proof'
 with which logic complacently adorns it
 ex  post facto1 when it has #8arrived'4
 ,the slowness and difficulty1 then1    
with which the human race makes         
discoveries1 and its blindness to the   
most obvious facts1 if it happens to be 
unprepared or unwilling to see  them1   
should suffice to show that there is    
something gravely wrong  about the      
logician's account of discovery4        
#bj4 ,quite apart from the difficulties 
which the psychological  constitution   
and social organization of man put in   
the way of  innovators1 the making of a 
new truth which formulates a new #8fact'
  is also intrinsically anxious work4   
,it is not merely that its maker  can   
have no assurance that his enterprise   
will succeed1 that he cannot  start with

 a feeling of certainty from established
 truths1 and be  wafted by an           
irresistible wave of logical necessity  
to the safe haven  of a predestined     
conclusion4 ,he must start with a       
consciousness of  ignorance and an      
all-pervading feeling of doubt about    
every step of his  inquiry4 ,this doubt 
he should not1 moreover1 endeavour to   
disregard  or to suppress2 for it is the
 best guarantee that no way to the truth
  will be passed by in his explorations4
 ,doubt1 therefore1 should be           
recognized on principle1 and equipped   
with a technique of testing and         
experimentation3 the inquirer should be 
proud that he has to feel his  way in   
fear and trembling to the very end4     
,yet his condition will not contravene  
,aristotle's dictum that all  inquiry   
and research proceed from knowledge     
previously acquired4#cid  ,in a sense he
 will still start from what he knows1 or
 thinks he knows4  ,for it is           
psychologically impossible to do        

anything else4 ,the knowledge  he       
believes himself to have cannot but     
affect all his ideas1 and he  cannot get
 away from it4 ,his boldest             
speculations1 his most hazardous        
hypotheses1 will have some relation1    
however subtle and recondite1  to the   
knowledge at his disposal4 ,it will     
influence all his thoughts  and guide   
his guesses4 ,as he cannot divest       
himself of his knowledge  and the ideas 
it has rendered familiar to him1 he has 
to accept its  limitations4 ,his only   
problem is to use it as effectively as  
possible4    ,but it is clear that he   
cannot regard his knowledge with the    
same  sort and amount of confidence as  
the believer in demonstrative proof4    
,he must conceive himself as an         
explorer1 and his attitude must be      
tentative throughout4 ,knowing that his 
premisses are questionable and  only    
doubtfully true1 he will recognize that 
his inferences are only  probable1 and  
stand in need of confirmation4 ,as a    

rule he can1 no  doubt1 find accepted   
truths to argue from2 but these being   
relative to  the existing state of      
knowledge are known to be subject to    
correction4  ,even where he has started 
with premisses of the most superior     
kind1  which are generally deemed       
absolutely self-evident and certain in  
themselves1 he will still be conscious  
of a doubt whether they will  prove to  
be the right premisses for his purpose4 
,if they are not1  their truth is       
irrelevant and will lead him astray4 ,in
 no case1  therefore1 can he escape the 
responsibility of choosing the right    
ones from his limited stock of known    
truths and familiar ideas1 as he        
contemplates the infinite expanse of    
possible discovery4 ,in whatever        
direction he moves1 the unknown lies    
before him2 he may come upon  surprises 
or be stopped by unsuspected obstacles4 
,in short1 there is  nothing of the     
irresistible about his progress2 it has 
not the faintest  resemblance to the    

majestic march from inevitable premisses
 to a  predestined conclusion which so  
fascinates us in the theory of proof4   
#ba4 ,but1 it may be said1 all this is  
not enough4 ,the differences in  the    
attitudes assumed by the reasoner in    
discovery and in proof may  be only     
psychological4 ,they do not prove any   
real logical difference  between them2  
the logician's account may still be what
 the discoverer  would acknowledge to   
have been his best course1 if he could  
have seen  it4 ,it has1 therefore1 to be
 shown that the differences in question 
arise out of1 and develop into1         
differences which are indisputably      
logical4    ,thus1 the ignorance which  
the inquirer feels is doubtless a       
psychological fact1 but the lack of     
knowledge which engenders it is  surely 
a logical fact of some importance4 ,in  
general1 the feelings of  doubt1        
expectancy1 and perplexity which beset  
the mind of the inquirer1  and contrast 
so distinctly with the feelings of      

confidence1 knowledge1  certainty1 and  
necessity which accompany a #8proof'1   
originate in a  logical fact4 ,every    
inquiry starts from a problem1 of which 
the  solution is not yet known4 ,an     
inquiry is1 as the name implies1 a      
question1 put1 not to nature at large   
and at random1 but to some  part of it1 
which is taken to be relevant and to    
contain a possible  answer to the       
inquirer's question4 ,now this          
dependence of inquiry  upon problems    
springs no doubt from the psychological 
fact that until  there is something put 
before it the mind cannot get to work   
upon it2  but it is surely a fact of the
 utmost logical significance1 and it is 
astounding that the logical tradition   
should have slurred it over so          
completely4    ,especially as in the    
very beginnings of logic some of the    
,greeks  distinctly caught a glimpse of 
it4 ,for1 having started their          
reflection  upon reasoning from a desire
 to regulate debate and to argue a case 

at law1 they naturally noticed that     
there are two sides 7at least7  to every
 question4 ,accordingly1 ,protagoras    
appears to have taught  systematically  
that there were always two reasonings 77
 to be  considered1#cie ,socrates1      
treated scientific inquiry as an        
extension  of the art of                
cross-examination1 and ,plato conceived 
the search for  ideal truth as a        
#8dialectical' process1 as a sort of    
dialogue of the  soul with itself4 ,now 
this whole doctrine is equally good as  
logic  and as psychology4 ,it is        
profoundly true of the inquirer's mind2 
he  must be keenly alive1 not only to   
the evidence for1 but also to  that     
against his working theory4 ,but it is  
also true of the logical  nature of     
inquiry that it is a process of         
determining which of the  alleged       
#8facts' and of the theories to         
interpret them are real and  true4      
,inquiry logically #8presupposes' a     
conflict between the data1 and  a       

dispute about them4    ,unfortunately1  
however1 the conception of scientific   
research as  an inquiry lapses from the 
logical consciousness in consequence  of
 ,aristotle's work4 ,his discovery of   
the forms and formulas of  demonstration
 overshadowed it1 and restored the reign
 of dogma which is  so congenial to the 
authorities everywhere4#cif ,the true   
conception of  inquiry does not revive  
again until our days1 when ,mr4 ,alfred 
,sidgwick  and ,professor ,john ,dewey  
have endeavoured1 not with the success  
they deserved1 to reopen the eyes of    
logicians to the facts of the           
scientific situation4     #bb4 ,to      
conceive an inquiry as a question then  
is1 we see1 implicitly  to conceive it  
as having a plurality of answers1 all of
 which have  to be examined4 ,all these 
answers are initially hypotheses1 and a 
choice has to be made between them4     
,this renders the recognition of        
alternatives a paramount necessity for a
 logic of discovery1 which  can no      

longer dismiss them with a jejune       
chapter on #8disjunctive  propositions'4
 ,their existence is no longer to be    
treated as an  annoying complication    
which delays the progress of science1   
but must be  taken to inhere in the     
logical nature of problems1 and to be   
essential  to their proper elucidation4 
,logic1 therefore1 should regard it as  
its duty to inquire 7#a7 how the        
inquirer is furnished with an adequate  
supply of theories for analysing  and   
testing the apparent facts of his       
subject1 7#b7 what methods are  used to 
sift hypotheses and to select the more  
valuable1 and 7#c7 if it  can1 to add   
some hints as to how theories and       
methods ought to be  handled4    7#a7   
,to the first question there is no      
exhaustive answer4 ,no logic can        
guarantee that all the possible theories
 which concern the facts  under inquiry 
will be available4 ,they may not yet    
have occurred to any  human mind1 and   
may never do so4 ,this alone ought to be

 considered a  fatal objection to all   
methods which presuppose exhaustiveness1
 and are  pressed by the logician upon  
the man of science4 ,it ought to dispose
 of  methods which demand that all the  
facts should be assembled before        
theorizing is begun1 or that all the    
alternatives should be stated  and the  
true one extracted by the successive    
elimination of the false  ones1 or that 
define a #8cause' as reciprocating with 
its #8effect'1 and  assume that the true
 cause has been discovered when no other
 has been  thought of1 or that if a     
theory works we may take it that it     
alone will  do so and is 7absolutely7   
true4 ,all these notions demand an      
impossible  exhaustion of the           
alternatives1 and try to convert a      
7psychological7  failure to think of any
 more into a logical proof that there   
are no  more4 ,and they all regard the  
plurality of alternatives as a hindrance
  to be got rid of1 and not as a        
safeguard and a help to proper inquiry4 

,hence the real difficulty was not      
perceived1 viz4 that there is no  formal
 guarantee that the supply of hypotheses
 for use upon the facts  in any inquiry 
will be adequate4 ,it may well be that  
for lack of a  good working theory to go
 upon1 all the theorizing on a subject  
proves  vain and sterile4 ,in the       
beginnings of all the sciences this sort
 of  condition always exists and often  
lasts for centuries1 and it is a main   
reason why some sciences make little    
progress even now4    ,nevertheless1 the
 difficulty is not in practice as fatal 
as it looks  on paper4 ,it is probable  
that the inquirer will in fact usually  
have  a supply of alternatives to start 
from4 ,for 7a7 he will naturally  select
 a subject in which there are disputed  
points4 ,and 7b71 what  is even more    
important1 human minds are naturally    
various3 they put1  therefore1 different
 interpretations on the same facts and  
value them  differently4 ,some are      
attracted by novelty1 others by         

orthodoxy2 some  incline to one type of 
theory and method of inquiry1 others to 
another4  ,hence in any inquiry upon    
which a number of minds are actively    
engaged1  there will always be          
differences of opinion1 and these will  
be most  marked in the rapidly growing  
regions of every progressive science1   
which1 like the growing cells in the    
trunk of a tree1 are always on the      
outskirts4 ,there will always be a      
conservative and a liberal party1  even 
in science1 and the clash between their 
views will always provide  alternative  
solutions of problems1 the comparative  
merits of which the  inquirer can       
examine4 ,but the sciences owe their    
progress largely to  the man who raises 
new questions1 and should provide for   
him in their  organization4     #bc4 ,it
 should be noted further that if this   
feature in discovery  were properly     
recognized and emphasized1 it would have
 important  educational and ethical     
effects4 ,at present the study of logic 

can  hardly be said to liberalize and   
broaden the mind or to improve the      
temper4 ,so long as its chief interest  
is in a theory of absolute proof  and   
complete certainty1 it will tend to     
breed pedants and bigots4 ,the  effect  
would be very different if an adequate  
logic of discovery had  imbued the mind 
with an ever-present thought that every 
subject may and  must be considered from
 several points of view1 and that an    
inquirer  should beware of letting his  
predilections and preconceptions blind  
him to possible alternatives4 ,the      
logical attitude of inquiry1 when  fully
 understood1 demands a tolerant and open
 mind1 and excludes the                 
narrow-mindedness and dogmatism which   
the theory of proof has fostered  by its
 pretence of showing that there was but 
one truth and one  inevitable way of    
reaching it4 ,moreover1 the necessity of
 continually  choosing between a number 
of alternatives should cultivate a      
judicial  temper1 conducing to          

fair-mindedness and consideration       
towards the  views of others4 ,for a    
mind which is in the habit of choosing  
between  alternatives must be impressed 
by the facts that there is something to 
be said for the views it does not       
accept1 that the view accepted is  often
 not so very much superior to those     
rejected1 and that new facts  and new   
knowledge may always revive views which 
were supposed to be  defunct4    ,of    
course our natural dogmatism will take  
alarm at the flabby  toleration of ideas
 which this attitude seems to imply4 ,it
 will be  objected that no one who can  
see the good and truth in beliefs he    
does not accept1 can really be strenuous
 in upholding those he does4  ,the full 
answer to this bigots' argument can only
 be appreciated when  the attitude of   
progressive science is fully understood 
7cf4  #cc71  but in general it may be   
pointed out that a power of first       
weighing  alternatives1 choosing the    
best and acting upon it strenuously1 is 

precisely what life demands of us at    
every step4 ,it should not1  therefore1 
be impossible to compass it in science4 
#bd4 7#b7 ,to the second question of    
#bb1 viz4 what are the methods  used by 
the inquirer in sifting the alternative 
hypotheses in the  field1 and picking   
out the most valuable1 the answer is    
comparatively  easy4 ,it is             
substantially the answer given by the   
pragmatist analysis  of knowledge4 ,that
 theory is preferred1 and tends to be   
accepted as  true1 which for the time   
being works best4 ,the formula looks    
simple1  but needs more thinking out    
than its critics usually bestow upon it4
    7a7 ,it implies1 of course1 that all
 the alternatives 7before the  mind7    
#8work' more or less4 ,they must be 7or 
appear7 scientifically  plausible1 and  
proffer a more or less satisfactory     
explanation of some  or all of the      
admitted #8facts'4 ,this is why agencies
 like the ,devil1  who could once be    
extensively alleged to explain anything 

unusual1 have  dropped out of the       
purview of science4    7b7 #8,working'  
must be conceived somewhat widely4 ,its 
primary  appeal is to the accepted      
principles and recognized interests of  
the  science2 practically to #8work'    
means to conduce to the development of  
the science on the recognized lines1 and
 the proper judges of what  #8working'  
counts are the experts who cultivate    
each science4    7c7 ,but there will    
often be complications due to certain   
disputable  workings1 of which the      
relevance is not yet established1 and   
about  these there will legitimately be 
differences of opinion4 ,these should   
not be suppressed1 but candidly argued  
out4    7d7 ,moreover1 every new        
departure will be pro tanto disputable1 
because it will conflict more or less   
with the vested interests of the        
established doctrines4 ,one great factor
 in the #8working' of a new truth  is   
the extent to which it upsets1 or is    
thought to upset1 the old1 and  demands 

a reconstruction of beliefs1 a          
correction of authorities1 a  revision  
of text-books1 a renewal of plant1 c4   
,hence what works best  in the abstract 
may not do so under the actual          
conditions4 ,it may #8pay'  a professor 
better to be #8orthodox' than to be an  
innovator1 and he  is usually quite     
alive to this1 though it does not render
 him a good  investment scientifically  
for the institution that appoints him4  
,if  then we looked at this side of the 
matter alone1 the verdict would  always 
go against the novelty4 ,for very few   
new truths are fortunate  enough to find
 the field free and unoccupied4 ,usually
 they have to  spring up in a soil      
densely overgrown with a rank growth of 
prejudices1  dogmas1 and superstitions1 
to which the world is accustomed and    
even  devoted4 ,so they have to fight   
for an opening in which they can take   
root and grow up4    7e7 ,the           
#8working'1 however1 need not amount to 
a claim to represent  #8the' truth4 ,a  

discoverer may know that by reason of   
his deliberate use  of fictions1 his    
results have forfeited their claims to  
be strictly  true2 yet they may #8work' 
better than anything else in sight4 ,the
  typical example here is1 of course1   
mathematics4 ,when physical objects  are
 treated mathematically1 they are       
identified by a fiction with the        
objects of pure mathematics1 and it is  
only on this assumption that  their     
behaviour can be calculated4 ,they are1 
of course1 vastly more  than            
mathematical objects1 but their surplus 
meaning becomes irrelevant  wherever    
objects admit of mathematical treatment4
 ,and apart from the  restriction of the
 claim to truth necessitated by the use 
of fictions1  it should1 of course1 be  
recognized also that there are sound    
logical  reasons for denying that truths
 which rest on their #8workings' can    
ever  be #8absolute' 7 #bf s4f474 ,their
 truth is pragmatic1 and is optimi      
iuris only if pragmatism establishes    

that no other and no better truth       
exists4    7f7 ,more specifically a very
 important form of working is the       
prediction of events4 ,knowledge of the 
future is an almost universal  object of
 human desire1 which men have sought to 
compass by fair means  and foul1 and the
 calculation of the future is the avowed
 aim of many  scientific inquiries4     
,hence there is nothing more potent to  
dispose  the mind to accept a theory    
than the success of the predictions it  
has led to4 ,yet here again this form of
 #8working' differs generically  from   
#8proof'4 ,it is clear that prediction  
is not strictly proof4 ,for  predictions
 may be made with considerable accuracy 
by the aid of  hypotheses which turn out
 to be false or impossible4 ,thus       
eclipses  and other celestial events    
were predicted for centuries by means of
  the ,ptolemaic astronomy1 and they    
cannot be predicted even now with       
absolute accuracy4 ,indeed1 physically  
speaking1 absolute accuracy is          

unthinkable4 ,no instrument and no organ
 of observation can be conceived  to    
measure to more than a finite degree of 
accuracy1 and the best  value for any   
physical #8fact' will always be the mean
 of a number of  good observations after
 all the accessible sources of error    
have been  allowed for4    ,at no point1
 then1 does the test of #8working'      
conduct to the notion  that absolute    
truth is discoverable4 ,but the right   
inference may be1  not that the test is 
worthless1 but that absolute truth is a 
chimera4     #be4 7#c7 ,it cannot then  
be seriously disputed either that       
alternative  hypotheses are always 7more
 or less consciously7 present to the    
mind  of the inquirer1 or that the      
working of a theory is in fact used1 in 
all the sciences1 to test its claim to  
be true4 ,but does it follow that  logic
 should bow to scientific fact and      
recognize these practices8  ,should it  
set itself to devise a technique for    
regulating the  formation of hypotheses 

and the establishment of their truth by 
their  working8 ,it is here that the    
traditional logic demurs1 and disputes  
begin4 ,nevertheless1 strong reasons may
 be advanced for answering both         
questions in the affirmative4    7a7 ,an
 abundance of hypotheses is a guarantee 
of great logical  value that all the    
important facts will be properly        
observed4 ,for it  is evident that every
 theory will produce a certain bias in  
the  observer4 ,it will direct his      
attention upon those facts and those    
features which are relevant to his      
theory1 and1 more particularly1  which  
support it4 ,this is usually an         
advantage1 because it helps him  to     
select what is relevant to his inquiry  
from the chaos of events2 but  it will  
pari passu blind him to whatever does   
not seem to be related  to1 and to fit  
into1 his theory4 ,he will1 therefore1  
fail to observe  and to appreciate what 
will seem to him to have little or no   
scientific  interest4 ,and in so        

thinking he may be quite wrong4    ,the 
old theory of #8induction1' thought to  
get over this difficulty by  saying1    
#8,well1 of course1 all the facts must  
be observed'4 ,it did  not observe the  
fact that in practice this is           
impossible1 and is never  done4 ,nothing
 is observed but what the knowledge and 
preconceptions  of the time make visible
 to the scientific eye4 ,of what is     
visible at  any time only a small part  
seems worthy of the scientific          
microscope4  ,complete observation1     
therefore1 of literally all the facts is
  scientifically impracticable4    ,as a
 logical ideal also this notion of      
all-inclusiveness is absurd4 ,if  no    
inquiry could ever begin until all the  
facts had been assembled1  how could    
anything be discovered until omniscience
 had been achieved1  i4e4 when there was
 nothing left to discover8 ,for how are 
we to know  that our assembly of        
#8facts' really is complete8 ,and if    
literally all  the facts have to be used

 as data in any inquiry1 shall we not   
speedily  find that every fact ramifies 
into infinity1 and drags in the totality
  of reality1 and a knowledge of all    
things present1 past1 and future8  ,this
 #8logical ideal'1 therefore1 renders   
inquiry impossible4    ,in point of fact
 the data of any inquiry are always a   
selection4 ,they  are such of the       
recognized facts as are thought to be   
relevant1 i4e4  to be truly #8facts' for
 the purpose in hand4 ,but being a      
selection they  involve us in the risk  
that we may have selected wrongly1 and  
omitted  what is important while        
admitting what is not4 ,from this risk  
there  is no escape4 ,for we cannot     
effect a compromise by including merely 
so much of the facts as we can lay hold 
of4 ,not only does this yield  no       
guarantee that everything that is needed
 has been included1 but it  may be a    
positive hindrance to try to include too
 much4 ,for if our data  grow into an   
unwieldy mass1 they will not seem       

susceptible of any order  or principle1 
and even the most penetrating inquirer  
will lose his way4    ,it is better1    
therefore1 to give up altogether the    
idea of securing  formal validity by    
postulating an all-inclusive            
exhaustiveness4 ,the  obvious           
alternative is to operate simultaneously
 with a plurality  of theories1 each of 
which means a certain ordering of the   
#8facts'  relatively to what seems a    
relevant and promising point of view4   
,each  will involve a selection and     
induce a bias2 but with any luck they   
will  neutralize each other's bias1 and 
so will increase the probability that   
no really relevant fact has escaped     
notice4 ,this will not satisfy the      
logical #8ideal'1 but in practice it    
means a good deal1 and is enough  for   
scientific progress4 ,of course it must 
be understood that the  hypotheses      
employed are in a general way relevant  
to the problems and  the condition of   
the sciences1 and not random guesses4   

,this proviso  will cut down their      
exuberance even more than the           
limitations of the  human imagination1  
which seems to be psychologically       
incapable of  really departing very far 
from the suggestions of experience4     
#bf4 ,when logic has recognized the use 
and value of #8working' as  the test of 
truth1 it must1 however1 make it clear  
to itself and to  others both what      
precisely this test is1 and what it can1
 and cannot1  accomplish4    ,in the    
first place1 it must be made clear that 
it is not a logical  implication of the 
test that #8whatever works is true'1 and
 the reasons  for disputing this dictum 
must be set forth4 ,the fact is that we 
all have a strong psychological tendency
 to believe in the truth of  what is    
found to work1 without much criticism of
 the sort and extent  of the #8working'4
 ,but the logician should carefully     
investigate the  various sorts of       
working that occur1 and take special    
note of those  which either do not      

themselves lay claim to full truth1 or  
do not  7ordinarily7 have their claim   
conceded4    ,for example1 #8fictions'  
are not supposed to be strictly true2   
but  they may #8work' and be #8as good  
as true'1 or #8pragmatically true'1 or  
#8sufficiently true for the purpose in  
hand'4 ,they work1 in fact1 within      
limits2 but these limits are known1 and 
so they are not confused with           
full-fledged truths1 to the             
applicability of which there are no     
known  limits4    ,the case of          
#8methodological assumptions' is more   
difficult and  instructive1 and is      
usually misconceived4 ,in their case the
 existence  of limits to their          
#8working' is either not known or not   
relevant1  because they owe their       
adoption to their use and convenience in
  analysing and organizing a subject of 
inquiry4 ,thus the principle of         
,causation1 the assumption that every   
event has a cause which determines  it  
fully1 is properly to be regarded as    

methodological4 ,it declares  merely    
that if we desire to calculate the      
course of events1 it is  scientifically 
convenient to treat events as if they   
had #8causes'1  from which their        
occurrence could be predicted1 whether  
or not they  have them in fact4 ,this   
assumption may be purely methodological2
 it  need not1 and should not1 be turned
 into a dogmatic1 metaphysical  denial  
that there may be indeterminate         
happenings4 ,there may even  be good    
reasons to suspect their occurrence1 and
 indeterminism may  be ultimately true1 
and yet scientific method may rightly   
ignore  this possibility1 because it    
would render the calculation of events  
impossible4#cig ,even an indeterminist  
then is fully entitled to  reason as if 
events were determined1 and to search   
for #8causes'1 for  the purely          
methodological reason that this enables 
him to calculate  events1 and that after
 all they may be calculable4 ,so long as
 they  work for scientific purposes it  

is not1 in the case of methodological   
principles1 necessary to raise the      
question of their metaphysical truth4   
,the #8lie' again is a curious case of  
#8working'4 ,a lie1 works1 as a  rule1  
only so long as it passes for truth1 and
 is believed to have  the meaning and   
value its author claims for it2 when it 
is #8found  out'1 it ceases to work4    
,hence it can both work and fail to work
 at  the same time1 according as it is1 
or is not1 known to be a #8lie'4        
,clearly nothing can be made of the lie 
logically1 until this double  aspect    
inherent in its nature is recognized2 if
 the logician refuses to  distinguish   
between the persons concerned in its    
making1 acceptance1  and rejection1 it  
remains 7like #8error' to ,plato7 an    
insoluble  #8contradiction'4 ,it is1    
however1 a mere prejudice to refuse to  
make  these distinctions4    ,the       
#8working' of hypotheses is by no means 
simple and unambiguous4  ,it admits of  
infinite gradations in amount and kind1 

and the #8truth'  which is implicated in
 #8working' is nothing essentially but  
an index  of its logical value1 and may 
vary in quantity between values which   
cannot be psychologically discriminated 
from zero and from #ajj or  #a 7        
#8absolute' certainty74 ,it is crude1   
therefore1 to confront a  scientific    
hypothesis with the rigid alternative   
#8either 7absolutely7  true1 or         
7utterly7 false'2 its #8truth' really   
rests on its greater  value1 as compared
 with its competitors4 ,its value1 then1
 is a question  of more or less4 ,the   
more extensively1 conveniently1 and     
economically  a hypothesis works1 the   
more value has it1 i4e4 the more likely 
is  it to be called #8true'1 and to be  
supposed true absolutely3 the more      
continuously and successfully the test  
of working has been applied to  a       
doctrine1 the greater the confidence and
 affection with which it is  regarded1  
and the greater the presumption that it 
will continue to  approve itself as     

true4    ,but1 as we anticipated in  #bd
 7s4f471 it is vain to expect to        
establish any absolute truth by this    
method4 ,it provides truth with         
ever-growing probability1 but never with
 absolute certainty4 ,for1  however well
 a theory works1 the thought that one   
may hereafter be  found to work better  
can never logically be excluded4 ,even  
if every  one alive were perfectly      
satisfied1 and no one could imagine any 
improvement in an accepted truth--and   
these conditions are by no  means often 
realized--such psychological            
considerations would not  disprove the  
logical possibility that the best known 
was not the best  absolutely1 and logic 
would continue to distinguish between a 
truth  that was absolute1 and one liable
 to one billionth chance of error4 ,the 
latter chance could be disregarded for  
all practical and scientific  purposes1 
and would not have the slightest        
psychological effect on  the confidence 
with which the truth was regarded2 but  

logically it  would still be there4     
,science1 therefore1 has to resign      
itself to the  conclusion that its      
method cannot conceivably attain to     
absolute truth1  and to make the best of
 it4     #bg4 ,curiously enough this    
conclusion is fully confirmed by ,formal
  ,logic4 ,it prides itself on pointing 
out that there is a formal  fallacy     
involved in establishing truth by       
#8working'4 ,the essence of  this method
 is to argue that if a theory is found  
to work 7after the  proper precautions  
have been taken71 it is true4 ,if e4g4  
the events  anticipated by a theory     
occur1 and nothing occurs that could not
 be  anticipated1 it grows more and more
 probable until it convinces every  one4
 ,but ought it logically to have done   
this8 ,the logician declares            
emphatically1 it ought not4 ,for the    
argument suffers from an incurable      
flaw1 which has been recorded as a      
#8fallacy' for over #b1jjj years4 ,it   
is a flagrant #8affirmation of the      

consequent'2 symbolically1 it argues    
that if ,a is1 ,b is1 but ,b is1  ,a is4
 ,now this is not #8cogent' or          
#8valid'4 ,that ,a is can be proved only
 from the premiss #8only if ,a  is1 ,b  
is'1 i4e4 if ,a is the only theory which
 will account for the  observed         
consequences4 ,but this the fallacious  
method did not assert1  and indeed could
 not assert4 ,for that the best known is
 the best  absolutely never can be      
proved 7cf4  #bf72 and even if they     
happened to  be identical1 and we had   
somehow stumbled upon an absolute truth1
 we  should never know that this was so4
     #bh4 ,to the logician this fact    
only seems to prove the superiority  of 
his conception of #8proof'4 ,he infers1 
consistently enough1 that no  inductive 
reasoning from #8facts'1 no verification
 of hypotheses by  events1 can possibly 
amount to proof4 ,what he seeks to      
impress upon  his pupils is that        
verification is not proof and can never 
lead to it4    ,he considers himself    

entitled to look down upon science      
accordingly1  its evidence1 its methods1
 and its reasonings1 and to contrast    
them  with the absoluteness of his own  
ideal of demonstration4 ,he upholds  its
 validity in spite of all the failures  
of the sciences to realize  it4 ,as a   
rule he seems willing to grant that some
 mathematical proofs  amount to logical 
demonstration2#cih but if pressed he    
would confess  that scientific truth was
 only probable1 whereas certain         
metaphysical  truths1 such as the law of
 contradiction1 alone were absolutely   
certain4    ,the scientist1 of course1  
is not in a position to deny that the   
nature  of his truth is such as has been
 stated3 but he should not attempt to   
do so4 ,he should content himself with  
scientific truth1 and contend  that at  
its best it is good enough for any one4 
,and he can carry the  war into ,africa 
by a vigorous counter-attack4    7#a7   
,he can deny--for the reasons stated in 
#ac--that the logician's  formal        

#8proof' is as cogent and formally valid
 as the latter supposes1  and show that 
after a conclusion has been #8proved'   
true1 it has still  to come true before 
it can be trusted to be #8true'4    7#b7
 ,he can point out that there is a      
serious lacuna in the logician's  plea  
for his notion of #8proof'4 ,the        
logician has assumed that the  only     
alternative to his belief in absolutely 
certain premisses is  complete          
scepticism1 arguing that it must be     
possible to start from  certainty1      
because otherwise no knowledge would be 
possible at all4  ,he then urged #8but  
there clearly is knowledge--the sciences
 attest  it'1 and consistently inferred 
that absolutely certain premisses must  
be obtainable4 ,the more or less obvious
 failure of his attempts to  explain    
their genesis by #8self-evidence'1      
#8intuition'1 #8necessities of          
thought'1 c4 7 #ae71 could not deter him
 from clinging to his belief1  because  
the principles themselves seemed to him 

to be inevitable and to  admit of no    
alternative4    ,in fact1 however1 there
 is a via media between scepticism and  
absolutism1 and science safely pursues  
it1 though logic has overlooked  it4 ,it
 is not necessary to start with         
absolutely certain premisses1  because  
it is possible to adopt premisses       
hypothetically1 to take  them as true   
for the argument's sake and for the     
purposes of the  inquiry1 to experiment 
with them1 and to revise them in the    
light of  the results of such           
experiments4 ,thus their value may be   
judged and  established1 after their    
adoption1 by the experimental results1  
and they may come to depend logically   
upon these1 and not upon the  processes 
7analogies1 suggestions1 guesses1       
fancies1 c47 which led  to their        
adoption4 ,if they show themselves      
capable of advancing the  science and   
solving its problems1 confidence in     
their #8truth' increases  progressively1
 and their initial assumption is        

justified4 ,they cease  to be           
#8hypotheses' and become #8facts'1 and  
even #8principles' beyond  dispute4 ,if 
they fail to #8work'1 they may be       
discarded in favour of  others which are
 tried in their turn and similarly      
tested4 ,hence it  is not true that what
 is uncertain to begin with must always 
remain  so1 nor is it hard to understand
 that hypothesis1 willingness to        
believe1 and belief may be the          
psychological forerunners of logical    
proof1 which1 nevertheless1 rests not   
upon them1 but upon the solid  value of 
the results subsequently reached by     
their means4 ,the  certainty of         
scientific premisses then admits of     
indefinite growth1  which at some point 
or other will overpower even the most   
obstinately  sceptical temper4 ,this    
point naturally lies at a greater       
distance from  the starting-point for   
some minds than for others1 but when it 
is  reached1 and when the last doubts   
and scruples have been overcome1 the    

triumphant truth will feel absolutely   
certain1 and to all intents  and        
purposes will function as such4 ,but the
 #8practical certainty' thus  achieved  
will still be distinguishable in thought
 from the absolute  certainty which     
logical theory mistakenly demanded4 ,and
 logicians1  from ,plato downwards1#cii 
will be convicted of having failed to   
allow  for the possibility that the     
certainty of premisses and principles   
may  be a fruit of continuous experience
 and experiment1 and to perceive  that  
this is the method the sciences have    
actually employed4 ,in short1  necessary
 7needed7 #8truths' need not be regarded
 as #8a priori'1 if  it is seen how     
hypotheses are consolidated by          
experience4    7#c7 ,the scientist can  
deny that the ideal case1 contemplated  
with so  much satisfaction by the       
logician1 can ever occur in actual      
knowing4  ,he can point out that if the 
logical apparatus of demonstration is   
to work1 it must be supplied with       

premisses that are absolutely  true4    
,but whence is the logician to obtain   
them8 ,the #8self-evident'  principles  
and #8necessary' axioms1 for which so   
much has been claimed1  have been shown 
7 #ae7 to be highly disputable1 and are 
themselves  in need of support and      
verification4 ,the truths which the     
sciences  supply abundantly are all     
products of the method to which he takes
  exception4 ,there are no scientific   
truths which have not to be1 and  have  
not been1 verified1 and if verification 
is logically vicious1  and cannot amount
 to proof1 they are not absolutely true4
 ,but if the  premisses of a            
demonstration are not absolutely true1  
neither can its  conclusion be4 ,what   
then becomes first of the value1 and    
ultimately of  the #8validity'1 of an   
ideal of proof which can never be       
exemplified by  actual reasoning1 and   
serves only to condemn it8    7#d7 ,the 
ideal of absolute certainty may be      
repudiated altogether1 even  as an      

ideal1 for sound scientific reasons4 ,it
 may be shown that if it  were possible 
it would be scientifically undesirable4 
,for it would mean  the creation of     
absolute bars to scientific progress4   
,if truths existed  which were          
absolutely certain1 this would mean that
 nothing more could  be learnt about    
them1 and nothing could be done to      
strengthen their  position4 ,no         
experience1 no inquiry1 no experiment1  
could any longer  affect them1 and add  
to or detract from their value4 ,they   
could not1  therefore1 form avenues to  
further knowledge4 ,they would simply be
  stops which would arrest scientific   
inquiry4 ,but how could such things     
form an ideal of scientific knowledge8  
,how could it be in the spirit1  and to 
the interest1 of science to recognize   
them8 ,they would merely  be for science
 brute facts which it was forbidden to  
investigate4 ,and  must not science on  
principle hold out for the right to     
inquire into  everything1 to test every 

belief1 however true it may seem8 ,how1 
then1  can it be the ideal of science to
 adopt an ideal which would stop        
inquiry8    ,nor will it suffice in     
reply to point to the fact that the     
sciences  continually assume the truth  
of the premisses they argue from4 ,for  
though this is often a convenient       
assumption for the purpose in hand1  it 
is one thing to assume the truth of     
premisses for the purposes of  an       
inquiry1 and quite another to assume it 
absolutely4 ,for in the  former case our
 assumption may be1 and should be1      
accompanied by a  consciousness that    
upon another and fitting occasion the   
premisses now  assumed to be true may   
themselves be inquired into3 to regard  
them1  therefore1 as absolute is to     
misinterpret their logical condition4   
,there are no good reasons1 then1 why   
the sciences should surrender to  the   
arbitrary demands of the traditional    
logic1 and sacrifice their  practices   
which have been sanctified by the       

successes of #b1jjj years to  theories  
which sprang from a misunderstanding of 
scientific procedure1  and have since   
lost all contact with it4 ,the original 
mistake was  pardonable1 but it ought   
not to be regarded as an insult to logic
 to  require it to understand the       
procedure by which the sciences actually
  progress4     #bi4 ,the scientist then
 should not be terrified by the charge  
that his  #8truths' are #8only          
probable'4 ,for it is better to be      
satisfied with  probabilities than to   
demand impossibilities and starve4      
,moreover1 a  high degree of probability
 means #8practical certainty'1 i4e4     
confidence  enough to move to action4   
,such certainty so convinces and        
satisfies  the mind that it cannot feel 
more certain about anything2 the logical
  gap between it and absolute certainty 
is psychologically negligible4  ,we are 
sacrificing1 therefore1 nothing but a   
superstition1 nothing  that has any     
value for us1 by renouncing the demand  

for absolute truth  and demonstrative   
#8proof'1 and we gain in return a       
charter of liberty4  ,for to admit the  
essential progressiveness of scientific 
truth and  its indefinite capacity for  
improvement means unlimited freedom to  
research into truths which are          
infinitely perfectible1 because they are
  never #8absolute'4 ,the ideal of the  
infinite perfectibility of truth1  and  
the infinite progressiveness of science1
 is more than an adequate  substitute   
for the #8logical ideal' which is       
abandoned4 ,for not only is  it an ideal
 which works1 but it really embodies a  
nobler aspiration  than that which      
represented science as #8resting' in    
absolute perfection  on fixed           
#8foundations' of #8eternal' truth4 ,the
 sentiment which inspires  this group of
 metaphors is given away by the word    
#8rest'4 ,a science  that desires to    
rest is one that is unwilling to move   
and unable  to advance4 ,fixed          
#8foundations' are needed only for      

standing firm  and standing still1 and  
it turns out that what is strictly meant
  by #8eternal' is not that truths last 
for ever1 but that they are  not related
 to #8time' at all1 and so have really  
no application to  #8events'4#djj    ,on
 the other hand1 a science which        
sincerely desires to progress  needs    
fixed foundations as little as fixed    
ideas1 and firm ground as  little as    
assurances to #8rest' on4 ,it needs only
 a starting-point1  or jumping-off      
place1 whence it can plunge into the    
unharvested  seas of the unknown4 ,now  
the essence of a starting-point is to be
 a  place you want to get away from1 and
 its excellence lies in being  such as  
to prompt you to leave it as easily and 
eagerly as possible4  ,if1 therefore1   
scientific #8principles' 77 are really  
to be  starting-points1 they need not1  
and must not1 be so comfortable and so  
deceptively similar to #8absolute'      
truths as to tempt the scientific       
spirit to repose4 ,they should be       

tentative assumptions which are gladly  
abandoned in the hope of reaching       
something better1 stepping-stones to    
farther and higher things1 which are    
valued for their consequences1  and     
logically dependent on the conclusions  
to which they formed  the premisses4    
,the logic of science1 therefore1 has no
 reason to  postulate stability or      
solidity for its initial principles3 the
 most  indispensable of them are only   
principles of method1 and even of the   
tried and tested principles it arrives  
at the #8validity' 7 strength7  demanded
 is merely that they should be able to  
float the accumulated  wealth of        
knowledge down the stream of time4      
,,iv     #cj4 ,it is clear1 then1 that  
the time has come when ,science should  
break decisively with the logical       
tradition1 and proclaim a logic  of its 
own which has always been implicit in   
its procedure4 ,it must  definitely     
declare that what it needs is not a     
logic which describes  only the static  

relations of an unchanging system of    
knowledge1 but  one which is open to    
perceive motion1 and willing to         
appreciate the  dynamic process of a    
knowledge that never ceases to grow1 and
 is never  really stereotyped into a    
system4 ,to show that such a logic is   
not  inconceivable will be the endeavour
 of the concluding sections of this     
essay4    ,we have already had occasion 
to note many of the most important      
features of this logic4 ,we have seen   
that logical1 i4e4 critical1  reflection
 upon discovery must start from1 and be 
guided by1 the  conception of a         
scientific problem with which the       
process of knowing  experiments 7 #ba74 
,this problem has1 of course1 to be     
attacked  with the existing resources of
 a science1 i4e4 with the knowledge it  
possesses up to date4 ,these resources  
form the scientific capital  which is   
necessarily risked in research if it is 
to yield interest4  ,it comprises 7a7   
approved principles1 7b7 known facts1   

and 7c7  established meanings of words4 
,about each of them a little more may   
advantageously be said4    7a7 ,we have 
seen 7 #ae7 that the principles of any  
science could not  rightly be conceived 
as inscrutable1 ultimate1 absolute      
certainties  of divine descent1 and     
acknowledging no human ancestry4 ,we saw
 that  they could be understood only as 
hypotheses which reflection upon a      
problem had somehow suggested to an     
ingenious mind1 which had been          
provisionally adopted in order to       
explore and organize a subject of       
inquiry1 and had finally been verified  
and confirmed by their success  7 #ae   
7c71  #bd74    ,the principles thus     
accepted by a science are often regarded
  as descriptive of fact when they are  
merely methodological and               
convenient1#dja but this is a point of  
secondary importance4 ,and even  the    
most amply verified principles never    
quite lose their hypothetical           
character4 ,so long as they are used1   

their meaning1 scope1 and truth  are not
 absolutely fixed4 ,they can be         
extended1 restricted1 and  modified by  
the working of the principles4     #ca4 
7b7 ,it is really obvious to any        
critical reflection that when  a science
 appeals to #8facts'1 it is really      
appealing to the facts as  known1 or    
supposed to be known4 ,it cannot from   
the first presume its  knowledge to be  
absolute1 and1 pace some of our         
#8neo-realists'1  ignore the question   
whether the alleged facts are facts at  
all1 and so  pretend to start from #8the
 facts as they really are'4 ,such       
uncritical  temerity would only conduct 
to insoluble pseudo-problems like that  
with which ,king ,charles plagued the   
nascent ,royal ,society1 as to why  the 
weight of a bucket full of water was not
 increased when a fish was  added to it4
 ,if1 however1 it is acknowledged that  
the #8facts' involved  in a scientific  
inquiry are always relative to a        
definite state and  date in the history 

of a science1 several important         
corollaries follow4    7#a7 ,being      
dependent on the condition of the       
science1 the facts of a  science will   
not all be #8facts'4 ,that is1 not all  
that is relevant to  the interest of the
 science will actually be within its    
cognizance1  not all that turns out to  
be fact1 and is antedated when it has   
been  discovered1 is as yet recognized  
as fact4 ,it will be this fact1         
moreover1 which constitutes the science 
a field for inquiry and renders  it     
progressive4    7#b7 ,though the        
#8facts' of the moment fail to include  
all the facts1  they often manage to    
include too much4 ,the #8facts' are not 
all fact4  ,they include unknown1 and   
often large1 amounts of prejudice1      
illusion1  error1 superstition1 and     
other remnants of the lurid past and    
stormy  youth of every science4 ,it is  
useless to repine at this inevitable    
consequence of past history1 and        
childish to try to purge it away  by    

defining as science only what ex        
hypothesi is free from such             
contaminations4 ,to restrict the logical
 interest to science qua  science1 which
 is by definition infallible1 is to     
forbid any logical  treatment of the    
sciences we actually possess4 ,but the  
logician should  surely be encouraged to
 study the processes by which the       
sciences  correct their initial errors  
and consolidate their acquisitions4     
7#c7 ,it follows on both these grounds  
that the #8facts' of which a  science   
takes cognizance will be subject to     
change4 ,as the science  grows1 #8new'  
facts will come into it1 and old facts  
will be discarded  as erroneous4 ,in    
particular1 facts which at first were   
only inferred  on theoretic grounds will
 be actually observed1 even as          
#8,neptune' was  the fruit of a theory  
about the perturbations of ,uranus4     
,hence the  antithesis of #8theory' and 
#8fact' must not be taken as absolute3  
they  must be expected to play into each

 other's hands4 ,it is the business of  
theories to forecast #8facts'1 and of   
facts to form points of departure  for  
theories1 which again1 when verified by 
the new facts to which  they have       
successfully led1 will extend the       
borders of knowledge4  ,incidentally1   
however1 this interaction between fact  
and theory often  renders it difficult  
to decide whether a scientific doctrine 
is better  regarded as a #8theory' or as
 a #8fact'1 and leads to differences of 
opinion4 ,but it can hardly be wrong to 
advise the scientific mind to  practise 
hospitality towards new facts1 while it 
is no less fitting  to show generosity  
towards old servants that have done     
their work and  can now advantageously  
be retired4 ,it is ungrateful to abuse  
them as  #8errors'1 and to despise them 
with the lofty contempt of the higher   
knowledge to which they have conducted4 
,and in both cases the truly  scientific
 attitude may be attained if an element 
of fanaticism is  not imported into the 

conception of truth by attributing to it
 an  absoluteness which no human truth  
in fact possesses4    7#d7 ,the same    
need for tolerance is emphasized by a   
further corollary of  the conception of 
fact which has been advocated4 ,it seems
 at first a  paradox1 but on reflection 
appears to be evident1 that the #8facts'
 will  not only look different but may  
really be different from different      
points of view and for different        
purposes4 ,once we permit ourselves to  
consider this possibility we shall      
easily perceive that there often  are   
conflicts between #8facts'1 such that   
they cannot coexist for an  abstract    
logic1 while1 nevertheless1 each of the 
conflicting facts  may be intelligible  
relatively to its own presuppositions   
and true  under its own conditions1 so  
that the #8contradiction' between them  
is  generated merely because the logical
 statement has abstracted from the      
special circumstances of the case4      
,this situation is1 of course1          

recognized very familiarly and          
universally in the case of              
value-judgements4 ,we are all willing to
  admit that one man's meat may be      
another man's poison1 that it is vain   
to dispute about tastes1 and that the   
same mode of living does not  suit all  
constitutions and all circumstances4 ,we
 recognize1 too1 that  profound         
differences of opinion and attitude     
exist1 and always have  existed1 among  
men4 ,the temperamental differences     
which make e4g4 one  man indolent       
another enterprising1 one man daring    
another prudent1 one  a conservative    
another a radical1 one an optimist      
another a pessimist1  are so deeply     
rooted in human nature as to be1 humanly
 speaking1  ineradicable4 ,and if so1   
must it not be conceded that situations 
occur which will inevitably1            
consistently1 and rightly1 be judged    
differently by these different persons8 
,again1 it should be noted that these   
differences in valuation are not  merely

 subjective3 they spring from objective 
differences in human  nature1 and are as
 objective as any other facts about it4 
,for example1  that certain persons     
dislike pork 7because they cannot digest
 it71 and  hate cats 7because their     
presence makes them feel ill71 rests as 
much  on a physiological fact of their  
constitution as that others suffer  from
 #8hay fever'4 ,similarly1 it is quite  
plausible to contend that  #8every      
little boy and girl that is born alive1 
is born a little liberal  or a          
conservative'1 and certainly the normal 
growth of conservatism  as the          
individual mind ages is proof enough    
that changes of belief  depend on       
psychological law1 and are correlated   
with the hardening of  tissue which is a
 general symptom of senescence4 ,again1 
is it possible  to imagine a situation  
so bad or so good that it cannot be     
interpreted  either optimistically or   
pessimistically8 ,in most cases either  
interpretation is quite easy1 and the   

choice between them is effected  by     
sheer temperamental bias4 ,if1 then1 we 
succeed in doing what the  natural man  
will always find difficult1 and regard  
such differences of  opinion in a       
scientific and non-partisan way1 must we
 not admit that  both the conflicting   
standpoints are inevitable and          
justifiable8  ,neither can be pronounced
 wrong in general and per se1 though in 
regard to a particular problem or       
occasion either may be4 ,let us         
conclude1 then1 that it may really be a 
#8fact' that the #8facts' justify  one  
interpretation and attitude to one mind 
and another to another4    ,this        
argument is reinforced by the further   
consideration that even  the most       
objective statements of fact involve    
value-judgements  in their ultimate     
analysis4 ,for they express1 often      
explicitly and  always implicitly1 the  
choices and valuations by which a       
variety of  pretenders to reality have  
been examined and sifted1 and the most  

valuable have been declared #8truly     
real'4 ,we have seen that in a          
scientific inquiry the #8facts' must    
always be taken as alleged  facts1      
discovered up to date2 hence a science  
must always be ready to  defend the     
#8facts' it recognizes1 when they are   
challenged1 and to  show wherein they   
excel conflicting allegations4 ,the     
accepted #8facts'  of a science1        
therefore1 are always allegations which 
are thought to  possess greater value   
than any known alternative2 hence no    
sharp  or absolute distinction between  
judgements of fact and judgements of    
value can be maintained4 ,it becomes1   
moreover1 quite possible that           
incompatible allegations of fact may in 
the actual state of a science  be so    
nearly balanced that there is no        
convincing reason to prefer  one to     
another1 or at any rate none that could 
prevail against any  ordinary           
temperamental bias4 ,consequently1 in   
such cases the bias  will condition the 

visibility of the #8fact'2 it will be   
bathed in a  #8subjective' atmosphere1  
and the #8eye of faith' will be         
necessary to  perceive it4 ,no doubt    
such situations are inconvenient1 and   
repellent  to the scientific spirit2 but
 they do not occur only in the misty    
regions of religion and philosophy1 and 
scientific alternatives like  #8chance' 
or #8design'1 #8miracle' or #8law'1     
#8mechanism' or #8vitalism'1            
determinism or indeterminism are        
essentially of this order4 ,there is no 
reason1 therefore1 why logic should not 
recognize them and acknowledge  that the
 scientific #8facts' may be ambiguous1  
in the sense that further  experience   
and experiments are needed to determine 
their character4  ,as a rule1 to judge  
by the past1 further inquiry will       
resolve the  ambiguity2 but it may well 
be an illusion to assume that it must do
 so1  and in some of the most important 
cases the decision will certainly be    
long in coming4    ,thus the student of 

animal behaviour will probably long be  
left with  a choice between minimizing  
the displays of animal intelligence and 
assimilating them to the human1 while it
 will probably always be  possible to   
put a pessimistic or an optimistic      
interpretation upon the  facts of life  
as a whole4    ,a scientific logic      
therefore should radically disabuse the 
mind of  any excessive trust in         
#8facts'4 ,it is a superstition that    
#8facts' are  plain1 straightforward1   
and easy to discover2 they are often    
subtle and  recondite and relative to   
circumstances1 changing their aspect to 
suit  their scientific environment like 
any chameleon4     #cb4 7c7 ,in         
considering the use of words in         
research1 one cannot  of course overlook
 the obvious fact that the employment of
 words is  primarily determined by their
 established meanings1 and that these   
greatly limit our freedom to use them as
 we please4 ,words naturally  and       
inevitably suggest their established    

uses by their mere sounds1  and should  
always be used with a proper respect for
 their past history  and present        
meaning4 ,to be sensitive to this appeal
 is the mark of  the educated scholar2  
but it does not require the investigator
 to  exhaust his energies in vain       
attempts to stereotype absolutely the   
current meanings1 and so to deprive     
words of their essential function4  ,for
 their essential function is after all  
to be instruments for the  conveying of 
actual meaning1 and actual meanings are 
always more or  less new 7cf4  #ab74 ,it
 occurs to a particular person in a     
particular  situation to express and    
convey a meaning which has never in its 
full  concreteness occurred before4 ,if 
the novelty about this situation is     
appreciable and important1 it may well  
be that the old words will  not fully   
succeed in conveying the new meaning2   
and yet we shall  always endeavour to   
use them1 and select from the           
accumulated wealth  of language the     

words which will suffice for our        
purpose4 ,for the  alternative is worse2
 we cannot always be coining new words  
for every  new meaning we may desire to 
convey2 they would not be understood or 
remembered1 and even if they were1 a    
science that employed nothing  but      
technical terms1 and was moreover       
compelled continually to  change them1  
because it would not use them to convey 
new meanings1  would speedily degenerate
 into an abstruse game1 and could make  
no  progress4 ,how impracticable such a 
policy would be may be gauged  by the   
grave inconvenience which even now      
systematists cause by so  frequently    
changing the scientific names of plants 
and animals4 ,it is  indispensable1     
therefore1 that words should retain a   
certain measure  of plasticity1 in      
virtue of which they can be transferred 
from old  situations to new and be used 
to convey new meanings4 ,nor is there   
usually any difficulty about thus       
imposing new duties on the old  terms2  

under the particular circumstances of   
the situation even wide  departures from
 the established meanings may remain    
intelligible1 and  so the progress of   
science is not impeded4    ,the         
traditional logic1 however1 cannot treat
 the matter so lightly4  ,for the       
plasticity of words may always engender 
a conflict between  the old meaning and 
the new1 between the scientific use of  
terms and  the traditional conventions  
about their use4 ,and this can always   
be represented as a defiance of the     
#8laws of thought'4 ,for if the  meaning
 of #8,a' may be altered by the growth  
of knowledge1 it will  no longer be true
 that everything once called #8,a' is   
truly ,a1  nor that what was once       
incompatible with ,a will continue to be
 so  for all time4 ,hence it is no      
longer necessarily true that #8,a is    
,a'1 and that ,a cannot both be and not 
be ,b4 ,it may be both in  different    
senses1 and in what sense #8,a' and     
#8,b' should be taken  may be precisely 

the point at issue4 ,thus verbal        
contradiction ceases  to be a clear     
proof of error2 it may be only a        
much-needed warning  that our terms have
 been developing new meanings4 ,hence1  
the #8laws'  of ,identity and           
,contradiction lose their last claims to
 be regarded  as statements of fact1 and
 have to be conceived as ideal          
postulates  of just so much stability of
 meaning as is requisite for effective  
understanding4#djb ,they can be applied 
to reality only hypothetically1  i4e4   
experimentally1 to discover whether in a
 given situation the  natural growth in 
the meaning of the terms may rightly be 
treated as  irrelevant1 and does not    
vitiate the conclusion which the        
reasoning  forecasts4 ,now this problem 
can never be settled a priori by        
reasoning1 but only by subsequent       
experience4 ,reasoning may forecast a   
result which experience fails to        
confirm2 when we discover that comets'  
tails are not attracted by the sun but  

repelled1 we do not declare  the facts  
#8contradictory'1 but modify our notion 
of #8gravitation'1  and conceive it as  
inferior to #8light pressure' in its    
effects upon  particles of a certain    
minuteness4    ,it follows that no      
merely logical scrutiny of the terms of 
an  argument can ever settle a          
scientific question4 ,if a              
#8contradiction'  is real1 it means     
either a difference of opinion between  
those  who make the incompatible        
assertions1 or1 in the case of a real   
#8self-contradiction'1 the uttering of  
#8nonsense' and a failure to  propound a
 meaning at all4 ,but even the most     
glaring #8contradictions'  may only be  
apparent1 i4e4 verbal3 when we inquire  
into their actual  meaning we may find  
that they refer to a context in which   
its terms are  perfectly compatible4    
,thus the existence of a #8round square'
 may be  predicated of ,london1 and a   
#8triangle's' angles may equal or may   
exceed  two right angles1 according as  

it belongs to ,euclid's geometry or to  
,riemann's4     #cc4 ,the problem of    
discovery1 therefore1 is never one of   
which the  solution can be guaranteed in
 advance4 ,the resources of a science   
are  never sufficient to assure us of a 
prosperous issue of the research1       
though1 rightly understood1 they yield  
important safeguards4 ,a  recognition of
 the instrumental value of words as     
ancillary to meaning1  and of the       
limitations under which they labour1    
will guard the inquirer  against the    
terrible verbalism to which logic has   
been enslaved4 ,a  critical attitude    
towards allegations about #8facts' will 
enable him to  minimize the dangers of  
error1 deception1 and bigotry4 ,a       
conception  of #8principles' as working 
hypotheses will discourage a servile and
  superstitious reverence for them1 and 
justify the fullest freedom to          
experiment with whatever ideas hold out 
hopes of verification and of  scientific
 progress4 ,together these three        

considerations will pretty  thoroughly  
emancipate inquiry from the shackles of 
any mechanical  scheme of #8proof'4     
,indeed1 proof in the old formal sense  
will have  become a chimera4 ,it will no
 longer be possible to cherish the      
belief  in a self-sufficing1            
self-satisfied form of absolute proof1  
of which  the pure logician imagined    
himself the possessor and retailer4     
,scientific proof1 on the other hand1   
will be neither absolute nor  formal4   
,it will not be absolute1 because it    
will always be relative to  the actual  
condition of a science2 it will not be  
formal1 because it  will never be       
absolute4 ,it will only be the best     
known interpretation1  and will always  
imply alternatives1 to some of which it 
may wrongly  have been preferred1 while 
to others it may be destined to succumb 
7 #bf1 #bg74 ,it will be #8valid' so    
long as it is the strongest2 but  to it1
 as to the priest of ,diana ,nemorensis1
 as to ,uranus and ,cronus1  will come  

the day when it is invalidated and      
superseded by a stronger  and better1   
descended1 it may well be1 from itself4 
,scientific proof  then will always be  
an evaluation of evidence1 a making the 
most of  the available resources of a   
science1 a question of the comparative  
values of rival interpretations4    ,it 
stands to reason that such an evaluation
 cannot operate merely  with the        
criteria of formal logic4 ,indeed1 of   
the processes known  to the traditional 
logic1 only those which cannot be       
represented  as #8formally valid' will  
be exemplified in scientific knowing4   
,it  will not be possible to find any   
genuine cases of absolute certainty  or 
unconditional proof2 but analogies1     
probabilities1 hypotheses1              
alternatives1 even fallacies and        
fictions1 will abound1 and will  somehow
 have to be discounted4 ,clearly the    
evaluation of such things  will be a    
delicate affair2 it cannot be           
accomplished by reciting  ,barbara      

,celarent and crudely applying a few    
simple mechanical  formulas4 ,it will   
demand the energetic co-operation of the
 whole  intelligence1 and indeed of the 
whole personality1 and cannot scorn the 
aid of psychological factors4 ,for it is
 plain that the evaluation of  a        
complicated scientific situation will   
require both expert knowledge  of       
scientific detail and philosophic grasp 
of general principles  and connexions2  
it will need also #8tact'1 #8judgement'1
 an #8eye from  experience'1 and a host 
of similar qualities that elude precise 
verbal  formulation4 ,it will no longer 
be practicable to flatter mediocrity and
  dullness1 and to impede discovery1 by 
proclaiming methods that dispense  with 
imagination1 ingenuity1 originality1    
boldness1 enterprise1 and  vainly       
endeavour to put genius for discovery on
 a par with mindless  pedantry in       
applying stereotyped and sterile rules4 
#cd4 ,but just because a logic that     
recognizes the actual process of        

discovery does not presume to dictate   
formal methods to the discoverer1  and  
leaves him a very free hand1 it does not
 relieve him of any of the              
responsibility for conducting his       
researches to a prosperous issue4  ,as  
there is no longer any pretence that any
 logical machinery can be  devised to   
guarantee success1 success and failure  
become his personal  achievements4 ,if  
he fails1 he can no longer plead that it
 is not his  fault1 seeing that he has  
kept every letter of the law and broken 
no logical rule4 ,this may be precisely 
why he failed4 ,perhaps he  should have 
taken risks4 ,he may have gathered such 
enormous masses  of fact that he could  
no longer see through them1 nor select  
the few  that were relevant to his      
problem4 ,he may have been so sensible  
of  the need for caution that he dared  
not speculate or move4 ,he may have     
devoted himself to unimportant problems 
or missed the important sides  of       
important problems1 or have wandered    

away into barren wastes of  dialectics1 
or have got bogged in a mire of         
verbalism1 or have pursued  elusive     
phantoms of unverifiable speculations4  
,for there are clearly  many ways of    
failing4 ,only in whatever way he fails1
 his personal  failure is pro tanto a   
failure of science to progress4 ,every  
science  has somehow to get hold of a   
clue to guide it through the labyrinth  
of  fact1 and this clue has to lead it  
right1 though it need not #8follow      
necessarily' from previous knowledge4   
,nevertheless1 if1 and in so far as1 a  
researcher succeeds in making a         
discovery1 some of his personal credit  
is reflected upon his methods  ex-post  
facto4 ,their success does not1 of      
course1 establish their  formal         
#8validity'2 but it stops the mouth of  
those who argued that what  is          
#8invalid' must be worthless4 ,methods  
that succeed must have value1  a greater
 thing than #8validity'1 however far and
 however boldly they  departed from the 

canons of formal proof4 ,the success has
 shown that  in this case the inquirer  
was right to select the facts he fixed  
upon as significant1 and to neglect the 
rest as irrelevant1 to connect  them as 
he did by the #8laws' he applied to     
them1 to theorize about  them as he did1
 to perceive the analogies1 to weigh the
 chances1 as he  did1 to speculate and  
to run the risks he did4 ,but only in   
this case4  ,in the very next case1     
which he takes to be #8essentially the  
same' as  the last1 and as nearly       
analogous as is humanly possible1 he may
 find  that the differences 7which      
always exist between cases7 are         
relevant1  and that his methods and     
assumptions have to be modified to cope 
with  it successfully4 ,but he should   
not be discouraged4 ,for the ultimate   
ground of the whole cognitive procedure 
by which we analyse the flow  of events 
is empirical4 ,it is only an empirical  
fact that knowledge is  possible1 i4e4  
that the course of events is such that  

human minds can  analyse it at all1 that
 is1 can pick out and construct cases of
 #8the  same'1 of which the course can  
be predicted by means of the 7verbally7 
stable formulas we call #8the laws of   
nature'4 ,for logic at any rate  these  
laws are neither supernatural behests   
nor metaphysical entities3  they are    
forms for classifying happenings1 in    
which the blanks have to  be filled in  
with the variable values of the         
particular happenings4  ,what the right 
values are1 and even what is the right  
formula to  apply1 will always depend on
 the particular case which forms the    
actual  problem4 ,it is only the        
empirical fact that the differences     
between  problems may so often be       
treated as irrelevant which generates   
the  illusion that problems may be      
solved in advance by general formulas3  
in  reality every problem in its full   
concreteness is unique1 and we are      
never absolutely sure that it will      
submit to the rule we apply to it4      

,hence it is solved only when we come to
 it and find it amenable to our         
methods2 in principle it eludes logical 
prediction1 because it can be  known as 
a #8case' of the successful #8law' only 
after the experiment  has confirmed the 
forecast4 ,to the inquirer1 therefore1  
no result can  seem certain until it has
 occurred2 it is only ex post facto that
  the logician can describe it as an    
indubitable case of some law from  which
 it follows of necessity4 ,but in so    
doing he has changed it1 and  repudiated
 the duty of describing actual knowing4 
,all he is doing is  to rearrange a     
piece of knowledge1 acquired without his
 aid by means  he condemns as illicit1  
in the order he is pleased to call      
#8logical'4  ,this order has a certain  
aesthetic value1 but it is emphatically 
not  the order of discovery1 and throws 
no light on the process of acquiring    
knowledge4     #ce4 ,what function then 
can be assigned to the logician's       
reflection  on the workings of science8 

,in view of his failure to substantiate 
his  claim to have provided a model for 
inquiry in his scheme of #8proof'1  it  
might seem that he was either useless or
 pernicious4 ,useless1 if  he merely    
devotes himself to constructing #8ideals
 of proof' which  he admits to have no  
relation to the actual problems of      
science2  pernicious1 if he is prompted 
by these ideals to make demands with    
which no science can comply1 and to     
deliver judgements which would  paralyse
 the science that attempted to carry    
them into execution4  ,fortunately1 he  
cannot enforce them1 and the sciences   
actually go  on their way1 ignoring such
 #8logic'4 ,the proper inference from   
his  impotence is that he would do well 
to take up a position which is more     
useful and more influential1 if less    
pretentious4    ,let the logician then  
give up the pretence of dictating to the
  sciences and of judging the worth of  
scientific truth by rigid forms of      
absolute proof2 let him abandon the vain

 pursuit of #8validity'4 ,nay1  more1   
let him renounce the claim to determine 
the scientific value of  an argument by 
a mere inspection of its logical        
character4 ,let him  confess that what  
alone he can criticize is the           
incongruities in its  verbal expression1
 and that its real value lies beyond his
 ken4 ,if  he will concede all this1 his
 reward will be that he has vindicated  
for logic an important right of more    
real value than the claims he  has      
abandoned4 ,for he will have obtained   
the right of summoning the  sciences to 
state their results in intelligible and 
consistent terms1  and to confront them 
with a problem when they do not4 ,just  
because he  does not presume to condemn 
them1 and no longer ventures to declare 
that incompatible and verbally          
#8contradictory' results are necessarily
  wrong and worthless1 but only urges   
that they are not intelligible as  they 
stand1 and need to be reworded or       
inquired into farther1 he gains  the    

right of raising problems1 and          
stimulates the sciences to proceed  to  
solve them4    ,it should be noted1     
moreover1 that the problems thus raised 
are  general1 not special1 i4e4 are     
properly logical4 ,the problem about    
#8contradictory' results is one about   
meaning1 for contradictory  assertions  
cancel each other's 7apparent7 meaning4 
,this enables  the logician to keep the 
sciences engaged upon the logical       
problem  of solving the discrepancies   
between their results1 so long as  the  
sciences do not form one complete and   
congruous system1 i4e4  indefinitely4   
,similarly the denial that truth is     
absolute is a general truth that        
affects all the sciences4 ,it should    
stimulate them all1 for it means  that  
no statement is so perfect that it      
cannot be bettered and that no  limits  
can be set to the progress of science4  
,other topics which are #8logical'1     
because they concern the general        
significance of scientific procedure and

 not the solution of particular         
problems1 are the nature and importance 
of selecting #8facts' and  the #8laws'  
they are taken to exemplify1 the        
experimental attitude  and the framing  
of hypotheses1 the evaluation of        
probabilities and  alternatives1 the    
estimation of relevance and of          
verifications and of  the amounts of the
 latter which are requisite and the     
sorts of it which  are relevant4 ,on all
 these points logic has hitherto had    
little or  nothing to say1 mainly       
because they did not lend themselves to 
formal  treatment4 ,lastly1 there are   
two extremely important subjects1 which 
are so vital to the logic of discovery  
that a brief discussion of them  may    
fitly conclude this essay4 ,we may call 
them the problem of ,novelty  and the   
problem of ,risk4     #cf4 ,in ,logic we
 are not concerned with the metaphysics 
of ,novelty1  i4e4 with the problem of  
whether there ever enter the world      
things  that are really and truly       

unforeseen and unpredictable1 that pop  
into  it from nowhere1 and if so1       
whether and how we can understand such  
things4 ,this problem is deep and       
difficult1 and so1 until recently1      
philosophers have fought shy of it1 and 
used to settle it off-hand by  a flat   
denial that such things could be in a   
#8rational' universe4 ,but  now that ,m4
 ,bergson has given us a radically new  
metaphysic1 and that  we are beginning  
to perceive that the principles used to 
dispose of the  matter1 viz4 causality  
and the conservation of energy1 are     
essentially  methodological1 the        
question has become an open one4        
,logic1 however1 has no need to probe   
it2 it can treat it more simply4  ,for  
its purposes it can1 and must1 treat    
novelty as a real logical  fact4 ,it is 
a psychological fact1 and logic must    
note it1 that every  moment of our life 
has for us a certain flavour of newness2
 it is  also a fact that every real     
judgement that is ever made has a       

certain  relation to novelty4#djc ,its  
maker believes1 either that it embodies 
a new truth1 or that though known to him
 it is new to his hearers4 ,if  he did  
not believe this he would have no motive
 to make it4 ,it would  be stale        
repetition1 devoid of interest or value 
alike to him and to  others1 whom he    
would merely bore by telling them what  
they1 too1 knew  already4    ,so far1   
then1 the logical nature of novelty     
seems simple4 ,it gives  rise to        
problems1 however1 when we consider the 
relation of the new  truth to the old4  
,it is clear1 in the first place1 that  
the new  truth must affect the old4     
,even where we are willing to minimize  
its  novelty1 and to call it merely an  
#8extension' of what we already  knew1  
it must modify it and change its value4 
,for in the light of  the new           
developments the old truth means more3  
it has relations in  an enlarged field  
of knowledge4 ,moreover1 the new truth  
is often not  merely an extension but   

also a correction1 and the effect of the
  correction may sometimes be           
revolutionary4 ,it may even seem to     
upset  the old beliefs altogether1      
though human ingenuity is far too       
fertile  in building bridges 7often only
 verbal7 from the old to the new to     
allow this impression to be permanent4  
,still in all these cases there  is more
 or less discrepancy between the new and
 the old4    ,the logician1 however1    
should insist that this fact should not 
be  blinked4 ,he should recognize the   
discrepancy1 and emphasize its          
significance1 just because for other    
purposes it is usually convenient  to   
ignore it4 ,for it is not only the      
source of real ambiguity in  the facts  
of science1 and of the important        
differences of opinion  among men and of
 their obstinate persistence1 but the   
justification  of the policy of         
open-mindedness and toleration which he 
regards as  necessary to scientific     
progress4 ,inasmuch as of every         

discrepancy  between the old truth and  
the new it will be possible to take two 
views1 and either to cling to the old or
 to put one's trust in  the new1 there  
will always be a party of conservation  
and a party  of innovation1 or otherwise
 a conservative and a liberal bias1 in  
science as in politics4 ,it is1         
moreover1 futile to discuss1 in the     
abstract1 which of them is right3 for it
 would clearly be fatal to go  all      
lengths with either4 ,science could make
 no progress1 either if  every novelty  
were at once condemned and suppressed   
because of its  failure to conform with 
the accepted doctrine1 or if everything 
new  were hailed as true regardless of  
its concordance with the old truth1  so 
that the course of science became a     
series of radical revolutions  that had 
no consistent direction4 ,in concrete   
cases of course both  sides are         
sometimes right1 though historically the
 stronger bias men  have shown has been 
the conservative4 ,what usually happens 

is that  the new truth is first         
denounced as an immoral invention which 
is  subversive of all intelligible order
 and cosmic rationality2 it is then     
quietly assimilated and not infrequently
 converted in the end into  the         
strongest support of the beliefs it was 
alleged to subvert4 ,but  it would be a 
real gain if logic1 by viewing this     
natural feature of  knowing in its      
generality1 could induce men of science 
to take it more  calmly4 ,if it were    
generally recognized that every claim to
 new truth1  however great the          
advantages it promises1 necessarily     
entails certain  inconveniences1 because
 the old beliefs and notions have to be 
modified  and readjusted1 and this may  
involve too great an effort to be worth 
while1 or an effort too great for       
certain minds1 it would be seen that    
there are two sides to every question1  
and that both may be in a way           
legitimate4 ,if1 in addition1 we        
recognize that the parties concerned    

usually have a bias which may render    
them dangerously blind to the case  of  
the other side1 and that both should be 
admonished to discount their  bias duly1
 we shall have done not a little to     
secure fair-minded#djd  consideration1  
reasonable discussion1 and intelligent  
choice between  the alternatives4 ,and  
all this surely conduces to scientific  
progress4    ,it is clear1 then1 that   
the problem of relating the new to the  
old  always exists1 and has a vital     
influence on the fortunes of every      
science4 ,but it is not capable of any  
formal or abstract solution a  priori4  
,which is to be preferred is a matter   
which must be left to the  expert who is
 cognizant of the circumstances of the  
case3 logic can  help only by broadening
 his mind1 and putting him on his guard 
against  his own personal bias1 which   
might otherwise unconsciously determine 
his decision4     #cg4 ,to admit that   
scientific inquiries concern problems1  
and that to  every problem 7at least7   

two solutions may be propounded1 between
 which  a choice has to be made1 is to  
admit that knowledge must take risks  in
 order to progress4 ,for there is always
 the risk of choosing the  wrong        
solution of a problem1 i4e4 the one     
which works less well1 just  as there   
are always risks of choosing a bad      
problem and of selecting  the wrong     
facts and the wrong theories to explain 
them withal4  ,nevertheless1 we ought   
not to resent this fact4 ,for the taking
 of risks  is inevitable3 we cannot     
escape it either by refusing to inquire 
or by  refusing to decide4 ,for in      
either case we run the risk of missing a
  valuable truth4    ,it is better1     
therefore1 to recognize that every act  
of knowing must  involve risks1 just as 
every act of living does2 and this for  
the  simple reason that knowing is an   
activity comprised in living1 and  every
 judgement is an act1 which might have  
been left undone1 or  for which another 
might have been substituted4 ,the       

readiness of the  new conception of     
logic to emphasize the existence of     
risks in all  reasoning1 and to sanction
 the willingness to take them1 contrasts
  markedly with the vain efforts of the 
old logic to play for safety1 and  to   
make no move that was not absolutely    
necessary 7cf4  #aj74 ,this was  why it 
postulated absolutely certain premisses1
 and would contemplate  nothing but     
#8valid' forms of reasoning4 ,in its    
desire to elevate its  proofs above the 
perplexities and vicissitudes of mundane
 problems1 the  old logic was expressing
 and comforting a deep-seated human     
craving3  for life is so replete with   
the most hideous risks that it is a     
natural  instinct to clutch at any      
promise of security4 ,hence the         
passionate and  almost religious        
reverence with which formal logic has   
been regarded  for over #b1jjj years4   
,many philosophers still worship the    
syllogism1  because it seems to them an 
incomparable exemplar of absolute       

security  firmly fixed in the sphere of 
immutable necessity far above the flux  
of phenomena1 which it illumines with   
its steady radiance4 ,but to  exalt in  
this way its ideal of proof1 the old    
logic had to pay a heavy  price4 ,the   
price was cutting the ideal wholly      
adrift from the actual1  contemplating  
exclusively a situation which could     
never occur in  real life1 and leaving  
all actual inquiry to its devices1      
unstudied1  uncriticized1 and unaided4  
,thus1 the splendid aloofness of the    
logical  ideal was purchased by a total 
repudiation of actual science4 ,to  many
 philosophic minds this price does not  
seem excessive4 ,the more  useless truth
 is made to appear1 the purer and more  
admirable it seems  to them4 ,an ideal1 
they think1 should be like ,aristotle's 
#8god'2 it  should attract1 without     
uplifting1 and without running the risk 
of  contamination by the dirty work of  
life4    ,these philosophers have always
 claimed for their attitude that it is  

philosophic par excellence4 ,but their  
claim1 besides being based  on a        
somewhat rare personal idiosyncrasy1 is 
not really sound4 ,it is  neither       
self-consistent nor a sound policy for  
life4 ,an ideal which  repudiates the   
actual1 and yet professes somehow to be 
its exemplar1  is left in the impossible
 condition of the ,platonic #8,idea'4   
,if it were  as superhuman as it claims 
to be1 no human mind could even         
speculate  about it4 ,and we have seen 7
 #ac7 that it is not in the end possible
  to devise a form of proof which is    
bomb-proof against the attacks of       
experience and superior to verification4
    ,is it not wiser1 then1 to admit    
that life has its claims upon science1  
and science upon logic8 ,we simply must 
have a science that can  handle human   
life and meet human needs1 and does not 
degenerate into a  game with arbitrary  
and fantastic rules which depart from   
the actual  conditions of life in any   
direction and to any distance           

unrestrained  imagination carries them2 
and our logic must deign to study such  
a science4 ,if to do so it has to       
#8scrap' its antique #8ideals'1 to      
abandon its pose of an inhuman1         
impassible1 infallible aloofness1 and   
to interest itself in the doubting1     
questioning1 guessing1 trying1  risking1
 blundering1 correcting1 achieving that 
make up the sum of  human knowledge1 it 
will receive an ample reward in the     
gratitude of  man for a logic that has  
entered his service1 and in the salutary
  influence which it will exercise upon 
his actions4      ,conclusions    7#a7  
,we have shown1 negatively1 that the    
notion of a form of proof1 by  which    
conclusions can be absolutely           
demonstrated by dint of pure logic      
alone1 is a delusion4 ,no such form can 
be constructed 7 #ac1 #ae71 and  if it  
could1 it could neither find scientific 
material worthy of it  7 #bh71 nor      
contain the material which is fabricated
 by the sciences4    7#b7 ,we have      

thereby shown that formal logic cannot  
represent the  logical nature of        
discovery or of any of the processes of 
actual  knowing1 and must condemn them  
all as #8invalid' 7 #ah1 #bj1 #bf1 #bh74
    7#c7 ,we have seen that a logic     
which attempts to understand actual     
knowing cannot prescribe to the sciences
 how they are to solve their  problems 7
 #cc74    7#d7 ,but it can grasp the    
general character of scientific         
procedure1  appreciate its difficulties 
and dangers1 understand the expedients  
for  meeting them1 and trace it to its  
roots in the constitution of the  human 
mind and in the needs of life 7 #ce74   
7#e7 ,in virtue of its general grasp of 
the aim and method of the  sciences a   
logic of science can at times offer     
advice to scientists3  it may draw their
 attention to the general problems which
 their work  involves1 but which are apt
 to be overlooked by specialists1 such  
as  the claims of consistency and       
novelty and the regulation of risks  7  

#cf74 ,or1 better still1 if they will   
study it themselves1 it may  broaden    
their minds and enable them to handle   
these general problems  for themselves  
far more effectively than a pure        
logician could do it  for them4    7#f7 
,by abandoning its pretensions to rigour
 and conclusiveness logic  does not     
really lose3 it gains immensely by      
coming into contact with  science and   
life1 and becoming of use in the world4 
,,index        ,abano3 see ,peter of    
,abano4      ,abercrombie1 ,john1       
,inquiries concerning the ,intellectual 
,powers1          #bdi n4      ,abi     
#8,uaibia1 ,ibn1 #bbg and n4 #d1 #bbh n4
 #e1 #bbi4      ,abu'l ,faraj ,gregory1 
cited1 #bbh n4 #c4      ,achillini1     
,alessandro1 #ie1 #ih1 #aje2            
,annotationes anatomiae1 #ie n4 #d4     
,adelphus1 ,johannes 7,j4 ,a4 ,muelich71
 ,mundini de omnibus humani             
corporis interioribus membris           
,anathomia1 #ic n4 #c1          #if n4  
#b1 #abh fig4 #bb4      ,adrian ,,iv1   

,pope1 ,st4 ,hildegard's correspondence 
with1 #e4      ,agobard1 ,st41 of       
,lyons1 on witchcraft1 #aia4            
,agrippa1 ,cornelius1 opposition to     
witch mania by1 #bad1 #bae4      ,al    
,afdal1 ,sultan1 #bbf4      ,alberic the
 younger1 ,benedictine monk1 of ,monte  
,cassino1 #ba4      ,albertotti1 ,g41   
,nuove osservazioni sul #8,fasciculus   
medicinae' del          ,ketham1 #ij n4 
#c4      ,albertus ,magnus1 #bb1 #cb1   
#ea1 #aac1 #aad4      ,albigensian      
heresy1 #aib4      ,alcoatim1 anatomical
 work by1 #aba4      ,alexander ,,iii1  
,pope1 ,st4 ,hildegard's correspondence 
with1 #e4      ,alexander ,v1 ,pope1    
#ii2      post-mortem examination on1   
#id4      ,alexander of ,neckam1 #bb1   
#bc4      ,alexander of ,tralles1 #ahb4 
,alhazen1 #abb4      #8,ali #8,abbas3   
see ,haly ,abbas4      ,al ,qifty1      
,classes ,philosophorum et astronomorum 
et medicorum1 #bbi          and n4 #c4  
,al ,tamimi al ,muqaddasi1 #bca n4 #b4  
,alva1 ,duke of1 #bba4      ,ampre1     

cited1 #ba4      ,analecta ,bollandiana1
 #f n4 #b4      ,anastasius ,,iv1 ,pope1
 ,st4 ,hildegard's correspondence with1 
#e4      ,anatomy in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries1 #gi-hf2            
,bolognese works on anatomy1 #ib-g2     
drawings of anatomical structures1 c41  
#dd1 #de1 #df1 #ha1 #hc1 #hd1           
#hg-ia1 #if1 #aje1 #aab1 #aad1 #aaf1    
#aag1 #abj1 #aba1 #abb1 #abg1 #abh1     
#abi1 #acj1 plates ,,xviii1 ,,xxvii1    
,,xxviii1 ,,xxix1 ,,xxx1 ,,xxxi1        
,,xxxii1          ,,xxxiii1 ,,xxxiv1    
,,xxxv1 ,,xxxvi4      ,see also         
,manfredi1 ,hieronymo4                  
,anaximander1 #beg4      ,annalen des   
,vereins fr ,nassauische                
,alterthumskunde und                    
,geschichtsforschung1 #ac n4 #c4        
,anstis1 ,john1 ,history of the ,garter1
 #afg4      ,antipodes1 the1 mediaeval  
conception of1 #bb1 #bc4      ,anzeiger 
fr ,kunde der deutschen ,vorzeit1 #ab n4
 #b4      ,apocalypse1 the1 #bj4        
,aquinas1 #ea1 #aic4      ,arabians1    

influence on early science and on       
medicine1 #ag1 #ah1 #bi1 #hd1           
#hf1 #ib1 #ic1 #aae1 #abj1 #aba1 #abi1  
#bbe-cd4      ,archaeological ,journal  
7,british ,archaeological ,association71
          #aff n4 #a1 #agb n4 #c1 #agh4 
,archimedes1 #bec4      ,archiv fr die  
,geschichte der ,medizin1 #ch n4 #d1 #dd
 nn4 #d1 #e1          #de n4 #a1        
#hgnn4#a1 #c1 #d1 #hi n4 #b1 #aad n4 #c1
 #aba n4 #a1          #abb n4 #a1 #abg  
n4 #e4      ,archiv fr die ,geschichte  
der ,naturwissenschaften und der        
,technik1          #aba n4 #a4          
,archiv fr die zeichnenden ,knste1 #hg  
n4 #e4      ,archiv fr ,pathologie1 #ac 
n4 #d1 #bbf n4 #a4      ,argellata1     
,pietro d'1 description of the          
examination of the body of              
,pope ,alexander ,v1 #id and n4 #b4     
,aristippus1 translation of ,aristotle's
 ,meteorologica1 #bd n4      ,aristotle1
 #bhh2      anatomical conceptions of1  
#df n41 #abf1 #abg2      logic and      
dialectics1 #bch1 #bdj1 #bdc1 #bde1     

#bdh1 #bej1 #beb1 #bed1 #bee1           
#beg1 #bei2      physiological theories1
 #ej n4 #d1 #fj1 #fa1 #ga1 #gc1 #ge2    
theory of the elements1 #ag1 #be4       
,works cited3        ,analytica         
posteriora1 #bch1 #bde n41 #beb n41 #beg
 n42        ,de caelo et mundo1 #ag2    
,de partibus animalium1 #df n4 #a1 #abf 
nn4 #d1 #e2        ,historia animalium1 
#abf nn4 #c1 #d1 #e2                    
,meteorologica1 #bd4      ,armengaud de 
,blaise1 ,latin translation of          
,maimonides on ,poisons1          #bbf  
n4 #a4      ,arnald of ,villanova1      
charge of sorcery against1 #aic4        
,astrology1 #ch1 #dg1 #ig1 #ih4         
,athanasius1 ,st41 #d1 #g4      ,atti e 
,memorie della ,r4 ,deputazione di      
,storia ,patria per le ,provincie       
di ,romagna1 #ii n4 #b4      ,augsburg1 
,peace of1 #aid4      ,augustine1 ,st41 
#ag1 #bj1 #ea1 #aac1 #aih1 #baf4        
,avempace1 #ag4      ,averroes1 #ag1    
#ie4      ,avicebron1 #ag1 #dc n4 #a4   
,avicenna1 #ag1 #ah1 #hf1 #ic1 #id1 #ie1

 #aja1 #aje1 #aac1 #aba1 #abb1 #abg1    
#abi1          #ahb4      ,azzolino1    
first recorded case of dissection at    
,bologna1 #ib4        ,bacher1 ,w41     
,moses ben ,maimon1 #bbi n4 #a4         
,bacon1 ,francis1 ,natural and          
,experimental ,history1 #ahj4           
,bacon1 ,roger1 anatomical writings and 
drawings by1 #aac1 #aaf1 #aba1          
#abb1 plate ,,xxxviii 7a72      on the  
structure of the universe1 #bb4         
,baillet1 ,dom ,louis1 #ee n42      ,les
 ,miniatures du ,scivias de sainte      
,hildegarde1 #g nn4 #a1 #b1          #ab
 n4 #a4      ,baker1 ,f41 cited1 #gi n4 
#b4      ,balgi1 ,vincenzo1 cited1 #cj  
n4      ,baluze1 tienne1 ,miscellanea   
novo ordine digesta et non paucis       
ineditis monumentis opportunisque       
animadversionibus aucta          opera  
ac studio ,j4 ,d4 ,mansi1 #i n4         
,bamberg1 witch-burning in the bishopric
 of1 #aid1 #bjd1 #bjh-aj1 #bab4         
,barach1 ,c4 ,s41 cited1 #ai n4 #b1 #cg 
n4 #a1 #ch n4 #a4      ,baret1 ,john1 of

 ,bury ,st4 ,edmunds1 #agb4      ,bar   
,hebraeus1 cited1 #bbh1 #bbi4           
,bartholomaeus ,anglicus 7,bartholomaeus
 de ,glanvilla71 anatomical             
drawings of1 #hj fig4 #a1 #he fig4 #d2  
,de ,proprietatibus ,rerum1 #abi n4 #b4 
,battandier1 ,albert1 ,sainte           
,hildegarde1 sa vie et ses uvres1       
#e n4 #c2      cited1 #af n4 #c1 #ba n4 
#c1 #bc n4 #e4      ,bayford1 ,robert1  
,enchiridion ,medicum1 #aha4      ,beck1
 ,theodor1 ,die ,galenischen ,hirnnerven
 in moderner ,beleuchtung1          #aah
 n4 #a4      ,bede1 the ,venerable1 #bb4
      ,beitrge zur ,geschichte der      
,philosophie des ,mittelalters1         
#aac n4 #c4      ,benedict1 ,st41 #d1   
#g4      ,benivieni1 ,antonio1 ,de      
abditis nonnullis ac mirandis morborum  
et          sanationum causis1 #ha and  
n4 #c4      ,benjamin of ,tudela1 #bj4  
,bentivoglio1 ,annibale1 #ajd4          
,bentivoglio ,,ii1 ,giovanni3           
,manfredi's dedications to1 #aja1 #ajc1 
#ajd1 #aje1 #acj2      portrait of1     

#ajd1 plate ,,xxxvii4      ,bergson1    
,henri ,louis1 #bhe4      ,berkshire1   
ancient custom concerning rings and the 
cure of epilepsy1          #agc4        
,berlin3 see ,manuscripts4              
,bernard1 ,claude1 #fh4      ,bernard of
 ,chartres1 #cg n4 #a4      ,bernard1   
,st41 abbot of ,clairvaux1 #d2      ,st4
 ,hildegard's correspondence with1 #e4  
,bernard ,sylvestris3 see ,sylvestris4  
,berners1 ,lord1 ,cloister ,life of     
,charles ,v1 #agc and n4 #c4            
,beroaldo1 ,filippo1 #ih1 #ii4          
,berthelet1 ,thomas 7printer71 #abi4    
,bertuccio 7professor of surgery at     
,bologna71 anatomical demonstrations    
by1 #hb1 #id4      ,bichat1 ,x41 #ff4   
,bingen1 #b1 #d1 #g1 #h1 #ab1 #bj4      
,binsfeld1 ,peter1 ,bishop of ,trves1   
persecution of witches by1 #aig1        
#aih1 #bbb2      ,tractatus de          
confessionibus maleficorum1 #aig1 #aih  
n4 #b1          #bbb n4 #b4      ,binz1 
,dr4 ,k41 biography of ,dr4 ,john       
,weyer1 #ahi4      ,biological theories1

 #ei ff4      ,birth and death and the  
nature of the soul1 ,hildegard's views  
on1          #di1 #ej1 plates ,,xix1    
,,xx4      ,black ,death1 the1 #aic4    
,blaise3 see ,armengaud de ,blaise4     
,blake1 ,william1 #ec4      ,bckelheim1 
#b1 #c4      ,boethius1 #ag1 #ba4       
,bhmer1 ,j4 ,h41 ,ius ecclesiasticum1   
#bjf n4 #b4      ,boleyn1 ,anne1 and the
 use of cramp-rings1 #agd1 #age1 #agf4  
,bologna1 anatomical studies at1 in the 
fifteenth century1 #gh1 #gi1            
#ha n41 #hb1 #hd2      anatomical works 
emanating from1 #ib-g2      astrology   
at1 #ig-h2      colleagues of ,manfredi 
at ,university1 #ih2      ,manfredi's   
house1 #ii2      ,medical ,faculty at1  
#ib2      ,palazzo dei ,bentivoglio1    
#ajd4      ,boncompagni1 ,baldassare1   
,della vita e delle opere di ,gherardo  
,cremonese1 c41 #ag n4 #b4              
,boniface1 ,st41 on witchcraft1 #aia4   
,boniface ,,viii1 ,pope1 #bja4          
,boorde1 ,andrew1 on the blessing of    
cramp-rings1 #agf2      ,breviarie of   

,health1 ibid42      ,introduction of   
,knowledge1 ibid4      ,borelli1 ,j4    
,a41 #fh4      ,bosco3 see ,johannes    
,sacro ,bosco4      ,boselli1 ,e41 #ee  
n4      ,boswell1 ,james1 cited1 #ahb4  
,botanik in kulturhistorischer          
,entwickelung1 #ab n4 #b4               
,bourdeaux3 see ,john of ,bourdeaux4    
,boyle1 ,robert1 #cb4      ,bracara1    
synod of1 #aic4      ,brand1 ,j41       
,popular ,antiquities1 #agc n4 #c4      
,braun1 ,dr41 torture of witches by1    
#bjh1 #bji1 #baj4      ,brewer1 ,j4 ,s41
 ,state ,papers3 ,budaei ,epistolae1    
#agc n4 #f4      ,bristol3 see          
,manuscripts4      ,brockelmann1 ,k41   
,geschichte der arabischen ,litteratur1 
#bbe n4 #a1          #bbh n4 #e1 #bbi n4
 #c4      ,brown1 ,sir ,thomas1 on      
witchcraft1 #bad1 #bbb1 #bbc4      ,bud1
 ,guillaume1 and the use of cramp-rings1
 #agc1 #agd4      ,buffon1 ,histoire    
,gnrale des ,animaux1 #ff4              
,bulletin de la ,socit franaise         
d'histoire de la mdecine1          #ci  

n4 #b4      ,bulletin of the ,johns     
,hopkins ,hospital1 #gi n4 #b4          
,bunge1 ,gustav1 physiological views of1
 #fd4      ,burnet1 ,bishop ,gilbert1   
,history of the ,reformation1 on the    
blessing          of cramp-rings1 #agd1 
#age1 #agg4      ,bury ,wills 7,camden  
,society71 #agb n4 #b4      ,burzio1    
,niccol1 ,bononia illustrata1 #ig n4 #d4
        ,cabalistic systems of the      
,jews1 #bj4      ,caetani1              
,michelangelo1 duca di ,sermoneta1 ,la  
materia della ,divina          ,commedia
 di ,dante ,allighieri dichiarata in    
,,vi tavole1          #ca fig4 #d4      
,cambridge3 see ,manuscripts4           
,cardan1 ,jerome1 #bad4      ,carpi1    
,giacomo ,berengario da1 #ie-g1 #aje1   
#ajf2      ,anathomia ,mundini1 #if n4  
#a2      ,commentaria cum amplissimis   
additionibus super anatomia ,mundini1   
#if n4 #a4      ,carpi1 ,hugo da1       
anatomical drawings of1 #ij4            
,carpzov1 ,benedict1 death-sentences on 
witches and sorcerers by1 #bjf4         

,cartesian physiology1 principles of1   
#fh4      ,cartulaire de l',universit de
 ,montpellier1 #gi n4 #a4      ,cathari 
7,albigensian sect71 persecution of1 #d1
 #aib4      ,cavazza1 ,francesco1 ,le   
,scuole dell' antico studio bolognese1  
#ii n4 #c4      ,caxton1 ,william1 story
 of ,edward the ,confessor and his ring 
in the          ,golden ,legend1 #afe-f4
      ,cervetto1 ,g41 ,di alcuni        
illustri anatomici italiani del         
decimoquinto          secolo1 #hi n4 #b4
      ,chantilly3 see ,manuscripts4     
,charlemagne1 laws of1 regarding        
witchcraft1 #aia4      ,charles ,i1 #abf
 n4 #b4      ,charles ,,ii and the      
,royal ,society1 #bgd4      ,charles ,v1
 ,emperor of ,germany and ,king of      
,spain1 use of cramp-rings          by1 
#agc4      ,charms against diseases1    
#aha1 #ahb4 ,see also ,cramp-rings4     
,chartres1 ,bernard of3 see ,bernard4   
,chaucer's use of the word #8cramp'1    
#ahj4      ,chauliac1 ,guy de1 ,grande  
,chirurgie1 #ha n4 #b1 #hb1 #hc n41     

#hd n4 #a1 #id1 #aje1 #aba1    plates   
,,xxix1 ,,xxx2      fourteenth-century  
post-mortem scene from1 #ha n4 #b4      
,choulant1 ,l41 ,geschichte und         
,bibliographie der anatomischen         
,abbildung          nach ihrer          
,beziehung auf anatomische ,wissenschaft
 und bildende          ,kunst1 #hg n4   
#e1 #hi n4 #b4      ,christian view of  
witchcraft3 early times1 #aij1 #aia1    
#aih1 #baf2      mediaeval age1 #aia-d1 
#bja2      ,reformation period1 #aij1   
#aia1 #aid-f1 #bac1 #bbj1 #bba2         
later times1 #aie1 #bjd1 #bbb4          
,chrysostom1 ,st41 #baf4      ,clement  
,v1 ,pope1 #bja4      ,clerval1 ,a41    
,les coles de ,chartres au ,moyen ge1   
#ai n4 #b1          #cg n4 #b4          
,cleves1 ,duke ,william of1 #bae1 #bbj1 
#bba1 #bbd4      ,cleves1 witchcraft in 
the duchy of1 #bbj4      ,colle1        
,francesco ,maria1 ,storia              
scientifico-letteraria dello ,studio    
di ,padova1 #hb n4 #b4      ,coloman1   
,king of ,hungary1 on witchcraft1 #aia4 

,como1 witch-burning in the diocese of1 
#bje4      ,concoreggio1 ,giovanni da1  
,lucidarium et ,flos ,medicinae1 #ie and
          n4 #a4      ,conrad1 ,emperor1
 ,hildegard's correspondence with1 #e4  
,conrad of ,marburg1 cited1 #aib n4 #f4 
,constantine ,africanus1 medical        
writings of1 #ac1 #af1 #dc1 #aba1 #abg2 
,de communibus medico cognitu           
necessariis locis1 #dd and n4 #b1       
#aad n4 #a2      ,de humana natura1 #de1
 #ej2      ,pantechni4 ,theorice1 #abg  
n4 #d4      ,conybeare1 ,f4 ,c41 ,key of
 ,truth1 #aib n4 #d4      ,copenhagen3  
see ,manuscripts4      ,copernicus1 #dc4
      ,copho of ,salerno1 ,anatomia     
porci1 #dc1 #dd4      ,cotta's          
,jubilums-,ausgabe1 #h n4 #b4           
,craigie1 ,dr41 ,history of ,anatomy1   
#ic n4 #b4      ,cramp1 early use of the
 term1 #ahj-b4      ,cramp-rings1 the   
blessing of1 by the kings and queens of 
,england1          #afe-hg2             
ceremonies of blessing cramp-rings used 
on ,good ,friday1 #ahd-g2      office of

 consecration used by ,queen ,mary1     
#agg-i1 #ahb-d2      origin of the      
ceremony1 #afe1 #agi1 #ahj1 #ahb2       
ceremonial observed1 #afg1 #afh1 #aga1  
#agh1 #agi2      its disuse1 #agi1 #ahj2
      bequests of cramp-rings1 #agb1    
#agf2      diseases covered by the word 
#8cramp'1 #ahj-b4      ,crawfurd1       
,raymond3 ,the ,blessing of             
,cramp-rings2 a chapter in the          
history of the treatment of epilepsy1   
#afe-hg2      ,king's ,evil1 cited1 #aga
 n4      ,cremona1 ,gerard of3 see      
,gerard4      ,cross1 ceremonial of     
offering and creeping to the1 #afg1     
#afh1 #afi4      ,cuyer1 ,e41 ,histoire 
de l',anatomie plastique1 #hf n4 #b4    
,dallari1 ,umberto1 ,i rotuli dei       
lettori legisti e artisti dello         
studio bolognese dal #achd al #agii1 #ih
 n4 #a4      ,dalton1 ,j4 ,c41          
,doctrines of the ,circulation1 #acj n4 
#c4      ,damascenus1 ,johannes1 #aac4  
,daniel1 ,book of1 #bj4      ,dante1    
,divina ,commedia1 #bc2      ,quaestio  

de aqua et terra1 #cj n42      scheme of
 the universe1 #a1 #ba1 #bb1 #bc1 #cj1  
#ca4      ,daremberg1 ,c41 editor of    
,liber subtilitatum1 #ac2      uvres    
anatomiques1 physiologiques et mdicales 
de ,galien1          #aah n4 #a4        
,darwinian theory1 #bcf1 #bdb1 #bde1    
#beg4      ,datura ,stramonium1 or      
thorn-apple1 #aii4      ,de caelo et    
mundo1 #ag4      ,delation1 #bjb4       
,demiurgus1 the1 #aib4      ,demoniacs1 
#aii1 #bae-bb4      ,see also           
,witchcraft4      ,denmark1 witchcraft  
in1 #bbb4      ,de sagarum natura et    
potestate1 c41 #bjh n4 #a4              
,descartes1 biological theories of1 #fg1
 #fh4      ,devil1 mediaeval views of   
the1 #aij1 #aib-d1 #bjg1 #baf4          
,devonshire1 ancient custom concerning  
rings and the cure of epilepsy1         
#agc2      charm against fits1 #ahb4    
,dewey1 ,professor ,john1 #bei4         
,dialectical proof in relation to       
scientific discovery1 #bch4             
,dictionary of ,national ,biography1    

#bcj n4 #a4      ,diefenbach1 ,j41 ,der 
,hexenwahn1 #aie n4 #a1 #bba n4 #a4     
,diogenes ,laertius1 #bei n4            
,disibode1 ,st41 ,hildegard's life of1  
#c4      ,disibodenberg1 convent of1 #b1
 #db4      ,dissection3 see ,anatomy4   
,dresden3 see ,manuscripts4             
,driesch1 ,hans1 biological theories of1
 #fb-d1 #fi1 #gj1 #ga1 #gc1 #ge2        
,analytische ,theorie1 #fb1 #gj1 #ge2   
,vitalismus1 #ge4      ,dryander1       
,johannes1 ,anatomia1 #ie n4 #c1 #aab4  
,duval1 ,m41 ,histoire de l',anatomie   
plastique1 #hf n4 #b4        ,edward the
 ,confessor and his ring1 story of1     
#afe1 #aff4      ,edward ,,ii and the   
blessing of cramp-rings1 #afg1 #afi4    
,edward ,,iii and the blessing of       
cramp-rings1 #afi1 #agj4      ,edward   
,,iv and the blessing of cramp-rings1   
#aga4      ,edward ,,vi and the blessing
 of cramp-rings1 #age1 #agg4            
,ehrenberg3 see ,philip of ,ehrenberg4  
,eibingen1 #h4      ,eleemosyna ,rolls  
of ,edward ,,iii1 #afi1 #agj4           

,elements1 mediaeval theories of the1   
#be-cj4      ,elizabeth of ,schnau1     
visions of1 #ba1 #bb4      ,ellis1 ,sir 
,henry1 #agh4      ,england1 first      
printed map of1 #ii1 #ajj4              
,epilepsy and other spasmodic disorders1
 blessing of cramp-rings for            
the cure of1 #afe-hg4      ,essling1    
,prince d'1 ,les livres  figures        
vnitiens de la fin du          ,,xve    
sicle et du commencement du ,,xvie1 #hi 
n4 #e4      ,euclidean geometry1 #bci1  
#bdj1 #bej1 #bhj4      ,eugenius ,,iii1 
,pope1 ,hildegard's correspondence with1
 #e4      ,eye1 anatomy of the1 #aah-bb4
      ,ezekiel1 ,book of1 #bj4          
,fantuzzi1 ,giovanni1 ,notizie degli    
scrittori bolognesi1 #ig n4 #b1         
#ii n4 #a4      ,faust1 magic feats of1 
#bae1 #baf1 #bah4      ,ferckel1        
,christoph1 cited1 #aba n4 #a4          
,ferrari1 ,h4 ,m41 ,une ,chaire de      
,mdecine    au ,,xve sicle2 ,un         
professeur  l'universit    de ,pavie de 
#adcb  #adgb1 #hf n4 #c4      ,florence1

 ,uffizi ,gallery1 painted              
representation of the ,cross1 #aj1      
#aa1 plate ,x4      ,fludd1 ,robert1    
,historia utriusque cosmi1 #da figs4 #f1
 #g1 #dc2      ,philosophia sacra seu   
astrologia cosmica1 #db fig4 #h1 #dc4   
,fonahm1 ,a41 cited1 #hf n4 #a1 #acj n4 
#a4      ,frner1 ,bishop1 witch-burning 
by1 #bjh4      ,fortescue1 ,sir ,john1  
,defensio ,iuris ,domus ,lancastriae1   
#aga4      ,fracastor1 #dc4             
,frankfort1 witchcraft at1 #bba4        
,frati1 ,ludovico1 ,la vita privata di  
,bologna dal secolo ,,xiii al ,,xvii1   
#hd n4 #b4      ,frederic ,barbarossa1  
,emperor1 ,hildegard's correspondence   
with1 #e4      ,froissart1 #agc4        
,fulda1 witch-burning in the bishopric  
of1 #aid4      ,fundis1 ,giovanni de1   
#ih4        ,gabotto1 ,ferdinando1      
,bartolomeo ,manfredi e l',astrologia   
alla ,corte          di ,mantova1 #ig n4
 #d4      ,galen1 #ag1 #dc1 #dd1 #df n4 
#a1 #fa1 #fg1 #hd1 #hf1 #hg1 #ig1 #aje1 
#aaj1          #aaa n41 #aac and n4 #b1 

#aae1 #aah1 #abe1 #abf1 #abg1 #abh1     
#acf n41 #ahb2      ,de usu partium     
corporis humani1 #aaj n4 #a1 #aah n4 #b2
      ,de ,hippocratis et ,platonis     
decretis1 #aah n4 #b2      illuminated  
codex of1 #hg1 #hh1 plate ,,xxxiv2      
1 #abg n4 #a4      ,galileo1 #dc4       
,garbo1 ,tommaso di1 #id4               
,gardiner1 ,stephen1 ,bishop of         
,winchester1 and the use of cramp-rings1
          #agd1 #age1 #agg4             
,garrod1 ,h4 ,w41 ,manili ,astronomicon1
 #ci n4      ,garter1 ,order of the1    
#agh4      ,gebeno1 prior of ,eberbach1 
mediaeval writer1 #ae4      ,geffcken1  
,j41 ,dr4 ,johann ,weyer1 #ahi n4       
,gentleman's ,magazine1 #afi nn4 #a1 #b1
 #agc nn4 #a1 #b1 #d1 #agd n4 #a4       
,geographical ,journal1 #ii n4 #d4      
,george1 ,john1 prince-bishop1          
witch-burning by1 #bjh4      ,gerard of 
,cremona1 scientific works of1 #ag1 #ah1
 #abh4      ,gerbi1 ,gabriele de 7de    
,zerbis71 #ie1 #ih1 #aje2      ,liber   
,anatomiae corporis humani et singulorum

 membrorum illius1          #ie n4 #b4  
,german block book 7,symbolum           
,apostolicorum7 of the fifteenth        
century1          #ci1 plate ,,xvii4    
,gersdorff1 ,hans von1 ,feldt- und      
,stattbch bewerter ,wundartznei1        
anatomical drawings1 #abi fig4 #bc1 #acj
 n4 #b4      ,gertrude of ,robersdorf1  
visions of1 #ba4      ,ghazali1 ,ibn1   
#ea1 #aac4      ,gilbert1 ,william1 #cb4
      ,glanvilla1 ,bartholomaeus de3 see
 ,bartholomaeus ,anglicus4              
,glaubrecht1 ,o41 ,die ,schreckensjahre 
von ,lindheim1 #bjd n4 #a4              
,gloucester1 ,eleanor ,cobham1 ,duchess 
of1 charged with witchcraft1 #aic4      
,gneyth ,cross1 homage paid to the1     
#afh1 #afi1 #agj4      ,godefrid1 the   
monk1 biography of ,st4 ,hildegard by1  
#e1 #g1 #ea4      ,goeje1 ,m4 ,j4 de1   
,catalogue of ,arabic ,manuscripts in   
the ,library at          ,leyden1 #bbh  
n4 #b4      ,goelicke1 ,a4 ,o41         
,introductio in historiam litterariam   
anatomes1          #ha n4      ,goethe1 

,am ,rhein1 ,main und ,neckar1 #h n4 #b4
      ,golius1 ,james1 collection of    
,oriental ,,mss41 #bbi1 #bcj4      ,good
 ,friday1 the hallowing of cramp-rings  
on1 and offering and          creeping  
to the cross1 #afg-i1 #aga1 #agi1       
#ahd-g4      ,gotch1 ,f41 on biological 
phenomena1 #gj1 #ga4      ,grado1       
,giammatteo ,ferrari da 7,matthaeus de  
,gradibus71 ,expositiones          super
 vigesimam secundam ,fen tertii canonis 
,avicennae1          #hf n4 #c2         
,practica1 ibid4      ,great ,schism1   
the1 #aic4      ,greek dialectics1 #bcg1
 #bch1 #bei4      ,greeks1 biological   
speculations of the1 #fa4      ,gregory 
,,vii1 ,pope1 forbids inquisition for   
witches and sorcerers1 #aib4            
,gregory ,,ix1 ,pope1 #f4      ,gregory 
,,xi1 ,pope1 #aib n4 #f4      ,gregory  
,nazianzen1 ,st41 #baf4      ,grimm1    
,wilhelm1 ,wiesbader ,glossen1 #e n4 #b1
 #h n4 #c4      ,guibert1 the monk1 life
 of ,st4 ,hildegard by1 #e n4 #c1 #af n4
 #c4      ,guido de ,vigevano3 see      

,vigevano4      ,gurlt1 ,e41            
,biographisches ,lexikon der            
hervorragenden ,aerzte1 #ajc4      ,guy 
de ,chauliac3 see ,chauliac4            
,haeser1 ,h41 ,geschichte der ,medizin1 
#bbe n4 #a1 #bbf n4 #aj4      ,haldane1 
,j4 ,s41 on biological phenomena1 #fe1  
#ff4      ,haller1 ,albrecht von1       
,bibliotheca anatomica1 #ha n41 #ajc n4 
#a4      ,haly ,abbas1 #aje1 #aac1 #aba1
 #abg4      ,handbuch der ,geschichte   
der ,medizin1 #ib n4 #d4      ,hardouin1
 ,jean 7,harduinus71 ,collectio regia   
maxima conciliorum          graecorum et
 latinorum1 #aia n4 #a4                 
,harpsfield1 ,nicholas1 ,historia       
,anglicana ,ecclesiastica1 on the       
blessing of cramp-rings1 #agi1 #ahj4    
,harvard ,studies in ,classical         
,philology1 #ah n4 #a4      ,harvey1    
,william1 #cb2      ,exercitatio        
anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis1  
#abf n4 #b2      ,prelectiones anatomiae
 universalis1 #abf and n4 #a4           
,haskins1 ,c4 ,h41 cited1 #ah n4 #a4    

,haupt1 ,moriz1 ,zeitschrift fr         
deutsches ,alterthum1 #e n4 #b1         
#h n4 #c4      ,head1 anatomy of the1   
#ajf-ah4      ,heart1 anatomy of the1   
#abb-cj4      ,heavenly city1           
,hildegard's vision of the1 #ed1 plate  
,,xxv4      ,heidelberg3 see            
,manuscripts4      ,helmont1 ,f4 ,m4    
van1 #fh4      ,helmreich1    1 #aah n4 
#a4      ,henri de ,mondeville3 see     
,mondeville4      ,henrici1 ,professor1 
#ee n4      ,henry ,,ii 7of ,england7   
and his consort1 ,hildegard's hortatory 
letters          to1 #e4      ,henry    
,,iv and the blessing of cramp-rings1   
#agj4      ,henry ,,vii and the blessing
 of cramp-rings1 and the ceremonial of  
touching for the evil1 #afg1 #afh1 #agb4
      ,henry ,,viii and the blessing of 
cramp-rings1 #age1 #agf1 #agg4          
,henschen1 ,godfrey1 #h4      ,heppe1   
,h41 ,geschichte der ,hexenprocesse1    
#aia n4 #a1 #aib n4 #b1          #aic   
n41 #bjc n4 #c1 #bjf nn4 #a1 #b1 #bjh n4
 #d4      ,heraclitus1 #bef4            

,herbert1 ,j4 ,a41 #ee n42              
,illuminated ,manuscripts1 #aj n4 #a4   
,heresy and witchcraft1 identification  
of1 by the ,church1 #aib-d1 #bja1       
#bbj1 #bba4      ,hermann the           
,dalmatian1 #ag n4 #a4      ,hermas1    
,shepherd of1 #bj4      ,hermes1 #bd n4 
,herrade de ,landsberg1 ,hortus         
deliciarum1 #bj1 #ba1 #bb1 #bc1 #bg1    
#dj fig4 #e1 #db1 #dh fig4 #i1 #ee n4   
,hertford1 ,edward ,seymour1 ,earl of1  
present of cramp-rings by1 #age4        
,hilaire the ,great1 ,st41 of ,poitiers1
 #ch n4 #d4      ,hildegard1 ,st4       
7#ajih-aahj71 ,the ,scientific ,views   
and ,visions of1 #a-ee4                 
,biographical details1 #b-f1 #ea-b2     
bibliographical note1 #f-ab2            
canonization1 proposals for1 #f2        
correspondence1 #c-e2      journeys1 #d2
      language1 #ab1 #ae1 #af2          
miniatures1 #g1 #h1 #aj-ab1 #cd1 #ce1   
#di1 #ea1 plates ,i1 ,,iii1 ,,vi-,,ix1  
,,xi2      musical compositions1 #c2    
pathological basis of visions1 #ea-c2   

patristic influence1 #ag2      sources  
of scientific knowledge1 #ae-bb2        
visions1 #c1 #g1 #aj1 #aa1 #af n4 #c1   
#ag1 #bj1 #ba1 #bb1 #bg1 #cb1 #cc1 #cd1 
#ce1 #cf1 #dj1 #dc1 #ea-e4              
,hildegard's views on--anatomy and      
physiology1 #ad1 #ah1 #cj1 #dc-h2       
astrology1 #ah1 #cd2        birth and   
death and the nature of the soul1       
#di-ea2        elements1 the1 #be-cj2   
macrocosm and microcosm1 #i1 #af n41    
#ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #cj-dc1 #de1 #ea2        
structure of the material universe1 #h1 
#ac1 #ad1 #ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #ba1           
#bb-cj1 #ci2        winds1 #be-g1 #cd4  
,works3 ,ad praelatos ,moguntienses1 #g2
        ,explanatio regulae sancti      
,benedicti1 #d1 #g2        ,explanatio  
symboli sancti ,athanasii ad            
congregationem sororum          suorum1 
#d2        ,expositiones evangeliorum1  
#g2        ,ignota lingua1 #e1 #g1 #ae  
n42        ,ignotae litterae1 #g2       
,liber divinorum operum simplicis       
hominis1 #c1 #g1 #h-ab1 #ad1            

#af n41 #ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #bb n41 #bd n41  
#be1 #bg1 #bh1 #cj1 #cb1          #cd1  
#ce1 #cf1 #ci n41 #dj1 #db1 #ea1 plates 
,v 7b71 ,,vi1 ,,vii1          ,,viii1   
,,ix1 ,,xi2        ,liber epistolarum1  
#g1 #ab2        ,liber orationum1 #g2   
,liber vitae meritorum per simplicem    
hominem a vivente luce                  
revelatorum1 #c1 #f1 #ab1 #ad n41 #ai1  
#bj1 #ba2        ,litterae villarenses1 
#g2        ,lives of ,st4 ,disibode and 
,st4 ,rupert1 #c1 #g2                   
,quaestionum solutiones triginta octo1  
#d2        ,scivias1 #c1 #f1 #g1 #h1    
#ab1 #ad n41 #ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #ba1 #bd n41
 #bg1          #bh1 #cj1 #cd1 #db n41   
#di1 #ec1 plates ,,iii1 ,,iv2           
,symphonia harmoniae celestum           
revelationum1 #g4      ,spurious        
scientific works3 ,beatae ,hildegardis  
causae et curae1          #ab1 #ad1     
plate ,v 7a72        ,revelatio de      
fratribus quatuor mendicantium ordinum1 
#ae2        ,speculum futurorum         
temporum1 #ae2        ,subtilitatum     

diversarumque creaturarum libri novem1  
#ac1 #ad4      ,hippocrates1 #bah1 #bai4
      ,hirsch1 ,a41 ,biographisches     
,lexikon der hervorragenden ,aerzte1    
#ajc1          #bbe n4 #a4              
,hopstock1 ,h41 cited1 #hf n4 #a1 #acj  
n4 #a4      ,horst1 ,g4 ,c41 cited1     
#bjd1 #bje1 #bjf2      ,dmonomagie1 #bjd
 n4 #a1 #bje n41 #bjf n4 #d2            
,zauberbibliothek1 #bjd n4 #a1 #bje n4  
,hoton1 ,thomas de1 rector of           
,kyrkebymisperton 7,yorkshire71 #agb4   
,hubrecht1 ,a4 ,a4 ,w41 #eg4      ,hugh 
of ,st4 ,victor1 ,de arca ,noe mystica1 
#bj2      ,de bestiis et aliis rebus1   
#de and n4 #b1 #df n4 #b4      ,hunain  
ben ,ishak1 anatomical writings of1     
#abj1 #aba4      ,hundt1 ,m41 anatomical
 drawings of1 #if n4 #b1 #aje2          
,antropologium1 de hominis dignitate    
natura et proprietatibus1          #aab 
fig4 #aa4      ,huntington1 ,robert1    
,bishop of ,raphoe1 #bbi1 #bcj4         
,husee1 ,john1 and the use of           
cramp-rings1 #age1 #agf4                

,hutchinson1 ,f41 ,historical ,essay    
concerning ,witchcraft1          #aie n4
 #c1 #bbb n4 #b4        ,illustrations  
of the manners and expences of antient  
times in          ,england1 #agg4       
,innocent ,,iv1 ,pope1 #f4              
,innocent ,,viii1 ,pope1 bull of1       
concerning witchcraft1 #aic4            
,institoris1 ,h41 ,malleus ,maleficarum1
 #aid and n41 #bja-c4      ,isaac       
,judaeus1 ,viaticum1 #dd4      ,isidore 
,hispalensis1 #ac1 #af1 #ag1 #ai1 #ba1  
#bb1 #bg4      ,italian miniatures1     
mediaeval1 #aj1 #aa4        ,james ,i1  
,daemonologia1 #bad4      ,janssen1 ,j41
 ,geschichte des deutschen ,volkes1 #aij
 n41 #bab n4      ,janus1 #aac n4 #b4   
,jenkinson1 ,john ,wilfred3 ,vitalism1  
#ei-gh4      ---- biographical notice   
of1 #eg-h2      list of books and papers
 by1 #eh2      portrait of1 plate       
,,xxvi4      ,jerome1 ,st41 #baf4       
,jessen1 ,c41 cited1 #ab n4 #b4         
,jesu ,aly1 anatomical work by1 #aba4   
,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 #bj n4 #b4  

,jews1 dissemination of scientific      
knowledge in the ,middle ,ages by1      
#ag1 #bj4      ,joan of ,arc1 #aic4     
,job1 ,book of1 #bd1 #ej1 #baf4         
,johannes ,sacro ,bosco1 #bc4      ,john
 ,,xxii1 ,pope1 #f4      ,john of       
,bourdeaux1 tract on the plague by1     
#ajb4      ,john of ,peckham1 anatomical
 writings of1 #aba4      ,johnson1 ,dr4 
,samuel1 #ahb4      ,jong1 ,p4 de1      
,catalogue of ,arabic ,,mss4 in the     
,library at ,leyden1          #bbh n4   
#b4      ,joseph1 ,h4 ,w4 ,b41 ,logic1  
#bci n4      ,jourdain1 ,charles1       
,dissertation sur l'tat de la           
philosophie          naturelle 444      
pendant la premire moiti du ,,xiie      
sicle1          #ai n4 #b4      ,journal
 of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society1 #dd n4
 #e4      ,judaeus3 see ,isaac ,judaeus4
      ,junius1 ,john1 burgomaster of    
,bamberg1 account of his trial for      
witchcraft1 #bji-ab4      ,justin       
,martyr1 #baf4        ,kaiser1 ,paul1   
,hildegardis causae et curae1 #ab n4 #b4

      ,kant1 ,critique of the           
,teleological ,judgement1 #ga-c1 #ge2   
scheme of a priori1 #bej4      ,keller1 
,g41 edition of ,herrade de ,landsberg's
 ,hortus deliciarum1          #ba n4 #d1
 #dj fig4 #e1 #dh fig4 #i4              
#8,ketham'1 ,fasciculus medicinae1      
anatomical drawings1 #hi1 #ij1          
#ia fig4 #g1 #if n4 #b1 #aag fig4 #ag1  
plate ,,xxvii4      ,khalfa1 ,haji1     
bibliography of ,arabic works1 #bbh n4  
#e1 #bbi4      ,kiesewetter1 ,k41 ,die  
,geheimwissenschaften1 #aii n4 #b4      
,king's ,evil1 touching for the1 #afg1  
#aga1 #agb1 #agh4      ,koning1 ,p4 de1 
,trait sur le calcul1 #bbh n4 #e2       
,trois ,traits d',anatomie arabes1 #aac 
n4 #a1 #abg n4 #c4      ,ktzendrffer1   
,dr41 torture of witches by1 #bjh1 #bji4
      ,kraut1 ,g41 ,experimentarius     
medicinae continens ,trotulae curandarum
          ,aegritudinum muliebrium 444  
item quatuor ,hildegardis de            
elementorum1 etc41 #ac n4 #a4           
,laboulbne1 ,a41 ,les anatomistes       

anciens1 #ib n4 #d4      ,lactantius1   
#baf4      ,landsberg3 see ,herrade de  
,landsberg4      ,laplace1 ,p4 ,s41 #ff4
      ,laufer1 ,berthold1 ,beitrge zur  
,kenntnis der ,tibetanischen ,medizin1  
#dd n4 #e4      ,lavoisier1 #ff4        
,lawrence1 abbot of ,westminster1 #aff4 
,lea1 ,h4 ,c41 ,history of the          
,inquisition of the ,middle ,ages1      
#aia nn4 #a1 #b1 #aib nn4 #a1 #c1 #f1   
#aic n41 #bjh n4 #b1          #bad n4   
,lecky1 ,w4 ,e4 ,h41 on witchcraft1     
#bbc4      ,leclerc1 ,l41 #bbg2         
,histoire de la mdecine arabe1 #bbf n4  
#e1          #bbi n4 #d4      ,leersum1 
,e4 ,c4 van1 ,miniaturen der            
lateinischen ,galenos-,handschrift      
der kgl4 ffentl4 ,bibliothek in         
,dresden1 #hg-h n4      ,leibnitz1 #cb1 
#fh4      ,leitschuh1 ,dr4 ,f41 ,beitrge
 zur ,geschichte des ,hexenwesens in    
,franken1 #bji and nn4 #a-c4            
,lemgo1 witch persecution at1 #bjg4     
,leonardo da ,vinci3 see ,vinci4        
,lerida1 public anatomies at1 in the    

fourteenth century1 #gi4      ,levy1    
,reuben3 ,the ,tractatus de ,causis et  
,indiciis ,morborum          attributed 
to ,maimonides1 #bbe-cd4      ,leyden3  
see ,manuscripts4      ,linacre1        
,thomas1 and the use of cramp-rings1    
#agc1 #agd1 #ahj4      ,linde1 ,antonius
 van der1 ,die ,handschriften der       
,kniglichen          ,landesbibliothek  
in ,wiesbaden1 #f n4 #c1 #h n4 #a4      
,lindheim1 persecutions for witchcraft  
at1 #bjd1 #bje1 #bjf4      ,lisle1      
,lady1 and the use of cramp-rings1 #age1
 #agf4      ,lisle ,papers1 #age nn4 #c1
 #d1 #agf nn4 #a-d4      ,lockwood1 ,d4 
,p41 ,the ,sicilian ,translators of the 
,twelfth ,century          and the      
,first ,latin ,version of ,ptolemy's    
#8,almagest'1          #ah n4 #a4       
,logical proof and scientific discovery1
 #bce-hi4      ,lones1 ,t4 ,e41         
,aristotle's ,researches in ,natural    
,science1 #abf n4 #e4      ,louis ,,vii1
 #e4      ,lucca3 see ,manuscripts4     
,luciferans1 or devil worshippers1 sects

 of1 #aib4      ,luther1 ,martin1 #baf1 
#bbd4      ,lutherans1 persecution of1  
#aid1 #aie4      ,luzzi1 ,mondino di3   
see ,mondino4        ,macer1 ,floridus1 
#ac4      ,macray1 ,w4 ,d41 ,annals of  
the ,bodleian1 #bbi n4 #e1 #bcj n4 #a4  
,macrocosm1 mediaeval and ,renaissance  
theories of the1 #cb1 #ch1 #dc2         
,hildegard's views on1 #i1 #af n41 #ah1 
#ai1 #bj1 #cj-dc1          plates ,,vii1
 ,,viii4      ,madrid3 see ,manuscripts4
      ,magicians1 #bae1 #bah4     ,see  
also ,witchcraft4      ,magnus1 ,dr4    
,thomas1 and the use of cramp-rings1    
#agd1 #ahj4      ,maimonides1 the       
,tractatus de ,causis et ,indiciis      
,morborum attributed          to1       
#bbe-cd2      other works3 ,aphorisms1  
#bcb1 #bcc2      on ,asthma and on      
,poisons1 #bbf2      ,tractatus de      
,morbo ,regis ,aegypti1 #bbf2           
,tractatus de ,regimine1 ,sanitatis1    
#bbf4      ,malagola1 ,carlo1 statuti   
dell' ,universit e dei collegi dello    
,studio          bolognese1 #gi n4 #c4  

,manfredi1 ,bartolomeo1 anatomical      
drawing attributed to1 #hh1             
plate ,,xxxvi4      ,manfredi1          
,giovanni1 #ii4      ,manfredi1         
,hieronymo1 professor of medicine at    
,bologna 7#adfc-ic73      account of his
 career1 #ig-i2      astrological       
studies1 #ig-i1 #ajb1 #ajc4             
,manuscript ,anothomia of ,manfredi1    
#ajc-fd2        translation of selected 
passages1 with commentary3          the 
brain1 #ajg-ae2          cranial nerves1
 #aaj1 #aaa1 #aah2          eye1        
#aah-bb2          head1 #ajf-ah2        
heart1 #abb-cj2          skull1 #ajf1   
#ajg2        ,italian text of the       
,anothomia1 #acj-fd4      ,printed      
works1 #ii-ajc2        ,centilogium de  
medicis et infirmis1 #ajb2              
,editio princeps of ,ptolemy1 #ii2      
,liber de homine3 cuius sunt libri duo4 
,primus liber de          conservatione 
sanitatis 7#8,il ,perch'71 #aja2        
,prognosticon ad annum #adgi1 #ih1 #ajb2
        ,prognosticon anni #adha1 #ajb2 

,tractato degno et utile de la          
pestilentia1 #aja4      ,other works    
attributed to ,manfredi3                
,chiromantia secundum naturae vires ad  
extra1 #ajc2        ,ephemerides        
astrologicae operationes medicas        
spectantes1 #ajc2        ,quaestiones   
subtilissimae super librum aphorismorum1
 #ajc4      ,manichean heresy1 #aib4    
,mansell1 ,monumenta ,ritualia1 #afh4   
,mansi1 ,giovanni ,domenico1 ,archbishop
 of ,lucca1 #i4      ,mantegna1 ,andrea1
 anatomical studies of1 #hf4            
,manuscripts3      ,berlin3        ,al  
,qifty1 ,classes philosophorum et       
astronomorum et medicorum1          #bbi
 n4 #c4      ,bristol ,reference        
,library3        ,french ,,ms4 of the   
,grande ,chirurgie of ,guy de ,chauliac1
 #hd n41          plate ,,xxx 7b74      
,british ,museum3        ,al ,qifty1    
,classes philosophorum et astronomorum  
et medicorum1          #bbi n4 #c2      
,bacon1 ,roger1 ,de scientia            
perspectiva1 #aaf fig4 #ad2             

diagram of the eye1 #abb1 plate         
,,xxxviii 7a72        cramp-ring made   
from offertory pennies1 #agc2        ,de
 fundacione ecclesie ,westm'1 #aff2     
,eleemosyna ,rolls of ,edward ,,iii1    
#afi1 #agj2        ,muhaib ed ,din1     
,delectus de ,medicina1 fragment1 #bbh2 
,household ,accounts of ,henry ,,iv1    
#agj4      ,bury ,wills 7published by   
the ,camden ,society71 #agb n4 #b4      
,cambridge1 ,university ,library3       
,life of ,edward the ,confessor1 #aff1  
plate ,,xxxix4      ,chantilly3         
anatomical sketches from the ,,ms4 of   
,guy de ,vigevano1 #hg1          plates 
,,xxxi1 ,,xxxii4      ,copenhagen1      
,royal ,library3        ,beatae         
,hildegardis causae et curae1 #ab1 plate
 ,v 7a74      ,dresden3                 
illuminated codex of ,galen1 #hg1 #hh1  
plate ,,xxxiv4      ,heidelberg1        
,university ,library3        illuminated
 ,,ms4 of the ,scivias of ,st4          
,hildegard1 #h1          plates ,,iii1  
,,iv4      ,leyden1 ,university         

,library3        ,al ,qifty1 ,classes   
philosophorum et astronomorum et        
medicorum1          #bbi n4 #c2         
,golius's ,oriental ,,mss41 #bcj2       
,muhaib ed ,din1 ,delectus de ,medicina1
 #bbh1 #bcj4      ,london ,society of   
,antiquaries3        ,proclamation on   
the ,creepyng of the ,crosse1 #afi4     
,lucca1 ,municipal ,library3 illustrated
 codex of the ,liber divinorum          
operum simplicis hominis of ,st4        
,hildegard1 #h-ab1 #bb1 #be1 #bh1       
#cb1 #cd1 #ce1 #ci n41 #dj1 #db1 plates 
,v 7b71 ,,vi-,,ix1 ,,xi4      ,madrid1  
,escurial3 ,al ,qifty1 ,classes         
philosophorum et astronomorum           
et medicorum1 #bbi n4 #c4               
,montpellier1 ,bibliothque de la ,facult
 de ,mdecine3 ,french ,,ms4 of          
the ,grande ,chirurgie of ,guy de       
,chauliac1 #ha n4 #b1          plate    
,,xxix4      ,munich1 #hg n4 #a4        
,oxford1 ,bodleian ,library3            
astrological work translated from the   
,arabic by ,hermann the ,dalmatian1 #ag 

n42        diagrams of internal organs1 
#hg1 #hh2        dissection scene1 c4   
#abih1 #ha1 plate ,,xxviii 7b72         
#8,five ,figure' anatomical series1 #dd1
 #hg n41 #hh fig4 #f1          plates   
,,xviii1 ,,xxxiii2        ,hieronymo    
,manfredi1 ,anothomia1 #ij1 #ajc-f1     
#acj-fd2        ,marsh's ,oriental      
,,mss41 #bbi2        ,muhaib ed ,din1   
,delectus de ,medicina1 #bbg1 #bbh2     
,tractatus de ,causis et ,indiciis      
,morborum1 attributed to                
,maimonides1 #bbe1 #bbg1 #bbi1 #bca1    
#bcd1 plate ,,xli4      ,paris1         
,bibliothque nationale3 ninth-century   
,,ms4 with diagram          showing     
relation of human and cosmic phenomena1 
plate ,,xiv2        ,,mss4 with figures 
illustrating signs of the ,zodiac1 #ch1 
#ci1          plates ,,xv1 ,,xvi2       
illustrating the anatomy of ,henri de   
,mondeville1 #hg1          plate        
,,xxviii 7a72        ,orders of the     
,king of ,england's household1 #ac      
,henry ,,viii1 #afg1          #afh2     

,tractatus de ,causis et ,indiciis      
,morborum1 alleged copy1 #bbe2          
tracts by ,maimonides1 #bbe1 #bbf1 #bbg1
 #bbi1 #bcd4      ,pisa ,university     
,library 7,roncioni ,,ms473 anatomical  
drawings1          #hg n4 #d1 #abg fig4 
#ba4      ,raudnitz3 ,library of ,count 
,f4 ,zdenho von ,lobkowicz1 anatomical  
drawings1 #hg n4 #a4      ,record       
,office1 ,london3 ,wardrobe ,accounts of
 ,edward ,,iii1 #agj2        ,account   
,books of ,richard ,,ii1 #agj4          
,rome1 ,vatican ,library3 ,provenal     
translation of the ,grande              
,chirurgie of ,guy de ,chauliac1 #hc n41
 plate ,,xxx 7a74      ,westminster1    
,library of the ,roman ,catholic        
,cathedral3 ,manual of          ,queen  
,mary ,tudor1 #age1 #agg-i1 plate ,,xl4 
,wiesbaden1 ,nassauische                
,landesbibliothek3 works of ,st4        
,hildegard1          #f-h1 #i fig4 #b1  
#ab n41 #ad1 #bb1 #bc1 #di1 #ea1 #ed1   
plates ,i-,,iv1          ,,xii 7a1 b71  
,,xiii1 ,,xix-,,xxv4      ,manuscripts1 

illuminated1 #g1 #h1 #aj-ab1 #aff1      
#agg-i1 plates ,i-,,iv1          ,v 7b71
 ,,vi-,,ix1 ,,xi-,,xiii1 ,,xix-,,xxv1   
,,xxxix1 ,,xl4      ,mappaemundi1 #bb4  
,marbod of ,anjou1 #ac4      ,marburg3  
see ,conrad of ,marburg4      ,marburg1 
,protestant ,university of1 #bba4       
,marsh1 ,narcissus1 ,archbishop of      
,armagh1 collection of ,oriental ,,mss41
          #bbi4      ,martin1 ,w41      
,miniaturen der lateinischen            
,galenos-,handschrift der kgl4          
ffentl4 ,bibliothek in ,dresden1 #hh n4 
,martinotti1 ,g41 ,l'insegnamento dell' 
,anatomia in ,bologna prima del         
secolo ,,xix1 #ib n4 #d1 #ajc n4 #b4    
,mary ,i1 ,queen1 and the blessing of   
cramp-rings1 #age1 #agg2      the       
,queen's ,manual1 with the ,office of   
,blessing1 #age1 #agg-i2      miniature 
of1 #agg-i1 plate ,,xl4                 
,mathematics and scientific proof1 #bch1
 #bci1 #bda1 #bee1 #bfc1 #bfi4          
,mathews1 ,norris1 ,early ,printed      
,books and ,,mss4 in the ,bristol       

,reference ,library1 #hd n4 #a4         
,mayence ,commission 7#adhi71 #h4       
,mazzatinti1 ,inventari dei ,manoscritti
 delle ,biblioteche d',italia1          
#ajc n4 #d4      ,medici1 ,lorenzo de'1 
#ajd4      ,medici1 ,michele1 ,compendio
 storico della scuola anatomica di      
,bologna          dal ,rinascimento     
delle ,scienze e delle ,lettere a tutto 
il ,secolo          ,,xviii1 #ib n4 #a1 
#ajc n4 #b2      ,della vita e degli    
scritti degli anatomici e medici fioriti
 in          ,bologna dal comincio del  
secolo ,,xiii1 #ib n4 #a1 #ic n4 #a1    
#ig n4 #a4      ,meiningen1             
witch-burning at1 #bjh4                 
,melancholia1 #bac1 #bag1 #bba4         
#8,melothesia'1 #ch1 #ci n441 #da figs4 
#f1 #g1 plates ,,xv1 ,,xvi4             
,messahalah1 writings of1 #ai1 #bg1 #cj1
 #ci n4 #c2      ,de ,orbe1 #ag1 #ah1   
#bi4      ,metabolism1 #fj1 #fe1 #fh1   
#gj1 #gf4      ,methodological          
assumptions1 #bff1 #bfg2      fictions1 
#bea4      ,methodus medendi certa clara

 et brevis1 #dd n4 #b4      ,metz1      
witchcraft at1 #bae4      ,meyer1 ,l41  
,die ,periode der ,hexenprocesse1 #aii  
n4 #a4      ,microcosm1 mediaeval and   
,renaissance theories of the1 #cb1 #ch1 
#dc2      ,hildegard's views on1 #i1 #af
 n41 #ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #cj-dc2             
drawings1 #db fig4 #h1 plate ,,viii4    
,migne1 ,patrologia ,latina1 #d n41 #f1 
#ac n4 and ff4      ,miniatures3        
miracles at the tomb of ,edward the     
,confessor1 in          ,norman-,french 
,,ms41 #aff1 plate ,,xxxix2      of     
,queen ,mary ,tudor1 #agg-i1 plate ,,xl2
      of ,st4 ,hildegard1 #g1 #h1       
#aj-ab1 #cd1 #ce1 #di1 #ea1 plates ,i1  
,,iii1          ,,vi-,,ix1 ,,xi4        
,mirandola1 ,johannes ,franciscus       
,picus1 ,disputationes adversus         
astrologos1 #ih and n4 #c4              
,molitor1 ,u41 ,tractatus de lamiis1    
#bbb and n4 #a4      ,monatshefte der   
,comenius-,gesellschaft1 #ahi n4        
,mondeville1 ,henri de1 drawings of     
dissections in works of1 #hg1           

plate ,,xxviii 7a72      on the anatomy 
of the eye1 #aba2      writings of1     
#abf1 #abh-i4      ,mondino de ,luzzi1  
professor of surgery at ,bologna1 #gi1  
#hb1 #he1 #hf1          #hi1 #ij1 #ic1  
#id1 #ie1 #if1 #aje1 #ajf1 #aaa n41     
#aac1 #aae1 #aah1 #abf1          #acj1  
#acf n4      ,mons1 ,count ,william of1 
#bbj4      ,mons1 witchcraft at1 #bbj4  
,monte ,cassino1 monastery of1 #af1 #ba1
 #dd4      ,monteferrato1 ,giorgio di1  
collection of medical tracts by1 #hi4   
,montpellier1 anatomical teaching at1 in
 the fourteenth century1 #gi1           
#id4 ,see also ,manuscripts4            
,monuments et ,mmoires publis par       
l',acadmie des ,inscriptions et         
,belles-,lettres1 #g n4 #a4      ,moses 
ibn ,tibbon1 #bbf n4 #c4      ,muelich1 
,j4 ,a43 see ,adelphus1 ,johannes4      
,muhaib ed ,din ,abu'l ,hasan ,ali ibn  
,amad1 ,delectus de ,medicina1          
#bbg1 #bbh1 #bcj4      ,mller1 ,a41 #bbg
 n4 #d4      ,mller1 ,johannes1 on      
vitalism1 #fe1 #ff4      ,msa ibn       

,maimn1 #bbg1 #bca1 #bcb1 #bcd4         
,myer1 ,isaac1 ,qabbalah3 the           
philosophical writings of ,solomon ben  
,yehudah ibn ,gebirol1 #dc n4 #a4       
,nahe1 river1 #b1 #c4      ,nardi1      
,luigi1 ,chartularium ,studii           
,bononiensis1 #ih n4 #a4      ,neckam3  
see ,alexander of ,neckam4      ,neisse1
 persecutions for witchcraft at1 #bjd1  
#bje4      ,nemesius1 #ea1 #aac4        
,neoplatonism1 #cc1 #cg4                
,neo-vitalism3 see ,vitalism4           
,newton1 ,isaac1 #bec4      ,nicaise1   
,e41 ,la ,grande ,chirurgie de ,guy de  
,chauliac1 #hb n4 #a1          #aba n4  
#b4      ,nicholas ,i1 ,pope1 condemns  
torture of witches1 #aib4               
,nicodemus1 ,gospel of1 #bj4            
,nicoll1 ,a41 ,catalogue of ,oriental   
,,mss4 in the ,bodleian ,library1       
#bcj n4 #b4      ,nixon1 ,j4 ,a41 ,a    
,new ,guy de ,chauliac ,,ms41 #hd n4 #a4
      ,nordenskild1 ,a4 ,e41 ,facsimile 
,atlas till ,kartografiens ldesta       
,historia1 #ii n4 #d4      ,nrdlingen1  

torture of witches at1 #bac4            
,norfolk1 ,thomas ,howard1 eighth ,duke 
of1 #agf4      ,northamptonshire1 ,rare 
and ,curious ,tracts ,illustrative of   
the          ,history of1 #aie n4 #b4   
,northumberland ,household ,book1 cited1
 #afh4      ,norwich1 ,registry of      
,wills1 #agf n4 #e4      ,notes and     
,queries1 #age n4 #c4        ,origen1   
#bbb4      ,orioli1 ,emilio1            
,chartularium ,studii ,bononiensis1 #ih 
n4 #a4      ,orlandi1 ,p4 ,a41 ,notizie 
degli scrittori bolognesi1 #ih n4 #b4   
,osiander1 ,andrew1 #h4      ,oxford1   
,ashmolean ,museum3 drawing of          
dissection scene attributed to          
,bartolomeo ,manfredi1 #hh1 plate       
,,xxxvi4 ,see also ,manuscripts4        
,padua1 public anatomies at1 in the     
fifteenth century1 #gi1 #ha n41 #hb4    
,pagel1 ,j4 ,l41 ,die ,anatomie des     
,heinrich von ,mondeville1 #aba n4 #c2  
,die ,chirurgie des ,heinrich von       
,mondeville1 #abi n4 #a2      ,maimuni  
als medizinischer ,schriftsteller1 #bbi 

n4 #a4      ,painters1 early            
,renaissance1 anatomical studies of1    
#hf4      ,palladius1 ,peter1 on the    
treatment of witches1 #aie4             
,papenbroch1 ,daniel1 #h4               
,paracelsus1 #cb1 #db1 #dc1 #fa1 #bad2  
,labyrinthus medicorum errantium1 #db n4
      ,par1 ,ambroise1 #bad4            
,paris1 public anatomies at1 in the     
fifteenth century4 ,see also            
,manuscripts4      ,pascal1 on          
principles of conscience1 #bjj4         
,pastor1 ,l41 ,geschichte des deutschen 
,volkes1 #aij n4      ,paulicians1 the1 
of ,armenia1 #aib n4 #d4      ,pauline  
writings1 #ba4      ,peckham3 see ,john 
of ,peckham4      ,pepys1 ,samuel1 #aha4
      ,peter of ,abano1 charge of       
sorcery against1 #aic4      ,petrocello1
 psychological writings of1 #aad4       
,petrus1 ,henricus1 #dd nn4 #b1 #c1 #aad
 n4 #a4      ,peyligk1 ,k41 anatomical  
drawings of1 #if n4 #b1 #aje2           
,philosophiae naturalis compendium1 #aaf
 fig4 #ae1 #abb n4 #b4      ,philip of  

,ehrenberg1 prince-bishop1 witch-burning
 by1 #bjh4      ,philips1 ,mary1        
executed for witchcraft1 #aie4          
,physicians1 ,college of1 #agc4         
,physiological theories1 #ei ff4        
,physiologus1 #ac4      ,piot1 ,eugne1  
,le ,cabinet de l'amateur1 #ij n4 #a4   
,pisa3 see ,manuscripts4      ,pitra1   
,cardinal ,j4 ,b41 #af n4 #c2           
,analecta sacra1 #d n4 #d1 #e n4 #a1 #f1
 #ab n4 #b1 #ad n4 #c1          #ai n4  
#a1 #bj n4 #b1 #ba n4 #a4      ,plague1 
,manfredi's treatise on the1 #aja1 #ajb4
      ,plato1 #bde1 #bee1 #bef1 #bei1   
#bgj1 #bhh4      ,pliny1 #ac4           
,pocock1 ,edward1 #bcj1 #bca n4 #a2     
editor of ,bar ,hebraeus's works1 #bbh  
nn4 #d1 #e4      ,poincar1 ,m41 ,science
 et ,mthode1 #bed n4 #a4                
,pollaiuolo1 ,antonio1 anatomical       
studies of1 #hf4      ,polydore ,vergil 
and the use of cramp-rings1 #agb1 #ahj4 
,poole1 ,r4 ,lane1 ,illustrations of the
 ,history of ,mediaeval ,thought        
in the ,departments of ,theology and    

,ecclesiastical ,politics1          #ai 
n4 #b1 #cg n4 #d4      ,porphyry1 #ch4  
,porta1 ,baptista1 #aii4      ,portal1  
,a41 ,histoire de l',anatomie et        
,chirurgie1 #ha n4      ,post-mortem    
examinations in the fourteenth and      
fifteenth centuries1          #ha1      
plates ,,xxviii 7b71 ,,xxix4            
,power1 ,maura1 ,an ,irish ,astronomical
 ,text1 #ci n4 #c4      ,prague1 public 
anatomies at1 in the fifteenth century1 
#gi4      ,pratzel1 ,dr4 ,veit1 burnt   
for witchcraft1 #bjf4      ,pretorius1  
,von ,zauberei und ,zauberern1 #bjc n4  
#c4      ,proceedings of the ,royal     
,society of ,medicine1 #ha n4 #a4       
,proceedings of the ,society of         
,antiquaries1 #agg-h4      ,proof1      
logical1 and scientific discovery1      
#bce-hi4      ,protagoras1 #bei4        
,psychoids1 theory of1 #fd1 #fe1 #fh1   
#ga1 #gc1 #ge1 #gf4      ,psychology1   
mediaeval1 #ea4      ,ptolemy1          
,almagest1 #ag1 #ah2      astronomy of1 
#bfd2 ,manfredi's edition of the        

,cosmographia and          ,tabulae     
,cosmographiae1 #ii4      ,pusey1 ,e4   
,b41 ,catalogue of ,oriental ,,mss4 in  
the ,bodleian ,library1          #bcj1  
#bca4        ,quaderni d'anatomia1 #hf  
n4 #a4        ,rabbinowicz1 ,j4 ,m41    
,trait des ,poisons de ,maimonide1 #bbf 
n4 #a4      ,rashdall1 ,hastings1       
,universities of ,europe in the ,middle 
,ages1          #ig n4 #c4              
,ratdolt1 ,erhard1 experiment in colour 
printing by1 #ij4      ,raudnitz3 see   
,manuscripts4      ,regimen sanitatis   
,salerni1 #ac1 #ah1 #ba4      ,reisch1  
,gregorius1 ,margarita philosophiae1    
anatomical drawings1          #aag fig4 
#ah1 #abj fig4 #ai1 #abb and n4 #b4     
,remy1 ,nicholas1 inquisitor of         
,lorraine1 account of witch-trials1     
#aif-h1 #bjj2      ,daemanolatria1 #aif1
 #bjj n4 #a4      ,renaissance anatomy3 
see ,anatomy4      ,renzi1 ,s4 de1      
,collectio ,salernitana1 #ac n4 #a1 #ah 
nn4 #a-e1          #ci n41 #dc n4 #b1   
#dd n4 #a1 #aad n4 #b4      ,reuss1 ,f4 

,a41 #ad n4 #a2      ,de ,libris        
physicis ,s4 ,hildegardis commentatio   
historico-medica1          #ac n4 #c2   
,der heiligen ,hildegard ,subtilitatum  
diversarum naturarum                    
creaturarum libri novem1 c41 #ac n4 #c4 
,revue des questions historiques1 #e n4 
#c1 #af n4 #c1 #ba n4 #c1          #bc  
n4 #e4      ,revue scientifique pour la 
,france et pour l'tranger1 #ib n4 #d4   
,rhazes1 #ic1 #aje1 #aaj1 #aac1 #abj1   
#aba1 #abg1 #ahb2      ,almansur1 #aaj  
n4 #b4      #8,rheumatic rings'1 #ahb4  
,rhineland1 spread of scientific        
knowledge in the1 #ag-bj4      ,richard 
,,ii and the blessing of cramp-rings1   
#agj4      ,richardus ,anglicus         
7,richard of ,wendover71 anatomical work
 by1 #aje1          #aba4      ,rieu1   
,c41 ,supplement to the ,arabic ,,mss4  
in the ,british ,museum1          #bbh  
n4 #a4      ,rivoli1 ,duc de1           
,bibliographie des livres  figures      
vnitiens1          #ij n4 #b4           
,robersdorf3 see ,gertrude of           

,robersdorf4      ,robertson1 ,j4 ,m41  
,letters on ,reasoning1 #bbc n4 #b4     
,rome3 see ,manuscripts4      ,rondelet1
 ,william1 anatomizes his son1 #ha n4   
,rose1 ,valentine1 cited1 #bd n4        
,roth1 ,f4 ,w4 ,e41 account of ,st4     
,hildegard1 #e n4 #c2    ,lieder und    
unbekannte ,sprache der h4 ,hildegardis1
 #e n4 #b4      ,rotterdam1             
witch-burning at1 #bai1 #bbj4           
,roux1 ,wilhelm1 #fc4      ,rupert1     
,st41 ,hildegard's life of1 #c1 #g4     
,rupertsberg1 convent of1 #b1 #c1 #h1   
#db4        ,sacro ,bosco3 see ,johannes
 ,sacro ,bosco4      ,st4 ,george's     
,cross1 #agh4      ,st4 ,victor3 see    
,hugh of ,st4 ,victor4      ,st4        
,vincent of ,beauvais1 #aia4            
,salerno1 #ac1 #ah1 #dc1 #dd1 #de1 #ic1 
#aad4      ,see also ,copho and         
,trotula4      ,saliceto3 see ,william  
of ,saliceto4      ,sandys1 ,j4 ,e41    
,history of ,classical ,scholarship1 #ai
 n4 #b1          #cg n4 #c4             
,santini1 ,u41 ,cenni statistici sulla  

,popolazione del ,quartiere di          
,s4 ,proclo in ,bologna1 #ii n4 #b4     
,saphir ben ,levi1 ,jacob1 #bbf n4 #c4  
,savoy1 senate of1 witches condemned by1
 #bjh4      ,sxinger1 ,j41 ,ueber die   
,entwickelung des medizinischen         
,unterrichts          an der ,tbinger   
,hochschule1 #gi n4 #d1 #ha n4          
,schiller1 ,f4 ,c4 ,s43 ,scientific     
,discovery and ,logical ,proof1 #bce-hi2
      ,formal ,logic1 #bcf1 #bdf n4 #b1 
#bgc n41 #bgd n41 #bgi n41          #bhe
 n42      ,humanism1 #bgd n42           
,studies in ,humanism1 #bgd n4          
,schmelzeis1 ,j4 ,p41 ,das ,leben und   
,wirken der heiligen ,hildegardis1      
#e n4 #b4      ,schneider1 ,a41 ,die    
,psychologie ,alberts des ,grossen1 #aac
 n4 #c4      ,schnau3 see ,elizabeth of 
,schnau4      ,scientific discovery and 
logical proof1 #bce-hi4      ,scot1     
,reginald1 ,discovery of ,witchcraft1   
#bad1 #bbc4      ,scribonius1 ,w4 ,a41  
,professor of ,philosophy at ,marburg1  
on testing          witchcraft by water1

 #bjg4      ,secker1 ,archbishop1 #bcj4 
,seidel1 ,ernst1 ,drei weitere          
anatomische ,fnfbilderserien aus        
,abendland und ,morgenland1 #dd n4 #d1  
#hg n4 #a4      ,seneca1 #cb4           
,serarius1 ,nicolaus1 #h4               
,sermoneta1 duca di3 see ,caetani1      
,michelangelo4      ,seville1 ,isidore  
of3 see ,isidore ,hispalensis4          
,seymour1 ,edward1 ,earl of ,hertford3  
see ,hertford4      ,shakespeare's use  
of the word #8cramp'1 #aha4      ,shaw1 
,elinor1 executed for witchcraft1 #aie4 
,sidgwick1 ,alfred1 cited1 #bdg n41     
#bei4      ,sighinolfi1 ,lino1          
,l',architettura ,bentivolesca in       
,bologna e il          ,palazzo del     
,podest1 #ajd n4      ,signorelli1      
,luca1 anatomical studies of1 #hf4      
,sillib1 ,professor1 #ee n4             
,simpson1 ,sparrow1 #agh4      ,singer1 
,charles3 ,a ,study in ,early           
,renaissance ,anatomy1 with a new       
text3 the ,anothomia of ,hieronymo      
,manfredi 7#adij71 #gi-afd4      ----   

,the ,scientific ,views and ,visions of 
,saint ,hildegard1 #a-ee4      ----     
,allegorical ,representation of the     
,synagogue1 in a ,twelfth-              
century ,illuminated ,,ms4 of           
,hildegard1 #bj n4 #b2                  
,thirteenth-century ,miniature          
illustrating ,medical ,practice1        
#ha n4 #a2        ,the ,figures of the  
,bristol ,guy de ,chauliac ,,ms41 #hd n4
 #a4      ,sitzungsberichte der         
kaiserlichen ,akademie der              
,wissenschaften1          #ab n4 #b4    
,smith1 ,r41 titular bishop of          
,chalcedon1 #age4      ,socrates1 #bei4 
,soldan1 ,w4 ,g41 ,geschichte der       
,hexenprocesse1 #aia n4 #a1 #aib n4 #b1 
#aic n41 #bjc n4 #c1 #bjf nn4 #a1 #b1   
#bjh n4 #d4      ,solomon1 ,wisdom of1  
#ba1 #bd1 #bh4      ,sorbelli1 ,albano1 
,i ,primordi della ,stampa in ,bologna1 
#ii n4 #d2      ,la ,signoria di        
,giovanni ,visconti a ,bologna1 #ig n4  
#a2      ,le ,croniche ,bolognesi del   
,secolo ,,xiv1 #ig n4 #a4               

,sorcerers1 #aib-h1 #bjj1 #bjb1 #bjd-f1 
#bae4      ,see also ,witchcraft4       
,soul1 nature of the1 biological        
definition of1 #ei-fa2      ,hildegard's
 views on1 #a1 #ej1 #ea4      ,see also 
,vitalism4      ,spee1 ,father1 ,cautio 
,criminalis1 on trials for witchcraft1  
#bjd          and n4 #b1 #bjg n4 #b1    
#bba n4 #b4      ,spielmann1 ,m4 ,h41   
#ee n4      ,sponheim1 #b1 #c4          
,sporley1 ,richard1 monk of             
,westminster1 #aff4      ,sprenger1 ,j41
 ,malleus ,maleficarum1 #aid and n41    
#bja-c4      ,stahl1 ,george ,ernest1   
#fa4      ,starling1 ,professor ,e4 ,h41
 #gj4      ,steele1 ,r4 ,r41 #ee n4     
,steinschneider1 ,m41 ,catalogus        
,librorum ,hebraeorum in ,bibliotheca   
,bodleiana1 #bbf n4 #aj1 #bca n4 #b2    
,die hebrischen ,uebersetzungen des     
,mittelalters und die ,juden als        
,dolmetscher1 #bbf nn4 #c1 #aj2         
,gifte und ihre ,heilung1 eine          
,abhandlung des ,moses ,maimonides1     
#bbf n4 #a4      ,strabus1 ,walafrid1   

#ac4      ,strassburg1 witch-burning at1
 #bje4      ,straub1 ,a41 edition of    
,herrade de ,landsberg's ,hortus        
deliciarum1          #ba n4 #d1 #dj fig4
 #e1 #dh fig4 #i4      ,studi e ,memorie
 per la ,storia dell' ,universit di     
,bologna1          #ib n4 #d1 #ajc n4   
#b4      ,stumpff1 ,f4 ,g4 ,a41         
,historia nervorum cerebralium ab       
antiquissimis          temporibus usque 
ad ,willisium nec non ,vieussensium1    
#aah n4 #a4      ,sudhoff1 ,karl1 cited1
 #ch nn4 #b1 #e1 #de n4 #a1 #hg n4 #d1  
#aba n4 #a1          #abg n4 #e2        
,abermals eine neue ,handschrift der    
anatomischen ,fnfbilderserie1           
#dd n4 #d2                              
,augendurchschnittsbilder aus ,abendland
 und ,morgenland1 #abb n4 #a2      ,die 
kurze #8,vita' und das ,verzeichnis der 
,arbeiten ,gerhards von                 
,cremona1 von seinen ,schlern und       
,studiengenossen kurz nach dem          
,tode des ,meisters 7#aahg7 zu ,toledo  
verabfasst1 #ag n4 #b2      ,drei       

weitere anatomische ,fnfbilderserien aus
 ,abendland und          ,morgenland1   
#dd n4 #d1 #hg n4 #a2      ,ein ,beitrag
 zur ,geschichte der ,anatomie im       
,mittelalter1 #dd n4 #d1          #hg n4
 #b1 #aje n42      ,eine ,pariser       
#8,ketham' ,handschrift aus der ,zeit   
,knig ,karls ,,vi1          #hi n4 #d2  
,illustrationen medizinischer           
,handschriften und ,frhdrucke1          
#abb n4 #a2      ,neue ,beitrge zur     
,vorgeschichte des ,ketham1 #hi n4 #d2  
,tradition und ,naturbeobachtung1 #dd n4
 #d1 #ij n4 #d2      ,weibliche         
,situsbilder von ca4 #adjj-aedc1 #ij n4 
#d2      ,weitere ,beitrge zur          
,geschichte der ,anatomie im            
,mittelalter1          #dd n4 #e4       
,sudhoff1 ,walther1 ,die ,lehre von den 
,hirnventrikeln1 #aad n4 #c4            
,suffolk charm against rheumatism1 #ahb4
      ,summi in omni philosophia viri   
,constantini africani medici operum     
reliqua1 #dd n4 #c4      ,syllogism1    
the1 as a form of proof1 #bch1 #bdj-ej1 

#bec1 #bhh4      ,sylvestris1 ,bernard1 
of ,tours1 #cg n4 #a2      ,de mundi    
universitate sive megacosmus et         
microcosmus1 #ag1 #ai1 #bj1             
#cj1 #cb1 #cf1 #ch4      ,symbolum      
,apostolicorum1 #ci n4 #a1 plate ,,xvii4
        ,taylor1 ,h4 ,osborn1 ,the      
,mediaeval ,mind1 #bc nn4 #c1 #e4       
,techlenburg1 ,countess ,anna of1 #bba4 
,teleology1 #fd1 #ff1 #ga-c1 #ge-g1 #id1
 #aje4      ,templars1 the1 charges     
against1 #aic1 #aii4      ,tertullian1  
#baf4      ,theodoric1 the monk1 life of
 ,st4 ,hildegard by1 #d1 #e1 #g1 #ac1   
#ad1          #ae n41 #ea4              
,theophilus1 psychological writings of1 
#aad4      ,thun1 in ,alsace1           
witch-burning at1 #bjh4      ,tply1     
,robert ,ritter von1 #ib n4 #d2         
,anatomia ,richardi ,anglici1 #aba n4   
#a4      ,torre1 ,marcantonio della1    
projected anatomical treatise of1 #hi4  
,tralles3 see ,alexander of ,tralles4   
,transactions of the ,seventeenth       
,international ,congress of ,medicine   

7,sect4 ,,xxiii1 ,history of ,medicine71
 #bg n4 #b1 #ch n4 #c1          #hd n4  
#a4      ,tredici ,foglie della ,royal  
,library di ,windsor1 #hf n4 #a4        
,trves1 witch-burning in the bishopric  
of1 #aid1 #aig1 #aih4      ,treviranus1 
#fb1 #fd4      ,triaire1 ,p41 ,les leons
 d'anatomie et les peintres hollandais  
aux          ,,xvie et ,,xviie sicles1  
#hi n4 #a4      ,trinity1 ,hildegard's  
vision of the1 #ed1 plate ,,xxiii4      
,trithemius1 ,johannes1 abbot of        
,sponheim1 #h1 #db2      ,chronicon     
insigne ,monasterii ,hirsaugensis1      
,ordinis ,st4 ,benedicti1          #ae1 
#af n4 #a4      ,trotula1 medical       
writings of1 #ac4      ,tbingen1 public 
anatomies at1 in the fifteenth century1 
#gi1 #ha n4      ,tudela3 see ,benjamin 
of ,tudela4        ,universe1 material  
structure of the1 mediaeval views on1   
#bb-cj1          plates ,,iv1 ,,xi4     
,uri1 ,john1 ,catalogue of ,oriental    
,,mss4 in the ,bodleian ,library1       
#bbg1 #bcj1 #bca and n4 #b4             

,vangesten1 ,o4 ,c4 ,l41 cited1 #hf n4  
#a1 #acj n4 #a4      ,varignana1        
,gulielmo1 professor of medicine at     
,bologna1 #ic n4 #a4      ,venturi1 ,a41
 ,storia dell' arte italiana1 #aj n4 #b4
      ,vergil1 ,polydore1 #agb1 #ahj4   
,verrocchio1 ,andrea del1 anatomical    
studies of1 #hf and n4 #b4              
,verworn1 ,max1 #fh4      ,vesalius1    
,andreas1 #fa1 #hf1 #hi1 #ic1 #aje1     
#acj2      ,de humani corporis fabrica1 
#ib n4 #b1 #aba fig4 #bj1 #abb4         
,vigevano1 ,guido de1 anatomical        
drawings in works of1 #hg1              
plates ,,xxxi1 ,,xxxii4      ,villanova3
 see ,arnald of ,villanova4             
,villiers1 ,j4 ,a4 ,j4 de1 ,famous ,maps
 in the ,british ,museum1 #ii n4 #d4    
,vincent1 ,st41 of ,beauvais1 his       
treatment of a witch1 #aia4      ,vinci1
 ,leonardo da1 anatomical researches of1
 #hf1 #aba1 #abb1 #acj2      anatomical 
sketches1 #hi1 plates ,,xxxv1 ,,xxxviii 
7b74      ,virchow1 ,rudolf1 cited1 #ac1
 #fj1 #bbf n4      ,virmont1 ,countess  

,anna of1 #bah4      ,vitalism1 #ei-gh2 
animism1 #fa1 #fd1 #fe2      biological 
definitions1 #ei-fa2      crystals1 #fj2
      differentiation1 #fb2      embryo1
 #fb1 #fc1 #fi1 #gj2      #8entelechy'1 
#fd1 #ge2      germ1 #fb1 #fc1 #ff1 #fi1
 #gj1 #gd2      heterogeneity1 #gg2     
homogeneity1 #fe1 #gg2      larva1 #fb1 
#fc1 #fi2      mechanisms and mechanical
 theories1 #fd1 #fe1 #fg-gj1 #gd-f2     
metabolism1 #fj1 #fe1 #fh1 #gj1 #gf2    
metaphysical theory1 #ff1 #fg1 #gf2     
mind separate and eternal1 #fj1 #gc2    
morphaesthetic1 #fd1 #ga2               
neo-vitalism1 #fh1 #gf2      nutritive  
soul1 the1 #ei1 #fj1 #gc1 #gd2          
organic autonomy1 #fe2      organism1   
life of the1 #ei ff42      perceptive   
soul1 the1 #fj1 #gc1 #gd2               
philosophical objections1 #fh1 #ga-e2   
psychoid1 #fd1 #fe1 #ge2                
psychological theory1 #fg1 #fh1 #gf2    
rational soul1 the1 #fj1 #fa1 #fg2      
scientific objections1 #fh-ga2          
special vital force1 theory of1 #ff4    

,vivo1 ,catello de1 ,la ,visione di     
,alberico1 ristampata1 tradotta e       
camparata con la ,divina ,commedia1 #ba 
n4 #b4        ,waldenses1 persecution   
of1 #aib4      ,waldsee1 witch-burning  
at1 #bjh4      ,walsh1 ,e4 ,h4 ,c41     
,tibetan ,anatomical ,system1 #dd n4 #e4
      ,webb1 ,c4 ,c4 ,j41 #ee n4        
,welch1 ,antonius1 #aig4      ,wendover1
 ,richard of3 see ,richardus ,anglicus4 
,wesselich1 ,philip1 of ,knechtenstein1 
case of witchcraft1 #bah4               
,westland1 ,a4 ,mildred1 transcription  
of the ,anothomia of ,hieronymo         
,manfredi1 #acj-fd2      translation of 
selected passages1 #ajf-be4             
,westminster ,abbey1 miraculous cures at
 the shrine of ,edward the              
,confessor1 #aff4      ,weyer1 ,dr4     
,john1 and the witch mania1 #ahi-bbd2   
,de praestigiis daemonum et             
incantationibus ac veneficiis1 #bae-bb4 
,wharton1 duct of1 #ie4      ,wiberg1   
,j41 ,anatomy of the ,brain in the      
,works of ,galen and #8,ali             

#8,abbas1 #aac n4 #b4      ,wicelius    
7,weitzel71 ,georgius1 #h4              
,wickersheimer1 ,ernest1 ,figures       
mdico-astrologiques des neuvime1        
dixime et onzime sicles1 #bg n4 #b1 #ch 
n4 #c2      ,la mdecine astrologique    
dans les almanachs populaires du ,,xxe  
sicle1 #ci n4 #b2      ,l',anatomie de  
,guido de ,vigevano1 mdecin de la reine 
,jeanne de          ,bourgogne1 #hg n4  
#c4      ,wiesbaden3 see ,manuscripts4  
,wille1 ,professor1 #ee n4      ,william
 of ,saliceto1 #ib1 #ic1 #aje4          
,wilson1 ,rev4 ,h4 ,a41 #ee n4          
,winds1 relation of1 to the elements1   
#be-g1 #cd4      ,winternitz1           
,ditetisches ,sendschreiben des         
,maimonides1 #bbf n4 #c4      ,wiseman1 
,cardinal1 #agh4      ,witchcraft and   
witch mania1 #ahi-bbd2      bewitchment 
of animals1 #aic1 #aig1 #bah1 #bbj2     
burnings for witchcraft1 #aij1 #aid1    
#aif1 #aig1 #bjj1 #bjb-h1 #bac1 #bba2   
children tortured and burnt1 #bjj1 #bja1
 #bjh2      confessions1 #aie1 #aig-bjj1

 #bjd1 #bje1 #bjg1 #bji-ac1 #bai1 #bbj1 
#bbc2      #8delation'1 #bjb2           
denunciations1 #aij1 #aib1 #bja1 #bjb1  
#bjf1 #bji-ac2      executions1 #aij1   
#aid1 #aie1 #bjf1 #bjh2      informers1 
#bjb2      inquisitions 7or             
witch-trials71 #aib1 #aif1 #aig1        
#bja-ac2      nature of the witch mania1
 #aij1 #aia1 #aii1 #bje2      number of 
victims1 #bjh2      opposition of ,dr4  
,john ,weyer to persecution for         
witchcraft1 #ahi1          #bjj1 #bjg1  
#bad-bd2      popular beliefs concerning
 witchcraft and demonology1 #aij-c1     
#aie-g1 #aii1 #bag2      results of     
scientific investigations1 #bbc2        
#8sabbat'1 the1 #aie-i2      sexual     
orgies1 #aij1 #aic1 #aif1 #aih1 #aii1   
#bji1 #baa1 #baf2      torture of       
victims1 #aij1 #aib1 #aie1 #bjj1        
#bjb-ac2      water test1 #bjg1 #bai2   
witch-dances1 #aif1 #aig1 #aii1 #baj1   
#baa1 #baf1 #bba2      witch-hunters1   
#ahi1 #aib1 #aie-h1 #bjj1 #bja1 #bje-h1 
#bad1 #bai1 #bbj2      witch-ointments1 

#aii1 #baf2      witnesses1 #bjb1 #bje1 
#bji-ab4      ,withington1 ,e4 ,t43 ,dr4
 ,john ,weyer and the ,witch ,mania1    
#ahi-bbd4      ,wolsey1 ,cardinal1 #agd4
      ,worde1 ,wynkyn de1 printer1 #he  
fig4 #d4      ,wrobel1 ,j41 cited1 #ai  
n4 #b1 #cg n4 #a1 #ch n4 #a4            
,wrzburg1 witch-burning in the bishopric
 of1 #aid1 #aie1 #bjd1 #bjh4            
,wstenfeld1 ,h4 ,f41 ,geschichte d4     
arabischen ,aerzte1 #bbg and n4 #a1     
#bbh nn4 #c1 #e1 #bbi4        ,yorke1   
,sir ,joseph1 #bcj4      ,ypres1 ,john  
de1 quotation from the account books of1
 #agj4        ,zeitschrift der          
,morgenlndischen ,gesellschaft1 #bbf n4 
#aj4      ,zeitschrift fr kirchliche    
,wissenschaft und kirchliches ,leben1   
#e n4 #c4      ,zelus ,dei1 account and 
illumination of1 #ed1 plate ,,xxiv 7b74 
,zerbis1 de3 see ,gerbi1 ,gabriele de4  
99       99       99       99       99  
,,footnotes3    #a ,vita ,sanctae       
,hildegardis auctoribus ,godefrido et   
,theodorico  monachis1 lib4 iii1 cap4   

#a4 ,the work has been frequently       
reprinted and  is in ,migne1 ,patrologia
 ,latina1 vol4 #aig1 col4 #ia ff4 ,this 
volume  will be quoted here simply as   
#8,migne'4    #b ,migne1 col4 #aai4     
#c ,the erroneous statement in some of  
her biographies that she  journeyed to  
,paris is based on a misunderstanding4  
#d ,cardinal ,j4 ,b4 ,pitra1 ,analecta  
sacra1 vol4 viii1 p4 #cej1 ,paris1      
#ahhb4 ,this volume will here be quoted 
simply as #8,pitra'4    #e ,pitra1 p4   
#eef4    #f ,wilhelm ,grimm1            
#8,wiesbader ,glossen'1 in ,moriz       
,haupt's ,zeitschrift  fr deutsches     
,alterthum1 ,leipzig1 #ahdh1 vol4 vi1 p4
 #cba4 ,the script is  reproduced in the
 ill-arranged and irritating work of ,j4
 ,p4 ,schmelzeis1  ,das ,leben und      
,wirken der heiligen ,hildegardis1      
,freiburg im ,breisgau1  #ahgi2 and in  
,pitra1 p4 #dig4 ,the subject has been  
summarized by ,f4 ,w4  ,e4 ,roth in his 
,lieder und unbekannte ,sprache der h4  
,hildegardis1  ,wiesbaden1 #ahhj4    #g 

,a short sketch of her life of yet      
earlier date has survived4 ,it is  from 
the hand of the monk ,guibert and was   
probably written in #aahj3  ,pitra1 p4  
#djg4 ,the best modern account of her is
 by ,f4 ,w4 ,e4 ,roth in  the           
,zeitschrift fr kirchliche ,wissenschaft
 und kirchliches ,leben1  vol4 ix1 p4   
#dec1 ,leipzig1 #ahhh4 ,less critical   
but more readable is the  essay by      
,albert ,battandier1 #8,sainte          
,hildegarde1 sa vie et ses uvres'1  in  
the ,revue des questions historiques1   
vol4 xxxiii1 pp4 #cie-dbe1  ,paris1     
#ahhc4    #h ,the #8,acta inquisitionis 
de virtutibus et miraculis sanctae      
,hildegardis' are reprinted in ,migne1  
col4 #aca4    #i ,this volume is        
supplemented by #8,annotationes ad ,nova
 ,s4 ,hildegardis  ,opera' in ,analecta 
,bollandiana1 vol4 i1 p4 #eig1          
,brussels1 #ahhb4    #aj ,this          
,wiesbaden ,,ms4 has been fully         
described by ,antonius van  der ,linde1 
,die ,handschriften der ,kniglichen     

,landesbibliothek in  ,wiesbaden1       
,wiesbaden1 #ahgg4    #aa ,louis        
,baillet1 #8,les ,miniatures du ,scivias
 de sainte ,hildegarde'1  in the        
,monuments et ,mmoires publis par       
l',acadmie des ,inscriptions  et        
,belles-,lettres1 ,paris1 #aiab1        
especially pp4 #aci and #ade4    #ab ,we
 are inclined to place the preparation  
of this remarkable ,,ms4  at a slightly 
later date than that attributed to it by
 ,baillet4 ,as  ,wiesbaden is at present
 inaccessible we have reproduced the    
facsimiles  in ,plate ,,ii from         
,baillet's monograph4    #ac ,for the   
history of these ,,mss4 see ,a4 van der 
,linde1 loc4 cit41  pp4 #cj-f4    #ad   
,goethe1 #8,am ,rhein1 ,main und        
,neckar'1 ,cotta's ,jubilums-,ausgabe1  
vol4 xxix1 p4 #beh4    #ae ,wilhelm     
,grimm in ,m4 ,haupt's ,zeitschrift fr  
deutsches ,alterthum1  vi1 p4 #cba1     
,leipzig1 #ahdg4    #af ,in tienne      
,baluze1 ,miscellanea novo ordine       
digesta et non paucis  ineditis         

monumentis opportunisque                
animadversionibus aucta opera ac  studio
 ,j4 ,d4 ,mansi1 #d vols41 ,lucca1      
#agfa-f2 see vol4 ii1 p4 #cgg4    #ag   
,cf4 ,j4 ,a4 ,herbert1 ,illuminated     
,manuscripts1 ,london1 #aiaa1 p4 #afj4  
#ah ,a4 ,venturi1 ,storia dell' arte    
italiana1 ,milan1 in progress1  vol4 v1 
p4 #af4    #ai ,we are unable to concur 
with ,baillet1 however1 that there is   
enough evidence to suggest that the     
miniaturists of the ,lucca ,,ms4 had    
consulted the ,wiesbaden illuminations4 
,baillet1 loc4 cit41 p4 #adg4    #bj    
,hildegardis causae et curae edidit     
,paulus ,kaiser1 ,leipzig1  ,b4 ,g4     
,teubner1 #aijc4 ,the ,,ms4 was brought 
to light by ,c4 ,jessen in  the         
,sitzungsberichte der kaiserl4 ,akademie
 der ,wissenschaften1                   
,mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche    
,klasse1 ,band xlv1 ,heft #a1  p4 #ig1  
,vienna1 #ahfb4 ,see also the same      
author in ,botanik in                   
kulturhistorischer ,entwickelung1 pp4   

#abd-f1 ,leipzig1 #ahfb1 and in the     
,anzeiger fr ,kunde der deutschen       
,vorzeit1 #ahge1 p4 #age4 ,an imperfect 
edition appeared in #ahhb in ,pitra1 p4 
#dfh1 under the title ,liber  compositae
 medicinae de aegritudinum causis signis
 atque curis4    #ba ,royal ,library of 
,copenhagen1 ,,ms4 ,ny4 ,kgl4 ,saml41   
,no4 #ij b4    #bb ,experimentarius     
medicinae continens ,trotulae curandarum
  ,aegritudinum muliebrium 444 item     
quatuor ,hildegardis de elementorum1    
fluminum aliquot ,germaniae1            
metallorum1444 herbarum1 piscium        
animantium terrae1 naturis et           
operationibus4 ,edited by ,g4 ,kraut1   
,strasbourg1 ,j4 ,schott1 #aedd4 ,the   
work often ascribed to ,trotula is      
somewhat similar to the spurious medical
 works of ,hildegard4 ,like  them1 it   
was probably written early in the       
thirteenth century4 ,trotula  herself   
lived in the eleventh century1 a        
generation or two before  ,hildegard4   
,on ,trotula see ,salvatore de ,renzi1  

,collectio ,salernitana1  vol4 i1 p4    
#adi1 ,naples1 #aheb4    #bc ,in the    
,vita1 lib4 ii1 cap4 #a2 ,migne1 col4   
#aja4    #bd ,migne1 col4 #aabe4 ,see   
also ,f4 ,a4 ,reuss1 ,de ,libris        
physicis ,s4  ,hildegardis commentatio  
historico-medica1 ,wrzburg1 #ahce1 and  
#8,der  heiligen ,hildegard             
,subtilitatum diversarum naturarum      
creaturarum  libri novem1 die           
werthvollste ,urkunde deutscher ,natur- 
und ,heilkunde  aus dem ,mittelalter' in
 the ,annalen des ,vereins fr           
,nassauische  ,alterthumskunde und      
,geschichtsforschung1 ,band vi1 ,heft   
#a1 ,wiesbaden1  #ahei4    #be ,rudolf  
,virchow1 #8,zur ,geschichte des        
,aussatzes und der ,spitler1  besonders 
in ,deutschland'1 in ,virchow's ,archiv 
fr ,pathologie1 vol4  xviii1 p4 #bhe1   
c41 ,berlin1 #ahfj4    #bf ,reuss1 in   
,migne1 cols4 #aaba and #aabb1 states on
 ,theodoric's  authority that ,hildegard
 had written a book on this subject3    
#8,exstat  inter libros virginis        

fatidicae superstites opus argumenti    
partim  physici partim medici1 8,de     
natura hominis1 elementorum             
diversarumque  creaturarum0 in quo1 ut  
,theodoricus idem fusius exponit1       
secreta  naturae prophetico spiritu     
manifestavit4' ,but ,theodoric does not 
in fact anywhere speak of a special work
 with this title or of  this character4 
,what he does write is as follows       
7,vita1 lib4 ii1  cap4 i1 ,migne1 col4  
#aja73 #8,igitur beata virgo 444 librum 
visionum  444 consummavit et quaedam de 
natura hominis et elementorum1          
diversarumque creaturarum1 et quomodo   
homini ex his succurrendum sit1  aliaque
 multa secreta prophetico spiritu       
manifestavit4'    #bg ,migne1 cols4     
#abab and #abac4    #bh ,as detailed in 
the ,liber vitae meritorum1 ,pitra1 p4  
#bbh1 and in  many places in the ,liber 
divinorum operum and ,scivias4    #bi   
,an exception must be made for the      
lingua ignota1 which is  presumably     
hers4 ,the absence of ,germanisms in her

 other writings may  be partly due to   
the work of an editor4 ,see the ,vita by
 ,theodoric1  ,migne1 col4 #aja4 ,also  
the birth scene 7see chapter ix below7  
is perhaps  adapted from a ,german      
folk-tale4    #cj ,johannes ,trithemius1
 ,chronicon insigne ,monasterii         
,hirsaugensis1  ,ordinis ,st4           
,benedicti1 ,basel1 #aeei1 p4 #agd4     
#ca ,migne1 col4 #chd4    #cb ,it is not
 enough to suppose with some of her     
biographers that the  visions were      
dictated by ,hildegard and were         
latinized by a secretary4  ,the visions 
imply a good deal of study and          
considerable book-learning4  ,among many
 reasons for believing that she had a   
very serviceable  knowledge of ,latin   
are the following3    7a7 ,she was well 
acquainted with the ,biblical writings  
and quotes  them aptly and frequently4  
7b7 ,she was regarded by her            
contemporaries as an authority on       
scriptural interpretation and on ,church
 discipline1 and was frequently         

consulted by them on these subjects4    
7c7 ,she pleaded in person before       
clerical tribunals4    7d7 ,one of the  
least remarkable and most credible of   
her #8miracles'1  the expounding of     
certain letters found upon an           
altar-cloth 7,migne1  col4 #aba71       
depends entirely on a knowledge of      
,latin4    7e7 ,in the ,liber divinorum 
operum 7,migne1 col4 #ibb7 she writes   
#8firmamentum celum nominavit quoniam   
omnia excellit'1 a derivation  taken    
from ,isidore and incomprehensible to   
one ignorant of ,latin4 ,there  are many
 other passages in her works in which   
the sense depends on the  ,latin usage  
of a word4    7f7 ,no mention of this   
ignorance is made by ,guibert in the    
short  sketch of her life that he wrote 
almost immediately after her death      
7#aahj2 see ,pitra1 p4 #djg74 ,on the   
contrary1 he suggests that she had  been
 an industrious student4    7g7 ,the    
,liber divinorum operum may especially  
be pointed out  among her works as      

betraying a very considerable degree of 
learning4  ,notably her elaborate       
doctrine of the macrocosm and microcosm 
must have  involved extensive reading4  
,the general question of ,hildegard's   
knowledge of ,latin has also been       
discussed by ,pitra and by ,albert      
,battandier in the ,revue des questions 
historiques1 vol4 xxxiii1 p4 #cie1      
,paris1 #ahhc4    #cc ,see chapter viii4
    #cd ,it is1 however1 just possible  
that she had consulted the  astrological
 work that had been translated from the 
,arabic by ,hermann  the ,dalmatian for 
,bernard ,sylvestris1 and is represented
 in the  ,bodleian ,,mss4 ,digby #df and
 ,ashmole #cjd4    #ce ,see ,baldassare 
,boncompagni1 ,della vita e delle opere 
di  ,gherardo ,cremonese1 ,traduttore   
del secolo duodecimo1 e di ,gherardo di 
,sabbionetta1 ,astronomo del secolo     
decimoterzo1 ,rome1 #ahea2 also ,k4     
,sudhoff1 #8,die kurze 8,vita0 und das  
,verzeichnis der ,arbeiten ,gerhards    
von ,cremona1 von seinen ,schlern und   

,studiengenossen kurz nach dem ,tode    
des ,meisters 7#aahg7 zu ,toledo        
verabfasst'1 in ,archiv fr ,geschichte  
der ,medizin1 ,bd4 viii1 p4 #gc1        
,november #aiad4    #cf ,another        
translation of the ,almagest was made in
 ,sicily in #aafj1  direct from the     
,greek4 ,see ,c4 ,h4 ,haskins and ,d4   
,p4 ,lockwood1 #8,the  ,sicilian        
,translators of the ,twelfth ,century   
and the ,first ,latin ,version  of      
,ptolemy's ,almagest'1 in ,harvard      
,studies in ,classical ,philology1  xi4 
#ge1 ,cambridge1 ,mass41 #aiaj4 ,it is  
wholly improbable that ,hildegard  had  
access to this rendering1 which is only 
known from a single ,,ms4 of  the       
fourteenth century4    #cg ,de ,renzi1  
,collectio ,salernitana1 vol4 i1 p4     
#dhe1 and vol4 v1  p4 #ej4    #ch ,de   
,renzi1 i4 #dhf and #die2 v4 #ea and    
#gj4    #ci ,de ,renzi1 i4 #ddf2 v4 #c4 
#dj ,de ,renzi1 i4 #dhe-f2 v4 #ej-b4    
#da ,scivias1 ,migne1 col4 #djc1 and    
,liber ,divinorum ,operum1 ,migne1  col4

 #hfh and elsewhere4    #db ,scivias1   
,migne1 col4 #djd1 and throughout the   
,liber ,divinorum  ,operum4    #dc      
,pitra1 pp4 #h1 #aad-af1 #aef1 and #baf4
    #dd ,the work of ,bernard           
,sylvestris has been printed by ,c4 ,s4 
,barach  and ,j4 ,wrobel1 ,innsbruck1   
#ahgf4 ,his identity1 his sources1 and  
his  views are discussed by ,charles    
,jourdain1 ,dissertation sur l'tat de la
  philosophie naturelle 444 pendant la  
premire moiti du ,,xiie sicle2  by ,a4  
,clerval1 ,les coles de ,chartres au    
,moyen ge1 ,paris1 #ahie1  p4 #bei1 c42 
by ,r4 ,l4 ,poole1 ,illustrations of the
 ,history of ,mediaeval  ,thought1      
,london1 #ahhd1 p4 #aaf1 c42 and by ,j4 
,e4 ,sandys1 ,history of  ,classical    
,scholarship1 ,cambridge1 #aijc1 vol4 i1
 p4 #eac1 c4    #de ,the works of ,hugh 
of ,st4 ,victor are published in ,migne1
  ,patrologia ,latina1 clxxv-clxxvii4   
#df ,the ,kalonymos family furnished    
prominent examples4    #dg ,charles     
,singer1 #8,allegorical ,representation 

of the ,synagogue1 in  a                
,twelfth-,century ,illuminated ,,ms4 of 
,hildegard of ,bingen'1 ,jewish         
,quarterly ,review1 new series1 vol4 v1 
p4 #bfh1 ,philadelphia1 #aiae4 ,for     
further evidence of ,hildegard's        
acquaintance with the ,jews see ,pitra1 
p4 #baf2 and ,migne1 cols4 #ifg and     
#ajbj-cf4    #dh ,pitra1 p4 #ea et seq4 
#di ,catello de ,vivo1 ,la ,visione di  
,alberico1 ristampata1 tradotta e       
comparata con la ,divina ,commedia1     
,ariano1 #ahii4 ,for a comparison of    
,dante's visions and those of ,hildegard
 see ,albert ,battandier in the  ,revue 
des questions historiques1 vol4 xxxiii1 
p4 #dbb1 ,paris1 #ahhc4    #ej          
,reprinted in ,migne1 vol4 #aie4    #ea 
,herrade de ,landsberg1 ,hortus         
,deliciarum1 by ,a4 ,straub and ,g4     
,keller1 ,strasbourg1 #aija1 with two   
supplements4    #eb ,for sphericity of  
earth see especially ,migne1 cols4 #hfh 
and #ijc4    #ec ,in her later ,liber   
,divinorum ,simplicis ,hominis this     

method  of orientation is varied both in
 the text and also in the ,lucca        
illustrations4    #ed ,migne1 col4 #ijf4
    #ee ,migne1 cols4 #ijc-d4    #ef    
,see ,h4 ,osborn ,taylor1 ,the          
,mediaeval ,mind1 vol4 i1 p4 #dgb1      
,london1 #aiaa4    #eg ,migne1 cols4    
#ijd-f4    #eh ,h4 ,osborn ,taylor1 ,the
 ,mediaeval ,mind1 i4 #dfh1 #dga2 ii4   
#efi4 ,see  also ,a4 ,battandier1 ,revue
 des questions historiques1 vol4 xxxiii1
  p4 #dbb1 ,paris1 #ahhc4    #ei ,the   
,meteorologica had been translated about
 #aaej by ,aristippus1  the minister of 
,william the ,bad of ,sicily4 ,the      
version of ,aristippus  passed quickly  
into circulation 7,valentine ,rose1     
#8,die ,lcke im ,diogenes  ,lartus und  
der alte bersetzer' in ,hermes1 i4 #cgf1
 ,berlin1 #ahff71  but hardly soon      
enough for ,hildegard's ,scivias1 which 
was completed  about #aaej4 ,it is1 of  
course1 possible that the references to 
the  ignis niger are later              
interpolations1 but this is very        

unlikely  in view of the way in which   
she speaks of this vision in the ,liber 
,divinorum ,operum4    #fj ,migne1 cols4
 #ghi-ia4    #fa ,migne1 col4 #chi4     
#fb ,plate ,,xii a4 ,the elements are   
represented in their original  order    
undisturbed by the ,fall4 ,uppermost is 
the purus aether or aer  lucidus        
containing the stars and representing   
the element air in  ,hildegard's cosmic 
system4 ,next comes water4 ,below1 and  
to the left1  is a dark mass separating 
into tongues1 one of which is formed    
into a  serpent's head4 ,these tongues  
are flames of fire4 ,below1 and to the  
right1 are plants and flowers           
emblematical of earth4 ,the serpent1    
the enemy1 vomits over a cloud of stars 
7signifying the fallen angels7  that are
 borne downward by the falling ,adam4   
,in the four corners of the  miniature  
the symbols of the elements are again   
displayed4    #fc ,plate ,,xiii4 ,above1
 in a circle1 sits the ,heavenly ,judge4
 ,he is  flanked on either side by      

groups of angels bearing the cross and  
other symbols4 ,the lower circle        
exhibits the final destruction of  the  
elemental ,universe4 ,the four winds and
 their collaterals are  here subjecting 
the elements to the crucible heat of    
their combined  blasts4 ,strewn among   
the elements can be seen men1 plants1   
and animals4  ,between the circles is an
 angel sounding the last trump1 and     
holding  the recording roll of good and 
evil deeds4 ,he faces the throng of the 
righteous who are rising from their     
bones1 while he turns his back  on the  
weeping crowd of those doomed to        
torment4 ,below these latter  crouches  
,satan1 now enchained4    #fd ,plate    
,,xii b4 ,in the highest circle is the  
,trinity flanked to  the left by the    
,virgin and to the right by the         
,baptist1 with ,cherubim  below4 ,in the
 middle circle are two groups1 the      
,saints above and the  ,prophets and    
,apostles below4 ,in the lowest circle  
are the elements1 now  rearranged in    

their eternal harmony2 uppermost of     
these is the purus  aether now separated
 from the aer lucidus and containing the
 stars2  on either side are             
light-coloured flame-like processes     
representing the  air2 below the aether 
is water1 indicated by a zone of        
undulating  lines2 then comes the earth 
symbolized1 as usual1 by a group of     
plants4 ,below and to the side of earth 
are dark-coloured flames of  fire1 now  
controlled and confined to this lowest  
rung4    #fe ,migne1 col4 #gia4    #ff  
,see ,ernest ,wickersheimer1 #8,figures 
mdico-astrologiques des  neuvime1 dixime
 et onzime sicles'1 in the ,transactions
 of the  ,seventeenth ,international    
,congress of ,medicine1 ,section        
,,xxiii1 ,history  of ,medicine1 p4     
#cac1 ,london1 #aiac4    #fg ,migne1    
cols4 #djc-ad4    #fh ,migne1 col4 #gea4
    #fi ,migne1 col4 #gia4    #gj ,the  
,quaestio de ,aqua et ,terra is         
doubtless a genuine1 albeit  the least  
pleasing1 production of the great poet4 

,the genuineness is  established by     
,vincenzo ,balgi in his edition1        
,modena1 #aijg4    #ga ,migne1 col4     
#gda4    #gb ,migne1 col4 #gdc4    #gc  
,it is outside our purpose to attempt a 
full elucidation of  ,hildegard's       
allegory4 ,the eagle in the right wing  
signifies the power  of divine grace1   
while the human head in the left wing   
indicates the  powers of the natural    
man4 ,to the bosom of the figure is     
clasped the  ,lamb of ,god4    #gd      
,migne1 col4 #gea4    #ge ,migne1 col4  
#gdd4    #gf ,liber ,divinorum ,operum1 
part i1 visions #b and #c4    #gg       
,migne1 cols4 #geb-e4    #gh ,migne1    
col4 #hjg4    #gi ,the work is printed  
by ,c4 ,s4 ,barach and ,j4 ,wrobel1     
,innsbruck1  #ahgf4 ,the writers1       
however1 confuse ,bernard ,sylvestris of
 ,tours with  his somewhat older        
contemporary1 ,bernard of ,chartres4    
#hj ,a4 ,clerval1 ,les coles de         
,chartres au ,moyen ge1 ,paris1 #ahie4  
#ha ,j4 ,e4 ,sandys1 ,history of        

,classical ,scholarship1 ,cambridge1    
#aijc1  vol4 i1 p4 #eae4    #hb ,r4     
,lane ,poole1 ,illustrations of the     
,history of ,mediaeval ,thought  in the 
,departments of ,theology and           
,ecclesiastical ,politics1 ,oxford1     
#ahhd1 pp4 #aah1 #bai4    #hc ,barach   
and ,wrobel1 loc4 cit41 pp4 #e-f1 #i and
 #ac4    #hd ,for a general             
consideration of these figures see ,k4  
,sudhoff1  ,archiv fr ,geschichte der   
,medizin1 i4 #aeg1 #bai2 ii4 #hd4    #he
 ,e4 ,wickersheimer1 #8,figures         
mdico-astrologiques des neuvime1  dixime
 et onzime sicles'1 ,transactions of the
 ,seventeenth  ,international ,congress 
of ,medicine1 ,section ,,xxiii1 ,history
 of  ,medicine1 p4 #cac1 ,london1 #aiac4
    #hf ,the ,,ms4 from which ,plate    
,,xv is taken 7,paris1 ,bibl4 nat41     
,latin  #gjbh7 is entitled ,scholium de 
duodecim zodiaci signis et de ventis4   
,it was once the property of ,st4       
,hilaire the ,great of ,poitiers4 ,the  
legend above our figure reads1          

#8,secundum philosophorum deliramenta   
notantur duodecim signa ita ab ariete   
incipiamus'4 ,the relation of the  signs
 to the parts of the body is different  
in this eleventh-century  ,,ms4 from    
that which was widely accepted in the   
astrology of the  thirteenth and        
fourteenth centuries as illustrated in  
,plate ,,xvi4    #hg ,the ,,ms4 from    
which ,plate ,,xvi is taken 7,paris1    
,bibl4 nat41 ,latin  #aabbi7 was written
 about the end of the fourteenth        
century4 ,it has been  described by ,k4 
,sudhoff1 ,arch4 f4 ,gesch4 d4 ,med41   
ii4 #hd1 ,leipzig1  #aiaj4 ,the relation
 of the central figure to the signs of  
the zodiac in  this plate bears a       
manifest resemblance to the relation of 
the central  figure to the beasts' heads
 in ,plate vii4 ,the lines which cross  
and  recross the figure in ,plate ,,vii 
are analogous also to the lines of      
influence of ,plate ,,xvi4 ,the verse   
above the figure in ,plate ,,xvi is     
taken from the ,flos medicinae scholae  

,salerni2 cp4 de ,renzi1 loc4  cit41 i4 
#dhf4 ,this ,melothesia and that of the 
next figure is identical  with that     
propounded in ,manilius1 ii4 #dec       
7edition of ,h4 ,w4 ,garrod1  ,oxford1  
#aiaa74    #hh ,plate ,,xvii is from an 
early ,german block book4 ,it exhibits a
  scheme closely parallel to ,plate     
,,vii4 ,the universe in ,plate ,,xvii is
  represented as a series of concentric 
spheres1 earth innermost1  followed by  
water1 air1 and fire4 ,in the outermost 
zone hover the  angels who have replaced
 the beast's head of ,hildegard's       
scheme4 ,the  whole world is embraced by
 the figure of the ,almighty1 much as in
 ,plate  ,,vii4    #hi ,see ,e4         
,wickersheimer1 #8,la mdecine           
astrologique dans les almanachs         
populaires du xxe sicle'1 ,bulletin de  
la ,socit franaise  d'histoire de la    
mdecine1 x 7#aiaa71 pp4 #bf-ci4    #ij  
,migne1 col4 #geg4 ,this phrase is      
reproduced in a mediaeval  ,irish       
version of the work of ,messahalah4 ,see

 ,maura ,power1 ,an ,irish              
,astronomical ,text1 ,irish ,text       
,society1 ,london1 #aiab4    #ia ,the   
word cancer is here used1 but the crab  
goes sideways1 not  backwards4 ,by      
cancer ,hildegard1 who had never seen   
the sea1 probably  means the crayfish1  
an animal fairly common in the ,rhine   
basin4 ,it is  the head of a crayfish or
 lobster that is figured in the         
miniatures of  the vision of the        
macrocosm in the ,lucca ,,ms41 and a    
similar organism  frequently serves for 
the sign ,cancer in the mediaeval       
zodiacal medical  figures1 as in ,plate 
,,xv of this essay4    #ib ,migne1 cols4
 #c1 #gia-b4    #ic ,an illustration of 
this parallelism between ,paracelsus and
  ,hildegard is afforded by certain     
passages in the ,labyrinthus medicorum  
errantium and the ,scivias1 lib4 i1 vis4
 #d4 ,especially compare p4 #bgi  et    
seq4 of ,huser's edition of the ,opera1 
,strasbourg1 #afjc1 with  ,migne1 col4  
#dbh4    #id ,a good example is         

furnished by a work of ,isaac ,myer1    
,qabbalah4  ,the philosophical writings 
of ,solomon ben ,yehudah ibn ,gebirol or
  ,avicebron and their connection with  
the ,hebrew ,qabbalah and ,sepher       
ha-,zohar1 ,philadelphia1 #ahhh4    #ie 
,the most accessible edition is in ,s4  
de ,renzi's ,collectio  ,salernitana1   
vol4 ii1 p4 #chh4    #if ,printed in de 
,renzi1 vol4 ii1 p4 #cia4    #ig        
,printed in ,methodus medendi certa     
clara et brevis1 ,basel1  ,henricus     
,petrus1 #aeda1 p4 #cac4    #ih ,printed
 in ,summi in omni philosophia viri     
constantini africani  medici operum     
reliqua1 ,basel1 ,henricus ,petrus1     
#aeci1 p4 #bd4    #ii ,karl ,sudhoff1   
,tradition und ,naturbeobachtung1       
,leipzig1 #aijg2  ,ein ,beitrag zur     
,geschichte der ,anatomie im            
,mittelalter1 ,leipzig1  #aijh2 #8,drei 
weitere anatomische ,fnfbilderserien aus
 ,abendland und  ,morgenland' 7with     
,ernst ,seidel7 and #8,abermals eine    
neue ,handschrift der  anatomischen     

,fnfbilderserie' in ,archiv fr          
,geschichte der ,medizin1  ,leipzig1    
#aiaj and #aiad4    #ajj ,e4 ,h4 ,c4    
,walsh1 #8,the ,tibetan ,anatomical     
,system'1 in the ,journal  of the ,royal
 ,asiatic ,society1 ,london1 ,october   
#aiaj1 p4 #abae2 ,berthold  ,laufer1    
,beitrge zur ,kenntnis der              
,tibetanischen ,medizin1 ,berlin1       
#aijj2 and ,k4 ,sudhoff1 #8,weitere     
,beitrge zur ,geschichte der ,anatomie  
im  ,mittelalter'1 in the ,archiv fr    
,geschichte der ,medizin1 vol4 viii1  p4
 #adc1 ,leipzig1 #aiad4    #aja ,this   
text1 critically treated1 has been      
printed by ,k4 ,sudhoff1  who1 however1 
regards it as related to the figures3   
,archiv fr  ,geschichte der ,medizin1   
vol4 iii1 p4 #cfa1 ,leipzig1 #aiaj4     
#ajb ,hugh of ,st4 ,victor1 ,de bestiis 
et aliis rebus1 iii4 #fj4    #ajc       
,migne1 col4 #gee4    #ajd ,an idea that
 occurs in ,aristotle1 ,parts of        
,animals1 ii1 c4 #b1  but is rejected by
 ,galen4    #aje ,early mediaeval       

writers held that the lumbus1 which we  
have  rendered loin1 was intimately     
connected with the sexual faculties4    
,thus ,hugh of ,st4 ,victor             
7#ajie-aada71 ,de bestiis et aliis      
rebus1 iii4  #fj #8,lumbi a libidinis   
lascivia dicti1 quia in viris causa     
corporeae  voluptatis in ipsis est1     
sicut in umbilico feminis4 ,unde et ab  
,iob in  exordio sermonis dictum est1   
accinge sicut vir lumbos tuos1 ut in his
  esset resistendi praeparatio1 in      
quibus est libidinis usitata dominandi  
occasio4'    #ajf ,migne1 cols4 #gib-c4 
#ajg ,the legend reads as follows3      
#8,minor mundus scilicet homo4          
,microcosmus4 ,then on the head the     
names of the seven planets4 ,caput      
microcosmi est rotundum in celestis     
spere modum in quo duo oculi ut duo     
luminaria in celo micant quod  septem   
foramina ut septem celi armonie  ornant4
 ,in pectore sunt flatus  tussis ut in  
aere uenti  tonitrua4  ,in uentrem omnia
 fluunt ut in mare flumina4 ,os lapides 

ungues arbos  dant gramina crines ,ut   
pede molem corporis sic terra sustinet  
omnia4  ,at the four corners the        
following legends3 ,aer huic donat quod 
flat4  sonat4 audit4 odorat4 ,ignis     
feruorem dat uisum mobilitatem4 ,aqua4  
,munus  aque gustus humorem sanguinis   
usus4 ,ex terra carnem tactum trahit    
gravitatem4'    #ajh ,migne1 col4 #dae4 
#aji ,migne1 col4 #dba4    #aaj ,migne1 
col4 #dbd4    #aaa ,the ,aristotelian   
writings also compare the transformation
 of the  material humours into the      
child's body with the solidification of 
milk  in the formation of cheese4       
#aab ,migne1 col4 #dbe4    #aac         
,especially in the ,liber ,divinorum    
,operum1 pars #a4 vis4 iv4    #aad ,the 
eagle is frequently in mediaeval        
writings a symbol of the  power of      
divine grace4    #aae ,migne1 col4 #aaj4
    #aaf ,migne1 col4 #aaa4    #aag     
,migne1 col4 #chd4    #aah ,scivias1    
lib4 iii1 vis4 #a2 ,migne1 col4 #efe4   
#aai ,migne1 col4 #ah4    #abj ,migne1  

col4 #ah4    #aba ,cartulaire de        
l',universit de ,montpellier            
7#aahj-aeah71  ,montpellier1 #ahid1 p4  
#ba4    #abb ,dates of the institution  
of dissection at this and other         
,universities are given by ,f4 ,baker in
 ,bulletin of the ,johns ,hopkins       
,hospital1 vol4 xx1 p4 #cca1 ,baltimore1
 #aiji4    #abc ,statuti dell'          
,universit di ,medicina e di ,arti del  
#adje1 ,rubr4  lxxxxvi 7#8,de anothomia 
quolibet anno fienda'7 in the ,statuti  
delle  ,universit e dei collegi dello   
,studio bolognese1 edited by ,carlo     
,malagola1 ,bologna1 #ahhh1 p4 #bhi4    
#abd ,j4 ,sxinger1 ,ueber die           
,entwickelung des medizinischen         
,unterrichts an der ,tbinger            
,hochschule1 ,tbingen1 #ahhd1 pp4 #e and
 #aj4    #abe ,how rarely dissections   
were conducted in some of the           
,universities  may be gathered from the 
first statutes of the medical faculty of
  ,tbingen1 dated #adig4 ,these ordain a
 dissection every three or four  years4 

,not till #afja was an anatomy held at  
,tbingen even once a year  7see         
,sxinger1 loc4 cit474 ,even at          
,montpellier in the sixteenth century   
the scarcity was so great that ,rondelet
 7#aejg-ff7 was on one occasion  reduced
 to dissect the body of his son4 ,for   
this terrible incident see  ,a4 ,portal1
 ,histoire de l',anatomie et ,chirurgie1
 ,paris1 #aggj1 vol4 i1  p4 #ebb2 ,a4   
,haller1 ,bibliotheca anatomica1 ,lib4  
iv1  clxxxiv1 ,leyden1  #aggd1 vol4 i1  
p4 #bje2 and ,a4 ,o4 ,goelicke1         
,introductio in historiam  litterariam  
anatomes1 ,frankfurt1 #agch1 p4 #acf4   
,there was1 however1 a  relatively      
plentiful supply of subjects in the     
,italian ,universities  and especially  
at ,bologna and ,padua in the           
fourteenth1 fifteenth1  and sixteenth   
centuries 7cp4 ,a4 ,haller1 ,bibliotheca
 anatomica1  introduction to ,lib4 v1 p4
 #bah74 ,this was perhaps due to the    
utterly  depraved state of public and   
private morals to which the peoples of  

the peninsula had been reduced by the   
excesses of the tyrants and the         
condottieri4    #abf ,plate ,,xxviii b  
is perhaps the earliest representation  
of the  practice of dissection yet      
brought to light4 ,it is described in   
,charles  ,singer1                      
#8,thirteenth-,century ,miniatures      
illustrating ,medical ,practice'1       
,proceedings of the ,royal ,society of  
,medicine1 ,section of the ,history  of 
,medicine1 #aiaf1 vol4 ix1 pp4 #bi-db4  
#abg ,plate ,,xxix3 a post-mortem scene 
in the late fourteenth century1  from a 
,french ,,ms4 of the ,grande ,chirurgie 
of ,guy de ,chauliac1  ,bibliothque de  
la ,facult de ,mdecine de ,montpellier1 
,,ms4 #ahd  franais1 folio #ad recto4   
,the scene is laid in the bedroom of the
  deceased4 ,in the left-hand top corner
 is the bed1 by the side of  which a    
female figure1 partly obliterated1 is   
praying4 ,below and to  the left are two
 other female figures1 and a man richly 
dressed in an  ermine-trimmed robe4     

,these are presumably the relatives of  
the dead4  ,the corpse1 that of a woman1
 has been placed on a bare table and is 
opened from the larynx to the symphysis 
pubis4 ,in front stands a lad  holding a
 round wooden vessel for the reception  
of the viscera1 and  farther to the     
right is a stool on which are placed two
 or three  instruments4 ,the physician1 
in full canonicals1 is at the extreme   
right  of the picture4 ,the actual      
process of examination is being made by 
three of his assistants4 ,to the left   
the first of these deepens1 with  a     
knife1 the incision that has already    
been made over the sternum1 the  second 
is grasping with his two hands and      
rolling up the great omentum  so as to  
display the viscera beneath1 and the    
third holds a wand in his  right hand1  
with which he points to the abdomen1    
while in his left he  carries a book4   
,five others throng into the room from a
 passage which  opens into it4    #abh  
,antonio ,benivieni1 ,de abditis        

nonnullis ac mirandis morborum  et      
sanationum causis1 ,florence1 #aejf4 ,in
 the description of ,case #cb1          
,benivieni expresses surprise at having 
been refused permission to  perform a   
post-mortem examination1 as though it   
were unusual for him  to meet rebuffs of
 the kind4 #8,experimento comprobare    
volentes1 corpus  incidere tentavimus   
sed nescio qua superstitione negantibus 
cognatis1  voti compotes fieri          
nequivimus4'    #abi ,see ,e4 ,nicaise1 
,la ,grande ,chirurgie de ,guy de       
,chauliac1 p4 #cj1  ,paris1 #ahij4      
#acj #8,ut ,anatomici explicationem     
ipsius ,mundini sequantur'1 ,francesco  
,maria ,colle1 ,storia                  
scientifico-letteraria dello ,studio di 
,padova1 #d  vols41 ,padua1 #ahbd-e1    
vol4 iii1 p4 #ajh4    #aca ,martin von  
,mellerstadt1 also called ,pollich or   
,polich4    #acb ,plate ,,xxx a1 from a 
late fifteenth-century ,provenal        
translation of the ,grande ,chirurgie of
 ,guy de ,chauliac4 ,vatican  ,library1 

,,ms4 hispanice #dhjd1 folio #h recto4  
,a professor and pupil are  examining a 
wasted corpse placed on a trestle in the
 open air4 ,the  teacher is pointing out
 the surface markings4    #acc ,plate   
,,xxx b1 from the ,french ,guy de       
,chauliac ,,ms4 in the ,bristol         
,reference ,library1 folio #be recto4   
,the ,,ms4 dates from between the years 
#adbj and #adce2 cp4 ,norris ,mathews1  
,early ,printed ,books and ,,mss4 in the
  ,bristol ,reference ,library1         
,bristol1 #ahii1 p4 #gj2 ,j4 ,a4 ,nixon1
 #8,a ,new  ,guy de ,chauliac ,,ms4'1 in
 ,transactions of the ,x,v,i,ith        
,internal4 ,cong4  of ,med41 ,sect4 of  
,hist4 of ,med41 ,london1 #aiad1 p4     
#dai2 and ,charles  ,singer1 #8,the     
,figures of the ,bristol ,guy de        
,chauliac ,,ms4 circa #adcj'1           
,proceedings of the ,royal ,society of  
,medicine1 ,section of the ,history  of 
,medicine1 #aiag1 vol4 x1 pp4 #ga-ia4   
,the figure shows a professor and       
pupil4 ,the former is demonstrating the 

bones of a skeleton4    #acd ,the number
 of female criminals being less than the
 number of  male criminals1 ,ludovico   
,frati states 7,la vita privata di      
,bologna  dal secolo ,,xiii al ,,xvii1  
,bologna1 #aijj1 pp4 #aaf-ah7 that only 
two  anatomies in all were held each    
year1 and thirty students admitted  to  
the female and twenty to the male       
dissection4 ,this would mean far  less  
than two dissections a year for each    
student of over two years'  standing4   
#ace ,the anatomical works of ,leonardo 
have now been rendered  accessible in   
,tredici ,foglie delta ,royal ,library  
di ,windsor4 ,leonardo  da ,vinci1      
,quaderni d'anatomia 444 ,pubblicati da 
,o4 ,c4 ,l4 ,vangensten1 ,a4  ,fonahm1  
,h4 ,hopstock1 ,christiania1 #aiaa1 c4  
#acf ,pollaiuolo and ,verrocchio only   
studied surface anatomy1 so far as  is  
known4 ,for a summary of the anatomical 
work of these painters see ,m4  ,duval  
and ,e4 ,cuyer1 ,histoire de l',anatomie
 plastique1 p4 #bj1 ,paris1  #ahih4     

#acg ,it has been suggested that        
,giammatteo ,ferrari da ,grado          
7,matthaeus  de ,gradibus71 who was     
professor of ,medicine at ,pavia        
#adcb-gb1 made  original contributions  
to anatomy4 ,he wrote no separate work  
on  anatomy1 but his observations on the
 ovaries 7which he was perhaps the      
first to call by that name7 appear in   
his ,practica1 ,milan1 #adga1  and in   
his ,expositiones super vigesimam       
secundam ,fen tertii canonis            
,avicennae1 ,milan1 #adid4 ,an          
interesting account of ,ferrari's life  
and  work is given by his descendant1   
,h4 ,m4 ,ferrari1 in ,une ,chaire de    
,mdecine au ,,xve sicle2 ,un professeur 
a l'universit de ,pavie de  #adcb       
#adgb1 ,paris1 #ahii4 ,in this work the 
claim that ,de ,gradibus was  an        
original and independent observer is    
effectively disposed of4    #ach ,at    
least six ,western copies of this       
series1 besides three or more  of       
oriental origin1 have now been detected4

 ,the ,western ,,mss4 and their  dates  
are as follows3    7a7 ,munich1 ,hof-   
und ,staatsbibliothek1 ,cod4 lat4       
monacensis #acjjb1  before #aaeh4    7b7
 ,munich1 ,hof- und ,staatsbibliothek1  
,cod4 lat4 monacensis #agdjc1  circa    
#abej4    7c7 ,bodleian ,library1 ,,ms4 
,ashmole #cii1 circa #abij4    7d7      
,dresden1 ,kgl4 ffentl4 ,bibliothek1    
,codex #caj1 before #acbc4    7e7       
,bodleian ,library1 ,,ms4 e ,museo #ai1 
before #acdd4    7f7 ,library of ,count 
,f4 ,zdenho von ,lobkowicz in ,raudnitz1
 of #acii4    ,see ,e4 ,seidel and ,k4  
,sudhoff1 especially #8,drei weitere    
anatomische  ,fnfbilderserien aus       
,abendland und ,morgenland'1 in ,archiv 
fr ,gesch4  der ,med41 iii1 p4 #afe1    
,leipzig1 #aiaj4    #aci ,cp4 ,k4       
,sudhoff in ,ein ,beitrag zur ,gesch4   
der ,anatomie im  ,mittelalter1         
,leipzig1 #aijh4    #adj ,e4            
,wickersheimer1 #8,l',anatomie de ,guido
 de ,vigevano1 mdecin de la  reine      
,jeanne de ,bourgogne 7#acde7'1 in      

,archiv fr ,geschichte der ,med41  vii4 
#a1 ,leipzig1 #aiad4 ,m4 ,wickersheimer 
has kindly given permission for  the    
reproduction of the figures in ,plates  
,,xxxi and ,,xxxii4    #ada ,notably the
 ,,ms4 ,roncioni #ii1 dating from the   
first half of the  twelfth century1 in  
the ,university ,library of ,pisa1      
reproduced by ,k4  ,sudhoff in the      
,archiv fr ,gesch4 der ,med41 vii1      
,tafel xiv1 #aiad4 ,also  separate      
organs are depicted in the ,bodleian    
,,ms4 ,ashmole #cii1 dating  from the   
end of the thirteenth century1          
reproduced in ,fig4 #f4    #adb ,the    
miniatures of the ,dresden ,codex have  
been studied by ,l4  ,choulant1         
,geschichte und ,bibliographie der      
anatomischen ,abbildung  nach ihrer     
,beziehung auf anatomische ,wissenschaft
 und bildende ,kunst1  ,leipzig1 #aheb1 
and in the ,archiv fr die zeichnenden   
,knste1 ,,ii4  ,jahrgang1 ,leipzig1     
#ahef1 p4 #bfd4 ,more recently the ,,ms4
 has been most  carefully described and 

its miniatures reproduced by ,e4 ,c4 van
 ,leersum  and ,w4 ,martin1 ,miniaturen 
der lateinischen ,galenos-,handschrift  
der  kgl4 ffentl4 ,bibliothek in        
,dresden1 in phototypischer             
,reproduktion1  ,leyden1 #aiaj4 ,we have
 to thank ,dr4 ,van ,leersum of ,leyden 
for kind  permission to reproduce the   
figures of ,plate ,,xxxiv4    #adc ,cp4 
,p4 ,triaire1 ,les leons d'anatomie et  
les peintres hollandais  aux ,,xvie et  
,,xviie sicles1 ,paris1 #ahhg4    #add  
,for della ,torre and his projected work
 on anatomy1 see ,g4  ,cervetto1 ,di    
alcuni illustri anatomici italiani del  
decimoquinto  secolo1 p4 #df1 ,verona1  
#ahdb2 also ,l4 ,choulant1 ,geschichte  
der  anatomischen ,abbildung1 p4 #e1    
,leipzig1 #aheb4    #ade ,the first     
edition appeared in ,venice in #adia and
 is in ,latin4 ,it  is of less          
typographical interest4    #adf ,k4     
,sudhoff1 #8,eine ,pariser 8,ketham0    
,handschrift aus der ,zeit ,knig  ,karls
 ,,vi 7#achj-adbb7'1 in ,archiv fr      

,geschichte der ,medizin1 vol4 ii1  p4  
#hd1 ,leipzig1 #aiji2 #8,neue ,beitrge  
zur ,vorgeschichte des ,ketham'1 in     
,archiv fr ,geschichte der ,medizin1    
vol4 v1 p4 #bhj1 ,leipzig1 #aiab4       
#adg ,prince d',essling1 ,les livres    
figures vnitiens de la fin du  ,,xve    
sicle et du commencement du ,,xvie1 part
 i1 vol4 ii1 p4 #ef1  ,florence and     
,paris1 #aijh4    #adh ,eugne ,piot1 ,le
 ,cabinet de l'amateur1 nouv4 srie1     
,paris1 #ahfa1  #8,le matre aux         
dauphins'1 p4 #ced et seq4 ,the dolphins
 are seen on  either side of the chair  
in ,plate ,,xxvii4    #adi ,duc de      
,rivoli1 ,bibliographie des livres      
figures vntiens1  p4 #aaj1 ,paris1      
#ahic4    #aej ,cp4 ,g4 ,albertotti1    
,nuove osservazioni sul #8,fasciculus   
medicinae'  del ,ketham1 ,padua1 #aiaj4 
#aea ,see ,k4 ,sudhoff1 #8,weibliche    
,situsbilder von ca4 #adjj-aedc'1 in    
,tradition und ,naturbeobachtung1 p4    
#gi1 ,leipzig1 #aijg4 ,the number and   
character of the indication lines       

attached to this figure suggest that    
the block from which the impression has 
been taken had previously been  used for
 some other publication4 ,this work1    
however1 if it exists1 has  not yet come
 to light4    #aeb ,michele ,medici1    
,della vita e degli scritti degli       
anatomici e  medici fioriti in ,bologna 
dal comincio del secolo ,,xiii1         
,bologna1 #ahec2  ,compendio storico    
della scuola anatomica di ,bologna dal  
,rinascimento  delle ,scienze e delle   
,lettere a tutto il ,secolo ,,xviii1    
,bologna1 #aheg4    #aec ,the mediaeval 
term1 #8vena chilis'1 lasted in anatomy 
until  the end of the sixteenth century 
and probably later4 #8,chilis' is  a    
corruption of the ,greek 4 ,this hybrid 
name was abandoned by  ,vesalius        
7,fabrica1 #aedc ,basle edition1 p4     
#cgf7 in favour of the title  #8vena    
cava'4    #aed ,the passage is          
translated from ,michele ,medici1       
,compendio  storico1 pp4 #aj-aa4    #aee
 ,see ,a4 ,laboulbne1 #8,les anatomistes

 anciens'1 in ,revue  scientifique pour 
la ,france et pour l'tranger1 vol4      
xxxviii1  p4 #fda1 ,paris1 #ahhf2       
,robert ,ritter von ,tply in ,puschmann1
 ,pagel1 and  ,neuburger1 ,handbuch der 
,geschichte der ,medizin1 vol4 ii1 p4   
#aig1  ,jena1 #aijc2 ,g4 ,martinotti1   
#8,l'insegnamento dell' ,anatomia in    
,bologna  prima del secolo xix'1 in     
,studi e ,memorie per la storia dell'   
universit di ,bologna1 vol4 ii1 p4 #ea1 
,bologna1 #aiaa4    #aef ,an            
intermediate anatomist was ,gulielmo    
,varignana1 who was  professor of       
,medicine in ,bologna1 and is recorded  
as having opened for  judicial purposes1
 on ,february #ae1 #acjb1 the corpse of 
one alleged to  have been poisoned4 ,see
 ,michele ,medici1 op4 cit4 ,the        
investigation is  referred to above4    
#aeg ,dr4 ,craigie in his excellent     
account of the ,history of ,anatomy1  in
 the ninth and subsequent editions of   
the ,encyclopaedia ,britannica4    #aeh 
#8,mundinus quem omnis studentium       

universitas colit ut deum'1 ,j4         
,adelphus in his edition of ,mondino1   
,strassburg1 #aeac4    #aei ,editio     
princeps1 ,lyons1 #adgh4    #afj ,pietro
 de ,argellata1 ,cirurgia1 #8,incipit   
liber primus cirurgie  magistri ,petri  
de la ,cerlata' 7671 ,venice1 #adib4    
,quotation from lib4  v1 tract4 #ab1    
chap4 #c4 ,an earlier edition which we  
have not seen was  printed in ,venice in
 #adhj4    #afa ,the #8pomegranate'     
sometimes also means the xiphisternum4  
,it is  not clear which is implied here4
    #afb ,giovanni da ,concoreggio1     
,lucidarium et ,flos ,medicinae1        
,giunta1  ,florence1 #aeba4 ,it contains
 a few scattered anatomical points4     
#afc ,de ,zerbis1 ,liber ,anatomiae     
corporis humani et singulorum  membrorum
 illius1 ,venice1 #aejb4    #afd        
,reprinted in the ,anatomia of ,johannes
 ,dryander1 ,marburg1 #aecg4    #afe    
,alessandro ,achillini1 ,annotationes   
anatomiae1 ,bologna1 #aebj4  ,this work 
is also included in the #aejb edition of

 ,de ,zerbis' ,liber  ,anatomiae4       
#aff ,carpi commentaria cum amplissimis 
additionibus super anatomia  mundini una
 cum textu eiusdem in pristinum et verum
 nitorem redacto1  ,bologna1 #aeba4 ,an 
earlier and less important edition of   
,carpi was the  ,anathomia ,mundini     
noviter impressa ac per ,carpum         
castigata that  appeared at ,bologna in 
#aead4    #afg ,the figures in ,ketham  
and in the wretched productions of      
,johannes  ,adelphus 7,j4 ,a4 ,muelich71
 of ,hundt1 and of ,peyligk can hardly  
be said  to illustrate the text of      
anatomical treatises4    #afh ,albano   
,sorbelli1 ,le ,croniche ,bolognesi del 
,secolo ,,xiv1 ,bologna1  #aijj2 ,la    
,signoria di ,giovanni ,visconti a      
,bologna1 ,bologna1 #aija2  ,michele    
,medici1 loc4 cit41 p4 #d4    #afi      
,giovanni ,fantuzzi1 ,notizie degli     
scrittori bolognesi1 ,tom4 v1  p4 #aif1 
,bologna1 #aghf4    #agj ,hastings      
,rashdall1 ,the ,universities of ,europe
 in the ,middle  ,ages1 #c vols41       

,oxford1 #ahie1 vol4 i1 p4 #bdd4    #aga
 ,he is mentioned in this capacity by   
,niccol ,burzio1 ,bononia  illustrata1  
,bologna1 #adid4 ,we have been unable to
 consult this work1  which is quoted by 
,fantuzzi1 loc4 cit4 ,see also          
,ferdinando ,gabotto1  ,bartolomeo      
,manfredi e l',astrologia alla ,corte di
 ,mantova1 ,torino1  #ahia1 p4 #ai4     
#agb ,manfredi's ,university career is  
extracted from ,umberto ,dallari1  ,i   
rotuli dei lettori legisti e artisti    
dello studio bolognese dal #achd  al    
#agii1 ,bologna1 vol4 i1 #ahhh1 and     
,luigi ,nardi and ,emilio ,orioli1      
,chartularium ,studii ,bononiensis1     
,imola1 vol4 i1 #aijg4    #agc ,see also
 ,p4 ,a4 ,orlandi1 ,notizie degli       
scrittori bolognesi1  ,bologna1 #agad4  
#agd ,johannes ,franciscus ,picus       
,mirandula1 ,disputationes adversus     
astrologos1 ,lib4 ii1 cap4 #i1 ,bologna1
 #adie4 ,our quotation is from  the     
original #adie edition1 not from the    
slightly variant dition  contrefaite4   

#age ,g4 ,fantuzzi1 loc4 cit41 p4 #aig4 
#agf ,u4 ,santini1 #8,cenni statistici  
sulla ,popolazione del ,quartiere  di   
,s4 ,proclo in ,bologna'1 in ,atti e    
,memorie della ,r4 ,deputazione di      
,storia ,patria per le ,provincie di    
,romagna1 series #c1 vol4 xxxiv1  pp4   
#cff and #cfg1 ,bologna1 #aijf4    #agg 
,see map of the old ,university         
buildings of ,bologna prefixed to       
,francesco ,cavazza1 ,le ,scuole dell'  
antico studio bolognese1 ,milan1  #ahif4
    #agh ,the date #adfb1 clearly       
printed on this edition1 is certainly   
erroneous1 since there was no           
printing-press at ,bologna till #adga4  
,a4 ,e4 ,nordenskild 7,facsimile ,atlas 
till ,kartografiens ldesta  ,historia1  
,stockholm1 #ahhi1 p4 #ab7 consider that
 #adgb is the true date1  but the point 
is not yet finally settled4 ,see ,j4 ,a4
 ,j4 de ,villiers1  #8,famous ,maps in  
the ,british ,museum'1 in ,geographical 
,journal1 vol4  liv1 ,london1 ,august   
#aiad1 p4 #agc4 ,albano ,sorbelli1 in   

his authoritative  ,i ,primordi della   
,stampa in ,bologna1 ,bologna1 #aijh1   
does not mention  ,manfredi's edition of
 ,ptolemy among the earliest printed    
,bolognese  works 7#adga-e74    #agi    
,albrecht von ,haller1 ,bibliotheca     
anatomica1 ,zrich1 #aggd-g1  vol4 ii1 p4
 #gch4    #ahj ,michele ,medici1        
,compendio storico della ,scuola        
anatomica di  ,bologna dal ,rinascimento
 delle ,scienze e delle ,lettere a tutto
 il  ,secolo ,,xviii1 ,bologna1 #aheg1  
folio4    #aha ,g4 ,martinotti1         
#8,l'insegnamento dell' anatomia in     
,bologna prima  del secolo ,,xix'1 in   
,studi e ,memorie per la ,storia dell'  
,universit di  ,bologna1 vol4 ii4       
,bologna1 #aiaa4    #ahb ,mazzatinti1   
,inventari dei ,manoscritti delle       
,biblioteche  d',italia1 ,forli         
,firenze1 #ahij-aiae1 vols4 i to xxiii1 
in progress4    #ahc ,lino ,sighinolfi1 
,l',architettura ,bentivolesca in       
,bologna e il  ,palazzo del ,podest1    
,bologna1 #aiji4    #ahd ,several short 

sketches or tractates on anatomy in the 
vernacular  are however known4 ,thus a  
,provenal anatomical tractate of the    
thirteenth century has been published by
 ,k4 ,sudhoff in his ,beitrag zur       
,gesch4 der ,anatomie im ,mittelalter1  
,leipzig1 #aijh4    #ahe ,cf4 ,galen1   
,de usu partium corporis humani1 ,lib4  
x1 chap4 #ab4    #ahf ,cf4 ,rhazes1     
,almansur1 i4 #d4    #ahg ,manfredi here
 follows ,mondino1 who confuses ,galen's
 fourth pair  with ,galen's sixth pair  
of nerves4    #ahh ,see ,p4 de ,koning1 
,trois ,traits d',anatomie arabes1      
,leyden1  #aijc1 p4 #dg4    #ahi ,see   
,j4 ,wiberg1 #8,the ,anatomy of the     
,brain in the ,works of ,galen  and     
#8,ali #8,abbas2 a comparative          
historical-anatomical study'1 ,janus1   
vol4 xix1 p4 #ag and p4 #hd1 ,leyden1   
,january and ,march1 #aiad4    #aij ,see
 ,a4 ,schneider1 #8,die ,psychologie    
,alberts des ,grossen'1 p4 #afj1  in    
,beitrge zur ,geschichte der            
,philosophie des ,mittelalters1 ,band   

iv1  ,heft #e1 ,munich1 #aijc4    #aia  
,constantine ,africanus1 ,de communibus 
medico cognitu necessariis  locis1 ,lib4
 iii1 cap4 #aa1 ,edition ,henricus      
,petrus1 ,basel1 #aeda4    #aib         
,practica ,petrocelli ,salernitani4     
,epistola4 ,quot annis latuit  medicina4
 ,s4 de ,renzi1 ,collectio ,salernitana4
 ,naples1 #aheb-i1 vol4  iv1 p4 #ahi4   
#aic ,a very elaborate study of the     
doctrine of the three vesicles of  the  
brain has recently been made by ,walther
 ,sudhoff1 #8,die ,lehre von den        
,hirnventrikeln'1 in the ,archiv fr     
,gesch4 der ,med41 ,leipzig1 #aiad1     
vol4 vii1 p4 #adi4    #aid ,see ,f4 ,g4 
,a4 ,stumpff1 ,historia nervorum        
cerebralium ab  antiquissimis temporibus
 usque ad ,willisium nec non            
,vieussensium4  ,dissertatio            
inauguralis1 ,berlin1 #ahda2 ,c4        
,daremberg1 uvres  anatomiques1         
physiologiques et mdicales de ,galien1  
,paris1 #ahed1  p4 #ehc1 c42 ,g4        
,helmreich1 1   1 ,leipzig1 #aiji2  and 

,theodor ,beck1 #8,die ,galenischen     
,hirnnerven in moderner ,beleuchtung'1  
in ,arch4 fr ,gesch4 der ,med41 vol4    
iii1 p4 #aaj1 ,leipzig1 #aiaj4    #aie  
,galen1 ,de usu partium1 ix4 #d2 ,de    
,hippocratis et ,platonis  decretis1    
vii4 #c4    #aif ,the first edition of  
the work appeared in #adif4    #aig ,the
 so-called ,anatomia ,richardi ,anglici1
 which has been printed  by ,robert     
,ritter von ,tply 7,vienna1 #aijb71 is  
really the same as the  pseudo-,galenic 
,anatomia vivorum1 to which ,richard's  
name was not  attached until the        
fourteenth century4 ,see ,christoph     
,ferckel1 ,archiv  fr die ,gesch4 der   
,naturwissenschaften und der ,technik1  
vol4 vi1  p4 #gh1 ,leipzig1 #aiab1 and  
,k4 ,sudhoff1 ,archiv fr ,gesch4 der    
,medizin1  vol4 viii1 p4 #ga1 ,leipzig1 
#aiae4    #aih ,e4 ,nicaise1 ,la ,grande
 ,chirurgie de ,guy de ,chauliac1 p4    
#de1  ,paris1 #ahij4    #aii ,j4 ,pagel1
 ,die ,anatomie des ,heinrich von       
,mondeville1 ,berlin1  #ahhi1 p4 #cg4   

#bjj ,for the whole question of early   
figures of the eye consult ,k4          
,sudhoff1 #8,augenanatomiebilder im #ae4
 und #af4 ,jahrhundert' in his          
,illustrationen medizinischer           
,handschriften und ,frhdrucke4 ,leipzig1
  #aijg2 and the same writer's recent   
article on #8,augendurchschnittsbilder  
aus ,abendland und ,morgenland' in      
,archiv fr ,gesch4 der ,medizin1 vol4   
viii1 p4 #a1 ,leipzig1 #aiae4    #bja   
,our figure from the ,margarita         
philosophiae has been taken from  the   
#aejc edition1 the earliest to which we 
have had access4 ,a figure in  the      
,philosophiae naturalis compendium of   
,k4 ,peyligk1 dated ,leipzig1  #adhi1 is
 so inferior as to be negligible in this
 connexion4    #bjb ,w4 ,harvey1        
,prelectiones anatomiae universalis1    
reproduced in  facsimile from the       
author's ,,ms4 notes1 ,london1 #ahhf1   
folio #gb recto4    #bjc ,w4 ,harvey1   
,exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et
 sanguinis1  ,frankfort1 #afbh4 ,the    

opening passage of the dedication to    
,charles ,i may  be translated as       
follows3 #8,most serene king1 the heart 
of animals is  the basis of their life1 
the sun of their microcosm1 that from   
which  all strength proceeds4 ,the king 
is in like manner the basis of his      
kingdom1 the sun of his world1 the heart
 of the commonwealth1 whence  all power 
derives1 all grace appears4'    #bjd    
,historia animalium1 vi4 #c4    #bje    
,historia animalium1 ii4 #aa2 ,de       
,partibus animalium1 iii4 #d4    #bjf   
,historia animalium1 i4 #ad and iii4 #c2
 ,de ,partibus animalium1  iii4 #d4 ,the
 question of the identity of these      
chambers is a difficult  one4 ,we have  
followed ,t4 ,e4 ,lones1 ,aristotle's   
,researches in ,natural  ,science1      
,london1 #aiab1 p4 #acg1 where the      
conflicting views are  summarized4      
#bjg ,galen1   1 ,book #g 7#aeg72    1  
1            1 ,khn1  ii4 #fb4    #bjh  
,haly ,abbas expressly denies its       
existence1 chap4 #ba4    #bji ,p4       

,koning1 ,trois traits d'anatomie       
arabes1 ,leyden1 #aijc1 #fhg1  renders  
the passage as follows3 #8,dans le cur  
il y a trois cavits1  deux grandes et   
une autre qui se trouve pour ainsi dire 
au milieu1  afin que le cur ait un dpt  
pour la nourriture avec laquelle il se  
nourrit1 nourriture paisse et forte1    
semblable  la substance du cur1  ensuite
 un endroit o se forme un pneuma qui y  
est engendr d'un sang  subtil et enfin  
un canal entre ces deux4'    #baj       
,pantechni1 ,theorice1 lib4 iii1 cap4   
#bb4 ,here1 however1 only  two          
concauitates are described and between  
them a foramen3 quod a  quibusdam       
vocatur tertia concauitas3 sed non est  
ita4    #baa ,the ,,ms4 ,roncioni #ii1  
reproduced by ,k4 ,sudhoff in ,archiv fr
  ,gesch4 der ,med41 vol4 vii1 ,tafel   
,,xiv1 ,leipzig1 #aiad4    #bab ,the    
passage in the ,editio princeps of      
,gerard of ,cremona's  translation runs 
as follows 7folio #if recto73 #8,et in  
ipso sunt  tres ventres1 scilicet duo   

ventres magni et venter quasi medius    
quem ,galienus nominavit foveam aut     
meatum non ventrem1 ut sit ei           
receptaculum nutrimenti quo nutriatur   
spissum forte simile substantiae  ipsius
  minera spiritus generati in ipso a    
sanguine subtili4 ,et inter  ambos sunt 
viae ut meatus4'    #bac ,j4 ,l4 ,pagel1
 ,die ,chirurgie des ,heinrich von      
,mondeville1 ,berlin1  #ahib1 p4 #de4   
#bad ,bartholomaeus ,anglicus1 ,de      
,proprietatibus ,rerum1 ,london1 #aece1 
,our quotation is from p4 liiii4    #bae
 ,leonardo da ,vinci1 ,quaderni         
d'anatomia 444 ,pubblicati da ,o4 ,c4   
,l4 ,vangensten1 ,a4 ,fonahn1 ,h4       
,hopstock1 ,christiania1 #aiaa4    #baf 
,hans von ,gersdorff1 ,feldt und        
,stattbch bewerter ,wundartznei1        
edition ,frankfurt1 #aeef4    #bag      
,ancient views on the cardiac system1   
including those of ,mondino1  are       
admirably reviewed by ,j4 ,c4 ,dalton in
 his ,doctrines of the  ,circulation1   
,philadelphia1 #ahhd4    #bah ,manfredi 

here follows ,mondino1 who confuses     
,galen's fourth pair  with ,galen's     
sixth pair of nerves4    #bai ,these    
four words are very indistinct4 ,the    
last is half erased and  scia is written
 sia4    #bbj ,life of ,st4 ,edward4    
#bba ,british ,museum ,,ms4 ,cotton4    
,claud4 ,a4 viii1 ff4 #cb1 #cc1 and     
,archaeol4 ,journal1 ,london1 ,june1    
#ahfd4    #bbb ,,ms4 ,ee4 iii4 #ei4     
#bbc ,history of the ,garter1 vol4 i4   
#bbd ,,ms4 #iihf4    #bbe p4 #cf4       
#bbf ,vol4 iii4    #bbg p4 #ccd4    #bbh
 ,gent's4 ,mag41 ,n4,s41 vol4 i2        
,british ,museum ,,ms4 ,cotton ,nero ,c4
  viii4 f4 #bji4    #bbi ,,ms4 ,cotton  
,nero ,c4 viii1 ff4 #bab1 #bac;b1 and   
,gent's4 ,mag41 ,n4,s41  vol4 i4    #bcj
 loc4 cit4    #bca ,record ,office1     
,exchqr4 ,tr4 of ,r41 ,mis4 ,book #bjc1 
pp4 #aej-c4    #bcb ,record ,office1    
,exchqr4 ,q4 ,r41 ,accounts #djc_/aj4   
#bcc ,british ,museum ,harleian ,,ms4   
#cai3 ,household ,accounts of ,henry    
,,iv1  #adje-f4    #bcd ,see ,r4        

,crawfurd1 ,king's ,evil1 p4 #de1       
,oxford1 #aiaa4    #bce ,lib4 i1 chap4  
#h4    #bcf ,bury ,wills1 p4 #ce1       
,camden ,soc41 ed4 ,tymms4    #bcg      
,archaeol4 ,journal1 ,london1 vol4 iv1  
p4 #gh4    #bch ,british ,museum ,,ms4  
,arundel1 fol4 #bc;b1 and ,gent's4      
,mag41 ,n4,s41  vol4 i1 p4 #di4    #bci 
,gent's4 ,mag41 #agid4    #bdj ,brand1  
,pop4 ,antiq41 ii4 #eih4    #bda        
,gent's4 ,mag41 ,n4,s41 vol4 i1 p4 #di4 
#bdb ,cloister ,life of ,charles ,v1 p4 
#aji4    #bdc ,brewer1 ,state ,papers2  
,budaei ,epistolae1 ,june #aj1 #aeah1   
#dbbc4    #bdd ,gent's4 ,mag41 loc4     
cit41 and ,british ,museum ,,ms4 ,cotton
 ,calig4  ,b4 ii1 fol4 #aab4    #bde    
,burnet1 ,hist4 of ,reformation1 part   
ii1 book ii1 record #bd4    #bdf ,hist4 
of ,reformation1 part ii1 book ii4      
#bdg ,a4,d4 #aecd4    #bdh ,lisle       
,papers and ,notes and ,queries1 #eth   
series1 vol4 ix1  p4 #ead4    #bdi      
,lisle ,papers1 xi4 #ae4    #bej ,lisle 
,papers1 xi4 #aaa4    #bea ,ibid41 xii4 

#dc4    #beb ,ibid41 xii4 #eh4    #bec  
,ibid41 xii4 #fj4    #bed ,registry of  
,wills1 ,archdeaconry of ,norwich4      
#bee ,burnet1 ,hist4 of ,reformation1   
part ii1 book i1  #ab4    #bef ,british 
,museum ,additional ,,ms4 #ceahd1       
,household ,account1 #aeec4    #beg     
,series i1 vol4 ii1 p4 #bib4    #beh    
,ed4 #afbb1 p4 #bai4    #bei ,troilus1  
book iii1 #ajfi4    #bfj ,julius        
,caesar1 ,i4 ii4    #bfa ,tempest1 ,i4  
ii4    #bfb ,all's ,well that ,ends     
,well1 ,,iv4 iii4    #bfc ,tempest1     
,,iv4 i4    #bfd ,as ,you ,like ,it1    
,,iv4 i4    #bfe ,dr4 ,johann ,weyer1   
der erster ,bekmpfer des ,hexenwahns1   
,bonn1  #ahhe1 #bnd ed41 ,berlin1 #ahif4
 ,also ,j4 ,geffcken1 #8,dr4 ,johann    
,weyer'  in ,monatshefte der ,comenius  
,gesellschaft #c1 #aijd2 ,j4 ,janssen   
and  ,l4 ,pastor1 ,geschichte des       
deutschen ,volkes1 #h vols41 ,freiburg  
im  ,breisgau1 #ahih-aijc1 viii4 #fjj   
ff4    #bff ,jean ,hardouin             
7,harduinus71 ,collectio regia maxima   

conciliorum  graecorum et latinorum1 #ab
 vols41 ,paris1 #agae1 i4 #aejf2 ,h4 ,c4
 ,lea1  ,history of the ,inquisition of 
the ,middle ,ages1 #bnd ed41 #c vols41  
,london1 #aijf1 iii4 #did2 ,w4 ,g4      
,soldan and ,h4 ,heppe1 ,geschichte der 
,hexenprocesse1 #b vols41 ,stuttgart1   
#ahhj1 i4 #acb4    #bfg ,lea1 loc4 cit41
 iii4 #dad4    #bfh ,soldan and ,heppe1 
loc4 cit41 i4 #abh1 #aci4    #bfi ,see  
also ,lea1 loc4 cit41 iii4 #dcd1 on this
 mildness of the ,church  up to the     
fourteenth century4    #bgj ,soldan and 
,heppe1 loc4 cit41 i4 #acf4    #bga     
,lea1 loc4 cit41 i4 #ia4    #bgb ,the   
,paulicians were accused of teaching    
that the devil created  this world1 but 
seem merely to have taken such texts as 
,john xii4  #ca1 xiv4 #cj2 #b ,cor4 iv4 
#d #8in their plain and obvious sense'4 
,f4 ,c4  ,conybeare1 ,key of ,truth1 ,a 
,manual of the ,paulician ,church of    
,armenia1  ,oxford1 #ahih1 #df4    #bgc 
,the term #8,cathari' was said to come  
#8from their kissing ,lucifer  under the

 tail in the shape of a cat'4 ,lea1 loc4
 cit41 iii4 #die4    #bgd ,lea1 loc4    
cit41 i4 #aje1 ii4 #ccd1 c4 ,the main   
evidence is ,conrad  of ,marburg's      
report to ,pope ,gregory ,,xi1 #abcc3   
#8,a tissue of inventions'1  but        
#8apparently doubted by no one'4    #bge
 ,quodlibet1 xi4 #aj2 ,soldan and       
,heppe1 loc4 cit41 i4 #adc2 ,lea1 loc4  
cit41 iii4 #dae4    #bgf ,h4 ,institoris
 and ,j4 ,sprenger1 ,malleus            
,maleficarum1 editio  princeps1         
,cologne1 #adhf1 and frequently         
reprinted until the end of the          
seventeenth century4 ,see especially    
pars #a1 quaestio #b4    #bgg ,j4       
,diefenbach1 ,der ,hexenwahn1 ,mainz1   
#ahhf1 p4 #bii4    #bgh ,the story of   
,elinor ,shaw and ,mary ,philips1 as    
well as many other  accounts of         
witchcraft1 may be read in two volumes  
entitled ,rare  and ,curious ,tracts    
illustrative of the ,history of         
,northamptonshire1  ,northampton1 #ahgf 
and #ahha4    #bgi ,f4 ,hutchinson1     

,historical ,essay1 ,london1 #agah1 cap4
 iv4    #bhj ,daemonolatriae libri tres1
 ,lyons1 #aeie4    #bha ,trves1 #aeie4  
#bhb ,civ4 ,dei1 xv4 #bc4    #bhc ,peter
 ,binsfeld4 ,tractatus de confessionibus
 maleficorum1  ,trves1 #aeie1 pp4       
#cg-dd1 #bcj1 c4 ,binsfeld often refers 
to this case as  proving the reality of 
disputed forms of witchcraft and the    
soul-saving  work of the witch-hunters4 
#bhd ,l4 ,meyer1 ,die ,periode der      
,hexenprocesse1 ,hannover1 #ahhb4       
#bhe ,k4 ,kiesewetter1 ,die             
,geheimwissenschaften1 ,leipzig1 #ahie1 
p4 #egi  f4    #bhf ,op4 cit41 ii4 #b   
7p4 #bjj74    #bhg ,malleus1 pars i1    
quaestio #a1 p4 #f1 edit4 #aeif4    #bhh
 ,by ,h4 ,institoris and ,j4 ,sprenger4 
,between #adhf and #aeif several        
editions were printed in specially small
 form #8that inquisitors might  carry it
 in their pockets and read it under the 
table'4    #bhi iii4 #a 7p4 #ccg f474   
#bij ,malleus1 iii4 #d1 p4 #cdd4    #bia
 iii4 #aj4    #bib iii4 #ad4    #bic    

iii4 #af4    #bid iii4 #ad4    #bie iii4
 #bi-ca1 repeated with slight           
variations4    #bif ,von ,zauberei und  
,zauberern1 p4 #baa2 ,soldan and ,heppe1
 i4 #cdg4    #big ,the ,lindheim cases  
are recorded by ,g4 ,c4 ,horst1         
afterwards pastor  of the place1 in his 
,dmonomagie1 #b vols41 ,frankfort1      
#ahah1 and  ,zauberbibliothek1 #f vols41
 ,mainz1 #ahba-f4 ,see also ,o4         
,glaubrecht1  ,die ,schreckensjahre von 
,lindheim1 #ahhf4    #bih ,cautio       
,criminalis1 ,rinteln1 #afca1 ,dubium   
xix 7p4 #abh74 ,he calls  himself       
#8,sacerdos quidam'4    #bii ,dubium xx 
7p4 #aec74    #cjj ,horst1              
,zauberbibliothek1 ii4 #cgd1 and        
,dmonomagie1 ii4 #dab4    #cja ,soldan  
and ,heppe1 ii4 #bji4    #cjb ,soldan   
and ,heppe1 ii4 #acj4    #cjc ,j4 ,h4   
,bhmer1 ,ius ecclesiasticum1 #e vols41  
,halle1 #agch-dc1 v4  #ce4    #cjd      
,horst1 ,dmonomagie1 ii4 #cgg4    #cje  
,malleus1 iii4 #ad 7p4 #cgj74    #cjf   
,father ,spee gives a long list of these

 dilemmas1 ,cautio  ,criminalis1 ,dubium
 li4    #cjg ,de sagarum natura et      
potestate1 deque his recte cognoscendis 
et  puniendis deque purgatione earum per
 aquam frigidam epistola1 ,lemgo1       
#aehc4 ,also in ,sawr1 ,theatrum de     
,veneficiis1 #ahef4    #cjh ,lea1 iii4  
#edi4    #cji ,haas1 ,die               
,hexenprocesse1 ,tbingen1 #ahfe4    #caj
 ,soldan and ,heppe1 ii4 #df1 and       
elsewhere4    #caa ,beitrge zur         
,geschichte des ,hexenwesens in         
,franken1 ,bamberg1  #ahhc4    #cab #dh 
ff4    #cac ,official report1 given by  
,leitschuh in appendix4    #cad ,maria  
,hollin at ,nrdlingen 7#aeic7 withstood 
fifty-six repetitions  of torture1 and  
was finally #8dismissed' on the terms   
mentioned  7,janssen1 op4 cit41 viii4   
#gai74    #cae ,the ,nrdlingen          
authorities acquired an evil eminence in
 this  frightfulness1 which they termed 
#8eine heilsame ,tortur' 7,soldan1 ii4  
#dgj74    #caf ,lea1 iii4 #ede1 and     
references there given4    #cag ,de     

praestigiis1 c41 ii4 #e4    #cah ,the   
privilege for publication is dated      
,november #d1 #aefb2 three  editions    
appeared before the end of #aefd1 and a 
sixth in #aehc4    #cai ,op4 cit41 ii4  
#a4    #cbj ,op4 cit41 ii4 #d4    #cba  
iii4 #f4    #cbb iii4 #ah4    #cbc iii4 
#ba4    #cbd iii4 #bc4    #cbe iv4 #a4  
#cbf iv4 #b4    #cbg iv4 #c4    #cbh iv4
 #bc4    #cbi iv4 #aj4    #ccj ,op4     
cit41 v4 #cd4    #cca v4 #ce4    #ccb   
vi4 #d4    #ccc vi4 #i4    #ccd         
#8,mossel-scolp nostratibus dicitur4'   
#cce ,op4 cit41 vi4 #ae4    #ccf vi4    
#af4    #ccg vi4 #af4    #cch           
,diefenbach1 p4 #bda4    #cci ,cautio   
,criminalis1 ,dubium xlviii4    #cdj ,u4
 ,molitor1 ,tractatus de lamiis1 #aefa1 
p4 #bg4    #cda ,hutchinson1 ,historical
 ,essay concerning ,witchcraft1 ,london1
  #agah1 pp4 #dj1 #aah1 #abj4    #cdb   
,op4 cit41 ,preludium1 i4    #cdc       
,preludium1 vi4    #cdd ,j4 ,m4         
,robertson1 ,letters on ,reasoning1     
,london1 #aije1 cap4 vi4    #cde ,see   

7a7 ,h4 ,haeser1 ,geschichte der        
,medizin1 ,jena1 #ahge-hb1  vol4 i1 p4  
#eif2 7b7 ,a4 ,hirsch1 ,biographisches  
,lexicon der  hervorragenden ,aerzte1   
,leipzig1 #ahhd1 art4 #8,maimonides'1   
vol4 i1  p4 #agh f42 7c7 ,k4            
,brockelmann1 ,geschichte der arabischen
 ,litteratur1  ,weimar1 #ahig-aijb1 vol4
 i1 p4 #dij4    #cdf  ,no4 #abaa in     
,zotenberg's ,catalogue1 ,paris1 #ahff4 
#cdg ,vol4 i1 p4 #dj1 ,cod4 #daa4       
#cdh  4 ,translated into ,latin by      
,armengaud de ,blaise of  ,montpellier2 
into ,french by ,j4 ,m4 ,rabbinowicz1   
,trait des ,poisons de  ,maimonide1     
,paris1 #ahfe1 and into ,german by ,m4  
,steinschneider1 ,gifte  und ihre       
,heilung1 eine ,abhandlung des ,moses   
,maimonides4 ,virchow's  ,archiv1       
,,lvii1 vol4 i1 pp4 #ib-aji4    #cdi  4 
,unprinted4 ,we hope shortly to issue   
this work4    #cej    otherwise  4      
#8,letter to the ,sultan  al ,afal4'    
,printed in ,latin at ,florence1 n4d42  
,venice1 #aead1 #aeba1 c42  ,leyden1    

#aece2 in the ,hebrew translation of    
,moses ibn ,tibbon edited by  ,jacob    
,saphir ben ,levi1 ,jerusalem1 #ahhe2   
and in ,german by ,winternitz1          
,ditetisches ,sendschreiben des         
,maimonides1 c41 ,vienna1 #ahdc4    #cea
 ,printed in the ,latin edition ,venice1
 #aead of the de ,regimine  ,sanitatis  
as ,tractatus ,v of that work4    #ceb  
,see ,l4 ,leclerc1 ,histoire de la      
mdecine arabe1 ,paris1 #ahgf1  vol4 ii1 
p4 #fj1 and ,m4 ,steinschneider1 ,die   
hebrischen ,uebersetzungen  des         
,mittelalters und die ,juden als        
,dolmetscher1 ,berlin1 #ahic1 pp4 #gfg1 
#ggb1 #ggc4    #cec  4    #ced    and   
also     on the diagnosis of  accidents4
    #cee ,see note #d4    #cef ,op4     
cit41 vol4 ii1 p4 #fa4    #ceg ,see     
,steinschneider1 ,hebrische             
,uebersetzungen1 p4 #ggj1 and  his      
,catologus ,librorum ,hebraeorum in     
,bibl4 ,bodl41 ,berlin 7#aheb-fj71  p4  
#aiba4 ,in the ,zeitschrift der         
,morgenlndischen ,gesellsch41 vol4  xxx1

 p4 #ade1 he makes the bare statement   
that the ,tractatus de ,causis  et      
,indiciis ,morborum--the ,hauptwerk of  
,maimonides1 as it is called  by        
,haeser--rests upon an error4 ,in his   
catalogue of ,bodleian books  7p4 #aibf7
 he puts the book down as a bookseller's
 fraud after what is  obviously only a  
cursory glance4 ,he says #8fraude       
bibliopolae ex variis  opp4 imperfectis 
confictus est1 in quibus an ,nostri sit 
aliquid non  facile eruendum est'4      
#ceh ,h4 ,f4 ,wstenfeld1 ,geschichte d4 
arabischen ,aerzte1 ,gttingen1  #ahdj1  
#aih1 ,no4 #g4    #cei ,bibliothecae    
,bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum      
,orientalium 444  catalogus a ,joanne   
,uri confectus1 ,oxford1 #aghg1 vol4 i1 
p4 #adj1 ,no4  #eid4    #cfj ,also known
 as  7of ,akhlat7 or  7of ,tibriz7 and  
as    7,ibn ,hubal74    #cfa ,ibn ,abi  
,uaibia wrote an invaluable dictionary  
of the lives of  the most noted         
physicians1 entitled        7 ,the book 
of the sources of information concerning

 the various  classes of physicians74   
,it is especially full on the lives of  
,arab  physicians4 ,see the edition of  
,a4 ,mller1 ,knigsberg1 #ahhd1 vol4 i1  
pp4 #cjd-f4    #cfb ,c4 ,rieu1          
,supplement to the ,arabic ,,mss4 in the
 ,brit4 ,mus41  ,london1 #ahid1 ,no4    
#gif1 ,,ii4    #cfc ,vol4 iii1 p4 #bdb  
of the ,catalogue of ,arabic ,,mss4     
compiled by ,p4  de ,jong and ,m4 ,j4 de
 ,goeje1 ,leyden1 #ahfe-f4    #cfd      
,abu'l ,faraj ,gregory1 ,bar ,hebraeus  
7,wstenfeld1 op4 cit41 ,no4 #bdj74      
#cfe ,in his work entitled    1         
#8,compendious ,history  of the         
,dynasties' 7edited and translated by   
,e4 ,pocock1 ,oxford1 #affc71  p4 #deg  
f4 of the ,arabic and p4 #cjj of the    
,latin4 ,beyrout edition1 #ahij1  p4    
#dbj4    #cff ,two ,,mss4 of the work   
are mentioned in the ,catalogue of the  
,khedive's library1   1 vol4 vi1 p4 #ch4
 ,for  further references concerning    
,muhaib ed ,din and his works1 see  7a7 
,wstenfeld1 op4 cit41  #bjb2 7b7        

,brockelmann1 op4 cit1 vol4  i1 p4 #dij2
 7c7 ,p4 de ,koning1 ,trait sur le      
calcul1 ,leyden1  pp4 #ahf-bbh4 ,the    
more important ,arab authors other than 
,ibn ,abi  #8,uaibia are3 7d7 ,bar      
,hebraeus1 ,pocock's edition1 p4 #deg of
 the  ,arabic part and p4 #cjj of the   
,latin part1 ,beyrout edition1 p4 #dbj2 
7e7 ,haji ,khalfa1 ,g4 ,fluegel's       
edition1 ,leipzig and ,london1 #ahce-eh1
  vol4 v1 p4 #dcf1 ,no4 #aaehd4    #cfg 
,see ,j4 ,pagel1 #8,maimuni als         
medizinischer ,schriftsteller'1 in the  
volume of studies on #8,moses ben       
,maimon' edited by ,w4 ,bacher and      
others1  ,leipzig1 #aijh1 vol4 i1 p4    
#bcb4    #cfh ,op4 cit41 vol4 ii1 p4    
#aag4    #cfi      in ,,ms4 at ,british 
,museum  7see ,catalogue of ,oriental   
,,mss4 at the ,british ,museum1 ,london1
 #ahdf1  part ,,ii1 ,no4 #aejc1 p4      
#fhd71 ,leyden1 ,berlin1 ,escurial1 and 
elsewhere4  ,see ,brockelmann1 op4 cit41
 vol4 i1 p4 #cbe4    #cgj ,see ,leclerc1
 op4 cit41 vol4 i1 p4 #e4    #cga ,see  

,w4 ,d4 ,macray1 ,annals of the         
,bodleian1 ,oxford1 #ahij4 p4 #bgj4     
#cgb ,see ,macray's ,annals of the      
,bodleian1 p4 #bga1 and the ,dict4 of   
,national ,biography4    #cgc           
,bibliothecae ,bodleianae codicum       
manuscriptorum 444 catalogus1  vol4 ii1 
ed4 ,a4 ,nicoll and ,e4 ,b4 ,pusey1     
,oxford1 #ahce1 p4 iv4    #cgd          
#8,praeter errores enim quos ipse       
admiserit ,urius1 deprehendi  omnibus   
fere horum librorum emptoribus1 uno     
,pocockio excepto1 libros  supposititios
 pro veris subinde venditasse vafros    
,orientales4 ,codices  ergo fere        
universos ,arabicos1 quos recensuit     
,urius 7vulgatioribus  quibusdam        
exceptis7 oculis perlustravi1 quo       
certius scirem titulisne  responderent  
an non4 ,quo facto varias errorum formas
 deprehendi1  titulis nunc charta       
coopertis1 nunc atramento oblitis1 nunc 
cultro  paene abrasis2 auctorum porro   
nominibus paullulum immutatis quo       
notiora  quaedam referrent1 numeris     

etiam quibus singula volumina signata   
sunt  permutatis1 quo quis opus         
imperfectum pro integro habeat1 paginis 
denique pauculis operi alieno a fronte  
assutis4'    #cge ,steinschneider 7,cat4
 ,libr4 ,hebr4 in ,bibl4 ,bodl41 p4     
#aibf7  says this title is invented and 
no doubt suggested by the name of ,al   
,tamimi al ,muqaddasi 7the              
,jerusalemite71 a doctor of the tenth   
century  7,wstenfeld1  #aab7 often      
praised by ,maimonides in the           
,aphorisms1 e4g4  at the end of chap4   
#bj4 ,pusey's only note on ,uri's entry 
in the ,,ms4  is concerned with this    
title 7vol4 ii1 p4 #ehh73 #8,translator 
in ,cod4  appellatur ,alsheikh ,soleiman
 ,alhabashi1 notus in terra             
,hierosolymitana  nomine ,ibn ,hubaish4 
,opus autem ,a4,d4 #acfc ex ,hebraico   
transtulit4'    #cgf ,from the text of  
the ,aphorisms as given in the ,bodleian
 ,,ms4  ,pocock #cai4    #cgg ,omitted  
from the ,,ms4 obviously by accident4   
#cgh ,no doubt for 4    #cgi ,see p4    

#bbg4    #chj  ,a4,d4 #acfc4 ,the       
numerals which accompany the written    
figures are  equivalent to #f1ebg and   
are meaningless4    #cha ,published by  
,macmillans1 #aiab4    #chb ,cf4 ,mr4   
,h4 ,w4 ,b4 ,joseph's ,logic#b1 p4 #edh4
    #chc ,cf4  #aj1 #bh4    #chd ,post4 
,anal4 i4 #b4 #ga b #bj4    #che i4e4   
truth-claim4    #chf ,cf4 ,formal       
,logic1 p4 #agc4    #chg ,mr4 ,alfred   
,sidgwick has been pointing out for the 
past twenty  years how fatal this       
difficulty is to the traditional notion 
of formal  validity2 nor has any        
logician confuted his argument1 or even 
shown  that he apprehended its meaning  
and scope4 ,it would seem1 therefore1   
that the condition of formal logic is so
 precarious that its only  chance of    
survival lies in hushing up all the     
vital objections to its  stereotyped    
doctrines4 ,but is not the policy of    
ignoring unanswerable  objections the   
sure mark of a pseudo-science8    #chh  
,the latest ,i have noticed occurs in   

,abercrombie's ,inquiries  concerning   
the ,intellectual ,powers 7#ahcj72 it   
reads very strangely now4    #chi       
,controversially the criticism of       
#8self-evidence' has been met in  the   
same way as that of the #8validity' of  
the syllogism1 i4e4 by total  silence4  
#cij ,anal4 ,post4 i4 #cd4    #cia ,it  
may be suggested that there is a similar
 confusion on this  question3 when      
history is called a science1 it is often
 forgotten that  its data are           
essentially such that they can only     
occur once1 while the  material of the  
other sciences is such that cases of    
#8the same' may  always be found in it4 
,but neither need it be denied on this  
account  that history can1 and should1  
be written in a scientific spirit4      
#cib ,science et ,mthode1 ch4 iii1      
,l',invention mathmatique4    #cic      
,republic1 #eaa c4    #cid ,anal4 ,post4
 i4 #a4    #cie ,diogenes ,laertius1 ix4
 #ea4    #cif ,cf4  #c4    #cig ,or more
 difficult1 if the indetermination is   

conceived as limited4    #cih ,this we  
saw 7 #d7 is really a mistake3          
mathematical proofs are  really         
hypothetical1 and deduced from the      
initial postulates and  definitions4    
,they hold of the ideal objects of      
mathematics1 but that  they can be      
advantageously applied to reality is    
merely an empirical  fact1 and it is not
 inconceivable that the world should    
grow more  recalcitrant to mathematical 
treatment1 though actually it has grown 
less so4    #cii ,in ,republic vi his   
whole argument for the existence of     
metaphysical truth1 culminating in a    
supreme #8,idea of the ,good'1  depends 
on the assumption that the #8hypotheses'
 of the sciences1  being insecure       
originally1 remain so until they are    
deduced from a  7self-proving7          
#8unhypothetical principle'4 ,this      
assumes1 of course1  that they cannot be
 confirmed empirically by the results of
 their  working1 and exhibits the lacuna
 of logic in a typical way4    #djj     

,formal ,logic1 ch4 xxi1  #g4    #dja   
e4g4 the #8accidental' distribution of  
variations in biology1 for  which see   
,humanism1 pp4 #adf-ej1 and the         
postulates of causality and  determinism
 in science generally 7,formal ,logic1  
ch4 xx1  #f1 and  ,studies in ,humanism1
 ch4 xviii1  #d74    #djb ,cf4  #h and  
,formal ,logic1 ch4 x4    #djc ,the     
#8novelty' which is claimed for the     
conclusion of a syllogism  is only one  
case of this3 in the traditional        
interpretation it is  hopelessly at     
variance with the demand that it shall  
also follow from  its premisses of      
necessity4 ,cf4 ,formal ,logic1 ch4 xvi1
  #h-aj4    #djd ,usually1 but wrongly1 
called #8dispassionate' or              
#8disinterested'4  ,what is wanted is1  
not that the inquiring mind should take 
no interest  in the conclusions it      
considers1 but that1 though it cares    
keenly  and even passionately for one of
 them1 it should yet be capable of      
sufficient self-control to consider     

fairly the case against the  conclusion 
it favours4 ,this mental attitude is    
probably best secured  by caring more   
for truth than for a party victory1 and 
is denominated  a #8disinterested love  
of truth for its own sake'4 ,but even so
 we love  what we deem the truth1       
because it is the best thing to believe1
  and better 7on the whole and in the   
end7 than anything else that is         
propounded4