,note3 ,images of the original pages are available through ,internet ,archive4 ,see https3_/_/archive4org_/details_/lockeloc ke#jj;fowlrich ,transcriber's note3 ,text enclosed by underscores is in italics 7italics74 ,text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face 7bold74 ,transcriber-provided ,greek transliterations are enclosed by square brackets 7example3 ,greek3 elaiophoria74 ,english ,men of ,letters ,edited by ,john ,morley ,,locke by ,,thomas ,,fowler ,professor of ,logic in the ,university of ,oxford ,illustration ,new ,york ,harper ,brothers1 ,publishers ,franklin ,square 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,,english ,,men ,,of ,,letters4 ,,edited ,,by ,,john ,,morley4 ,,johnson ,leslie ,stephen4 ,,gibbon ,j4 ,c4 ,morison4 ,,scott ,r4 ,h4 ,hutton4 ,,shelley ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds4 ,,hume ,t4 ,h4 ,huxley4 ,,goldsmith ,william ,black4 ,,defoe ,william ,minto4 ,,burns ,j4 ,c4 ,shairp4 ,,spenser ,r4 ,w4 ,church4 ,,thackeray ,anthony ,trollope4 ,,burke ,john ,morley4 ,,milton ,mark ,pattison4 ,,hawthorne ,henry ,james1 ,jr4 ,,southey ,e4 ,dowden4 ,,chaucer ,a4 ,w4 ,ward4 ,,bunyan ,j4 ,a4 ,froude4 ,,cowper ,goldwin ,smith4 ,,pope ,leslie ,stephen4 ,,byron ,john ,nichol4 ,,locke ,thomas ,fowler4 ,,wordsworth ,f4 ,myers4 ,,dryden ,g4 ,saintsbury4 ,,landor ,sidney ,colvin4 ,,de ,,quincey ,david ,masson4 ,,lamb ,alfred ,ainger4 ,,bentley ,r4 ,c4 ,jebb4 ,,dickens ,a4 ,w4 ,ward4 ,,gray ,e4 ,w4 ,gosse4 ,,swift ,leslie ,stephen4 ,,sterne ,h4 ,d4 ,traill4 ,,macaulay ,j4 ,cotter ,morison4 ,,fielding ,austin ,dobson4 ,,sheridan ,mrs4 ,oliphant4 ,,addison ,w4 ,j4 ,courthope4 ,,bacon ,r4 ,w4 ,church4 ,,coleridge ,h4 ,d4 ,traill4 ,,sir ,,philip ,,sidney ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds4 #abmo1 ,cloth1 #ge cents per volume4 ,,published ,,by ,,harper ,,brothers1 ,,new ,,york4 ,any of the above works will be sent by mail1 postage prepaid1 to any part of the ,united ,states1 on receipt of the price4 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,,note4 ,in writing the chapters on ,locke's ,life1 ,i have derived much information from the biographies of ,lord ,king and ,mr4 ,fox ,bourne1 especially from the latter1 which contains a large amount of most interesting documents never before printed4 ,in a work like the present1 where numerous foot-notes would be out of place1 ,i am obliged to content myself with this general acknowledgment4 ,i may add that ,i have also referred to several other authorities1 both printed and in manuscript2 and1 in some cases1 ,i believe that my account will be found more precise than that given in the larger biographies4 ,,contents4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,page ,,locke',s ,,boyhood4--,,his ,,early ,,life ,,in ,,oxford #a ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,medical ,,studies4--,,public ,,employments4--,,connexion ,,with ,,shaftesbury #ab ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,residence ,,in ,,france4--,,further ,,relations ,,with ,,shaftesbury4--,,expulsion ,,from ,,christ ,,church4 #bh ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,residence ,,in ,,holland4--,,the ,,revolution4--,,return ,,to ,,england4--,,publication ,,of ,,the ,,essay ,,and ,,other ,,works #dd ,,chapter ,v4 ,,life ,,at ,,oates4--,,friendships4--,,further ,,publications #fb ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,political ,,affairs4--,,public ,,occupations4--,,relations ,,with ,,the ,,king #hb ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,controversy ,,with ,,stillingfleet4--,,other ,,literary ,,occupations4--,,domestic ,,life4--,,peter ,,king4--,,latter ,,years4--,,death #ajb ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,essay ,,on ,,human ,,understanding #abg ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,locke',s ,,opinions ,,on ,,religion ,,and ,,morals1 ,,and ,,his ,,theological ,,writings #aeb ,,chapter ,x4 ,,the ,,thoughts ,,on ,,education ,,and ,,the ,,conduct ,,of ,,the ,,understanding #afh ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,works ,,on ,,government1 ,,trade1 ,,and ,,finance #agi ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,locke',s ,,influence ,,on ,,thought #aid ,,locke4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,locke',s ,,boyhood4--,,his ,,early ,,life ,,in ,,oxford4 ,john ,locke1 perhaps the greatest1 but certainly the most characteristic1 of ,english philosophers1 was born at ,wrington1 a pleasant village in the north of ,somersetshire1 ,august #bi1 #afcb4 ,his family1 however1 resided in the village of ,pensford1 and the parish of ,publow1 within a few miles of ,bristol4 ,it was there1 probably1 that ,locke spent the greater part of his early life4 ,his mother appears to have died while he was young4 ,from his father1 ,john ,locke 7b4 #afjf71 who seems to have inherited a fair estate1 and who practised1 with some success1 as a country attorney1 he probably derived1 if not his earliest instruction1 at least some of his earliest influences and some of his most sterling characteristics4 ,from ,mr4 ,locke ,i have often heard of his father1 says ,lady ,masham in a ,,ms4 letter quoted by ,mr4 ,fox-,bourne in his ,life of ,locke1 that he was a man of parts4 ,mr4 ,locke never mentioned him but with great respect and affection4 ,his father used a conduct towards him when young that he often spoke of afterwards with great approbation4 ,it was the being severe to him by keeping him in much awe and at a distance when he was a boy1 but relaxing1 still by degrees1 of that severity as he grew up to be a man1 till1 he being become capable of it1 he lived perfectly with him as a friend4 ,and ,i remember he has told me that his father1 after he was a man1 solemnly asked his pardon for having struck him once in a passion when he was a boy4 ,locke's boyhood coincided pretty nearly with the troubles of the ,civil ,wars4 ,i no sooner perceived myself in the world1 he wrote in #affj1 but ,i found myself in a storm which has lasted almost hitherto4 ,his father1 when ,locke was hardly ten years old1 publicly announced1 in the parish church of ,publow1 his assent to the protest of the ,long ,parliament1 and1 a few weeks afterwards1 took the field1 on the ,parliamentary side1 as captain of a troop of horse in a regiment of volunteers4 ,though the fortunes of the family undoubtedly suffered from this step on the part of the young attorney1 the political and religious interests which it created and kept alive in his household must have contributed1 in no small degree1 to shape the character and determine the sympathies of his elder son4 ,locke1 then1 may be regarded as having been fortunate in his early surroundings4 ,born in one of the more charming of the rural districts of ,england1 not far1 however1 from a city which was then one of the most important centres of commerce and politics2 sprung from respectable and well-to-do parents1 of whom the father1 at least1 possessed more than ordinary intelligence2 accustomed1 from his earliest boyhood1 to watch the progress of great events1 and to listen to the discussion of great and stirring questions2 there seems to have been nothing in his early life to retard or mar the development of his genius1 and much that we may not unreasonably connect with the marked peculiarities1 both moral and intellectual1 of his subsequent career4 ,it was probably in the year #afdf that1 through the interest of ,colonel ,popham1 a friend and client of his father1 ,locke was admitted at ,westminster ,school1 where1 probably in the following year1 he was elected on the foundation4 ,here he must have remained about six years1 till his election to a ,westminster ,studentship at ,christ ,church1 ,oxford1 in #afeb4 ,of the manner in which ,locke spent these years we have no definite information4 ,the stern disciplinarian1 ,dr4 ,busby1 had been head master for about eight years when he entered the school1 and among his schoolfellows1 senior to him by about a year1 were ,dryden and ,south4 ,the friends whom he made at ,westminster1 though highly respectable in after-life1 did not achieve any great reputation4 ,of the studies which then constituted the ordinary school curriculum1 his matured opinions are to be found in the ,thoughts concerning ,education1 which will be described in a subsequent chapter4 ,to judge from this book1 the impressions left on ,locke's mind by our ,english public school education were not of a pleasant or favourable kind4 ,locke appears to have commenced his residence at ,christ ,church in the ,michaelmas ,term of #afeb1 soon after he had turned twenty years of age4 ,his matriculation before the ,vice-,chancellor bears date ,nov4 #bg4 ,since the outbreak of the ,civil ,wars1 both the ,university and the ,college had undergone many vicissitudes4 ,at the moment when ,locke entered1 ,cromwell was ,chancellor2 and ,dr4 ,john ,owen1 who was destined to be for some time the leading resident1 had been recently appointed ,dean of ,christ ,church and ,vice-,chancellor of the ,university4 ,owen was an ,independent1 and1 for a divine of that age1 a man of remarkably tolerant and liberal views4 ,though1 then as now1 a dignitary in ,owen's position probably had and could have but little intercourse with the junior members of his society1 it is not improbable that ,locke may have derived his first bias towards those opinions on the question of religious toleration1 for which he afterwards became so famous1 from the publications and the practice of the ,puritan ,dean of ,christ ,church4 ,locke's tutor was a ,mr4 ,cole1 afterwards ,principal of ,st4 ,mary ,hall1 but of his relations with his pupil we hear nothing of any importance4 ,wood calls him a fanatical tutor2 by which1 of course1 he does not mean more than that he was a ,puritan4 ,during the ,civil ,wars the discipline and reputation of the ,universities1 however we may apportion the blame1 seem to have suffered most severely4 ,in these troublous times1 indeed1 it could hardly be otherwise4 ,there is considerable evidence to show that1 in the ,little or ,barebones ,parliament of #afec1 there was a serious attempt to suppress the ,colleges and ,universities altogether1 and to apply the proceeds of their estates1 as ,clarendon tells us1 for the public service1 and to ease the people from the payment of taxes and contributions4 ,if such an attempt ever had any chance of success--and from an oration of ,dr4 ,owen we may infer that it had--it must have spread consternation amongst ,university circles1 and been a frequent subject of conversation during the early period of ,locke's residence in ,oxford4 ,but the ,puritan party1 which was now in the ascendant1 was determined that1 at any rate1 no handle should be given to the enemy by any lack of discipline or by the infrequency of religious exercises4 ,frequent preaching in every house1 ,anthony ,wood tells us1 was the chief matter aimed at by the ,visitors appointed by ,cromwell in #afeb4 ,thus1 on ,june #bg1 #afec1 they ordered that all ,bachelors of ,arts and ,undergraduates in ,colleges and ,halls be required1 every ,lord's day1 to give an account to some person of known ability and piety of the sermons they had heard and their attendance on other religious exercises that day4 ,the ,heads also or ,deputies of the said ,societies1 with all above the ,degree of ,bachelor1 were then ordered to be personally present at the performance of the said exercise1 and to take care that it be attended with prayer and such other duties of religion as are proper to such a meeting4 ,in addition to the ,sunday observances1 there were also1 in most ,colleges1 if not in all1 one or two sermons or religious meetings in the course of the week4 ,locke1 if we may judge from his character in later years1 must have occasionally found these tedious1 and doubtless lengthy1 exercises somewhat irksome and unprofitable4 ,but we do not meet in his writings with any definite complaints of them1 as we do of the scholastic disputations and some other parts of the academical course as pursued at that time4 ,of the disputations1 which then constituted a very important element in the ,university curriculum1 he expresses an unfavourable1 perhaps too unfavourable an opinion4 ,writing in #afij1 in the ,thoughts concerning ,education1 he says3 ,if the use and end of right reasoning be to have right notions and a right judgment of things1 to distinguish between truth and falsehood1 right and wrong1 and to act accordingly1 be sure not to let your son be bred up in the art and formality of disputing--either practising it himself or admiring it in others--unless1 instead of an able man1 you desire to have him an insignificant wrangler1 opiniator in discourse1 and priding himself in contradicting others2 or1 which is worse1 questioning everything1 and thinking there is no such thing as truth to be sought1 but only victory1 in disputing4 ,there cannot be anything so disingenuous1 so unbecoming a gentleman1 or any one who pretends to be a rational creature1 as not to yield to plain reason and the conviction of clear arguments4 ,is there anything more inconsistent with civil conversation1 and the end of all debate1 than not to take an answer1 though ever so full and satisfactory8444 ,for this1 in short1 is the way and perfection of logical disputes1 that the opponent never takes any answer1 nor the respondent ever yields to any argument4 ,with the logic and rhetoric1 the ,latin speaking and ,latin writing1 then in vogue1 ,locke is almost equally discontented4 ,in fact1 he looked back1 in after-life1 with little gratitude on the somewhat dry course of studies which the ,university then prescribed to its younger scholars4 ,i have often heard him say1 in reference to his first years spent in the ,university1 says ,lady ,masham1 that he had so small satisfaction there from his studies1 as finding very little light brought thereby to his understanding1 that he became discontented with his manner of life1 and wished his father had rather designed him for anything else than what he was destined to1 apprehending that his no greater progress in knowledge proceeded from his not being fitted or capacitated to be a scholar4 ,we must1 however1 by no means infer that ,locke had not derived considerable benefit from the discipline which he disparages4 ,at any rate1 the scholastic teaching of ,oxford had a large share in forming1 by reaction1 many of his most characteristic opinions1 while the ,essay1 in almost every page1 bears distinctive marks of his early studies4 ,notwithstanding his depreciation1 amounting often to ridicule1 of the subjects he had learnt in his youth1 we can hardly doubt that1 if ,locke had been brought up in an ,university where logic and philosophy did not form part of the course1 his greatest work would never have been written4 ,mr4 ,fox-,bourne attempts to supply a detailed account of the lectures which ,locke attended1 and the course of studies which he pursued1 during his undergraduate and bachelor days4 ,this account1 however1 betrays an innocent belief in the rigid enforcement and observance of ,university and ,college statutes which1 ,i am sorry to say1 ,i cannot share4 ,minute regulations regarding courses of study and attendance at lectures are apt very soon to fall into desuetude1 and it is impossible now to reconstruct with any accuracy1 from the perusal of merely formal documents1 a plan of the student life of the ,commonwealth4 ,it is to be much regretted that ,locke and his contemporaries have not left us more specific information on the subject4 ,all we can now say is that1 if the authorities duly enforced their statutes and regulations1 especially those relating to professorial lectures1 many of which were appointed to be given at eight o'clock in the morning1 the students of those days had by no means an easier time of it than their successors1 even in these days of competition and examinations4 ,the stated regulations and prescribed statutes of a seat of learning have1 however1 often far less to do with the formation of a student's mind than the society of the young men of his own age with whom his residence throws him into contact4 ,young men often educate one another far more effectually than they can be educated by their tutors or their books4 ,the mutual confidences1 the lively interchange of repartee1 the free discussion of all manner of subjects in college rooms or during the afternoon walk1 are often far more stimulating and informing to the intellect than the professorial lecture1 however learned1 or the tutorial catechising1 however searching4 ,of this less formal and more agreeable species of education ,locke appears to have enjoyed his full share4 ,he was not1 according to the account which he gave of himself to ,lady ,masham1 any very hard student1 but sought the company of pleasant and witty men1 with whom he likewise took great delight in corresponding by letters2 and in conversation and these correspondences he spent for some years much of his time4 ,it should be noticed that in the year #afed ,owen published a volume of congratulatory verses addressed to ,cromwell on the treaty recently concluded with the ,dutch1 entitled ,musarum ,oxoniensium ,greek3 elaiophoria4 ,among the many contributors to this volume1 young and old1 was ,locke1 who wrote a short copy of ,latin1 and a longer copy of ,english verses4 ,these compositions do not rise much above1 or sink much below1 the ordinary level of such exercises2 but what is curious is that ,locke's first published efforts in literature should have been in verse1 especially when we bear in mind his strong and somewhat perverse judgment on verse-writing in #agd of the ,thoughts concerning ,education4 ,the fact of his having been invited to contribute to the volume shows that he was regarded as one of the more promising young students of his time4 ,to the period of ,locke's life covered by this chapter probably belong some interesting notes on philosophy and its divisions1 found in his father's memorandum-book4 ,these reflections afford evidence that he had already begun to think for himself1 independently of the scholastic traditions4 ,i append one or two characteristic extracts3 ,dialectic1 that is ,logic1 is to make reasons to grow1 and improve both ,physic and also ,ethic1 which is ,moral ,philosophy4 ,moral ,philosophy is the knowledge of precepts of all honest manners which reason acknowledgeth to belong and appertain to man's nature1 as the things in which we differ from beasts4 ,it is also necessary for the comely government of man's life4 ,necessity was the first finder-out of ,moral ,philosophy1 and experience 7which is a trusty teacher7 was the first master thereof4 ,locke took his ,b4,a4 degree on the #adth of ,february1 #afee-ef1 and his ,m4,a4 degree on the #bith of ,june1 #afeh1 the latter on the same day with ,nathaniel ,crewe1 afterwards ,lord ,crewe1 ,bishop of ,durham1 and ,joseph ,glanvill1 the celebrated writer on witchcraft1 and author of ,scepsis ,scientifica4 ,the statutable time of taking both degrees was anticipated1 but irregularities of this kind were not then infrequent4 ,on the #bdth of ,december1 #affj1 he was appointed ,greek ,lecturer at ,christ ,church for the ensuing year1 thus taking his place among the authorized teachers of his college1 and so entering on a new phase of university life4 ,very shortly after this date1 namely1 on ,february #ac1 #affj-fa1 the elder ,locke died1 t4 fifty-four4 ,locke's only brother1 ,thomas1 who was some years younger than himself1 died of consumption shortly after his father4 ,by the time1 therefore1 that ,locke had fairly entered on his duties as an officer of his college1 he was left alone of all his family4 99 99 99 99 99 ,though it was not till a much later period of his life that ,locke published any works1 his pen was at this time by no means idle4 ,in #affa he began a series of commonplace books1 often containing long articles on the subjects which were occupying his thoughts at the time4 ,it is1 moreover1 to the period immediately preceding or immediately following the ,restoration1 that ,mr4 ,fox-,bourne attributes an unpublished and till recently unknown ,essay1 entitled ,reflections upon the ,roman ,commonwealth4 ,many of the remarks in this ,essay already show what we should call liberal opinions in religion and politics1 and anticipate views long afterwards propounded in the works on government and toleration4 ,the religion instituted by ,numa is idealized1 as having insisted on only two articles of faith1 the goodness of the gods1 and the necessity of worshipping them1 in which worship the chief of all was to be innocent1 good1 and just4 ,thus it avoided creating heresies and schisms1 and narrowing the bottom of religion by clogging it with creeds and catechisms and endless niceties about the essences1 properties1 and attributes of ,god4 ,of more interest1 perhaps1 is another unpublished treatise1 written just after the ,restoration1 in which ,locke asks1 and answers in the affirmative1 the following question3 ,whether the civil magistrate may lawfully impose and determine the use of indifferent things in reference to religious worship4 ,this tract seems to have been intended as a remonstrance with those of the author's own party who questioned any right in the civil magistrate to interfere in religious matters1 and who1 therefore1 were ready to reject with disdain the assurances of compromise and moderation contained in the king's declaration on ecclesiastical affairs1 issued at the beginning of his reign4 ,locke at that time1 like many other moderate men1 seems to have entertained the most sanguine hopes of pacification and good government under the rule of the new monarch4 ,as for myself1 he writes1 there is no one can have a greater respect and veneration for authority than ,i4 ,i no sooner perceived myself in the world1 but ,i found myself in a storm1 which has lasted almost hitherto1 and therefore cannot but entertain the approaches of a calm with the greatest joy and satisfaction4 ,i find that a general freedom is but a general bondage1 that the popular asserters of public liberty are the greatest ingrossers of it too1 and not unfitly called its keepers4 ,this reaction1 however1 against the past1 and these sanguine expectations of the future1 can have lasted but a short time4 ,the tendencies of the new government were soon apparent1 and the pamphlet was never published4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,medical ,,studies4--,,public ,,employments4--,,connexion ,,with ,,shaftesbury4 ,locke1 at the time of his father's death and his entrance on college office1 was in his twenty-ninth year4 ,at the election of college officers on ,christmas ,eve1 #affb1 he was transferred from the ,greek ,lectureship to the ,lectureship in ,rhetoric1 and1 on the #bcrd of ,december in the following year1 he was again transferred to another office4 ,this office was the ,censorship of ,moral ,philosophy 7the ,senior ,censorship72 the ,censorship of ,natural ,philosophy 7the ,junior ,censorship7 he appears never to have held4 ,on the #bcrd of ,december1 #affe1 he is no longer in office1 being now merely one of the twenty senior ,m4,a4 students1 called ,theologi1 who were bound to be in priests' orders4 ,of the manner in which ,locke discharged his duties as a lecturer we have no record4 ,he seems also to have served in the capacity of tutor to several undergraduates at this period1 but of his relations to his pupils we1 unfortunately1 know next to nothing4 ,how is it that ,locke1 holding a clerical studentship1 was not a clergyman8 ,the disturbed condition of the ,church and the ,universities during the last quarter of a century had probably led to great laxity in the enforcement of college statutes and by-laws4 ,moreover1 for a time1 it would seem1 he seriously contemplated taking the step of entering holy orders1 and the authorities of his college would probably be unwilling to force upon him a hasty decision4 ,at length1 however1 he finally abandoned this idea1 deciding in favour of the profession of physic4 ,in the ordinary course he would have forfeited his studentship1 but he was fortunate to obtain a royal dispensation 7by no means an uncommon mode of intervention at that time71 retaining him in his place1 that he may still have further time to prosecute his studies4 ,this dispensation is dated ,nov4 #ad1 #afff4 ,meanwhile1 ,locke had paid his first visit to the ,continent4 ,the occasion of it was an embassy to the ,elector of ,brandenburg1 whose alliance or neutrality it was sought to obtain in the then pending war with ,holland4 ,sir ,walter ,vane was head of the embassy1 and ,locke1 who probably owed his nomination to the interest of his old schoolfellow1 ,william ,godolphin1 was appointed secretary4 ,they left ,england in the middle of ,november1 #affe1 and arrived at ,cleve1 the capital of ,brandenburg1 on the #cjth of the same month 7,dec4 #i1 ,n4,s474 ,here they remained for two months1 the mission coming to nothing1 in consequence of the ,english ,government being unable or unwilling to advance the money which the ,elector required as the price of his adhesion4 ,the state-papers addressed by the ,ambassador to the ,government at home are mainly in ,locke's handwriting2 but far more interesting than these are the private letters addressed by ,locke to his friends1 ,mr4 ,strachey1 of ,sutton ,court1 near ,bristol1 and the celebrated ,robert ,boyle4 ,these are full of graphic touches descriptive of the manners and peculiarities of the people among whom he found himself4 ,like a conscientious sight-seer1 he availed himself of the various opportunities of observing their eating and drinking1 attended their devotions--whether ,catholic1 ,calvinist1 or ,lutheran--submitted himself to be bored by poetasters and sucking theologians1 and consoled himself for the difficulty of finding a pair of gloves by noting the tardiness of ,german commerce4 ,though he had thought for a while to take leave of all ,university affairs1 he found himself ridden pitilessly by an academic goblin4 ,i no sooner was got here1 but ,i was welcomed with a divinity disputation4 ,i was no sooner rid of that1 but ,i found myself up to the ears in poetry1 and overwhelmed in ,helicon4 ,but my ,university goblin left me not so2 for the next day1 when ,i thought ,i had been rode out only to airing1 ,i was had to a foddering of chopped hay or logic1 forsooth6 ,poor materia prima was canvassed cruelly2 stripped of all the gay dress of her forms1 and shown naked to us1 though1 ,i must confess1 ,i had not eyes good enough to see her4 ,the young monks 7which one would not guess by their looks7 are subtle people1 and dispute as eagerly for materia prima as if they were to make their dinner on it1 and1 perhaps1 sometimes it is all their meal1 for which others' charity is more to be blamed than their stomachs4444 ,the truth is1 here hog-shearing is much in its glory1 and our disputing in ,oxford comes as far short of it as the rhetoric of ,carfax does that of ,billingsgate4 ,at a dinner1 described with a good deal of humour1 with the ,franciscan friars1 he was still pursued by his ,oxford recollections3 ,the prior was a good plump fellow1 that had more belly than brains2 and methought was very fit to be reverenced1 and not much unlike some head of a college4 ,one circumstance ,locke noticed much to the advantage of the foreigners1 namely1 their good-natured toleration for each other's opinions4 ,writing to ,boyle1 he says-- ,the distance in their churches gets not into their houses4 ,they quietly permit one another to choose their way to heaven2 for ,i cannot observe any quarrels or animosities amongst them upon the account of religion4 ,this good correspondence is owing partly to the power of the magistrate1 and partly to the prudence and good-nature of the people1 who1 as ,i find by inquiring1 entertain different opinions without any secret hatred or rancour4 ,and though1 like most ,englishmen1 of decided ,protestant convictions1 travelling on the ,continent for the first time1 ,locke indulged in a good deal of merriment at the ,catholic ceremonies1 he pays1 in one of his letters to ,strachey1 a cheerful tribute to the personal worth of the ,catholic priests4 ,he had not met1 he says1 with any people so good-natured or so civil1 and he had received many courtesies from them1 which he should always gratefully acknowledge4 99 99 99 99 99 ,locke returned to ,england towards the end of ,february1 #affe-ff1 and was at once offered the post of secretary to the ,earl of ,sandwich1 who was on the point of setting out as ambassador to ,spain4 ,he wavered for a short time1 but1 though doubtful whether he had not let slip the minute that they say every one has once in his life to make himself1 he finally declined the offer4 ,before settling down again in ,oxford1 he spent a few weeks in ,somersetshire1 paying probably1 amongst other visits1 one he had promised himself to ,strachey at ,sutton ,court1 a greater rarity than my travels have afforded me2 for one may go a long way before one meets a friend4 ,during his stay in ,somersetshire1 he attempted to try some experiments in the ,mendip lead-mines with a barometer which had been sent to him for the purpose by ,boyle4 ,but the miners and their wives made a successful resistance4 ,the sight of the engine and my desire of going down some of their gruffs gave them terrible apprehensions4 ,the women1 too1 were alarmed1 and think us still either projectors or conjurors4 ,at the beginning of ,may1 ,locke was again in his rooms in ,oxford4 ,he seems to have lost no time in setting to work afresh on the studies which might qualify him to exercise the profession of medicine4 ,in his letters to ,boyle1 he makes frequent reference to chemical experiments and to collecting plants for medical purposes4 ,it is an unexplained circumstance that1 notwithstanding a letter to the ,hebdomadal ,board from ,lord ,clarendon1 then ,chancellor of the ,university1 signifying his assent to a dispensation1 enabling ,locke to accumulate the degrees of ,bachelor and ,doctor in ,medicine1 he never took those degrees4 ,the obstacle may have arisen from himself1 or1 more probably1 it may have been due to some sinister influence on the ,hebdomadal ,board preventing the assent of that body to the required decree4 ,any way1 it is curious that eleven days after the date of ,lord ,clarendon's letter is dated the dispensation from the ,crown 7already referred to on page #ac71 enabling him to retain his studentship1 notwithstanding his neglect to enter holy orders4 99 99 99 99 99 ,during the summer of #afff1 we are introduced to one of the turning-points in ,locke's life--his first acquaintance with ,lord ,shaftesbury1 or1 as he then was1 ,lord ,ashley4 ,of the chequered career or the enigmatical character of this celebrated nobleman it is no part of my task to speak4 ,it is enough to say that1 as an advocate of religious toleration and an opponent alike of sacerdotal claims in the ,church and absolutist principles in the ,state1 he appealed to ,locke's warmest and deepest sympathies4 ,the acquaintance was made through ,david ,thomas1 an ,oxford physician1 and the occasion of it was ,lord ,ashley's coming to ,oxford to drink the ,astrop waters4 ,the duty of providing these waters 7,astrop being a village at some distance from ,oxford7 seems to have been entrusted by ,thomas to ,locke1 but1 there having been some miscarriage1 ,locke waited on ,lord ,ashley to excuse the delay4 ,my lord1 says ,lady ,masham1 in his wonted manner1 received him very civilly1 accepting his excuse with great easiness1 and1 when ,mr4 ,locke would have taken his leave of him1 would needs have him to stay supper with him1 being much pleased with his conversation4 ,but if my lord was pleased with the company of ,mr4 ,locke1 ,mr4 ,locke was yet more so with that of my ,lord ,ashley4 ,the result of this short and apparently accidental interview was the beginning of an intimate friendship1 which seems never afterwards to have been broken1 and which exercised a decisive influence on the rest of ,locke's career4 ,on ,september #b of this year broke out the ,great ,fire of ,london1 which raged without intermission for three days and nights4 ,under the date of ,september #c we find in ,locke's ,register1 which was afterwards published in ,boyle's ,general ,history of the ,air1 this curious entry3--,dim reddish sunshine4 ,this unusual colour of the air1 which1 without a cloud appearing1 made the sunbeams of a strange red dim light1 was very remarkable4 ,we had then heard nothing of the fire of ,london2 but it appeared afterwards to be the smoke of ,london1 then burning1 which1 driven this way by an easterly wind1 caused this odd phenomenon4 ,the ,register1 in which this entry is made begins on ,june #bd1 #afff1 and contains1 with many intermissions1 the observations made by ,locke1 in ,oxford and ,london1 up to ,june #cj1 #afhc1 on the readings of the thermoscope1 the baroscope1 and the hygroscope1 together with the direction of the wind and the state of the weather4 ,it not only affords valuable evidence of ,locke's whereabouts at different times1 but also shows the interest which he took in physical research4 ,in the early summer of #affg1 ,locke appears to have taken up his residence with ,lord ,ashley in ,london1 and from that time1 according to ,lady ,masham1 he was with my ,lord ,ashley as a man at home1 and lived in that family much esteemed1 not only by my lord1 but by all the friends of the family4 ,his residence in ,lord ,ashley's family was1 however1 probably broken by occasional visits to ,oxford4 ,to this period of ,locke's life may be assigned the unpublished ,essay concerning ,toleration1 which1 with so much other valuable matter1 is now for the first time accessible to the general reader in ,mr4 ,fox-,bourne's ,life4 ,this ,essay1 it is not improbable1 was written at the suggestion1 or for the guidance of ,lord ,ashley1 and so may have been widely circulated amongst the advocates of toleration and comprehension--words which were at that time in the mouth of every man who took any interest in religion or politics4 ,as ,i shall have to speak expressly of the published ,letters on ,toleration1 which were written about twenty years later1 and which contain substantially the same views as this earlier ,essay1 ,i shall not here detain the reader further than by giving him the general conclusions at which ,locke had now arrived4 ,these may be stated summarily under three heads3 first1 all speculative opinions and religious worship have a clear title to universal toleration1 and in these every man may use a perfect uncontrollable liberty1 without any guilt or sin at all1 provided always that it be all done sincerely and out of conscience to ,god1 according to the best of his knowledge and persuasion2 secondly1 there are some opinions and actions which are in their natural tendency absolutely destructive to human society--as1 that faith may be broken with heretics2 that one is bound to broach and propagate any opinion he believes himself2 and such like2 and1 in actions1 all manner of frauds and injustice--and these the magistrate ought not to tolerate at all2 thirdly1 another class of opinions and actions1 inasmuch as their influence to good or bad depends on the temper of the state and posture of affairs1 have a right to toleration so far only as they do not interfere with the advantages of the public1 or serve any way to disturb the government4 ,the practical result of the discussion is1 that while papists should not enjoy the benefit of toleration1 because where they have power they think themselves bound to deny it to others1 the fanatics1 as the various classes of ,protestant ,dissenters were then called1 should be at least tolerated1 if not comprehended in the national ,church4 ,indeed1 as to comprehension1 ,locke lays down the general principle that your articles in speculative opinions should be few and large1 and your ceremonies in worship few and easy--which is latitudinism4 ,this must have been one of the quietest and happiest periods of ,locke's life4 ,he seems to have been unobtrusively pursuing his studies1 and gradually making the acquaintance of the great world and of public affairs through the facilities which his residence with ,lord ,ashley afforded him4 ,both his own occupations and his relations to the ,ashley family appear to have been of a very miscellaneous kind4 ,medicine1 philosophy1 and politics engaged his attention by turns4 ,to ,lord ,ashley and his family he was at once general adviser1 doctor1 and friend4 ,in ,june1 #affh1 after consulting various other medical men1 he performed on ,lord ,ashley a difficult operation for the purpose of removing an imposthume in the breast1 and is said thus to have saved his life4 ,to the only child1 ,anthony ,ashley1 he acted as tutor4 ,but1 by the time the youth was seventeen1 ,locke was entrusted with a far more delicate business than his tuition4 ,this was no less than finding him a wife4 ,after other young ladies had been considered and rejected1 ,locke accompanied his charge on a visit to the ,earl of ,rutland1 at ,belvoir ,castle1 and negotiated a match with the ,earl's daughter1 the ,lady ,dorothy ,manners4 ,the match seems to have been a happy one2 and ,locke continued his services of general utility to the ,ashley family by acting on more than one occasion as ,lady ,dorothy's medical attendant4 ,on the #bfth of ,february1 #afgj-ga1 he assisted at the birth of a son and heir1 ,anthony1 who subsequently became third ,earl of ,shaftesbury1 and who1 as the author of the ,characteristics1 occupies a position of no inconsiderable importance in the history of ,english philosophy4 ,it is on the evidence of this ,earl of ,shaftesbury that we learn the share taken by ,locke in effecting the union of his father and mother4 ,my father was too young and inexperienced to choose a wife for himself1 and my grandfather too much in business to choose one for him4 ,the consequence was1 that all was thrown upon ,mr4 ,locke1 who being already so good a judge of men1 my grandfather doubted not of his equal judgment in women4 ,he departed from him1 entrusted and sworn1 as ,abraham's head servant 'that ruled over all that he had1' and went into a far country 'to seek for his son a wife1' whom he as successfully found4 ,though so much of ,locke's time seems to have been spent on medical studies and practice1 he possessed no regular qualification4 ,in #afgj another attempt had been made1 but in vain1 to procure him the ,doctor of ,medicine's degree from the ,university of ,oxford4 ,lord ,ashley successfully enlisted the good services of the ,duke of ,ormond1 the ,chancellor of the ,university2 but on learning the opposition of ,dean ,fell and ,dr4 ,allestree1 ,locke desired his patron to withdraw the application4 ,both now and on the former occasion1 alluded to above 7p4 #af71 the opposition was probably based on ,locke's tendencies1 known or suspected1 to liberal views in religion2 nor would the connexion with ,lord ,ashley be at all likely to mitigate the sternness of the college and university authorities4 ,it had1 of course1 all along been open to him to proceed to the ,doctor's degree in the ordinary way1 by attending lectures and performing exercises2 and whether he was prevented from doing so by the tediousness of the process1 by the hope of attaining the degree through a shorter and easier method1 or by a certain amount of indecision as to whether after all he would adopt the medical profession1 we cannot say4 ,afterwards1 we shall see1 he proceeded to the degree of ,bachelor of ,medicine1 but whether in the ordinary course1 or by dispensation1 is not known4 ,as connected with ,locke's medical pursuits1 ,i may here mention his friendship with ,sydenham4 ,we do not know when the acquaintance commenced1 but ,sydenham writing to ,boyle1 so early as ,april #b1 #affh1 speaks of my friend ,mr4 ,locke4 ,that ,sydenham entertained great respect for the medical skill and judgment of ,locke--who appears to have accompanied him in his visits to his patients1 and1 in turn1 to have availed himself of ,sydenham's assistance in attending the ,ashley household--there can be no doubt4 ,writing to ,mapletoft1 their common friend1 and a physician of some eminence1 in #afgf1 he says3 ,you know how thoroughly my method of curing fevers is approved of by an intimate and common friend of ours1 and one who has closely and exhaustively examined the subject--,i mean ,mr4 ,john ,locke1 a man whom1 in the acuteness of his intellect1 in the steadiness of his judgment1 and in the simplicity1 that is1 in the excellence1 of his manners1 ,i confidently declare to have amongst the men of our own time few equals and no superior4 ,a number of notes and papers1 still extant1 attest the interest which ,locke now took in medical studies1 and the hopes with which he looked forward to improvements in medical practice4 ,that the sympathy between him and ,sydenham was very close1 is evident from the writings of both4 ,but1 meanwhile1 he was also busy with other pursuits4 ,one of these was the administration1 under ,ashley1 and the other lords proprietors1 of the colony of ,carolina4 ,in #affc this colony had been granted by ,charles the ,second to eight lords proprietors1 of whom ,ashley was one4 ,locke1 when he went to live in ,ashley's family1 appears to have become1 though without any formal appointment1 a sort of chief secretary and manager to the association4 ,a vast amount of miscellaneous business seems to have been transacted by him in this capacity2 but what to us would be most interesting1 if we could determine it1 would be the share he took in drawing up the document entitled ,the ,fundamental ,constitutions of ,carolina1 issued on the #ast of ,march1 #affi-gj4 ,many of the articles1 embodying1 as they do1 a sort of modified feudalism1 must have been distasteful to ,locke1 and it is hardly possible to suppose that he was the originator of them4 ,but perhaps we may trace his hand in the articles on religion1 between which and his views1 as stated in his unpublished papers written before and his published works written after this time1 there is a large amount of correspondence4 ,no man was to be permitted to be a freeman of ,carolina unless he acknowledged a ,god1 and agreed that ,god was to be publicly and solemnly worshipped4 ,but within these limits any seven persons might constitute a church1 provided that they upheld the duty of every man1 if called on1 to bear witness to the truth1 and agreed on some external symbol by which such witness might be signified4 ,any one1 however1 who did not belong to some such communion was to be regarded as outside the protection of the law4 ,the members of one church were not to molest or persecute those of another2 and no man was to use any reproachful1 reviling1 or abusive language against the religion of any church or profession1 that being the certain way of disturbing the peace1 and of hindering the conversion of any to the truth4 ,amongst the miscellaneous provisions in this code is one strictly forbidding any one to plead before a court of justice for money or reward2 and another1 enacting that every freeman of ,carolina shall have absolute power and authority over his negro slaves1 of what opinion or religion soever4 ,in #affh ,locke was elected a ,fellow of the ,royal ,society1 and in #affi and #afgb was placed on the ,council1 but he never appears to have taken much part in the proceedings of the society4 ,on the other hand1 there seem to have been certain less formal meetings of a few friends1 constituting possibly a sort of club1 in the discussions of which he took a more active share4 ,it was at one of these meetings that the conversation took place which led to ,locke's writing his famous ,essay 7see page #abg74 ,according to a marginal note made by ,sir ,james ,tyrrell in his copy of the first edition1 now in the ,british ,museum1 the discussion on this occasion turned on the principles of morality and revealed religion4 ,the date of this memorable meeting was1 according to the same authority1 the winter of #afgc2 but according to ,lady ,masham1 it was #afgj or #afga4 ,any way1 there is an entry on the main subject of the ,essay in ,locke's ,common-place ,book1 beginning ,sic cogitavit de intellectu humano ,johannes ,locke1 anno #afga4 ,in this brief entry the origin of all knowledge is referred to sense1 and sensible qualities are stated to be the simplest ideas we have1 and the first object of our understanding--a theory which1 as we shall hereafter see1 was supplemented in the ,essay by the addition to the ultimate sources of knowledge of simple ideas of reflection4 ,the ,essay itself was not published till nearly twenty years after this date1 in #afij4 ,locke's health had never been strong1 and1 in the years #afgj-gb he seems to have suffered much from a troublesome cough1 indicative of disease of the lungs4 ,connected with this illness was a short journey which he made in ,france1 in the suite of the ,countess of ,northumberland1 in the autumn of #afgb4 ,soon after his return1 his patron1 who had lately been created ,earl of ,shaftesbury1 was appointed to the highest office of the ,state1 the ,lord ,high ,chancellorship of ,england4 ,locke shared in his good fortune1 and was made ,secretary of ,presentations--that is1 of the ,chancellor's church patronage--with a salary of #cjjl4 a year4 ,the modern reader1 especially when he recollects ,locke's intimacy with ,shaftesbury1 is surprised to find that he dined at the ,steward's table1 that he was expected to attend prayers three times a day1 and that1 when the ,chancellor drove out in state1 he was accustomed1 with the other secretaries1 to walk by the side of the coach1 while1 as my lord got in and out1 he went before him bareheaded4 ,the distinctions of rank were1 however1 far more marked in those days than at present1 and the high officers of state were still surrounded with much of the elaborate ceremonial which had obtained in the times of the ,tudors4 ,to the period of ,locke's excursion in ,france1 or that immediately succeeding it1 we may refer a free translation--or rather1 adaptation--of three of the ,essais de ,morale of ,pierre ,nicole1 a well-known ,jansenist1 and the friend of ,pascal and ,arnauld4 ,these ,essays1 which were translated for the use of the ,countess of ,shaftesbury1 were apparently not designed for publication1 and1 in fact1 were first given to the world by ,dr4 ,hancock1 in #ahbh4 ,they are mainly remarkable as affording evidence of the depth and sincerity of ,locke's religious convictions4 ,routine and official duties now occupied much of his time1 and must have interfered sadly with his favourite studies4 ,from discussing the tangled and ambiguous politics of this period ,i purposely refrain2 but there is one official act1 recorded of ,locke at this time1 which places him in so incongruous a light that his biographer can hardly pass it over in silence4 ,at the opening of the ,parliament which met on ,february #d1 #afgb-gc1 ,shaftesbury1 amplifying the ,king's ,speech1 made1 though it is said unwillingly and with much concern1 his famous defence of the ,dutch war1 and his attack on the ,dutch nation1 culminating in the words ,delenda est ,carthago4 ,locke1 we are sorry to find1 though the act was a purely ministerial one1 stood at his elbow with a written copy1 to prompt him in case of failure4 ,on the #ith of ,november1 #afgc1 ,shaftesbury1 who had incurred the displeasure of the king by his support of the ,test ,bill1 and who was now looked on as one of the principal leaders of the ,anti-,catholic party1 was summarily dismissed from the ,chancellorship4 ,locke1 of course1 lost at the same time the ,secretaryship of ,presentations2 but he did not1 as meaner men might have done1 try to insinuate himself into wealth and power through other avenues4 ,when my grandfather1 says the third ,earl of ,shaftesbury1 quitted the ,court1 and began to be in danger from it1 ,mr4 ,locke now shared with him in dangers1 as before in honours and advantages4 ,he entrusted him with his secretest negotiations1 and made use of his assistant pen in matters that nearly concerned the ,state and were fit to be made public4 ,locke's connexion with the affairs of the colony of ,carolina has already been mentioned4 ,business of this kind1 owing to his relations with ,shaftesbury1 multiplied upon him1 and on the #aeth of ,october1 #afgc1 shortly before ,shaftesbury's fall1 he was sworn in as ,secretary to the ,council of ,trade and ,foreign ,plantations1 with a salary of #ejjl4 a year4 ,this office he retained1 notwithstanding the fall of his patron1 till the dissolution of the ,council on the #abth of ,march1 #afgd-ge2 but it appears that his salary was never paid4 ,on ,february #f1 #afgd-ge1 ,locke proceeded to the degree of ,bachelor of ,medicine1 having already been appointed to1 or more probably promised1 a ,faculty ,studentship at ,ch4 ,ch41 or1 as ,dean ,prideaux1 who had no love for him1 puts it1 having wriggled into ,ireland's faculty place4 ,it is curious that his name does not appear in the ,ch4 ,ch4 books among the ,faculty ,students till the second quarter of #afge1 and during that and the two subsequent quarters it is erased4 ,the first time the name occurs without an erasure is in the first quarter of #afgf4 ,that there was much irregularity in the mode of appointing to ,college places at this time is evident4 ,his studentship being now secure1 ,lord ,shaftesbury having1 for a consideration in ready money1 granted him an annuity of #ajjl4 a year1 and his estates in ,somersetshire1 as well as one or two loans and mortgages1 bringing him in a modest sum in addition1 ,locke1 notwithstanding the non-payment of his salary as ,secretary to the ,council of ,trade and ,plantations1 must have been in fairly comfortable circumstances4 ,he was dispensed from the necessity of practising a profession1 and1 being also relieved from the pressure of public affairs1 was free to follow his bent4 ,it is probably to the leisure almost enforced upon him by the weakness of his health1 as well as by the turn which public affairs had taken1 and rendered possible by the independence of his position1 that we are indebted for the maturity of reflection which forms so characteristic a feature of his subsequent writings4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,residence ,,in ,,france4--,,further ,,relations ,,with ,,shaftesbury4--,,expulsion ,,from ,,christ ,,church4 ,the state of ,locke's health had long rendered it desirable that he should reside in a warmer climate1 and his release from official duties now removed any obstacle that there might formerly have been to his absence from ,england4 ,the place which he selected for his retirement was ,montpellier1 at that time the most usual place of resort for invalids who were able to leave their own country4 ,he left ,london about the middle of ,november1 #afge1 with one if not more companions1 and1 after experiencing the ordinary inconveniences of travel in those days of slow locomotion and poor inns1 arrived at ,paris on ,nov4 #bd1 and at ,lyons on ,dec4 #aa4 ,at ,lyons1 he remarks of the library at the ,jesuits' ,college that it is the best that ever ,i saw1 except ,oxford1 being one very high oblong square1 with a gallery round1 to come at the books4 ,as before1 in the ,north of ,germany1 so now in the ,south of ,france1 he is a diligent observer of everything of interest1 whether in the way of customs1 occupations1 or buildings1 that falls in his way4 ,he reached ,montpellier on ,christmas ,day1 and1 except when making short excursions in the neighbourhood1 resided there continuously till the early spring of #afgg1 a period of fourteen months4 ,at ,montpellier ,i have not been able to find any trace of him1 either in the library or elsewhere1 but his journal shows that he was much interested in the trade and products of the country1 as well as in the objects which usually excite the curiosity of travellers4 ,at ,shaftesbury's instigation he wrote a little treatise1 entitled1 ,observations upon the ,growth and ,culture of ,vines and ,olives1 the ,production of ,silk1 and the ,preservation of ,fruits4 ,it is curious that this small tract was never published till #agff4 ,it enumerates no less than forty-one varieties of grapes1 and thirteen varieties of olives1 which were grown in the neighbourhood of ,montpellier4 ,the ceremonial and doings of the ,states of ,languedoc attracted ,locke's attention1 but he does not seem to have been present at their deliberations4 ,he witnessed1 however1 their devotions at the ,church of ,notre ,dame1 and remarks that the ,cardinal ,archbishop of ,narbonne1 who took part in the offices1 kept talking every now and then1 and laughing with the bishops next him4 ,the increasing incidence of the taxation on the lower and middle orders1 and the growing poverty of the people1 were topics which could hardly fail to arrest the attention of any intelligent traveller at that time4 ,the rent of lands in ,france is fallen one half in these few years1 by reason of the poverty of the people4 ,merchants and handicraftsmen pay near half their gains4 ,among the more interesting entries in his journal are the following3--,march #ah 7,n4,s474 ,monsieur ,rennaie1 a gentleman of the town1 in whose house ,sir ,j4 ,rushworth lay1 about four years ago1 sacrificed a child to the devil--a child of a servant of his own--upon a design to get the devil to be his friend and help him to get some money4 ,several murders committed here since ,i came1 and more attempted2 one by a brother on his sister1 in the house where ,i lay4 ,march #bb 7,n4,s473 ,the new philosophy of ,des ,cartes prohibited to be taught in universities1 schools1 and academies4 ,it is plain from the journal that ,locke's mind was now busy with the class of questions which were afterwards treated in the ,essay3 reflections on space1 the extent of possible knowledge1 the objects and modes of study1 etc41 being curiously interspersed with his notes of travel4 ,in respect of health1 he does not seem to have benefited much by his stay at ,montpellier1 which1 as before stated1 he left in the early spring of #afgg4 ,by slow stages he travelled to ,paris1 where he joined a pupil1 the son of ,sir ,john ,banks1 who had been commended to his supervision by ,shaftesbury4 ,this tutorial engagement lasted for nearly two years1 and1 in consequence of it1 ,locke remained in ,france longer than he had originally intended4 ,in a letter written to his old friend ,mapletoft from ,paris in ,june1 #afgg1 after some playful allusions to ,mapletoft's love affairs1 he says3--,my health is the only mistress ,i have a long time courted1 and is so coy a one that ,i think it will take up the remainder of my days to obtain her good graces and keep her in good humour4 ,there can be no question that1 at this time1 the state of his health was a matter of very serious concern to him1 and it may possibly have been the cause of his not marrying4 ,while in ,paris he probably took a pretty complete holiday1 seeing the sights1 however1 making occasional excursions1 forming new acquaintances1 and exercising a general supervision over the education of his young charge4 ,at the end of ,june1 #afgh1 ,locke1 accompanied probably by his pupil1 left ,paris with the view of making his way leisurely to ,montpellier1 and thence to ,rome4 ,he travelled westward by way of ,orleans1 ,blois1 and ,angers4 ,on the banks of the ,loire he noticed the poverty-stricken appearance of the country4 ,many of the towns they call bourgs2 but1 considering how poor and few the houses in most of them are1 would in ,england scarce amount to villages4 ,the houses generally were but one story4444 ,the gentlemen's seats1 of which we saw many1 were most of them rather bearing marks of decay than of thriving and being well kept4 ,montpellier was reached early in ,october1 and1 after a short stay there1 he went on to ,lyons1 with the view of commencing his journey to ,rome4 ,but the depth of the snow on ,mont ,cenis was fatal to this design4 ,twice ,locke had formed plans to visit ,rome1 the time set1 the company agreed1 and both times he had been disappointed4 ,were ,i not accustomed1 he says1 to have fortune to dispose of me contrary to my design and expectation1 ,i should be very angry to be thus turned out of my way1 when ,i made sure in a few days to mount the ,capitol and trace the footsteps of the ,scipios and the ,csars4 ,he had now nothing left but to turn back to ,paris1 where he remained till the following ,april4 ,here he seems to have spent his time in the same miscellaneous occupations as before4 ,in the journal we find the following entry1 dated ,feb4 #ac3--;,i saw the library of ,m4 de ,thou1 a great collection of choice1 well-bound books1 which are now to be sold2 amongst others1 a ,greek manuscript1 written by one ,angelot1 by which ,stephens's ,greek characters were first made4 ,de ,thou1 the celebrated historian of his own times1 is better known under his ,latinized name1 ,thuanus4 ,on a ,friday1 he notes3--,the observation of ,lent at ,paris is come almost to nothing4 ,meat is openly to be had in the shambles1 and a dispensation commonly to be had from the curate without difficulty4 ,people of sense laugh at it1 and in ,italy itself1 for twenty sous1 a dispensation is certainly to be had4 ,then follows an amusing story of that ,bishop of ,bellay1 who has writ so much against monks and monkery4 ,a devout lady being sick1 and besieged by the ,carmes1 made her will and gave them all3 the ,bishop of ,bellay coming to see her1 after it was done1 asked whether she had made her will2 she answered yes1 and told him how2 he convinced her it was not well1 and she1 desiring to alter it1 found a difficulty how to do it1 being so beset by the friars4 ,the bishop bid her not trouble herself for it1 but presently took order that two notaries1 habited as physicians1 should come to her1 who being by her bedside1 the bishop told the company it was convenient all should withdraw2 and so the former will was revoked1 and a new one made and put into the bishop's hands4 ,the lady dies1 the ,carmes produce their will1 and for some time the bishop lets them enjoy the pleasure of their inheritance2 but at last1 taking out the other will1 he says to them1 ',mes frres1 you are the sons of ,elijah1 children of the ,old ,testament1 and have no share in the ,new4' ,it may have been the influence of fashion1 and the eager thirst for reputation1 which were so rife in ,parisian society1 that inspired1 shortly after ,locke's return to ,paris1 the following reflections1 as profound as they are true3-- ,the principal spring from which the actions of men take their rise1 the rule they conduct them by1 and the end to which they direct them1 seems to be credit and reputation1 and that which1 at any rate1 they avoid is in the greatest part shame and disgrace4 ,this makes the ,hurons and other people of ,canada with such constancy endure inexpressible torments2 this makes merchants in one country and soldiers in another2 this puts men upon school divinity in one country and physics and mathematics in another2 this cuts out the dresses for the women1 and makes the fashions for the men1 and makes them endure the inconveniences of all4444 ,religions are upheld by this and factions maintained1 and the shame of being disesteemed by those with whom one hath lived1 and to whom one would recommend oneself1 is the great source and director of most of the actions of men4444 ,he therefore that would govern the world well1 had need consider rather what fashions he makes than what laws2 and to bring anything into use he need only give it reputation4 ,leaving ,paris on the #bbnd of ,april1 #afgi1 ,locke arrived1 after his long absence1 in ,london on the #cjth of the same month4 ,in the political world much had happened whilst he had been away4 ,shaftesbury1 already in disgrace when he left ,england1 had been imprisoned in the ,tower for a year2 but1 by a sudden turn of fortune1 was now reinstated in office as ,president of the newly-created ,council4 ,of the circumstances which had brought about this change1 the story of the ,popish ,plot1 the discovery of the king's nefarious negotiations with ,louis ,,xiv41 and the impeachment of ,danby1 it is not necessary here to speak4 ,that ,shaftesbury1 when he saw the prospect of restoration to power1 should wish to avail himself1 as before1 of ,locke's advice and services1 was only to be expected1 and it was the expression of this desire which had hastened ,locke's return to ,england4 ,what1 however1 were the exact relations between the new ,lord ,president and his former secretary during ,shaftesbury's second tenure of office we are not informed4 ,that the intercourse between them was close and frequent1 there can be no doubt1 and1 during the summer months of #afgi1 ,locke again resided in his patron's house4 ,but the king soon felt himself strong enough to reassert his own will4 ,under date of the #aeth of ,october1 we read in the ,privy ,council ,book1 ,the ,earl of ,shaftesbury's name was struck out of this list by his ,majesty's command in ,council4 ,consequently1 ,shaftesbury was again in opposition1 and ,locke1 though still his adviser and friend1 and frequently an inmate of one or other of his houses1 was released from the pressure of official business4 ,one of his principal cares at this time was the supervision of the education of ,shaftesbury's grandson4 ,the father1 ,locke's former pupil1 born a shapeless lump1 like anarchy1 seems to have been but a poor creature1 and the little ,anthony1 when only three years old1 was made over to the formal guardianship of his grandfather4 ,locke1 though not his instructor1 seems to have kept a vigilant eye on the boy's studies and discipline1 as well as on his health and bodily training4 ,if we may trust the memory of the third earl1 writing when in middle life1 ,locke's care was extended to his brothers and sisters as well as to himself4 ,in our education1 he says1 ,mr4 ,locke governed according to his own principles1 since published by him in the ,thoughts on ,education1 and with such success that we all of us came to full years with strong and healthy constitutions--my own the worst1 though never faulty till of late4 ,i was his more peculiar charge1 being1 as eldest son1 taken by my grandfather and bred under his immediate care1 ,mr4 ,locke having the absolute direction of my education1 and to whom1 next my immediate parents1 as ,i must own the greatest obligation1 so ,i have ever preserved the highest gratitude and duty4 ,the admiration and gratitude which the author of the ,characteristics felt for his tutor did not1 however1 prevent him from criticising freely ,locke's ,theory of ,ethics1 and pronouncing it a very poor philosophy4 ,of the ,essay1 as a whole1 notwithstanding his vigorous protest on this particular point1 ,shaftesbury seems to have had as high an opinion as of its author4 ,it may as well qualify for business and the world as for the sciences and a university4 ,no one has done more towards the recalling of philosophy from barbarity into use and practice of the world1 and into the company of the better and politer sort1 who might well be ashamed of it in its other dress4 ,no one has opened a better or clearer way to reasoning4 7,see the ,letters of the third ,earl of ,shaftesbury to a ,student at the ,university1 ,letters ,i41 ,,viii47 ,of the parliament which met at ,oxford on the #bast of ,march1 #afhj-ha1 ,locke was a close1 and must have been an anxious1 observer4 ,he himself occupied his rooms at ,christ ,church1 and for ,shaftesbury's use he obtained the house of the celebrated mathematician1 ,dr4 ,wallis4 ,the fullest account we have of the earlier proceedings of this parliament are contained in a letter from ,locke to ,stringer1 ,shaftesbury's secretary4 ,it was prematurely dissolved on the #bhth of ,march1 ,charles having succeeded in obtaining supplies from the ,french king instead of from his own subjects1 and no other parliament was summoned during the remainder of the reign4 ,so suspicious of treachery had the rival parties in the ,state now become1 that most of the members of the ,oxford parliament had been attended by armed servants1 while the king was protected by a body of guards4 ,the political tension was1 of course1 by no means relaxed1 when it became plain that the king intended to govern without a parliament1 and we can hardly feel surprised that ministers took the initiative in trying to silence their opponents4 ,on the #bnd of ,july1 #afha1 ,shaftesbury was arrested in his ,london house on a charge of high treason1 and1 after a brief examination before the ,council1 was committed to the tower4 ,notwithstanding many attempts1 he failed to obtain a trial till ,nov4 #bd1 when he was indicted before a special commission at the ,old ,bailey4 ,the grand jury1 amidst the plaudits of the spectators1 threw out the bill1 and on the #ast of ,december following he was released on bail4 ,shaftesbury's acquittal was received in ,london1 and throughout the country1 with acclamations of joy1 but his triumph was only a brief one4 ,the rest of his story is soon told4 ,in the summer of #afhb1 ,shaftesbury1 ,monmouth1 ,russell1 and a few others began to concert measures for a general rising against the king4 ,the scheme was1 of course1 discovered1 and ,shaftesbury1 knowing that1 from the new composition of the juries1 he would have no chance of escape if another indictment were preferred against him1 took to flight1 and concealed himself for some weeks in obscure houses in the city and in ,wapping4 ,meanwhile he tried1 from his hiding-places1 to foment an insurrection1 but1 when he found that the day which had been fixed on for the general rising had been postponed1 he determined to seek safety for himself by escaping to ,holland4 ,after some adventures on the way1 he reached ,amsterdam in the beginning of ,december4 ,to preserve him from extradition1 he was on his petition admitted a citizen of ,amsterdam1 and might thus1 like ,locke1 have lived to see the ,revolution1 but on the #bast of ,january1 #afhb-hc1 he died1 in excruciating agonies1 of gout in the stomach4 ,there is no evidence to implicate ,locke in ,shaftesbury's design of setting the ,duke of ,monmouth on the throne1 though it is difficult to suppose that he was not acquainted with it4 ,any way1 in the spring of #afha-hb1 he seems to have been engaged in some mysterious political movements1 the nature of which is unknown to us4 ,humphrey ,prideaux1 afterwards ,dean of ,norwich1 in his gossiping letters to ,john ,ellis1 afterwards an ,under-,secretary of ,state1 frequently mentions ,locke1 who was at this time residing in ,oxford4 ,these notices were probably in answer to queries from ,ellis1 who was already in the employment of the government4 ,from ,prideaux's letters 7recently published by the ,camden ,society7 ,i extract a few passages1 interesting not only as throwing light on ,locke's mode of life at this period in ,oxford1 but also as showing the estimate of him formed by a political enemy who was a member of the same college3-- ,march #ad1 #afha 7,o4,s474--,john ,locke lives a very cunning and unintelligible life here1 being two days in town and three out2 and no one knows where he goes1 or when he goes1 or when he returns4 ,certainly there is some ,whig intrigue a managing2 but here not a word of politics comes from him1 nothing of news or anything else concerning our present affairs1 as if he were not at all concerned in them4 ,march #ai1 #afha 7,o4,s474--,where ,j4 ,l4 goes ,i cannot by any means learn1 all his voyages being so cunningly contrived4 ,he hath in his last sally been absent at least ten days1 where ,i cannot learn4 ,last night he returned2 and sometimes he himself goes out and leaves his man behind1 who shall then to be often seen in the quadrangle1 to make people believe his master is at home1 for he will let no one come to his chamber1 and therefore it is not certain when he is there or when he is absent4 ,i fancy there are projects afoot4 ,october #bd1 #afhb4--;,john ,locke lives very quietly with us1 and not a word ever drops from his mouth that discovers anything of his heart within4 ,now his master is fled1 ,i suppose we shall have him altogether4 ,he seems to be a man of very good converse1 and that we have of him with content2 as for what else he is he keeps it to himself1 and therefore troubles not us with it nor we him4 ,after ,shaftesbury's dismissal from the ,presidentship of the ,council1 ,locke must have had a considerable amount of leisure4 ,the state of his health1 however1 and the consequent necessity of his frequently changing his residence1 must have interfered a good deal with the progress of his studies4 ,it is plain from his correspondence that he still took a lively interest in scientific and medical pursuits1 nor does he appear to have yet given up the hope of practising medicine in a regular way4 ,by his friends he was usually called ,dr4 ,locke1 and at the period of life we are now considering he still continued to attend cases1 and to make elaborate notes of treatment and diagnosis4 ,it is probable that about this time ,locke wrote the first of the ,two ,treatises on ,government1 which were published in #afij4 ,materials for the ,essay were1 undoubtedly1 being slowly accumulated1 and on a variety of questions1 political1 educational1 ethical1 theological1 and philosophical1 his views were being gradually matured4 ,several pamphlets of a political character were1 during these years1 attributed to him1 but we have his own solemn asseveration1 in a letter written to the ,earl of ,pembroke in ,november1 #afhd1 that he was not the author of any pamphlet or treatise whatever1 in part good1 bad1 or indifferent2 that is1 of course1 of any published pamphlet or treatise1 for he had already written a good deal in the way of essays1 reflections1 and commonplaces4 ,after ,shaftesbury's flight1 ,locke must have found his position becoming more and more unpleasant4 ,during the year #afhb he had resided pretty constantly in ,oxford1 but we can well understand that ,oxford was not then a very eligible place of residence for a whig and a latitudinarian4 ,he appears to have left it for good at the end of ,june or beginning of ,july1 #afhc1 and to have retired for a while into ,somersetshire4 ,shortly afterwards1 however1 he quitted ,england altogether1 and when we next hear of him it is in ,holland4 ,that he was implicated in the ,rye ,house plot is1 on every ground1 most improbable1 notwithstanding the malicious insinuations of ,prideaux to the contrary4 ,nor is there any evidence that he had any concern with the more respectable conspiracy of ,monmouth1 ,russell1 and ,sidney4 ,but in those times of plots and counter-plots1 and arbitrary interference with the courts of justice1 any man who was in opposition to the government might well be in fear for his life or liberty4 ,specially would this be the case with ,locke1 who was well known as a friend and adherent of ,shaftesbury4 ,moreover1 had he been thrown into prison1 the state of his health was such that his life would probably have been endangered4 ,his flight1 therefore1 affords no countenance whatsoever to the supposition that he had been engaged in treasonable designs against the government4 ,it would1 ,i conceive1 be no stain on ,locke's character1 had he1 in those days of misgovernment and oppression1 conspired to effect by violent means a change in the succession1 or even a transference of the crown4 ,but the fact that there is no evidence of his having done so removes almost all excuse for the tyrannical act which ,i am presently about to describe4 ,in connexion with ,locke's flight to ,holland1 it may be mentioned that the idea of leaving ,england was by no means new to him4 ,the proposal to emigrate together to ,carolina or the le de ,bourbon1 possibly1 however1 thrown out half in jest1 is a frequent topic in the correspondence with his ,french friend1 ,thoynard1 during the two or three years succeeding his return from ,france4 ,that he was becoming disgusted with the political game then being played in ,england1 and despondent as to the future of his country1 is evident from several letters written by him at this time4 ,the account of ,locke's life in ,holland may be deferred to the next chapter4 ,it will be convenient here to tell the story of his expulsion from ,christ ,church1 which marks the issue of his connexion with ,shaftesbury1 and of the part which he had so far taken in ,english politics4 ,we have already seen that he was suspected of having written a number of political pamphlets against the government4 ,this suspicion was not unnatural1 ,locke being a literary man and a well-known friend of ,shaftesbury4 ,after his retirement to ,holland1 the suspicion of his having written various pamphlets1 supposed to have been printed in that country1 and surreptitiously conveyed into ,england1 was one which very naturally occurred1 and1 according to ,prideaux1 he was now specially suspected of having written a most bitter libel1 published in ,holland in ,english1 ,dutch1 and ,french1 called a ,hue and ,cry after the ,earl of ,essex's murder4 ,but the government had no proof of these surmises1 and therefore no right to take action upon them4 ,their suspicions were1 however1 probably sharpened by the malicious reports of their spies in ,oxford1 and by the not unlikely supposition that ,locke was taking part in the intrigues1 on behalf of ,monmouth1 now being carried on in ,holland4 ,for the latter suspicion1 as for the one with regard to the authorship of the pamphlets1 it happens that there was no justification1 but it is impossible to deny that there was some prim facie ground for it4 ,compared with other arbitrary acts of the reigns of ,charles ,,ii4 and ,james ,,ii41 the measures taken against ,locke do not seem exceptionally severe1 utterly abhorrent as they would doubtless be to the usages of a constitutional age4 ,about fourteen or fifteen months had elapsed since his disappearance from ,england1 when1 on the #fth of ,november1 #afhd1 ,lord ,sunderland signified to ,dr4 ,fell1 ,dean of ,christ ,church1 who was also ,bishop of ,oxford1 the pleasure of the king that ,locke should be removed from his studentship1 asking the ,dean at the same time to specify the method of doing it4 ,the method adopted by the ,dean was to attach a moneo to the screen in the college hall1 summoning ,locke to appear on the #ast of ,january following1 to answer the charges against him4 ,after admitting that ,locke1 as having a physician's place among the students1 was not obliged to residence1 and that he was abroad upon want of health1 the ,dean1 in his reply to ,sunderland1 proceeds to show his readiness to accommodate himself to the requirements of the court3 ,notwithstanding that1 ,i have summoned him to return home1 which is done with this prospect1 that if he comes not back1 he will be liable to expulsion for contumacy2 if he does1 he will be answerable to your lordship for what he shall be found to have done amiss4 ,ingenious1 however1 as the method was1 it was not expeditious enough to satisfy the court4 ,a second letter from ,sunderland1 enjoining ,locke's immediate expulsion1 was at once despatched4 ,this curious document is still shown in the ,christ ,church library1 and1 as ,i have never seen an exact transcript of it1 ,i here subjoin one3 ,to the ,right ,reverend ,father in ,god1 ,john1 ,lord ,bishop of ,oxon1 ,dean of ,christ ,church1 and our trusty and well-beloved the ,chapter there4 ,right ,reverend ,father in ,god1 and trusty and well-beloved1 we greet you well4 ,whereas we have received information of the factious and disloyall behaviour of ,lock1 one of the students of that our ,colledge2 we have thought fit hereby to signify our will and pleasure to you1 that you forthwith remove him from his said student's place1 and deprive him of all the rights and advantages thereunto belonging4 ,for which this shall be your warrant4 ,and so we bid you heartily farewell4 ,given at our ,court at ,whitehall1 #aath day of ,november1 #afhd1 in the six and thirtieth year of our ,reigne4 ,by his ,majesty's command1 ,,sunderland4 ,on the #afth of ,november the ,dean signified that his ,majesty's command was fully executed1 whereupon ,lord ,sunderland acquainted him that his ,majesty was well satisfied with the college's ready obedience4 ,thus the most celebrated man1 perhaps1 that ,oxford has sheltered within her walls since the ,reformation was summarily ejected at the dictation of a corrupt and arbitrary court4 ,the ,dean and ,chapter might have won our admiration had they resisted the royal command1 as was done in the next reign by the ,fellows of ,magdalen ,college1 but it was hardly to be expected that they should risk their own goods and liberties in attempting to afford a protection which1 after all1 would have been almost certainly attempted in vain4 ,moreover1 as ,lord ,grenville 7,oxford and ,locke7 has pointed out1 ,christ ,church being a royal foundation1 the ,dean and ,chapter might well regard the king as having full power either to appoint or remove any member of the foundation1 and themselves as only registering his decree4 ,the same power1 as we have already seen1 had been exercised in ,locke's favour by the dispensation from entering holy orders accorded by the crown in #afff4 ,after the ,revolution1 ,locke petitioned ,william the ,third for the restitution of his studentship1 but finding1 according to ,lady ,masham1 that it would give great disturbance to the society1 and dispossess the person that was in his place1 he desisted from that pretension4 ,in ,fell's first letter to ,sunderland1 he speaks of ,locke's extreme reserve and taciturnity4 ,as this seems to have been one of his distinguishing characteristics1 and as the passage is otherwise remarkable1 as showing the vigilance with which ,locke was watched at ,oxford1 ,i give it at length3 ,i have for divers years had an eye upon him2 but so close has his guard been on himself that1 after several strict inquiries1 ,i may confidently affirm there is not any one in the ,college1 however familiar with him1 who has heard him speak a word either against or so much as concerning the ,government2 and although very frequently1 both in public and in private1 discourses have been purposely introduced to the disparagement of his master1 the ,earl of ,shaftesbury1 his party and designs1 he could never be provoked to take any notice or discover in word or look the least concern2 so that ,i believe there is not in the world such a master of taciturnity and passion4 ,this account of ,locke's reserve1 as well as the illustration here incidentally afforded of the abominable system of college espionage which then prevailed in ,oxford1 is amply confirmed by ,prideaux's letters to ,ellis4 ,in the ,thoughts on ,education parents and tutors are recommended to mould children betimes to this mastery over their tongues4 ,but the gift of silence was exercised by ,locke only in those matters where other men have no right to be inquisitive or curious--matters of private concernment and of individual opinion4 ,in conversation on general topics1 he seems always to have been open and copious4 ,his taciturnity1 though the effect of prudence and self-control1 was certainly not due to any lack of geniality or any want of sympathy with others4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,residence ,,in ,,holland4--,,the ,,revolution4--,,return ,,to ,,england4--,,publication ,,of ,,the ,,essay ,,and ,,other ,,works4 ,locke must have landed in ,holland in one of the autumn months of #afhc1 being then about fifty-one years of age4 ,we are not able1 however1 to trace any of his movements till the ,january of #afhc-hd1 when he was present1 by invitation of ,peter ,guenellon1 the principal physician of ,amsterdam1 at the dissection of a lioness which had been killed by the intense cold of the winter4 ,through ,guenellon1 whom he had met during his stay in ,paris1 he must have made the acquaintance of the principal literary and scientific men at that time residing in or near ,amsterdam4 ,amongst these was ,philip van ,limborch1 then professor of theology among the ,arminians or ,remonstrants4 ,the ,arminians 7called ,remonstrants on account of the remonstrance which they had presented to the ,states-,general in #afaj7 were the latitudinarians of ,holland1 and1 though they had been condemned by the ,synod of ,dort in #afai1 and had been subjected to a bitter persecution by the ,calvinist clergy for some years following1 were now a fairly numerous body1 possessing a theological seminary1 and exercising a considerable influence1 not only in their own country1 but over the minds of the more liberal theologians throughout ,europe4 ,the undogmatic1 tolerant1 and1 if ,i may use the expression1 ethical character of the ,remonstrant theology must have had great attractions for ,locke1 and he and ,limborch1 united by many common sentiments1 subsequently became fast friends4 ,in the autumn of #afhd ,locke made a tour of the country1 noting1 as was usual with him1 all objects and matters of interest1 and evidently benefiting much in health by the diversion of travelling4 ,indeed1 we are somewhat surprised to hear that his health derived more advantage from the air of ,holland than from that of ,montpellier4 ,what1 however1 he put down to climate was1 perhaps1 at least equally due to pleasant companionship1 and to the variety of interests--political1 commercial1 literary1 and theological--which the ,dutch nation at that time so pre-eminently afforded4 ,amongst the objects which attracted his attention was a sect of communistic mystics established near ,leeuwarden4 ,they receive1 he says1 all ages1 sexes1 and degrees1 upon approbation4 ,they live all in common2 and whoever is admitted is to give with himself all he has to ,christ the ,lord--that is1 the ,church--to be managed by officers appointed by the ,church4 ,these people1 however1 were very shy to give an account of themselves to strangers1 and they appeared inclined to dispense their instruction only to those whom 'the ,lord1' as they say1 'had disposed to it1' and in whom they saw 'signs of grace2' which 'signs of grace' seem to me to be1 at last1 a perfect submission to the will and rules of their pastor1 ,mr4 ,yonn1 who1 if ,i mistake not1 has established to himself a perfect empire over them4 ,for though their censures and all their administrations be in appearance in their ,church1 yet it is easy to perceive how at last it determines in him4 ,he is dominus factotum2 and though ,i believe they are1 generally speaking1 people of very good and exemplary lives1 yet the tone of voice1 manner1 and fashion of those ,i conversed with seemed to make one suspect a little of ,tartuffe4 ,after ,locke's experiences of the ,puritan ministers in his early life1 the character of ,mr4 ,yonn was1 probably1 by no means new to him1 though he now repeated his acquaintance with it under novel circumstances4 ,in ,november ,locke was again in ,amsterdam1 and here he heard of ,dr4 ,fell's moneo1 summoning him back to ,christ ,church4 ,at first it would seem that he resolved to comply with it1 but the intelligence of the moneo must soon have been followed by that of his deprivation1 and thus he was saved from the dangers which might have befallen him had he returned to ,england4 ,in more ways than one1 his continued absence abroad was probably an advantage to him4 ,in ,holland1 says ,lady ,masham1 he had full leisure to prosecute his thoughts on the subject of ,human ,understanding--a work which1 in probability1 he never would have finished had he continued in ,england4 ,the winter of this year was spent in ,utrecht and devoted to study--probably to the preparation of the ,essay on ,human ,understanding4 ,but this quiet mode of life was quickly coming to an end4 ,on the #fth of ,february1 #afhd-he1 ,charles the ,second had died2 and1 though the succession of the ,duke of ,york was at first undisputed1 ,monmouth1 the natural son of the late king1 was soon persuaded by his impatient and injudicious followers to head the insurrection which resulted in his defeat and execution4 ,from ,monmouth's intrigues ,locke had always held aloof1 having no such high opinion of the ,duke of ,monmouth as to expect anything from his undertaking4 ,but prudence1 in those days of fierce political hatred and unblushing fabrications1 was often of very little avail4 ,locke was well known as an adherent of ,shaftesbury1 and ,shaftesbury had long and ardently favoured ,monmouth's pretensions4 ,moreover1 stories tending to discredit him with the advisers of the ,court1 and to connect his name with the plots of the other exiles1 were probably circulating pretty freely at this time4 ,on the #gth of ,may--a few days after ,argyle had set out on his ill-starred expedition to ,scotland1 and while ,monmouth was still preparing for his descent on the west coast of ,england--,colonel ,skelton1 who had been sent over as a special envoy to the ,hague1 presented to the ,states-,general a list of persons regarded as dangerous by the ,english ,government1 and demanded their surrender4 ,on this list ,locke's name stood last1 having been added1 we are told1 by ,sir ,george ,downing1 the ,english representative at the ,dutch ,court1 but whether or not in pursuance of further instructions from home we do not know4 ,locke was at this time living at ,utrecht1 and it was at once arranged that he should be concealed in the house of ,dr4 ,veen1 of ,amsterdam1 the father-in-law of his old acquaintance1 ,dr4 ,guenellon4 ,though it was necessary1 for appearance' sake1 that he should keep strictly to his hiding-place1 he does not seem to have incurred any real danger4 ,the municipal authorities of ,amsterdam had too great a horror of ,popery and too much sympathy with liberty to show any marked zeal in carrying out the wishes of the ,english king2 nor does the ,prince of ,orange himself appear to have been very eager to hunt out the fugitives1 provided they went through the decent ceremony of concealing themselves from the ministers of justice4 ,to ,locke the confinement was doubtless irksome2 but he was solaced by the visits of his friends1 especially of ,limborch1 and the monotony of his solitude was broken by a visit of a few weeks to ,cleve4 ,here1 however1 he does not appear to have felt so safe as at ,amsterdam2 and1 consequently1 he soon returned to his old quarters1 assuming the name of ,dr4 ,van der ,linden1 as at ,cleve he had assumed that of ,lamy4 ,meanwhile1 two of his friends in ,england--,william ,penn1 the celebrated ,quaker1 and the ,earl of ,pembroke1 to whom he afterwards dedicated the ,essay--were moving the king for a pardon4 ,the latter1 writing to ,locke on the #bjth of ,august1 informs him that the king bid me write to you to come over2 ,i told him ,i would then bring you to kiss his hand1 and he was fully satisfied ,i should4 ,locke1 however1 appears to have had little confidence in the king's sincerity1 and1 perhaps1 no desire to compromise any political action that might be open to him in the future by making formal submission to a monarch who was tolerably certain to work out his own ruin4 ,he still remained in concealment1 and replied that1 having been guilty of no crime1 he had no occasion for a pardon4 ,but in ,may1 #afhf1 all fear of arrest was removed by the appearance of a new proclamation of the ,states-,general1 in which his name was not included1 and henceforth he was enabled to move about with perfect freedom4 ,the name of ,limborch1 one of the friends whom ,locke made in ,holland1 has already been mentioned4 ,a long series of letters which passed between them1 beginning with ,locke's arrival at ,cleve in ,september1 #afhe1 and ending only a few weeks before his death1 is still extant1 though some are still unpublished4 ,this correspondence is interesting1 not only as throwing light on ,locke's pursuits1 but also as affording a free expression of his theological opinions4 ,thus1 in a letter written to ,limborch soon after his arrival at ,cleve1 with reference to a work recently published by ,le ,clerc1 he acknowledges his perplexities respecting the plenary inspiration of the ,bible4 ,if all things which are contained in the sacred books are equally to be regarded as inspired1 without any distinctions1 then we give philosophers a great handle for doubting of our faith and sincerity4 ,if1 on the contrary1 some things are to be regarded as purely human1 how shall we establish the divine authority of the ,scriptures1 without which the ,christian religion will fall to the ground8 ,what shall be our criterion8 ,where shall we draw the line8 ,he applies to ,limborch for help4 ,for many things which occur in the canonical books1 long before ,i read this treatise1 have made me anxious and doubtful1 and ,i shall be most grateful if you could remove my scruples4 ,from the character of his theological writings1 composed during the latter years of his life1 it would appear that these scruples were afterwards either removed or set aside4 ,with ,le ,clerc 7,joannes ,clericus7 himself ,locke first became personally acquainted after his return to ,amsterdam in the winter of #afhe-hf4 ,le ,clerc was still young1 having been born at ,geneva in #afeg1 but he had already acquired considerable reputation both as a philosopher and as a theologian4 ,as a philosopher1 he had at first embraced the doctrines of ,descartes1 but1 in after-life1 he leaned rather to those views which1 a few years after the time of which ,i am writing1 became famous by the publication of ,locke's ,essay4 ,as a divine1 his theology was liberal and critical beyond even that of the ,remonstrant ,school4 ,he questioned the ,mosaic authorship of the ,pentateuch1 regarded some of the books of the old ,testament as of purely human origin1 and1 in his treatment of the miracles and of ,christian doctrine1 rationalized so far as to expose himself to the charge of ,socinianism1 though he himself warmly repudiated the imputation4 ,in literary activity and enterprise he yielded to no other author of the age4 ,such a man1 full of energy and of novel views1 ready to entertain and discuss any question of interest in theology1 criticism1 or philosophy1 must have been peculiarly acceptable to an exile like ,locke1 whose mind was now engaged with just the same problems that were occupying ,le ,clerc4 ,the intimacy between the two students1 though never so affectionate as that between ,locke and ,limborch1 soon became a close one4 ,though widely separated in age1 and though differing1 probably1 in many of their specific opinions1 they were conscious that they were travelling the same road--a way then little frequented--the way which led from the received tenets of the churches and the schools to the arena of free inquiry and impartial investigation4 ,in the winter of #afhe-hf1 ,locke1 while still hiding in ,dr4 ,veen's house1 employed himself in writing the famous ,epistola de ,tolerantia1 addressed to ,limborch4 ,this tract was not1 however1 published till #afhi1 when it was almost immediately translated into ,english1 ,dutch1 and ,french4 ,of the opinions expressed in this and the other letters on ,toleration ,i shall have occasion to speak hereafter1 when describing ,locke's theological views4 ,it must be recollected that1 though now in his fifty-fourth year1 he had as yet published nothing of any importance4 ,he had1 indeed1 for several years been slowly putting together the materials for many books2 but it is possible that his natural modesty1 together with what seems to have been an excessive prudence1 might have prevented him from giving any of his thoughts to the world1 at least during his lifetime1 had it not been for the fortunate circumstances which brought him into contact with ,le ,clerc4 ,at the time when the two friends were introduced to one another1 ,le ,clerc was projecting the ,bibliothque ,universelle1 one of the earliest literary and scientific reviews1 and to this ,locke soon became a constant contributor4 ,in the ,july number of #afhf appears his method of a ,commonplace ,book1 under the title1 ,mthode ,nouvelle de dresser des ,recueils4 ,the ice was now broken1 and from this time onwards we shall find his publications follow one another in rapid succession4 ,in ,september1 #afhf1 ,locke moved again to ,utrecht1 intending1 apparently1 to make a prolonged residence there2 but in ,december1 for some mysterious reason with which we are not acquainted1 though connected in all probability with ,english politics1 he was threatened with expulsion from the city1 and was obliged to return to ,amsterdam4 ,it seems1 from his correspondence with ,limborch1 that he did not wish this expulsion to be talked about4 ,at the same time1 he accepted stoically the inconveniences to which it put him4 ,these are the sports of fortune1 or rather the ordinary chances of human life1 which come as naturally as wind and rain to travellers4 ,at ,amsterdam he remained for two months as the guest of his old friend1 ,dr4 ,guenellon1 and then removed to ,rotterdam1 where1 with occasional breaks1 he resided during the rest of his stay in ,holland4 ,this removal was undoubtedly connected with the turn which ,english politics were now taking at the ,dutch ,court4 ,monmouth being now out of the way1 the only quarter to which those who were weary of the ,stuart despotism could look for redress was the ,house of ,orange4 ,secret negotiations were at this time going on with the ,prince and ,princess1 and there can be no doubt that ,locke was taking an active share in the schemes that were in preparation4 ,rotterdam was within a short distance of the ,hague1 and also a convenient place for carrying on a correspondence with ,england as well as for meeting the ,englishmen who landed in ,holland4 ,as soon as ,locke arrived at ,rotterdam his hands seem to have been tolerably full of political business4 ,writing to ,limborch in ,february1 #afhf-hg1 he says1 ,to politics ,i gave but little thought at ,amsterdam2 here ,i cannot pay much attention to literature4 ,mr4 ,fox ,bourne conjectures that it was through ,lord ,mordaunt1 afterwards ,earl of ,peterborough1 who shortly before this time had taken up his residence in ,holland1 that ,locke was brought into personal relations with the ,prince and ,princess4 ,any way1 these relations gradually ripened into friendship1 and a mutual feeling of respect and admiration seems soon to have grown up between him and the royal couple4 ,while at ,rotterdam1 ,locke resided with ,benjamin ,furly1 an ,english ,quaker1 who was a merchant of considerable wealth and a great book-collector4 ,at ,furly's death1 in #agad1 the sale-catalogue of his books occupied nearly #djj pages4 ,locke was thus at no loss for the instruments of his trade1 and1 notwithstanding his preoccupation in politics1 he seems to have been working with fair assiduity at the ,essay and on other literary subjects4 ,in the number of the ,bibliothque ,universelle for ,january1 #afhg-hh1 appeared an abstract of the ,essay1 translated into ,french by ,le ,clerc1 from a manuscript written by ,locke1 which is still extant4 ,the epitome was announced as communicated by ,monsieur ,locke1 and a note was appended inviting criticisms1 if anything false1 obscure1 or defective were remarked in the system4 ,after the review had appeared1 separate copies of the epitome were struck off1 and the opuscule1 with a short dedication to the ,earl of ,pembroke1 was published in a separate form4 ,locke went to ,amsterdam for the purpose of superintending the printing of the epitome1 and appears to have been sorely tried by the drunken and lying workmen1 who1 however1 were all good ,christians1 orthodox believers1 and marked for salvation by the distinguishing ,l that stands on their door-posts1 or the funeral sermon that they may have for a passport if they will go to the charge of it4 ,on the #bith of ,february he returned to ,furly's house1 where he seems to have lived in great comfort1 and on most intimate and affectionate terms with the family4 ,one of the sons1 a little boy of four or five years old1 named ,arent1 was a special favourite1 and is playfully alluded to in the letters to ,furly as my little friend6 ,kindness to children seems always to have been one of ,locke's characteristics1 as it is of all men of simple manners and warm hearts4 ,it was on the #ast of ,november1 #afhh1 that ,william of ,orange set out on his expedition to ,england4 ,locke still remained in ,holland1 and appears to have had frequent interviews with the ,princess ,mary1 who was waiting till she could with safety join her husband4 ,at last the word was given from ,england1 and1 after being detained for some time by unfavourable weather1 the royal party1 accompanied by ,locke and ,lady ,mordaunt1 left the ,hague on the #aath of ,february1 #afhh-hi4 ,they arrived at ,greenwich on the following day4 ,it was with mixed feelings that ,locke took leave of the country where he had been entertained so long1 and where he had formed so many warm and congenial friendships4 ,writing to ,limborch shortly before his departure1 he says1 ,there are many considerations which urge me not to miss this opportunity of sailing3 the expectation of my friends2 my private affairs1 which have now been long neglected2 the number of pirates in the channel2 and the charge of the noble lady 7,lady ,mordaunt7 with whom ,i am about to travel4 ,but ,i trust that you will believe me when ,i say that ,i have found here another country1 and ,i might almost say other relations2 for all that is dearest in that expression--good-will1 love1 kindness--bonds that are stronger than blood--,i have experienced amongst you4 ,it is owing to this fellow-feeling1 which has always been shown to me by your countrymen1 that1 though absent from my own people and exposed to every kind of trouble1 ,i have never yet felt sick at heart4#a ,still1 it must have been with a thrill of delight that1 after an absence of more than five years1 he once more stepped on the shores of his native land1 and felt that a new era of liberty and glory had dawned for her4 #a ,it should be mentioned1 perhaps1 that the correspondence between ,locke and ,limborch is in ,latin4 ,about a week after his arrival in ,england1 ,locke was offered1 through ,lord ,mordaunt1 the post of ambassador to ,frederick the ,first1 ,elector of ,brandenburg4 ,the letter to ,lord ,mordaunt1 in which he declines the post1 shows the feeble condition in which1 notwithstanding all his precautions1 his health still continued4 ,it is the most touching displeasure ,i have ever received from that weak and broken constitution of my health1 which has so long threatened my life1 that it now affords me not a body suitable to my mind in so desirable an occasion of serving his ,majesty4444 ,what shall a man do in the necessity of application and variety of attendance on business who sometimes1 after a little motion1 has not breath to speak1 and cannot borrow an hour or two of watching from the night without repaying it with a great waste of time the next day8 ,but there was another reason1 besides his health1 why he could not accept a mission to the ,court of ,brandenburg4 ,if ,i have reason to apprehend the cold air of the country1 there is yet another thing in it as inconsistent with my constitution1 and that is their warm drinking4 ,it was true that he might oppose obstinate refusal1 but then that would be to take more care of his own health than of the king's business4 ,it is no small matter in such stations to be acceptable to the people one has to do with1 in being able to accommodate one's self to their fashions2 and ,i imagine1 whatever ,i may do there myself1 the knowing what others are doing is at least one half of my business1 and ,i know no such rack in the world to draw out men's thoughts as a well-managed bottle4 ,if1 therefore1 it were fit for me to advise in this case1 ,i should think it more for the king's interest to send a man of equal parts that could drink his share than the soberest man in the kingdom4 ,but1 though ,locke shrank from this post1 the importance of which could hardly be exaggerated1 for ,frederick was the ally on whom ,william most confided in his opposition to ,louis the ,fourteenth1 he was ready to place his services at the disposal of the ,government for domestic work4 ,if there be anything wherein ,i may flatter myself ,i have attained any degree of capacity to serve his ,majesty1 it is in some little knowledge ,i perhaps may have in the constitutions of my country1 the temper of my countrymen1 and the divisions amongst them1 whereby ,i persuade myself ,i may be more useful to him at home1 though ,i cannot but see that such an employment would be of greater advantage to myself abroad1 would but my health assent to it4 ,the disinterested patriotism of this letter was only of a piece with the whole of ,locke's political life4 ,he was next offered the embassy to ,vienna1 and1 in fact1 invited to name any diplomatic appointment which he would be prepared to accept2 but he regarded his health as an insuperable bar to work of this kind at so critical a time in the history of ,europe4 ,having declined all foreign employment1 he was now named a ,commissioner of ,appeals1 an office with small emolument and not much work1 which he appears to have retained during the remainder of his life4 ,this office seems to have been given to him partly as a compensation for the arrears of salary due under the late ,government2 for1 with an exhausted exchequer1 it was impossible to satisfy such claims by immediate payment4 ,locke's health suffered considerably by his return to ,london4 ,writing to ,limborch shortly after his arrival1 and complaining of the worry caused him by the pressure of private affairs and public business1 the climax of all his grievances1 we are hardly surprised to find1 is the injury to his health from the pestilent smoke of this city 7,malignus hujus urbis fumus74 ,amongst the public affairs which claimed his attention1 the foremost1 doubtless1 was the attempt then being made to widen the basis of the ,national ,church by a measure of comprehension1 as well as to relieve of civil disabilities the more extreme or scrupulous of the sectaries by what was called a measure of indulgence or toleration4 ,locke1 of course1 with his friend ,lord ,mordaunt1 took the most liberal side open to him as respects these measures2 but he complains that the episcopal clergy were unfavourable to these as well as to other reforms1 whether to their own advantage and that of the ,state it was for them to consider4 ,unfortunately both for the ,church and nation1 the issue of the religious struggles which were carried on at the beginning of ,william's reign was1 on the whole1 in favor of the less tolerant party4 ,the ,comprehension ,bill1 after being violently attacked and languidly defended1 was dropped altogether4 ,the ,toleration ,bill1 though passed by pretty general consent1 and affording a considerable measure of relief on the existing law1 was entirely of the nature of a compromise1 and what we should now note as most remarkable in it is the number of its provisos and exceptions4 ,no relief was granted to the believer in transubstantiation or the disbeliever in the ,trinity4 ,no dissenting minister1 moreover1 was allowed to exercise his vocation unless he subscribed thirty-four out of the ,thirty-nine ,articles1 together with the greater part of two others4 ,the ,quakers had to make a special declaration of belief in the ,holy ,trinity and in the ,divine inspiration of the ,scriptures4 ,the measure of toleration which ,locke would have been prepared to grant1 it need hardly be said1 far exceeded that which was accorded by the ,act4 ,speaking of the law recently passed in a letter to ,limborch on the #fth of ,june1 he uses apologetic language4 ,toleration has indeed been granted1 but not with that latitude which you and men like you1 true ,christians without ambition or envy1 would desire4 ,but it is something to have got thus far4 ,on these beginnings ,i hope are laid the foundations of liberty and peace on which the ,church of ,christ will hereafter be established4 ,in a subsequent letter1 speaking again of the same law1 he says1 ,people will always differ from one another about religion1 and carry on constant strife and war1 until the right of every one to perfect liberty in these matters is conceded1 and they can be united in one body by a bond of mutual charity4 ,if there be any truth in the tradition to which ,lord ,king alludes1 that ,locke himself negotiated the terms of the ,toleration ,act1 he must have regarded it simply as an instalment of religious liberty1 the utmost that could be procured under the circumstances1 and an earnest of better things to come4 ,on ,william's accession to the throne1 one only of the ,english ,sees was vacant1 the ,bishopric of ,salisbury4 ,to this he nominated the famous ,gilbert ,burnet1 who had been one of his advisers in ,holland4 ,locke1 in one of his letters to ,limborch1 tells a rather malicious story of the new prelate4 ,when he paid his first visit to the king after his consecration1 his ,majesty observed that his hat was a good deal larger than usual1 and asked him what was the object of so very much brim4 ,the bishop replied that it was the shape suitable to his dignity4 ,i hope1 answered the king1 that the hat won't turn your head4 ,the topic that most interested ,locke probably at this time1 next to the political regeneration of his country1 was the approaching publication of the ,essay4 ,the work must have been finished1 or all but finished1 when he left ,holland4 ,in ,may1 #afhi1 he wrote the dedication to the ,earl of ,pembroke1 and the printing commenced shortly afterwards4 ,the proof-sheets were sent to ,le ,clerc4 ,as before at ,amsterdam1 the printers appear to have caused him some trouble1 but the book was in the booksellers' shops early in #afij4 ,it is a fine folio1 printed by ,eliz4 ,holt for ,thomas ,basset at the ,george in ,fleet ,street1 near ,st4 ,dunstan's ,church4 ,locke received #cjl4 for the copyright4 ,but when we remember that ,milton only lived to receive #ajl4 for ,paradise ,lost1 we cannot feel much surprise at ,locke's rate of payment4 ,the days when authorship was to become a lucrative profession were still far distant in ,england4 ,previously to the publication of the ,essay1 in the spring of #afhi1 the ,epistola de ,tolerantia had appeared at ,gouda1 in ,holland2 but it was published anonymously1 and apparently without ,locke's knowledge1 the responsibility of giving it to the world being undertaken by ,limborch1 to whom it had been addressed4 ,on the title-page are some mysterious letters1 the invention1 probably1 of ,limborch3 ,epistola de ,tolerantia ad ,clarissimum ,virum ,t4 ,a4 ,r4 ,p4 ,t4 ,o4 ,l4 ,a4 ,scripta a ,p4 ,a4 ,p4 ,o4 ,i4 ,l4 ,a4 ,these being interpreted are1 ,theologi ,apud ,remonstrantes ,professorem1 ,tyrannidis ,osorem1 ,limborchium ,amstelodamensem2 and ,pacis ,amico1 ,persecutionis ,osore1 ,joanne ,lockio ,anglo4 ,dutch and ,french translations were issued almost immediately1 and the book at once created considerable discussion on the ,continent2 but it does not at the first appear to have excited much attention in ,england4 ,locke himself was for some time unable to obtain a copy4 ,in the course of the year1 however1 it was translated into ,english by one ,william ,popple1 an ,unitarian merchant residing in ,london4 ,in the preface the translator1 alluding to recent legislation1 says1 ,we have need of more generous remedies than what have yet been made use of in our distemper4 ,it is neither declarations of indulgence nor acts of comprehension1 such as have as yet been practised or projected amongst us1 that can do the work4 ,absolute liberty1 just and true liberty1 equal and impartial liberty1 is the thing that we stand in need of4 ,locke affords a curious instance of a man who1 having carefully shunned publication up to a late period of life1 then gave forth a series of works in rapid succession4 ,it would seem as if he had long mistrusted his own powers1 or as if he had doubted of the expediency of at once seeking a wide circulation for his views1 but that1 having once ventured to reveal himself to the public1 he was emboldened1 if not impelled1 to proceed4 ,early in #afij1 there appeared not only the ,essay1 but also the ,two ,treatises of ,government4 ,these were published anonymously1 but it must soon have been known that ,locke was their author4 ,for reasons which ,i have given in another chapter1 the former of the two treatises1 which is a criticism of ,sir ,robert ,filmer's ,patriarcha1 seems to have been written between #afhj and #afhe1 the latter during the concluding period of ,locke's stay in ,holland1 while the ,english ,revolution was being prepared and consummated4 ,the translation of the ,epistle on ,toleration soon provoked a lively controversy4 ,to one answer1 that by ,jonas ,proast1 ,locke replied in a ,second ,letter concerning ,toleration1 signed by ,philanthropus1 and dated ,may #bg1 #afij4 ,proast1 as the manner is in such controversies1 replied again1 and ,locke wrote a ,third ,letter for ,toleration1 again signed ,philanthropus1 and dated ,june #bj1 #afib4 ,after many years' silence1 ,proast wrote a rejoinder in #agjd1 and to this ,locke replied in the ,fourth ,letter for ,toleration1 which1 however1 he did not live to publish1 or1 indeed1 to complete4 ,it appeared amongst his ,posthumous ,works4 ,these ,letters on ,toleration doubtless exercised great influence in their day1 and probably contributed1 in large measure1 to bring about the more enlightened views on this subject which in this country1 at least1 are now all but universal4 ,the authorship of the ,letters on ,toleration1 though it could hardly fail to be pretty generally known1 was first distinctly acknowledged by ,locke in the codicil to his will4 ,limborch1 on being hard pressed1 had divulged it1 in the spring of #afij1 to ,guenellon and ,veen1 but they appear1 contrary to what generally happens in such cases1 to have kept the secret to themselves4 ,locke1 however1 was much irritated at the indiscretion of ,limborch1 and for once wrote him an angry letter4 ,if you had entrusted me with a secret of this kind1 ,i would not have divulged it to relation1 or friend1 or any mortal being1 under any circumstances whatsoever4 ,you do not know the trouble into which you have brought me4 ,it is not easy to see why ,locke should have felt so disquieted at the prospect of his authorship being discovered1 but it may be that he hoped to bring about some extension of the limits of the ,toleration ,act which had been passed in the preceding year1 and that he feared that his hands might be tied by the discovery that he entertained what1 at that time1 would be regarded as such extreme views2 or it may have been simply that he was afraid1 if his authorship were once acknowledged1 of being dragged into a long and irksome controversy with the bigots of the various ecclesiastical parties which were then endeavouring to maintain or recover their ascendancy4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,life ,,at ,,oates4--,,friendships4--,,further ,,publications4 ,shortly after ,locke returned to ,england1 he settled down in lodgings in the neighbourhood of what is now called ,cannon ,row1 ,westminster4 ,but the fogs and smoke of ,london then1 as now1 were not favourable to persons of delicate health1 and he seems to have been glad of any opportunity of breathing the country air4 ,amongst his places of resort were ,parson's ,green1 the suburban residence of ,lord ,mordaunt1 now ,earl of ,monmouth1 and ,oates1 a manor-house1 in the parish of ,high ,laver1 in ,essex1 the seat of ,sir ,francis and ,lady ,masham1 situated in a pleasant pastoral country1 about twenty miles from ,london4 ,lady ,masham had become known to him as ,damaris ,cudworth1 before his retreat to ,holland1 and it is plain that from the first she had excited his admiration and esteem4 ,she was the daughter of ,dr4 ,ralph ,cudworth1 ,master of ,christ's ,college1 ,cambridge1 author of ,the ,true ,intellectual ,system of the ,universe1 and of a posthumous work1 still better known1 ,a ,treatise concerning ,eternal and ,immutable ,morality4 ,the close connexion which1 in the latter years of his life1 subsisted between ,locke1 the foremost name amongst the empirical philosophers of modern times1 and the daughter of ,cudworth1 the most uncompromising of the a priori moralists and philosophers of the seventeenth century1 may be regarded as one of the ironies of literary history4 ,damaris ,cudworth1 inheriting her father's tastes1 took great interest in learning of all kinds1 and specially in philosophy and theology4 ,there was one point of community between her father and ,locke besides their common pursuits1 namely1 the wide and philosophical view which they both took of theological controversies4 ,cudworth belonged to the small but learned and refined group of ,cambridge ,platonists or ,latitudinarians1 as they were called1 which also numbered ,henry ,more1 ,john ,smith1 ,culverwell1 and ,whichcote4 ,liberal and tolerant ,churchmanship in those days1 when it was so rare1 was probably a much closer bond of union than it is now1 and the associations which she had formed with her father's liberal1 philosophical1 and devout spirit must have helped to endear ,locke to the daughter of ,dr4 ,cudworth4 ,during ,locke's absence from ,england1 ,damaris ,cudworth had married1 as his second wife1 ,sir ,francis ,masham1 an amiable and hospitable country gentleman1 who seems to have occupied a prominent position in his county4 ,with them lived ,mrs4 ,cudworth1 the widow of ,dr4 ,cudworth1 one little son1 ,francis1 and a daughter by the former marriage1 ,esther1 who was about fourteen when ,locke commenced his visits to the family4 ,from the first he seems to have had some idea of settling down at ,oates1 making trial of the air of the place1 than which1 as ,lady ,masham tells us1 he thought none would be more suitable to him4 ,after a very severe illness in the autumn of #afij1 he spent several months with the ,mashams1 and appears then to have formed a more definite plan of making ,oates his home4 ,but1 though his hospitable friends gave him every assurance of a constant welcome1 he would only consent to regard it as a permanent residence on his own terms1 which were that he should pay his share of the household expenses4 ,with true kindness and courtesy1 ,sir ,francis and ,lady ,masham1 at last1 in the spring of #afia1 agreed to this arrangement1 and ,mr4 ,locke then1 says ,lady ,masham1 believed himself at home with us1 and resolved1 if it pleased ,god1 here to end his days--as he did4 ,devoted and sympathetic friends1 a pleasant residence1 freedom from domestic or pecuniary cares1 and the pure fresh air of the country seem to have afforded him all the enjoyment and leisure which we could have wished for him4 ,after having had more than his share of the storms of life1 he had at last found a quiet and pleasant haven wherein to enjoy the calm and sunshine of his declining years4 ,occasionally1 and especially during the summer1 he visited ,london1 where1 at first1 he retained his old chambers at ,westminster1 moving afterwards to ,lincoln's ,inn ,fields4 ,but ,oates was now his home1 and it continued to be so to the end of his life4 ,locke was always an attached friend1 and we have seen already how many warm friendships he had formed in youth and middle age4 ,at the present time1 besides ,limborch1 ,le ,clerc1 ,lord ,monmouth1 and the ,mashams1 we may mention among his more intimate friends ,lord ,pembroke1 the young ,lord ,ashley1 ,somers1 ,boyle1 and ,newton4 ,lord ,pembroke 7to whom the ,essay is dedicated in what we should now regard as a tone of overwrought compliment7 opened his town house for weekly meetings in which1 instead of political and personal gossip1 things of the mind were discussed4 ,these conversations1 undisturbed by such as could not bear a part in the best entertainment of rational minds1 free discourse concerning useful truths1 were a source of great enjoyment to ,locke during his ,london residence4 ,it was through his introduction that ,lord ,pembroke1 when sent on a special mission to the ,hague1 made the acquaintance1 which afterwards ripened into friendship1 of ,limborch and ,le ,clerc4 ,the correspondence between ,locke and ,limborch1 while ,lord ,pembroke was in ,holland1 reveals to us the curious fact that there was no organized carrying trade between ,england and ,holland at that time4 ,on returning1 the ,earl1 or his ,secretary1 was commissioned to bring back a pound of tea and copies of the ,acta ,eruditorum4 ,the tea must be had at any price4 ,i want the best tea1 ,locke writes to ,limborch1 even if it costs forty florins a pound2 only you must be quick1 or we shall lose this opportunity1 and ,i doubt whether we shall have another4 ,the price that he was ready to pay for a pound of tea would be about #il4 at the present value of money4 ,but tea at that time was regarded rather as a medicine than a beverage4 ,young ,lord ,ashley1 it will be recollected1 had1 like his father1 been under the charge of ,locke when a child4 ,after being at school for some years at ,winchester1 and spending some time in travelling on the ,continent1 he was now again in ,london1 living in his father's house at ,chelsea4 ,it is plain that the young philosopher saw a good deal of his foster-father1 as he called him1 and they must often have discussed together the questions which were so interesting to them both4 ,ashley1 moreover1 who was already beginning to solve the problems of philosophy in his own way1 addressed a number of letters to ,locke1 freely1 but courteously and good-humouredly1 criticising his master's views4 ,sir ,john ,somers1 now ,solicitor-,general1 and successively ,attorney-,general1 ,lord ,keeper of the ,great ,seal1 and ,lord ,chancellor1 with the title of ,lord ,somers1 had been known to ,locke before his retirement to ,holland4 ,they were both of them attached to the ,shaftesbury connexion1 and hence1 though ,somers was nearly twenty years the junior1 they had probably already seen a good deal of each other when ,william ascended the throne4 ,on ,locke's return to ,england1 he found ,somers a member of the ,convention ,parliament4 ,the younger man1 both when he was a rising barrister and a successful minister1 seems frequently to have consulted the elder one1 and ,locke's principles of government1 finance1 and toleration must often have exerted a considerable influence both on his speeches and his measures4 ,nor had ,locke any reason to be ashamed of his teaching4 ,lord ,somers1 says ,horace ,walpole1 was one of those divine men who1 like a chapel in a palace1 remain unprofaned1 while all the rest is tyranny1 corruption1 and folly4 ,it was1 perhaps1 through ,somers that ,locke made the acquaintance of another great and wise statesman1 ,charles ,montague1 subsequently ,lord ,halifax1 with whom1 at least during the later years of his life1 he had much political connexion1 and by whom he was frequently called into counsel4 ,the acquaintance between ,locke and ,newton1 of whom ,newton was the junior by more than ten years1 most probably began before ,locke's departure to ,holland4 ,both had then for some time been members of the ,royal ,society1 and both were friends of ,hoyle4 ,the first positive evidence1 however1 that we have of their relations is afforded by a paper1 entitled ,a ,demonstration that the ,planets1 by their gravity towards the ,sun1 may move in ,eclipses1 and endorsed in ,locke's handwriting1 ,mr4 ,newton1 ,march1 #afhi4 ,in the summer or autumn of the same year1 probably1 was written the epistle to the reader prefixed to the ,essay4 ,in that occurs the following passage1 expressing no doubt ,locke's genuine opinion of the great writers whom he names3--,the ,commonwealth of learning is not at this time without master-builders1 whose mighty designs in advancing the sciences will leave lasting monuments to the admiration of posterity2 but every one must not hope to be a ,boyle or a ,sydenham1 and in an age that produces such masters as the great ,huygenius and the incomparable ,mr4 ,newton1 with some other of that strain1 'tis ambition enough to be employed as an under-labourer in clearing ground a little1 and removing some of the rubbish that lies in the way to knowledge4 ,locke interested himself long and warmly in attempting to obtain for ,newton some lucrative appointment in ,london4 ,newton's letters occasionally betray querulousness1 but there can be no reason to suppose that ,locke at all flagged in his efforts1 and ultimately1 with the assistance of ,lord ,monmouth1 ,lord ,halifax1 and others1 they proved successful4 ,newton was1 in course of time1 appointed ,warden1 and then ,master of the ,mint4 ,in ,january1 #afij-ia1 the philosopher and the mathematician met at ,oates4 ,their conversation there probably turned chiefly on theological topics1 as was the case with most of their correspondence afterwards4 ,newton was greatly interested not only in theological speculation1 but in the interpretation of prophecy and ,biblical criticism1 on both of which subjects works by him are extant4 ,in #afij he wrote a manuscript letter to ,locke1 entitled ,an ,historical ,account of ,two ,notable ,corruptions of ,scripture in a ,letter to a ,friend1 the texts criticised being #a ,john v4 #g1 and #a ,timothy iii4 #af4 ,the corruption of the former of these texts is now almost universally1 and that of the latter very generally1 acknowledged2 but so jealous of orthodoxy1 in respect of anything which seemed to affect the doctrine of the ,trinity1 was public opinion at that time1 that ,newton did not dare to publish the pamphlet4 ,locke1 who was meditating a visit to ,holland1 was1 by ,newton's wish1 to have taken it over with him1 and to have had it translated into ,french1 and published anonymously4 ,but the intended visit fell through1 and ,locke sent the manuscript over to ,le ,clerc4 ,so timid1 however1 was ,newton1 that he now tried to recall it4 ,let me entreat you1 he writes to ,locke1 to stop the translation and impression of the papers as soon as you can1 for ,i desire to suppress them4 ,le ,clerc thought more nobly and more justly that one ought to risk a little in order to be of service to those honest folk who err only through ignorance1 and who1 if they get a chance1 would gladly be disabused of their false notions4 ,the letter was not published till after its author's death1 and at first it appeared only in an imperfect form4 ,in ,bishop ,horsley's edition of ,newton it is printed complete4 ,newton's unpublished writings leave no doubt that he did not accept the orthodox doctrine of the ,trinity1 and it may have been his consciousness of this fact which made him so afraid of being known to be the author of what was merely a critical exercitation4 ,but we must recollect that at this time ,biblical criticism was unfamiliar to the majority of divines1 and that to question the authenticity of a text was generally regarded as identical with doubting the doctrine which it was supposed to illustrate4 ,one of the other subjects on which ,locke and ,newton corresponded was a parcel of red earth which had been left by ,boyle1 who died on ,dec4 #cj1 #afia1 to ,locke and his other literary executors1 with directions for turning it into gold4 ,locke seems to have had some faith in the alchemistic process1 but it is plain that ,newton had none4 ,he was satisfied that mercury1 by this recipe1 might be brought to change its colours and properties1 but not that gold might be multiplied thereby4 ,some workmen of whom he had heard as practising the recipe had been forced to other means of living1 a proof that the multiplication of gold did not succeed as a profession4 ,occasionally1 owing to ,newton's nervous and irritable temper1 which at one time threatened to settle down into a fixed melancholy1 there seems to have been some misunderstanding of ,locke on his part1 but it is satisfactory to know that the two greatest literary men of their age in ,england1 if not in ,europe1 lived1 almost without interruption1 in friendly and even intimate relations with each other4 ,the close intercourse between ,boyle and ,locke1 which dated from their ,oxford days1 seems to have been kept up till the time of ,boyle's death4 ,locke made a special journey to ,london to visit him on his death-bed1 and was1 as we have seen1 left one of his literary executors4 ,the editing of ,boyle's ,general ,history of the ,air had already been committed to ,locke1 and seems to have occupied much of his time during the year #afia4 ,of ,locke's less-known friends1 ,dr4 ,david ,thomas must have died between #afhg1 when there is a letter from him to ,locke1 and #agjj1 when ,locke speaks of having outlived him4 ,sir ,james ,tyrrell1 another old college friend1 usually spoken of in ,locke's correspondence as ,musidore1 was in communication with him as late as ,april1 #agjd1 the year of his death4 ,he had1 as already stated1 been present at the meeting of five or six friends in ,locke's chamber1 which first suggested the composition of the ,essay4 ,edward ,clarke1 of ,chipley1 near ,taunton1 was another friend of old standing4 ,he was elected member for ,taunton in ,king ,william's second parliament1 and from that time forward resided much in ,london4 ,this circumstance probably deepened the intimacy between the two friends2 at all events1 during the remainder of ,locke's life they are constantly associated4 ,locke advised ,clarke as to the education of his children1 one of whom1 ,betty1 a little girl now about ten years old1 seems to have been regarded by him with peculiar affection2 in his letters he constantly speaks of her as ,mrs4 ,locke and his wife4 ,the playful banter with which ,locke treated his child friends affords unmistakable evidence of the kindness and simplicity of his heart4 ,william ,molyneux1 who for many years represented the ,university of ,dublin in the ,irish parliament1 referred to in the second edition of the ,essay as that very ingenious and studious promoter of real knowledge1 the worthy and learned ,mr4 ,molyneux1 this thinking gentleman whom1 though ,i have never had the happiness to see1 ,i am proud to call my friend1 first became acquainted with ,locke in #afib4 ,in his ,dioptrica ,nova1 published in that year1 he had paid ,locke a graceful1 if not an exaggerated1 compliment4 ,to none do we owe1 for a greater advancement in this part of philosophy1 he said1 speaking of logic1 than to the incomparable ,mr4 ,locke1 who hath rectified more received mistakes1 and delivered more profound truths1 established on experience and observation1 for the direction of man's mind in the prosecution of knowledge1 which ,i think may be properly termed logic1 than are to be met with in all the volumes of the ancients4 ,he has clearly overthrown all those metaphysical whimsies which infected men's brains with a spice of madness1 whereby they feigned a knowledge where they had none1 by making a noise with sounds without clear and distinct significations4 ,locke was pleased with the compliment1 and a letter acknowledging the receipt of ,molyneux's book was the beginning of a long correspondence between them1 which ended only with the early death of ,molyneux1 at the age of forty-two1 in #afih4 ,for nearly six years the friends1 though in constant correspondence1 had never seen each other1 ,molyneux residing in ,dublin1 and suffering1 like ,locke1 from feeble health1 which prevented him from crossing the ,channel4 ,but the feeling of affection seems soon to have become as intense1 notwithstanding ,aristotle's dictum that personal intercourse is essential to the continuance of friendship1 as if they had lived together all their lives4 ,in his second letter to ,molyneux1 dated ,sept4 #bj1 #afib1 ,locke says3--,you must expect to have me live with you hereafter1 with all the liberty and assurance of a settled friendship4 ,for meeting with but few men in the world whose acquaintance ,i find much reason to covet1 ,i make more than ordinary haste into the familiarity of a rational inquirer after and lover of truth1 whenever ,i can light on any such4 ,there are beauties of the mind as well as of the body1 that take and prevail at first sight2 and1 wherever ,i have met with this1 ,i have readily surrendered myself1 and have never yet been deceived in my expectation4 ,molyneux had thought of coming over to ,england on a visit to ,locke in the summer of #afid4 ,locke1 in a letter written in the following spring1 after deprecating the risks to which his journey might expose him adds3--,and yet1 if ,i may confess my secret thoughts1 there is not anything which ,i would not give that some other unavoidable occasion would draw you into ,england4 ,a rational1 free-minded man1 tied to nothing but truth1 is so rare a thing that ,i almost worship such a friend2 but1 when friendship is joined to it1 and these are brought into a free conversation1 where they meet and can be together1 what is there can have equal charms8 ,i cannot but exceedingly wish for that happy day when ,i may see a man ,i have so often longed to have in my embraces4444 ,you cannot think how often ,i regret the distance that is between us2 ,i envy ,dublin for what ,i every day want in ,london4 ,in a subsequent letter1 written in #afie1 he writes3--,i cannot complain that ,i have not my share of friends of all ranks1 and such whose interest1 assistance1 affection1 and opinions too1 in fit cases1 ,i can rely on4 ,but methinks1 for all this1 there is one place vacant that ,i know nobody would so well fill as yourself2 ,i want one near me to talk freely with de quolibet ente1 to propose to the extravagancies that rise in my mind2 one with whom ,i would debate several doubts and questions to see what was in them4 ,thomas ,molyneux1 the brother of ,william1 a physician practising in ,dublin1 had met ,locke during his stay in ,holland4 ,they shared a common admiration for ,sydenham1 and the correspondence with ,william ,molyneux revived their friendship1 though it never attained to nearly the same proportions as that between ,locke and the other brother4 ,a passage on what may be called the ,logic of ,medicine1 in one of ,locke's letters to ,thomas ,molyneux1 is worth quoting3--,what we know of the works of nature1 especially in the constitution of health and the operations of our own bodies1 is only by the sensible effects1 but not by any certainty we can have of the tools she uses or the ways she walks by4 ,so that there is nothing left for a physician to do but to observe well1 and so1 by analogy1 argue to like cases1 and thence make to himself rules of practice4 99 99 99 99 99 ,nov4 #g1 #afia1 is the date of the dedication of the ,tract entitled ,some considerations on the ,lowering of ,interest and ,raising the ,value of ,money in a letter sent to a ,member of ,parliament1 #afia4 ,this letter was published anonymously in the following year4 ,the member of ,parliament was undoubtedly ,sir ,john ,somers1 who had put the author upon looking out his old papers concerning the reducing of interest to #d per cent41 which had so long1 nearly twenty years1 lain by1 forgotten4 ,the time to which ,locke refers must be the year #afgb1 when the ,exchequer was closed1 that is to say1 all payments to the public creditors suspended for a year1 and the interest on the ,bankers' advances reduced to six per cent4 ,this nefarious act of spoliation1 which caused wide-spread ruin and distress1 was devised while ,shaftesbury was ,chancellor of the ,exchequer1 but the main blame in the transaction probably attaches to ,clifford4 ,the notions concerning coinage1 which are embodied in the second division of the pamphlet1 had been put into writing and apparently shown to ,somers about twelve months before the date of the letter4 ,on the occasion and contents of this pamphlet1 as well as of ,locke's other tracts on ,finance1 ,i shall have an opportunity of speaking in subsequent chapters4 ,many of my readers will sympathize with ,locke in his complaints of the waste of his time during this autumn4 ,writing to ,limborch on ,nov4 #ad1 he says1 ,i know not how it is1 but the pressure of other people's business has left me no time or leisure for my own affairs4 ,do not suppose that ,i mean public business4 ,i have neither health1 nor strength1 nor knowledge enough to attend to that4 ,and when ,i ask myself what has so hampered and occupied me during the last three months1 it seems as if a sort of spell had been thrown on me1 so that ,i have got entangled first in one business and then in another1 without being able to avoid it1 or1 in fact1 to foresee what was coming4 ,locke was pre-eminently a good-natured man1 and1 like many other men before and since1 he had to pay the penalty of good-nature by doing a vast amount of other people's business1 often probably with scant acknowledgment4 ,one of the occupations in which he was engaged may have been doctoring the household at ,oates and advising medically for his friends at a distance2 but in business of this kind1 though he may have grudged the time it consumed1 he seems always to have taken special delight4 ,in the summer of #afib he spent a considerable time in ,london4 ,his main business there seems to have been to see the ,third ,letter on ,toleration through the press4 ,but he was now1 as ever1 ready to do work for his friends4 ,thus he obtained for ,limborch the permission to dedicate the book which he had so long been preparing1 the ,historia ,inquisitionis1 to ,tillotson1 then ,archbishop of ,canterbury4 ,limborch evidently set great store on this privilege4 ,of ,tillotson1 ,locke seems to have entertained a very high opinion2 which1 indeed1 was thoroughly well deserved4 ,in proportion to his renown and worth is his modesty4 ,tillotson was not one of those liberal ,churchmen whom promotion makes timid1 or cold to their former friends4 ,he was maligned by an unforgiving and unscrupulous faction1 more1 perhaps1 than any other man of that age1 but he always retained the courage of his opinions4 ,locke's health seems to have suffered much during the winter of #afib-ic4 ,but he still occupied himself with literary work4 ,while in ,holland1 he had corresponded frequently with ,clarke on the education of his children4 ,yielding to the solicitation of many of his friends1 especially ,william ,molyneux1 he now reduced the letters to the form of a treatise1 which was published in ,july1 #afic1 under the title ,some ,thoughts ,concerning ,education4 ,the dedication to ,clarke bears date in the previous ,march1 and is signed by ,locke1 though his name does not appear on the title-page4 ,the most serious work1 however1 in which he was now engaged1 was the preparation of a second edition of the ,essay4 ,the first edition seems to have been exhausted in the autumn of #afib4 ,on the alterations and additions introduced into the second edition1 there is an interesting correspondence with ,molyneux1 ranging from ,sept4 #bj1 #afib1 to ,may #bf1 #afid1 when the new edition1 notwithstanding the slowness of the press1 was printed and bound1 and ready to be sent to ,locke's ,dublin correspondent4 ,besides suggestions in detail1 such as those touching the questions of liberty and personal identity1 ,molyneux urged ,locke to undertake a separate work on ,ethics1 a suggestion which for a time he entertained favourably1 but which1 owing partly1 perhaps1 to his idea that the principles and rules of morality ought to be presented in a demonstrative form1 was never carried out4 ,though he does not seem to have doubted that morality might be demonstrably made out1 yet whether he was able so to make it out was another question4 ,every one could not have demonstrated what ,mr4 ,newton's book hath shown to be demonstrable4 ,he was1 however1 ready to employ the first leisure he could find that way4 ,but the treatise never proceeded beyond a few rough notes4 ,another reason assigned1 at a later period1 for not more seriously setting about this task was that the ,gospel contains so perfect a body of ethics1 that reason may be excused for that inquiry1 since she may find man's duty clearer and easier in revelation than in herself4 ,this argument shows at once the sincerity of ,locke's religious convictions1 and the inadequate conception he had formed to himself of the grounds and nature of ,moral ,philosophy4 ,another suggestion made by ,molyneux was that1 besides a second edition of the ,essay1 ,locke should bring out1 in accordance with the main lines of his philosophy1 another work forming a complete compendium of logic and metaphysics for the use of ,university ,students4 ,no one can regret that the author of the ,essay did not adopt this advice4 ,apropos of this suggestion1 ,molyneux tells ,locke that ,dr4 ,ashe1 then ,provost of ,trinity ,college1 ,dublin1 was so wonderfully pleased and satisfied with the work1 that he has ordered it to be read by the bachelors in the college1 and strictly examines them in their progress therein4 ,from that time onwards the ,essay seems to have held its ground as a class-book at ,dublin4 ,the reception which it met with at first from the authorities of ,locke's own ,university1 as we shall see presently1 was widely different4 ,in ,may1 #afid1 the second edition was on sale1 and was quickly exhausted4 ,the third edition1 which is simply a reprint of the second1 appeared in the following year4 ,one more edition1 the fourth1 dated #agjj1 but issued in the autumn of #afii1 appeared during ,locke's lifetime4 ,in it there are important alterations and additions1 including two new chapters--that on ,enthusiasm1 and the very important one at the end of the second book1 on the ,association of ,ideas4 ,a ,latin translation of the ,essay by ,richard ,burridge1 an ,irish ,clergyman1 was published at ,london1 in #agja2 and a ,french translation by ,pierre ,coste1 who was a friend of ,le ,clerc1 and had been acting for some time as tutor to young ,frank ,masham at ,amsterdam1 in #agjj4 ,john ,wynne1 ,fellow of ,jesus ,college1 ,oxford1 and subsequently ,bishop of ,st4 ,asaph1 published an abridgment for the use of ,university ,students1 in #afif4 ,wynne had a large number of pupils1 and the compendium of ,locke's philosophy appears to have obtained rapid circulation among the younger students in ,oxford1 only1 however1 as we shall soon see1 to encounter the opposition of the authorities4 ,it is notable that all the important alterations and additions made in the second edition of the ,essay were printed on separate slips1 and issued1 without charge1 to those who possessed the first4 ,sir ,james ,tyrrell's copy of the first edition1 with these slips pasted in1 is in the ,british ,museum2 and that of ,william ,molyneux in the ,bodleian4 ,in sending to ,molyneux the second edition1 ,locke had also forwarded the slips to be pasted in the first1 which would help to make the book useful to any young man2 but whether ,molyneux gave the copy now in the ,bodleian to any young man1 and1 if so1 who the fortunate young man was1 we do not learn4 ,the first writer who had taken up his pen against ,locke was ,john ,norris1 the amiable and celebrated ,vicar of ,bemerton1 a religious and philosophical mystic1 whose works are even still in repute4 ,norris was a disciple of ,malebranche1 and his attack seems to have had the effect of leading ,locke to make a careful study of the theories of the ,french philosopher4 ,the result was two tractates--one entitled ,remarks upon some of ,mr4 ,norris's ,books2 the other1 ,an ,examination of ,pre ,malebranche's ,opinion of seeing all things in ,god4 ,the latter is much the more considerable production of the two1 and is mainly remarkable as showing that ,locke saw clearly that the conclusions1 subsequently drawn by ,berkeley1 must follow from ,malebranche's premises4 ,neither of these tracts was published till after ,locke's death4 ,the reasons assigned by him for not publishing his criticisms of ,malebranche are characteristic3 ,i love not controversies1 and have a personal kindness for the author4 ,locke's literary activity during the years #afhi-ie appears excessive2 but we must recollect that he had already accumulated a vast amount of material1 and that1 during the latter part of that time at least1 he must have enjoyed considerable leisure in his country retirement4 ,in the early months of #afie he was mainly occupied with a new subject--the ,essay on the ,reasonableness of ,christianity as delivered in the ,scriptures4 ,though this work was designed to establish the supernatural character of the ,christian revelation1 and its importance to mankind1 it by no means satisfied the canons of a strict orthodoxy4 ,some of the more mysterious and less intelligible doctrines of the ,christian ,church1 if not denied1 were at least represented as unessential to saving faith4 ,hence it at once provoked a bitter controversy4 ,the buz1 the flutter1 and noise which was made1 and the reports which were raised1 says its author1 would have persuaded the world that it subverted all morality1 and was designed against the ,christian religion4 ,i must confess1 discussions of this kind1 which ,i met with1 spread up and down1 at first amazed me2 knowing the sincerity of those thoughts which persuaded me to publish it1 not without some hope of doing some service to decaying piety and mistaken and slandered ,christianity4 ,the first assailant was ,john ,edwards1 a former ,fellow of ,st4 ,john's ,college1 ,cambridge1 who in a violent pamphlet1 entitled ,thoughts concerning the ,causes and ,occasions of ,atheism1 included the ,reasonableness of ,christianity in his attack1 and insinuated that ,locke was its author by affecting to disbelieve it4 ,the book was described as all over ,socinianized1 and a ,socinian1 if not an atheist1 is1 according to ,edwards1 one that favours the cause of atheism4 ,that there was much similarity between the apparent opinions of ,locke and the doctrines of ,faustus ,socinus himself1 though not of ,socinus's more extreme followers1 who were also popularly called ,socinians1 admits of no doubt4 ,but the charge of favouring atheism can only have been brought against a man who regarded the existence of ,god as the most obvious truth that reason discovers1 and who appears never to have questioned the reality of supernatural intervention1 from time to time1 in the world's history1 because it happened to be the roughest stone that could be found in the controversial wallet4 ,locke replied to ,edwards with pardonable asperity1 in a tract entitled ,a ,vindication of the ,reasonableness of ,christianity4 ,edwards1 of course1 soon replied to the reply1 and attacked ,locke more violently than ever in his ,socinianism ,unmasked4 ,no rejoinder followed1 but the adversary was not to be let off on such easy terms4 ,another shot was fired1 and ,the ,socinian ,creed1 as venomous and more successful than the ,socinianism ,unmasked1 provoked ,a ,second ,vindication4 ,this lengthy pamphlet1 far more elaborate than the first1 must have occupied much of ,locke's time4 ,it did not appear till the spring of #afig4 ,edwards returned to the charge2 but1 fortunately1 ,locke had the wisdom and courage to refrain from carrying on the fight4 ,bitter as the feeling against ,locke must have been in many clerical circles at this time1 there were not wanting1 even amongst the clergy1 those who sympathized with his views4 ,mr4 ,bolde1 a ,dorsetshire clergyman1 came forward to defend him against ,edwards4 ,and ,molyneux1 writing on the #bfth of ,september1 #afif1 says1 ,as to the ,reasonableness of ,christianity1 ,i do not find but it is very well approved of here amongst candid1 unprejudiced men1 that dare speak their thoughts4 ,i'll tell you what a very learned and ingenious prelate said to me on that occasion4 ,i asked him whether he had read that book1 and how he liked it4 ,he told me very well2 and that1 if my friend ,mr4 ,locke writ it1 it was the best book he ever laboured at2 'but1' says he1 'if ,i should be known to think so1 ,i should have my lawns torn from my shoulders4' ,but he knew my opinion aforehand1 and was1 therefore1 the freer to commit his secret thoughts in that matter to me4 ,we may not be disposed to think highly of the very learned and ingenious prelate2 but the story shows1 as indeed we know from other sources1 to what a volume of opinion1 both lay and clerical1 on the expediency of presenting ,christianity in a more reasonable and less mysterious and dogmatic form1 ,locke's treatise had given expression4 ,men were anxious to retain their beliefs in the supernatural order of events1 but they were equally anxious to harmonize them with what they regarded as the necessities of reason4 ,the current of ,rationalism had set in4 ,it is satisfactory to know that1 amidst all these controversial worries1 which must have been most distasteful to a man of his habits and temper1 ,locke enjoyed the solace of pleasant companionship and domestic serenity4 ,he was thoroughly at home at ,oates1 and ,lord ,monmouth and his other friends in and near town seem always to have been ready to accord him a hearty welcome1 whenever he cared to pay them a visit4 ,his little wife1 ,betty ,clarke1 and her brother used occasionally to come on visits to him at the ,mashams1 and he seems to have taken great delight in the society of ,esther ,masham1 who was now rapidly growing up to womanhood4 ,in raillery1 wrote this lady many years afterwards1 he used to call me his ,laudabridis1 and ,i called him my ,john4 ,the winters of #afid-ie and #afie-if were unusually long and severe1 and in both of them ,locke appears to have been under apprehensions that his chronic illness might terminate in death4 ,it may here be noticed that in the summer of #afid ,locke became one of the original proprietors of the ,bank of ,england1 which1 having been projected by a merchant named ,william ,paterson1 had been established by ,act of ,parliament in ,april of that year1 and invested with certain trading privileges1 on condition that it should lend its capital to the ,government at eight per cent4 interest4 ,the plan had encountered great opposition1 especially among the landed gentry1 and had only been carried through the strenuous exertions of ,montague and the ,whig party4 ,locke subscribed #ejjl41 a considerable sum in those days4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,political ,,affairs4--,,public ,,occupations4--,,relations ,,with ,,the ,,king4 ,notwithstanding his retirement to ,oates1 and his incessant literary activity1 ,locke never lost his interest in politics1 and1 as the friend and admirer of men like ,monmouth1 ,somers1 and ,clarke1 he must always have exercised a considerable influence on the policy of the ,whig party4 ,in the spring of #afie he seems to have taken a primary share in determining a measure which for a time divided the ,houses of ,lords and ,commons1 and which must have enlisted his warmest sympathies4 ,this was the repeal of the ,licensing ,act4 ,the ,english ,press had never been wholly free1 and the ,act of ,charles ,,ii41 which was still in force1 was peculiarly stringent4 ,occasion had been taken by the ,commons1 when it was proposed1 in the session of #afid-ie1 to renew certain temporary statutes1 to strike out this particular statute from the list4 ,the ,lords dissented1 and re-inserted it4 ,the ,commons refused to accept the amendment4 ,a conference of both ,houses took place1 ,clarke of ,chipley being the leading manager on the part of the ,commons1 and the result was that the ,lords waived their objections4 ,the paper of reasons tendered by the ,commons' managers on this occasion is said1 by a writer in the ,craftsman for ,nov4 #bj1 #agca1 to have been drawn up by ,locke4 ,as ,clarke was one of his most intimate friends1 and as the ,reasons correspond pretty closely with a paper of criticisms on the ,act written by ,locke1 this statement is probably true1 so far at least as concerns their substance4 ,the arguments employed are mainly practical1 consisting of objections in detail1 and pointing out inconveniences1 financial and otherwise1 which resulted from the operation of the ,act4 ,but these arguments1 suited to the capacity of the parliamentary majority1 did1 as ,macaulay has remarked1 what ,milton's ,areopagitica had failed to do1 and a vote1 of which the history can be but imperfectly traced in the ,journals of the ,house1 has done more for liberty and for civilization than the ,great ,charter or the ,bill of ,rights4 ,locke's paper of criticisms1 which is published in extenso in ,lord ,king's ,life1 asks very pertinently why a man should not have liberty to print whatever he would speak1 and be answerable for the one1 just as he is for the other1 if he transgresses the law in either4 ,he then offers a suggestion1 to take the place of the licensing provisions3--,let the printer or bookseller be answerable for whatever is against law in the book1 as if he were the author1 unless he can produce the person he had it from1 which is all the restraint ought to be upon printing4 ,it appears from this paper that the monopoly of the ,stationers' ,company had become so oppressive that books printed in ,london could be bought cheaper at ,amsterdam than in ,st4 ,paul's ,church ,yard4 ,except for the few monopolists1 the book-trade had been ruined in ,england4 ,but then1 he reflects1 our ecclesiastical laws seldom favour trade1 and he that reads this ,act with attention will find it upse 7that is1 highly7 ecclesiastical4 ,this question had hardly been settled before ,locke had another opportunity of influencing legislation on a subject which absorbed much of his interest1 and on which he had already employed his pen4 ,probably at no time in the history of our country has the condition of the coinage become so burning a question1 or caused such wide-spread distress1 as in the years immediately succeeding the ,revolution4 ,to understand the monetary difficulties occasioned by clipping the coin1 it must be remembered that1 at the time of which ,i am speaking1 two kinds of silver money 7if we neglect the imperfectly milled money which was executed between #aefa and #affc7 were in circulation1 hammered money with unmarked rims1 and what was called milled money1 from being made in a coining-mill1 with a legend on the rim of the larger and graining on the rim of the smaller pieces4 ,the latter kind of coins1 too1 had the additional advantage of being almost perfectly circular1 while the shape of the former was almost always more or less irregular4 ,the hammered money1 it is plain1 could be easily clipped or pared1 whereas the milling was an absolute protection against this mode of fraud4 ,though milling1 in much its present form1 had been introduced into our mint in the year #affc1 and then became the exclusive mode of coining1 the old hammered money still continued to be legal tender2 and1 as the milled money was always worth its weight in silver1 and the hammered money was generally current at something much above its intrinsic worth1 the milled money was naturally melted down or exported abroad1 leaving the hammered money in almost exclusive possession of the field4 ,the milled money disappeared almost as fast as it was coined1 and the hammered money was clipped and pared more and more1 till it was often not worth half or even a third of the sum for which it passed4 ,at ,oxford1 indeed1 a hundred pounds' worth of the current silver money1 which ought to have weighed four hundred ounces1 was found to weigh only a hundred and sixteen4 ,every month the state of things was becoming worse and worse4 ,the cost of commodities was constantly rising1 and every payment of any amount involved endless altercations4 ,in a bargain not only had the price of the article to be settled1 but also the value of the money in which it was to be paid4 ,a guinea1 which at one place counted for only twenty-two shillings1 would at another fetch thirty1 and might have brought far more1 had not the ,government fixed that sum as the maximum at which it would be taken in the payment of taxes4 ,thus1 all commercial transactions had become disarranged2 no one knew what he was really worth1 or what any commodity might cost him a few months hence4 ,macaulay1 who has given a most graphic description of the financial condition of the country at this time1 hardly exaggerates when he says1 ,it may be doubted whether all the misery which had been inflicted on the ,english nation in a quarter of a century by bad kings1 bad ministers1 bad parliaments1 and bad judges1 was equal to the misery caused in a single year by bad crowns and bad shillings4 ,almost from the moment of his return to ,england1 ,locke had felt the gravest anxiety on this subject4 ,when at my lodgings in ,london1 says ,lady ,masham1 speaking of the time immediately succeeding the ,revolution1 the company there1 finding him often afflicted about a matter which nobody else took any notice of1 have rallied him upon this uneasiness as being a visionary trouble1 he has more than once replied1 ',we might laugh at it1 but it would not be long before we should want money to send our servants to market with for bread and meat1' which was so true1 five or six years after1 that there was not a family in ,england who did not find this a difficulty4 ,the letter on ,some ,considerations of the ,consequences of ,lowering of ,interest and ,raising the ,value of ,money1 the latter part of which dealt with this question1 is dated as early as ,nov4 #g1 #afia1 and had been1 in the main1 as he tells us1 put into writing about twelve months before4 ,here he not only points out the intolerable character of the grievances under which the nation was labouring1 but also protests most emphatically against one of the proposed methods of remedying them1 namely1 raising the value of money1 as it was called2 that is1 depreciating the intrinsic value of the money coined1 or raising the denomination1 so1 for instance1 as to put into a crown-piece or a shilling1 when coined1 less than the customary amount of silver4 ,to the consideration of this scheme1 which at one time found much favour1 we shall soon see that he had occasion to recur4 ,universal as were the complaints about the existing state of things1 no active measures1 if we except wholesale and frequent hangings for clipping the coin1 and increased measures of vigilance for the purpose of detecting the delinquents1 were taken for stopping the evil1 until the year #afie4 ,under the malign ascendancy of ,danby1 the ,government had other views and objects than to ameliorate the condition of the people4 ,but1 in the years #afid and #afie1 other and more enlightened statesmen were gradually winning their way into the royal councils1 or beginning to occupy a more important position in them4 ,for at this period1 we must recollect1 the high officers of state were not all1 as now1 necessarily of one uniform political pattern4 ,in ,april1 #afid1 immediately after the establishment of the ,bank of ,england1 ,charles ,montague1 afterwards ,lord ,halifax1 one of the greatest of ,english financiers1 had been made ,chancellor of the ,exchequer4 ,and1 on occasion of the king's departure for the ,continent in ,may1 #afie1 two of ,locke's most intimate friends--,lord ,keeper ,somers and the ,earl of ,pembroke--were nominated among the seven ,lords ,justices1 who were to govern the kingdom during ,william's absence4 ,to discerning and judicious statesmen like ,somers and ,montague it must have been quite apparent that the penal laws for protecting the coinage were altogether inadequate to the purpose4 ,the gains to be made were so large and so easily obtained1 that men were ready to run the risk of the punishment4 ,and1 moreover1 even if the crime were detected1 the punishment was by no means certain or unattended with sympathy4 ,great as were the suffering and inconveniences inflicted on the people by these practices1 the punishment of death appeared to many to be in excess of the offence4 ,juries were often unwilling to convict1 and the disgrace incurred by the criminal was very different from that which attended the murderer or the ordinary thief4 ,that wise financial legislation1 and not the more stringent execution of the penal laws1 was the true and only effectual mode of eradicating the disease1 was at length recognized by the ,government1 and the new ,lords ,justices soon set about to devise the remedy4 ,to ,locke1 who was well known to have been the author of the pamphlet which appeared on the subject in #afib1 they naturally turned for advice4 ,in the early part of ,october1 while the king was on his way back from his successful campaign in the ,netherlands1 he was summoned up from ,oates to confer with them4 ,writing to ,molyneux the next month1 and informing him of the fact1 he adds1 with characteristic modesty3 ,this is too publicly known here to make the mentioning of it to you appear vanity in me4 ,notwithstanding the subordinate part which ,locke here seems to assign to himself1 there can be no doubt that his share in the measures of the ,government1 as ultimately matured1 was a principal1 if not the principal1 one4 ,that legislative measures would now be taken1 there was no longer any question4 ,but the danger of which ,locke was chiefly afraid was the raising the denomination of the coin1 or1 in other words1 the legalized depreciation of the currency1 a scheme against which he had formerly protested1 and which was now officially recommended to the ,government by one of their own subordinates1 ,william ,lowndes4 ,orders had been given to ,lowndes1 who1 after many years of good service in a subordinate capacity1 had recently been appointed ,secretary to the ,treasury1 to collect statistics relating to the monetary condition of the country1 and to report on the most practicable methods of re-coining the current silver money4 ,in executing the former part of his task1 he left no doubt as to the necessity of speedily applying some remedy4 ,the silver coins brought into the ,exchequer during three months of #afie ought to have weighed #bba1dah ounces4 ,their actual weight was #aac1gga ounces1 or barely over one-half4 ,in consequence of the vitiating1 diminishing1 and counterfeiting of the current moneys1 he says1 ,it is come to pass that great contentions do daily arise amongst the king's subjects in fairs1 markets1 shops1 and other places throughout the kingdom1 about the passing and refusing of the same1 to the great disturbance of the public peace4 ,many bargains1 doings1 and dealings are totally prevented and laid aside1 which lessens trade in general4 ,the necessity of setting the price of commodities according to the value of the money to be received1 is1 he considers1 one great cause of raising the price1 not only of merchandise1 but even of edibles and other necessaries for the sustenance of the common people1 to their great grievance4 ,so far1 his political economy was perfectly sound2 but when he comes to discuss the question of re-coinage1 he advocates1 without any misgiving1 a scheme for the depreciation of the currency to the extent of one-fifth4 ,a crown-piece was henceforth to count as #fs4 #c;d41 and the nominal value of half-crowns1 shillings1 and sixpences was to be raised proportionately4 ,locke1 with his clearer mind1 saw1 of course1 that this would only be for the state to do systematically and by law the very same thing for which the clippers were being hanged4 ,it would be to legalize the disarrangement of all monetary transactions1 and to deprive every creditor of one-fifth of his debts4 ,montague and ,somers were as clear on this point as he was1 and ,somers at once urged him to reply4 ,locke had returned to ,oates1 in consequence of the sudden death of ,mrs4 ,cudworth1 on the #afth of ,november1 and at once set about his answer4 ,this tract1 which formed a pamphlet of more than a hundred pages1 was submitted to the ,lords ,justices1 printed1 and published before the end of ,december4 ,it was entitled ,further ,considerations concerning ,raising the ,value of ,money1 and simplified and enforced the arguments contained in a previous pamphlet which ,locke had also drawn up for the use of the ,lords ,justices earlier in the year1 under the title1 ,some ,observations on a ,printed ,paper1 entitled1 ,for ,encouraging the ,coining ,silver money in ,england1 and after for keeping it here4 ,meanwhile1 ,montague had1 under the sanction of a committee of the whole ,house1 introduced his resolutions into the ,house of ,commons1 and there can be little doubt that1 in drawing up these1 he and the ,lords ,justices had been assisted by ,locke4 ,any way1 the resolutions embodied in the main the opinions which ,locke had been so instrumental in impressing on those in authority4 ,the old standard value of the silver pieces was to be retained both as to weight and fineness1 the point for which he had fought so persistently4 ,the clipped pieces were1 after a certain day1 only to be received in payment of taxes1 or in loans to the ,exchequer2 after a further day1 they were to cease to be legal tender altogether4 ,all the hammered money1 as it came into the mint in payment of loans or taxes1 was to be re-coined as milled money1 and the loss to be borne by the ,exchequer4 ,when the resolution that the old standard was to be retained was put to the ,house1 it was challenged1 and an amendment moved by those who were of ,lowndes' opinion that the word both be omitted4 ,on a division1 there were #bbe for retaining the word1 and #aad against4 ,the ,house thus1 by a large majority1 affirmed what all economists would now regard as an elementary principle of finance4 ,a ,bill embodying the resolution was soon passed1 but1 in consequence of difficulties with the ,lords1 had to be dropped4 ,a fresh ,bill was introduced on the #acth of ,january1 substantially embodying the same provisions as the old ,bill1 and was hurried through its various stages so fast that it received the ,royal ,assent on the #bast of ,january1 #afie-if4 ,up to the #dth of ,may1 #afif1 the clipped money was to be received in payment of taxes1 and up to the #bdth of ,june1 for loans or other payments into the ,exchequer4 ,but after the #ajth of ,february ensuing1 it was to cease to be legal tender in ordinary payments4 ,thus1 in spite of much temporary inconvenience caused by the scarcity of money during the time of transition1 the silver coinage of the country was1 once for all1 put upon a sound basis4 ,late as ,locke's pamphlet appeared1 it probably helped to facilitate the passage of the ,bill through the two ,houses1 as the reiterated statement of his opinions had undoubtedly contributed in very large measure to shape and confirm the action of the government4 ,it may be mentioned that the loss to the ,exchequer1 estimated as #a1bjj1jjjl41 was made up by the imposition of a house tax and window tax1 the former of which still continues1 while the latter existed within the memory of many men now only of middle age4 ,great as is the debt which philosophy owes to ,locke's ,essay1 constitutional theory to his treatises on government1 the freedom of religious speculation to his ,letters on ,toleration1 and the ways of sweet reasonableness to all these1 and indeed to all his works1 it would form a nice subject of discussion whether mankind at large has not been more benefited by the share which he took in practical reforms than by his literary productions4 ,it would undoubtedly be too much to affirm that1 without his initiative or assistance1 the state of the coinage would never have been reformed1 the monopoly of the ,stationers' ,company abolished1 or the shackles of the ,licensing ,act struck off4 ,but had it not been for his clearness of vision1 and the persistence of his philanthropic efforts1 these measures might have been indefinitely retarded or clogged with provisos and compromises which might have robbed them of more than half their effects4 ,a generation ago it was the fashion in many circles to speak contemptuously of the writers and statesmen of ,william's reign1 and even now but scant and grudging justice is often done to them4 ,the admirers of mystical philosophy and romantic politics may1 however1 fairly be challenged to show that their heroes1 whether in letters or action1 have borne equal fruit with the vigorous understanding and plain1 direct1 practical common-sense of men like ,halifax1 ,somers1 and ,locke4 ,it has already been stated that soon after his return to ,england ,locke was appointed a ,commissioner of ,appeals1 a post which1 though not entirely without duties1 seems to have taken up but little of his time4 ,one of his letters to ,clarke shows the difficulty of forming a quorum1 and perhaps illustrates the fact that when the duties of an office are slight1 they are generally neglected altogether4 ,but towards the end of the year #afie the government1 now virtually under the leadership of ,somers1 determined to revive the council of trade and plantations of which1 it will be recollected1 ,locke had been ,secretary when ,shaftesbury's counsels were in the ascendant at the court of ,charles ,,ii41 as far back as the year #afgc4 ,at first there were some difficulties with the king1 but ultimately2 on the #aeth of ,may1 #afif1 he was induced to issue the patent appointing and defining the duties of a commission4 ,besides the great officers of state1 there were to be certain paid commissioners1 with a salary of #ajjjl4 a year1 of whom ,locke was one4 ,his name was inserted in the first draft of the commission without his express consent1 and he appears1 as we can well understand1 to have accepted the office only with extreme reluctance4 ,writing to ,molyneux1 who had congratulated him on the appointment1 he says with evident sincerity3 ,your congratulation ,i take as you meant1 kindly and seriously1 and1 it may be1 it is what another would rejoice in2 but 'tis a preferment ,i shall get nothing by1 and ,i know not whether my country will1 though that ,i shall aim at with all my endeavours4 ,riches may be instrumental to so many good purposes1 that it is1 ,i think1 vanity rather than religion or philosophy to pretend to contemn them4 ,but yet they may be purchased too dear4 ,my age and health demand a retreat from bustle and business1 and the pursuit of some inquiries ,i have in my thoughts makes it more desirable than any of those rewards which public employments tempt people with4 ,i think the little ,i have enough1 and do not desire to live higher or die richer than ,i am4 ,and therefore you have reason rather to pity the folly1 than congratulate the fortune1 that engages me in the whirlpool4 ,the duties of the commission could hardly have been more widely defined than they were4 ,it was to be at once a ,board of ,trade1 a ,poor-,law ,board1 and a ,colonial ,office4 ,the commissioners were to inquire into the general condition of trade in the country1 both internal and external1 and to consider by what means the several useful and profitable manufactures already settled in the kingdom may be further improved2 and how1 and in what manner1 new and profitable manufactures may be introduced4 ,they were also to consider of some proper methods for setting on work and employing the poor of the kingdom1 and making them useful to the public1 and thereby easing our subjects of that burthen4 ,finally1 they were to inform themselves of the present condition of the plantations1 as the colonies were then called1 not only in relation to commerce1 but also to the administration of government and justice1 as well as to suggest means of rendering them more useful to the mother country1 especially in the supply of naval stores4 ,here1 surely1 was work enough for men far younger and more vigorous than ,locke2 but1 having undertaken the duties of the office1 he appears in no way to have spared himself4 ,in the summer and autumn months he resided in ,london1 and attended the meetings of the board personally1 often day after day1 and in the evening as well as the day-time4 ,in the winter and spring his health compelled him to reside at ,oates1 but he was constantly sending up long minutes for the use of his colleagues4 ,mr4 ,fox ,bourne1 who has been carefully through the proceedings of the commission1 informs us that ,locke was altogether its presiding genius4 ,he was a member of this board a little over four years1 having been compelled by increasing ill-health1 or1 as the minutes of the council put it1 finding his health more and more impaired by the air of this city1 to resign on the #bhth of ,june1 #agjj4 ,the king1 we are told by ,lady ,masham1 was most unwilling to receive his resignation1 telling him that1 were his attendance ever so small1 he was sensible his continuance in the commission would be useful to him1 and that he did not desire he should be one day in town on that account to the prejudice of his health4 ,locke1 however1 was too conscientious to retain a place with large emoluments1 of which he felt that he could no longer perform the duties to his own satisfaction4 ,it is interesting to find that his successor was ,matthew ,prior1 the poet4 ,when we have seen the wide powers of the commission1 we hardly need feel surprise that its business was multifarious4 ,it at once set to work to collect evidence of the state of trade in the colonies1 of our commercial relations with foreign ports1 of the condition of the linen and paper manufactures at home1 of the number of paupers in the kingdom1 and the mode of their relief1 as well as to devise means for increasing the woollen trade and preventing the exportation of wool4 ,locke was specially commissioned to draw up a scheme of some method of determining differences between merchants by referees that might be decisive without appeal4 ,in the winter of #afif-ig1 finding that his work followed him to ,oates1 and being then apparently in a feebler state of health than usual1 he made an ineffectual attempt to escape from his new employment1 but ,somers refused to hand in his resignation to the king4 ,from a ,letter to ,molyneux we find that it was not simply his ill-health1 but the corruption of the age1 which made him averse to continuing in office4 ,and we can well understand how troublesome1 and apparently hopeless1 it must have been to deal with the various threatened interests of that time1 when monopolies1 patents1 and pensions were regarded by the governing classes almost as a matter of course4 ,in the summer of #afig the principal subject which engaged the attention of the commission was the best means of discouraging the ,irish woollen manufacture1 and of1 at the same time1 encouraging the ,irish linen manufacture4 ,each commissioner was invited to bring up a separate report4 ,three did so4 ,locke's was the one selected1 and1 with slight alterations1 was signed by the other commissioners on the #cast of ,august1 and forwarded almost immediately afterwards to the ,lords ,justices4 ,this interesting state-document proceeds entirely upon the notions of protection to native industries which were then almost universally current among statesmen and merchants4 ,the problems were to secure to ,england the monopoly of what was then regarded as its peculiar and appropriate manufacture1 the woollen trade1 and to assign to ,ireland1 in return for the restrictions imposed upon her1 some compensating branch of industry4 ,according to the ideas then commonly prevalent1 the scheme was perfectly equitable to both countries4 ,but1 naturally1 the interests of ,england are put in the foreground4 ,the interests of the ,irish people1 however1 were not to be neglected1 and what ,locke doubtless conceived as full compensation was to be given them for the loss of their woollen trade4 ,and since it generally proves ineffectual1 and we conceive it hard to endeavour to drive men from the trade they are employed in by bare prohibition1 without offering them at the same time some other trade which1 if they please1 may turn to account1 we humbly propose that the linen manufacture be set on foot1 and so encouraged in ,ireland as may make it the general trade of that country as effectually as the woollen manufacture is1 and must be1 of ,england4 ,linen cloth and all other manufactures made of flax or hemp1 without any mixture of wool1 were to be exported to all places duty free1 as indeed had already been provided by ,act of ,parliament with regard to ,england4 ,one method by which ,locke proposed to encourage the linen manufacture in ,ireland runs so counter to modern notions with regard both to the education of the poor and to freedom of employment1 that it may be interesting to the reader to see the suggestion at length3 ,and1 because the poorest earning in the several parts of the linen manufacture is at present in the work of the spinners1 who therefore need the greatest encouragement1 and ought to be increased as much as possible1 that therefore spinning schools be set up in such places and at such distances as the directors shall appoint1 where whoever will come to learn to spin shall be taught gratis1 and to which all persons that have not forty shillings a year estate shall be obliged to send all their children1 both male and female1 that they have at home with them1 from six to fourteen years of age1 and may have liberty to send those also between four and six if they please1 to be employed there in spinning ten hours in the day when the days are so long1 or as long as it is light when they are shorter3 provided always that no child shall be obliged to go above two miles to any such school4 ,then there follow many other minute and paternal regulations of the same kind1 the object of which was to turn the whole ,irish nation into spinners1 and to supply with linen not only the whole kingdom of ,england1 but foreign markets as well4 ,the ,irish authorities1 however1 were meanwhile preparing a scheme of their own1 and1 after controversies between the ,english and ,irish officials1 extending over more than two years1 ,locke's plan was finally laid aside in favour of that of ,louis ,crommelin4 ,besides the attempt to monopolize the woollen trade for ,england and the linen trade for ,ireland1 much of the time of the ,council was devoted to schemes for the protection of native industries1 by forbidding or throwing obstacles in the way of importation and exportation4 ,but ,locke and his colleagues were here only following the track marked out for them by the ordinary opinion of the time4 ,the main subject which occupied the attention of the ,council in the autumn of #afig was the employment of the idle or necessitous poor4 ,from the beginning of its sessions1 it had been collecting evidence on this subject1 and1 in ,september of this year1 it was decided that each commissioner should draw up a scheme of reform1 to be submitted to the ,council4 ,as had been the case with his report on the ,irish linen manufacture1 ,locke's was the one selected4 ,from a variety of causes1 however1 his suggestions were never carried into effect1 and the various efforts of ,william's ,government to deal with the gigantic problem of pauperism proved abortive4 ,locke's paper of suggestions assumes as a datum what was always regarded at this time as an axiom of poor-law legislation1 namely1 that it is the duty of each individual parish to maintain and employ its own poor1 having1 as a set-off1 the right of coercing the able-bodied to work4 ,pernicious and partial as this principle was1 we should have more occasion for surprise if we found ,locke contravening it than conforming to it4 ,the merit of his paper is that it offers excellent suggestions for minimizing the evils necessarily attaching to the system then in vogue4 ,the recent growth of pauperism he refers to relaxation of discipline and corruption of manners1 virtue and industry being as constant companions on the one side as vice and idleness are on the other4 ,the first step1 therefore1 he continues1 towards the setting of the poor on work ought to be a restraint of their debauchery by a strict execution of the laws provided against it1 more particularly by the suppression of superfluous brandy-shops and unnecessary ale-houses1 especially in country parishes not lying upon great roads4 ,he then proposes a series of provisions1 sufficiently stringent1 for the purpose of compelling the idle and able-bodied poor to work1 stating that1 upon a very moderate computation1 above one-half of those who receive relief from the parishes are able to earn their own livelihoods4 ,in maritime counties1 all those not physically or mentally incapacitated1 who were found begging out of their own parish without a pass1 were to be compelled to serve on board one of his ,majesty's ships1 under strict discipline1 for three years4 ,in the inland counties1 all those so found begging were to be sent to the nearest house of correction for a like period4 ,but1 besides the able-bodied paupers1 there were a great number not absolutely unable or unwilling to do something for their livelihood1 and yet prevented by age or circumstances from wholly earning their own living4 ,for these he proposes to find employment in the woollen or other manufactures1 so as1 at all events1 to diminish the cost of their maintenance to the public1 and at the same time increase the industrial resources of the country4 ,one of the most distinctive features of ,locke's scheme was the proposal to set up working-schools for spinning or knitting1 or some other industrial occupation1 in each parish1 to which the children of all such as demand relief of the parish1 above three and under fourteen years of age1 whilst they live at home with their parents1 and are not otherwise employed for their livelihood by the allowance of the overseers of the poor1 shall be obliged to come4 ,the children were to be fed at school1 and this mode of relief was to take the place of the existing allowance in money paid to a father who had a large number of children1 which1 we are not surprised to learn1 was frequently spent in the alehouse1 whilst those for whose benefit it was given were left to perish for want of necessaries4 ,the food of the children of the poor at that time1 we are told1 was seldom more than bread and water1 and often there was a very scanty supply of that4 ,another advantage which ,locke proposed to effect by the institution of these schools was the moral and religious instruction of the children4 ,they would be obliged to come constantly to church every ,sunday1 along with their schoolmasters or dames1 whereby they would be brought into some sense of religion1 whereas ordinarily now1 in their idle and loose way of bringing up1 they are as utter strangers both to religion and morality as they are to industry4 ,one further provision of this scheme may be noticed1 as offering some mitigation of the parochial system of relief which then obtained1 namely1 that in all cities and towns corporate the poor's tax be not levied by distinct parishes1 but by one equal tax throughout the whole corporation4 ,the anxiety of the king to retain ,locke on the ,commission has already been mentioned4 ,it would appear that they were in not infrequent conference1 and we know that the king entertained a very high opinion both of his integrity and of his political capacity4 ,a good deal of mystery attaches to one of their interviews1 but the explanation of it proffered by ,mr4 ,fox ,bourne possesses1 at any rate1 considerable plausibility4 ,one bitter ,january morning1 in the winter of #afig-ih1 while ,locke was at ,oates1 he received a pressing summons from the king to repair to ,kensington4 ,he was at the time suffering more than ordinarily from the bronchial affection to which he was constantly subject1 and ,lady ,masham attempted to dissuade him from running the risk of the journey1 but in vain4 ,when he returned1 the only account that he would give of the interview was that the king had a desire to talk with him about his own health1 as believing that there was much similitude in their cases4 ,it appears1 however1 from a letter addressed by ,locke to ,somers a few days after his return to ,oates1 that the king had offered him some important employment1 and that he had excused himself on the ground of his weak health1 and his inexperience in that kind of business1 the business being such as required skill in dealing with men in their various humours1 and drawing out their secrets4 ,mr4 ,fox ,bourne forms the reasonable conjecture that ,locke had been asked to go as right-hand man to ,william ,bentinck1 ,earl of ,portland1 who had just been nominated as special ambassador to the ,court of ,france4 ,the peace of ,ryswick had been ratified in the previous ,november1 and the mission to ,louis ,,xiv4 was1 of course1 one requiring great tact and sagacity4 ,william had strongly urged ,locke1 some years before1 to represent him on another very important mission1 the one to the ,elector of ,brandenburg1 and it may be that1 on the present occasion1 no fitter person occurred to him4 ,any way1 the employment was one which would have advanced ,locke in riches and honour2 but as such1 glad as he might have been to serve his country disinterestedly to the best of his power1 it had no attractions for him4 ,he must have a heart strongly touched with wealth or honours who1 at my age1 and laboring for breath1 can find any great relish for either of them4 ,on one occasion ,locke accompanied the king1 the latter going incognito to a meeting of the ,society of ,friends1 where they listened to the famous ,quaker preacheress1 ,rebecca ,collier4 ,locke afterwards sent her a parcel of sweetmeats1 with a very complimentary letter1 and is said to have found the meeting so agreeable that it removed his objections to a female ministry4 ,with his resignation of the ,commissionership of the ,board of ,trade1 in the summer of #agjj1 ,locke's public life comes to an end4 ,his friend ,somers had been sacrificed to the incessant and malignant attacks of the ,tories1 and dismissed from the ,chancellorship1 in the previous spring2 and to those statesmen who were inspired by a sincere and simple desire for the well-being of their country the political outlook had become anything but cheerful4 ,the condition of ,locke's health was quite a sufficient reason for his desiring to be relieved of the anxieties of office2 but we can hardly doubt that1 on other grounds as well1 he was glad to escape from so intricate a maze as the field of politics bade fair soon to become4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,controversy ,,with ,,stillingfleet4--,,other ,,literary ,,occupations4--,,domestic ,,life4--,,peter ,,king4--,,latter ,,years4--,,death4 ,in order to resume the thread of ,locke's literary and domestic life1 it is now necessary to go back two or three years4 ,i have already spoken of no less than three literary controversies in which he found himself engaged1 one on financial1 and two on religious questions4 ,of the latter1 one was occasioned by the publication of the ,letter on ,toleration1 the other by that of the ,reasonableness of ,christianity4 ,the ,essay also had been attacked by ,norris and other writers1 including one very acute antagonist1 ,john ,serjeant1 or ,sergeant1 a ,roman ,catholic priest2 but to these critics ,locke did not see fit to reply4 ,the strictures on ,norris only appear among his posthumous works4 ,but in the autumn of #afif ,stillingfleet1 ,bishop of ,worcester1 in his ,discourse in ,vindication of the ,doctrine of the ,trinity1 pointedly drew attention to the principles of the ,essay1 as favouring anti-,trinitarian doctrine4 ,stillingfleet's position and reputation appeared to demand an answer1 and before the year1 according to the old style1 was out1 ,locke's ,letter to the ,bishop of ,worcester was published4 ,the ,bishop's ,answer1 ,locke's ,reply to the ,answer1 and the ,bishop's ,answer to ,mr4 ,locke's ,second ,letter1 wherein his notion of ideas is proved to be inconsistent with itself1 and with the articles of the ,christian faith1 all followed1 one on the other1 within a few months4 ,the last letter of the series is ,mr4 ,locke's ,reply to the ,bishop of ,worcester's ,answer to his ,second ,letter1 published in #afii4 ,stillingfleet died soon after the publication of this pamphlet1 and thus the voluminous controversy came to an end4 ,there can be no doubt that the antagonists were unequally matched4 ,stillingfleet was clumsy both in handling and argument1 and constantly misrepresented or exaggerated the statements of his adversary4 ,on the other hand1 ,locke1 notwithstanding an unnecessary prolixity which wearies the modern reader1 shows admirable skill and temper4 ,he deals tenderly with his victim1 as if he loved him1 but1 none the less1 never fails to despatch him with a mortal stab4 ,stillingfleet1 indeed1 was no metaphysician1 and not very much of a logician4 ,he did not see at all clearly where the orthodox doctrines were affected1 and where they remained unaffected1 by ,locke's philosophy1 and he no doubt considerably exaggerated the bearing of ,locke's direct statements upon them4 ,at the same time1 it is impossible to deny that his instincts were perfectly sound in apprehending grave dangers to the current theological opinions1 and still more1 perhaps1 to the established mode of expressing them1 from the new way of ideas4 ,religious1 and even devout1 as are those portions of the ,essay in which ,locke has occasion expressly to mention the leading principles of the ,christian faith1 yet his handling of many of the metaphysical terms and notions which modern divines1 whether ,catholic or ,protestant1 had taken on trust from their predecessors1 the fathers and schoolmen1 was well calculated to alarm those who had the interest of theological orthodoxy at heart4 ,the playful freedom with which he discusses the idea of substance seemed1 not unreasonably1 to strike at the terminology of the ,athanasian ,creed1 while1 most unreasonably1 his resolution of personal identity into present and recollected states of consciousness appeared inconsistent with the doctrine of the ,resurrection of the ,dead4 ,a far more powerful solvent1 however1 of the unreflecting and complacent orthodoxy1 into which established churches1 and1 in fact1 all prosperous religious communities1 are apt to lapse1 was to be found in the general drift and tendency rather than in the individual tenets of ,locke's philosophy4 ,and this fact1 though only very dimly and confusedly1 ,stillingfleet appears to have seen4 ,to insist that words shall always stand for determinate ideas1 to attempt to trace ideas to their original sources1 and to propose to discriminate between the certainty and varying probabilities of our beliefs1 according to the nature of the evidence on which they rest1 is to encourage a state of mind diametrically the opposite of that which humbly and thankfully accepts the words of the religious teacher1 without doubt and without inquiry4 ,to the religious teacher whose own beliefs rest on no previous inquiry1 who has never acquired a reason for the faith that is in him1 such a state of mind must necessarily be not only inconvenient but repulsive2 and hence we have no right to feel surprised when an attempt is made to expose it to popular odium1 or to fasten on those who entertain it injurious or opprobrious epithets4 ,the old-standing feud1 of which ,plato speaks1 between poetry and philosophy1 has in great measure been transferred1 in these latter times1 to philosophy and theology4 ,but in both cases the antagonism is an unnecessary one4 ,the highest art is compatible with the most profound speculation4 ,and so we may venture to hope that the simple love of truth1 combined1 with the charity which never faileth1 will lead men not further away from the ,divine presence1 but nearer to1 and into it4 ,here ,i thankfully take leave of the mass of controversial literature1 in the writing of which so much of ,locke's latter life was spent4 ,the controversies were not of his own seeking1 and1 from all that we know of his temper and character1 must have been as distasteful to him as they are wearisome to us4 ,but prolonged and reiterated controversy was of the habit of the time1 and no man who cared candidly and unreservedly to express his opinions on any important question could hope to escape from it4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in the autumn of #afig1 while the controversy with ,stillingfleet was at its hottest1 ,locke wrote to ,molyneux3--,i had much rather be at leisure to make some additions to my book of ,education and my ,essay on ,human ,understanding1 than be employed to defend myself against the groundless1 and1 as others think1 trifling quarrel of the bishop4 ,he was at this time engaged on preparing the fourth edition of the ,essay for the press4 ,in addition to this task1 or rather as part of it1 he was also employing himself on writing the admirable little tract on the ,conduct of the ,understanding1 the contents of which ,i shall notice in a subsequent chapter4 ,this treatise1 which was not published till after his death1 was originally intended as an additional chapter to the ,essay4 ,speaking of it in one of his letters to ,molyneux1 he says3--,i have written several pages on this subject2 but the matter1 the farther ,i go1 opens the more upon me1 and ,i cannot yet get sight of any end of it4 ,the title of the chapter will be ',of the ,conduct of the ,understanding1' which1 if ,i shall pursue as far as ,i imagine it will reach1 and as it deserves1 will1 ,i conclude1 make the largest chapter of my ,essay4 ,it did not1 however1 appear in the new edition1 nor did ,locke ever reduce its parts into order1 or put the finishing stroke to it4 ,he may1 perhaps1 have intended to revise it for a subsequent edition of the ,essay1 but the fourth was the last which appeared during his lifetime4 99 99 99 99 99 ,before speaking of the literary labours which occupied the last years of ,locke's life1 ,i may here conveniently recur to his domestic history4 ,of his quiet life with the ,mashams little more need be said4 ,had ,lady ,masham been his daughter1 she could not have tended him more carefully or lovingly2 and had he been her father1 he could not have entertained a more sincere solicitude for the welfare of her and her family4 ,all ,locke's friends were welcome at ,oates1 and seem to have been regarded quite as much as friends of the ,mashams as of his own4 ,and ,oates appears in every respect to have been as much ,locke's home as that of its owners4 ,in the whole of his correspondence1 there does not appear the slightest trace of those petty piques and annoyances1 those small dsagrments1 which are so apt to grow up among people who live much together1 even when1 at bottom1 they entertain a deep love and admiration for each other4 ,on the side of the ,mashams we know that the tide of affection ran equally smooth4 ,lady ,masham and ,esther acted as his nurses1 and with one or other of them he seems to have shared all his pursuits4 ,the intimacy and sweetness of these relations surely imply as rare an amount of amiability of temper and power of winning regard on the one side1 as of patience and devotion on the other4 ,but then ,locke possessed the inestimable gift of cheerfulness1 which renders even the invalid's chamber a joy to those who enter it4 ,all the glimpses we obtain of the life1 at ,oates represent it as a gay and pleasant one1 none the less gay and pleasant because its enjoyments were modest and rational4 ,after complaining to ,molyneux of the persistent asthma which confined him a close prisoner to the house during the winter of #afig-ih1 he adds1 ,i wish1 nevertheless1 that you were here with me to see how well ,i am2 for you would find that1 sitting by the fireside1 ,i could bear my part in discoursing1 laughing1 and being merry with you1 as well as ever ,i could in my life4 ,if you were here 7and if wishes of more than one could bring you1 you would be here to-day7 you would find three or four in the parlour after dinner1 who1 you would say1 passed their afternoons as agreeably and as jocundly as any people you have this good while met with4 ,locke's conversation is reported to have been peculiarly fascinating4 ,he had a large stock of stories1 and is said to have had a singularly easy and humorous way of telling them4 ,among the more frequent guests at ,oates at this time were ,edward ,clarke and his daughter ,betty1 ,locke's little wife1 now fast growing up to womanhood1 a son of ,limborch1 and a son of ,benjamin ,furly1 both engaged in mercantile pursuits in ,london1 and a young kinsman of ,locke's own1 ,peter ,king1 of whom ,i shall have more to say presently4 ,one of the most anxiously expected guests1 whose visits had been often promised and often deferred1 was the correspondent of whom we have heard so much1 ,william ,molyneux4 ,at length1 after the rising of the ,british ,parliament in the summer of #afih1 the two friends met4 ,even on this occasion1 ,molyneux had been obliged to defer his promised visit for some weeks1 on account of a recent trouble which he had brought on himself by the publication of a home-rule pamphlet1 protesting against the interference of the ,english ,parliament in ,irish affairs4 ,both ,houses had joined in an address to the king1 praying for punishment on the offender2 but the king1 possibly through ,locke's intervention1 had wisely taken no notice of the petition4 ,any way1 after the prorogation1 ,molyneux seems to have felt sufficiently secure to venture on a journey across the ,channel4 ,he and ,locke were together for some time both in ,london and at ,oates4 ,the friends1 though they had been in such constant and intimate correspondence for six years1 had never met before4 ,we may easily imagine how warm was their greeting1 how much they had to talk about1 and how loath they were to separate4 ,i will venture to assert to you1 wrote ,molyneux on his return to ,dublin1 that ,i cannot recollect1 through the whole course of my life1 such signal instances of real friendship as when ,i had the happiness of your company for five weeks together in ,london4 ,that part thereof especially which ,i passed at ,oates has made such an agreeable impression on my mind that nothing can be more pleasing4 ,shortly after writing this letter1 ,molyneux died at the early age of forty-two4 ,his worth and his friendship to me1 writes ,locke1 in a letter to ,burridge1 the ,latin translator of the ,essay1 made him an inestimable treasure1 which ,i must regret the loss of the little remainder of my life1 without any hopes of repairing it any way4 ,he then characteristically goes on to ask if there is any service he can render to ,molyneux's son4 ,they who have the care of him cannot do me a greater pleasure than to give me the opportunity to show that my friendship died not with his father4 ,one of the most amiable and attractive traits in ,locke's character is the eagerness which he always displayed in advising1 encouraging1 or helping forward the sons of his friends4 ,any opportunity of doing so always gave him the most evident satisfaction1 as1 from his correspondence1 we see in the case of ,frank ,masham1 the two young ,furlys1 young ,limborch1 and numerous others4 ,i must now no longer delay the introduction to the reader of ,locke's young cousin1 ,peter ,king4 ,locke had an uncle1 ,peter ,locke1 whose daughter ,anne had married ,jeremy ,king1 a grocer and salter in a substantial way of business at ,exeter4 ,such a marriage was not necessarily any disparagement to ,anne ,locke's family1 as the present line of demarcation between professional men and the smaller gentry1 on the one side1 and substantial retail tradesmen1 on the other1 hardly existed at that time4 ,they had a son1 ,peter1 born in #affi1 who was consequently ,locke's first cousin once removed4 ,the boy seems for some time to have been employed in his father's business1 but he had a voracious appetite for books1 and showed a decided talent for the acquisition of learning4 ,locke1 on one of his visits to ,exeter1 discovered these qualities1 and persuaded ,peter ,king's parents to allow him to change his mode of life1 and study for one of the learned professions4 ,whether he went to any ,english school does not appear2 but1 during ,locke's stay in ,holland1 he resided for some time in the ,university of ,leyden4 ,his studies there embraced at least classics1 theology1 and law2 and when he returned to ,england1 apparently in #afij1 he brought back with him a pamphlet entitled ,an ,enquiry into the ,constitution and ,discipline of the ,primitive ,church4 ,as in this treatise he maintained that ,presbyterianism was the original form of ,church government1 he probably never had any serious intention1 notwithstanding his theological proclivities of entering holy orders in the ,established ,church4 ,any way1 in ,october1 #afid1 he was entered a student of the ,middle ,temple2 and in ,trinity ,term1 #afih1 he was called to the bar4 ,during his residence in ,london as a law student1 he must have been frequently at ,oates1 and ,locke must have frequently visited him in his chambers in the ,temple4 ,the first extant letter from ,locke to ,king1 dated ,june #bg1 #afih1 at any rate1 assumes intimacy and frequency of intercourse4 ,your company here had been ten times welcomer than any the best excuse you could send2 but you may now pretend to be a man of business1 and there can be nothing said to you4 ,very sound was the advice with which the elder relative concluded his letter to the young barrister3 ,when you first open your mouth at the bar1 it should be in some easy plain matter that you are perfectly master of4 ,king's success in his profession was very rapid1 and he soon became one of the most popular counsel on the ,western ,circuit4 ,in the general election of #agjj he attained one of the first objects of ambition at which a rising young barrister generally aims--a seat in the ,house of ,commons4 ,owing1 probably1 to his cousin's influence with the ,whig leaders1 he was returned for the small borough of ,beer ,alston1 in ,devonshire1 which he continued to represent in several successive ,parliaments4 ,locke1 writing to him shortly before the meeting of ,parliament1 entreats him not to go circuit1 as he had intended to do1 but to devote himself at once to his ,parliamentary duties4 ,i am sure there was never so critical a time1 when every honest member of ,parliament ought to watch his trust1 and that you will see before the end of the next vacation4 ,the loss to his pocket1 his good relative intimates1 delicately enough1 shall be amply made up to him4 ,king took his cousin's advice on this point1 but1 fortunately and wisely1 did not take it on another4 ,my advice to you is not to speak at all in the ,house for some time1 whatever fair opportunity you may seem to have4 ,king was advised to communicate his light or apprehensions to some honest speaker1 who might make use of them for him4 ,locke1 we must remember1 was now becoming old1 and though not1 like many old men1 jealous of his juniors1 he could not escape the infirmity of all old men1 that of exaggerating the youthfulness of youth1 and so of insisting too stringently on the modesty becoming those in whom he was interested4 ,king broke the ice soon after the meeting of ,parliament1 and ,locke had the prudence and good-nature to show no resentment at his advice having been neglected4 ,his cousin1 however1 never became a great ,parliamentary speaker2 but he soon gained a reputation for being a thoroughly sound lawyer and a thoroughly honest man4 ,he rose successively to be ,recorder of ,london1 ,lord ,chief ,justice of the ,common ,pleas1 and ,lord ,high ,chancellor of ,england4 ,he was also ennobled as ,lord ,king of ,ockham1 and1 by a very curious coincidence1 his four sons in succession bore the same title4 ,to one of his descendants1 his great-grandson1 also named ,peter1 we owe the publication of many documents and letters connected with ,locke1 and the biography so well known as ,lord ,king's ,life of ,locke4 ,the present representative of the family1 and the direct descendant in the male line of ,peter ,king1 is the ,earl of ,lovelace4 ,as ,peter ,king was1 to all intents1 ,locke's adopted son1 we may thus regard ,locke as the founder of an illustrious line in the ,english peerage1 and there are certainly few1 if any1 of our ennobled families who can point to a founder whose name is so likely to be the heritage of all future ages4 ,king kept ,locke well posted in all that went on in ,parliament1 and seems also to have been a constant visitor at ,oates4 ,soon after his election1 ,sir ,francis ,masham had considerately proposed to ,locke that his cousin should steal down sometimes with him on ,saturday1 and return on ,monday4 ,on one of these occasions1 in the ,easter holidays of #agja1 ,king was accompanied by young ,lord ,ashley1 now become the third ,earl of ,shaftesbury4 ,locke had then surmounted his winter troubles1 and his old pupil pronounces him as well as he had ever known him4 ,amongst ,locke's correspondents in these years was the celebrated physician1 ,dr4 ,sloane1 now ,secretary of the ,royal ,society1 afterwards created ,sir ,hans ,sloane4 ,in writing to him at the end of the century1 evidently in answer to a request1 ,locke proposes a scheme for rectifying the calendar4 ,notwithstanding the reformation which had already taken place in many foreign countries1 it will be recollected that the ,english year then began on the #beth of ,march1 instead of the #ast of ,january1 and that1 by reckoning the year at exactly #cfe days1 or at #aa m4 #ad sec4 longer than its actual length1 our time lagged ten days behind that of most other ,european countries1 as well as the real solar time4 ,the inconvenience1 especially in transactions with foreign merchants1 had become very great4 ,the advent of the new century1 inasmuch as the centenary year would be counted as a leap-year in ,england1 but not in other countries where the new style or ,gregorian calendar prevailed1 would add an eleventh day to the amount of discrepancy1 and hence the subject was now attracting more than ordinary attention4 ,locke's remedy was to omit the intercalar day in the year #agjj1 according to the rule of the ,gregorian calendar1 as also for the ten next leap-years following1 by which easy way1 he says1 we should in forty-four years insensibly return to the new style4 ,this1 he adds1 ,i call an easy way1 because it would be without prejudice or disturbance to any one's civil rights1 which1 by lopping off ten or eleven days at once in any one year1 might perhaps receive inconvenience1 the only objection that ever ,i heard made against rectifying our account4 ,he also suggested that the year should begin1 as in most other ,european countries1 on the #ast of ,january4 ,no change1 however1 was made till1 by an ,act of ,parliament passed in #agej-ea1 it was ordered that the year #ageb should begin on the #ast of ,january1 and that the day succeeding the #bnd of ,september in that year should be reckoned as the #adth4 ,locke's other correspondence with ,sloane shows the interest which he still took in medical matters1 and how ready he always was to expend time and thought on attending to the ailments of his poor neighbours at ,oates4 ,during the latter years of ,locke's life his principal literary employment consisted in paraphrasing and writing commentaries on some of ,st4 ,paul's epistles4 ,he thought that this portion of ,scripture offered peculiar difficulties1 and finding1 as he says1 that he did not understand it himself1 he set to work1 rather for his own sake1 and perhaps also that of the household at ,oates1 than with any view of publication1 to attempt to clear up its obscurities4 ,the labour was a work of love2 and to a man of ,locke's devout disposition1 with almost a child-like confidence in the guidance of ,scripture1 the occupation must have afforded a peculiar solace in the intervals of his disease1 and as he felt that he was rapidly approaching the confines of that other world which had so long been familiar to his thoughts4 ,though he was induced to consent to the publication of these commentaries1 and though he himself prepared an introduction to them1 they did not appear till after his death4 ,they were then issued by instalments1 coming out at intervals between #agje and #agjg inclusively4 ,locke's political interests1 always keen1 were specially active in the winter of #agja-jb4 ,england was just then on the point of engaging in the war of the ,spanish ,succession4 ,in the previous ,september an alliance against ,france and ,spain had been concluded between the emperor and the two great maritime powers1 ,england and ,holland4 ,almost immediately after the conclusion of this treaty1 ,james the ,second had died at ,st4 ,germain1 and not only had the ,french king allowed his son to be proclaimed ,king of ,england but had himself received him with royal honors at the court of ,versailles4 ,the patriotic and ,protestant feeling of the country was thoroughly roused1 and the new ,parliament1 which met on the #cjth of ,december1 was prepared to take the most energetic measures for the purpose of supporting the national honor and the ,protestant succession4 ,the king's speech1 on opening the ,parliament1 excited an outburst of enthusiasm throughout the nation4 ,he conjured the members to disappoint the hopes of their enemies by their unanimity4 ,as he was ready to show himself the common father of his people1 he exhorted them to cast out the spirit of party and division1 so that there might no longer be any distinction but between those who were friends to the ,protestant religion and the present establishment1 and those who wished for a popish prince and a ,french government4 ,the speech was printed in ,english1 ,dutch1 and ,french1 framed1 and hung up1 as an article of furniture1 in the houses of good ,protestants1 both at home and abroad4 ,locke1 writing to ,peter ,king four days after the meeting of ,parliament1 asks him to send a copy of the king's speech1 printed by itself1 and without paring off the edges4 ,he suggests that1 in addition to what the two ,houses had done1 the city of ,london and counties of ,england should1 with joined hearts and hands return his ,majesty addresses of thanks for his taking such care of them4 ,think of this with yourself1 he says1 and think of it with others who can and ought to think how to save us out of the hands of ,france1 into which we must fall1 unless the whole nation exert its utmost vigour1 and that speedily4 ,he is specially urgent on his cousin not to leave town1 or to think of circuit business1 till the kingdom has been put in an effectual state of defence4 ,i think it no good husbandry for a man to get a few fees on circuit and lose ,westminster ,hall4 ,by losing ,westminster ,hall he does not1 apparently1 mean losing the chance of a judgeship1 but forfeiting those rights and liberties1 and that personal and national independence which the ,revolution had only so lately restored4 ,for1 ,i assure you1 ,westminster ,hall is at stake1 and ,i wonder how any one of the house can sleep till he sees ,england in a better state of defence1 and how he can talk of anything else till that is done4 ,but a majority1 at least1 of the ,house of ,commons was fully alive to its responsibilities2 enormous supplies were voted1 and almost every conceivable measure was taken for securing the ,protestant succession to the crown4 ,a few days after ,locke wrote the letter last quoted1 ,king ,william died4 ,his reflections on that event or on the political prospects under ,william's successor1 we do not possess4 ,as the war proceeded1 ,locke's old friend1 the ,earl of ,monmouth1 now become ,earl of ,peterborough1 was entrusted with a naval expedition against the ,spanish possessions in the ,west ,indies4 ,he had a great desire to see ,locke before his departure1 and1 ,locke being unable to come up to ,london1 he and the ,countess drove down to ,oates about the middle of ,november1 #agjb4 ,it is characteristic of the times that ,locke was much in pain about their getting back safely to town1 the days being then so short4 ,his young friend1 ,arent ,furly1 who was also a protg and frequent correspondent of ,lord ,shaftesbury1 went out as ,lord ,peterborough's secretary1 and seems to have acquitted himself in the position with marked diligence and success4 ,the early promise which he gave1 however1 was soon blighted4 ,this young play-fellow and foster-child1 as he might almost have been called1 of ,locke1 died only a few years after him1 in #agaa or #agab4 ,before accompanying ,lord ,peterborough on his expedition1 he had been living for some time1 first at ,oates1 and afterwards in lodgings in the neighbourhood1 for the purpose of learning ,english4 ,it is gratifying to find that1 during the autumn of this year1 ,locke had received a visit from ,newton4 ,during the discussion of the re-coinage question1 and the active operations which followed for the purpose of carrying out the decisions of ,parliament1 they must have been thrown a good deal together4 ,montague declared that1 had it not been for the energetic measures taken by ,newton1 as ,warden of the ,mint1 the re-coinage would never have been effected4 ,when1 however1 ,newton came down to visit ,locke at ,oates1 in #agjb1 their conversation seems to have turned mainly on theological topics4 ,locke showed ,newton his notes upon the ,corinthians1 and ,newton requested the loan of them4 ,but1 like most borrowers1 he neglected to return them1 nor did he take any notice of a letter from ,locke1 who was naturally very anxious to recover his manuscript4 ,peter ,king was asked to try to manage the matter4 ,he was to call at ,newton's residence in ,jermyn ,street1 to deliver a second note1 and to find out1 if he could1 the reasons of ,newton's silence1 and of his having kept the papers so long4 ,but he was to do this with all the tenderness in the world1 for he is a nice man to deal with1 and a little too apt to raise in himself suspicions where there is no ground4 ,the emissary was also1 if he could do it with sufficient adroitness1 to discover ,newton's opinion of the ,commentary4 ,but he was by no means to give the slightest cause of offence4 ,mr4 ,newton is really a very valuable man1 not only for his wonderful skill in mathematics1 but in divinity too1 and his great knowledge in the ,scriptures1 wherein ,i know few his equals4 ,and therefore pray manage the whole matter so as not only to preserve me in his good opinion1 but to increase me in it2 and be sure to press him to nothing but what he is forward in himself to do4 ,in this letter ,locke1 notwithstanding the caution with which he felt it necessary to approach one of so susceptible a temperament1 says1 ,i have several reasons to think him truly my friend4 ,and in this generous judgment there can be little doubt he was right4 ,the friends probably never met again1 but ,newton is said to have paid a visit1 on one of his journeys perhaps from ,london to ,cambridge1 to ,locke's tomb at ,high ,laver4 ,peter ,king succeeded in recovering the manuscript1 and at the same time or soon afterwards there came a letter1 criticising one of ,locke's interpretations1 but expressing a general opinion that the paraphrase and commentary on these two epistles is done with very great care and judgment4 ,something should here be said of two friends whom ,locke had made in later life1 one of whom seems to have been constantly about him during his last years4 ,the less intimate of these was ,samuel ,bolde1 a ,dorsetshire clergyman1 who had come forward1 in #afig1 to defend the ,reasonableness of ,christianity against ,edwards' attacks1 and who afterwards did ,locke a similar service in replying to the assailants of the ,essay4 ,he was one of ,locke's correspondents1 and once at least paid him a visit at ,oates4 ,bolde's outspokenness and independence of judgment naturally excited ,locke's admiration4 ,there are some memorable sentences in a letter written to him in #afii4 ,to be learned in the lump by other men's thoughts1 and to be in the right by saying after others1 is the much easier and quieter way2 but how a rational man1 that should inquire and know for himself1 can content himself with a faith or a religion taken upon trust1 or with such a servile submission of his understanding as to admit all and nothing else but what fashion makes passable among men1 is to me astonishing4 ,i do not wonder you should have1 in many points1 different apprehensions from what you meet with in authors4 ,with a free mind1 which unbiassedly pursues truth1 it cannot be otherwise4 ,after expanding these thoughts1 and applying them to the study of ,scripture1 he goes on to advise ,bolde how to supply a mental defect that he had complained of1 namely1 that he lost many things because they slipped from him4 ,the simple method was to write them down as they occurred4 ,the great help to the memory is writing1 ,bacon had said4 ,locke emphasizes the dictum1 and adds1 ,if you have not tried it1 you cannot imagine the difference there is in studying with and without a pen in your hand4 ,the thoughts that come unsought1 and as it were dropped into the mind1 are commonly the most valuable of any we have1 and therefore should be secured1 because they seldom return again4 ,the other friend1 whose acquaintance had only been made during these later years1 was ,anthony ,collins1 who was not more than twenty-eight years of age when ,locke died4 ,collins afterwards attained great celebrity as a ,deistical writer1 but none of his theological works appeared till some time after ,locke's death4 ,locke1 with his sincere and simple belief in the divine origin of the ,christian ,revelation1 would doubtless1 had he lived to see them1 have been shocked with their matter1 and still more with their style4 ,but at the present time ,collins presented himself to him simply in the light of an ingenuous young man1 with rare conversational powers and wide interests1 and with what ,locke valued far more1 an eager desire to find out the truth4 ,no one can have read the tracts1 ,an ,enquiry concerning ,human ,liberty1 and ,liberty and ,necessity1 without recognizing the acuteness and directness of ,collins' intellect1 and these1 we know1 were qualities always peculiarly acceptable to ,locke4 ,moreover1 to encourage and bring forward younger men had invariably been one of his main delights4 ,hence we may1 perhaps1 abate our surprise at the apparently exaggerated language in which he addresses this friend1 who was so much his junior in age1 and who must have become known to him only so recently4 ,why do you make yourself so necessary to me8 ,i thought myself pretty loose from the world2 but ,i feel you begin to fasten me to it again4 ,for you make my life1 since ,i have had your friendship1 much more valuable to me than it was before4 ,if ,i were now setting out in the world1 ,i should think it my great happiness to have such a companion as you1 who had a relish for truth1 would in earnest seek it with me1 from whom ,i might receive it undisguised1 and to whom ,i might communicate freely what ,i thought true4 ,believe it1 my good friend1 to love truth for truth's sake is the principal part of human perfection in this world and the seed-plot of all other virtues1 and1 if ,i mistake not1 you have as much of it as ,i ever met with in anybody4 ,then he adds pathetically1 but with a tone of hopefulness in the labours of others which is not commonly found amongst old men1 ,when ,i consider how much of my life has been trifled away in beaten tracks1 where ,i vamped on with others only to follow those that went before us1 ,i cannot but think ,i have just as much reason to be proud as if ,i had travelled all ,england1 and1 if you will1 ,france too1 only to acquaint myself with the roads and be able to tell how the highways lie1 wherein those of equipage1 and even the herd too1 travel4 ,now1 methinks--and these are often old men's dreams--,i see openings to truth and direct paths leading to it1 wherein a little industry and application would settle one's mind with satisfaction1 and leave no darkness or doubt4 ,but this is at the end of my day1 when my sun is setting2 and though the prospect it has given me be what ,i would not for anything be without--there is so much irresistible truth1 beauty1 and consistency in it--yet it is for one of your age1 ,i think ,i ought to say for yourself1 to set about it4 ,what were those openings to truth and direct paths leading to it8 ,were they merely the delusive visions of an old man's fancies1 or had he really formed wider conceptions of science1 and pictured to himself more precise and fertile methods of reaching it8 ,the sciences1 it is needless to observe1 have grown vastly since ,locke's day2 the methods of scientific research are far more numerous1 more accurate1 richer in their results4 ,had ,locke1 in his thoughts at this time1 at all anticipated the courses which inquiry and knowledge have since taken8 ,the letter to ,collins1 from which ,i have just quoted1 was written on ,oct4 #bi1 #agjc4 ,within a year of that date the end came4 ,the wonder1 indeed1 is that1 with his persistent malady1 aggravated apparently in these latter years with other disorders1 ,locke's life had continued so long4 ,the reasons are probably to be sought in his unfailing cheerfulness1 in the variety of interests which diverted his mind from the thought of his own ailments1 and in the judicious manner in which he regulated his exercise and diet4 ,of these personal traits something may conveniently here be said4 ,the remarkable cheerfulness of his disposition1 his lively sense of humour1 and his power of extracting amusement from all that was going on around him1 have frequently come before us in the course of this biography4 ,his temper was not moody1 like that of so many men of letters1 but pre-eminently sociable4 ,when not actually engaged in his studies1 he always liked to be in company1 and enjoyed especially the society of young people and children4 ,he had a happy knack of talking to his companions for the time being on the subjects which interested them most1 and in this way he gained a very extensive knowledge of the various kinds of business1 and of a variety of arts and crafts4 ,to working people he was often able to give very useful hints as to their own employments4 ,this union of conversational qualities1 grave and gay1 invariably made him a welcome addition to any company1 young or old1 gentle or simple4 ,an even temper1 and a combination of happy gifts of this kind1 will carry a man through much suffering1 bodily and mental4 ,from any mental troubles1 on his own account1 ,locke seems1 during these latter years of his life1 to have been remarkably free4 ,from bodily suffering he was rarely exempt1 but he always endured it with resignation1 and endeavoured to obviate its causes by every precaution1 which his prudence or medical skill suggested4 ,thus1 we have seen that1 whenever it was possible1 he preferred the quiet life and pure air of the country to the many attractions which the capital must have offered to a man with his wide acquaintance1 and with so many political and literary interests4 ,in diet he practised an abstemiousness very rare among men of that age4 ,his ordinary drink was water1 and to this habit he attributed not only his length of years1 but also the extraordinary excellence of his eyesight4 ,till recently1 a curious relic of ,locke's water-drinking habits was preserved in the shape of a large mortar of spongy stone1 which acted as a natural filter1 and which he used to call his brew-house4 ,he was assiduous in taking exercise1 and was specially fond of walking and gardening4 ,in the latter years of his life he used to ride out slowly every day after dinner4 ,when advising his friend ,clarke about his health1 he says1 ,i know nothing so likely to produce quiet sleep as riding about gently in the air for many hours every day1 and then1 like a truly wise doctor1 he adds1 ,if your mind can be brought to contribute a little its part to the laying aside troublesome ideas1 ,i could hope this may do much4 ,at last1 when he was no longer able to sit on horseback1 he commissioned ,collins to have an open carriage specially made for him1 the principle on which it was to be constructed being that convenient carries it before ornamental4 ,in ,november1 #agjc1 the ,heads of ,houses at ,oxford--who at that time constituted the governing body1 and through whose repressive and reactionary administration the evil genius of ,laud then and long afterwards continued to cast a blight on the ,university--resolved to discourage the reading of ,locke's ,essay4 ,the attempt was futile1 as they relied1 not on coercion1 but on the influence of their authority1 which appears to have been held very cheap4 ,locke was now far too eminent a man to be troubled by so anile a demonstration of folly4 ,i take what has been done as a recommendation of my book to the world1 he says1 in a letter to ,collins2 and then he promises himself and his friend much merriment on the subject when they next meet4 ,locke's last literary labour appears to have been his ,fourth ,letter for ,toleration4 ,jonas ,proast1 after a long interval1 had returned to the charge in a pamphlet published in #agjd2 and ,locke1 unfortunately1 thought it incumbent on him to reply1 though he had long ceased to pay any regard to the assailants of the ,essay4 ,the ,letter is unfinished4 ,its last words cannot have been written long before ,locke's death4 ,the winter of #agjc-jd seems to have been peculiarly trying to his health4 ,he hardly expected to live through it2 but he still maintained his cheerfulness1 and followed his usual employments4 ,on the #aath of ,april1 #agjd1 he made his will--perhaps not his first4 ,to most of his friends1 relatives1 and dependents he left some remembrance2 but the bulk of his personal property be left to ,frank ,masham and ,peter ,king1 the latter of whom was sole executor and residuary legatee4 ,all his manuscripts were left to ,king4 ,many of these were published for the first time by the seventh ,lord ,king1 in his ,life of ,locke4 ,his land he designedly did not will1 and so it devolved by law1 in equal shares1 on his two cousins1 ,peter ,king and ,peter ,stratton4 ,his funeral was to be conducted without any ostentation1 and what it would otherwise have cost was to be divided amongst four poor labourers at ,oates4 ,the approach of summer had not its usual restorative effect upon him4 ,on the other hand1 all the bad symptoms of his disease increased4 ,to use his own expression1 the dissolution of the cottage was not far off4 ,in a letter1 written on the #ast of ,june1 he earnestly pressed ,king to come to him1 that he might pass some of the last hours of his life in the conversation of one who is not only the nearest but the dearest to me of any man in the world4 ,both ,king and ,collins seem to have visited him frequently during the last months of his life2 and their society being cheerful1 and the topics of their conversation interesting1 he appears to have taken great pleasure in their company4 ,he did not1 however1 find equal enjoyment in the visit of ,dr4 ,edward ,fowler1 ,bishop of ,gloucester1 who1 like himself1 was in a bad state of health4 ,i find two groaning people make but an uncomfortable concert4 ,the moral he draws is1 that men should enjoy their health and youth while they have it1 to all the advantages and improvements of an innocent and pleasant life1 remembering that merciless old age is in pursuit of them4 ,the lamp of life was now dimly flickering1 but once more it burnt up in the socket before going out forever4 ,peter ,king had been married on the #ajth of ,september1 and he and his bride must be received with all due honours at ,oates4 ,king was asked to cater for his own wedding feast1 and goodly and dainty is the list of delicacies which he was to buy4 ,but something1 perhaps1 might be omitted in which ,mrs4 ,king took special delight4 ,if there be anything that you can find your wife loves1 be sure that provision be made of that1 and plentifully1 whether ,i have mentioned it or no4 ,the feast was to be cooked by ,john ,gray1 who was bred up in my ,lord ,shaftesbury's kitchen1 and was my ,lady ,dowager's cook4 ,the wedded pair arrived at ,oates towards the end of the month1 and well can we picture to ourselves the pride and pleasure with which the genial old man entertained the wife of his cousin and adopted son--the adopted son whom he had rescued from the grocer's shop at ,exeter1 and whose future eminence he must now have pretty clearly foreseen4 ,a few days after ,king left ,oates1 he solemnly committed to him by letter the care of ,frank ,masham4 ,it is my earnest request to you to take care of the youngest son of ,sir ,francis and ,lady ,masham in all his concerns1 as if he were your brother4 ,take care to make him a good1 an honest1 and an upright man4 ,i have left my directions with him to follow your advice1 and ,i know he will do it2 for he never refused to do what ,i told him was fit4 ,then1 turning to ,king himself1 he says1 ,i wish you all manner of prosperity in this world1 and the everlasting happiness of the world to come4 ,that ,i loved you1 ,i think you are convinced4 ,peter ,king certainly executed the dying request of his cousin1 so far as ,frank ,masham's material interests were concerned4 ,soon after he became ,lord ,chancellor1 ,frank ,masham was appointed to the newly constituted office of ,accountant-,general in the ,court of ,chancery1 a lucrative post1 conferring the same status as a ,mastership4 ,locke retained his faculties and his cheerfulness to the last2 but he grew gradually weaker day by day4 ,few people1 says ,lady ,masham1 do so sensibly see death approach them as he did4 ,a few days before his death he received the sacrament from the parish minister1 professing his perfect charity with all men1 and his sincere communion with the whole ,church of ,christ1 by whatever name ,christ's followers call themselves4 ,in the last hours he talked much with the ,mashams about their eternal concerns4 ,as for himself he had lived long enough1 and enjoyed a happy life2 but he looked forward to a better4 ,at length1 on the afternoon of the #bhth of ,october1 the spirit left him1 and the earthly tabernacle was dissolved4 ,his body is buried in the churchyard of ,high ,laver1 in a pleasant spot on the south side of the church4 ,the ,latin epitaph on the wall above the tomb was written by himself4 ,it tells us that he had lived content with his own insignificance3 that1 brought up among letters1 he had advanced just so far as to make an acceptable offering to truth alone3 if the traveller wanted an example of good life1 he would find one in the ,gospel2 if of vice1 would that he could find one nowhere2 if of mortality1 there and everywhere4 ,his death1 says ,lady ,masham1 was1 like his life1 truly pious1 yet natural1 easy1 and unaffected2 nor can time1 ,i think1 ever produce a more eminent example of reason and religion than he was1 living and dying4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,essay ,,on ,,the ,,human ,,understanding4 ,were it fit to trouble thee1 says ,locke in his ,epistle to the ,reader1 with the history of this ,essay1 ,i should tell thee that five or six friends meeting at my chamber1 and discoursing on a subject very remote from this1 found themselves quickly at a stand by the difficulties that rose on every side4 ,after we had a while puzzled ourselves1 without coming any nearer a resolution of those doubts which perplexed us1 it came into my thoughts that we took a wrong course2 and that1 before we set ourselves upon inquiries of that nature1 it was necessary to examine our own abilities1 and see what objects our understandings were or were not fitted to deal with4 ,this ,i proposed to the company1 who all readily assented2 and thereupon it was agreed that this should be our first inquiry4 ,this passage may serve not only to describe the occasion of ,locke's ,essay1 but also to indicate the circumstance which constitutes the peculiar merit and originality of ,locke as a philosopher4 ,the science which we now call ,psychology1 or the study of mind1 had hitherto1 amongst modern writers1 been almost exclusively subordinated to the interests of other branches of speculation4 ,some exception must1 indeed1 be made in favour of ,hobbes and ,gassendi1 ,descartes and ,spinoza2 but all these authors treated the questions of psychology somewhat cursorily1 while the two former seem usually to have had in view the illustration of some favourite position in physics or ethics1 the two latter the ultimate establishment of some proposition relating to the nature or attributes of ,god4 ,we may say then1 without much exaggeration1 that ,locke was the first of modern writers to attempt at once an independent and a complete treatment of the phenomena of the human mind1 of their mutual relations1 of their causes and limits4 ,his object was1 as he himself phrases it1 to inquire into the original1 certainty1 and extent of human knowledge2 together with the grounds and degrees of belief1 opinion1 and assent4 ,this task he undertakes not in the dogmatic spirit of his predecessors1 but in the critical spirit which he may be said to have almost inaugurated4 ,as far as it is possible for a writer to divest himself of prejudice1 and to set to his work with a candid and open mind1 seeking help and information from all quarters1 ,locke does so4 ,and the effect of his candour on his first readers must have been enhanced by the fact1 not always favourable to his precision1 that1 as far as he can1 he throws aside the technical terminology of the schools1 and employs the language current in the better kinds of ordinary literature and the well-bred society of his time4 ,the absence of pedantry and of parti pris in a philosophical work was at that time so rare a recommendation that1 no doubt1 these characteristics contributed largely to the rapid circulation and the general acceptance of the ,essay4 ,the central idea1 which dominates ,locke's work1 is that all our knowledge is derived from experience4 ,but this does not strike us so much as a thesis to be maintained as a conclusion arrived at after a vast amount of patient thought and inquiry4 ,have we any ideas independent of experience8 or1 as ,locke phrases it1 are there any ,innate ,principles in the mind8 ,it is an established opinion amongst some men that there are in the ,understanding certain ,innate ,principles1 some ,primary ,notions1 ,greek3 koinai ennoiai1 characters1 as it were1 stamped upon the mind of man1 which the ,soul receives in its very first being and brings into the world with it4 ,this is the opinion which ,locke examines and refutes in the first1 or introductory1 book of the ,essay4 ,it has often been objected that he mistakes and exaggerates the position which he is attacking4 ,and so far as his distinguished predecessor1 ,descartes1 is concerned 7though to what extent ,locke has him in mind1 his habit of not referring to other authors by name prevents us from knowing71 this is undoubtedly the case4 ,for ,descartes1 though he frequently employs and accepts the expression innate notions or innate ideas1 concedes1 as so many philosophers of the same school have done since1 that this native knowledge is only implicit1 and requires definite experiences to elicit it4 ,thus1 in his notes on the ,programme of ,regius1 he expressly compares these innate notions or ideas with the nobility which is characteristic of certain ancient stocks1 or with diseases1 such as gout or gravel1 which are said to be innate in certain families1 not because the infants of those families suffer from these diseases in their mother's womb1 but because they are born with a certain disposition or tendency to contract them4 ,here ,descartes seems to have been on the very point of stumbling on the principle of heredity which1 in the hands of recent physiologists and psychologists1 has done so much towards reconciling rival theories on the nature and origin of knowledge and clearing up many of the difficulties which attach to this branch of speculation4 ,it must be confessed1 however1 that in his better-known works he often employs unguarded and unexplained expressions which might easily suggest the crude form of the priori theory attacked by ,locke4 ,still more is this the case with other authors1 such as ,lord ,herbert of ,cherbury and ,dr4 ,ralph ,cudworth1 whose works were in general circulation at the time when ,locke was composing his ,essay4 ,lord ,herbert1 though indeed he acknowledges that common notions 7the expression by which he designates priori principles7 require an object to elicit them into consciousness1 seems invariably to regard them as ready-made ideas implanted in the human mind from its very origin4 ,they are given by an independent faculty1 ,natural ,instinct1 which is to be distinguished from ,internal ,sense1 ,external ,sense1 and ,reasoning 7discursus71 the sources of our other ideas4 ,they are to be found in every man1 and universal consent is the main criterion by which they are to be discriminated4 ,in fact1 there can be no doubt that the dogma of ,innate ,ideas and ,innate ,principles1 in the form attacked by ,locke1 was a natural1 if not the legitimate1 interpretation of much of the philosophical teaching of the time1 and that it was probably the form in which that teaching was popularly understood4 ,it lay1 moreover1 as ,locke's phrase is1 along the common road1 which was travelled by the majority of men who cared about speculative subjects at all1 and from which it was novel1 and therefore dangerous1 to diverge4 ,the most effective1 perhaps1 of ,locke's arguments against this doctrine is his challenge to the advocates of ,innate ,principles to produce them1 and show what and how many they are4 ,did men find such innate propositions stamped on their minds1 nothing could be more easy than this4 ,there could be no more doubt about their number than there is about the number of our fingers2 and 'tis like1 then1 every system would be ready to give them us by tale4 ,now 'tis enough to make one suspect that the supposition of such innate principles is but an opinion taken up at random2 since those who talk so confidently of them are so sparing to tell us which they are4 7,bk4 ,i41 ch4 iii41 #ad47 ,the great majority1 indeed1 of those who maintain the existence of innate principles and ideas attempt no enumeration of them4 ,those who do attempt such an enumeration differ in the lists which they draw up1 and1 moreover1 as ,locke shows in the case of the five practical principles of ,lord ,herbert of ,cherbury1 give no sufficient reason why many other propositions1 which they regard as secondary and derived1 should not be admitted to the same rank with the so-called innate principles1 which they assume to be primary and independent4 ,locke is here treading on safer ground than in many of his other criticisms4 ,the fact is that it is impossible clearly to discriminate between those propositions which are axiomatic and those which are derived--or1 in the language of the theory which ,locke is combating1 between those which are innate and those which are adventitious4 ,race1 temperament1 mental capacity1 habit1 education1 produce such differences between man and man that a proposition which to one man appears self-evident and unquestionable will by another be admitted only after considerable hesitation1 while a third will regard it as doubtful1 or even false4 ,especially is this the case1 as ,locke does not fail to point out1 with many of the principles of religion and morals1 which have now been received by so constant a tradition in most civilized nations that they have come to be regarded as independent of reason1 and1 if not ingraven on the mind from its birth1 at least exempt from discussion and criticism4 ,the circumstance1 however1 that they are not universally acknowledged shows that to mankind in general1 at any rate1 they are not axiomatic1 and that1 however clear and convincing the reasons for them may be1 at all events those reasons require to be stated4 ,it was this determined and vigorous protest against multiplying assumptions and attempting to withdraw a vast mass of propositions1 both speculative and practical1 from the control and revision of reason1 that1 perhaps1 constituted the most distinctive and valuable part of ,locke's teaching4 99 99 99 99 99 ,having cleared from his path the theory of ,innate ,principles1 ,locke proceeds1 in the ,second ,book1 to inquire how the mind comes to be furnished with its knowledge4 ,availing himself of a metaphor which had been commonly employed by the ,stoics1 but which reaches as far back as ,aristotle and ,plato1 and even as schylus1 he compares the mind to white paper1 void of all characters1 without any ideas1 and then asks3 ,whence comes it by that vast store1 which the busy and boundless ,fancy of ,man has painted on it1 with an almost endless variety8 ,whence has it all the materials of ,reason and ,knowledge8 ,to this ,i answer in one word1 from ,experience3 ,in that all our knowledge is founded2 and from that it ultimately derives itself4 ,our observation employed either about external or sensible objects1 or about the internal operations of our minds perceived and reflected on by our selves1 is that which supplies our ,understandings with all the materials of thinking4 ,these two are the ,fountains of ,knowledge from which all the ideas we have1 or can naturally have1 do spring4 ,first1 our ,senses1 conversant about particular sensible objects1 do convey into the mind several distinct perceptions of things1 according to those various ways in which those objects do affect them4 ,and thus we come by those ideas we have of ,yellow1 ,white1 ,heat1 ,cold1 ,soft1 ,hard1 ,bitter1 ,sweet1 and all those which we call ,sensible ,qualities1 which when ,i say the senses convey into the mind1 ,i mean they from external objects convey into the mind what produces there those ,perceptions4 ,this great source of most of the ,ideas we have1 depending wholly upon our senses1 and derived by them to the ,understanding1 ,i call ,,sensation4 ,secondly1 the other ,fountain1 from which ,experience furnisheth the ,understanding with ,ideas1 is the ,perception of the operations of our own minds within us1 as it is employed about the ideas it has got2 which operations1 when the soul comes to reflect on and consider1 do furnish the ,understanding with another set of ideas which could not be had from things without2 and such are ,perception1 ,thinking1 ,doubting1 ,believing1 ,reasoning1 ,knowing1 ,willing1 and all the different actings of our own minds1 which we being conscious of1 and observing in our selves1 do from these receive into our ,understandings as distinct ideas as we do from bodies affecting our senses4 ,this source of ideas every man has wholly in himself4 ,and though it be not sense1 as having nothing to do with external objects1 yet it is very like it1 and might properly enough be called ,internal ,sense4 ,but as ,i call the other ,sensation1 so ,i call this ,,reflection1 the ideas it affords being such only as the mind gets by reflecting on its own operations within itself4 ,by ,reflection1 then1 in the following part of this ,discourse1 ,i would be understood to mean that notice which the mind takes of its own operations and the manner of them1 by reason whereof there come to be ,ideas of these operations in the ,understanding4 ,these two1 ,i say1 namely1 external material things1 as the objects of ,sensation1 and the operations of our own minds within1 as the objects of ,reflection1 are to me the only originals from whence all our ideas take their beginning4 ,the term operations here ,i use in a large sense1 as comprehending not barely the actions of the mind about its ideas1 but some sort of passions arising sometimes from them1 such as is the satisfaction or uneasiness arising from any thought4 ,the ,understanding seems to me not to have the least glimmering of any ideas which it doth not receive from one of these two4 ,external objects furnish the mind with the ideas of sensible qualities1 which are all those different perceptions they produce in us2 and the mind furnishes the ,understanding with ideas of its own operations4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 i41 #b-e47 ,in deriving our knowledge from two distinct sources1 ,sensation and ,reflection1 ,locke is advancing a position altogether different from that of what is properly called the ,sensationalist school of philosophers4 ,gassendi and ,hobbes before him1 ,condillac and ,helvtius after him1 found the ultimate source of all our knowledge in the impressions of sense4 ,the emphatic words of ,hobbes1 standing in the forefront of the ,leviathan1 are3--,the original of all the thoughts of men is that which we call ,sense1 for there is no conception in a man's mind which hath not at first1 totally or by parts1 been begotten upon the organs of sense4 ,and ,condillac1 aiming at a theory still more simple1 derives from sensations not only all our knowledge but all our faculties4 ,the other fountain1 then1 of ,locke has1 we must recollect1 a peculiar significance as distinguishing his psychology from that of the sensationalist writers who preceded and who followed him4 ,his theory of the origin of knowledge may fairly be called an experiential1 but it cannot with any truth be called a sensationalist theory4 ,the rest of the ,second ,book of the ,essay is mainly taken up with the attempt to enumerate our simple ideas of ,sensation and ,reflection1 and to resolve into them our other ideas1 however complex4 ,to follow ,locke into these details would be to re-write the ,essay4 ,i propose simply to direct the attention of the reader to a few salient points4 ,of ,simple ,ideas of ,sensation1 some come into our minds by one ,sense only4 ,such are the various colours1 sounds1 tastes1 and smells1 ,heat and ,cold1 and the sensation of ,resistance or ,impenetrability1 which ,locke denominates ,solidity4 ,the ,ideas we get by more than one sense are of ,space or ,extension1 ,figure1 ,rest1 and ,motion4 ,the ,simple ,ideas of ,reflection1 which the mind acquires1 when it turns its view inward upon itself1 and observes its own actions about those ideas it has received from without1 are mainly two1 namely1 ,perception or ,thinking1 and ,volition or ,willing4 ,there be other simple ideas1 which convey themselves into the mind by all the ways of ,sensation and ,reflection1 namely1 ,pleasure or ,delight1 ,pain or ,uneasiness1 ,power1 ,existence1 ,unity4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 vii41 #a47 ,these simple ideas1 the materials of all our knowledge1 are suggested and furnished to the mind only by those two ways above mentioned1 namely1 ,sensation and ,reflection4 ,when the ,understanding is once stored with these simple ideas1 it has the power to repeat1 compare1 and unite them1 even to an almost infinite variety1 and so can make at pleasure new complex ideas4 ,but it is not in the power of the most exalted ,wit or enlarged ,understanding1 by any quickness or variety of thoughts1 to invent or frame one new simple idea in the mind1 not taken in by the ways before mentioned4 ,nor can any force of the ,understanding destroy those that are there3 the dominion of man1 in this little world of his own understanding1 being much-what the same as it is in the great world of visible things1 wherein his power1 however managed by art and skill1 reaches no farther than to compound and divide the materials that are made to his hand1 but can do nothing towards the making the least particle of new matter or destroying one atom of what is already in being4 ,the same inability will every one find in himself who shall go about to fashion in his ,understanding any simple idea not received in by his senses from external objects or by reflection from the operations of his own mind about them4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 ii41 #b47 ,in the reception of these simple ideas1 ,locke regards the mind as merely passive4 ,it can no more refuse to have them1 alter or blot them out1 than a mirror can refuse to receive1 alter1 or obliterate the images reflected on it4 ,the ,understanding1 before the entrance of simple ideas1 is like a dark room1 and external and internal sensation are the windows by which light is let in4 ,but when the light has once penetrated into this dark recess1 the ,understanding has an almost unlimited power of modifying and transforming it4 ,it can create complex ideas1 and that in an infinite variety1 out of its simple ideas1 and this it does chiefly by combining1 comparing1 and separating them4 ,this shows man's power1 and its way of operation1 to be much what the same in the material and intellectual world4 ,for the materials in both being such as he has no power over1 either to make or destroy1 all that man can do is either to unite them together1 or to set them by one another1 or wholly separate them4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 xii41 #a47 ,the complex ideas are classified under three heads1 modes1 which may be either simple or mixed1 substances1 and relations4 ,here1 however1 my analysis must stop1 and ,i must content myself with giving a few examples of the manner in which ,locke attempts to resolve complex ideas into simple ones4 ,the idea of ,infinity1 to take one of his most celebrated resolutions1 is merely a simple mode of ,quantity1 as ,immensity is a simple mode of ,space1 and ,eternity of ,duration4 ,all alike are negative ideas1 arising whenever we allow the mind an endless progression of thought1 without any effort to arrest it4 ,how often soever a man doubles an unit of space1 be it a mile1 or diameter of the earth1 or of the ,orbis ,magnus1 or any otherwise multiplies it1 he finds that1 after he has continued this doubling in his thoughts and enlarged his idea as much as he pleases1 he has no more reason to stop1 nor is one jot nearer the end of such addition1 than he was at first setting out2 the power of enlarging his idea of ,space by farther additions remaining still the same1 he hence takes idea of infinite space4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 xvii41 #c47 ,with the idea of ,substance ,locke is fairly baffled4 ,if we examine our idea of a horse1 a man1 a piece of gold1 c41 we are able to resolve it into a number of simple ideas1 such as extension1 figure1 solidity1 weight1 colour1 41 co-existing together4 ,but1 according to ,locke1 who1 in this respect1 was merely following in the track of the generally received philosophy of his time1 there is1 in addition to all these qualities1 a substratum in which they inhere1 or1 to use his own language1 wherein they do subsist1 and from which they do result4 ,now of the various qualities we can form a clear idea and give a more or less intelligible account4 ,but can we form a clear idea or give an intelligible account of the substratum8 ,locke here is bold enough to break off from the orthodox doctrine of the time1 and confess candidly that we cannot4 ,the idea of this ,substratum or ,substance is a confused idea of something to which the qualities belong1 and in which they subsist4 ,the name ,substance denotes a ,support1 though it be certain we have no clear or distinct idea of that thing we suppose a support4 ,so that if any one will examine himself concerning his notion of pure ,substance in general1 he will find he has no other idea of it at all but only a supposition of he knows not what ,support of such qualities which are capable of producing simple ideas in us2 which qualities are commonly called ,accidents4 ,if any one should be asked what is the subject wherein ,colour or ,weight inheres1 he would have nothing to say but the solid extended parts4 ,and if he were demanded what is it that ,solidity and ,extension inhere in1 he would not be in a much better case than the ,indian who1 saying that the world was supported by a great elephant1 was asked what the elephant rested on8 ,to which his answer was1 a great tortoise4 ,but1 being again pressed to know what gave support to the broad-backed tortoise1 replied1 something1 he knew not what4 ,and thus here1 as in all other cases1 where we use words without having clear and distinct ideas1 we talk like children2 who1 being questioned what such a thing is1 which they know not1 readily give this satisfactory answer1 ,that it is something2 which in truth signifies no more1 when so used1 either by children or men1 but that they know not what1 and that the thing they pretend to know and talk of is what they have no distinct idea of at all1 and so are perfectly ignorant of it and in the dark4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 xxiii41 #b47 ,no wonder that the next step in philosophy was to get rid altogether of this something1 we know not what4 ,for1 if we know not what it is1 how do we know that it exists1 and is not a mere fiction of the ,schools8 ,this step was taken by ,berkeley1 as respects matter1 and by ,hume the same negative criticism which ,berkeley confines to matter was boldly1 and1 as it seems to me1 far less successfully and legitimately extended to mind4 ,indeed1 were it not for his express assurance to the contrary1 we should often be tempted to think that ,locke himself regarded this distinction of ,substance and ,accident1 so far1 at least1 as it affects ,matter and its attributes1 as untenable1 and was anxious to insinuate a doubt as to the very existence of the unknown somewhat4 ,in this chapter1 ,locke maintains that there is no more difficulty1 if indeed so much1 in the notion of immaterial spirit as of body4 ,our idea of ,body1 as ,i think1 is an extended solid substance1 capable of communicating motion by impulse2 and our idea of our ,soul1 as an immaterial ,spirit1 is of a substance that thinks1 and has a power of exciting motion in body by ,will or ,thought4 7 #bb47 ,now1 it is no more a contradiction that ,thinking should exist separate and independent from ,solidity1 than it is a contradiction that ,solidity should exist separate and independent from ,thinking1 they being both but simple ideas independent one from another4 ,and1 having as clear and distinct ideas in us of ,thinking as of ,solidity1 ,i know not why we may not as well allow a thinking thing without solidity1 that is immaterial1 to exist1 as a solid thing without thinking1 that is matter1 to exist2 especially since it is no harder to conceive how ,thinking should exist without ,matter1 than how ,matter should think4 7 #cb47 ,in the ,fourth ,book 7ch4 iii41 #f71 however1 he gave great scandal by suggesting the possibility that ,matter might think1 that it was not much more repugnant to our conceptions that ,god might1 if he pleased1 superadd to ,matter a ,faculty of ,thinking1 than that he should superadd to it another substance with a faculty of thinking4 ,at the same time1 he regarded it as no less than a contradiction to suppose that ,matter1 which is evidently in its own nature void of sense and thought1 should be the eternal first thinking ,being1 or ,god ,himself2 and1 in his ,first ,letter to the ,bishop of ,worcester1 he grants that in us 7as distinguished from the lower animals7 it is in the highest degree probable that the thinking substance is immaterial4 ,materialism1 therefore1 as ordinarily understood1 is certainly no part of ,locke's system4 ,in discussing the idea of ,substance1 ,locke seems generally to be thinking more of ,matter than ,mind4 ,but1 in an early part of the ,essay 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 xiii41 #ah71 he very rightly begs those who talk so much of ,substance to consider whether applying it1 as they do1 to the infinite incomprehensible ,god1 to finite ,spirit1 and to ,body1 it be in the same sense1 and whether it stands for the same idea1 when each of those three so different beings are called ,substances4 ,as applied respectively to ,matter and to ,mind 7whether finite or infinite71 it appears to me that the word ,substance assumes a very different meaning1 and that the absurdities which it is possible to fix on the distinction between ,matter and its attributes by no means extend to the distinction between ,mind and its operations4 ,for an union of certain forces or powers affecting our organisms in certain ways seems to exhaust our conception of external objects 7the notion of externality1 ,i conceive1 being quite independent of that of the ,substrate matter71 but no similar enumeration of mental acts and feelings seems adequately to take the place of that ,self1 or ,i1 of which we regard these as merely phases and modifications4 ,it would much conduce to clearness in philosophical discussions if1 at least amongst those who admit the dualism of matter and mind1 the word ,substance1 whenever applied to incorporeal objects1 were replaced by the word ,mind1 and1 whenever applied to corporeal objects1 by the word ,matter4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,second ,book closes1 in the ,fourth and subsequent editions1 with a short but very interesting ,chapter on the ,association of ,ideas4 ,the student of ,mental ,philosophy will find it instructive to compare this ,chapter with the previous account given by ,hobbes 7,human ,nature1 ch4 iv42 ,leviathan1 ,pt4 ,i41 ch4 iii471 and the subsequent account given by ,hume 7,human ,nature1 ,pt4 ,i41 #d2 ,essays on ,human ,understanding1 #c71 of the same phenomena4 ,locke appears to have been the first author to use the exact#b expression ,association of ,ideas1 and it is curious to find in this chapter 7 #e7 the word inseparable1 so familiar to the readers of recent works on psychology1 already applied to designate certain kinds of association4 ,some ideas1 indeed1 have1 he says1 a natural correspondence1 but others1 that in themselves are not at all of kin1 come to be so united in some men's minds that one no sooner at any time comes into the understanding than the whole ,gang1 always inseparable1 show themselves together4 #b ,sir ,w4 ,hamilton refers to ,la ,chambre 7,systme de l',ame3 ,paris1 #affd7 as having anticipated ,locke in the use of this expression4 ,in ,liv4 ,,iv41 ch4 ii41 art4 #i1 ,la ,chambre speaks of l' ,union et la ,liaison des ,images1 but ,i cannot find that he approaches any nearer to the now established phraseology4 ,the following passage on what may be called the associations of antipathy affords a good instance of ,locke's power of homely and apposite illustration3 ,many children imputing the pain they endured at school to their books they were corrected for1 so join those ideas together1 that a book becomes their aversion1 and they are never reconciled to the study and use of them all their lives after2 and thus reading becomes a torment to them1 which otherwise possibly they might have made the great pleasure of their lives4 ,there are rooms convenient enough1 that some men cannot study in1 and fashions of vessels1 which though never so clean and commodious1 they cannot drink out of1 and that by reason of some accidental ideas which are annexed to them and make them offensive4 ,and who is there that hath not observed some man to flag at the appearance or in the company of some certain person not otherwise superior to him1 but because1 having once on some occasion got the ascendant1 the idea of authority and distance goes along with that of the person1 and he that has been thus subjected is not able to separate them4 ,had ,locke's ,essay ended with the ,second ,book1 we should hardly have detected in it any incompleteness4 ,it might have been regarded as an analytical work on the nature and origin of our ideas1 or1 in other words1 on the elements of our knowledge4 ,there are1 however1 a third and fourth book--the former treating ,of ,words1 the latter ,of ,knowledge and ,opinion4 ,locke's notion appears to have been that1 after treating of ,ideas1 mainly as regarded in themselves1 it was desirable to consider them as combined in ,judgments or ,propositions1 and to estimate the various degrees of assent which we give or ought to give to such judgments1 when formed4 ,the ,fourth ,book thus1 to a certain extent1 takes the place1 and was probably designed to take the place1 of the ,logic of the ,schools4 ,but1 to quote ,locke's own language in the ,abstract of the ,essay1 when ,i came a little nearer to consider the nature and manner of human knowledge1 ,i found it had so much to do with propositions1 and that words1 either by custom or necessity1 were so mixed with it1 that it was impossible to discourse of knowledge with that clearness we should1 without saying something first of words and language4 ,the last three ,chapters of the ,third ,book are remarkable for their sound sense1 and may still be read with the greatest advantage by all who wish to be put on their guard against the delusions produced by misleading or inadequate language--those ,idola ,fori which ,bacon describes as the most troublesome of the phantoms which beset the mind in its search for truth4 ,some of the best and freshest of ,locke's thoughts1 indeed1 are to be found in this book1 and especially in the less technical parts of it4 ,the ,fourth ,book1 under the head of ,knowledge1 treats of a great variety of interesting topics3 of the nature of knowledge1 its degrees1 its extent1 and reality2 of the truth and certainty of ,universal ,propositions2 of the logical axioms1 or laws of thought2 of the evidence for the existence of a ,god2 of ,faith and ,reason2 of the ,degrees of ,assent2 of ,enthusiasm2 of ,error4 ,into these attractive regions it is impossible that ,i can follow my author1 but the reader who wishes to see examples of ,locke's strong practical sense and1 at the same time1 to understand the popularity so soon and so constantly accorded to the ,essay1 should make acquaintance at least with the four chapters last named4 99 99 99 99 99 ,from the task of description ,i now pass to that of criticism1 though this must be confined within still narrower limits than the former1 and indeed1 amongst the multiplicity of subjects which invite attention1 ,i must confine myself to one only3 the account of the ultimate origin of our knowledge1 which forms the main subject of the ,essay4 ,locke1 as we have seen1 derived all our knowledge from ,experience4 ,but experience1 with him1 was simply the experience of the individual4 ,in order to acquire this experience1 it was indeed necessary that we should have certain inherent faculties4 ,but of these faculties he gives no other account than that ,god has furnished or endued us with them4 ,thus1 the ,deus ex machina was as much an acknowledged necessity in the philosophy of ,locke1 and was1 in fact1 almost as frequently invoked1 as in that of his antagonists4 ,is there any natural account to be given of the way in which we come to have these faculties1 of the extraordinary facility we possess of acquiring simple and forming complex ideas1 is a question which he appears never to have put to himself4 ,inquiries of this kind1 however1 we must recollect1 were foreign to the men of his generation1 and1 in fact1 have only recently become a recognized branch of mental philosophy4 ,hence it was that his system left so much unexplained4 ,not only the very circumstance that we have inherent faculties at all1 but the wide differences of natural capacity which we observe between one man or race and another1 and the very early period at which there spring up in the mind such notions as those of space1 time1 equality1 causality1 and the like1 are amongst the many difficulties which ,locke's theory1 in its bare and unqualified form1 fails satisfactorily to answer4 ,it was thus comparatively easy for ,kant to show that the problem of the origin of knowledge could not be left where ,locke had left it2 that our posteriori experiences presuppose and are only intelligible through certain priori perceptions and conceptions which the mind itself imposes upon them2 or1 to use more accurate language1 through certain priori elements in our perceptions and conceptions1 which the mind contributes from itself4 ,thus the child appears1 as soon as it is capable of recognizing any source of its impressions1 to regard an object as situated in space1 an event as happening in time1 circumstances which have occurred together as likely to occur together again4 ,but ,kant's own account was defective in leaving this priori element of our knowledge unexplained1 or1 at least1 in attempting no explanation of it4 ,the mind1 according to him1 is possessed of certain ,forms and ,categories1 which shape and co-ordinate the impressions received from the external world1 being as necessary to the acquisition of experience1 as experience is necessary to eliciting them into consciousness4 ,but here his analysis ends4 ,he does not ask how the mind comes to be possessed of these ,forms and ,categories1 nor does he satisfactorily determine the precise relation in which they stand to the empirical elements of knowledge4 ,when studying his philosophy1 we seem indeed to be once more receding to the mysterious region of ,innate ,ideas4 ,but the mystery is removed at least several stages back1 if we apply to the solution of these mental problems the principle of ,heredity1 which has recently been found so potent in clearing up many of the difficulties connected with external nature4 ,what are the ,innate ,ideas of the older philosophers1 or the ,forms and ,categories of ,kant1 but certain tendencies of the mind to group phenomena1 the fleeting objects of sense1 under certain relations and regard them under certain aspects8 ,and why should these tendencies be accounted for in any other way than that by which we are accustomed to account for the tendency of an animal or plant1 belonging to any particular species1 to exhibit1 as it developes1 the physical characteristics of the species to which it belongs8 ,the existence of the various mental tendencies and aptitudes1 so far as the individual is concerned1 is1 in fact1 to be explained by the principle of hereditary transmission4 ,but how have these tendencies and aptitudes come to be formed in the race8 ,the most scientific answer is that which1 following the analogy of the theory now so widely admitted with respect to the physical structure of animals and plants1 assigns their formation to the continuous operation1 through a long series of ages1 of causes acting uniformly1 or almost uniformly1 in the same direction--in one word1 of ,evolution4 ,this explanation may have its difficulties1 but it is at any rate an attempt at a natural explanation where no other such attempt exists1 and it has the merit of falling in with the explanations of corresponding phenomena now most generally accepted amongst scientific men in other departments of knowledge4 ,according to this theory1 there is both an priori and an posteriori element in our knowledge1 or1 to speak more accurately1 there are both priori and posteriori conditions of our knowing1 the posteriori condition being1 as in all systems1 individual experience1 the priori condition being inherited mental aptitudes1 which1 as a rule1 become more and more marked and persistent with each successive transmission4 ,now ,locke lays stress simply upon the posteriori condition1 though he recognizes a certain kind of priori condition in our natural faculties1 and the simple ideas furnished by reflecting on their operations4 ,the very important condition1 however1 of inherited aptitudes facilitating the formation of certain general conceptions concurrently1 or almost concurrently1 with the presentation of individual experiences1 did not occur to him as an element in the solution of the problem he had undertaken to answer1 nor1 in that stage of speculation1 could it well have done so4 ,his peculiar contribution to the task of solving this question consisted in his skilful and popular delineation of the posteriori element in knowledge1 and in his masterly exposure of the insufficiency of the account of the priori element1 as then commonly given4 ,locke's own theory was afterwards strained by ,hume and ,hartley1 and still more by his professed followers in ,france1 such as ,condillac and ,helvtius1 till at last1 in the opinion of most competent judges1 it snapped asunder4 ,then1 under the massive1 though often partial and obscure1 treatment of ,kant1 came the rehabilitation of the priori side of knowledge4 ,in recent times1 mainly by aid of the light thrown on it from other branches of inquiry1 a more thorough and scientific treatment of psychology has done much1 as ,i conceive1 towards completing and reconciling the two divergent theories which at one time seemed hopelessly to divide the world of philosophic thinkers4 ,and yet1 as it appears to me1 the ultimate mystery which surrounds the beginnings of intellectual life on the globe has by no means been removed4 ,as closely connected with this general criticism of ,locke's system1 or rather as presenting the defects just criticised under another form1 ,i may notice the tendency of the ,essay to bring into undue prominence the passive receptivities of the ,mind1 and to ignore its activity and spontaneity4 ,the metaphor of the tabula rasa1 the sheet of white paper1 once admitted1 exercises a warping influence over the whole work4 ,the author is so busied with the variety of impressions from without1 that he seems sometimes almost to ignore the reaction of the mind from within4 ,and yet this one-sideness of ,locke's conception of mind may easily be exaggerated4 ,when the ,understanding is once stored with simple ideas1 it has the power to repeat1 compare1 and unite them1 even to an almost infinite variety1 and so can make at pleasure new complex ideas4 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 ii41 #b47 ,moreover1 amongst the simple ideas themselves are the ideas of ,reflection1 being such as the mind gets by reflecting on its own operations4 ,the system1 in fact1 assumes an almost ceaseless activity of mind1 after the simple ideas of sensation have once entered it4 ,but where it fails is in not recognizing that mental reaction which is essential to the formation of even the simple ideas of sensation themselves1 as well as that spontaneous activity of mind which often seems to assert itself independently of the application of any stimulus from without4 ,here again a more scientific psychology than was possible in ,locke's day comes to our aid1 and shows1 as is done by ,mr4 ,bain and other recent writers1 that the nerves1 stored with energy1 often discharge themselves of their own accord1 and that movement is at least as much an original factor in animal life as is sensation1 while sometimes it even precedes it in time4 ,had the constant interaction of mental activity and mental receptivity1 producing a compound in which it is often almost impossible to disentangle the elements1 been duly recognized by ,locke1 it would certainly have made his philosophy less simple1 but it would have made it more true to facts4 ,physiology1 however1 was in his days in far too backward a state itself to throw much light upon ,psychology4 ,and the reaction against the prevailing doctrine of ,innate ,ideas naturally led to a system in which the influences of external circumstances1 of education and habit1 were exaggerated at the expense of the native powers1 or as they might more appropriately be called the inherited aptitudes1 and the spontaneous activity of the mind4 ,here1 tempting as it is to follow my author along the many tracks of psychological1 metaphysical1 and logical discussion which he always pursues with sagacity1 candour1 and good sense1 if not always with the consistency and profundity which we should require from later writers1 my criticism must necessarily end4 ,before1 however1 finally dismissing the ,essay1 ,i must pause to ask what was the main work in the history of philosophy and thought which it accomplished4 ,many of its individual doctrines1 doubtless1 could not now be defended against the attacks of hostile criticism1 and some even of those which are true in the main1 are inadequate or one-sided4 ,but its excellence lies in its tone1 its language1 its method1 its general drift1 its multiplicity of topics1 the direction which it gave to the thoughts and studies of reflecting men for many generations subsequent to its appearance4 ,of the tone of candour and open-mindedness which pervades it1 of the unscholastic and agreeable form in which it is written1 and of the great variety of interesting topics which it starts1 ,i have spoken already4 ,its method1 though not absolutely new1 even in modern times1 for it is at least1 to some extent1 the method of ,descartes1 if not1 in a smaller degree1 of ,hobbes and ,gassendi1 was still not common at the time of its appearance4 ,instead of stating a series of preconceived opinions1 or of dogmas borrowed from some dominant school1 in a systematic form1 ,locke sets to work to examine the structure of his own mind1 and to analyze into their elements the ideas which he finds there4 ,this1 the introspective method1 as it has been called1 though undoubtedly imperfect1 for it requires to be supplemented by the study of the minds of other men1 if not of the lower animals1 as made known by their acts1 and words1 and history1 is yet a great advance on the purely priori1 and often fanciful1 methods which preceded it4 ,nor do we fail to find in the ,essay some employment of that comparative method to which ,i have just alluded3 witness the constant references to children and savages in the first book1 and the stress which is laid on the variety of moral sentiment existing amongst mankind4 ,this inductive treatment of philosophical problems1 mainly introspective1 but in some measure also comparative1 which was extremely rare in ,locke's time1 became almost universal afterwards4 ,closely connected with the method of the book is its general purport4 ,by turning the mind inwards upon itself1 and making it its own object1 ,locke surmises that all its ideas come either from without or from experience of its own operations4 ,he finds1 on examination and analysis1 no ideas which cannot be referred to one or other of these two sources4 ,the single word experience includes them both1 and furnishes us with a good expression for marking the general drift of his philosophy4 ,it was pre-eminently a philosophy of experience1 both in its method and in its results4 ,it accepts nothing on authority1 no foregone conclusions1 no data from other sciences4 ,it digs1 as it were1 into the mind1 detaches the ore1 analyzes it1 and asks how the various constituents came there4 ,the analytical and psychological direction thus given to philosophy by ,locke was followed by most of the philosophical writers of the eighteenth century4 ,however divergent in other respects1 ,hume and ,berkeley1 ,hartley and ,reid1 the ,french ,sensationalists1 ,kant1 all commence their investigations by inquiring into the constitution1 the capacities1 and the limits of the ,human ,mind4 ,nor can any system of speculation be constructed on a sound basis which has neglected to dig about the foundations of human knowledge1 to ascertain what our thoughts can and what they cannot compass1 and what are the varying degrees of assurance with which the various classes of propositions may be accepted by us4 ,two cautions1 indeed1 are necessary in applying this procedure4 ,we must never forget that the mind is constantly in contact with external nature1 and that therefore a constant action and reaction is taking place between them2 and we must never omit to base our inductions on an examination of other minds as well as our own1 bringing into the account1 as far as possible1 every type and grade of mental development4 ,it was not1 however1 only its general spirit and direction which ,locke impressed on the philosophy of the eighteenth century4 ,he may almost be said to have recreated that philosophy4 ,there is hardly a single ,french or ,english writer 7and we may add ,kant7 down to the time of ,dugald ,stewart1 or even of ,cousin1 ,hamilton1 and ,j4 ,s4 ,mill1 who does not profess either to develope ,locke's system1 or to supplement1 or to criticise it4 ,followers1 antagonists1 and critics alike seem to assume on the part of the reader a knowledge of the ,essay on the ,human ,understanding1 and to make that the starting-point of their own speculations4 ,the office which ,bacon assigns to himself with reference to knowledge generally might well have been claimed by ,locke with reference to the science of mind4 ,both of them did far more than merely play the part of a herald1 but of both alike it was emphatically true that they rang the bell to call the other wits together4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,locke',s ,,opinions ,,on ,,religion ,,and ,,morals1 ,,and ,,his ,,theological ,,writings4 ,in the ,essay on the ,human ,understanding1 ,bk4 ,,iv41 ch4 x41 ,locke attempts to prove the existence of a ,god1 which1 though ,god has given us no innate idea of ,himself1 he regards as the most obvious truth that reason discerns1 and as resting on evidence equal to mathematical certainty4 ,morality is1 he maintains1 entirely based upon the ,will of ,god4 ,if there were no ,god1 there would1 for him1 be no morality1 and this is the reason of his denying to ,atheists the protection of the ,state4 ,in the chapter on the ,existence of ,god he says expressly that this truth is so fundamental that all genuine morality depends thereon1 and almost at the beginning of the ,essay 7,bk4 ,i41 ch4 iii41 #f71 while acknowledging that several moral rules may receive from mankind a very general approbation1 without either knowing or admitting the true ground of morality1 he maintains that such true ground can only be the ,will and ,law of a ,god1 who sees men in the dark1 has in his hand rewards and punishments1 and power enough to call to account the proudest offender4 ,again1 the ,rule prescribed by ,god is the true and only measure of ,virtue4 ,but how are we to ascertain this rule8 ,god has by an inseparable connexion joined ,virtue and ,public ,happiness together1 and hence we have only to ascertain1 by the use of the natural reason1 what on the whole conduces most to the public welfare1 in order to know the ,divine ,will4 ,the rules1 when arrived at1 have a moral and eternal obligation1 and are enforced by fear of the ,hell ,god has ordained for the punishment of those that transgress them4 ,this form of ,utilitarianism1 resting on a theological basis and enforced by theological sanctions1 is precisely that which afterwards became so popular and excited so much attention1 when adopted in the well-known work of ,paley4 ,according to this system1 we do what is right simply because ,god commands it1 and because ,he will punish us if we disobey ,his orders4 ,by the fault is the rod1 and with the transgression a fire ready to punish it4 ,but1 notwithstanding the divine origin and the divine sanction of morality1 its measure and test are purely human4 ,each man is required by the ,law of ,god to do all the good and prevent all the evil that he can1 and1 as good and evil are resolved into pleasure and pain1 the ultimate test of virtue or moral conduct comes to be its conduciveness to promote the pleasures and avert the pains of mankind4 ,bentham1 whose ethical system1 it may be noticed1 differed mainly from that of ,locke and ,paley by not being based on a theological foundation1 extends the scope of morality to all sentient creatures1 capable of pleasure and pain4 ,i shall not here criticise ,locke's theory so far as it is common to other utilitarian systems of ethics1 but shall simply content myself with pointing out that its influence on subsequent writers has seldom1 if ever1 been sufficiently recognized4 ,the theological foundation1 however1 on which it rests1 and which is peculiar among the more prominent moralists of modern times to ,locke and ,paley1 is open to an objection so grave and obvious1 that it is curious it did not occur to the authors themselves4 ,if what is right and wrong1 good and evil1 depends solely on the ,will of ,god1 how can we speak of ,god ,himself as good8 ,goodness1 as one of the ,divine attributes1 would then simply mean the conformity of ,god to ,his own ,will4 ,an elder contemporary of ,locke1 ,ralph ,cudworth1 so clearly saw the difficulties and contradictions involved in this view of the nature and origin of morality1 that he devotes a considerable portion of his ,treatise concerning ,eternal and ,immutable ,morality 7which1 however1 was not published till #agca7 to its refutation4 ,and1 possibly1 ,locke himself may have been conscious of some inconsistency between this theory 7the ordinary one amongst the vulgar1 though a comparatively rare one amongst philosophers7 and the attribution of goodness to ,god4 ,for1 in his chapter on our knowledge of the existence of ,god1 he never expressly mentions the attribute of goodness as pertaining to the ,divine ,nature1 though in other parts of the ,essay it must be acknowledged that he incidentally does so4 ,moralists and philosophical theologians have generally escaped the difficulties of ,locke's theory by making right or moral goodness depend not on the ,will but on the ,nature of ,god1 or else by regarding it as an ultimate fact1 incapable of explanation1 or1 lastly1 by resolving it into the idea of happiness or pleasure1 which itself is then regarded as an ultimate fact in the constitution of sentient beings4 ,two other characteristic doctrines of ,locke's ethical system ought here to be mentioned1 though it is impossible1 within the space at my command1 to discuss them4 ,one is that morality is a science capable of demonstration4 ,the other1 which is elaborately set out in the chapter on ,power in the ,essay 7,bk4 ,,ii41 ch4 xxi471 is that1 though the ,agent is free to act as he wills1 the ,will itself is invariably determined by motives4 ,this solution of the well-worn controversy on the ,freedom of the ,will is almost identical with that offered by ,hobbes before and by ,hume afterwards1 and is usually known as ,determinism4 ,we have seen that the main sanctions of morality1 with ,locke1 are the rewards and punishments of a future state4 ,but how are we assured of future existence8 ,only by ,revelation4 ,good and wise men1 indeed1 have always been willing to believe that the soul was immortal2 but though the ,light of ,nature gave some obscure glimmering1 some uncertain hopes of a future state1 yet ,human ,reason could attain to no clearness1 no certainty about it1 but it was ,jesus ,christ alone who brought life and immortality to light through the gospel4 7,third ,letter to the ,bp4 of ,worcester47 ,but if the main sanctions of morality are those of a future state1 and if it is ,christians alone who feel anything approaching to an assurance of such a state1 surely morality must come with somewhat weak credentials to the rest of mankind4 ,and ,locke doubtless believed this to be the case4 ,but then1 if this be so1 ,christians ought to be prepared to tolerate a much lower morality than their own in dealing with men of other faiths--one of the many inconvenient consequences which result from founding morality on a theological basis4 99 99 99 99 99 ,under the head of ,locke's theological writings may be included the ,treatise on the ,reasonableness of ,christianity with the two ,vindications of it--the ,essays on ,toleration1 and the ,commentaries on some of the ,epistles of ,st4 ,paul4 ,the ,reasonableness of ,christianity was published in #afie1 and may be taken as expressing ,locke's most matured opinions on the questions of which it treats1 though1 in reading it1 we must always bear in mind the caution and reticence which any writer of that time who diverged from the strict path of orthodoxy was obliged to observe4 ,there can be no doubt that his object in this work was to commend what he regarded as the fundamental truths of ,christianity to the attention of reflecting men1 and to vindicate to the ,christian religion what he conceived to be its legitimate influence over mankind4 ,but1 in trying to effect this his main object1 he seems also to have wished to correct what he regarded as certain popular errors1 and to bring back ,christianity to the norm of the ,scriptures1 instead of implicitly following the ,fathers1 the ,councils1 and the received theology of the ,churches and the ,schools4 ,he attempted1 he tells us1 to clear his mind of all preconceived notions1 and1 following the lead of the ,scriptures1 of which he assumed the infallibility1 to see whither they would lead him4 ,we may certainly trust his own assertion that he had no thoughts of writing in the interest of any particular party1 though1 at the same time1 it was evidently his aim to extract from the ,scriptures a theory as much as possible in accordance with the requirements of human reason1 or1 in other words1 to reconcile the divine light with the natural light of man4 ,the main results at which he arrived may be stated very briefly1 as follows4 ,adam had been created immortal1 but1 by falling from the state of perfect obedience1 he lost paradise1 wherein was tranquillity and the tree of life2 that is1 he lost bliss and immortality4 ,in ,adam all die1 and hence all his descendants are mortal4 ,but this sentence is to be taken in its literal sense1 and not in the signification that every one descended of him deserves endless torment in hell-fire4 ,for it seems a strange way of understanding a law1 which requires the plainest and directest words1 that by death should be meant eternal life in misery4 ,much less can death be interpreted as a necessity of continual sinning4 ,can the righteous ,god be supposed1 as a punishment of our sin1 wherewith ,he is displeased1 to put man under the necessity of sinning continually1 and so multiplying the provocation8 ,here it will be seen ,locke strikes at the root of the doctrines of the taint and guilt of original sin1 doctrines which had long been stoutly opposed by the ,arminians or ,remonstrants with whom he had associated in ,holland4 ,but though it would have been an injustice to condemn men1 for the fault of another1 to a state of misery worse than non-being1 it was no wrong to deprive them of that to which they had no right1 the exceptional condition of immortality4 ,adam's sin1 then1 subjected all men to death4 ,but in ,christ they have again been made alive1 and the life which ,jesus ,christ restores to all men is that life which they receive again at the resurrection4 ,now the conditions of our obtaining this gift are faith and repentance4 ,but repentance implies the doing works meet for repentance2 that is to say1 leading a good life4 ,and faith implies a belief not only in the one invisible1 eternal1 omnipotent ,god1 but also in ,jesus as the ,messiah1 who was born of a virgin1 rose again from the grave1 and ascended into heaven4 ,when ,christ came on earth1 the minds of men had become so far blinded by sense and lust and superstition that it required some visible and unmistakable assertion of ,god's majesty and goodness to bring them back to true notions of ,him and of the ,divine ,law which ,he had set them4 ,reason1 speaking ever so clearly to the wise and virtuous1 had never authority enough to prevail on the multitude4 ,for the multitude were under the dominion of the priests1 and the priests everywhere1 to secure their empire1 had excluded reason from having anything to do in religion4 ,in this state of darkness and error1 in reference to the 'true ,god1' our ,saviour found the world4 ,but the clear revelation he brought with him dissipated this darkness1 made the 'one invisible true ,god' known to the world2 and that with such evidence and energy1 that polytheism and idolatry have nowhere been able to withstand it4 ,and1 as he revealed to mankind a clear knowledge of the one true ,god1 so also he revealed to them a clear knowledge of their duty1 which was equally wanting4 ,natural religion1 in its full extent1 was nowhere that ,i know taken care of by the force of natural reason4 ,it should seem1 by the little that has hitherto been done in it1 that it is too hard a task for unassisted reason to establish morality in all its parts1 upon its true foundation1 with a clear and convincing light4 ,and it is at least a surer and shorter way to the apprehensions of the vulgar and mass of mankind1 that one manifestly sent from ,god1 and coming with visible authority from him1 should1 as a king and law-maker1 tell them their duties and require their obedience1 than leave it to the long and sometimes intricate deductions of reason to be made out to them4 ,such trains of reasoning the greater part of mankind have neither leisure to weigh1 nor1 for want of education and use1 skill to judge of4444 ,you may as soon hope to have all the day-labourers and tradesmen1 the spinsters and dairy-maids1 perfect mathematicians1 as to have them perfect in ethics this way4 ,hearing plain commands is the sure and only course to bring them to obedience and practice4 ,the greater part cannot learn1 and therefore they must believe4 ,it is true that reason quickly apprehends and approves of these truths1 when once delivered1 but native and original truth is not so easily wrought out of the mine as we1 who have it delivered already dug and fashioned into our hands1 are apt to imagine2 moreover1 experience shows that the knowledge of morality by mere natural light 7how agreeable soever it be to it7 makes but a slow progress1 and little advance in the world4 ,the evidence of ,christ's mission is to be found in the miracles1 the occurrence and the divine origin of which ,locke1 both here and in the paper on ,miracles published among his ,posthumous ,works1 appears to have thought it impossible to gainsay4 ,the miracles he did were so ordered by the divine providence and wisdom1 that they never were nor could be denied by any of the enemies or opposers of ,christianity4 ,and this plain matter of fact being granted1 the truth of our ,saviour's doctrine and mission unavoidably follows4 ,but once acknowledge the truth of ,christ's mission1 and the rule of life is evident4 ,to one who is once persuaded that ,jesus ,christ was sent by ,god to be a ,king1 and a ,saviour of those who do believe in him1 all his commands become principles2 there needs no other proof for the truth of what he says1 but that he said it4 ,and then there needs no more1 but to read the inspired books1 to be instructed2 all the duties of morality lie there clear1 and plain1 and easy to be understood4 ,this1 then1 is ,locke's scheme of a plain and reasonable ,christianity4 ,these are articles that the labouring and illiterate man may comprehend4 ,this is a religion suited to vulgar capacities1 and the state of mankind in this world1 destined to labour and travail4 ,the writers and wranglers in religion1 indeed1 fill it with niceties1 and dress it up with notions1 which they make necessary and fundamental parts of it1 as if there were no way into the church but through the academy or lyceum2 but the religion which he had enunciated was1 ,locke conceived1 the religion of ,christ and the ,apostles1 of the ,new ,testament and of ,common-,sense4 ,that ,locke1 though he had no respect for the dogmas of the ,church1 never seriously questioned the supernatural birth of ,christ1 the reality of the ,christian miracles1 or the infallibility of the ,scriptures1 is abundantly evident4 ,on the last point his testimony is quite as emphatic as on the former two4 ,in the ,reasonableness of ,christianity1 speaking of the writers of the ,epistles1 he says3--,these holy writers1 inspired from above1 writ nothing but truth4 ,and1 to the same effect1 in his ,second ,reply to ,stillingfleet1 he writes3--,my lord1 ,i read the revelation of the holy scripture with a full assurance that all it delivers is true4 ,the word infallible is applied1 without any misgiving or qualification1 to the contents of ,scripture1 though he assumes to each individual believer full liberty of interpretation4 ,during his residence in ,holland1 as we have already seen1 he appears to have entertained some doubts on this subject1 but1 at a later period1 those doubts appear to have been finally laid4 ,notwithstanding1 however1 the sincerity and simplicity of ,locke's religious faith1 the doctrines which he maintained must have represented but a very attenuated ,christianity to the partisans of the two great religious parties which were at that time nominally the strongest in ,england4 ,a ,christianity which did not recognize the hereditary taint of original sin1 and which passed over the mystery of the ,atonement in silence1 must have been as distasteful to one party as a ,christianity which ignored ,church authority and the exclusive privileges of the apostolical succession must have been to the other4 ,and to the zealots of both parties alike1 a statement of doctrine which was silent on the mystery of the ,trinity1 or rather which seemed to imply that the ,son1 though miraculously conceived1 was not co-equal or co-eternal with the ,father1 and which1 by implication1 appeared to suggest that1 though the righteous would be endowed with immortality1 the torments of the wicked would have an end1 might well seem not to deserve the name of ,christianity at all4 ,we need feel no wonder1 then1 that the appearance of ,locke's work was followed by a bitter theological controversy which lasted during the rest of his life1 and beyond it4 ,of these attacks upon him1 and his ,vindications1 ,i have spoken in a previous chapter4 ,whether ,locke's presentation of ,christianity is really more reasonable than the ancient and venerable creeds which it attempted to replace1 is a question which might be debated now with fully as much vigour as in his own day4 ,on the one hand1 it might be maintained that a religion which has no mysteries1 which has been pared down to the requirements of human reason1 has ceased to be a religion altogether4 ,that which is behind the veil can only be partially revealed in our present condition and to our present faculties4 ,now we know1 and can know1 only in part4 ,on the other hand1 it might be said that the reason is quite as much offended by the doctrines which ,locke retained as by those which he rejected4 ,it is necessary1 however1 to recollect1 in estimating his position1 that the theological difficulties of his age were moral and metaphysical rather than scientific and critical4 ,the moral consciousness of many reflecting men was shocked by doctrines like those of original sin1 predestination1 the atonement1 and everlasting punishment4 ,nor could they reconcile to their reason the seeming contradictions of the doctrine of a ,triune ,god4 ,but the study of nature had not advanced sufficiently far1 or been sufficiently widely spread1 to make the idea of supernatural intervention in the ordinary course of affairs1 such as is constantly presented to us in the ,biblical history1 any serious or general stumbling-block4 ,much less had the criticism of the ,sacred ,text1 or the comparison of it with the sacred books of other religions1 become sufficiently common1 or been carried out with sufficient rigour1 to disturb1 to any great extent1 the received opinion that the ,bible was literally1 or1 at least1 substantially1 the ,word of ,god4 ,hence the via media on which ,locke took his stand1 though it might have been impossible to a philosopher of the next generation1 seemed reasonable and natural enough to speculative men among his contemporaries4 ,and for him it had at least this advantage1 that it enabled him honestly to reconcile the conclusions of his philosophy with the singular piety and devoutness of his disposition4 ,had his religious doubts proceeded further than they did1 there would probably have ensued a mental struggle which1 besides causing him much personal unhappiness1 might have deprived posterity of the more important of his works4 99 99 99 99 99 ,of ,the ,letters on ,toleration1 though deeply interesting to the generation in which they were written1 a very brief account will here suffice4 ,their main thesis is1 that the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate does not extend to the regulation of religious worship or to controlling the expression of religious beliefs1 except so far as that worship or those beliefs may interfere with the ends of civil government4 ,the respective provinces of a commonwealth and a church are strictly defined1 and are shown to be perfectly distinct4 ,the boundaries on both sides are fixed and immovable4 ,he jumbles heaven and earth together1 the things most remote and opposite1 who mixes these societies1 which are in their original1 end1 business1 and in everything1 perfectly distinct and infinitely different from each other4 ,but it may be asked1 are there no speculative opinions1 no tenets1 actual or possible1 of any religious community which should be restrained by the ,civil ,magistrate8 ,the answer is1 yes1-- ,first1 ,no opinions contrary to human society1 or to those moral rules which are necessary to the preservation of civil society1 are to be tolerated by the magistrate4 ,secondly1 after speaking of those who maintain such positions as that faith is not to be kept with heretics1 that kings excommunicated forfeit their crowns and kingdoms1 that dominion is founded in grace1 he proceeds3 ,these1 therefore1 and the like1 who attribute unto the faithful1 religious1 and orthodox1 that is1 in plain terms1 unto themselves1 any peculiar privilege or power above other mortals in civil concernments1 or who1 upon pretence of religion1 do challenge any manner of authority over such as are not associated with them in their ecclesiastical communion3 ,i say these have no right to be tolerated by the magistrate1 as neither those that will not own and teach the duty of tolerating all men in matters of mere religion4 ,for what do all these and the like doctrines signify1 but that they may1 and are ready upon any occasion to seize the government1 and possess themselves of the estates and fortunes of their fellow-subjects1 and that they only ask leave to be tolerated by the magistrates so long until they find themselves strong enough to effect it8 ,thirdly1 ,that church can have no right to be tolerated by the magistrate1 which is constituted upon such a bottom that all those who enter upon it do thereby ipso facto deliver themselves up to the protection and service of another prince4 ,for by this means the magistrate would give way to the settling of a foreign jurisdiction in his own country1 and suffer his own people to be listed1 as it were1 for soldiers against his own government4 ,lastly1 ,those are not at all to be tolerated who deny the being of ,god4 ,promises1 covenants1 and oaths1 which are the bonds of human society1 can have no hold upon an atheist4 ,the taking away of ,god1 though but even in thought1 dissolves all4 ,the practical result of ,locke's exceptions1 at the time at which he wrote1 would have been to exclude from toleration ,roman ,catholics1 ,atheists1 and perhaps certain sects of ,antinomians4 ,roman ,catholics1 however1 would not have been excluded on the ground of their belief in ,transubstantiation1 as was actually the case1 but because of those tenets which1 in ,locke's judgment1 made them bad or impossible subjects4 ,locke was not by any means the first of ,english writers who had advocated a wide toleration in religion4 ,bacon1 in his remarkable ,essay on ,unity in ,religion1 had laid down1 in passing1 a position which is almost identical with that developed at length in the ,letters on ,toleration4 ,during the ,civil ,wars1 the ,independents1 as a body1 had been led on by their theories of ,church ,government and of individual inspiration to maintain1 on principle1 and accord1 in practice1 a large measure of religious toleration4 ,amongst divines of the ,church of ,england1 ,hales of ,eton1 ,chillingworth1 and ,jeremy ,taylor1 had honourably distinguished themselves above the mass of their brethren by expressly advocating1 or unmistakably suggesting1 the same humane doctrines4 ,the practical conclusions at which ,taylor arrives1 in his noble work on the ,liberty of ,prophesying1 bear a close resemblance to those of ,locke's ,letters on ,toleration1 while the theoretical considerations on which he mainly founds them1 namely1 the difficulty of discovering religious truth1 and the small number of theological propositions of which we can entertain anything like certainty1 might be regarded as anticipating1 to no small extent1 some of the views expressed in the ,reasonableness of ,christianity4 ,locke's attention had been turned to these questions at an early period of his life by the religious dissensions which accompanied the ,civil ,wars1 and1 during the years immediately preceding the publication of the first ,letter on ,toleration1 his interest in them must have been sustained not only by the events which were then happening in ,england1 but by the common topics of conversation amongst his ,arminian or ,remonstrant friends in ,holland4 ,the peculiarities of their position and the tendencies of their doctrines had1 at an early date1 forced on the ,dutch ,remonstrants1 just as on the ,english ,independents1 the necessity of claiming and defending a wide toleration4 ,what1 perhaps1 mainly distinguishes ,locke's pamphlets is their thorough outspokenness1 the political rather than the theological character of the argument1 and the fact that they are expressly dedicated to the subject of ,toleration1 instead of treating of it incidentally4 ,the sharp line of demarcation which ,locke draws between the respective provinces of civil and religious communities seems to lead logically to the inexpediency of maintaining a state establishment of religion4 ,the independence which he claims for all religious societies would be inconsistent with the control which the ,state always has exercised1 and always must exercise1 in the affairs of any spiritual body on which it confers special privileges4 ,this conclusion1 we can hardly doubt1 he would have readily accepted4 ,as far back as #affi1 he had objected to one of the articles in the ,fundamental ,constitutions of ,carolina1 providing for the establishment and endowment of the ,church of ,england in that colony4 ,even at the present day1 men who adopt the most liberal and tolerant opinions on religious questions are divided as to the expediency or inexpediency of recognizing a ,state-,church2 but those who embrace the latter alternative may1 perhaps1 fairly claim ,locke as having been on their side4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the system contained in the ,reasonableness of ,christianity had been constructed solely on an examination of the ,gospels and the ,acts of the ,apostles4 ,in addition to the difficulties of interpretation attaching to the ,epistles1 ,locke had urged that they were writ to them who were in the faith and true ,christians already1 and so could not be designed to teach them the fundamental articles and points necessary to salvation4 ,but to one who accepted the divine inspiration and infallibility of all parts of ,scripture1 it was essential to establish the consistency and coherence of the whole4 ,accordingly1 in the later years of his life1 ,locke set himself the task of explaining the ,epistles4 ,this work seems to have been undertaken more for his own satisfaction and that of ,lady ,masham and his more immediate friends1 than with any distinct design of publication4 ,nor did his commentaries see the light till after his death4 ,the commentatorial work accomplished by ,locke consists of paraphrases and notes on the ,epistles to the ,galatians1 ,corinthians1 ,romans1 and ,ephesians1 together with ,an ,essay for the understanding of ,st4 ,paul's ,epistles by consulting ,st4 ,paul himself4 ,it is needless to remark that these commentaries are distinguished by sound1 clear sense1 and by a manifest spirit of candour and fairness4 ,they are often quoted with approbation by commentators of the last century4 ,but in the present more advanced state of grammatical and historical criticism1 they are likely to remain1 as they now are1 the least consulted of all his works4 ,the method1 object1 and drift of all ,locke's theological writings is the same4 ,regardless of ecclesiastical tradition1 but assuming the infallibility of the ,scriptures1 he attempts to arrive at the true and essential import of ,god's ,revelation to man4 ,his theoretical conclusion is that the articles of saving faith are few and simple1 and the practical application of that conclusion is that1 not only within the ample fold of ,christianity1 but even without it1 all men1 whose conduct is consistent with the maintenance of civil society1 should be the objects of our goodwill and charity4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,the ,,thoughts ,,on ,,education ,,and ,,the ,,conduct ,,of ,,the ,,understanding4 ,locke's tractate on ,education1 though some of the maxims are reiterated with needless prolixity1 abounds in shrewdness and common-sense4 ,taking as the object of education the production of a sound mind in a sound body1 he begins with the case1 the clay-cottage1 and considers first the health of the body4 ,of the diet prescribed1 dry bread and small beer form a large proportion4 ,locke is a great believer in the virtues of cold water4 ,coddling1 in all its forms1 was to be repressed with a strong hand4 ,my young master was to be much in the open air1 he was to play in the wind and the sun without a hat1 his clothes were not to be too warm1 and his bed was to be hard and made in different fashions1 that he might not in after-life feel every little change1 when there was no maid to lay all things in print1 and tuck him in warm4 ,in the cultivation of the mind1 far more importance is attached to the formation of virtuous habits1 and even of those social qualities which go by the name of good breeding1 than to the mere inculcation of knowledge4 ,i place ,virtue as the first and most necessary of those endowments that belong to a ,man or a ,gentleman2 as absolutely requisite to make him valued and beloved by others1 acceptable or tolerable to himself4 ,wisdom1 that is to say1 a man's managing his business ably1 and with foresight1 in this world1 comes next in order4 ,in the third place is ,good ,breeding1 the breaches of which may be all avoided by observing this one rule1 ,not to think meanly of ourselves1 and not to think meanly of others4 ,learning1 though this may seem strange in the mouth of a bookish man1 he puts last4 ,when ,i consider what ado is made about a little ,latin and ,greek1 how many years are spent in it1 and what a noise and business it makes to no purpose1 ,i can hardly forbear thinking that the parents of children still live in fear of the ,schoolmaster's ,rod4 ,seek out some body that may know how discreetly to frame your child's manners3 place him in hands where you may1 as much as possible1 secure his innocence1 cherish and nurse up the good1 and gently correct and weed out any bad inclinations1 and settle in him good habits4 ,this is the main point1 and1 this being provided for1 ,learning may be had into the bargain1 and that1 as ,i think 7a very common delusion among the educational reformers of ,locke's time71 at a very easy rate1 by methods that may be thought on4 ,these being ,locke's ideas as to the relative value of the objects to be aimed at in education1 we need feel little surprise at the disfavour with which he viewed the system of the ,english ,public ,schools4 ,till you can find a ,school wherein it is possible for the ,master to look after the manners of his scholars1 and can show as great efforts of his care of forming their minds to virtue and their carriage to good breeding as of forming their tongues to the learned languages1 you must confess that you have a strange value for words when1 preferring the languages of the ancient ,greeks and ,romans to that which made 'em such brave men1 you think it worth while to hazard your son's innocence and virtue for a little ,greek and ,latin4 ,how any one's being put into a mixed herd of unruly boys1 and there learning to wrangle at ,trap or rook at ,span-,farthing fits him for civil conversation or business1 ,i do not see4 ,and what qualities are ordinarily to be got from such a troop of ,play-fellows as ,schools usually assemble together from parents of all kinds1 that a father should so much covet1 is hard to divine4 ,i am sure he who is able to be at the charge of a ,tutor at home may there give his son a more genteel carriage1 more manly thoughts1 and a sense of what is worthy and becoming1 with a greater proficiency in ,learning into the bargain1 and ripen him up sooner into a man1 than any at ,school can do4 ,the battle of private and public education has been waged more or less fiercely ever since ,locke's time1 as it was waged long before1 and1 although it has now been generally decided in favour of the ,schools1 many of his arguments have even yet not lost their force4 ,not only in the interest of morality1 character1 and manners did ,locke disapprove the ,public ,school system of his day4 ,he also thought it essentially defective in its subjects and modes of instruction4 ,the subjects taught were almost exclusively the ,latin and ,greek languages1 though at ,locke's own school of ,westminster the upper forms were also initiated into ,hebrew and ,arabic4 ,this linguistic training1 though of course it included translations from the classical authors1 was to a large extent carried on by means of verse-making1 theme-making1 repetition1 and grammar lessons4 ,against all these modes of teaching ,locke is peculiarly severe4 ,grammar1 indeed1 he would have taught1 but not till the pupil is sufficiently conversant with the language to be able to speak it with tolerable fluency4 ,its proper place is as an introduction to ,rhetoric4 ,i know not why any one should waste his time and beat his head about the ,latin ,grammar1 who does not intend to be a critic1 or make speeches and write despatches in it4444 ,if his use of it be only to understand some books writ in it1 without a critical knowledge of the tongue itself1 reading alone will attain this end1 without charging the mind with the multiplied rules and intricacies of ,grammar4 ,but without a knowledge of some rules of grammar1 which need not1 however1 be taught in an abstract and separate form1 but may be learnt gradually in the course of reading1 writing1 and speaking1 how would it be possible to attain to any precise understanding of the authors read8 ,the fault of the old system1 which even still lingers on in school instruction1 consisted not so much in teaching grammatical rules1 as in teaching them apart from the writings which exemplify them1 and which alone can render them intelligible or interesting to a beginner4 ,the practice of filling up a large part of a boy's time with making ,latin themes and verses meets with still more scathing censure than that of initiating him into the learned languages by means of abstract rules of grammar1 and we may well imagine the cordial assent with which many of ,locke's readers1 smarting under a sense of the time they had in this way lost at school1 would receive his criticisms4 ,for do but consider what it is in making a ,theme that a young lad is employed about2 it is to make a speech on some ,latin saying1 as ,omnia vincit amor1 or ,non licet in bello bis peccare1 c4 ,and here the poor lad1 who wants knowledge of those things he is to speak of1 which is to be had only from time and observation1 must set his invention on the rack to say something where he knows nothing2 which is a sort of ,egyptian tyranny to bid them make bricks who have not yet any of the materials4444 ,in the next place consider the ,language that their ,themes are made in4 ',tis ,latin1 a language foreign in their country1 and long since dead everywhere3 a language which your son1 'tis a thousand to one1 shall never have an occasion once to make a speech in as long as he lives after he comes to be a man2 and a language wherein the manner of expressing one's self is so far different from ours that to be perfect in that would very little improve the purity and facility of his ,english style4 ,if these may be any reasons against children's making ,latin ,themes at school1 ,i have much more to say1 and of more weight1 against their making verses2 verses of any sort4 ,for if he has no genius to poetry1 'tis the most unreasonable thing in the world to torment a child and waste his time about that which can never succeed2 and if he have a poetic vein1 'tis to me the strangest thing in the world that the father should desire or suffer it to be cherished or improved4 ,methinks the parents should labour to have it stifled and suppressed as much as may be2 and ,i know not what reason a father can have to wish his son a poet1 who does not desire to have him bid defiance to all other callings and business4 ,which is not yet the worst of the case2 for if he proves a successful rhymer1 and get once the reputation of a ,wit1 ,i desire it may be considered what company and places he is likely to spend his time in1 nay1 and estate too4 ,for it is very seldom seen that any one discovers mines of gold or silver in ,parnassus4 ',tis a pleasant air1 but a barren soil2 and there are very few instances of those who have added to their patrimony by anything they have reaped from thence4 ,poetry and ,gaming1 which usually go together1 are alike in this too1 that they seldom bring any advantage but to those who have nothing else to live on4 ,repetition1 as it is called1 or learning by heart great parcels of the authors which are taught1 is unreservedly condemned as being of no use at all1 unless it be to baulk young lads in the way to learning languages1 which1 in my opinion1 should be made as easy and pleasant as may be4 ,languages are to be learned only by reading and talking1 and not by scraps of authors got by heart2 which when a man's head is stuffed with1 he has got the just furniture of a pedant1 than which there is nothing less becoming a gentleman4 ,this unqualified condemnation of the practice of committing to memory the choicer pieces of classical authors1 whether in the ancient or modern languages1 would hardly be adopted by the educational reformers of our own day4 ,to tax the memory of a child or a boy with long strings of words1 ill understood or not understood at all1 is about as cruel and senseless a practice as can well be conceived4 ,it is one of the strange devices1 invented by perverse pedagogues and tolerated by ignorant parents1 through which literature and all that is connected with books has been made so repulsive to many generations of young ,englishmen4 ,but if the tastes and interests of the pupil are skilfully consulted1 and the understanding is called into action as well as the memory1 a store of well-selected passages learnt by rote will not only do much to familiarize him with the genius of the language1 but will also supply constant solace and occupation in those moments of depression and vacuity which are only too sure to occur in every man's life4 ,locke1 like ,milton 7see ,milton's ,pamphlet on ,education addressed to ,master ,samuel ,hartlib1 and cp4 ,pattison's ,life of ,milton1 published in this series1 pp4 #db-df71 had embraced the new gospel of education according to ,comenius1 and supposed that1 by new methods1 not only might the road to knowledge be rendered very short and easy1 but almost all the subjects worth learning might be taught in the few years spent at ,school and ,college4 ,the whole of ,milton's complete and generous education was to be done between twelve and one-and-twenty4 ,and similarly ,locke thinks that at the same time that a child is learning ,french and ,latin1 he may also be entered in ,arithmetic1 ,geography1 ,chronology1 ,history1 and ,geometry too4 ,for if these be taught him in ,french or ,latin1 when he begins once to understand either of these tongues1 he will get a knowledge in these sciences and the language to boot4 ,to these subjects are afterwards added ,astronomy1 ,ethics1 ,civil and ,common ,law1 ,natural ,philosophy1 and almost all the then known branches of human knowledge1 though1 curiously enough1 ,greek is omitted as not being1 like ,latin and ,french1 essential to the education of a gentleman1 and being1 moreover1 easy of acquisition1 if he has a mind to carry his studies farther1 in after-life4 ,concurrently with these intellectual pursuits1 the model young gentleman is to graduate in dancing1 fencing1 wrestling1 riding1 besides 7and on this addition to his accomplishments the utmost stress is laid7 learning a trade1 a manual trade1 nay1 two or three1 but one more particularly4 ,and all this programme apparently was to be filled up before the age of one-and-twenty1 for at that time ,locke assumes that1 notwithstanding all reasons and remonstrances to the contrary1 my young master's parents will insist on marrying him1 and the young gentleman being got within view of matrimony1 'tis time to leave him to his mistress4 ,this idea of an education embracing the whole field of human knowledge and accomplishments is a vision so attractive1 that it would be strange indeed if it did not from time to time present itself to the enthusiast and the reformer4 ,but wherever the experiment has been tried on boys or youths of average strength and ability1 the vision has invariably been dissipated4 ,and1 as the circle of human knowledge is constantly widening1 whereas the capacity to learn remains much the same from generation to generation1 the failure is inevitable4 ,any account of ,locke's views on ,education1 however meagre1 would be very imperfect1 if it neglected to notice the motives to obedience and proficiency which be proposed to substitute for what was then too often the one and only motive on which the ,schoolmaster relied1 fear of the rod4 ,corporal chastisement should be reserved1 he thought1 for the offence of wilful and obstinate disobedience4 ,in all other cases1 appeal should be made to the pupil's natural desire of employment and knowledge1 to example acting through his propensity to imitation1 to reasoning1 to the sense of shame and the love of commendation and reputation4 ,many of ,locke's suggestions for bringing these motives effectually to bear are very ingenious1 and the whole of this part of the discussion is as creditable to his humanity as to his knowledge of human nature4 ,there is a large literature on the theory of education1 from the ,book of ,proverbs and the ,republic of ,plato downwards4 ,it is no part of my task even to mention the principal writers in this field4 ,but1 besides some of the works of ,comenius1 the ,essay of ,montaigne ,de l'institution des enfants1 and the tractate of ,milton already referred to1 we may almost take for granted that ,locke had read the ,schoolmaster of ,roger ,ascham4 ,this author1 who was instructor to ,queen ,elizabeth1 is already sufficiently independent of scholastic traditions to think that children are sooner allured by love1 than driven by beating1 to attain good learning1 and to suggest that there is no such whetstone to sharpen a good wit1 and encourage a will to learning1 as is praise4 ,he protests almost as strongly as ,locke against the senseless mode1 then and long afterwards prevalent1 of teaching grammar merely by means of abstract rules1 and proposes1 as in part substitute1 the method of double translation1 that is1 of translating from the foreign or dead language into ,english1 and then back again4 ,of the many works on education subsequent to ,locke's1 the most famous is1 undoubtedly1 the ,emile of ,rousseau4 ,on ,rousseau's theories there can be no question that ,locke1 mediately or immediately1 exercised considerable influence1 though the range of speculation covered in the ,emile far exceeds that of the ,thoughts concerning ,education4 ,of the points common to the two writers1 ,i may specify the extension of the term education to the regulations of the nursery1 the substitution of an appeal to the tender and the social affections for the harsh discipline mostly in vogue among our ancestors1 the stress laid on the importance of example and habituation in place of the mere inculcation of rules1 and1 as a point of detail1 the desirableness of learning one or more manual trades4 ,one circumstance1 however1 as ,mr4 ,morley has pointed out1 distinguishes the ,emile from all the works on education which preceded it4 ,its scope is not confined to the children of well-to-do people1 and hence its object is to produce1 not the scholar and the gentleman1 but the man4 ,the democratic extension thus given to educational theories has since borne fruit in many schemes designed for general applicability1 or1 specifically1 for the education of the poor1 such as those of ,basedow1 ,pestalozzi1 and1 among our own countrymen1 ,dr4 ,bell4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in connexion with the ,thoughts on ,education1 it may be convenient to notice the short treatise on the ,conduct of the ,understanding4 ,it is true that it was designed as an additional chapter to the ,essay1 but the main theme of which it treats is connected rather with the work of self-education than with the analysis of knowledge1 or the classification of the faculties4 ,this admirable little volume1 which may be read through in three or four hours1 appears to have been intended by ,locke as at least a partial substitute for the ordinary logic4 ,as in matters of conduct1 so in the things of the intellect1 he thought little of rules4 ,it was only by practice and habituation that men could become either virtuous or wise4 ,but1 though it is perfectly true that rules are of little use without practice1 it is not easy to see how habit can be successfully initiated or fostered without the assistance of rules2 and inadequate as were the rules of the old scholastic logic to remedy the natural defects in the understanding1 they required rather to be supplemented than replaced4 ,the views of ,bacon on this subject1 much as they have been misunderstood1 are juster than those of ,locke4 ,right reasoning1 ,locke thought 7and this is nearly the whole truth1 though not altogether so71 is to be gained from studying good models of it4 ,in the ,thoughts on ,education1 he says1 ,if you would have your son reason well1 let him read ,chillingworth4 ,in this treatise1 with the same view he commends the study of ,mathematics1 ,not that ,i think it necessary that all men should be deep mathematicians1 but that1 having got the way of reasoning which that study necessarily brings the mind to1 they might be able to transfer it to other parts of knowledge1 as they shall have occasion4 ,the great difference to be observed in demonstrative and in probable reasoning is that1 in the former one train of reasoning1 bringing the mind to the source on which it bottoms1 is sufficient1 whereas in probabilities it is not enough to trace one argument to its source1 and observe its strength and weakness1 but all the arguments1 after having been so examined on both sides1 must be laid in balance one against another1 and1 upon the whole1 the understanding determine its assent4 ,the great defect of this tractate 7but its brevity makes the defect of less importance7 is its singular want of method4 ,in fact1 it appears never to have undergone revision4 ,the author seems to throw together his remarks and precepts without any attempt at order1 and he never misses any opportunity of repeating his attacks on what he evidently regarded as being1 in his own time1 the main hindrances to the acquisition of a sound understanding--prejudice and pedantry4 ,but in justness of observation1 incisiveness of language1 and profound acquaintance with the workings of the human mind1 there are many passages which will bear comparison with anything he has written4 ,specially worthy of notice is the homely and forcible character of many of his expressions1 as when he speaks of a large1 sound1 roundabout sense1 of men without any industry or acquisition of their own1 inheriting local truths1 of great readers making their understanding only the warehouse of other men's lumber1 of the ruling passion entering the mind1 like the sheriff of the place1 with all the posse1 as if it had a legal right to be alone considered there4 ,except for the inveterate and growing custom of confining works employed in education to such as can be easily lectured on and easily examined in1 it is difficult to understand why this student's guide1 so brief1 and abounding in such valuable cautions and suggestions1 should have so nearly fallen into desuetude4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,works ,,on ,,government1 ,,trade1 ,,and ,,finance4 ,locke's two ,treatises of ,government 7published in #afij7 carry us back into the region of worn-out controversies4 ,the troublous times which intervened between the outbreak of the ,civil ,war and the ,revolution of #afhh1 including some years on either side1 naturally called forth a large amount of controversy and controversial literature on the rights of kings and subjects1 on the origin of government1 on the point at which1 if any1 rebellion is justifiable1 and other kindred topics4 ,not only did the press teem with pamphlets on these subjects1 but1 for three-quarters of a century1 they were constantly being discussed and re-discussed with a dreary monotony in ,parliament1 in the pulpits1 in the courts of law1 and in the intercourse of private society4 ,it is no part of my plan to give any account of these disputes1 except so far as they bear immediately on the publication of ,locke's treatises4 ,it is enough1 therefore1 to state that the despotic and absolutist side in the controversy had been1 or was supposed to have been1 considerably re-inforced by the appearance in #afhj of a posthumous work1 which had been circulated only in manuscript during its author's lifetime1 entitled ,patriarcha1 or the ,natural ,power of ,kings1 by ,sir ,robert ,filmer4 ,this curious book 7a more correct edition of which was published by ,edmund ,bohun in #afhe7 grounds the rights of kings on the patriarchal authority of ,adam and his successors4 ,adam had received directly from ,god 7such was the theory7 absolute dominion over ,eve and all his children and their posterity1 to the most remote generations4 ,this dominion1 which rested on two independent grounds1 paternity and right of property1 was transmitted by ,adam to his heirs1 and is at once the justification of the various sovereignties now exercised by kings over their subjects1 and a reason against any limitation of their authority or any questioning of their titles4 ,by what ingenious contrivances the two links of the chain--,adam and the several monarchs now actually reigning on the earth--are brought together1 those curious in such speculations may find by duly consulting the pages of ,sir ,robert ,filmer's work4 ,such a tissue of contradictions1 assumptions1 and absurdities as is presented by this book 7which1 however1 contains one grain of truth1 namely1 that all political power has1 historically1 its ultimate origin in the dominion exercised by the head of the family or tribe7 might have been left1 one would think1 without any serious answer4 ,but we must recollect that at that time theological arguments were introduced into all the provinces of thought1 and that any reason1 which by any supposition could be connected with the authority of ,scripture1 was certain to exercise considerable influence over a vast number of minds4 ,any way1 the book was celebrated and influential enough to merit1 in ,locke's judgment1 a detailed answer4 ,this answer was given in due form1 step by step1 in the former of ,locke's two ,treatises1 which appears to have been written between #afhj and #afhe1 as the ,edition of the ,patriarcha quoted is invariably that of #afhj4 ,i do not propose to follow him through his various arguments and criticisms1 many of which1 as will readily be supposed1 are acute and sagacious enough4 ,most modern readers will be of opinion that one of his questions might alone have sufficed to spare him any further concern1 namely1 ,where is ,adam's heir now to be found8 ,if he could be shown1 and his title indubitably proved1 the subsequent question of his rights and prerogatives might then1 perhaps1 be profitably discussed4 ,of incomparably more importance and interest than the former treatise is the latter1 in which ,locke sets forth his own theory concerning the true original1 extent1 and end of ,civil ,government4 ,mr4 ,fox ,bourne is probably correct in referring the date of the composition of this treatise to the time immediately preceding and concurrent with the ,english ,revolution1 that is to say1 to the closing period of ,locke's stay in ,holland4 ,the work1 especially in the later chapters1 bears the marks of passion1 as if written in the midst of a great political struggle1 and1 in the ,preface to the two ,treatises1 it is distinctly stated to be the author's object to establish the throne of our great restorer1 our present ,king ,william1 and to justify to the world the people of ,england1 whose love of their just and natural rights saved the nation when it was on the very brink of slavery and ruin4 ,the theories advanced by ,locke on the origin and nature of civil society have much in common with those of ,puffendorf and ,hooker1 the latter of whom is constantly quoted in the foot-notes4 ,after some preliminary speculations on the state of nature1 he determines that ,political ,society originates solely in the individual consents of those who constitute it4 ,this consent1 however1 may be signified either expressly or tacitly1 and the tacit consent reaches as far as the very being of any one within the territories of that government4 ,though no man need enter a political society against his will1 yet when1 by consent given either expressly or tacitly1 he has entered it1 he must submit to the form of government established by the majority4 ,there is1 however1 one form of government which it is not competent even to the majority to establish1 and that is ,absolute ,monarchy1 this being inconsistent with civil society1 and so being no form of government at all4 ,locke ridicules the idea that men would ever voluntarily have erected over themselves such an authority1 as if1 when men quitting the state of nature entered into society1 they agreed that all of them but one should be under the restraint of laws1 but that he should still retain all the liberty of the state of nature1 increased with power and made licentious by impunity4 ,this is to think that men are so foolish1 that they take care to avoid what mischiefs may be done them by pole-cats or foxes1 but are content1 nay1 think it safety1 to be devoured by lions4 ,in these and some of the following strictures1 he seems to have in view not only the ruder theories of ,filmer and the absolutist divines1 but also the more philosophical system of ,hobbes4 ,but1 supposing a government other than an ,absolute ,monarchy to have been established1 are there any acts or omissions by which it can forfeit the allegiance of its subjects8 ,to answer this question1 we must look to the ends of political society and government4 ,now the great and chief end which men propose to themselves1 when they unite into commonwealths1 is the mutual preservation of their lives1 liberties1 and estates1 which ,i call by the general name1 property4 ,a government1 therefore1 which neglects to secure this end1 and still more a government which itself invades the rights of its subjects1 is guilty of a breach of trust1 and consequently may be lawfully set aside1 whenever an opportunity occurs4 ,hence the community itself must always be regarded as the supreme authority1 in abeyance1 indeed1 while its fiduciary properly and faithfully executes the powers entrusted to him1 but ever ready to intervene when he misuses or betrays the trust reposed in him4 ,on such a theory1 it may be objected1 of the relations of the people to the government1 what is to prevent incessant disturbance and repeated revolutions8 ,locke relies on the inertia of mankind4 ,moreover1 as he says1 with considerable truth1 in a previous passage1 whatever theories may be propounded1 or whatever traditions may have been handed down1 as to the origin1 nature1 and extent of government1 a people1 which knows itself to be rendered miserable by the faults of its rulers and which sees any chance of bettering its condition1 will not be deterred from attempting to throw off a yoke which has become intolerable4 ,when the people are made miserable1 and find themselves exposed to the ill-usage of arbitrary power1 cry up their governors1 as much as you will1 for sons of ,jupiter2 let them be sacred and divine1 descended or authorized from heaven2 give them out for whom or what you please1 the same will happen4 ,the people generally ill-treated1 and contrary to right1 will be ready upon any occasion to ease themselves of a burden that sits heavy upon them4 ,but1 though there is much truth in this last remark1 there can be little question that absolutist theories of government1 especially when clothed with a religious sanction which appeals to the beliefs of the people at large1 have much influence in protecting the person of an absolute ruler1 as well as in ensuring the execution of his orders2 while1 on the other hand1 theories like those of ,locke have a tendency to encourage criticism1 and to weaken many of the motives which have usually prevented men from offering resistance to the established government4 ,the practical consequences of ,locke's theories1 as reproduced and improved on by later writers1 would probably be found1 if we could trace them1 to be represented1 in no inconsiderable degree1 in the ,french and ,american revolutions which occurred about a century after the publication of the ,treatises4 ,nor have his speculations been without their share1 probably1 in determining much of the political history and still more of the political sentiment of our own country4 ,to maintain that kings have a divine right to misgovern their subjects1 or to deny that the people are1 in the last resort1 the supreme arbiters of the fate of their rulers1 are paradoxes which1 to ,englishmen of our generation1 would appear not so much dangerous as foolish4 ,this altered state of sentiment1 and the good fruit it has borne in the improved relations between the ,legislature and the ,people1 the ,crown and the ,parliament1 may1 without undue partiality1 be ascribed1 at least in some measure1 to the generous spirit of liberty which warms our author's pages1 and to the ,whig tradition which so long cherished his doctrines1 till at last they became the common heritage of the ,english people4 ,admirable1 however1 as1 in most respects1 are the parts of ,locke's treatise which discuss the present relations of governors and governed1 his conception of the remote origin of political society is radically false4 ,the first framers of the government1 the original frame of the government 7ch4 xiii471 have never had any existence except in the minds of jurists and publicists4 ,in the primitive stages of human development1 governments1 like languages1 are not made2 they grow4 ,the observation of primitive communities still existing1 combined with the more intelligent study of ancient history1 has led recent writers to adopt a wholly different view of the origin of government 7the question of the respective rights of governors and governed is not affected7 from that which prevailed in the times of ,hobbes1 ,locke1 and ,rousseau4 ,the family or the tribe 7according to different theories7 is the original unit of society4 ,government1 therefore1 of some kind or other must always have existed1 and the state of nature is a mere fiction4 ,in course of time1 the family or the tribe1 by a natural process of development1 would1 in many cases1 become greatly enlarged1 or combine with other units like itself4 ,out of this growth or aggregation would arise1 in most cases gradually and insensibly1 the nation or state as known to later history4 ,the constitution1 the frame of government1 has generally passed through stages similar to those passed through by the state or nation4 ,a body of custom must gradually have grown up even in the most primitive societies4 ,the customs would be interpreted and so administered by the house-father or head of the tribe4 ,but1 as the family or tribe changed its abode1 or had to carry on its existence under different circumstances1 or became enlarged1 or combined with other families or tribes1 the customs would necessarily be modified1 often insensibly and unconsciously4 ,moreover1 the house-father or head of the tribe might be compelled or might find it expedient to act in concert with others1 either as equals or subordinates1 in interpreting the customs1 in taking measures of defence1 in directing military operations1 or in providing for the various exigencies of the common life4 ,here there is no formal assent of the governed to the acts of the governors1 in our sense of those terms1 though1 undoubtedly1 the whole family or tribe1 or its stronger members1 might on rare occasions substitute one head for another2 no passage from the state of nature to political society2 no definitely constituted frame of government4 ,at a further stage1 no doubt1 political constitutions were discussed and framed1 but this stage was long posterior to the period in the progress of society at which men are supposed to have quitted the state of nature1 selected their form of government1 and entered into an express contract with one another to obey and maintain it4 ,the fault of ,locke1 like that of the other political speculators of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries1 consisted in assuming that primitive man was impelled by the same motives1 and acted in the same manner and with the same deliberate design1 as the men of his own generation4 ,as in morals and psychology1 so in politics1 the historical and comparative methods1 so familiar to recent investigators1 were as yet hardly known4 99 99 99 99 99 ,i ought not to dismiss this book without noticing ,locke's remarks on the necessity of ,parliamentary ,reform4 ,to what gross absurdities the following of custom1 when reason has left it1 may lead1 we may be satisfied when we see the bare name of a town1 of which there remains not so much as the ruins1 where scarce so much housing as a sheepcote or more inhabitants than a shepherd is to be found1 sends as many representatives to the grand assembly of law-makers as a whole county numerous in people and powerful in riches4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the writings of ,locke on ,trade and ,finance are chiefly interesting to us on account of the place which they occupy in the ,history of ,political ,economy4 ,they consist of three tracts1 the occasions and consequences of which have already been described4 ,the main positions which he endeavours to establish are three4 ,first1 interest1 or the price of the hire of money1 cannot1 ordinarily speaking1 be regulated by law1 and1 if it could so be regulated1 its reduction below the natural or market rate would be injurious to the interests of the public4 ,secondly1 as silver and gold are commodities not differing intrinsically in their nature from other commodities1 it is impossible by arbitrary acts of the ,government to raise the value of silver and gold coins4 ,you may1 indeed1 enjoin by ,act of ,parliament that sixpence shall henceforth be called a shilling1 but1 all the same1 it will only continue to purchase six-penny-worth of goods4 ,you will soon find that the new shilling is only as effective in the market as the old sixpence1 and hence1 if the ,government has taken the difference1 it has simply robbed its subjects to that amount4 ,the third position1 which he only maintains incidentally in discussing the other two1 is that the commercial prosperity of a country is to be measured by the excess of its exports over its imports1 or1 as the phrase then went1 by the balance of trade4 ,the two former of these propositions are simple1 but long-disputed1 economical truths4 ,the latter is an obstinate and specious economical fallacy4 ,to understand ,locke's contention on the first point1 it must be borne in mind that in his time1 and down even to the middle of the present reign1 the maximum rate of interest allowable in all ordinary transactions was fixed by law4 ,by the statute #ab ,car4 ,,ii4 7passed in #affj7 it had been reduced from eight to six per cent4 ,sir ,josiah ,child1 whose ,observations concerning ,trade had been reprinted in #afij1 and who probably represented a very large amount of mercantile opinion1 advocated its further reduction to four per cent4 ,he maintained1 quoting the example of ,holland1 that low interest is the cause of national wealth1 and that1 consequently1 to lower the legal rate of interest would be to take a speedy and simple method of making the country richer4 ,against this proposal ,locke argued that the example of ,holland was entirely beside the question2 that the low rate of interest in that country was owing to the abundance of ready money which it had formerly enjoyed1 and not to any legal restrictions2 nay1 in the ,states there was no law limiting the rate of interest at all1 every one being free to hire out his money for anything he could get for it1 and the courts enforcing the bargain4 ,but1 further1 suppose the proposed law to be enacted2 what would be the consequences8 ,it would be certain to be evaded1 while1 at the same time1 it would hamper trade1 by increasing the difficulty of borrowing and lending4 ,rather than lend at a low rate of interest1 many men would hoard1 and1 consequently1 much of the money which would otherwise find its way into trade would be intercepted1 and the commerce of the country be proportionately lessened4 ,excellent as most of these arguments are1 ,locke unfortunately stopped short of the legitimate conclusion to be drawn from them4 ,he did not propose1 as he should have done1 to sweep away the usury laws altogether1 but simply to maintain the existing law fixing the maximum of interest at six per cent4 ,sir ,dudley ,north1 in his admirable pamphlet1 ,discourses on ,trade1 published in #afia1 just before the publication of the ,considerations1 but too late1 perhaps1 to have been seen by ,locke1 takes a much more consistent view as to the expediency of legal restrictions on the rate of interest4 ,as touching interest of money1 he is clear that it should be left freely to the market1 and not be restrained by law4 ,notwithstanding the opposition of men like ,north and ,locke1 to whom may be added an earlier writer1 ,sir ,william ,petty1 the arguments of ,child partially triumphed in the next reign4 ,by the #abth of ,anne1 the legal rate of interest was reduced to five per cent41 and so continued till the ,act of #ahed1 repealing1 with regard to all future transactions1 the existing ,usury ,laws4 ,there can be little doubt that public opinion had been prepared for this measure mainly through the publication of ,bentham's powerful ,defence of ,usury1 the telling arguments of which had gradually impressed themselves on the minds of statesmen and economists4 ,adam ,smith1 on the other hand1 had stopped just where ,locke did4 ,the legal rate of interest1 though it ought to be somewhat above1 ought not to be much above the lowest market rate4 ,that the rate of interest1 whatever it may be1 should be fixed by law1 he appears to take for granted4 ,indeed1 he seems to write more confidently on this point than ,locke had done1 and1 in this particular at least1 appears to be of opinion that the legislator can look after the private interests of individuals better than they can look after their own4 ,happily1 as ,bentham points out1 the refutation of this paradox was to be found in the general drift and spirit of his work4 99 99 99 99 99 ,on the second question1 raising the value of money1 ,locke's views are much clearer and more consistent than on the first4 ,it would be impossible to state more explicitly than he has done the sound economical dictum that gold and silver are simply commodities1 not differing essentially from other commodities1 and that the government stamp upon them1 whereby they become coin1 cannot materially raise their value4 ,as most of my readers are aware1 it has been a favourite device1 time out of mind1 of unprincipled and impecunious governments to raise the denomination of the coin1 or to put a smaller quantity of the precious metals in coins retaining the old denomination1 with the view of recruiting an impoverished exchequer4 ,there have1 doubtless1 been financiers unintelligent enough to suppose that this expedient might enrich the government1 while it did no harm to the people4 ,but it requires only a slight amount of reflection to see that all creditors are defrauded exactly in the same proportion as that in which the coin is debased4 ,one lucid passage from ,locke's answer to ,lowndes may suffice to show the forcible manner in which he presents this truth3 ,raising of coin is but a specious word to deceive the unwary4 ,it only gives the usual denomination of a greater quantity of silver to a less 7v4 g41 calling four grains of silver a penny to-day1 when five grains of silver made a penny yesterday71 but adds no worth or real value to the silver coin1 to make amends for its want of silver4 ,that is impossible to be done4 ,for it is only the quantity of silver in it that is1 and eternally will be1 the measure of its value4 ,one may as rationally hope to lengthen a foot1 by dividing it into fifteen parts instead of twelve and calling them inches1 as to increase the value of silver that is in a shilling1 by dividing it into fifteen parts instead of twelve and calling them pence4 ,this is all that is done when a shilling is raised from twelve to fifteen pence4 ,lowndes had maintained that raising the coin1 in addition to making up the loss caused by calling in the clipped money1 and other advantages1 would increase the circulating medium of the country1 and so put a stop to the multiplication of hazardous paper-credit and the inconveniences of bartering4 ,nothing could be better than ,locke's reply3 ,just as the boy cut his leather into five quarters 7as he called them7 to cover his ball1 when cut into four quarters it fell short1 but1 after all his pains1 as much of his ball lay bare as before2 if the quantity of coined silver employed in ,england fall short1 the arbitrary denomination of a greater number of pence given to it1 or1 which is all one1 to the several coined pieces of it1 will not make it commensurate to the size of our trade or the greatness of our occasions4 ,this is as certain as that1 if the quantity of a board which is to stop a leak of a ship fifteen inches square1 be but twelve inches square1 it will not be made to do it by being measured by a foot that is divided into fifteen inches1 instead of twelve1 and so having a larger tale or number of inches in denomination given to it4 ,the general principle that to depreciate the coinage is to rob the creditor1 and that1 though you may change the name1 you cannot change the thing1 was quite as emphatically stated by ,petty and ,north as by ,locke4 ,but the value of ,locke's tracts consisted in their amplitude of argument and illustration1 which left to the unprejudiced reader no alternative but to accept their conclusion4 ,as he himself said in a letter to ,molyneux1 ,lay by the arbitrary names of pence and shillings1 and consider and speak of it as grains and ounces of silver1 and 'tis as easy as telling of twenty4 99 99 99 99 99 ,locke had the penetration to see that the laws existing in his time against the exportation of gold and silver coin must necessarily be futile1 and1 while it was permitted to export bullion1 could answer no conceivable purpose4 ,these laws1 which date from the time of ,edward the ,third1 were1 curiously enough1 not repealed till the year #ahai1 though as early as the time of the ,restoration they had been pronounced by so competent a judge as ,sir ,william ,petty to be nugatory and impracticable4 ,nothing1 as ,locke says towards the conclusion of his answer to ,lowndes1 could prevent the exportation of silver and gold in payment of debts contracted beyond the seas1 and it could be no odds to ,england whether it was carried out in specie or when melted down into bullion4 ,but the principle on which the prohibition of exporting gold and silver coin ultimately rested seems to have been accepted by him as unhesitatingly as it was by almost all the other economists of the time4 ,that principle was that the wealth of a nation is to be measured by the amount of gold and silver in its possession1 this amount depending on the ratio of the value of the exports to that of the imports4 ,when the value of the exports exceeded that of the imports1 the ,balance of ,trade1 as it was called1 was said to be in favour of a country2 when1 on the other hand1 the value of the imports exceeded that of the exports1 the ,balance of ,trade was said to be against it4 ,a favourable balance1 it was assumed1 must necessarily increase the amount of gold and silver in the country1 while an unfavourable balance must necessarily diminish it4 ,and1 lastly1 the amount of gold and silver in its possession was the measure of a nation's wealth4 ,these views form part of what political economists call the ,mercantile ,theory1 which it was the peculiar glory of ,adam ,smith to demolish4 ,it is somewhat humiliating to the biographer of ,locke to be obliged to confess that1 in this respect1 his theories on trade lag considerably behind those of an almost contemporary writer1 ,sir ,dudley ,north1 whose work has already been mentioned4 ,some of ,north's maxims are worthy of ,adam ,smith1 and one wonders that1 when once enunciated1 they found so little currency1 and were so completely ignored in both the literature and the legislation of the time4 ,here are a few1 but the whole tract may be read in less than an hour3 ,the whole world1 as to trade1 is but as one nation or people1 and therein nations are as persons4 ,the loss of a trade with one nation is not that only1 separately considered1 but so much of the trade of the world rescinded and lost1 for all is combined together4 ,no laws can set prices in trade1 the rates of which must and will make themselves2 but1 when such laws do happen to lay any hold1 it is so much impediment to trade1 and therefore prejudicial4 ,no man is richer for having his estate all in money1 plate1 c41 lying by him1 but1 on the contrary1 he is for that reason the poorer4 ,that man is richest whose estate is in a growing condition1 either in land at farm1 money at interest1 or goods in trade4 ,money exported in trade is an increase to the wealth of the nation2 but spent in war and payments abroad1 is so much impoverishment4 ,we may labour to hedge in the ,cuckoo1 but in vain2 for no people ever yet grew rich by policies1 but it is peace1 industry1 and freedom that brings trade and wealth1 and nothing else4 ,some of ,locke's opinions on trade and finance were undoubtedly erroneous1 and it must be confessed that the little tract of ,sir ,dudley ,north supplies a better summary of sound economical doctrine than any which we can find in his writings2 but then this brochure is merely a summary1 with little of argument or elucidation1 and perhaps it would be difficult to point to any previous or contemporary writer whose works are1 on the whole1 more important in the history of economical science than those of ,locke4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,locke',s ,,influence ,,on ,,thought4 ,to trace ,locke's influence on subsequent speculation would be to write the ,history of ,philosophy from his time to our own4 ,in ,england1 ,france1 and ,germany there have been few writers on strictly philosophical questions in this century or the last who have not either quoted ,locke's ,essay with approbation1 or at least paid him the homage of stating their grounds for dissenting from it4 ,in the last century1 his other works1 especially those on ,government and ,toleration1 may be said to have almost formed the recognized code of liberal opinion in this country1 besides exercising a considerable influence on the rapidly developing speculations which1 in the middle of the century1 were preparing an intellectual no less than a social revolution in ,france4 ,i can here only speak of the nature of ,locke's influence1 and of the directions it took1 in the very broadest outline1 and it is the less necessary that ,i should enter into detail1 as ,i have frequently adverted to it in the preceding chapters4 ,in ,england1 the ,essay1 though from the first it had its ardent admirers1 seemed1 for some years after its appearance1 to have produced its effect on ,english philosophical literature mainly by antagonism4 ,many were the critics who attacked the new way of ideas1 and attempted to show the evil consequences to morals1 religion1 and exact thought which must follow from the acceptance of ,locke's speculations4 ,here and there he was defended1 but the attack certainly largely outnumbered the defence4 ,of these controversies ,i have already given some account in the chapters on ,locke's ,life1 and need not1 therefore1 now recur to them4 ,the first ,english writer on philosophy of the highest rank who succeeded ,locke was ,berkeley1 and on him the influence of his predecessor is so distinctly apparent1 that it may well be questioned whether ,berkeley would ever have written the ,principles and the ,dialogues1 if ,locke had not written the ,essay4 ,locke had regarded not things but ideas as the immediate objects of the mind in thinking1 though he had supposed these ideas to be representative of things2 but why1 argued ,berkeley1 suppose things to exist1 if ideas are the only objects which we perceive8 ,again1 ,locke had analyzed the idea of ,matter conceived as ,substance into we know not what support of known qualities4 ,how1 then1 said ,berkeley1 do we know that it exists8 ,the idealist philosophy of ,berkeley may thus be viewed as a development1 on one side1 of the philosophy of ,locke4 ,but ,hume1 by carrying ,berkeley's scepticism further than he had done himself1 and by questioning the reality of ,substance1 as applied either to matter or mind1 may be said to have developed ,locke's principles in a direction which was practically the very reverse of that taken by ,berkeley4 ,for the result of ,berkeley's denial of matter was to enhance the importance of mind1 and to re-assure men as to the existence of one all-embracing mind in the person of the ,deity4 ,but the result of the questions which ,hume raised as to the substantial existence of either ,matter or ,mind was to leave men in a state of pure scepticism1 or1 as we should now perhaps call it1 ,agnosticism4 ,on the other applications of ,hume's method1 ,i need not detain the reader4 ,to the ordinary common-sense ,englishman1 who approached philosophical questions with interest but without any special metaphysical aptitude1 the systems both of ,hume and ,berkeley appeared to be open to the fatal objection of paradox1 and hence1 throughout the eighteenth century1 ,locke continued1 in ordinary estimation1 to hold the supreme place among ,english philosophers4 ,horace ,walpole 7writing in #aghi7 probably expresses the average opinion of the ,english reading public of his time1 when he says that ,locke 7with whom he couples ,bacon7 was almost the first philosopher who introduced common-sense into his writings4 ,nor was it only that he was supreme in popular estimation4 ,his influence is apparent in almost every philosophical and quasi-philosophical work of the period4 ,it may specially be mentioned that the doctrine of ,innate ,ideas went out of fashion1 both word and thing1 and1 when a similar doctrine came into vogue at the end of the century1 under the authority of ,reid and ,stewart1 it was in a modified form and under a new appellation1 that of primary or fundamental beliefs4 ,these authors always spoke with the greatest respect of ,locke1 and ,stewart especially was always anxious to establish1 when possible1 an identity of opinion between himself and his illustrious predecessor4 ,and even in recent times1 when the topics and conditions of philosophical speculation have undergone so much change1 there are few philosophical authors of eminence who do not make frequent reference to ,locke's ,essay4 ,it is now perhaps seldom read through except by professed students of philosophy1 but it is still probably oftener dipped into than any other philosophical treatise in the language4 ,in ,france1 the ,essay at first made little way4 ,it took more than twenty years to sell off the first edition of the ,french translation1 but from #agbc to #ageh editions followed one another in rapid succession at intervals of about six years4 ,voltaire says that no man had been less read or more abused in ,france than ,locke4 ,the points in his philosophy which seem to have been specially selected for attack were the statements that ,god might1 if he pleased1 annex thought to matter1 and that the natural reason could not alone assure us of the immortality of the soul4 ,the qualifications1 as the custom is1 were dropped out of these statements1 and it was roundly asserted that ,locke maintained the soul to be material and mortal4 ,voltaire does not fail to point out the hastiness and injustice of these conclusions1 and is himself unbounded in his admiration for the ,english philosopher4 ,malebranche1 he says1 is read on account of the agreeableness of his style1 ,descartes on account of the hardihood of his speculations2 ,locke is not read1 because he is merely wise4 ,there never was a thinker more wise1 more methodical1 more logical than ,locke4 ,other reasoners had written a romance of the soul2 ,locke came and modestly wrote its history1 developing the ideas of the human understanding as an accomplished anatomist explains the forces of the human body4 ,voltaire lived to see the philosophy of ,locke1 or rather an extreme phase of it1 become almost the established creed of those who cared at all for speculative questions in ,france4 ,condillac in his early work1 the ,essai sur l',origine des ,connoissances ,humaines 7first published in #agdf71 simply adopts ,locke's account of the origin of knowledge1 finding it in the two sources of ,sensation and ,reflection4 ,but in his later work1 the ,trait des ,sensations1 which appeared in #aged1 he has gone far beyond his master1 and not only finds the origin of all knowledge in sensation alone1 but of all our faculties as well4 ,it is in this work that the metaphor of the gradually animated statue occurs4 ,condillac's system soon became the fashionable philosophy of his countrymen1 and both friends and foes credited ,locke with its parentage4 ,with ,joseph de ,maistre1 who may be regarded as the bitterest exponent of ,french ,ultramontanism1 ,locke is the immediate link through whom ,helvtius1 ,cabanis1 and the other enemies of the human race in ,france had derived from ,bacon the principles which had been so destructive to their country and mankind4 ,but it was not the followers of ,condillac only who professed to base their systems on the principles of ,locke4 ,degerando1 writing in #ahac1 says1 ,all the ,french philosophers of this age glory in ranging themselves among the disciples of ,locke1 and admitting his principles4 ,the great names of ,turgot1 ,diderot1 ,d',alembert1 ,condorcet1 and ,destutt de ,tracy alike appear in the roll of his professed disciples4 ,and even when the reaction against the authority of ,locke began in ,france1 his influence might still be traced in authors like ,maine de ,biran1 ,royer ,collard1 ,cousin1 and ,jouffroy1 however emphatically they might repudiate his system as a whole4 ,lastly1 ,auguste ,comte may be connected with ,locke through ,hume4 ,except by way of reaction and opposition1 ,locke's influence has been felt much less in ,germany than in either ,england or ,france4 ,the earliest opponent of his philosophy1 who himself held any high rank as a philosopher1 was ,leibnitz1 who1 in his ,nouveaux ,essais 7written in #agjd1 but not published till #agfe71 attacked not only ,locke's specific conclusions1 but his method of commencing the study of philosophy with an examination of the human mind4 ,yet he recognizes the ,essay as one of the most beautiful and most esteemed works of this time4 ,it may be remarked as curious that he is disposed to rate the ,thoughts on ,education even still higher than the ,essay4 ,but1 when we think of ,locke's relation to ,german philosophy1 it is mainly in connexion with the antagonism of ,kant4 ,for1 though ,kant states that he was awoke from his dogmatic slumber by reading ,hume1 it is plain1 throughout the ,kritik1 that he has in his mind the system of ,locke at least as much as that of his sceptical successor4 ,and yet these two great philosophers1 the reformer of ,english and the reformer of ,german philosophy1 have much in common1 specially their mode of approaching the problems of ontology and theology1 which have vexed so many generations of thinkers1 by first inquiring into the limits1 capacities1 and procedure of the human mind4 ,of the specific influence of ,locke's treatises on ,government1 ,religion1 ,toleration1 ,education1 and ,finance ,i have already said something in previous chapters4 ,in each one of these subjects the publication of his views forms a point of departure1 and no writer on the history of any one of them could dispense with a lengthened notice of his theories4 ,but far more important than their specific influence on other writers1 or even on the development of the subjects with which they deal1 has been the effect of ,locke's writings on the history of progress and civilization4 ,in an age of excitement and prejudice1 he set men the example of thinking calmly and clearly4 ,when philosophy was almost synonymous with the arid discussion of scholastic subtleties1 he wrote so as to interest statesmen and men of the world4 ,at a time when the chains of dogma were far tighter1 and the penalties of attempting to loosen them far more stringent1 than it is now easy to conceive1 he raised questions which stirred the very depths of human thought4 ,and all this he did in a spirit so candid1 so tolerant1 so liberal1 and so unselfish1 that he seemed to be writing not for his own party or his own times1 but for the future of knowledge and of mankind4 ,to sound every question to the bottom1 never to allow our convictions to outstrip our evidence1 to throw aside all prejudices and all interests in the pursuit of truth1 but to hold the truth1 when found1 in all charity and 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