,,slavery4 ,,by ,,william ,e4 ,,channing4 ,,boston3 ,,james ,,munroe ,,and ,,company4 ,m ,,dccc ,,xxxv4 ,entered according to ,act of ,congress1 in the year #ahce1 by ,,james ,,munroe ,,co41 in the ,clerk's office of the ,district ,court of ,massachusetts4 ,,cambridge ,,press3 ,,metcalf1 ,,torry1 ,,and ,,ballou4 ,,contents4 ,page ,,introduction #a ,,chapter ,i4 ,property #ac ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,rights #cj ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,explanations #ed ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,the ,evils of ,slavery #fe ,,chapter ,v4 ,scripture #ajh ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,means of ,removing ,slavery #aaf ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,abolitionism #acj ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,duties #adi ,,notes #afa ,,introduction4 ,the first question to be proposed by a rational being is1 not what is profitable1 but what is ,right4 ,duty must be primary1 prominent1 most conspicuous1 among the objects of human thought and pursuit4 ,if we cast it down from its supremacy1 if we inquire first for our interests and then for our duties1 we shall certainly err4 ,we can never see the ,right clearly and fully1 but by making it our first concern4 ,no judgment can be just or wise1 but that which is built on the conviction of the paramount worth and importance of ,duty4 ,this is the fundamental truth1 the supreme law of reason2 and the mind1 which does not start from this in its inquiries into human affairs1 is doomed to great1 perhaps fatal error4 ,the ,right is the supreme good1 and includes all other goods4 ,in seeking and adhering to it1 we secure our true and only happiness4 ,all prosperity1 not founded on it1 is built on sand4 ,if human affairs are controlled1 as we believe1 by ,almighty ,rectitude and ,impartial ,goodness1 then to hope for happiness from wrong doing is as insane as to seek health and prosperity by rebelling against the laws of nature1 by sowing our seed on the ocean1 or making poison our common food4 ,there is but one unfailing good2 and that is1 fidelity to the ,everlasting ,law written on the heart1 and rewritten and republished in ,god's ,word4 ,whoever places this faith in the everlasting law of rectitude must of course regard the question of slavery first and chiefly as a moral question4 ,all other considerations will weigh little with him1 compared with its moral character and moral influences4 ,the following remarks1 therefore1 are designed to aid the reader in forming a just moral judgment of slavery4 ,great truths1 inalienable rights1 everlasting duties1 these will form the chief subjects of this discussion4 ,there are times when the assertion of great principles is the best service a man can render society4 ,the present is a moment of bewildering excitement1 when men's minds are stormed and darkened by strong passions and fierce conflicts2 and also a moment of absorbing worldliness1 when the moral law is made to bow to expediency1 and its high and strict requirements are decried or dismissed as metaphysical abstractions1 or impracticable theories4 ,at such a season1 to utter great principles without passion1 and in the spirit of unfeigned and universal good-will1 and to engrave them deeply and durably on men's minds1 is to do more for the world1 than to open mines of wealth1 or to frame the most successful schemes of policy4 ,of late our country has been convulsed by the question of slavery2 and the people1 in proportion as they have felt vehemently1 have thought superficially1 or hardly thought at all2 and we see the results in a singular want of well defined principles1 in a strange vagueness and inconsistency of opinion1 and in the proneness to excess which belongs to unsettled minds4 ,the multitude have been called1 now to contemplate the horrors of slavery1 and now to shudder at the ruin and bloodshed which must follow emancipation4 ,the word ,massacre has resounded through the land1 striking terror into strong as well as tender hearts1 and awakening indignation against whatever may seem to threaten such a consummation4 ,the consequence is1 that not a few dread all discussion of the subject1 and if not reconciled to the continuance of slavery1 at least believe that they have no duty to perform1 no testimony to bear1 no influence to exert1 no sentiments to cherish and spread1 in relation to this evil4 ,what is still worse1 opinions either favoring or extenuating it are heard with little or no disapprobation4 ,concessions are made to it which would once have shocked the community2 whilst to assail it is pronounced unwise and perilous4 ,no stronger reason for a calm exposition of its true character can be given1 than this very state of the public mind4 ,a community can suffer no greater calamity than the loss of its principles4 ,lofty and pure sentiment is the life and hope of a people4 ,there was never such an obligation to discuss slavery as at this moment1 when recent events have done much to unsettle and obscure men's minds in regard to it4 ,this result is to be ascribed in part to the injudicious vehemence of those who have taken into their hands the care of the slave4 ,such ought to remember that to espouse a good cause is not enough4 ,we must maintain it in a spirit answering to its dignity4 ,let no man touch the great interests of humanity1 who does not strive to sanctify himself for the work by cleansing his heart of all wrath and uncharitableness1 who cannot hope that he is in a measure baptized unto the spirit of universal love4 ,even sympathy with the injured and oppressed may do harm1 by being partial1 exclusive1 and bitterly indignant4 ,how far the declension of the spirit of freedom is to be ascribed to the cause now suggested ,i do not say4 ,the effect is plain1 and whoever sees and laments the evil should strive to arrest it4 ,slavery ought to be discussed4 ,we ought to think1 feel1 speak1 and write about it4 ,but whatever we do in regard to it should be done with a deep feeling of responsibility1 and so done as not to put in jeopardy the peace of the slave-holding ,states4 ,on this point public opinion has not been and cannot be too strongly pronounced4 ,slavery1 indeed1 from its very nature1 must be a ground of alarm wherever it exists4 ,slavery and security can by no device be joined together4 ,but we may not1 must not1 by rashness and passion increase the peril4 ,to instigate the slave to insurrection is a crime for which no rebuke and no punishment can be too severe4 ,this would be to involve slave and master in common ruin4 ,it is not enough to say1 that the ,constitution is violated by any action endangering the slave-holding portion of our country4 ,a higher law than the ,constitution forbids this unholy interference4 ,were our national union dissolved1 we ought to reprobate1 as sternly as we now do1 the slightest manifestation of a disposition to stir up a servile war4 ,still more1 were the free and the slave-holding ,states not only separated1 but engaged in the fiercest hostilities1 the former would deserve the abhorrence of the world1 and the indignation of ,heaven1 were they to resort to insurrection and massacre as means of victory4 ,better were it for us to bare our own breasts to the knife of the slave1 than to arm him with it against his master4 ,it is not by personal1 direct action on the mind of the slave that we can do him good4 ,our concern is with the free4 ,with the free we are to plead his cause4 ,and this is peculiarly our duty1 because we have bound ourselves to resist his efforts for his own emancipation4 ,we suffer him to do nothing for himself4 ,the more1 then1 should be done for him4 ,our physical power is pledged against him in case of revolt4 ,then our moral power should be exerted for his relief4 ,his weakness1 which we increase1 gives him a claim to the only aid we can afford1 to our moral sympathy1 to the free and faithful exposition of his wrongs4 ,as men1 as ,christians1 as citizens1 we have duties to the slave1 as well as to every other member of the community4 ,on this point we have no liberty4 ,the ,eternal ,law binds us to take the side of the injured2 and this law is peculiarly obligatory1 when we forbid him to lift an arm in his own defence4 ,let it not be said we can do nothing for the slave4 ,we can do much4 ,we have a power mightier than armies1 the power of truth1 of principle1 of virtue1 of right1 of religion1 of love4 ,we have a power1 which is growing with every advance of civilization1 before which the slave-trade has fallen1 which is mitigating the sternest despotisms1 which is spreading education through all ranks of society1 which is bearing ,christianity to the ends of the earth1 which carries in itself the pledge of destruction to every institution which debases humanity4 ,who can measure the power of ,christian philanthropy1 of enlightened goodness1 pouring itself forth in prayers and persuasions1 from the press and pulpit1 from the lips and hearts of devoted men1 and more and more binding together the wise and good in the cause of their race8 ,all other powers may fail4 ,this must triumph4 ,it is leagued with ,god's omnipotence4 ,it is ,god himself acting in the hearts of his children4 ,it has an ally in every conscience1 in every human breast1 in the wrong doer himself4 ,this spirit has but begun its work on earth4 ,it is breathing itself more and more through literature1 education1 institutions1 and opinion4 ,slavery cannot stand before it4 ,great moral principles1 pure and generous sentiments1 cannot be confined to this or that spot4 ,they cannot be shut out by territorial lines1 or local legislation4 ,they are divine inspirations1 and partake of the omnipresence of their ,author4 ,the deliberate1 solemn conviction of good men through the world1 that slavery is a grievous wrong to human nature1 will make itself felt4 ,to increase this moral power is every man's duty4 ,to embody and express this great truth is in every man's power2 and thus every man can do something to break the chain of the slave4 ,there are not a few persons1 who1 from vulgar modes of thinking1 cannot be interested in this subject4 ,because the slave is a degraded being1 they think slavery a low topic1 and wonder how it can excite the attention and sympathy of those who can discuss or feel for any thing else4 ,now the truth is1 that slavery1 regarded only in a philosophical light1 is a theme worthy of the highest minds4 ,it involves the gravest questions about human nature and society4 ,it carries us into the problems which have exercised for ages the highest understandings4 ,it calls us to inquire into the foundation1 nature1 and extent of human rights1 into the distinction between a person and a thing1 into the true relations of man and man1 into the obligations of the community to each of its members1 into the ground and laws of property1 and above all into the true dignity and indestructible claims of a moral being4 ,i venture to say1 there is no subject1 now agitated by the community1 which can compare in philosophical dignity with slavery2 and yet to multitudes the question falls under the same contempt with the slave himself4 ,to many1 a writer seems to lower himself who touches it4 ,the falsely refined1 who want intellectual force to grasp it1 pronounce it unworthy of their notice4 ,but this subject has more than philosophical dignity4 ,it has an important bearing on character4 ,our interest in it is one test by which our comprehension of the distinctive spirit of ,christianity must be judged4 ,christianity is the manifestation and inculcation of ,universal ,love4 ,the great teaching of ,christianity is1 that we must recognise and respect human nature in all its forms1 in the poorest1 most ignorant1 most fallen4 ,we must look beneath the flesh1 to the spirit4 ,the ,spiritual principle in man is what entitles him to our brotherly regard4 ,to be just to this is the great injunction of our religion4 ,to overlook this1 on account of condition or color1 is to violate the great ,christian law4 ,we have reason to think that it is one design of ,god1 in appointing the vast diversities of human condition1 to put to the test and to bring out most distinctly the principle of love4 ,it is wisely ordered1 that human nature is not set before us in a few forms of beauty1 magnificence1 and outward glory4 ,to be dazzled and attracted by these would be no sign of reverence for what is interior and spiritual in human nature4 ,to lead us to discern and love this1 we are brought into connexion with fellow-creatures1 whose outward circumstances are repulsive4 ,to recognise our own spiritual nature and ,god's image in these humble forms1 to recognise as brethren those who want all outward distinctions1 is the chief way in which we are to manifest the spirit of ,him1 who came to raise the fallen and to save the lost4 ,we see1 then1 the moral importance of the question of slavery2 according to our decision of it1 we determine our comprehension of the ,christian law4 ,he who cannot see a brother1 a child of ,god1 a man possessing all the rights of humanity under a skin darker than his own1 wants the vision of a ,christian4 ,he worships the ,outward4 ,the ,spirit is not yet revealed to him4 ,to look unmoved on the degradation and wrongs of a fellow-creature1 because burned by a fiercer sun1 proves us strangers to justice and love1 in those universal forms which characterize ,christianity4 ,the greatest of all distinctions1 the only enduring one1 is moral goodness1 virtue1 religion4 ,outward distinctions cannot add to the dignity of this4 ,the wealth of worlds is not sufficient for a burnt-offering on its altar4 ,a being capable of this is invested by ,god with solemn claims on his fellow-creatures4 ,to exclude millions of such beings from our sympathy1 because of outward disadvantages1 proves1 that1 in whatever else we surpass them1 we are not their superiors in ,christian virtue4 ,the spirit of ,christianity1 ,i have said1 is distinguished by ,universality4 ,it is universal justice4 ,it respects all the rights of all beings4 ,it suffers no being1 however obscure1 to be wronged1 without condemning the wrong doer4 ,impartial1 uncompromising1 fearless1 it screens no favorites1 is dazzled by no power1 spreads its shield over the weakest1 summons the mightiest to its bar1 and speaks to the conscience in tones1 under which the mightiest have quailed4 ,it is also universal love1 comprehending those that are near and those that are far off1 the high and the low1 the rich and poor1 descending to the fallen1 and especially binding itself to those in whom human nature is trampled under foot4 ,such is the spirit of ,christianity2 and nothing but the illumination of this spirit can prepare us to pass judgment on slavery4 ,these remarks are intended to show the spirit in which slavery ought to be approached1 and the point of view from which it will be regarded in the present discussion4 ,my plan may be briefly sketched4 #a4 ,i shall show that man cannot be justly held and used as ,property4 #b4 ,i shall show that man has sacred and infallible rights1 of which slavery is the infraction4 #c4 ,i shall offer some explanations to prevent misapplication of these principles4 #d4 ,i shall unfold the evils of slavery4 #e4 ,i shall consider the argument which the ,scriptures are thought to furnish in favor of slavery4 #f4 ,i shall offer some remarks on the means of removing it4 #g4 ,i shall offer some remarks on abolitionism4 #h4 ,i shall conclude with a few reflections on the duties belonging to the times4 ,in the first two sections ,i propose to show that slavery is a great wrong1 but ,i do not intend to pass sentence on the character of the slave-holder4 ,these two subjects are distinct4 ,men are not always to be interpreted by their acts or institutions4 ,the same acts in different circumstances admit and even require very different constructions4 ,i offer this remark1 that the subject may be approached without prejudice or personal reference4 ,the single object is to settle great principles4 ,their bearing on individuals will be a subject of distinct consideration4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,property4 ,the slave-holder claims the slave as his ,property4 ,the very idea of a slave is1 that he belongs to another1 that he is bound to live and labor for another1 to be another's instrument1 and to make another's will his habitual law1 however adverse to his own4 ,another owns him1 and of course has a right to his time and strength1 a right to the fruits of his labor1 a right to task him without his consent1 and to determine the kind and duration of his toil1 a right to confine him to any bounds1 a right to extort the required work by stripes1 a right1 in a word1 to use him as a tool1 without contract1 against his will1 and in denial of his right to dispose of himself or to use his power for his own good4 ,a slave1 says the ,louisiana ,code1 is in the power of the master to whom he belongs4 ,the master may sell him1 dispose of his person1 his industry1 his labor2 he can do nothing1 possess nothing1 nor acquire any thing1 but which must belong to his master4 ,slaves shall be deemed1 taken1 reputed1 and adjudged1 say the ,south ,carolina laws1 to be chattels personal in the hands of their masters1 and possessions to all intents and purposes whatsoever4 ,such is slavery1 a claim to man as property4 ,now this claim of property in a human being is altogether false1 groundless4 ,no such right of man in man can exist4 ,a human being cannot be justly owned4 ,to hold and treat him as property is to inflict a great wrong1 to incur the guilt of oppression4 ,this position there is a difficulty in maintaining on account of its exceeding obviousness4 ,it is too plain for proof4 ,to defend it is like trying to confirm a self-evident truth4 ,to find arguments is not easy1 because an argument is something clearer than the proposition to be sustained4 ,the man1 who1 on hearing the claim to property in man1 does not see and feel distinctly that it is a cruel usurpation1 is hardly to be reached by reasoning1 for it is hard to find any plainer principles than what he begins with denying4 ,i will endeavour1 however1 to illustrate the truth which ,i have stated4 #a4 ,it is plain1 that1 if one man may be held as property1 then every other man may be so held4 ,if there be nothing in human nature1 in our common nature1 which excludes and forbids the conversion of him who possesses it into an article of property2 if the right of the free to liberty is founded1 not on their essential attributes as rational and moral beings1 but on certain adventitious1 accidental circumstances1 into which they have been thrown2 then every human being1 by a change of circumstances1 may justly be held and treated by another as property4 ,if one man may be rightfully reduced to slavery1 then there is not a human being on whom the same chain may not be imposed4 ,now let every reader ask himself this plain question3 ,could ,i1 can ,i1 be rightfully seized1 and made an article of property2 be made a passive instrument of another's will and pleasure2 be subjected to another's irresponsible power2 be subjected to stripes at another's will2 be denied the control and use of my own limbs and faculties for my own good8 ,does any man1 so questioned1 doubt1 waver1 look about him for an answer8 ,is not the reply given immediately1 intuitively1 by his whole inward being8 ,does not an unhesitating1 unerring conviction spring up in my breast1 that no other man can acquire such a right in myself8 ,do we not repel indignantly and with horror the thought of being reduced to the condition of tools and chattels to a fellow-creature8 ,is there any moral truth more deeply rooted in us1 than that such a degradation would be an infinite wrong8 ,and if this impression be a delusion1 on what single moral conviction can we rely8 ,this deep assurance1 that we cannot be rightfully made another's property1 does not rest on the hue of our skins1 or the place of our birth1 or our strength1 or wealth4 ,these things do not enter our thoughts4 ,the consciousness of indestructible rights is a part of our moral being4 ,the consciousness of our humanity involves the persuasion1 that we cannot be owned as a tree or a brute4 ,as men we cannot justly be made slaves4 ,then no man can be rightfully enslaved4 ,in casting the yoke from ourselves as an unspeakable wrong1 we condemn ourselves as wrong doers and oppressors in laying it on any who share our nature4 ,it is not necessary to inquire whether a man1 by extreme guilt1 may not forfeit the right of his nature1 and be justly punished with slavery4 ,on this point crude notions prevail4 ,but the discussion would be foreign to the present subject4 ,we are now not speaking of criminals4 ,we speak of innocent men1 who have given us no hold on them by guilt2 and our own consciousness is a proof1 that such cannot rightfully be seized as property by a fellow-creature4 #b4 ,a man cannot be seized and held as property1 because he has ,rights4 ,what these rights are1 whether few or many1 or whether all men have the same1 are questions for future discussion4 ,all that is assumed now is1 that every human being has some rights4 ,this truth cannot be denied1 but by denying to a portion of the race that moral nature which is the sure and only foundation of rights4 ,this truth has never1 ,i believe1 been disputed4 ,it is even recognised in the very codes of slave-legislation1 which1 while they strip a man of liberty1 affirm his right to life1 and threaten his murderer with punishment4 ,now1 ,i say a being having rights cannot justly be made property2 for this claim over him virtually annuls all his rights4 ,it strips him of all power to assert them4 ,it makes it a crime to assert them4 ,the very essence of slavery is1 to put a man defenceless into the hands of another4 ,the right claimed by the master1 to task1 to force1 to imprison1 to whip1 and to punish the slave1 at discretion1 and especially to prevent the least resistance to his will1 is a virtual denial and subversion of all the rights of the victim of his power4 ,the two cannot stand together4 ,can we doubt which of them ought to fall8 #c4 ,another argument against property is to be found in the ,essential ,equality of men4 ,i know that this doctrine1 so venerable in the eyes of our fathers1 has lately been denied4 ,verbal logicians have told us that men are born equal1 only in the sense of being equally born4 ,they have asked whether all are equally tall1 strong1 or beautiful2 or whether nature1 ,procrustes-like1 reduces all her children to one standard of intellect and virtue4 ,by such arguments it is attempted to set aside the principle of equality1 on which the soundest moralists have reared the structure of social duty2 and in these ways the old foundations of despotic power1 which our fathers in their simplicity thought they had subverted1 are laid again by their sons4 ,it is freely granted1 that there are innumerable diversities among men2 but be it remembered1 they are ordained to bind men together1 and not to subdue one to the other2 ordained to give means and occasions of mutual aid1 and to carry forward each and all1 so that the good of all is equally intended in this distribution of various gifts4 ,be it also remembered1 that these diversities among men are as nothing in comparison with the attributes in which they agree1 and it is this which constitutes their essential equality4 ,all men have the same rational nature1 and the same power of conscience1 and all are equally made for indefinite improvement of these divine faculties1 and for the happiness to be found in their virtuous use4 ,who1 that comprehends these gifts1 does not see that the diversities of the race vanish before them8 ,let it be added1 that the natural advantages1 which distinguish one man from another1 are so bestowed as to counterbalance one another1 and bestowed without regard to rank or condition in life4 ,whoever surpasses in one endowment is inferior in others4 ,even genius1 the greatest gift1 is found in union with strange infirmities1 and often places its possessors below ordinary men in the conduct of life4 ,great learning is often put to shame by the mother-wit and keen good sense of uneducated men4 ,nature1 indeed1 pays no heed to birth or condition in bestowing her favors4 ,the noblest spirits sometimes grow up in the obscurest spheres4 ,thus equal are men2 and among these equals1 who can substantiate his claim to make others his property1 his tools1 the mere instruments of his private interest and gratification8 ,let this claim begin1 and where will it stop8 ,if one may assert it1 why not all8 ,among these partakers of the same rational and moral nature1 who can make good a right over others1 which others may not establish over himself8 ,does he insist on superior strength of body or mind8 ,who of us has no superior in one or the other of these endowments3 ,is it sure that the slave or the slave's child may not surpass his master in intellectual energy or in moral worth8 ,has nature conferred distinctions which tell us plainly1 who shall be owner8 and who be owned8 ,who of us can unblushingly lift his head and say that ,god has written ,master there8 or who can show the word ,slave engraven on his brother's brow8 ,the equality of nature makes slavery a wrong1 ,nature's seal is affixed to no instrument1 by which property in a single human being is conveyed4 #d4 ,that a human being cannot be justly held and used as property is apparent from the very nature of property4 ,property is an exclusive1 single right4 ,it shuts out all claim but that of the possessor1 ,what one man owns cannot belong to another4 ,what1 then1 is the consequence of holding a human being as property8 ,plainly this4 ,he can have no right to himself4 ,his limbs are1 in truth1 not morally his own4 ,he has not a right to his own strength4 ,it belongs to another4 ,his will1 intellect1 and muscles1 all the powers of body and mind which are exercised in labor1 he is bound to regard as another's4 ,now1 if there be property in any thing1 it is that of a man in his own person1 mind1 and strength4 ,all other rights are weak1 unmeaning1 compared with this1 and in denying this all right is denied4 ,it is true that an individual may forfeit by crime his right to the use of his limbs1 perhaps to his limbs1 and even to life4 ,but the very idea of forfeiture implies that the right was originally possessed4 ,it is true that a man may by contract give to another a limited right to his strength4 ,but he gives only because he possesses it1 and gives it for considerations which he deems beneficial to himself2 and the right conferred ceases at once on violation of the conditions on which it was bestowed4 ,to deny the right of a human being to himself1 to his own limbs and faculties1 to his energy of body and mind1 is an absurdity too gross to be confuted by any thing but a simple statement4 ,yet this absurdity is involved in the idea of his belonging to another4 #e4 ,we have a plain recognition of the principle now laid down1 in the universal indignation excited towards a man who makes another his slave4 ,our laws know no higher crime than that of reducing a man to slavery4 ,to steal or to buy an ,african on his own shores is piracy4 ,in this act the greatest wrong is inflicted1 the most sacred right violated4 ,but if a human being cannot without infinite injustice be seized as property1 then he cannot without equal wrong be held and used as such4 ,the wrong in the first seizure lies in the destination of a human being to future bondage1 to the criminal use of him as a chattel or brute4 ,can that very use1 which makes the original seizure an enormous wrong1 become gradually innocent8 ,if the slave receive injury without measure at the first moment of the outrage1 is he less injured by being held fast the second or the third8 ,does the duration of wrong1 the increase of it by continuance1 convert it into right8 ,it is true1 in many cases1 that length of possession is considered as giving a right1 where the goods were acquired by unlawful means4 ,but in these cases the goods were such as might justly be appropriated to individual use4 ,they were intended by the ,creator to be owned4 ,they fulfil their purpose by passing into the hands of an exclusive possessor4 ,it is essential to rightful property in a thing1 that the thing from its nature may be rightfully appropriated4 ,if it cannot originally be made one's own without crime1 it certainly cannot be continued as such without guilt4 ,now1 the ground1 on which the seizure of the ,african on his own shore is condemned1 is1 that he is a ,man1 who has by his nature a right to be free4 ,ought not1 then1 the same condemnation to light on the continuance of his yoke8 ,still more4 ,whence is it that length of possession is considered by the laws as conferring a right8 ,i answer1 from the difficulty of determining the original proprietor1 and from the apprehension of unsettling all property by carrying back inquiry beyond a certain time4 ,suppose1 however1 an article of property to be of such a nature that it could bear the name of the true original owner1 stamped on it in bright and indelible characters4 ,in this case1 the whole ground1 on which length of possession bars other claims1 would fail4 ,the proprietor would not be concealed or rendered doubtful by the lapse of time4 ,would not he1 who should receive such an article from a robber or a succession of robbers1 be involved in their guilt8 ,now1 the true owner of a human being is made manifest to all4 ,it is ,himself4 ,no brand on the slave was ever so conspicuous as the mark of property which ,god has set on him4 ,god1 in making him a rational and moral being1 has put a glorious stamp on him1 which all the slave-legislation and slave-markets of worlds cannot efface4 ,hence no right accrues to the master from the length of the wrong which has been done to the slave4 #f4 ,another argument against the right of property in man may be drawn from a very obvious principle of moral science4 ,it is a plain truth1 universally received1 that every right supposes or involves a corresponding ,obligation4 ,if1 then1 a man has a right to another's person or powers1 the latter is under obligation to give himself up as a chattel to the former4 ,this is his ,duty4 ,he is bound to be a slave2 and bound not merely by the ,christian law which enjoins submission to injury1 not merely by prudential considerations1 or by the claims of public order and peace2 but bound because another has a right of ,ownership1 has a ,moral claim to him1 so that he would be guilty of dishonesty1 of robbery1 in withdrawing himself from this other's service4 ,it is his ,duty to work for his master1 though all compulsion were withdrawn2 and in deserting him he would commit the crime of taking away another man's property1 as truly as if he were to carry off his owner's purse4 ,now1 do we not instantly feel1 can we help feeling1 that this is false8 ,is the slave thus morally bound8 ,when the ,african was first brought to these shores1 would he have violated a solemn obligation1 by slipping his chain1 and flying back to his native home8 ,would he not have been bound to seize the precious opportunity of escape8 ,is the slave under a moral obligation to confine himself1 his wife1 and children1 to a spot where their union in a moment may be forcibly dissolved8 ,ought he not1 if he can1 to place himself and his family under the guardianship of equal laws8 ,should we blame him for leaving his yoke8 ,do we not feel1 that1 in the same condition1 a sense of duty would quicken our flying steps8 ,where1 then1 is the obligation which would necessarily be imposed1 if the right existed which the master claims8 ,the absence of obligation proves the want of the right4 ,the claim is groundless4 ,it is a cruel wrong4 #g4 ,i come now to what is to my own mind the great argument against seizing and using a man as property4 ,he cannot be property in the sight of ,god and justice1 because he is a ,rational1 ,moral1 ,immortal ,being2 because created in ,god's image1 and therefore in the highest sense his child2 because created to unfold ,godlike faculties1 and to govern himself by a ,divine ,law written on his heart1 and republished in ,god's ,word4 ,his whole nature forbids that he should be seized as property4 ,from his very nature it follows1 that so to seize him is to offer an insult to his ,maker1 and to inflict aggravated social wrong4 ,into every human being ,god has breathed an immortal spirit more precious than the whole outward creation4 ,no earthly or celestial language can exaggerate the worth of a human being4 ,no matter how obscure his condition4 ,thought1 ,reason1 ,conscience1 the capacity of ,virtue1 the capacity of ,christian ,love1 an ,immortal ,destiny1 an intimate moral connexion with ,god1--here are attributes of our common humanity which reduce to insignificance all outward distinctions1 and make every human being unspeakably dear to his ,maker4 ,no matter how ignorant he may be4 ,the capacity of ,improvement allies him to the more instructed of his race1 and places within his reach the knowledge and happiness of higher worlds4 ,every human being has in him the germ of the greatest ,idea in the universe1 the ,idea of ,god2 and to unfold this is the end of his existence4 ,every human being has in his breast the elements of that ,divine1 ,everlasting ,law1 which the highest orders of the creation obey4 ,he has the ,idea of ,duty2 and to unfold1 revere1 obey this is the very purpose for which life was given4 ,every human being has the ,idea of what is meant by that word1 ,truth2 that is1 he sees1 however dimly1 the great object of ,divine and created intelligence1 and is capable of ever-enlarging perceptions of ,truth4 ,every human being has affections1 which may be purified and expanded into a ,sublime ,love4 ,he has1 too1 the ,idea of ,happiness1 and a thirst for it which cannot be appeased4 ,such is our nature4 ,wherever we see a man1 we see the possessor of these great capacities4 ,did ,god make such a being to be owned as a tree or a brute8 ,how plainly was he made to exercise1 unfold1 improve his highest powers1 made for a moral1 spiritual good6 and how is he wronged1 and his ,creator opposed1 when he is forced and broken into a tool to another's physical enjoyment6 ,such a being was plainly made for an ,end in ,himself4 ,he is a ,person1 not a ,thing4 ,he is an ,end1 not a mere ,instrument or ,means4 ,he was made for his own virtue and happiness4 ,is this end reconcilable with his being held and used as a chattel8 ,the sacrifice of such a being to another's will1 to another's present1 outward1 ill-comprehended good1 is the greatest violence which can be offered to any creature of ,god4 ,it is to degrade him from his rank in the universe1 to make him a means1 not an end1 to cast him out from ,god's spiritual family into the brutal herd4 ,such a being was plainly made to obey a ,law within ,himself4 ,this is the essence of a moral being4 ,he possesses1 as a part of his nature1 and the most essential part1 a sense of ,duty1 which he is to reverence and follow1 in opposition to all pleasure or pain1 to all interfering human wills4 ,the great purpose of all good education and discipline is1 to make a man ,master of ,himself1 to excite him to act from a principle in his own mind1 to lead him to propose his own perfection as his supreme law and end4 ,and is this highest purpose of man's nature to be reconciled with entire subjection to a foreign will1 to an outward1 overwhelming force1 which is satisfied with nothing but complete submission8 ,the end of such a being as we have described is manifestly ,improvement4 ,now1 it is the fundamental law of our nature1 that all our powers are to improve by free exertion4 ,action is the indispensable condition of progress to the intellect1 conscience1 and heart4 ,is it not plain1 then1 that a human being cannot1 without wrong1 be owned by another1 who claims1 as proprietor1 the right to repress the powers of his slaves1 to withhold from them the means of development1 to keep them within the limits which are necessary to contentment in chains1 to shut out every ray of light and every generous sentiment1 which may interfere with entire subjection to his will8 ,no man1 who seriously considers what human nature is1 and what it was made for1 can think of setting up a claim to a fellow-creature4 ,what6 own a spiritual being1 a being made to know and adore ,god1 and who is to outlive the sun and stars6 ,what6 chain to our lowest uses a being made for truth and virtue6 ,convert into a brute instrument that intelligent nature on which the ,idea of ,duty has dawned1 and which is a nobler type of ,god than all outward creation6 ,should we not deem it a wrong which no punishment could expiate1 were one of our children seized as property1 and driven by the whip to toil8 ,and shall ,god's child1 dearer to him than an only son to a human parent1 be thus degraded8 ,every thing else may be owned in the universe2 but a moral1 rational being cannot be property4 ,suns and stars may be owned1 but not the lowest spirit4 ,touch any thing but this4 ,lay not your hand on ,god's rational offspring4 ,the whole spiritual world cries out1 ,forbear6 ,the highest intelligences recognise their own nature1 their own rights1 in the humblest human being4 ,by that priceless1 immortal spirit which dwells in him1 by that likeness of ,god which he wears1 tread him not in the dust1 confound him not with the brute4 ,we have thus seen that a human being cannot rightfully be held and used as property4 ,no legislation1 not that of all countries or worlds1 could make him so4 ,let this be laid down1 as a first1 fundamental truth4 ,let us hold it fast1 as a most sacred1 precious truth4 ,let us hold it fast against all customs1 all laws1 all rank1 wealth1 and power4 ,let it be armed with the whole authority of the civilized and ,christian world4 ,i have taken it for granted that no reader would be so wanting in moral discrimination and moral feeling1 as to urge that men may rightfully be seized and held as property1 because various governments have so ordained4 ,what6 is human legislation the measure of right8 ,are ,god's laws to be repealed by man's8 ,can government do no wrong8 ,what is the history of human governments but a record of wrongs8 ,how much does the progress of civilization consist in the substitution of just and humane1 for barbarous and oppressive laws8 ,government1 indeed1 has ordained slavery1 and to government the individual is in no case to offer resistance4 ,but criminal legislation ought to be freely and earnestly exposed4 ,injustice is never so terrible1 and never so corrupting1 as when armed with the sanctions of law4 ,the authority of government1 instead of being a reason for silence under wrongs1 is a reason for protesting against wrong with the undivided energy of argument1 entreaty1 and solemn admonition4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,rights4 ,i now proceed to the second division of the subject4 ,i am to show1 that man has by nature received sacred1 inalienable ,rights1 which are violated by slavery4 ,some important principles1 which belong to this head1 were necessarily anticipated under the preceding2 but they need a fuller exposition4 ,the whole subject of ,rights needs to be reconsidered4 ,speculations and reasonings about it have lately been given to the public1 not only false1 but dangerous to freedom1 and there is a strong tendency to injurious views4 ,rights are made to depend on circumstances1 so that pretences may easily be made or created for violating them successively1 till none shall remain4 ,human rights have been represented as so modified and circumscribed by men's entrance into the social state1 that only the shadows of them are left4 ,they have been spoken of as absorbed in the public good2 so that a man may be innocently enslaved1 if the public good shall so require4 ,to meet fully all these errors1 for such ,i hold them1 a larger work than the present is required4 ,the nature of man1 his relations to the state1 the limits of civil government1 the elements of the public good1 and the degree to which the individual must be surrendered to this good1--these are the topics which the present subject involves4 ,i cannot enter into them particularly1 but shall lay down what seem to me the great and true principles in regard to them4 ,i shall show that man has rights from his very nature1 not the gifts of society1 but of ,god2 that they are not surrendered on entering the social state2 that they must not be taken away under the plea of public good2 that the ,individual is never to be sacrificed to the ,community2 that the ,idea of ,rights is to prevail above all the interests of the ,state4 ,man has rights by nature4 ,the disposition of some to deride abstract rights1 as if all rights were uncertain1 mutable1 and conceded by society1 shows a lamentable ignorance of human nature4 ,whoever understands this must see in it an immovable foundation of rights4 ,these are gifts of the ,creator1 not grants of society4 ,in the order of things1 they precede society1 lie at its foundation1 constitute man's capacity for it1 and are the great objects of social institutions4 ,the consciousness of rights is not a creation of human art1 a conventional sentiment1 but essential to and inseparable from the human soul4 ,man's rights belong to him as a ,moral ,being1 as capable of perceiving moral distinctions1 as a subject of moral obligation4 ,as soon as he becomes conscious of ,duty1 a kindred consciousness springs up1 that he has a ,right to do what the sense of duty enjoins1 and that no foreign will or power can obstruct his moral action without crime4 ,he feels that the sense of duty was given to him as a ,law1 that it makes him responsible for himself1 that to exercise1 unfold1 and obey it is the end of his being1 and that he has a right to exercise and obey it without hindrance or opposition4 ,a consciousness of dignity1 however obscure1 belongs also to this divine principle2 and though he may want words to do justice to his thoughts1 he feels that he has that within him which makes him essentially equal to all around him4 ,the sense of duty is the fountain of human rights4 ,in other words1 the same inward principle1 which teaches the former1 bears witness to the latter4 ,duties and ,rights must stand or fall together4 ,it has been too common to oppose them to one another2 but they are indissolubly joined together4 ,that same inward principle1 which teaches a man what he is bound to do to others1 teaches equally1 and at the same instant1 what others are bound to do to him4 ,that same voice1 which forbids him to injure a single fellow-creature1 forbids every fellow-creature to do him harm4 ,his conscience1 in revealing the moral law1 does not reveal a law for himself only1 but speaks as an ,universal ,legislator4 ,he has an intuitive conviction1 that the obligations of this divine code press on others as truly as on himself4 ,that principle1 which teaches him that he sustains the relation of brotherhood to all human beings1 teaches him that this relation is reciprocal1 that it gives indestructible claims as well as imposes solemn duties1 and that what he owes to the members of this vast family1 they owe to him in return4 ,thus the moral nature involves rights4 ,these enter into its very essence4 ,they are taught by the very voice which enjoins duty4 ,accordingly there is no deeper principle in human nature than the consciousness of rights4 ,so profound1 so ineradicable is this sentiment1 that the oppressions of ages have no where wholly stifled it4 ,having shown the foundation of human rights in human nature1 it may be asked what they are4 ,perhaps they do not admit very accurate definition any more than human duties2 for the ,spiritual cannot be weighed and measured like the ,material4 ,perhaps a minute criticism may find fault with the most guarded exposition of them2 but they may easily be stated in language which the unsophisticated mind will recognise as the truth4 ,volumes could not do justice to them2 and yet perhaps they may be comprehended in one sentence4 ,they may all be comprised in the ,right1 which belongs to every rational being1 to exercise his powers for the promotion of his own and others' ,happiness and ,virtue4 ,these are the great purposes of his existence4 ,for these his powers were given1 and to these he is bound to devote them4 ,he is bound to make himself and others better and happier1 according to his ability4 ,his ability for this work is a sacred trust from ,god1 the greatest of all trusts4 ,he must answer for the waste or abuse of it4 ,he consequently suffers an unspeakable wrong1 when stripped of it by others1 or forbidden to employ it for the ends for which it is given2 when the powers which ,god has given for such generous uses are impaired or destroyed by others1 or the means for their action and growth are forcibly withheld4 ,as every human being is bound to employ his faculties for his own and others' good1 there is an obligation on each to leave all free for the accomplishment of this end2 and whoever respects this obligation1 whoever uses his own1 without invading others' powers1 or obstructing others' duties1 has a sacred1 indefeasible right to be unassailed1 unobstructed1 unharmed by all with whom he may be connected4 ,here is the grand1 all-comprehending right of human nature4 ,every man should revere it1 should assert it for himself and for all1 and should bear solemn testimony against every infraction of it1 by whomsoever made or endured4 ,having considered the great fundamental right of human nature1 particular rights may easily be deduced4 ,every man has a right to exercise and invigorate his intellect or the power of knowledge1 for knowledge is the essential condition of successful effort for every good2 and whoever obstructs or quenches the intellectual life in another inflicts a grievous and irreparable wrong4 ,every man has a right to inquire into his duty1 and to conform himself to what he learns of it4 ,every man has a right to use the means1 given by ,god and sanctioned by virtue1 for bettering his condition4 ,he has a right to be respected according to his moral worth2 a right to be regarded as a member of the community to which he belongs1 and to be protected by impartial laws2 and a right to be exempted from coercion1 stripes1 and punishment1 as long as he respects the rights of others4 ,he has a right to an equivalent for his labor4 ,he has a right to sustain domestic relations1 to discharge their duties1 and to enjoy the happiness which flows from fidelity in these and other domestic relations4 ,such are a few of human rights2 and if so1 what a grievous wrong is slavery6 ,perhaps nothing has done more to impair the sense of the reality and sacredness of human rights1 and to sanction oppression1 than loose ideas as to the change made in man's natural rights by his entrance into civil society4 ,it is commonly said that men part with a portion of these by becoming a community1 a body politic2 that government consists of powers surrendered by the individual2 and it is said1 ,if certain rights and powers may be surrendered1 why not others8 why not all8 ,what limit is to be set8 ,the good of the community1 to which a part is given up1 may demand the whole2 and in this good1 all private rights are merged4 ,this is the logic of despotism4 ,we are grieved1 that it finds its way into republics1 and that it sets down the great principles of freedom as abstractions and metaphysical theories1 good enough for the cloister1 but too refined for practical and real life4 ,human rights1 however1 are not to be so reasoned away4 ,they belong1 as we have seen1 to man as a moral being1 and nothing can divest him of them but the destruction of his nature4 ,they are not to be given up to society as a prey4 ,on the contrary1 the great end of civil society is to secure them4 ,the great end of government is to repress all wrong4 ,its highest function is to protect the weak against the powerful1 so that the obscurest human being may enjoy his rights in peace4 ,strange that an institution1 built on the idea of ,rights1 should be used to unsettle this idea1 to confuse our moral perceptions1 to sanctify wrongs as means of general good4 ,it is said that in forming civil society the individual surrenders a part of his rights4 ,it would be more proper to say that he adopts new modes of securing them4 ,he consents1 for example1 to desist from self-defence1 that he and all may be more effectually defended by the public force4 ,he consents to submit his cause to an umpire or tribunal1 that justice may be more impartially awarded1 and that he and all may more certainly receive their due4 ,he consents to part with a portion of his property in taxation1 that his own and others' property may be the more secure4 ,he submits to certain restraints1 that he and others may enjoy more enduring freedom4 ,he expects an equivalent for what he relinquishes1 and insists on it as his right4 ,he is wronged by partial laws1 which compel him to contribute to the state beyond his proportion1 his ability1 and the measure of benefits which he receives4 ,how absurd is it to suppose1 that by consenting to be protected by the state1 and by yielding it the means1 he surrenders the very rights which were the objects of his accession to the social compact6 ,the authority of the state to impose laws on its members ,i cheerfully allow2 but this has limits1 which are found to be more and more narrow in proportion to the progress of moral science4 ,the state is equally restrained with individuals by the moral law4 ,for example1 it may not1 must not on any account1 put an innocent man to death1 or require of him a dishonorable or criminal service4 ,it may demand allegiance1 but only on the ground of the protection it affords4 ,it may levy taxes1 but only because it takes all property and all interests under its shield4 ,it may pass laws1 but only impartial ones1 framed for the whole and not for the few4 ,it must not seize by a special act the property of the humblest individual1 without making him an equivalent4 ,it must regard every man1 over whom it extends its authority1 as a vital part of itself1 as entitled to its care and to its provisions for liberty and happiness4 ,if1 in an emergency1 its safety1 which is the interest of each and all1 may demand the imposition of peculiar restraints on one or many1 it is bound to limit these restrictions to the precise point which its safety prescribes1 to remove the necessity of them as far and as fast as possible1 to compensate by peculiar protection such as it deprives of the ordinary means of protecting themselves1 and1 in general1 to respect and provide for liberty in the very acts which for a time restrain it4 ,the idea of ,rights1 ,i repeat it1 should be fundamental and supreme in civil institutions4 ,government becomes a nuisance and scourge1 in proportion as it sacrifices these to the many or the few4 ,government1 ,i repeat it1 is equally bound with the individual by the moral law4 ,the ideas of ,justice and ,rectitude1 of what is due to man from his fellow-creatures1 of the claims of every moral being1 are far deeper and more primitive than ,civil ,polity4 ,government1 far from originating them1 owes to them its strength4 ,right is older than human law4 ,law ought to be its voice4 ,it should be built on and should correspond to the principle of justice in the human breast1 and its weakness is owing to nothing more than to its clashing with our indestructible moral convictions4 ,that government is most perfect1 in which ,policy is most entirely subjected to ,justice1 or in which the supreme and constant aim is to secure the rights of every human being4 ,this is the beautiful idea of a free government1 and no government is free but in proportion as it realizes this4 ,liberty must not be confounded with popular institutions4 ,a representative government may be as despotic as an absolute monarchy4 ,in as far as it tramples on the rights1 whether of many or one1 it is a despotism4 ,the sovereign power1 whether wielded by a single hand or several hands1 by a king or a congress1 which spoils one human being of the immunities and privileges bestowed on him by ,god1 is so far a tyranny4 ,the great argument in favor of representative institutions is1 that a people's rights are safest in their own hands1 and should never be surrendered to an irresponsible power4 ,rights1 ,rights1 lie at the foundation of a popular government2 and when this betrays them1 the wrong is more aggravated than when they are crushed by despotism4 ,still the question will be asked1 ,is not the ,general ,good the supreme law of the state8 ,are not all restraints on the individual just1 which this demands8 ,when the rights of the individual clash with this1 must they not yield8 ,do they not1 indeed1 cease to be rights8 ,must not every thing give place to the ,general ,good8 ,i have started this question in various forms1 because ,i deem it worthy of particular examination4 ,public and private morality1 the freedom and safety of our national institutions1 are greatly concerned in settling the claims of the ,general ,good4 ,in monarchies1 the ,divine ,right of kings swallowed up all others4 ,in republics the ,general ,good threatens the same evil4 ,it is a shelter for the abuses and usurpations of government1 for the profligacies of statesmen1 for the vices of parties1 for the wrongs of slavery4 ,in considering this subject1 ,i take the hazard of repeating principles already laid down2 but this will be justified by the importance of reaching and determining the truth4 ,is the ,general ,good1 then1 the supreme law to which every thing must bow8 ,this question may be settled at once by proposing another4 ,suppose the ,public ,good to require that a number of the members of a state1 no matter how few1 should perjure themselves1 or should disclaim their faith in ,god and virtue4 ,would their right to follow conscience and ,god be annulled8 ,would they be bound to sin8 ,suppose a conqueror to menace a state with ruin1 unless its members should insult their parents1 and stain themselves with crimes at which nature revolts8 ,must the ,public ,good prevail over purity and our holiest affections8 ,do we not all feel1 that there are higher goods than even the safety of the state8 ,that there is a higher law than that of mightiest empires8 ,that the idea of ,rectitude is deeper in human nature than that of private or public interest8 ,and that this is to bear sway over all private and public acts8 ,the supreme law of a state is not its safety1 its power1 its prosperity1 its affluence1 the flourishing state of agriculture1 commerce1 and the arts4 ,these objects1 constituting what is commonly called the ,public ,good1 are1 indeed1 proposed1 and ought to be proposed1 in the constitution and administration of states4 ,but there is a higher law1 even ,virtue1 ,rectitude1 the ,voice of ,conscience1 the ,will of ,god4 ,justice is a greater good than property1 not greater in degree1 but in kind4 ,universal benevolence is infinitely superior to prosperity4 ,religion1 the love of ,god1 is worth incomparably more than all his outward gifts4 ,a community1 to secure or aggrandize itself1 must never forsake the ,right1 the ,holy1 the ,just4 ,moral ,good1 ,rectitude in all its branches1 is the ,supreme ,good2 by which ,i do not intend that it is the surest means to the security and prosperity of the state4 ,such1 indeed1 it is1 but this is too low a view4 ,it must not be looked upon as a ,means1 an ,instrument4 ,it is the ,supreme ,end1 and states are bound to subject to it all their legislation1 be the apparent loss of prosperity ever so great4 ,national wealth is not the ,end4 ,it derives all its worth from national virtue4 ,if accumulated by rapacity1 conquest1 or any degrading means1 or if concentrated in the hands of the few1 whom it strengthens to crush the many1 it is a curse4 ,national wealth is a blessing1 only when it springs from and represents the intelligence and virtue of the community1 when it is a fruit and expression of good habits1 of respect for the rights of all1 of impartial and beneficent legislation1 when it gives impulse to the higher faculties1 and occasion and incitement to justice and beneficence4 ,no greater calamity can befall a people than to prosper by crime4 ,no success can be a compensation for the wound inflicted on a nation's mind by renouncing ,right as its ,supreme ,law4 ,let a people exalt ,prosperity above ,rectitude1 and a more dangerous end cannot be proposed4 ,public ,prosperity1 ,general ,good1 regarded by itself1 or apart from the moral law1 is something vague1 unsettled1 and uncertain1 and will infallibly be so construed by the selfish and grasping as to secure their own aggrandizement4 ,it may be made to wear a thousand forms according to men's interests and passions4 ,this is illustrated by every day's history4 ,not a party springs up1 which does not sanctify all its projects for monopolizing power by the plea of ,general ,good4 ,not a measure1 however ruinous1 can be proposed1 which cannot be shown to favor one or another national interest4 ,the truth is1 that1 in the uncertainty of human affairs1 an uncertainty growing out of the infinite and very subtile causes which are acting on communities1 the consequences of no measure can be foretold with certainty4 ,the best concerted schemes of policy often fail2 whilst a rash and profligate administration may1 by unexpected concurrences of events1 seem to advance a nation's glory4 ,in regard to the means of national prosperity the wisest are weak judges4 ,for example1 the present rapid growth of this country1 carrying1 as it does1 vast multitudes beyond the institutions of religion and education1 may be working ruin1 whilst the people exult in it as a pledge of greatness4 ,we are too short-sighted to find our law in outward interests4 ,to states1 as to individuals1 ,rectitude is the ,supreme ,law4 ,it was never designed that the ,public ,good1 as disjoined from this1 as distinct from justice and reverence for all rights1 should be comprehended and made our end4 ,statesmen work in the dark1 until the idea of ,right towers above expediency or wealth4 ,wo to that people which would found its prosperity in wrong6 ,it is time that the low maxims of policy1 which have ruled for ages1 should fall4 ,it is time that ,public ,interest should no longer hallow injustice1 and fortify government in making the weak their prey4 ,in this discussion1 ,i have used the phrase1 ,public or ,general ,good1 in its common acceptation1 as signifying the safety and prosperity of a state4 ,why can it not be used in a larger sense8 ,why can it not be made to comprehend inward and moral1 as well as outward good8 ,and why cannot the former be understood to be incomparably the most important element of the public weal8 ,then1 indeed1 ,i should assent to the proposition1 that the ,general ,good is the supreme law4 ,so construed1 it would support the great truths which ,i have maintained4 ,it would condemn the infliction of wrong on the humblest individual1 as a national calamity4 ,it would plead with us to extend to every individual the means of improving his character and lot4 ,if the remarks under this head be just1 it will follow that the good of the ,individual is more important than the outward prosperity of the ,state4 ,the former is not vague and unsettled1 like the latter1 and it belongs to a higher order of interests4 ,it consists of the free exertion and expansion of the individual's powers1 especially of his higher faculties2 in the energy of his intellect1 conscience1 and good affections2 in sound judgment2 in the acquisition of truth2 in laboring honestly for himself and his family2 in loving his ,creator1 and subjecting his own will to the ,divine2 in loving his fellow-creatures1 and making cheerful sacrifices to their happiness2 in friendship2 in sensibility to the beautiful1 whether in nature or art2 in loyalty to his principles2 in moral courage2 in self-respect2 in understanding and asserting his rights2 and in the ,christian hope of immortality4 ,such is the good of the ,individual2 a more sacred1 exalted1 enduring interest1 than any accessions of wealth or power to the ,state4 ,let it not be sacrificed to these4 ,he should find1 in his connexions with the community1 aids to the accomplishment of these purposes of his being1 and not be chained and subdued by it to the inferior interests of any fellow-creature4 ,in all ages the ,individual has in one form or another been trodden in the dust4 ,in monarchies and aristocracies he has been sacrificed to ,one or to the ,few2 who1 regarding government as an heirloom in their families1 and thinking of the people as made only to live and die for their glory1 have not dreamed that the sovereign power was designed to shield every man1 without exception1 from wrong4 ,in the ancient ,republics1 the ,glory of the ,state1 especially ,conquest1 was the end to which the individual was expected to offer himself a victim1 and in promoting which no cruelty was to be declined1 no human right revered4 ,he was merged in a great whole1 called the ,commonwealth1 to which his whole nature was to be immolated4 ,it was the glory of the ,american people1 that in their ,declaration of ,independence they took the ground of the indestructible rights of every human being4 ,they declared all men to be essentially equal1 and each born to be free4 ,they did not1 like the ,greek or ,roman1 assert for themselves a liberty1 which they burned to wrest from other states4 ,they spoke in the name of humanity1 as the representatives of the rights of the feeblest1 as well as mightiest1 of their race4 ,they published universal1 everlasting principles1 which are to work out the deliverance of every human being4 ,such was their glory4 ,let not the idea of ,rights be erased from their children's minds by false ideas of public good4 ,let not the sacredness of individual man be forgotten in the feverish pursuit of property4 ,it is more important that the ,individual should respect himself1 and be respected by others1 than that the wealth of both worlds should be accumulated on our shores4 ,national wealth is not the end of society4 ,it may exist where large classes are depressed and wronged4 ,it may undermine a nation's spirit1 institutions1 and independence4 ,it can have no value and no sure foundation1 until the ,supremacy of the ,rights of the ,individual is the first article of a nation's faith1 and until reverence for them becomes the spirit of public men4 ,perhaps it will be replied to all which has now been said1 that there is an argument from experience1 which invalidates the doctrines of this section4 ,it may be said1 that human rights1 notwithstanding what has been said of their sacredness1 do and must yield to the exigencies of real life1 that there is often a stern necessity in human affairs to which they bow4 ,i may be asked1 whether1 in the history of nations1 circumstances do not occur1 in which the rigor of the principles1 now laid down1 must be relaxed8 ,whether1 in seasons of imminent peril to the state1 private rights must not give way8 ,i may be asked1 whether the establishment of martial law and a dictator has not sometimes been justified and demanded by public danger1 and whether1 of course1 the rights and liberties of the individual are not held at the discretion of the state4 ,i admit1 in reply1 that extreme cases may occur1 in which the exercise of rights and freedom may be suspended2 but suspended only for their ultimate and permanent security4 ,at such times1 when the frantic fury of the many1 or the usurpations of the few interrupt the administration of law1 and menace property and life1 society1 threatened with ruin1 puts forth instinctively spasmodic efforts for its own preservation4 ,it flies to an irresponsible dictator for its protection4 ,but in these cases1 the great idea of ,rights predominates amidst their apparent subversion4 ,a power above all laws is conferred1 only that the empire of law may be restored4 ,despotic restraints are imposed only that liberty may be rescued from ruin4 ,all rights are involved in the safety of the state2 and hence1 in the cases referred to1 the safety of the state becomes the supreme law4 ,the individual is bound for a time to forego his freedom for the salvation of institutions1 without which liberty is but a name4 ,to argue from such sacrifices that he may be permanently made a slave1 is as great an insult to reason as to humanity4 ,it may be added1 that sacrifices1 which may be demanded for the safety1 are not due from the individual to the prosperity of the state4 ,the great end of civil society is to secure rights1 not accumulate wealth2 and to merge the former in the latter is to turn political union into degradation and a scourge4 ,the community is bound to take the rights of each and all under its guardianship4 ,it must substantiate its claim to universal obedience by redeeming its pledge of universal protection4 ,it must immolate no man to the prosperity of the rest4 ,its laws should be made for all1 its tribunals opened to all4 ,it cannot without guilt abandon any of its members to private oppression1 to irresponsible power4 ,we have thus established the reality and sacredness of human rights2 and that slavery is an infraction of these is too plain to need any labored proof4 ,slavery violates not one1 but all2 and violates them not incidentally1 but necessarily1 systematically1 from its very nature4 ,in starting with the assumption that the slave is property1 it sweeps away every defence of human rights and lays them in the dust4 ,were it necessary ,i might enumerate them1 and show how all fall before this terrible usurpation2 but a few remarks will suffice4 ,slavery strips man of the fundamental right to inquire into1 consult1 and seek his own happiness4 ,his powers belong to another1 and for another they must be used4 ,he must form no plans1 engage in no enterprises1 for bettering his condition4 ,whatever be his capacities1 however equal to great improvements of his lot1 he is chained for life by another's will to the same unvaried toil4 ,he is forbidden to do for himself or others the work1 for which ,god stamped him with his own image1 and endowed him with his own best gifts4--,again1 the slave is stripped of the right to acquire property4 ,being himself owned1 his earnings belong to another4 ,he can possess nothing but by favor4 ,that right on which the development of men's powers so much depends1 the right to make accumulations1 to gain exclusive possessions by honest industry1 is withheld4 ,the slave can acquire nothing1 says one of the slave-codes1 but what must belong to his master2 and however this definition1 which moves the indignation of the free1 may be mitigated by favor1 the spirit of it enters into the very essence of slavery4--,again1 the slave is stripped of his right to his wife and children4 ,they belong to another1 and may be torn from him1 one and all1 at any moment1 at his master's pleasure4--,again1 the slave is stripped of the right to the culture of his rational powers4 ,he is in some cases deprived by law of instruction1 which is placed within his reach by the improvements of society and the philanthropy of the age4 ,he is not allowed to toil1 that his children may enjoy a better education than himself4 ,the most sacred right of human nature1 that of developing his best faculties1 is denied4 ,even should it be granted1 it would be conceded as a favor1 and might at any moment be withheld by the capricious will of another4--,again1 the slave is deprived of the right of self-defence4 ,no injury from a white man is he suffered to repel1 nor can he seek redress from the laws of his country4 ,if accumulated insult and wrong provoke him to the slightest retaliation1 this effort for self-protection1 allowed and commended to others1 is a crime for which he must pay a fearful penalty4--,again1 the slave is stripped of the right to be exempted from all harm except for wrong doing4 ,he is subjected to the lash1 by those whom he has never consented to serve1 and whose claim to him as property we have seen to be a usurpation2 and this power of punishment1 which1 if justly claimed1 should be exercised with a fearful care1 is often delegated to men in whose hands there is a moral certainty of its abuse4 ,i will add but one more example of the violation of human rights by slavery4 ,the slave virtually suffers the wrong of robbery1 though with utter unconsciousness on the part of those who inflict it4 ,it may1 indeed1 be generally thought1 that1 as he is suffered to own nothing1 he cannot fall1 at least1 under this kind of violence4 ,but it is not true that he owns nothing4 ,whatever he may be denied by man1 he holds from nature the most valuable property1 and that from which all other is derived1 ,i mean his strength4 ,his labor is his own1 by the gift of that ,god who nerved his arm1 and gave him intelligence and conscience to direct the use of it for his own and others' happiness4 ,no possession is so precious as a man's force of body and mind4 ,the exertion of this in labor is the great foundation and source of property in outward things4 ,the worth of articles of traffic is measured by the labor expended in their production4 ,to the great mass of men1 in all countries1 their strength or labor is their whole fortune4 ,to seize on this would be to rob them of their all4 ,in truth1 no robbery is so great as that to which the slave is habitually subjected4 ,to take by force a man's whole estate1 the fruit of years of toil1 would by universal consent be denounced as a great wrong2 but what is this1 compared with seizing the man himself1 and appropriating to our use the limbs1 faculties1 strength1 and labor1 by which all property is won and held fast8 ,the right of property in outward things is as nothing1 compared with our right to ourselves4 ,were the slave-holder stript of his fortune1 he would count the violence slight1 compared with what he would suffer1 were his person seized and devoted as a chattel to another's use4 ,let it not be said that the slave receives an equivalent1 that he is fed and clothed1 and is not1 therefore1 robbed4 ,suppose another to wrest from us a valued possession1 and to pay us his own price4 ,should we not think ourselves robbed8 ,would not the laws pronounce the invader a robber8 ,is it consistent with the right of property1 that a man should determine the equivalent for what he takes from his neighbour8 ,especially is it to be hoped1 that the equivalent due to the laborer will be scrupulously weighed1 when he himself is held as property1 and all his earnings are declared to be his master's8 ,so great an infraction of human right is slavery6 ,in reply to these remarks1 it may be said that the theory and practice of slavery differ2 that the rights of the slave are not as wantonly sported with as the claims of the master might lead us to infer2 that some of his possessions are sacred2 that not a few slave-holders refuse to divorce husband and wife1 to sever parent and child2 and that in many cases the power of punishment is used so reluctantly1 as to encourage insolence and insubordination4 ,all this ,i have no disposition to deny4 ,indeed it must be so4 ,it is not in human nature to wink wholly out of sight the rights of a fellow-creature4 ,degrade him as we may1 we cannot altogether forget his claims4 ,in every slave-country1 there are1 undoubtedly1 masters who desire and purpose to respect these1 to the full extent which the nature of the relation will allow4 ,still1 human rights are denied4 ,they lie wholly at another's mercy2 and we must have studied history in vain1 if we need be told that they will be continually the prey of this absolute power4--,the ,evils involved in and flowing from the denial and infraction of the rights of the slave will form the subject of a subsequent chapter4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,explanations4 ,i have endeavoured to show in the preceding sections that slavery is a violation of sacred rights1 the infliction of a great wrong4 ,and here a question arises4 ,it may be asked1 whether1 by this language1 ,i intend to fasten on the slave-holder the charge of peculiar guilt4 ,on this point great explicitness is a duty4 ,sympathy with the slave has often degenerated into injustice towards the master4 ,i wish it1 then1 to be understood1 that1 in ranking slavery among the greatest wrongs1 ,i speak of the injury endured by the slave1 and not of the character of the master4 ,these are distinct points4 ,the former does not determine the latter4 ,the wrong is the same to the slave1 from whatever motive or spirit it may be inflicted4 ,but this motive or spirit determines wholly the character of him who inflicts it4 ,because a great injury is done to another1 it does not follow that he who does it is a depraved man2 for he may do it unconsciously1 and1 still more1 may do it in the belief that he confers a good4 ,we have learned little of moral science and of human nature1 if we do not know that guilt is to be measured1 not by the outward act1 but by unfaithfulness to conscience2 and that the consciences of men are often darkened by education1 and other inauspicious influences4 ,all men have partial consciences1 or want comprehension of some duties4 ,all partake1 in a measure1 of the errors of the community in which they live4 ,some are betrayed into moral mistakes by the very force with which conscience acts in regard to some particular duty4 ,as the intellect1 in grasping one truth1 often loses its hold of others1 and by giving itself up to one idea1 falls into exaggeration2 so the moral sense1 in seizing on a particular exercise of philanthropy1 forgets other duties1 and will even violate many important precepts in its passionate eagerness to carry one to perfection4 ,innumerable illustrations may be given of the liableness of men to moral error4 ,the practice1 which strikes one man with horror1 may seem to another1 who was born and brought up in the midst of it1 not only innocent1 but meritorious4 ,we must judge others1 not by our light1 but by their own4 ,we must take their place1 and consider what allowance we in their position might justly expect4 ,our ancestors at the ,north were concerned in the slave-trade4 ,some of us can recollect individuals of the colored race1 who were torn from ,africa1 and grew old under our parental roofs4 ,our ancestors committed a deed now branded as piracy4 ,were they1 therefore1 the offscouring of the earth8 ,were not some of them among the best of their times8 ,the administration of religion in almost all past ages has been a violation of the sacred rights of conscience4 ,how many sects have persecuted and shed blood6 ,were their members1 therefore1 monsters of depravity8 ,the history of our race is made up of wrongs1 many of which were committed without a suspicion of their true character1 and many from an urgent sense of duty4 ,a man born among slaves1 accustomed to this relation from his birth1 taught its necessity by venerated parents1 associating it with all whom he reveres1 and too familiar with its evils to see and feel their magnitude1 can hardly he expected to look on slavery as it appears to more impartial and distant observers8 ,let it not be said that when new light is offered him he is criminal in rejecting it4 ,are we all willing to receive new light8 ,can we wonder that such a man should be slow to be convinced of the criminality of an abuse sanctioned by prescription1 and which has so interwoven itself with all the habits1 employments1 and economy of life1 that he can hardly conceive of the existence of society without this all-pervading element8 ,may he not be true to his convictions of duty in other relations1 though he grievously err in this8 ,if1 indeed1 through cupidity and selfishness1 he stifle the monitions of conscience1 warp his judgment1 and repel the light1 he incurs great guilt4 ,if he want virtue to resolve on doing right1 though at the loss of every slave1 he incurs great guilt4 ,but who of us can look into his heart8 ,to whom are the secret workings there revealed8 ,still more4 ,there are masters who have thrown off the natural prejudices of their position1 who see slavery as it is1 and who hold the slave chiefly1 if not wholly1 from disinterested considerations2 and these deserve great praise4 ,they deplore and abhor the institution2 but believing that partial emancipation1 in the present condition of society1 would bring unmixed evil on bond and free1 they think themselves bound to continue the relation1 until it shall be dissolved by comprehensive and systematic measures of the state4 ,there are many of them who would shudder as much as we at reducing a freeman to bondage1 but who are appalled by what seem to them the perils and difficulties of liberating multitudes1 born and brought up to that condition4 ,there are many1 who1 nominally holding the slave as property1 still hold him for his own good and for the public order1 and would blush to retain him on other grounds4 ,are such men to be set down among the unprincipled8 ,am ,i told that by these remarks ,i extenuate slavery8 ,i reply1 slavery is still a heavy yoke1 and strips man of his dearest rights1 be the master's character what it may4 ,slavery is not less a curse1 because long use may have blinded most1 who support it1 to its evils4 ,its influence is still blighting1 though conscientiously upheld4 ,absolute monarchy is still a scourge1 though among despots there have been good men4 ,it is possible to abhor and oppose bad institutions1 and yet to abstain from indiscriminate condemnation of those who cling to them1 and even to see in their ranks greater virtue than in ourselves4 ,it is true1 and ought to be cheerfully acknowledged1 that in the slave-holding ,states may be found some of the greatest names of our history1 and1 what is still more important1 bright examples of private virtue and ,christian love4 ,there is1 however1 there must be1 in slaveholding communities a large class which cannot be too severely condemned4 ,there are many1 we fear1 very many1 who hold their fellow-creatures in bondage1 from selfish1 base motives4 ,they hold the slave for gain1 whether justly or unjustly they neither ask nor care4 ,they cling to him as property1 and have no faith in the principles which will diminish a man's wealth4 ,they hold him1 not for his own good or the safety of the state1 but with precisely the same views with which they hold a laboring horse1 that is1 for the profit which they can wring from him4 ,they will not hear a word of his wrongs2 for1 wronged or not1 they will not let him go4 ,he is their property1 and they mean not to be poor for righteousness' sake4 ,such a class there undoubtedly is among slaveholders2 how large their own consciences must determine4 ,we are sure of it2 for under such circumstances human nature will and must come to this mournful result4 ,now1 to men of this spirit1 the explanations we have made do in no degree apply4 ,such men ought to tremble before the rebukes of outraged humanity and indignant virtue4 ,slavery1 upheld for gain1 is a great crime4 ,he1 who has nothing to urge against emancipation1 but that it will make him poorer1 is bound to ,immediate ,emancipation4 ,he has no excuse for wresting from his brethren their rights4 ,the plea of benefit to the slave and the state avails him nothing4 ,he extorts1 by the lash1 that labor to which he has no claim1 through a base selfishness4 ,every morsel of food1 thus forced from the injured1 ought to be bitterer than gall4 ,his gold is cankered4 ,the sweat of the slave taints the luxuries for which it streams4 ,better were it for the selfish wrong doer of whom ,i speak1 to live as the slave1 to clothe himself in the slave's raiment1 to eat the slave's coarse food1 to till his fields with his own hands1 than to pamper himself by day1 and pillow his head on down at night1 at the cost of a wantonly injured fellow-creature4 ,no fellow-creature can be so injured without taking terrible vengeance4 ,he is terribly avenged even now4 ,the blight which falls on the soul of the wrong doer1 the desolation of his moral nature1 is a more terrible calamity than he inflicts4 ,in deadening his moral feelings1 he dies to the proper happiness of a man4 ,in hardening his heart against his fellow-creatures1 he sears it to all true joy4 ,in shutting his ear against the voice of justice1 he shuts out all the harmonies of the universe1 and turns the voice of ,god within him into rebuke4 ,he may prosper1 indeed1 and hold faster the slave by whom he prospers2 but he rivets heavier and more ignominious chains on his own soul than he lays on others4 ,no punishment is so terrible as prosperous guilt4 ,no fiend1 exhausting on us all his power of torture1 is so terrible as an oppressed fellow-creature4 ,the cry of the oppressed1 unheard on earth1 is heard in heaven4 ,god is just1 and if justice reign1 then the unjust must terribly suffer4 ,then no being can profit by evil doing4 ,then all the laws of the universe are ordinances against guilt4 ,then every enjoyment1 gained by wrong doing1 will be turned into a curse4 ,no laws of nature are so irrepealable as that law which binds guilt and misery4 ,god is just4 ,then all the defences1 which the oppressor rears against the consequences of wrong doing1 are vain1 as vain as would be his strivings to arrest by his single arm the ocean or whirlwind4 ,he may disarm the slave4 ,can he disarm that slave's ,creator8 ,he can crush the spirit of insurrection in a fellow-being4 ,can he crush the awful spirit of justice and retribution in the ,almighty8 ,he can still the murmur of discontent in his victim4 ,can he silence that voice which speaks in thunder1 and is to break the sleep of the grave8 ,can he always still the reproving1 avenging voice in his own breast8 ,i know it will be said1 ,you would make us poor4 ,be poor1 then1 and thank ,god for your honest poverty4 ,better be poor than unjust4 ,better beg than steal4 ,better live in an almshouse1 better die1 than trample on a fellow-creature and reduce him to a brute1 for selfish gratification4 ,what6 ,have we yet to learn that it profits us nothing to gain the whole world1 and lose our souls8 ,let it not be replied1 in scorn1 that we of the ,north1 notorious for love of money1 and given to selfish calculations1 are not the people to call others to resign their wealth4 ,i have no desire to shield the ,north4 ,we have1 without doubt1 a great multitude1 who1 were they slave-holders1 would sooner die than relax their iron grasp1 than yield their property in men to justice and the commands of ,god4 ,we have those who would fight against abolition1 if by this measure the profit of their intercourse with the ,south should be materially impaired4 ,the present excitement among us is1 in part1 the working of mercenary principles4 ,but because the ,north joins hands with the ,south1 shall iniquity go unpunished or unrebuked8 ,can the league of the wicked1 the revolt of worlds1 repeal the everlasting law of heaven and earth8 ,has ,god's throne fallen before ,mammon's8 ,must duty find no voice1 no organ1 because corruption is universally diffused8 ,is not this a fresh motive to solemn warning1 that1 every where1 ,northward and ,southward1 the rights of human beings are held so cheap1 in comparison with worldly gain8 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,the ,,evils ,,of ,,slavery4 ,the subject of this section is painful and repulsive4 ,we must not1 however1 turn away from the contemplation of human sufferings and guilt4 ,evil is permitted by the ,creator1 that we should strive against it in faith1 and hope1 and charity4 ,we must never quail before it because of its extent and duration1 never feel as if its power were greater than that of goodness4 ,it is meant to call forth deep sympathy with human nature1 and unwearied sacrifices for human redemption4 ,one great part of the mission of every man on earth is to contend with evil in some of its forms2 and there are some evils so dependent on opinion1 that every man1 in judging and reproving them faithfully1 does something towards their removal4 ,let us not1 then1 shrink from the contemplation of human sufferings4 ,even sympathy1 if we have nothing more to offer1 is a tribute acceptable to the ,universal ,father4--,on this topic exaggeration should be conscientiously shunned2 and1 at the same time1 humanity requires that the whole truth should be honestly spoken4 ,in treating of the evils of slavery1 ,i1 of course1 speak of its general1 not universal effects1 of its natural tendencies1 not unfailing results4 ,there are the same natural differences among the bond as the free1 and there is a great diversity in the circumstances in which they are placed4 ,the house-slave1 selected for ability and faithfulness1 placed amidst the habits1 accommodations1 and improvements of civilized life1 admitted to a degree of confidence and familiarity1 and requiting these privileges with attachment1 is almost necessarily more enlightened and respectable than the field-slave1 who is confined to monotonous toils1 and to the society and influences of beings as degraded as himself4 ,the mechanics in this class are sensibly benefited by occupations which give a higher action to the mind4 ,among the bond1 as the free1 will be found those to whom nature seems partial1 and who are carried almost instinctively towards what is good4 ,i speak of the natural1 general influences of slavery4 ,here1 as every where else1 there are exceptions to the rule1 and exceptions which multiply with the moral improvements of the community in which the slave is found4 ,but these do not determine the general character of the institution4 ,it has general tendencies founded in its very nature1 and which predominate vastly wherever it exists4 ,these tendencies it is my present purpose to unfold4 #a4 ,the first rank among the evils of slavery must be given to its ,moral influence4 ,this is throughout debasing4 ,common language teaches this4 ,we can say nothing more insulting of another1 than that he is ,slavish4 ,to possess the spirit of a slave is to have sunk to the lowest depths4 ,we can apply to slavery no worse name than its own4 ,men have always shrunk instinctively from this state1 as the most degraded4 ,no punishment1 save death1 has been more dreaded1 and to avoid it death has often been endured4 ,in expressing the moral influence of slavery the first and most obvious remark is1 that it destroys the proper consciousness and spirit of a ,man4 ,the slave regarded and treated as property1 bought and sold like a brute1 denied the rights of humanity1 unprotected against insult1 made a tool1 and systematically subdued1 that lie may be a manageable1 useful tool1 how can he help regarding himself as fallen below his race8 ,how must his spirit be crushed6 ,how can he respect himself8 ,he becomes bound to ,servility4 ,this word1 borrowed from his condition1 expresses the ruin wrought by slavery within him4 ,the idea1 that he was made for his own virtue and happiness1 scarcely dawns on his mind4 ,to be an instrument of the physical1 material good of another1 whose will is his highest law1 he is taught to regard as the great purpose of his being4 ,here lies the evil of slavery4 ,its whips1 imprisonments1 and even the horrors of the middle passage from ,africa to ,america1 these are not to be named1 in comparison with this extinction of the proper consciousness of a human being1 with the degradation of a man into a brute4 ,it may be said1 that the slave is used to his yoke2 that his sensibilities are blunted2 that he receives1 without a pang or a thought1 the treatment which would sting other men to madness4 ,and to what does this apology amount8 ,it virtually declares1 that slavery has done its perfect work1 has quenched the spirit of humanity1 that the ,man is dead within the ,slave4 ,is slavery1 therefore1 no wrong8 ,it is not1 however1 true1 that this work of debasement is ever so effectually done as to extinguish all feeling4 ,man is too great a creature to be wholly ruined by man4 ,when he seems dead he only sleeps4 ,there are occasionally some sullen murmurs in the calm of slavery1 showing that life still beats in the soul1 that the idea of ,rights cannot be wholly effaced from the human being4 ,it would be too painful1 and it is not needed1 to detail the processes by which the spirit is broken in slavery4 ,i refer to one only1 the selling of slaves4 ,the practice of exposing fellow-creatures for sale1 of having markets for men as for cattle1 of examining the limbs and muscles of a man and a woman as of a brute1 of putting human beings under the hammer of an auctioneer1 and delivering them1 like any other articles of merchandise1 to the highest bidder1 all this is such an insult to our common nature1 and so infinitely degrading to the poor victim1 that it is hard to conceive of its existence1 except in a barbarous country4 ,that slavery should be most unpropitious to the slave as a moral being will be farther apparent1 if we consider that his condition is throughout a ,wrong1 and that consequently it must tend to unsettle all his notions of duty4 ,the violation of his own rights1 to which he is inured from birth1 must throw confusion over his ideas of all human rights4 ,he cannot comprehend them2 or1 if he does1 how can he respect them1 seeing them1 as he does1 perpetually trampled on in his own person8 ,the injury to the character from living in an atmosphere of wrong1 we can all understand4 ,to live in a state of society1 of which injustice is the chief and all-pervading element1 is too severe a trial for human nature1 especially when no means are used to counteract its influence4 ,accordingly the most common distinctions of morality are faintly apprehended by the slave4 ,respect for property1 that fundamental law of civil society1 can hardly be instilled into him4 ,his dishonesty is proverbial4 ,theft from his master passes with him for no crime4 ,a system of force is generally found to drive to fraud4 ,how necessarily will this be the result of a relation1 in which force is used to extort from a man his labor1 his natural property1 without an attempt to win his consent6 ,can we wonder that the uneducated conscience of the man who is daily wronged should allow him in reprisals to the extent of his power8 ,thus the primary social virtue1 justice1 is undermined in the slave4 ,that the slave should yield himself to intemperance1 licentiousness1 and1 in general1 to sensual excess1 we must also expect4 ,doomed to live for the physical indulgences of others1 unused to any pleasures but those of sense1 stripped of self-respect1 and having nothing to gain in life1 how can he be expected to govern himself8 ,how naturally1 ,i had almost said necessarily1 does he become the creature of sensation1 of passion1 of the present moment6 ,what aid does the future give him in withstanding desire8 ,that better condition1 for which other men postpone the cravings of appetite1 never opens before him4 ,the sense of character1 the power of opinion1 another restraint on the free1 can do little or nothing to rescue so abject a class from excess and debasement4 ,in truth1 power over himself is the last virtue we should expect in the slave1 when we think of him as subjected to absolute power1 and made to move passively from the impulse of a foreign will4 ,he is trained to cowardice1 and cowardice links itself naturally with low vices4 ,idleness to his apprehension is paradise1 for he works without hope of reward4 ,thus slavery robs him of moral force1 and prepares him to fall a prey to appetite and passion4 ,that the slave finds in his condition little nutriment for the social virtues we shall easily understand1 if we consider that his chief relations are to an absolute master1 and to the companions of his degrading bondage1 that is1 to a being who wrongs him1 and to associates whom he cannot honor1 whom he sees debased4 ,his dependence on his owner loosens his ties to all other beings4 ,he has no country to love1 no family to call his own1 no objects of public utility to espouse1 no impulse to generous exertion4 ,the relations1 dependencies1 and responsibilities1 by which ,providence forms the soul to a deep1 disinterested love1 are almost struck out of his lot4 ,an arbitrary rule1 a foreign1 irresistible will1 taking him out of his own hands1 and placing him beyond the natural influences of society1 extinguishes in a great degree the sense of what is due to himself1 and to the human family around him4 ,the effects of slavery on the character are so various1 that this part of the discussion might be greatly extended2 but ,i will touch only on one topic4 ,let us turn1 for a moment1 to the great ,motive by which the slave is made to labor4 ,labor1 in one form or another1 is appointed by ,god for man's improvement and happiness1 and absorbs the chief part of human life1 so that the ,motive which excites to it has immense influence on character4 ,it determines very much1 whether life shall serve or fail of its end4 ,the man1 who works from honorable motives1 from domestic affections1 from desire of a condition which will open to him greater happiness and usefulness1 finds in labor an exercise and invigoration of virtue4 ,the day-laborer1 who earns1 with horny hand and the sweat of his face1 coarse food for a wife and children whom he loves1 is raised1 by this generous motive1 to true dignity2 and1 though wanting the refinements of life1 is a nobler being than those who think themselves absolved by wealth from serving others4 ,now the slave's labor brings no dignity1 is an exercise of no virtue1 but throughout a degradation2 so that one of ,god's chief provisions for human improvement becomes a curse4 ,the motive from which he acts debases him4 ,it is the ,whip4 ,it is corporal punishment4 ,it is physical pain inflicted by a fellow-creature4 ,undoubtedly labor is mitigated to the slave1 as to all men1 by habit4 ,but this is not the motive4 ,take away the ,whip1 and he would be idle4 ,his labor brings no new comforts to wife or child4 ,the motive which spurs him is one by which it is base to be swayed4 ,stripes are1 indeed1 resorted to by civil government1 when no other consideration will deter from crime2 but he1 who is deterred from wrong doing by the whipping-post1 is among the most fallen of his race4 ,to work in sight of the whip1 under menace of blows1 is to be exposed to perpetual insult and degrading influences4 ,every motion of the limbs1 which such a menace urges is a wound to the soul4 ,how hard must it be for a man who lives under the lash to respect himself6 ,when this motive is substituted for all the nobler ones which ,god ordains1 is it not almost necessarily death to the better and higher sentiments of our nature8 ,it is the part of a man to despise pain1 in comparison with disgrace1 to meet it fearlessly in well doing1 to perform the work of life from other impulses4 ,it is the part of a brute to be governed by the whip4 ,even the brute is seen to act from more generous incitements4 ,the horse of a noble breed will not endure the lash4 ,shall we sink man below the horse8 ,let it not be said that blows are seldom inflicted4 ,be it so4 ,we are glad to know it4 ,but this is not the point4 ,the complaint now urged is not of the amount of the pain inflicted1 but of its influence on the character when made the great motive to human labor4 ,it is not the endurance1 but the dread of the whip1 it is the substitution of this for natural and honorable motives to action1 which we abhor and condemn4 ,it matters not whether few or many are whipped4 ,a blow given to a single slave is a stripe on the souls of all who see or hear it4 ,it makes all abject1 servile4 ,it is not of the wound given to the flesh of which we now complain4 ,scar the back1 and you have done nothing1 compared with the wrong done to the soul4 ,you have either stung that soul with infernal passions1 with thirst for revenge2 or1 what perhaps is more discouraging1 you have broken and brutalized it4 ,the human spirit has perished under your hands1 as far as it can be destroyed by human force4 ,i know it is sometimes said1 in reply to these remarks1 that all men1 as well as slaves1 act from necessity2 that we have masters in hunger and thirst2 that no man loves labor for itself2 that the pains1 which are inflicted on us by the laws of nature1 the elements1 and seasons1 are so many lashes driving us to our daily task4 ,be it so4 ,still the two cases are essentially different4 ,the necessity laid on us by natural wants is most kindly in its purpose4 ,it is meant to awaken all our faculties1 to give a full play to body and mind1 and thus to give us a new consciousness of the powers derived to us from ,god4 ,we are1 indeed1 subjected to a stern nature2 we are placed amidst warring elements1 scorching heat1 withering cold1 storms1 blights1 sickness1 death4 ,and what is the design8 ,to call forth our powers1 to lay on us great duties1 to make us nobler beings4 ,we are placed in the midst of a warring nature1 not to yield to it1 not to be its slaves1 but to conquer it1 to make it the monument of our skill and strength1 to arm ourselves with its elements1 its heat1 winds1 vapors1 and mineral treasures1 to find1 in its painful changes1 occasions and incitements to invention1 courage1 endurance1 mutual and endearing dependencies1 and religious trust4 ,the development of human nature1 in all its powers and affections1 is the end of that hard necessity which is laid on us by nature4 ,is this one and the same thing with the whip laid on the slave8 ,still more2 it is the design of nature that by energy1 skill1 and self-denial we should so far anticipate our wants or accumulate supplies1 as to be able to diminish the toil of the hands1 and to mix with it more intellectual and liberal occupations4 ,nature does not lay on us an unchangeable task1 but one which we may all lighten by honest1 self-denying industry4 ,thus she invites us to throw off her yoke1 and to make her our servant4 ,is this the invitation which the master gives his slaves8 ,is it his aim to awaken the powers of those on whom he lays his burdens1 and to give them increasing mastery over himself8 ,is it not his aim to curb their will1 break their spirits1 and shut them up for ever in the same narrow and degrading work8 ,oh1 let not nature be profaned1 let not her parental rule be blasphemed1 by comparing with her the slaveholder6 #b4 ,having considered the moral influence of slavery1 ,i proceed to consider its ,intellectual influence1 another great topic4 ,god gave us intellectual power1 that it should be cultivated2 and a system which degrades it1 and can only be upheld by its depression1 opposes one of his most benevolent designs4 ,reason is ,god's image in man1 and the capacity of acquiring truth is among his best inspirations4 ,to call forth the intellect is a principal purpose of the circumstances in which we are placed1 of the child's connexion with the parent1 and of the necessity laid on him in maturer life to provide for himself and others4 ,the education of the intellect is not confined to youth2 but the various experience of later years does vastly more than books and colleges to ripen and invigorate the faculties4 ,now1 the whole lot of the slave is fitted to keep his mind in childhood and bondage4 ,though living in a land of light1 few beams find their way to his benighted understanding4 ,no parent feels the duty of instructing him4 ,no teacher is provided for him1 but the ,driver1 who breaks him1 almost in childhood1 to the servile tasks which are to fill up his life4 ,no book is opened to his youthful curiosity4 ,as he advances in years1 no new excitements supply the place of teachers4 ,he is not cast on himself1 made to depend on his own energies4 ,no stirring prizes in life awaken his dormant faculties4 ,fed and clothed by others like a child1 directed in every step1 doomed for life to a monotonous round of labor1 he lives and dies without a spring to his powers1 often brutally unconscious of his spiritual nature4 ,nor is this all4 ,when benevolence would approach him with instruction1 it is repelled4 ,he is not allowed to be taught4 ,the light is jealously barred out4 ,the voice1 which would speak to him as a man1 is put to silence4 ,he must not even be enabled to read the ,word of ,god4 ,his immortal spirit is systematically crushed4 ,it is said1 ,i know1 that the ignorance of the slave is necessary to the security of the master1 and the quiet of the state2 and this is said truly4 ,slavery and knowledge cannot live together4 ,to enlighten the slave is to break his chain4 ,to make him harmless1 he must be kept blind4 ,he cannot be left to read in an enlightened age1 without endangering his master2 for what can he read which will not give1 at least1 some hint of his wrongs8 ,should his eye chance to fall on the ,declaration of ,independence1 how would the truth glare on him1 that all men are born free and equal6 ,all knowledge furnishes arguments against slavery4 ,from every subject light would break forth to reveal his inalienable and outraged rights4 ,the very exercise of his intellect would give him the consciousness of being made for something more than a slave4 ,i agree to the necessity laid on his master to keep him in darkness4 ,and what stronger argument against slavery can be conceived8 ,it compels the master to degrade1 systematically1 the mind of the slave2 to war against human intelligence2 to resist that improvement which is the end of the ,creator4 ,wo to him that taketh away the key of knowledge6 ,to kill the body is a great crime4 ,the ,spirit we cannot kill1 but we can bury it in deathlike lethargy2 and is this a light crime in the sight of its ,maker8 ,let it not be said1 that almost every where the laboring classes are doomed to ignorance1 deprived of the means of instruction4 ,the intellectual advantages of the laboring freeman1 who is entrusted with the care of himself1 raise him far above the slave2 and1 accordingly1 superior minds are constantly seen to issue from the less educated classes4 ,besides1 in free communities1 philanthropy is not forbidden to labor for the improvement of the ignorant4 ,the obligation of the prosperous and instructed to elevate their less favored brethren is taught1 and not taught in vain4 ,benevolence is making perpetual encroachments on the domain of ignorance and crime4 ,in communities1 on the other hand1 cursed with slavery1 half the population1 sometimes more1 are given up1 intentionally and systematically1 to hopeless ignorance4 ,to raise this mass to intelligence and self-government is a crime4 ,the sentence of perpetual degradation is passed on a large portion of the human race4 ,in this view1 how great the ill desert of slavery6 #c4 ,i proceed1 now1 to the ,domestic influences of slavery2 and here we must look for a dark picture4 ,slavery virtually dissolves the domestic relations4 ,it ruptures the most sacred ties on earth4 ,it violates home4 ,it lacerates the best affections4 ,the domestic relations precede1 and1 in our present existence1 are worth more than all our other social ties4 ,they give the first throb to the heart1 and unseal the deep fountains of its love4 ,home is the chief school of human virtue4 ,its responsibilities1 joys1 sorrows1 smiles1 tears1 hopes1 and solicitudes1 form the chief interests of human life4 ,go where a man may1 home is the centre to which his heart turns4 ,the thought of his home nerves his arm and lightens his toil4 ,for that his heart yearns1 when he is far off4 ,there he garners up his best treasures4 ,god has ordained for all men alike the highest earthly happiness1 in providing for all the sanctuary of home4 ,but the slave's home does not merit the name4 ,to him it is no sanctuary4 ,it is open to violation1 insult1 outrage4 ,his children belong to another1 are provided for by another1 are disposed of by another4 ,the most precious burden with which the heart can be charged1 the happiness of his child1 he must not bear4 ,he lives not for his family1 but for a stranger4 ,he cannot improve their lot4 ,his wife and daughter he cannot shield from insult4 ,they may be torn from him at another's pleasure1 sold as beasts of burden1 sent he knows not whither1 sent where he cannot reach them1 or even interchange inquiries and messages of love4 ,to the slave marriage has no sanctity4 ,it may be dissolved in a moment at another's will4 ,his wife1 son1 and daughter may be lashed before his eyes1 and not a finger must be lifted in their defence4 ,he sees the scar of the lash on his wife and child4 ,thus the slave's home is desecrated4 ,thus the tenderest relations1 intended by ,god equally for all1 and intended to be the chief springs of happiness and virtue1 are sported with wantonly and cruelly4 ,what outrage so great as to enter a man's house1 and tear from his side the beings whom ,god has bound to him by the holiest ties8 ,every man can make the case his own4 ,every mother can bring it home to her own heart4 ,and let it not be said that the slave has not the sensibilities of other men4 ,nature is too strong even for slavery to conquer4 ,even the brute has the yearnings of parental love4 ,but suppose that the conjugal and parental ties of the slave may be severed without a pang4 ,what a curse must be slavery1 if it can so blight the heart with more than brutal insensibility1 if it can sink the human mother below the polar she-bear1 which howls and dies for her sundered cub6 ,but it does not and cannot turn the slave to stone4 ,it leaves1 at least1 feeling enough to make these domestic wrongs occasions of frequent and deep suffering4 ,still it must do much to quench the natural affections4 ,can the wife1 who has been brought under influences most unfriendly to female purity and honor1 who is exposed to the whip1 who may be torn away at her master's will1 and whose support and protection are not committed to a husband's faithfulness1 can such a wife1 if the name may be given her1 be loved and honored as a woman should be8 ,or can the love1 which should bind together man and his offspring1 be expected1 under an institution1 which subverts1 in a great degree1 filial dependence and parental authority and care8 ,slavery withers the affections and happiness of home at their very root1 by tainting female purity4 ,woman1 brought up in degradation1 placed under another's power and at another's disposal1 and never taught to look forward to the happiness of an inviolate1 honorable marriage1 can hardly possess the feelings and virtues of her sex4 ,a blight falls on her in her early years4 ,those who have daughters can comprehend her lot4 ,in truth1 licentiousness among bond and free is the natural issue of all-polluting slavery4 ,domestic happiness perishes under its touch1 both among bond and free4 ,how wonderful is it1 that in civilized countries men can be so steeled by habit as to invade without remorse the peace1 purity1 and sacred relations of domestic life1 as to put asunder those whom ,god has joined together1 as to break up households by processes more painful than death6 ,and this is done for pecuniary profit6 ,what6 ,can men1 having human feeling1 grow rich by the desolation of families8 ,we hear of some of the ,southern ,states enriching themselves by breeding slaves for sale4 ,of all the licensed occupations of society this is the most detestable4 ,what6 ,grow men1 like cattle6 ,rear human families1 like herds of swine1 and then scatter them to the four winds for gain6 ,among the imprecations uttered by man on man1 is there one more fearful1 more ominous1 than the sighing of the mother bereft of her child by unfeeling cupidity8 ,if blood cry to ,god1 surely that sigh will be heard in heaven4 ,let it not be said that members of families are often separated in all conditions of life4 ,yes1 but separated under the influence of love4 ,the husband leaves wife and children1 that he may provide for their support1 and carries them with him in his heart and hopes4 ,the sailor1 in his lonely night-watch1 looks homeward1 and well known voices come to him amidst the roar of the waves4 ,the parent sends away his children1 but sends them to prosper1 and to press them again to his heart with a joy enhanced by separation4 ,are such the separations which slavery makes8 ,and can he1 who has scattered other families1 ask ,god to bless his own8 #d4 ,i proceed to another important view of the evils of slavery4 ,slavery produces and gives license to ,cruelty4 ,by this it is not meant that cruelty is the universal1 habitual1 unfailing result4 ,thanks to ,god1 ,christianity has not entered the world in vain4 ,where it has not cast down1 it has mitigated bad institutions4 ,slavery in this country differs widely from that of ancient times1 and from that which the ,spaniards imposed on the aboriginals of ,south ,america4 ,there is here an increasing disposition to multiply the comforts of the slaves1 and in this let us rejoice4 ,at the same time1 we must remember1 that1 under the light of the present day1 and in a country where ,christianity and the rights of men are understood1 a diminished severity may contain more guilt than the ferocity of darker ages4 ,cruelty in its lighter forms is now a greater crime than the atrocious usages of antiquity at which we shudder4 ,the times of that ignorance ,god winked at1 but now he calleth men every where to repent4 ,it should also be considered that the slightest cruelty to the slave is an aggravated wrong1 because he is unjustly held in bondage1 unjustly held as property4 ,we condemn the man who enforces harshly a righteous claim4 ,what1 then1 ought we to think of lashing and scarring fellow-creatures1 for the purpose of upholding an unrighteous1 usurped power1 of extorting labor which is not our due8 ,i have said that cruelty is not the habit of the slave ,states of this country4 ,still1 that it is frequent we cannot doubt4 ,reports1 which harrow up our souls1 come to us from that quarter2 and we know that they must be essentially correct1 because it is impossible that a large part1 perhaps the majority1 of the population of a country can be broken to passive1 unlimited submission1 without examples of terrible severity4 ,let it not be said1 as is sometimes done1 that cruel deeds are perpetrated every where else1 as well as in slave-countries4 ,be it so2 but in all civilized nations unscourged by slavery1 a principal object of legislation is to protect every man from cruelty1 and to bring every man to punishment1 who wantonly tortures or wounds another2 whilst slavery plucks off restraint from the ferocious1 or leaves them to satiate their rage with impunity4--,let it not be said that these barbarities are regarded no where with more horror than at the ,south4 ,be it so4 ,they are abhorred1 but allowed4 ,the power of individuals to lacerate their fellow-creatures is given to them by the community4 ,the community abhors the abuse1 but confers the power which will certainly be abused1 and thus strips itself of all defence before the bar of ,almighty ,justice4 ,it must answer for the crimes which are shielded by its laws4--,let it not be said1 that these cruelties are checked by the private interest of the slaveholder4 ,does regard to private interest save from brutal treatment the draught-horse in our streets8 ,and may not a vast amount of suffering be inflicted1 which will not put in peril the life or strength of the slave8 ,to substantiate the charge of cruelty1 ,i shall not1 as ,i have said1 have recourse to current reports1 however well established4 ,i am willing to dismiss them all as false4 ,i stand on other ground4 ,reports may lie1 but our daily experience of human nature cannot lie4 ,i summon no witnesses1 or rather ,i appeal to a witness every where present1 a witness in every heart4 ,who that has watched his own heart1 or observed others1 does not feel that man is not fit to be trusted with absolute1 irresponsible power over men8 ,it must be abused4 ,the selfish passions and pride of our nature will as surely abuse it1 as the storm will ravage1 or the ocean swell and roar under the whirlwind4 ,a being1 so ignorant1 so headstrong1 so passionate1 as man1 ought not to be trusted with this terrible dominion4 ,he ought not to desire it4 ,he ought to dread it4 ,he ought to cast it from him1 as most perilous to himself and others4 ,absolute power was not meant for man4 ,there is1 indeed1 an exception to this rule4 ,there is one case1 in which ,god puts a human being wholly defenceless into another's hands4 ,i refer to the child1 who is wholly subjected to the parent's will4 ,but observe how carefully1 ,i might almost say anxiously1 ,god has provided against the abuse of this power4 ,he has raised up in the heart of the parent a friend1 a guardian1 whom the mightiest on earth cannot resist4 ,he has fitted the parent for this trust1 by teaching him to love his child better than himself4 ,no eloquence on earth is so subduing as the moaning of the infant when in pain4 ,no reward is sweeter than that infant's smile4 ,we say1 ,god has put the infant into the parent's hands4 ,might we not more truly say1 that he has put the parent into the child's power8 ,that little being sends forth his father to toil1 and makes the mother watch over him by day1 and fix on him her sleepless eyes by night4 ,no tyrant lays such a yoke4 ,thus ,god has fenced and secured from abuse the power of the parent2 and yet even the parent has been known1 in a moment of passion1 to be cruel to his child4 ,is man1 then1 to be trusted with absolute power over a fellow-creature1 who1 instead of being commended by nature to his tenderest love1 belongs to a despised race1 is regarded as property1 is made the passive instrument of his gratification and gain8 ,i ask no documents to prove the abuses of this power1 nor do ,i care what is said to disprove them4 ,millions may rise up and tell me that the slave suffers little from cruelty4 ,i know too much of human nature1 human history1 human passion to believe them4 ,i acquit slaveholders of all peculiar depravity4 ,i judge them by myself4 ,i say1 that absolute power always corrupts human nature more or less4 ,i say1 that extraordinary1 almost miraculous self-control is necessary to secure the slaveholder from provocation and passion2 and is self-control the virtue which above all others grows up amidst the possession of irresponsible dominion8 ,even when the slaveholder honestly acquits himself of cruelty1 he may be criminal4 ,his own consciousness is to be distrusted4 ,having begun with wronging the slave1 with wresting from him sacred rights1 he may be expected to multiply wrongs1 without thought4 ,the degraded state of the slave may induce in the master a mode of treatment essentially inhuman and insulting1 but which he never dreams to be cruel4 ,the influence of slavery in indurating the moral feeling and blinding men to wrongs is one of its worst evils4 ,but suppose the master to be ever so humane4 ,still1 he is not always watching over his slave4 ,he has his pleasures to attend to4 ,he is often absent4 ,his terrible power must be delegated4 ,and to whom is it delegated8 ,to men prepared to govern others1 by having learned to govern themselves8 ,to men having a deep interest in the slaves8 ,to wise men1 instructed in human nature8 ,to ,christians1 trained to purity and love8 ,who does not know1 that the office of ,overseer is among the last1 which an enlightened1 philanthropic1 self-respecting man would choose8 ,who does not know1 how often the overseer pollutes the plantation by his licentiousness1 as well as scourges it by his severity8 ,in the hands of such a man the lash is placed4 ,to such a man is committed the most fearful trust on earth6 ,for his cruelties the master must answer1 as truly as if they were his own4 ,nor is this all4 ,the master does more than delegate his power to the overseer4 ,how often does he part with it wholly to the slave-dealer6 ,and has he weighed the responsibility of such a transfer8 ,does he not know1 that1 in selling his slaves into merciless hands1 he is merciless himself1 and must give an account to ,god for every barbarity of which they become the victims8 ,the notorious cruelty of the slave-dealers can be no false report1 for it belongs to their vocation4 ,these are the men1 who throng and defile our ,seat of ,government1 whose slave-markets and slave-dungeons turn to mockery the language of freedom in the halls of ,congress1 and who make us justly the by-word and the scorn of the nations4 ,is there no cruelty in putting slaves under the bloody lash of the slave-dealer1 to be driven like herds of cattle to distant regions1 and there to pass into the hands of strangers1 without a pledge of their finding justice or mercy8 ,what heart1 not seared by custom1 would not recoil from such barbarity8 ,it has been seen that ,i do not ground my argument at all on cases of excessive cruelty4 ,i should attach less importance to these than do most persons1 even were they more frequent4 ,they form a very1 very small amount of suffering1 compared with what is inflicted by abuses of power too minute for notice4 ,blows1 insults1 privations1 which make no noise1 and leave no scar1 are incomparably more destructive of happiness than a few brutal violences which move general indignation4 ,a weak1 despised being1 having no means of defence or redress1 living in a community armed against his rights1 regarded as property1 and as bound to entire1 unresisting compliance with another's will1 if not subjected to inflictions of ferocious cruelty1 is yet exposed to less striking and shocking forms of cruelty1 the amount of which must be a fearful mass of suffering4 ,but could it be proved that there are no cruelties in slave-countries1 we ought not then to be more reconciled to slavery than we now are4 ,for what would this show8 ,that cruelty is not needed4 ,and why not needed8 ,because the slave is entirely subdued to his lot4 ,no man will be wholly unresisting in bondage1 but he who is thoroughly imbued with the spirit of a slave4 ,if the colored race never need punishment1 it is because the feelings of men are dead within them1 because they have no consciousness of rights1 because they are cowards1 without respect for themselves1 and without confidence in the sharers of their degraded lot4 ,the quiet of slavery is like that which the ,roman legions left in ancient ,britain1 the stillness of death4 ,why were the ,romans accustomed to work their slaves in chains by day1 and confine them in dungeons by night8 ,not because they loved cruelty for its own sake2 but because their slaves were stung with a consciousness of degradation1 because they brought from the forests of ,dacia some rude ideas of human dignity1 or from civilized countries some experience of social improvements1 which naturally issued in violence and exasperation4 ,they needed cruelty1 for their own wills were not broken to another's1 and the spirit of freemen was not wholly gone4 ,the slave must meet cruel treatment either inwardly or outwardly4 ,either the soul or the body must receive the blow4 ,either the flesh must be tortured or the spirit be struck down4 ,dreadful alternative to which slavery is reduced6 #e4 ,i proceed to one more view of the evils of slavery4 ,i refer to its influence on the ,master4 ,this topic cannot1 perhaps1 be so handled as to avoid giving offence2 but without it an imperfect view of the subject would be given4 ,i will pass over many views4 ,i will say nothing of the tendency of slavery to unsettle the ideas of ,right in the slaveholder1 to impair his convictions of ,justice and ,benevolence2 or of its tendency to associate with labor ideas of degradation1 and to recommend idleness as an honorable exemption4 ,i will confine myself to two considerations4 ,the first is1 that slavery1 above all other influences1 nourishes the passion for power and its kindred vices4 ,there is no passion which needs a stronger curb4 ,men's worst crimes have sprung from the desire of being masters1 of bending others to their yoke4 ,and the natural tendency of bringing others into subjection to our absolute will is to quicken into fearful activity the imperious1 haughty1 proud1 self-seeking propensities of our nature4 ,man cannot1 without imminent peril to his virtue1 own a fellow-creature1 or use the word of absolute command to his brethren4 ,god never delegated this power4 ,it is an usurpation of the ,divine dominion1 and its natural influence is to produce a spirit of superiority to divine as well as to human laws4 ,undoubtedly this tendency is in a measure counteracted by the spirit of the age and the genius of ,christianity1 and in conscientious individuals it may be wholly overcome2 but we see its fruits in the corruptions of moral sentiment which prevail among slaveholders4 ,a quick resentment of whatever is thought to encroach on personal dignity1 a trembling jealousy of reputation1 vehemence of the vindictive passions1 and contempt of all laws1 human and divine1 in retaliating injury1--these take rank among the virtues of men whose self-estimation has been fed by the possession of absolute power4 ,of consequence the direct tendency of slavery is to annihilate the control of ,christianity4 ,humility is by eminence the spirit of ,christianity4 ,no vice was so severely rebuked by our ,lord1 as the passion for ruling over others4 ,a deference towards all human beings as our brethren1 a benevolence which disposes us to serve rather than to reign1 to concede our own rather than to encroach on others' rights1 to forgive1 not avenge wrongs1 to govern our own spirits instead of breaking the spirit of an inferior or foe1--this is ,christianity2 a religion too high and pure to be understood and obeyed any where as it should be1 but which meets singular hostility in the habits of mind generated by slavery4 ,the slaveholder1 indeed1 values himself on his loftiness of spirit4 ,he has a consciousness of dignity1 which imposes on himself and others4 ,but truth cannot stoop to this lofty mien4 ,truth1 moral1 ,christian truth1 condemns it1 and condemns those who bow to it4 ,self-respect1 founded on a consciousness of our moral nature and immortal destiny1 is1 indeed1 a noble principle2 but this sentiment includes1 as a part of itself1 respect for all who partake our nature4 ,a consciousness of dignity1 founded on the subjection of others to our absolute will1 is inhuman and unjust4 ,it is time that the teachings of ,christ were understood4 ,in proportion as a man acquires a lofty bearing from the habit of command over wronged and depressed fellow-creatures1 so far he casts away true honor1 so far he has fallen in the sight of ,god and ,virtue4 ,i approach a more delicate subject1 and one on which ,i shall not enlarge4 ,to own the persons of others1 to hold females in slavery1 is necessarily fatal to the purity of a people4 ,that unprotected females1 stripped by their degraded condition of woman's self-respect1 should be used to minister to other passions in men than the love of gain1 is next to inevitable4 ,accordingly1 in such a community the reins are given to youthful licentiousness4 ,youth1 every where in perils1 is in these circumstances urged to vice with a terrible power4 ,and the evil cannot stop at youth4 ,early licentiousness is fruitful of crime in mature life4 ,how far the obligation to conjugal fidelity1 the sacredness of domestic ties1 will be revered amidst such habits1 such temptations1 such facilities to vice1 as are involved in slavery1 needs no exposition4 ,so terrible is the connexion of crimes6 ,they1 who invade the domestic rights of others1 suffer in their own homes4 ,the household of the slave may be broken up arbitrarily by the master2 but he finds his revenge1 if revenge he asks1 in the blight which the master's unfaithfulness sheds over his own domestic joys4 ,a slave-country reeks with licentiousness4 ,it is tainted with a deadlier pestilence than the plague4 ,but the worst is not told4 ,as a consequence of criminal connexions1 many a master has children born into slavery4 ,of these1 most1 ,i presume1 receive protection1 perhaps indulgence1 during the life of the fathers2 but at their death not a few are left to the chances of a cruel bondage4 ,these cases must have increased1 since the difficulties of emancipation have even multiplied4 ,still more1 it is to be feared1 that there are cases1 in which the master puts his own children under the whip of the overseer1 or else sells them to undergo the miseries of bondage among strangers4 ,i should rejoice to learn that my impressions on this point are false4 ,if they be true1 then our own country1 calling itself enlightened and ,christian1 is defiled with one of the greatest enormities on earth4 ,we send missionaries to heathen lands4 ,among the pollutions of heathenism ,i know nothing worse than this4 ,the heathen1 who feasts on his country's foe1 may hold up his head by the side of the ,christian who sells his child for gain1 sells him to be a slave4 ,god forbid that ,i should charge this crime on a people6 ,but however rarely it may occur1 it is a fruit of slavery1 an exercise of power belonging to slavery1 and no laws restrain or punish it4 ,such are the evils which spring naturally from the licentiousness generated by slavery4 ,i have now placed before the reader the chief evils of slavery4 ,we are told1 however1 that these are not without mitigation1 that slavery has advantages which do much to counterbalance its wrongs and pains4 ,not a few are partially reconciled to the institution by the language of confidence in which its benefits are sometimes announced4 ,i shall therefore close this chapter with a very brief consideration of what are thought to be the advantages of slavery4 ,it is often said1 that the slave does less work than the free laborer4 ,he bears a lighter burden than liberty would lay on him4 ,perhaps this is generally true2 yet when circumstances promise profit to the master from the imposition of excessive labor1 the slave is not spared4 ,in the ,west ,indies1 the terrible waste of life among the overworked cultivators required large supplies from ,africa to keep up the failing population4 ,in this country it is probably true that the slave works less than the free laborer2 but it does not therefore follow that his work is lighter4 ,for what is it that lightens toil8 ,it is ,hope2 it is ,love2 it is ,strong ,motive4 ,that labor is light1 which we do from the heart2 to which a great good quickens us2 which is to better our lot4 ,that labor is light1 which is to comfort1 adorn1 and cheer our homes1 to give instruction to our children1 to solace the declining years of a parent1 to give to our grateful and generous sentiments the means of exertion4 ,great effort from great motives is the best definition of a happy life4 ,the easiest labor is a burden to him who has no motive for performing it4 ,how wearisome is the task imposed by another1 and wrongfully imposed8 ,the slave cannot easily be made to do a freeman's work2 and why8 because he wants a freeman's spirit1 because the spring of labor is impaired within him1 because he works as a machine1 not a free agent4 ,the compulsion1 under which he toils for another1 takes from labor its sweetness1 makes the daily round of life arid and dull1 makes escape from toil the chief interest of life4 ,we are farther told that the slave is freed from all care1 that he is sure of future support1 that when old he is not dismissed to the poor-house1 but fed and sheltered in his own hut4 ,this is true2 but it is also true that nothing can be gained by violating the great laws and essential rights of our nature4 ,the slave1 we are told1 has no care1 his future is provided for4 ,yet ,god created him to provide for the future1 to take care of his own happiness2 and he cannot be freed from this care without injury to his moral and intellectual life4 ,why has ,god given foresight and power over the future1 but to be used8 ,is it a blessing to a rational creature1 to be placed in a condition which chains his faculties to the present moment1 which leaves nothing before him to rouse the intellect or touch the heart8 ,be it also remembered1 that the same provision1 which relieves the slave from anxiety1 cuts him off from hope4 ,the future is not1 indeed1 haunted by spectres of poverty1 nor is it brightened by images of joy4 ,it stretches before him sterile1 monotonous1 expanding into no refreshing verdure1 and sending no cheering whisper of a better lot4 ,it is true that the free laborer may become a pauper2 and so may the free rich man1 both of the ,north and the ,south4 ,still1 our capitalists never dream of flying to slavery as a security against the almshouse4 ,freedom undoubtedly has its perils4 ,it offers nothing to the slothful and dissolute4 ,among a people left to seek their own good in their own way1 some of all classes fail from vice1 some from incapacity1 some from misfortune4 ,all classes will furnish members to the body of the poor4 ,but in this country the number is small1 and ought constantly to decrease4 ,the evil1 however lamentable1 is not so remediless and spreading as to furnish a motive for reducing half the population to chains4 ,benevolence does much to mitigate it4 ,the best minds are inquiring how it may be prevented1 diminished1 removed4 ,it is giving excitement to a philanthropy which creates out of misfortune new bonds of union between man and man4 ,our slave-holding brethren1 who tell us that the condition of the slave is better than that of the free laborer at the ,north1 talk ignorantly and rashly4 ,they do not1 cannot know1 what to us is matter of daily observation1 that from the families of our farmers and mechanics have sprung our most distinguished men1 men who have done most for science1 arts1 letters1 religion1 and freedom2 and that the noblest spirits among us would have been lost to their country and mankind1 had the laboring class here been doomed to slavery4 ,they do not know1 what we rejoice to tell them1 that this class partakes largely of the impulse given to the whole community2 that the means of intellectual improvement are multiplying to the laborious as fast as to the opulent2 that our most distinguished citizens meet them as brethren1 and communicate to them in public discourses their own most important acquisitions4 ,undoubtedly1 the ,christian1 republican spirit is not working1 even here1 as it should4 ,the more improved and prosperous classes have not yet learned that it is their great mission to elevate morally and intellectually the less advanced classes of the community2 but the great truth is more and more recognised1 and accordingly a new era may be said to be opening on society4 ,it is said1 however1 that the slave1 if not to be compared to the free laborer at the ,north1 is in a happier condition than the ,irish peasantry4 ,let this be granted4 ,let the security of the peasant's domestic relations1 let his church1 and his schoolhouse1 and his faint hope of a better lot pass for nothing4 ,because ,ireland is suffering from the misgovernment and oppression of ages1 does it follow that a less grinding oppression is a good8 ,besides1 are not the wrongs of ,ireland acknowledged8 ,is not ,british legislation laboring to restore her prosperity8 ,is it not true1 that1 whilst the slave's lot admits no important change1 the most enlightened minds are at work to confer on the ,irish peasant the blessings of education1 of equal laws1 of new springs to exertion1 of new sources of wealth8 ,other men1 however fallen1 may be lifted up4 ,an immovable weight presses on the slave4 ,but still we are told the slave is gay4 ,he is not as wretched as our theories teach4 ,after his toil1 he sings1 he dances1 he gives no signs of an exhausted frame or gloomy spirit4 ,the slave happy6 ,why1 then1 contend for ,rights8 ,why follow with beating hearts the struggles of the patriot for freedom8 ,why canonize the martyr to freedom8 ,the slave happy6 ,then happiness is to be found in giving up the distinctive attributes of a man2 in darkening intellect and conscience2 in quenching generous sentiments2 in servility of spirit2 in living under a whip2 in having neither property nor rights2 in holding wife and child at another's pleasure2 in toiling without hope2 in living without an end6 ,the slave1 indeed1 has his pleasures4 ,his animal nature survives the injury to his rational and moral powers2 and every animal has its enjoyments4 ,the kindness of ,providence allows no human being to be wholly divorced from good4 ,the lamb frolics2 the dog leaps for joy2 the bird fills the air with cheerful harmony2 and the slave spends his holiday in laughter and the dance4 ,thanks to ,him who never leaves himself without witness2 who cheers even the desert with spots of verdure2 and opens a fountain of joy in the most withered heart6 ,it is not possible1 however1 to contemplate the occasional gayety of the slave without some mixture of painful thought4 ,he is gay1 because he has not learned to think2 because he is too fallen to feel his wrongs2 because he wants just self-respect4 ,we are grieved by the gayety of the insane4 ,there is a sadness in the gayety of him1 whose lightness of heart would be turned to bitterness and indignation1 were one ray of light to awaken in him the spirit of a man4 ,that there are those among the free1 who are more wretched than slaves1 is undoubtedly true2 just as there is incomparably greater misery among men than among brutes4 ,the brute never knew the agony of a human spirit torn by remorse or wounded in its love4 ,but would we cease to be human1 because our capacity for suffering increases with the elevation of our nature8 ,all blessings may be perverted1 and the greatest perverted most4 ,were we to visit a slave-country1 undoubtedly the most miserable human beings would be found among the free2 for among them the passions have wider sweep1 and the power they possess may be used to their own ruin4 ,liberty is not a necessity of happiness4 ,it is only a means of good4 ,it is a trust which may be abused4 ,are all such trusts to be cast away8 ,are they not the greatest gifts of ,heaven8 ,but the slave1 we are told1 often manifests affection to his master1 grieves at his departure1 and welcomes his return4 ,i will not endeavour to explain this1 by saying that the master's absence places the slave under the overseer4 ,nor will ,i object1 that the slave's propensity to steal from his master1 his need of the whip to urge him to toil1 and the dread of insurrection which he inspires1 are signs of any thing but love4 ,there is1 undoubtedly1 much more affection in this relation than could be expected4 ,of all races of men1 the ,african is the mildest and most susceptible of attachment4 ,he loves1 where the ,european would hate4 ,he watches the life of a master1 whom the ,north-,american ,indian1 in like circumstances1 would stab to the heart4 ,the ,african is affectionate4 ,is this a reason for holding him in chains8 ,we cannot1 however1 think of this most interesting feature of slavery with unmixed pleasure4 ,it is the curse of slavery1 that it can touch nothing which it does not debase4 ,even love1 that sentiment given us by ,god to be the germ of a divine virtue1 becomes in the slave a weakness1 almost a degradation4 ,his affections lose much of their beauty and dignity4 ,he ought1 indeed1 to feel benevolence towards his master2 but to attach himself to a man who keeps him in the dust and denies him the rights of a man2 to be grateful and devoted to one who extorts his toil and debases him into a chattel2 this has a taint of servility1 which makes us grieve whilst we admire4 ,however1 we would not diminish the attachment of the slave4 ,he is the happier for his generosity4 ,let him love his master1 and let the master win love by kindness4 ,we only say1 let not this manifestation of a generous nature in the slave be turned against him4 ,let it not be made an answer to an exposition of his wrongs4 ,let it not be used as a weapon for his perpetual degradation4 ,but the slave1 we are told1 is taught ,religion4 ,this is the most cheering sound which comes to us from the land of bondage4 ,we are rejoiced to learn that any portion of the slaves are instructed in that truth1 which gives inward freedom4 ,they hear at least one voice of deep1 genuine love1 the voice of ,christ2 and read in his cross what all other things hide from them1 the unutterable worth of their spiritual nature4 ,this portion1 however1 is small4 ,the greater part are still buried in heathen ignorance4 ,besides1 ,religion1 though a great good1 can hardly exert its full power on the slave4 ,will it not be taught to make him obedient to his master1 rather than to raise him to the dignity of a man8 ,is slavery1 which tends so proverbially to debase the mind1 the preparation for spiritual truth8 ,can the slave comprehend the principle of ,love1 the essential principle of ,christianity1 when he hears it from the lips of those whose relations to him express injustice and selfishness8 ,but suppose him to receive ,christianity in its purity1 and to feel all its power4 ,is this to reconcile us to slavery8 ,is a being1 who can understand the sublimest truth which has ever entered the human mind1 who can love and adore ,god1 who can conform himself to the celestial virtue of the ,saviour1 for whom that ,saviour died1 to whom heaven is opened1 whose repentance now gives joy in heaven1--is such a being to be held as property1 driven by force as the brute1 and denied the rights of man by a fellow-creature1 by a professed disciple of the just and merciful ,saviour8 ,has he a religious nature1 and dares any one hold him as a slave8 ,i have now completed my views of the evils of slavery1 and have shown how little they are mitigated by what are thought its advantages4 ,in this whole discussion ,i have cautiously avoided quoting particular examples of its baneful influences4 ,i have not brought together accounts of horrible cruelty which come to us from the ,south4 ,i have confined myself to the natural tendencies of slavery1 to evils bound up in its very nature1 which1 as long as man is man1 cannot be separated from it4 ,that these evils are unmixed or universal1 ,i do not say4 ,there are and must be exceptions to them1 and more or less of good may often be found in connexion with them4 ,no institution1 be it what it may1 can make the life of a human being wholly evil1 or cut off every means of improvement4 ,god's benevolence triumphs over all the perverseness and folly of man's devices4 ,he sends a cheering beam into the darkest abode4 ,the slave has his hours of exhilaration4 ,his hut occasionally rings with thoughtless mirth4 ,among this class1 too1 there are and must be1 occasionally1 higher pleasures4 ,god is no respecter of persons2 and in some slaves there is a happy nature which no condition can destroy1 just as among children we find some whom the worst education cannot spoil4 ,the ,african is so affectionate1 imitative1 and docile1 that in favorable circumstances he catches much that is good2 and accordingly the influence of a wise and kind master will be seen in the very countenance and bearing of his slaves4 ,among this degraded people1 there are1 occasionally1 examples of superior intelligence and virtue1 showing the groundlessness of the opinion that they are incapable of filling a higher rank than slavery1 and showing that human nature is too generous and hardy to be wholly destroyed in the most unpropitious state4 ,we also witness in this class1 and very often1 a superior physical development1 a grace of form and motion1 which almost extorts a feeling approaching respect4 ,i mean not to affirm that slavery excludes all good1 for human life cannot long endure under the privation of every thing happy and improving4 ,i have spoken of its natural tendencies and results4 ,these are wholly and only evil4 ,i am aware that it will be replied to the views now given of slavery1 that persons living at a distance from it cannot comprehend it1 that its true character can be learned only from those1 who1 know it practically1 and are familiar with its operations4 ,to this ,i will not reply1 that ,i have seen it near at hand4 ,it is sufficient to reply1 that men may lose the power of seeing an object fairly1 by being too near as well as by being too remote4 ,the slaveholder is too familiar with slavery to understand it4 ,to be educated in injustice1 is almost necessarily to be blinded by it more or less4 ,to exercise usurped power from birth1 is the surest way to look upon it as a right and a good4 ,the slaveholder tells us that he only can instruct us about slavery4 ,but suppose that we wished to learn the true character of despotism2 should we go to the palace and take the despot as our teacher8 ,should we pay much heed to his assurance1 that he alone could understand the character of absolute power1 and that we in a republic could know nothing of the condition of men subjected to irresponsible will8 ,the sad influence of slavery1 in darkening the mind which is perpetually conversant with it1 is disclosed to us in the recent attempts made at the ,south to represent this institution as a good4 ,freemen1 who would sooner die than resign their rights1 talk of the happiness of those from whom every right is wrested4 ,they talk of the slave as property1 with the same confidence as if this were the holiest claim4 ,this is one of the mournful effects of slavery4 ,it darkens the moral sense of the master4 ,and can men1 whose position is so unfavorable to just1 impartial judgment1 expect us to acquiesce in their views8 ,there is another reply4 ,if the slave-holding ,states expect us to admit their views of this institution1 they must allow it to be freely discussed among themselves4 ,of what avail is their testimony in favor of slavery1 when not a tongue is allowed to say a word in its condemnation8 ,of what use is the press1 when it can publish only on one side8 ,in the slave-holding ,states freedom of speech is at an end4 ,whoever should express among them the sentiments respecting slavery which are universally adopted through the civilized world1 would put his life in jeopardy1 would probably be flayed or hung4 ,on this great subject1 which affects vitally their peace and prosperity1 their moral and political interests1 no philanthropist1 who has come to the truth1 can speak his mind4 ,even the minister of religion1 who feels the hostility between slavery and ,christianity1 dares not speak4 ,his calling might not save him from popular rage4 ,thus slavery avenges itself4 ,it brings the masters under despotism4 ,it takes away that liberty which a freeman prizes as life1--liberty of speech4 ,all this1 we are told1 is necessary1 and so it may be2 but an institution imposing such a necessity cannot be a good2 and one thing is plain2 the testimony of men placed under such restraints cannot be too cautiously received4 ,we have better sources of knowledge4 ,we have the testimony of ages1 and the testimony of the unchangeable principles of human nature4 ,these assure us that slavery is evil1 and evil continually4 ,i ought not to close this head1 without acknowledging1 7what ,i cheerfully do17 that in many cases the kindness of masters does much for the mitigation of slavery4 ,could it be rendered harmless1 the efforts of many would not be spared to make it so4 ,it is evil1 not through any singular corruption in the slaveholder1 but from its own nature1 and in spite of all efforts to make it a good4 ,it is evil1 not because it exists on this or that spot4 ,were it planted at the ,north1 it would become a greater curse1 more hardening and depraving1 than it now proves under a milder sky4 ,it is not of the particular form of slavery in this country that ,i complain4 ,i am willing to allow that it is here comparatively mild2 that on many plantations no abuses exist but such as are inseparable from its very nature4 ,the mischief lies in its very nature4 ,men do not gather grapes of thorns1 or figs of thistles4 ,an institution so founded in wrong1 so imbued with injustice1 cannot be made a good4 ,it cannot like other institutions be perpetuated by being improved4 ,to improve it1 is to prepare the way for its subversion4 ,every melioration of the slave's lot is a step toward freedom4 ,slavery is thus radically1 essentially evil4 ,every good man should earnestly pray and use every virtuous influence1 that an institution so blighting to human nature may be brought to an end4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,scripture4 ,attempts are often made to support slavery by the authority of ,revelation4 ,slavery1 it is said1 is allowed in the ,old ,testament1 and not condemned in the ,new4 ,paul commands slaves to obey4 ,he commands masters1 not to release their slaves1 but to treat them justly4 ,therefore slavery is right1 is sanctified by ,god's ,word4 ,in this age of the world1 and amidst the light which has been thrown on the true interpretation of the ,scriptures1 such reasoning hardly deserves notice4 ,a few words only will be offered in reply4 ,this reasoning proves too much4 ,if usages sanctioned in the ,old ,testament and not forbidden in the ,new are right1 then our moral code will undergo a sad deterioration4 ,polygamy was allowed to the ,israelites1 was the practice of the holiest men1 and was common and licensed in the age of the ,apostles4 ,but the ,apostles no where condemn it1 nor was the renunciation of it made an essential condition of admission into the ,christian church4 ,it is true that in one passage ,christ has condemned it by implication4 ,but is not slavery condemned by stronger implication in the many passages1 which make the new religion to consist in serving one another1 and in doing to others what we would that they should do to ourselves8 ,why may not ,scripture be used to stock our houses with wives as well as with slaves8 ,again4 ,paul is said to sanction slavery4 ,let us now ask4 ,what was slavery in the age of ,paul8 ,it was the slavery1 not so much of black as of white men1 not merely of barbarians but of ,greeks1 not merely of the ignorant and debased1 but of the virtuous1 educated1 and refined4 ,piracy and conquest were the chief means of supplying the slave-market1 and they heeded neither character nor condition4 ,sometimes the greater part of the population of a captured city was sold into bondage1 sometimes the whole1 as in the case of ,jerusalem4 ,noble and royal families1 the rich and great1 the learned and powerful1 the philosopher and poet1 the wisest and best men1 were condemned to the chain4 ,such was ancient slavery4 ,and this we are told is allowed and confirmed by the ,word of ,god6 ,had ,napoleon1 on capturing ,berlin or ,vienna1 doomed most or the whole of their inhabitants to bondage2 had he seized on venerable matrons1 the mothers of illustrious men1 who were reposing after virtuous lives in the bosom of grateful families2 had he seized on the delicate1 refined1 beautiful young woman1 whose education had prepared her to grace the sphere in which ,god had placed her1 whose plighted love had opened before her visions of bliss1 and over all whose prospects the freshest hopes and most glowing imaginations of early life were breathed2 had he seized on the minister of religion1 the man of science1 the man of genius1 the sage1 the guides of the world2 had he scattered these through the slave-markets of the world1 and transferred them to the highest bidders at public auction1 the men to be converted into instruments of slavish toil1 the women into instruments of lust1 and both to endure whatever indignities and tortures absolute power can inflict2 we should then have had a picture in the present age of slavery as it existed in the time of ,paul4 ,such slavery we are told was sanctioned by the ,apostle6 ,such we are told he pronounced to be morally right6 ,had ,napoleon sent some cargoes of these victims to these shores1 we might have bought them1 and degraded the noblest beings to our lowest uses1 and might have cited ,paul to testify to our innocence6 ,were an infidel to bring this charge against the ,apostle1 we should say that he was laboring in his vocation2 but that a professed ,christian should so insult this sainted philanthropist1 this martyr to truth and benevolence1 is a sad proof of the power of slavery to blind its supporters to the plainest truth4 ,slavery1 in the age of the ,apostle1 had so penetrated society1 was so intimately interwoven with it1 and the materials of servile war were so abundant1 that a religion1 preaching freedom to its victims1 would have shaken the social fabric to its foundation1 and would have armed against itself the whole power of the ,state4 ,of consequence ,paul did not assail it4 ,he satisfied himself with spreading principles1 which1 however slowly1 could not but work its destruction4 ,he commanded ,philemon to receive his fugitive slave1 ,onesimus1 not as a slave1 but above a slave1 as a brother beloved2 and he commanded masters to give to their slaves that which was just and equal2 thus asserting for the slave the rights of a ,christian and a ,man2 and how1 in his circumstances1 he could have done more for the subversion of slavery1 ,i do not see4 ,let me offer another remark4 ,the perversion of ,scripture to the support of slavery is singularly inexcusable in this country4 ,paul not only commanded slaves to obey their masters4 ,he delivered these precepts3 ,let every soul be subject unto the higher powers4 ,for there is no power but of ,god2 the powers that be are ordained of ,god4 ,whosoever1 therefore1 resisteth the power1 resisteth the ordinance of ,god2 and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation4 ,this passage was written in the time of ,nero4 ,it teaches passive obedience to despotism more strongly than any text teaches the lawfulness of slavery4 ,accordingly1 it has been quoted for ages by the supporters of arbitrary power1 and made the stronghold of tyranny4 ,did our fathers acquiesce in the most obvious interpretation of this text8 ,because the first ,christians were taught to obey despotic rule1 did our fathers feel as if ,christianity had stript men of their rights8 ,did they argue that tyranny was to be excused1 because forcible opposition to it is in most cases wrong8 ,did they argue that absolute power ceases to be unjust1 because1 as a general rule1 it is the duty of subjects to obey8 ,did they infer that bad institutions ought to be perpetual1 because the subversion of them by force will almost always inflict greater evil than it removes8 ,no2 they were wiser interpreters of ,god's ,word4 ,they believed that despotism was a wrong1 notwithstanding the general obligation upon its subjects to obey2 and that whenever a whole people should so feel the wrong as to demand its removal1 the time for removing it had fully come4 ,such is the school in which we here have been brought up4 ,to us1 it is no mean proof of the divine original of ,christianity1 that it teaches human brotherhood and favors human rights2 and yet1 on the ground of two or three passages1 which admit different constructions1 we make ,christianity the minister of slavery1 the forger of chains for those whom it came to make free4 ,it is a plain rule of scriptural criticism1 that particular texts should be interpreted according to the general tenor and spirit of ,christianity4 ,and what is the general1 the perpetual teaching of ,christianity in regard to social duty8 ,all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you1 do ye even so to them2 for this is the law and the prophets4 ,now does not every man feel that nothing1 nothing1 could induce him to consent to be a slave8 ,does he not feel1 that1 if reduced to this abject lot1 his whole nature1 his reason1 conscience1 affections1 would cry out against it as the greatest of calamities and wrongs8 ,can he pretend1 then1 that in holding others in bondage he does to his neighbour what he would that his neighbour should do to him8 ,of what avail are a few texts1 which were designed for local and temporary use1 when urged against the vital1 essential spirit1 and the plainest precepts of our religion8 ,i close this section with a few extracts from a recent work of one of our most distinguished writers2 not that ,i think additional arguments necessary1 but because the authority of ,scripture is more successfully used than any thing else to reconcile good minds to slavery4 ,the very course1 which the ,gospel takes on this subject1 seems to have been the only one that could have been taken in order to effect the universal abolition of slavery4 ,the gospel was designed1 not for one race or for one time1 but for all men and for all times4 ,it looked not at the abolition of this form of evil for that age alone1 but for its universal abolition4 ,hence the important object of its author was to gain it a lodgment in every part of the known world2 so that1 by its universal diffusion among all classes of society1 it might quietly and peacefully modify and subdue the evil passions of men2 and thus1 without violence work a revolution in the whole mass of mankind4 ,in this manner alone could its object1 a universal moral revolution1 have been accomplished4 ,for if it had forbidden the evil instead of subverting the principle1 if it had proclaimed the unlawfulness of slavery1 and taught slaves to resist the oppression of their masters1 it would instantly have arrayed the two parties in deadly hostility throughout the civilized world2 its announcement would have been the signal of servile war2 and the very name of the ,christian religion would have been forgotten amidst the agitations of universal bloodshed4 ,the fact1 under these circumstances1 that the ,gospel does not forbid slavery1 affords no reason to suppose that it does not mean to prohibit it2 much less does it afford ground for belief that ,jesus ,christ intended to authorize it4 ,it is important to remember that two grounds of moral obligation are distinctly recognised in the ,gospel4 ,the first is our duty to man as man2 that is1 on the ground of the relation which men sustain to each other2 the second is our duty to man as a creature of ,god2 that is1 on the relation which we all sustain to ,god4--,now1 it is to be observed1 that it is precisely upon this latter ground that the slave is commanded to obey his master4 ,it is never urged like the duty to obedience to parents1 because it is right1 but because the cultivation of meekness and forbearance under injury will be well pleasing unto ,god4--,the manner in which the duty of servants or slaves is inculcated1 therefore1 affords no ground for the assertion that the ,gospel authorizes one man to hold another in bondage1 any more than the command to honor the king1 when that king was ,nero1 authorized the tyranny of the emperor2 or than the command to turn the other cheek1 when one is smitten1 justifies the infliction of violence by an injurious man4#a ,,footnote3 #a ,wayland's ,elements of ,moral ,science1 pages #bbe-f4 ,the discussion of ,slavery1 in the chapter from which these extracts are made1 is well worthy attention4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,means ,,of ,,removing ,,slavery4 ,how slavery shall be removed1 is a question for the slaveholder1 and one which he alone can fully answer4 ,he alone has an intimate knowledge of the character and habits of the slaves1 to which the means of emancipation should be carefully adapted4 ,general views and principles may and should be suggested at a distance2 but the mode of applying them can be understood only by those who dwell on the spot where the evil exists4 ,to the slaveholder belongs the duty of settling and employing the best methods of liberation1 and to no other4 ,we have no right of interference1 nor do we desire it4 ,we hold that the dangers of emancipation1 if such there are1 would be indefinitely increased1 were the boon to come to the slave from a foreign hand1 were he to see it forced on the master by a foreign power4 ,it is of the highest importance1 that slavery should be succeeded by a friendly relation between master and slave2 and to produce this1 the latter must see in the former his benefactor and deliverer4 ,his liberty must seem to him an expression of benevolence and regard for his rights4 ,he must put confidence in his superiors1 and look to them cheerfully and gratefully for counsel and aid4 ,let him feel1 that liberty has been wrung from an unwilling master1 who would willingly replace the chain1 and jealousy1 vindictiveness1 and hatred would spring up1 to blight the innocence and happiness of his new freedom1 and to make it a peril to himself and all around him4 ,i believe1 indeed1 that emancipation1 though so bestowed1 would be better than everlasting bondage2 but the responsibility of so conferring it is one that none of us are anxious to assume4 ,we cannot but fear much from the experiment now in progress in the ,west ,indies1 on account of its being the work of a foreign hand4 ,the planters1 especially of ,jamaica1 have opposed the mother-country with a pertinaciousness bordering on insanity2 have done much to exasperate the slaves1 whose freedom they could not prevent2 have done nothing to prepare them for liberty2 have met them with gloom on their countenances1 and with evil auguries on their lips2 have taught them to look abroad for relief1 and to see in their masters only obstructions to the amelioration of their lot4 ,it is possible that under all these obstacles emancipation may succeed4 ,god grant it success6 ,if it fail1 the planter will have brought the ruin very much on himself4 ,policy1 as well as duty1 so plainly taught him to take into his own hands the work which a superior power had begun1 to spare no effort1 no expense1 for binding to him by new ties those who were to throw off their former chains1 that we know not how to account for his conduct1 but by supposing that his unhappy position as a slaveholder had robbed him of his reason1 as well as blunted his moral sense4 ,in this country no power but that of the slaveholding ,states can remove the evil1 and none of us are anxious to take the office from their hands4 ,they alone can do it safely4 ,they alone can determine and apply the true and sure means of emancipation4 ,that such means exist ,i cannot doubt2 for emancipation has already been carried through successfully in other countries2 and even were there no precedent1 ,i should be sure1 that1 under ,god's benevolent and righteous government1 there could not be a necessity for holding human beings in perpetual bondage4 ,this faith1 however1 is not universal4 ,many1 when they hear of the evils of slavery1 say1 ,it is bad1 but remediless4 ,there are no means of relief4 ,they say1 in a despairing tone1 ,give us your plan2 and justify their indifference to emancipation1 by what they call its hopelessness4 ,this state of mind has induced me to offer a few remarks on the means of removing slavery2 not that ,i suppose1 that an individual so distant can do the work to which the whole intellect and benevolence of the ,south should be summoned1 but that ,i may suggest a few principles1 which ,i think would insure a happy result to the benevolent enterprise1 and that ,i may remove the incredulity of which ,i have complained4 ,what1 then1 is to be done for the removal of slavery8 ,in the first place1 the slaveholders should solemnly disclaim the right of property in human beings4 ,the great principle1 that man cannot belong to man1 should be distinctly1 solemnly recognised4 ,the slave should be acknowledged as a partaker of a common nature1 as having the essential rights of humanity4 ,this great truth lies at the foundation of every wise plan for his relief4 ,the cordial admission of it would give a consciousness of dignity1 of grandeur1 to efforts for emancipation4 ,there is1 indeed1 a grandeur in the idea of raising more than two millions of human beings to the enjoyment of human rights1 to the blessings of ,christian civilization1 to the means of indefinite improvement4 ,the slaveholding ,states are called to a nobler work of benevolence than is committed to any other communities4 ,they should comprehend its dignity4 ,this they cannot do1 till the slave is truly1 sincerely1 with the mind and heart1 recognised as a ,man1 till be ceases to be regarded as ,property4 ,it may be asked1 whether1 in calling the slaveholding ,states to abolish property in the slave1 ,i intend that he should be immediately set free from all his present restraints4 ,by no means4 ,nothing is farther from my thoughts4 ,the slave cannot rightfully and should not be owned by the ,individual4 ,but1 like every other citizen1 he belongs to the ,community1 he is subject to the community1 and the community has a right and is bound to continue all such restraints1 as its own safety and the well-being of the slave demand4 ,it would be cruelty1 not kindness1 to the latter to give him a freedom1 which he is unprepared to understand or enjoy4 ,it would be cruelty to strike the fetters from a man1 whose first steps would infallibly lead him to a precipice4 ,the slave should not have an owner1 but he should have a guardian4 ,he needs authority1 to supply the lack of that discretion which he has not yet attained2 but it should be the authority of a friend2 an official authority1 conferred by the state1 and for which there should be responsibleness to the state1 an authority especially designed to prepare its subjects for personal freedom4 ,the slave should not1 in the first instance1 be allowed to wander at his will beyond the plantation on which he toils2 and if he cannot be induced to work by rational and natural motives1 he should be obliged to labor2 on the same principles on which the vagrant in other communities is confined and compelled to earn his bread4 ,the gift of liberty would be a mere name1 and worse than nominal1 were he to be let loose on society under circumstances driving him to crimes1 for which he would be condemned to severer bondage than he had escaped4 ,many restraints must be continued2 but continued1 not because the colored race are property1 not because they are bound to live and toil for an owner1 but solely and wholly because their own innocence1 security1 and education1 and the public order and peace1 require them1 during the present incapacity1 to be restrained4 ,it should be remembered1 that this incapacity is not their fault1 but their misfortune2 that not they1 but the community1 are responsible for it2 and that the community cannot without crime profit by its own wrong4 ,if the government should make any distinctions among the citizens1 it should be in behalf of the injured4 ,instead of urging the past existence of slavery1 and the incapacity which it has induced1 as apologies or reasons for continuing the yoke1 the community should find in these very circumstances new obligations to effort for the wronged4 ,there is but one weighty argument against immediate emancipation1 namely1 that the slave would not support himself and his children by honest industry2 that1 having always worked on compulsion1 he will not work without it2 that1 having always labored from another's will1 he will not labor from his own2 that there is no spring of exertion in his own mind2 that he is unused to forethought1 providence1 and self-denial1 and the responsibilities of domestic life2 that freedom would produce idleness2 idleness1 want2 want1 crime2 and that crime1 when it should become the habit of numbers1 would bring misery1 perhaps ruin1 not only on the offenders1 but the state4 ,here lies the strength of the argument for continuing present restraint4 ,give the slaves disposition and power to support themselves and their families by honest industry1 and complete emancipation should not be delayed one hour4 ,the great step1 then1 towards the removal of slavery is to prepare the slaves for self-support4 ,and this work seems attended with no peculiar difficulty4 ,the colored man is not a savage1 to whom toil is torture1 who has centred every idea of happiness and dignity in a wild freedom1 who must exchange the boundless forest for a narrow plantation1 and bend his proud neck to an unknown yoke4 ,labor was his first lesson1 and he has been repeating it all his life4 ,can it be a hard task to teach him to labor for himself1 to work from impulses in his own breast8 ,much may be done at once to throw the slave on himself1 to accustom him to work for his own and his family's support1 to awaken forethought1 and strengthen the habit of providing for the future4 ,on every plantation there are slaves1 who would do more for wages than from fear of punishment4 ,there are those1 who1 if entrusted with a piece of ground1 would support themselves and pay a rent in kind4 ,there are those1 who1 if moderate task-work were given them1 would gain their whole subsistence in their own time4 ,now every such man ought to be committed very much to himself4 ,it is a crime to subject to the whip a man who can be made to toil from rational and honorable motives4 ,this partial introduction of freedom would form a superior class among the slaves1 whose example would have immense moral power on those who needed compulsion4 ,the industrious and thriving would give an impulse to the whole race4 ,it is important that the property1 thus earned by the slave1 should be made as sacred as that of any other member of the community1 and for this end he should be enabled to obtain redress of wrongs4 ,in case of being injured by his master in this or in any respect1 he should either be set free1 or1 if unprepared for liberty1 should be transferred to another guardian4 ,as another means of raising the slave and fitting him to act from higher motives than compulsion1 a system of bounties and rewards should be introduced4 ,new privileges1 increased indulgences1 honorable distinctions1 expressions of respect1 should be awarded to the honest and industrious4 ,no people are more alive to commendation and honorable distinction than the colored race4 ,prizes for good conduct1 adapted to their tastes and character1 might in a good degree supersede the lash4 ,their love of ornament might be turned to a good account4 ,the object is to bring the slave to labor from other motives than brutal compulsion4 ,such motives may easily be found1 if the end be conscientiously proposed4 ,one of the great means of elevating the slave1 and calling forth his energies1 is to place his domestic relations on new ground4 ,this is essential4 ,we wish him to labor for his family4 ,then he must have a family to labor for4 ,then his wife and children must be truly his own4 ,then his home must be inviolate4 ,then the responsibilities of a husband and father must be laid on him4 ,it is agreed that he will be fit for freedom1 as soon as the support of his family shall become his habit and his happiness2 and how can he be brought to this condition1 as long as he shall see no sanctity in the marriage-bond1 as long as he shall see his wife and his children exposed to indignity and to sale1 as long as their support shall not be entrusted to his care8 ,no measure for preparing the slave for liberty can be so effectual as the improvement of his domestic lot4 ,the whole power of religion should be employed to impress him with the sacredness and duties of marriage4 ,the chaste and the faithful in this connexion should receive open and strong marks of respect4 ,they should be treated as at the head of their race4 ,the husband and wife1 who prove false to each other1 and who will not labor for their children1 should be visited with the severest rebuke4 ,to create a sense of domestic obligation1 to awaken domestic affections1 to give the means of domestic happiness1 to fix deeply a conviction of the indissolubleness of marriage1 and of the solemnity of the parental relation1 these are the essential means of raising the slave to a virtuous and happy freedom4 ,all other men labor for their families2 and so will the slave1 if the sentiments of a man be cherished in his breast4 ,we keep him in bondage1 because1 if free1 he will leave his wife and children to want2 and this bondage break down all the feelings and habits which would incite him to toil for their support4 ,not a step will be taken towards the preparation of the slave for voluntary labor1 till his domestic rights be respected4 ,the violation of these cries to ,god1 more than any other evil of his lot4 ,to carry this and all other means of improvement into effect1 it is essential that the slave should no longer be bought and sold4 ,as long as he is made an article of merchandise1 he cannot be fitted for the offices of a man4 ,he will have little motive to accumulate comforts and ornaments in his hut1 if at any moment he may be torn from it4 ,while treated as property1 he will have little encouragement to accumulate property1 for it cannot be secure4 ,while his wife and children may be exposed at auction1 and carried1 he knows not where1 can he be expected to feel and act as a husband and father8 ,it is time1 that this ,christian and civilized country should no longer be dishonored by one of the worst usages of barbarism4 ,break up the slave-market1 and one of the chief obstructions to emancipation will be removed4 ,let me only add1 that religious instruction should go hand in hand with all other means for preparing the slave for freedom4 ,the colored race are said to be peculiarly susceptible of the religious sentiment4 ,if this be addressed wisely and powerfully1 if the slave be brought to feel his relation and accountableness to ,god1 and to comprehend the spirit of ,christianity1 he is fit for freedom4 ,to accomplish this work1 perhaps preaching should not be the only or chief instrument4 ,were the whole colored population to be assembled into ,sunday-schools1 and were the whites to become their teachers1 a new and interesting relation would be formed between the races1 and an influence be exerted which would do much to insure safety to the gift of freedom4 ,in these remarks ,i have not intended to say that emancipation is an easy work1 the work of a day1 a good to be accomplished without sacrifices and toil4 ,the colored man is1 indeed1 singularly susceptible of improvement1 in consequence of the strength of his propensities to imitation and sympathy4 ,but all great changes in society have their difficulties and inconveniences1 and demand patient labor4 ,i ask for no precipitate measures1 no violent changes4 ,i ask only that the slaveholding ,states would resolve conscientiously and in good faith to remove this greatest of moral evils and wrongs1 and would bring immediately to the work all their intelligence1 virtue1 and power4 ,that its difficulties would yield before such energies1 who can doubt8 ,our weakness for holy enterprises lies generally in our own reluctant wills4 ,breathe into men a fervent purpose1 and you awaken powers before unknown4 ,how soon would slavery disappear1 were the obligation to remove it thoroughly understood and deeply felt6 ,we are told that the slaveholding ,states have recently prospered beyond all precedent4 ,this accession to their wealth should be consecrated to the work of liberating their fellow-creatures4 ,not one indulgence should be added to their modes of life1 until the cry of the oppressed has ceased from their fields1 until the rights of every human being are restored4 ,government should devote itself to this as its great object4 ,legislatures should meet to free the slave4 ,the church should rest not1 day or night1 till this stain be wiped away4 ,let the deliberation of the wise1 the energies of the active1 the wealth of the prosperous1 the prayers and toils of the good1 have ,emancipation for their great end4 ,let this be discussed habitually in the family circle1 in the conference of ,christians1 in the halls of legislation4 ,let it mingle with the first thoughts of the slaveholder in the morning and the last at night4 ,who can doubt that to such a spirit ,god would reveal the means of wise and powerful action8 ,there is but one obstacle to emancipation1 and that is1 the want of that spirit in which ,christians and freemen should resolve to exterminate slavery4 ,i have said nothing of colonization among the means of removing slavery1 because ,i believe that to rely on it for this object would be equivalent to a resolution to perpetuate the evil without end4 ,whatever good it may do abroad1 and ,i trust it will do much1 it promises little at home4 ,if the slaveholding ,states1 however1 should engage in colonization1 with a firm faith in its practicableness1 with an energy proportionate to its greatness1 and with a sincere regard to the welfare of the colored race1 ,i am confident it will not fail from want of sympathy and aid on the part of the other ,states4 ,in truth1 these ,states will not withhold their hearts or hands from any well considered plan for the removal of slavery4 ,i have said nothing of the inconveniences and sufferings1 which1 it is urged1 will follow emancipation1 be it ever so safe2 for these1 if real1 weigh nothing against the claims of justice4 ,the most common objection is1 that a mixture of the two races will be the result4 ,can this objection be urged in good faith8 ,can this mixture go on faster or more criminally than at the present moment8 ,can the slaveholder use the word amalgamation without a blush8 ,nothing1 nothing1 can arrest this evil but the raising of the colored woman to a new sense of character1 to a new self-respect2 and this she cannot gain but by being made free4 ,that emancipation will have its evils we know2 for all great changes1 however beneficial1 in the social condition of a people1 must interfere with some interests1 must bring loss or hardship to one class or another2 but the evils of slavery exceed beyond measure the greatest which can attend its removal4 ,let the slaveholder desire earnestly1 and in the spirit of self-sacrifice1 to restore freedom1 to secure the rights and the happiness of the slave1 and a new light will break upon his path4 ,every mountain of difficulty will be brought low1 and the rough places be made smooth2 the means of duty will become clear4 ,but without this spirit1 no eloquence of man or angel can persuade the slaveholder of the safety of emancipation4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,abolitionism4 ,the word ,,abolitionist in its true meaning comprehends every man who feels himself bound to exert his influence for removing slavery4 ,it is a name of honorable import1 and was worn1 not long ago1 by such men as ,franklin and ,jay4 ,events1 however1 continually modify terms2 and1 of late1 the word ,,abolitionist has been narrowed from its original import1 and restricted to the members of associations formed among us to promote ,immediate ,emancipation4 ,it is not without reluctance that ,i give up to a small body a name which every good man ought to bear4 ,but to make myself intelligible and to avoid circumlocution1 ,i shall use the word in what is now its common acceptation4 ,i approach this subject unwillingly1 because it will be my duty to censure those whom at this moment ,i would on no account hold up to public displeasure4 ,the persecutions1 which the abolitionists have suffered and still suffer1 awaken only my grief and indignation1 and incline me to defend them to the full extent which truth and justice will admit4 ,to the persecuted of whatever name my sympathies are pledged1 and especially to those who are persecuted in a cause substantially good4 ,i would not for worlds utter a word to justify the violence recently offered to a party1 composed very much of men blameless in life1 and holding the doctrine of nonresistance to injuries2 and of women1 exemplary in their various relations1 and acting1 however mistakenly1 from benevolent and pious impulses4 ,of the abolitionists ,i know very few2 but ,i am bound to say of these1 that ,i honor them for their strength of principle1 their sympathy with their fellow-creatures1 and their active goodness4 ,as a party1 they are singularly free from political and religious sectarianism1 and have been distinguished by the absence of management1 calculation1 and worldly wisdom4 ,that they have ever proposed or desired insurrection or violence among the slaves there is no reason to believe4 ,all their principles repel the supposition4 ,it is a remarkable fact1 that1 though the ,south and the ,north have been leagued to crush them1 though they have been watched by a million of eyes1 and though prejudice has been prepared to detect the slightest sign of corrupt communication with the slave1 yet this crime has not been fastened on a single member of this body4 ,a few individuals at the ,south have1 indeed1 been tortured or murdered by enraged multitudes1 on the charge of stirring up revolt2 but their guilt and their connexion with the abolitionists were not1 and from the circumstances and the nature of the case could not be1 established by those deliberate and regular modes of investigation1 which are necessary to an impartial judgment4 ,crimes1 detected and hastily punished by the multitude in a moment of feverish suspicion and wild alarm1 are generally creatures of fear and passion4 ,the act which caused the present explosion of popular feeling was the sending of pamphlets by the ,abolitionists into the slave-holding ,states4 ,in so doing1 they acted weakly and without decorum2 but they must have been insane1 had they intended to stir up a servile war2 for the pamphlets were sent1 not by stealth1 but by the public mail2 and not to the slaves1 but to the masters2 to men in public life1 to men of the greatest influence and distinction4 ,strange incendiaries these6 ,they flourished their firebrands about at noon-day2 and1 still more1 put them into the hands of the very men whom it is said they wished to destroy4 ,they are accused1 indeed1 of having sent some of the pamphlets to the free colored people1 and if so1 they acted with great and culpable rashness4 ,but the publicity of the whole transaction absolves them of corrupt design4 ,the charge of corrupt design1 so vehemently brought against the abolitionists1 is groundless4 ,the charge of fanaticism ,i have no desire to repel4 ,but in the present age it will not do to deal harshly with the characters of fanatics4 ,they form the mass of the people4 ,religion and ,politics1 ,philanthropy and ,temperance1 ,nullification and ,antimasonry1 the ,levelling ,spirit of the working man1 and the ,speculating ,spirit of the man of business1 all run into fanaticism4 ,this is the type of all our epidemics4 ,a sober man who can find8 ,the abolitionists have but caught the fever of the day4 ,that they should have escaped it would have been a moral miracle4--,i offer these remarks simply from a sense of justice4 ,had not a persecution1 without parallel in our country1 broken forth against this society1 ,i should not have spoken a word in their defence4 ,but whilst ,i have power ,i owe it to the ,persecuted4 ,if they have laid themselves open to the laws1 let them suffer4 ,for all their errors and sins let the tribunal of public opinion inflict the full measure of rebuke which they deserve4 ,i ask no favor for them4 ,but they shall not be stripped of the rights of man1 of rights guaranteed by the laws and ,constitution1 without one voice1 at least1 being raised in their defence4 ,the abolitionists have done wrong1 ,i believe2 nor is their wrong to be winked at1 because done fanatically or with good intention2 for how much mischief may be wrought with good design6 ,they have fallen into the common error of enthusiasts1 that of exaggerating their object1 of feeling as if no evil existed but that which they opposed1 and as if no guilt could be compared with that of countenancing or upholding it4 ,the tone of their newspapers1 as far as ,i have seen them1 has often been fierce1 bitter1 and abusive4 ,their imaginations have fed on pictures of the cruelty to which the slave is exposed1 till they have seemed to think that his abode was perpetually resounding with the lash1 and ringing with shrieks of agony2 and accordingly1 the slaveholder has been held up to execration1 as a monster of cruelty4 ,i know that many of their publications have been calm1 well considered1 and abounding in strong reasoning4 ,but those1 which have been most widely scattered and are most adapted to act on the common mind1 have had a tone unfriendly both to manners and to the spirit of our religion4 ,i doubt not that the majority of the abolitionists condemn the coarseness and violence of which ,i complain4 ,but in this1 as in most associations1 the many are represented and controlled by the few1 and are made to sanction and become responsible for what they disapprove4 ,one of their errors has been the adoption of ,immediate ,emancipation as their motto4 ,to this they owe not a little of their unpopularity4 ,this phrase has contributed much to spread far and wide the belief1 that they wished immediately to free the slave from all his restraints4 ,they made explanations2 but thousands heard the motto who never saw the explanation2 and it is certainly unwise for a party to choose a watchword1 which can be rescued from misapprehension only by labored explication4 ,it may also be doubted1 whether they ever removed the objection which their language so universally raised1 whether they have not always recommended a precipitate action1 inconsistent with the well-being of the slave and the order of the state4 ,another objection to their movements is1 that they have sought to accomplish their objects by a system of ,agitation2 that is1 by a system of affiliated societies1 gathered1 and held together1 and extended1 by passionate eloquence4 ,this1 in truth1 is the common mode by which all projects are now accomplished4 ,the age of individual action is gone4 ,truth cannot be heard unless shouted by a crowd4 ,the weightiest argument for a doctrine is the number which adopts it4 ,accordingly1 to gather and organize multitudes is the first care of him who would remove an abuse or spread a reform4 ,that the expedient is in some cases useful is not denied4 ,but generally it is a showy1 noisy mode of action1 appealing to the passions1 and driving men into exaggeration2 and there are special reasons why such a mode should not be employed in regard to slavery2 for slavery is so to be opposed as not to exasperate the slave1 or endanger the community in which he lives4 ,the abolitionists might have formed an association2 but it should have been an elective one4 ,men of strong principles1 judiciousness1 sobriety1 should have been carefully sought as members4 ,much good might have been accomplished by the coperation of such philanthropists4 ,instead of this1 the abolitionists sent forth their orators1 some of them transported with fiery zeal1 to sound the alarm against slavery through the land1 to gather together young and old1 pupils from schools1 females hardly arrived at years of discretion1 the ignorant1 the excitable1 the impetuous1 and to organize these into associations for the battle against oppression4 ,very unhappily they preached their doctrine to the colored people1 and collected these into their societies4 ,to this mixed and excitable multitude1 minute1 heartrending descriptions of slavery were given in the piercing tones of passion2 and slaveholders were held up as monsters of cruelty and crime4 ,now to this procedure ,i must object as unwise1 as unfriendly to the spirit of ,christianity1 and as increasing1 in a degree1 the perils of the slaveholding ,states4 ,among the unenlightened1 whom they so powerfully addressed1 was there not reason to fear that some might feel themselves called to subvert this system of wrong1 by whatever means8 ,from the free colored people this danger was particularly to be apprehended4 ,it is easy for us to place ourselves in their situation4 ,suppose that millions of white men were enslaved1 robbed of all their rights1 in a neighbouring country1 and enslaved by a black race1 who had torn their ancestors from the shores on which our fathers had lived4 ,how deeply should we feel their wrongs6 ,and would it be wonderful1 if1 in a moment of passionate excitement1 some enthusiast should think it his duty to use his communication with his injured brethren for stirring them up to revolt8 ,such is the danger from abolitionism to the slaveholding ,states4 ,i know no other4 ,it is but justice to add1 that the principle of nonresistance1 which the abolitionists have connected with their passionate appeals1 seems to have counteracted the peril4 ,i know not a case in which a member of an anti-slavery society has been proved by legal investigation to have tampered with the slaves2 and after the strongly pronounced and unanimous opinion of the free ,states on the subject1 this danger may be considered as having passed away4 ,still a mode of action1 requiring these checks1 is open to strong objections1 and ought to be abandoned4 ,happy will it be1 if the disapprobation of friends1 as well as of foes1 should give to abolitionists a caution and moderation1 which would secure the acquiescence of the judicious1 and the sympathies of the friends of mankind6 ,let not a good cause find its chief obstruction in its defenders4 ,let the truth1 and the whole truth1 be spoken without paltering or fear2 but so spoken as to convince1 not inflame1 as to give no alarm to the wise1 and no needless exasperation to the selfish and passionate4 ,i know it is said1 that nothing can be done but by excitement and vehemence2 that the zeal which dares every thing is the only power to oppose to long rooted abuses4 ,but it is not true that ,god has committed the great work of reforming the world to passion4 ,love is a minister of good only when it gives energy to the intellect1 and allies itself with wisdom4 ,the abolitionists often speak of ,luther's vehemence as a model to future reformers4 ,but who1 that has read history1 does not know that ,luther's reformation was accompanied by tremendous miseries and crimes1 and that its progress was soon arrested8 and is there not reason to fear1 that the fierce1 bitter1 persecuting spirit1 which he breathed into the work1 not only tarnished its glory1 but limited its power8 ,one great principle1 which we should lay down as immovably true1 is1 that if a good work cannot be carried on by the calm1 self-controlled1 benevolent spirit of ,christianity1 then the time for doing it has not come4 ,god asks not the aid of our vices4 ,he can overrule them for good1 but they are not the chosen instruments of human happiness4 ,we1 indeed1 need zeal1 fervent zeal1 such as will fear no man's power1 and shrink before no man's frown1 such as will sacrifice life to truth and freedom4 ,but this energy of will ought to be joined with deliberate wisdom and universal charity4 ,it ought to regard the whole1 in its strenuous efforts for a part4 ,above all1 it ought to ask first1 not what means are most effectual1 but what means are sanctioned by the ,moral ,law and by ,christian ,love4 ,we ought to think much more of walking in the right path than of reaching our end4 ,we should desire virtue more than success4 ,if by one wrong deed we could accomplish the liberation of millions1 and in no other way1 we ought to feel that this good1 for which1 perhaps1 we had prayed with an agony of desire1 was denied us by ,god1 was reserved for other times and other hands4 ,the first object of a true zeal is1 not that we may prosper1 but that we may do right1 that we may keep ourselves unspotted from every evil thought1 word1 and deed4 ,under the inspiration of such a zeal1 we shall not find in the greatness of an enterprise an apology for intrigue or for violence4 ,we shall not need immediate success to spur us to exertion4 ,we shall not distrust ,god1 because he does not yield to the cry of human impatience4 ,we shall not forsake a good work1 because it does not advance with a rapid step4 ,faith in truth1 virtue1 and ,almighty ,goodness1 will save us alike from rashness and despair4 ,in lamenting the adoption by the abolitionists of the system of agitation or extensive excitement1 ,i do not mean to condemn this mode of action as only evil4 ,there are cases to which it is adapted2 and1 in general1 the impulse which it gives is better than the selfish1 sluggish indifference to good objects1 into which the multitude so generally fall4 ,but it must not supersede or be compared with ,individual action4 ,the enthusiasm of the ,individual in a good cause is a mighty power4 ,the forced1 artificially excited enthusiasm of a multitude1 kept together by an organization which makes them the instruments of a few leading minds1 works superficially1 and often injuriously4 ,i fear that the native1 noble-minded enthusiast often loses that single-heartedness which is his greatest power1 when once he strives to avail himself of the machinery of associations4 ,the true power of a ,reformer lies in speaking truth purely from his own soul1 without changing one tone for the purpose of managing or enlarging a party4 ,truth1 to be powerful1 must speak in her own words1 and in no other's1 must come forth with the authority and spontaneous energy of inspiration from the depths of the soul4 ,it is the voice of the ,individual giving utterance to the irrepressible conviction of his own thoroughly moved spirit1 and not the shout of a crowd1 which carries truth far into other souls1 and insures it a stable empire on earth4 ,for want of this1 most which is now done is done superficially4 ,the progress of society depends chiefly on the honest inquiry of the ,individual into the particular work ordained him by ,god1 and on his simplicity in following out his convictions4 ,this moral independence is mightier1 as well as holier1 than the practice of getting warm in crowds1 and of waiting for an impulse from multitudes4 ,the moment a man parts with moral independence2 the moment he judges of duty1 not from the inward voice1 but from the interests and will of a party2 the moment he commits himself to a leader or a body1 and winks at evil1 because division would hurt the cause2 the moment he shakes off his particular responsibility1 because he is but one of a thousand or million by whom the evil is done2 that moment he parts with his moral power4 ,he is shorn of the energy of singlehearted faith in the ,right and the ,true4 ,he hopes from man's policy what nothing but loyalty to ,god can accomplish4 ,he substitutes coarse weapons forged by man's wisdom for celestial power4 ,the adoption of the common system of agitation by the abolitionists has proved signally unsuccessful4 ,from the beginning it created alarm in the considerate1 and strengthened the sympathies of the free ,states with the slaveholder4 ,it made converts of a few individuals1 but alienated multitudes4 ,its influence at the ,south has been evil without mixture4 ,it has stirred up bitter passions and a fierce fanaticism1 which have shut every ear and every heart against its arguments and persuasions4 ,these effects are the more to be deplored1 because the hope of freedom to the slave lies chiefly in the dispositions of his master4 ,the abolitionist proposed1 indeed1 to convert the slaveholders2 and for this end he approached them with vituperation1 and exhausted on them the vocabulary of abuse6 ,and he has reaped as he sowed4 ,his vehement pleadings for the slaves have been answered by wilder ones from the slaveholder2 and1 what is worse1 deliberate defences of slavery have been sent forth1 in the spirit of the dark ages1 and in defiance of the moral convictions and feelings of the ,christian and civilized world4 ,thus1 with good purposes1 nothing seems to have been gained4 ,perhaps 7though ,i am anxious to repel the thought7 something has been lost to the cause of freedom and humanity4 ,i earnestly desire that abolitionism may lay aside the form of public agitation1 and seek its end by wiser and milder means4 ,i desire as earnestly1 and more earnestly1 that it may not be put down by lawless force4 ,there is a worse evil than abolitionism1 and that is the suppression of it by lawless force4 ,no evil greater than this can exist in the ,state1 and this is never needed4 ,be it granted1 that it is the design1 or direct1 palpable1 tendency of abolitionism1 to stir up insurrection at the ,south1 and that no existing laws can meet the exigency4 ,it is the solemn duty of the ,chief ,magistrate of the ,state to assemble immediately the legislative bodies1 and their duty immediately to apply the remedy of ,law4 ,let every friend of freedom1 let every good man lift up his voice against mobs4 ,through these lies our road to tyranny4 ,it is these which have spread the opinion1 so common at the ,south1 that the free ,states cannot long sustain republican institutions4 ,no man seems awake to their inconsistency with liberty4 ,our whole phraseology is in fault4 ,mobs call themselves1 and are called1 the ,people1 when in truth they assail immediately the sovereignty of the ,people1 involve the guilt of usurpation and rebellion against the ,people4 ,it is the fundamental principle of our institutions1 that the ,people is ,sovereign4 ,but by the ,people we mean not an individual here and there1 not a knot of twenty or a hundred or a thousand individuals in this or that spot1 but the ,community formed into a body politic1 and expressing and executing its will through regularly appointed organs4 ,there is but one expression of the will or ,sovereignty of the ,people1 and this is ,law4 ,law is the voice1 the living act of the ,people4 ,it has no other4 ,when an individual suspends the operation of ,law1 resists its established ministers1 and forcibly substitutes for it his own will1 he is a usurper and rebel4 ,the same guilt attaches to a combination of individuals4 ,these1 whether many or few1 in forcibly superseding public law and establishing their own1 rise up against the ,people1 as truly as a single usurper4 ,the ,people should assert its insulted majesty1 its menaced sovereignty1 in one case as decidedly as in the other4 ,the difference between the mob and the individual is1 that the usurpation of the latter has a permanence not easily given to the tumultuary movements of the former4 ,the distinction is a weighty one4 ,little importance is due to sudden bursts of the populace1 because they so soon pass away4 ,but when mobs are organized1 as in the ,french ,revolution1 or when they are deliberately resolved on and systematically resorted to1 as the means of putting down an odious party1 they lose this apology4 ,a conspiracy exists against the ,sovereignty of the ,people1 and ought to be suppressed1 as among the chief evils of the state4 ,in this part of the country our abhorrence of mobs is lessened by the fact1 that they were thought to do good service in the beginning of the ,revolution4 ,they probably were useful then2 and why8 ,the work of that day was ,revolution4 ,to subvert a government was the fearful task to which our fathers thought themselves summoned4 ,their duty they believed was ,insurrection4 ,in such a work mobs had their place4 ,the government of the ,state was in the hands of its foes4 ,the ,people could not use the regular organs of administration1 for these were held and employed by the power which they wished to crush4 ,violent1 irregular efforts belonged to that day of convulsion4 ,to resist and subvert institutions is the very work of mobs2 and when these institutions are popular1 when their sole end is to express and execute the will of the ,people1 then mobs are rebellion against the ,people1 and as such should be understood and suppressed4 ,a people is never more insulted than when a mob takes its name4 ,abolition must not be put down by lawless force4 ,the attempt so to destroy it ought to fail4 ,such attempts place abolitionism on a new ground4 ,they make it1 not the cause of a few enthusiasts1 but the cause of freedom4 ,they identify it with all our rights and popular institutions4 ,if the ,constitution and the laws cannot put it down1 it must stand2 and he who attempts its overthrow by lawless force is a rebel and usurper4 ,the ,supremacy of ,law and the ,sovereignty of the ,people are one and indivisible4 ,to touch the one is to violate the other4 ,this should be laid down as a first principle1 an axiom1 a fundamental article of faith which it must be heresy to question4 ,a newspaper1 which openly or by inuendoes excites a mob1 should be regarded as sounding the tocsin of insurrection4 ,on this subject the public mind slumbers1 and needs to be awakened1 lest it sleep the sleep of death4 ,how obvious is it1 that pretexts for mobs will never be wanting1 if this disorganizing mode of redressing evils be in any case allowed6 ,we all recollect1 that when a recent attempt was made on the life of the ,president of the ,united ,states1 the cry broke forth from his friends1 that the assassin was instigated by the continual abuse poured forth on this distinguished man1 and especially by the violent speeches uttered daily in the ,senate of the ,united ,states4 ,suppose1 now1 that his adherents1 to save the ,chief ,magistrate from murder1 and to guard his constitutional advisers1 had formed themselves into mobs1 to scatter the meetings of his opponents4 ,and suppose that they had resolved to put to silence the legislators1 who1 it was said1 had abused their freedom of speech to blacken the character and put in peril the life of the ,chief ,magistrate4 ,would they not have had a better pretext than mobs against abolition8 ,was not assassination attempted8 ,had not the ,president received letters threatening his life unless he would change his measures8 ,can a year or a month pass1 which will not afford equally grave reasons for insurrections of the populace8 ,a system of mobs and a free government cannot stand together4 ,the men who incite the former1 and especially those who organize them1 are among the worst enemies of the state4 ,of their motives ,i do not speak4 ,they may think themselves doing service to their country1 for there is no limit to the delusions of the times4 ,i speak only of the nature and tendency of their actions4 ,they should be suppressed at once by law1 and by the moral sentiment of an insulted people4 ,in addition to all other reasons1 the honor of our nation1 and the cause of free institutions should plead with us to defend the laws from insult1 and social order from subversion4 ,the moral influence and reputation of our country are fast declining abroad4 ,a letter1 recently received from one of the most distinguished men of the continent of ,europe1 expresses the universal feeling on the other side of the ocean4 ,after speaking of the late encroachments on liberty in ,france1 he says1 ,on your side of the ,atlantic1 you contribute1 also1 to put in peril the cause of liberty4 ,we did take pleasure in thinking that there was at least in the ,new ,world a country1 where liberty was well understood1 where all rights were guarantied1 where the people was proving itself wise and virtuous4 ,for some time past1 the news we receive from ,america is discouraging4 ,in all your large cities we see mobs after mobs1 and all directed to an odious purpose4 ,when we speak of liberty1 its enemies reply to us by pointing to ,america4 ,the persecuted abolitionists have the sympathies of the civilized world4 ,the country which persecutes them is covering itself with disgrace1 and filling the hearts of the friends of freedom with fear and gloom4 ,already despotism is beginning to rejoice in the fulfilment of its prophecies1 in our prostrated laws and dying liberties4 ,liberty is1 indeed1 threatened with death in a country1 where any class of men are stripped with impunity of their constitutional rights4 ,all rights feel the blow4 ,a community1 giving up any of its citizens to oppression and violence1 invites the chains which it suffers others to wear4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,duties4 ,a few words remain to be spoken in relation to the duties of the ,free ,states4 ,these need to feel the responsibilities and dangers of their present position4 ,the country is approaching a crisis on the greatest question which can be proposed to it1 a question not of profit or loss1 of tariffs or banks1 or any temporary interests1 but a question involving the ,first ,principles of freedom1 morals1 and religion4 ,yet who seems to be awake to the solemnity of the present moment8 ,who seems to be settling for himself the great fundamental truths1 by which private efforts and public measures are to be determined8 ,the ,north has duties to perform towards the ,south and towards itself4 ,let it resolve to perform them faithfully1 impartially2 asking first for the ,right1 and putting entire confidence in ,well-doing4 ,the ,north is bound to suppress all attempts of its citizens1 should such be threatened1 to excite insurrection at the ,south1 all attempts to tamper with and to dispose to violence the minds of the slaves4 ,the severest laws which consist with civilization may justly be resorted to for this end1 and they should be strictly enforced4 ,i believe1 indeed1 that there is no special need for new legislation on the subject4 ,i believe that there was never a moment1 when the slaveholding ,states had so little to apprehend from the free1 when the moral feeling of the community in regard to the crime of instigating revolt was so universal1 thorough1 and inflexible1 as at the present moment4 ,still1 if the ,south needs other demonstrations than it now has of the moral and friendly spirit which in this respect pervades the ,north1 let them be given4 ,still more1 it is the duty of the free ,states to act by opinion1 where they cannot act by law1 to discountenance a system of agitation1 on the subject of slavery1 to frown on passionate appeals to the ignorant1 and on indiscriminate and inflammatory vituperation of the slaveholder4 ,this obligation1 also1 has been and will be fulfilled4 ,there was never a stronger feeling of responsibility in this particular than at the present moment4 ,there are1 however1 other duties of the free ,states1 to which they may prove false1 and which they are too willing to forget4 ,they are bound1 not in their public1 but individual capacities1 to use every virtuous influence for the abolition of slavery4 ,they are bound to encourage that manly1 moral1 religious discussion of it1 through which strength will be given to the continually increasing opinion of the civilized and ,christian world in favor of personal freedom4 ,they are bound to seek and hold the truth in regard to human rights1 to be faithful to their principles in conversation and conduct1 never1 never to surrender them to private interest1 convenience1 flattery1 or fear4 ,the duty of being true to our principles is not easily to be performed4 ,at this moment an immense pressure is driving the ,north from its true ground4 ,god save it from imbecility1 from treachery to freedom and virtue6 ,i have certainly no feelings but those of good-will towards the ,south2 but ,i speak the universal sentiment of this part of the country1 when ,i say1 that the tone which the ,south has often assumed towards the ,north has been that of a superior1 a tone unconsciously borrowed from the habit of command1 to which it is unhappily accustomed by the form of its society4 ,i must add1 that this high bearing of the ,south has not always been met by a just consciousness of equality1 a just self-respect at the ,north4 ,the causes ,i will not try to explain4 ,the effect ,i fear is not to be denied4 ,it is said1 that those1 who have represented the ,north in ,congress1 have not always represented its dignity1 its honor2 that they have not always stood erect before the lofty bearing of the ,south4 ,here lies our danger4 ,the ,north will undoubtedly be just to the ,south4 ,it must also be just to itself4 ,this is not the time for sycophancy1 for servility1 for compromise of principle1 for forgetfulness of our rights4 ,it is the time to manifest the spirit of ,men1 a spirit which prizes1 more than life1 the principles of liberty1 of justice1 of humanity1 of pure morals1 of pure religion4 ,let it not be thought that ,i would recommend to the ,north1 what in some parts of our country is called ,chivalry1 a spirit of which the duelling pistol is the best emblem1 and which settles controversies with blood4 ,a ,christian and civilized man cannot but be struck with the approach to barbarism1 with the insensibility to true greatness1 with the incapacity of comprehending the divine virtues of ,jesus ,christ1 which mark what is called chivalry4 ,i ask not the man of the ,north to borrow it from any part of the country4 ,but ,i do ask him to stand in the presence of this chivalry with the dignity of moral courage and moral independence4 ,let him1 at the same moment1 remember the courtesy and deference due to the differing opinions of others1 and the sincerity and firmness due to his own4 ,let him understand the lofty position which he holds on the subject of slavery1 and never descend from it for the purpose of soothing prejudice or disarming passion4 ,let him respect the safety of the ,south1 and still manifest his inflexible adherence to the cause of human rights and personal freedom4 ,on this point ,i must insist1 because ,i see the ,north giving way to the vehemence of the ,south4 ,in some1 perhaps many1 of our recent ,resolutions1 a spirit has been manifested1 at which1 if not we1 our children will blush4 ,not long ago there were rumors1 that some of our citizens wished to suppress by law all discussion1 all expression of opinion on slavery1 and to send to the ,south such members of our community as might be claimed as instigators of insurrection4 ,such encroachments on rights could not1 of course1 be endured4 ,we are not yet so fallen4 ,some echoes of the old eloquence of liberty still come down to us from our fathers4 ,some inspirations of heroism and freedom still issue from the consecrated walls of ,faneuil ,hall4 ,were we to yield to such encroachments1 would not the soil of ,new ,england1 so long trodden by freemen1 heave and quake under the steps of her degenerate sons8 ,we are not prepared for these4 ,but a weak1 yielding tone1 for which we seem to be prepared1 may be the beginning of concessions which we shall one day bitterly rue4 ,the means used at the ,south to bring the ,north to compliance seem to demand particular attention4 ,i will not record the contemptuous language which has been thrown on the frugal and money-getting habits of ,new ,england1 or the menaces which have been addressed to our cupidity1 for the purpose of putting us to silence on the subject of slavery4 ,such language does in no degree move me4 ,i only ask that we may give no ground for its application4 ,we can easily bear it1 if we do not deserve it4 ,our mother-country has been called a nation of shopkeepers1 and ,new ,england ought not to be provoked by the name4 ,only let us give no sanction to the opinion that our spirit is narrowed to our shops2 that we place the art of bargaining above all arts1 all sciences1 accomplishments1 and virtues2 that rather than lose the fruits of the slave's labor we would rivet his chains2 that sooner than lose a market we would make shipwreck of honor2 that sooner than sacrifice present gain we would break our faith to our fathers and our children1 to our principles and our ,god4 ,to resent or retaliate reproaches would be unwise and unchristian4 ,the only revenge worthy of a good man is1 to turn reproaches into admonitions against baseness1 into incitements to a more generous virtue4 ,new ,england has long suffered the imputation of a sordid1 calculating spirit1 of supreme devotion to gain4 ,let us show that we have principles1 compared with which the wealth of the world is light as air4 ,it is a common remark here1 that there is not a community under heaven1 through which there is so general a diffusion of intelligence and healthful moral sentiment as in ,new ,england4 ,let not the just influence of such a society be impaired by any act which would give to prejudice the aspect of truth4 ,the free ,states1 it is to be feared1 must pass through a struggle4 ,may they sustain it as becomes their freedom6 ,the present excitement at the ,south can hardly be expected to pass away1 without attempts to wrest from them unworthy concessions4 ,the tone in regard to slavery in that part of our country is changed4 ,it is not only more vehement1 but more false than formerly4 ,once slavery was acknowledged as an evil4 ,now it is proclaimed to be a good4 ,we have even been told1 not by a handful of enthusiasts in private life1 but by men in the highest station and of widest influence at the ,south1 that slavery is the soil into which political freedom strikes its deepest roots1 and that republican institutions are never so secure as when the laboring class is reduced to servitude4 ,certainly1 no assertion of the wildest abolitionist could give such a shock to the slaveholder1 as this new doctrine is fitted to give to the people of the ,north4 ,liberty1 with a slave for her pedestal1 and with a chain in her hand1 differs so entirely from that lovely vision1 that benignant ,divinity1 to which we1 like our fathers1 have paid homage1 that we cannot endure that both should be called by the same name4 ,a doctrine1 more wounding or insulting to the mechanics1 farmers1 laborers of the ,north than this strange heresy1 cannot well be conceived4 ,a doctrine more irreverent1 more fatal to republican institutions1 was never fabricated in the councils of despotism4 ,it does not1 however1 provoke us4 ,i recall it only to show the spirit in which slavery is upheld1 and to remind the free ,states of the calm energy which they will need1 to keep themselves true to their own principles of liberty4 ,there is a great dread in this part of the country1 that the union of the ,states may be dissolved by the conflict about slavery4 ,to avert this evil1 every sacrifice should be made but that of honor1 freedom1 and principle4 ,no one prizes the ,union more than myself4 ,perhaps ,i may be allowed to say1 that ,i am attached to it by no common love4 ,most men value the ,union as a ,means2 to me it is an ,end4 ,most would preserve it for the prosperity of which it is the instrument2 ,i love and would preserve it for its own sake4 ,some value it as favoring public improvements1 facilities of commercial exchange1 c42 ,i value these improvements and exchanges chiefly as favoring union4 ,i ask of the ,general ,government to unite us1 to hold us together as brethren in peace2 and ,i care little whether it does any thing else4 ,so dear to me is union4 ,it is our highest national interest4 ,all the pecuniary sacrifices which it can possibly demand should be made for it4 ,the politicians in some parts of our country1 who are calculating its value1 and are willing to surrender it1 because they may grow richer by separation1 seem to me bereft of reason4 ,still1 if the ,union can be preserved only by the imposition of chains on speech and the press1 by prohibition of discussion on a subject involving the most sacred rights and dearest interests of humanity1 then union would be bought at too dear a rate2 then it would be changed from a virtuous bond into a league of crime and shame4 ,language cannot easily do justice to our attachment to the ,union4 ,we will yield every thing to it but ,truth1 ,honor1 and ,liberty4 ,these we can never yield4 ,let the free ,states be firm1 but also patient1 forbearing1 and calm4 ,from the slaveholder they cannot look for perfect self-control4 ,from his position he would be more than man1 were he to observe the bounds of moderation4 ,the consciousness which tranquillizes the mind can hardly be his4 ,on this subject he has always been sensitive to excess4 ,much exasperation is to be expected4 ,much should be borne4 ,every thing may be surrendered but our principles and our rights4 99 99 99 99 99 ,my work is done4 ,i ask and hope for it the ,divine blessing1 as far as it expresses ,truth1 and breathes the spirit of ,justice and ,humanity4 ,if ,i have written any thing under the influence of prejudice1 passion1 or unkindness to any human being1 ,i ask forgiveness of ,god and man4 ,i have spoken strongly1 not to offend or give pain1 but to produce in others deep convictions corresponding to my own4 ,nothing but a feeling1 which ,i could not escape1 of the need of such a work at this very moment1 has induced me to fix my thoughts on so painful a subject4 ,the few last months have increased my solicitude for the country4 ,public sentiment has seemed to me to be losing its healthfulness and vigor4 ,i have seen symptoms of the decline of the old spirit of liberty4 ,servile opinions have seemed to gain ground among us4 ,the faith of our fathers in free institutions has waxed faint1 and is giving place to despair of human improvements4 ,i have perceived a disposition to deride abstract rights1 to speak of freedom as a dream1 and of republican governments as built on sand4 ,i have perceived a faint-heartedness in the cause of human rights4 ,the condemnation1 which has been passed on abolitionists1 has seemed to be settling into acquiescence in slavery4 ,the sympathies of the community have been turned from the slave to the master4 ,the impious doctrine1 that human laws can repeal the ,divine1 can convert unjust and oppressive power into a moral right1 has more and more tinctured the style of conversation and the press4 ,with these sad and solemn views of society1 ,i could not be silent2 and ,i thank ,god1 amidst the consciousness of great weakness and imperfection1 that ,i have been able to offer this humble tribute1 this sincere1 though feeble1 testimony1 this expression of heartfelt allegiance1 to the cause of ,freedom1 ,justice1 and ,humanity4 ,having stated the circumstances which have moved me to write1 ,i ought to say1 that they do not discourage me4 ,were darker omens to gather round us1 ,i should not despair4 ,with a faith like his1 who came to prepare the way for the ,great ,deliverer1 ,i feel and can say1 ,the ,kingdom of ,heaven1 the ,reign of ,justice and ,disinterested ,love1 is at hand1 and ,all ,flesh shall see the ,salvation of ,god4 ,i know1 and rejoice to know1 that a power1 mightier than the prejudices and oppression of ages1 is working on earth for the world's redemption1 the power of ,christian ,truth and ,goodness4 ,it descended from ,heaven in the person of ,christ4 ,it was manifest in his life and death4 ,from his cross it went forth conquering and to conquer4 ,its mission is to preach deliverance to the captive1 and to set at liberty them that are bound4 ,it has opened many a prison-door4 ,it is ordained to break every chain4 ,i have faith in its triumphs4 ,i do not1 cannot despair4 ,,notes4 ,,note ,i4 ,i wish to add a few statements to show how little reliance can be placed on what seem to a superficial observer mitigations or advantages of slavery1 and how much safer it is to argue from the experience of all times and from the principles of human nature1 than from insulated facts4 ,i once passed a colored woman at work on a plantation1 who was singing apparently with animation1 and whose general manners would have led me to set her down as the happiest of the gang4 ,i said to her1 ,your work seems pleasant to you4 ,she replied1 ,no1 ,massa4 ,supposing that she referred to something particularly disagreeable in her immediate occupation1 ,i said to her1 ,tell me1 then1 what part of your work is most pleasant4 ,she answered1 with much emphasis1 ,no part pleasant4 ,we forced to do it4 ,these few words let me into the heart of the slave4 ,i saw under its apparent lightness a human heart4 ,on this plantation1 the most favored woman1 whose life was the easiest1 earnestly besought a friend of mine to buy her and put her in the way to earn her freedom4 ,a daughter of this woman1 very young1 had fallen a victim to the manager of the estate4 ,how far this cause influenced the exasperated mother1 ,i did not learn4 ,i heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as singularly successful1 and who was able to govern the slaves without the use of the whip4 ,i was anxious to see him1 and trusted that some discovery had been made favorable to humanity4 ,i asked him how he was able to dispense with corporal punishment4 ,he replied to me1 with a very determined look1 ,the slaves know that the work must be done1 and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it4 ,in other words1 the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed on them that they never incurred it4 ,i then found that the slaves on this well managed estate decreased in number4 ,i asked the cause4 ,he replied1 with perfect frankness and ease1 ,the gang is not large enough for the estate4 ,in other words1 they were not equal to the work of the plantation and yet were made to do it1 though with the certainty of abridging life4 ,on this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient4 ,there was an unusual air of neatness4 ,a superficial observer would have called the slaves happy4 ,yet they were living under a severe1 subduing discipline1 and were overworked to a degree that shortened life4 ,i cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman highly esteemed for his virtues1 and whose manners and conversation expressed much benevolence and conscientiousness4 ,when ,i entered with him the hospital1 the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman1 very ill1 probably approaching death4 ,she was stretched on the floor4 ,her head rested on something like a pillow2 but her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards4 ,the owner1 ,i doubt not1 had1 at least1 as much kindness as myself2 but he was so used to see the slaves living without common comforts1 that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not enter his mind4 ,the severest blow ,i ever saw given to a slave was inflicted by a colored driver on a young girl1 who1 on removing a load of wood from a horse1 had let a stick fall against the animal's leg4 ,i remonstrated with the man1 as soon as an opportunity offered1 against his inhumanity4 ,he said1 ,massa1 ,i have the care of the horse1 and the manager lick me if it get hurt4 ,this answer explained to me the common remark1 that the black drivers are more cruel than the whites4 ,i saw where the cruelty began4 ,i once heard some slaves1 who had been taken by law from their master1 singing a song of their own composition1 and at the end of every stanza they joined with a complaining tone in a chorus1 of which the burden was1 ,we got no ,massa4 ,here seemed a striking proof of attachment to the master2 but on inquiry into the rest of the song1 ,i found it was an angry repetition of the severities which they were suffering from the new superintendent4 ,they wanted their master as an escape from cruelty4 ,facts of this kind1 which make no noise1 which escape or mislead a casual observer1 help to show the character of slavery more than occasional excesses of cruelty though these must be frequent4 ,they show how deceptive are the appearances of good connected with it2 and how much may be suffered under the manifestation of much kindness4 ,it is1 in fact1 next to impossible to estimate precisely the evils of slavery4 ,the slave writes no books1 and the slaveholder is too inured to the system1 and too much interested in it1 to be able to comprehend it4 ,perhaps the ,laws of the slave ,states are the most unexceptionable witnesses which we can obtain from that quarter2 and the barbarity of these is decisive testimony against an institution which requires such means for its support4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,note ,,ii4 ,i think it right to state1 that my views of abolitionism have been founded in part1 perhaps chiefly1 on the testimony of others4 ,i have attended no abolition-meetings1 and never heard an abolition-address4 ,but the strong1 and next to universal impression1 in regard to the tendency of the operations of this party to inflame common minds1 confirmed1 as it is1 by what ,i have seen of their newspapers1 must be essentially true4 ,the orator1 who was chiefly employed in addressing their meetings and forming societies1 was distinguished by his vehemence and passionate invectives4 ,on one occasion1 there is strong proof of his having given an opinion in favor of cruel vengeance on the part of the slaves4 ,this seems to contradict what ,i have said of the steady inculcation of forbearance and non-resistance by the abolitionists4 ,but this case1 if correctly reported1 was an exception1 an ebullition of uncontrollable passion in an individual1 for which the rest were not responsible4 ,i have thought it my duty to state the kind of evidence on which my views of abolitionism are founded1 that others may better judge what confidence is due to them4 ,in times of great excitement1 it is not easy to arrive at the precise truth4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,note ,,iii4 ,it was my purpose to address a chapter to the ,south1 but the failure of strength compelled me to pause2 and when ,i considered1 that the circulation of my book in that part of the country might be a crime1 ,i had no encouragement to proceed4 ,i beg1 however1 to say1 that nothing which ,i have written can have proceeded from unkind feeling towards the ,south2 for in no other part of the country have my writings found a more gratifying reception2 from no other part have ,i received stronger expressions of sympathy4 ,to these ,i am certainly not insensible4 ,my own feelings1 had ,i consulted them1 would have led me to stifle every expression1 which could give pain to those from whom ,i have received nothing but good-will4 ,i wished to suggest to the slaveholders1 that the excitement now prevalent among themselves1 was incomparably more perilous1 more fitted to stir up insurrection1 than all the efforts of abolitionists1 allowing these to be ever so corrupt4 ,i also wished to remind the men of principle and influence in that part of the country1 of the necessity of laying a check on lawless procedures1 in regard to the citizens of the ,north4 ,we have heard of large subscriptions at the ,south for the apprehension of some of the abolitionists in the free ,states1 and for the transportation of them to parts of the country where they would meet the fate1 which1 it is said1 they deserve4 ,undoubtedly the respectable portion of the slaveholding communities are not answerable for these measures4 ,but does not policy1 as well as principle1 require such men steadily to discountenance them8 ,at present1 the free ,states have stronger sympathies with the ,south than ever before4 ,but can it be supposed that they will suffer their citizens to be stolen1 exposed to violence1 and murdered1 by other ,states8 ,would not such an outrage rouse them to feel and act as one man8 ,would it not identify the abolitionists with our most sacred rights8 ,one kidnapped1 murdered abolitionist would do more for the violent destruction of slavery than a thousand societies4 ,his name would be sainted4 ,the day of his death would be set apart for solemn heart-stirring commemoration4 ,his blood would cry through the land with a thrilling voice1 would pierce every dwelling1 and find a response in every heart4 ,do men1 under the light of the present day1 need to be told1 that enthusiasm is not a flame to be quenched with blood8 ,on this point1 good and wise men1 and the friends of the country at the ,north and ,south1 can hold but one opinion2 and if the press1 which1 ,i grieve to say1 has kept an ominous silence amidst the violations of law and rights1 would but speak plainly and strongly1 the danger would be past4 ,since writing the preceding chapters1 ,i have seen in a ,newspaper some notice of a meeting of ministers in one of the ,southern ,states1 in which slavery was spoken of as sinful4 ,if the account was correct1 the liberty of speech is not every where denied to the degree which ,i had supposed4 ,i have only to add1 that ,i alone am responsible for what ,i have now written4 ,i represent no society1 no body of men1 no part of the country4 ,i have written by no one's instigation1 and with no one's encouragement1 but solely from my own convictions4 ,if offence is given1 ,i alone ought to bear it4