,transcriber's ,note3        ,every     
effort has been made to replicate this  
text as faithfully as      possible1    
including inconsistent hyphenation4     
,some changes have been      made4 ,they
 are listed at the end of the text4     
,italic text has been marked with       
underscores4          ,,military        
,,manners ,,and ,,customs               
,,london3 ,,printed ,,by                
,,spottiswoode ,,and ,,co41             
,,new-,,street ,,square                 
,,and ,,parliament ,,street             
,,military ,,manners                    
,,and ,,customs                         
,,by                                    
,,james ,,anson ,,farrer                
,,author ,,of       #8,,primitive       
,,manners ,,and ,,customs' #8,,crimes   
,,and ,,punishments' ,,etc4             
,illustration                           
#8,homo homini res sacra'--,seneca      
,london                        ,,chatto 
,,windus1 ,,piccadilly                  
#ahhe                   ,the right of   

translation is reserved4                
,,preface4      ,in the present volume  
,i have attempted within the limits of  
the  historical period and of our       
,european civilisation1 and without     
recognising any hard and fast line      
between ancient and modern1  ,christian 
and ,pagan1 to allude1 in the places    
that seemed most  appropriate1 to all   
points in the history of war that       
appeared to be  either of special       
interest or of essential importance4 ,as
 examples  of such points ,i may refer  
to the treatment of prisoners of war1 or
  of surrendered garrisons2 the rules   
about spies and surprises2 the          
introduction of1 and feeling about1 new 
weapons2 the meaning of parts  of       
military dress2 the origin of peculiar  
customs like the old one of  kissing the
 earth before a charge2 the prevalent   
rules of honour1 as  displayed in       
notions of justice in regard to         
reprisals1 or of fairness  in stratagems
 and deception4 ,the necessity of       

observing in so vast a  field the laws  
of proportion has enforced resort to    
such condensation1  that on subjects    
which deserve or possess their tomes    
upon tomes1 ,i  have in many cases been 
unable to spend more than a page or a   
chapter4  ,it is easier1 however1 to err
 on the side of length than of brevity1 
but on whichever side ,i have exceeded1 
,i can only hope that others1 who  may  
feel the same interest with myself in   
the subject without having  the same    
time to give to it1 may derive a tithe  
of the pleasure from  reading the       
following nine chapters that ,i have    
found in putting them  together4    ,the
 study1 of course1 is no new one1 but   
there can be no objection  to calling it
 by the new name of ,bellology--a       
convenient term1 quite  capable of      
holding its own with ,sociology or its  
congeners4 ,the only  novelty ,i have   
aimed at is one of treatment1 and       
consists in never  losing sight of the  
fact that to all military customs there 

is a moral  and human side which has    
been only too generally ignored in this 
connection4 ,to read books like ,grose's
 #8,military ,antiquities1' one  would  
think their writers were dealing with   
the manners1 not of men but  of         
ninepins1 so utterly do they divest     
themselves of all human interest  or    
moral feeling1 in reference to the      
customs they describe with so  laudable 
but toneless an accuracy4    ,the       
starting-point of modern bellological   
studies will1 undoubtedly1  always be   
the ,parliamentary ,blue ,book1         
containing the reports 7less  full than 
one might wish7 of the ,military        
,international ,conference  that met at 
,brussels in #ahgd1 to discuss the      
existing laws and customs  of war1 and  
to consider whether any modification of 
them were either  possible or desirable4
 ,most of the representatives appointed 
to attend  by the several ,powers were  
military men1 so that we are carried by 
their conversation into the actual      

realities of modern warfare1 with  an   
authority and sense of truth that one is
 conscious of in no other  military     
book4 ,it is to be regretted that such a
 work1 instructive as  it is beyond any 
other on the subject1 has never been    
printed in a  form more popular than its
 official dress4 ,it was from it that ,i
 first  conceived the idea of the       
following pages1 and in the sequel      
frequent  reference will be made to it1 
as the source of the most trustworthy   
military information we possess1 and as 
certain to be for some time  to come the
 standard work on all the actual laws   
and customs of  contemporary warfare4   
,,contents4       ,,chapter ,i4         
,,the ,,laws ,,of ,,war4                
,,page     ,the prohibition of explosive
 bullets in war                         
#b     ,the importance of the           
,declaration of ,st4 ,petersburg of     
#ahfh           #c     ,the ultimate    
triumph of more destructive methods     
#d     ,illustrated by history of the   

crossbow or the musket                  
#e     ,or of cannons1 torpedoes1       
red-hot shot1 or the bayonet            
#e     ,numbers slain in modern and     
earlier warfare                         
#h     ,the laws of war at the ,brussels
 ,conference of #ahgd                   
#aj     ,do the laws of war tend to     
improve8                                
#ac     ,a negative answer suggested    
from reference                          
#ac        #a4 ,to the use of poison in 
war                                     
#ad        #b4 ,to the bombardment of   
towns                                   
#ae        #c4 ,to the destruction of   
public buildings                        
#af        #d4 ,to the destruction of   
crops and fruit-trees                   
#af        #e4 ,to the murder of        
prisoners or the wounded                
#ag        #f4 ,to the murder of        
surrendered garrisons                   
#ah        #g4 ,to the destruction of   
fishing-boats                           

#ai        #h4 ,to the disuse of the    
declaration of war                      
#ai        #i4 ,to the torture and      
mutilation of combatants and            
non-combatants                          
#bj       #aj4 ,to the custom of        
contributions                           
#bj     ,the futile attempts of ,grotius
 and ,vattel to humanise warfare        
#ba     ,the rights of war in the time  
of ,grotius                             
#bd     ,the futility of international  
law with regard to laws of war          
#bf     ,the employment of barbarian    
troops                                  
#bf     ,the taking of towns by assault 
#bg     ,the laws of war contrasted with
 the practice                           
#bh     ,war easier to abolish than to  
humanise                                
#cj       ,,chapter ,,ii4     ,,warfare 
,,in ,,chivalrous ,,times4     ,delusion
 about character of war in days of      
chivalry                  #cb     ,the  
common slaughter of women and children  

#cc     ,the ,earl of ,derby's sack of  
,poitiers                               
#cd     ,the massacres of ,grammont and 
,gravelines                             
#ce     ,the old poem of the ,vow of the
 ,heron                                 
#cf     ,the massacre of ,limoges by    
,edward the ,black ,prince              
#cg     ,the imprisonment of ladies for 
ransom                                  
#ch     ,prisoners of war starved to    
death                                   
#ci     ,or massacred1 if no prospect of
 ransom                                 
#da     ,or blinded or otherwise        
mutilated                               
#db     ,the meaning of a surrender at  
discretion                              
#dd     ,as illustrated by ,edward      
,,iii4 at ,calais                       
#dd     ,and by several instances in the
 same and the next century              
#de     ,the practice of burning in aid 
of war                                  
#dg     ,and of destroying sacred       

buildings                               
#dg     ,the practice of poisoning the  
air                                     
#di     ,the use of barbarous weapons   
#ej     ,the influence of religion on   
war                                     
#ea     ,the ,church in vain on the side
 of peace                               
#eb     ,curious vows of the knights    
#ed     ,the slight personal danger     
incurred in war by them                 
#ed     ,the explanation of their       
magnificent costume                     
#ee     ,field sports in war-time       
#ef     ,the desire of gain the chief   
motive of war                           
#eg     ,the identity of soldiers and   
brigands                                
#eg     ,the career and character of the
 ,black ,prince                         
#ei     ,the place of money in the      
history of chivalry                     
#fa     ,its influence as a war-motive  
between ,england and ,france            
#fb     ,general low character of       

chivalrous warfare                      
#fd       ,,chapter ,,iii4     ,,naval  
,,warfare4     ,robbery the first object
 of maritime warfare                    
#ff     ,the piratical origin of        
,european navies                        
#fg     ,merciless character of wars at 
sea                                     
#fi     ,fortunes made by privateering  
in ,england                             
#ga     ,privateers commissioned by the 
,state                                  
#gb     ,privateers defended by the     
publicists                              
#gc     ,distinction between            
privateering and piracy                 
#gc     ,failure of the ,state to       
regulate privateering                   
#gd     ,privateering condemned by ,lord
 ,nelson                                
#gg     ,privateering abolished by the  
declaration of ,paris in #ahef          
#gh     ,modern feeling against seizure 
of private property at sea              
#gi     ,naval warfare in days of wooden

 ships                                  
#hj     ,unlawful methods of maritime   
war                                     
#ha     ,the ,emperor ,leo ,,vi4's      
#8,treatise on ,tactics'                
#hc     ,the use of fire-ships          
#hd     ,death the penalty for serving  
in fire-ships                           
#he     ,torpedoes originally regarded  
as #8bad' war                           
#he     ,english and ,french doctrine of
 rights of neutrals                     
#hf     ,enemy's property under neutral 
flag secured by ,treaty of ,paris       
#hg     ,shortcomings of the ,treaty of 
,paris with regard to--       #a4 ,a    
definition of what is contraband        
#hh       #b4 ,the right of search of   
vessels under convoy                    
#hh       #c4 ,the practice of          
,embargoes                              
#hi       #d4 ,the ,jus ,angari         
#ij     ,the ,international ,marine     
,code of the future                     
#ia       ,,chapter ,,iv4     ,,military

 ,,reprisals4     ,international law on 
legitimate reprisals                    
#ic     ,the ,brussels ,conference on   
the subject                             
#ie     ,illustrations of barbarous     
reprisals                               
#ig     ,instances of non-retaliation   
#ih     ,savage reprisals in days of    
chivalry                                
#ajj     ,hanging the commonest         
reprisals for a brave defence           
#aja     ,as illustrated by the warfare 
of the fifteenth century                
#ajb     ,survival of the custom to our 
own times                               
#ajd     ,the massacre of a conquered   
garrison still a law of war             
#aje     ,the shelling of ,strasburg by 
the ,germans                            
#ajf     ,brutal warfare of ,alexander  
the ,great                              
#ajg     ,the connection between bravery
 and cruelty                            
#aaj     ,the abolition of slavery in   
its effects on war                      

#aab     ,the storming of ,magdeburg1   
,brescia1 and ,rome                     
#aab     ,cicero on ,roman warfare      
#aad     ,the reprisals of the ,germans 
in ,france in #ahgj                     
#aae     ,their revival of the custom of
 taking hostages                        
#aag     ,their resort to robbery as a  
plea of reprisals                       
#aah     ,general ,von ,moltke on       
perpetual peace                         
#aai     ,the moral responsibility of   
the military profession                 
#aba     ,the ,press as a potent cause  
of war                                  
#abb     ,plea for the abolition of     
demands for unconditional surrender     
#abc     ,such as led to the bombardment
 of ,alexandria in #ahhb                
#abc       ,,chapter ,v4     ,,military 
,,stratagems4     ,grotius' theory of   
fair stratagems                         
#abf     ,the teaching of international 
law                                     
#abg     ,ancient and modern naval      

stratagems                              
#abg     ,early ,roman dislike of such  
stratagems                              
#acb     ,as ambuscades1 feigned        
retreats1 or night attacks              
#acb     ,the degenerate standard of    
,frontinus and ,polynus                 
#ace     ,the ,conference stratagem of  
modern ,europe                          
#acf     ,the distinction between       
perfidy and stratagem                   
#aci     ,the perfidy of ,francis ,i4   
#adj     ,vattel's theory about spies   
#ada     ,frederick the ,great's        
military instructions about spies       
#adb     ,lord ,wolseley on spies and   
truth in war                            
#add     ,the custom of hanging or      
shooting spies                          
#ade     ,better to keep them as        
prisoners of war                        
#adf     ,balloonists regarded as spies 
#adg     ,the practice of military      
surprises                               
#adh     ,death formerly the penalty for

 capture in a surprise                  
#aej     ,stratagems of uncertain       
character                               
#aea     ,such as forged despatches or  
false intelligence                      
#aea     ,the use of the telegraph in   
deceiving the enemy                     
#aea     ,may prisoners of war be       
compelled to propagate lies8            
#aeb     ,general character of the      
military code of fraud                  
#aec       ,,chapter ,,vi4              
,,barbarian ,,warfare4     ,variable    
notions of honour                       
#aef     ,primitive ideas of a military 
life                                    
#aef     ,what is civilised warfare8    
#aeh     ,advanced laws of war among    
several savage tribes                   
#aei     ,symbols of peace among savages
                                        
#afa     ,the ,samoan form of surrender 
#afb     ,treaties of peace among       
savages                                 
#afb     ,abeyance of laws of war in    

hostilities with savages                
#afc     ,zulus blown up in caves with  
gun-cotton                              
#afe     ,women and men kidnapped for   
transport service on the ,gold ,coast   
#aff     ,humane intentions of the      
,spaniards in the ,new ,world           
#afg     ,contrasted with the inhumanity
 of their actions                       
#afg     ,wars with natives of ,english 
and ,french in ,america                 
#agj     ,high rewards offered for      
scalps                                  
#aga     ,the use of bloodhounds in war 
#aga     ,the use of poison and infected
 clothes                                
#agb     ,penn's treaty with the        
,indians                                
#agc     ,how ,missionaries come to be a
 cause of war                           
#agf     ,explanation of the failure of 
modern missions                         
#agh     ,the mission stations as       
centres of hostile intrigues            
#agi     ,plea for the ,state-regulation

 of missions                            
#aha     ,depopulation under ,protestant
 influences                             
#aha     ,the prevention of false       
rumours--,tendenzlgen                   
#ahb     ,civilised and barbarian       
warfare                                 
#ahc     ,no real distinction between   
them                                    
#ahd       ,,chapter ,,vii4     ,,war   
,,and ,,christianity4     ,the war      
question at the time of the ,reformation
                     #ahe     ,the      
remonstrances of ,erasmus against the   
custom                     #ahf         
,influence of ,grotius on the side of   
war                             #ahg    
,the war question in the early ,church  
#ahh     ,the ,fathers against the      
lawfulness of war                       
#aij     ,causes of the changed views of
 the ,church                            
#aib     ,the clergy as active          
combatants for over a thousand years    
#aic     ,fighting bishops              

#aic     ,bravery in war and            
ecclesiastical preferment               
#aif     ,pope ,julius ,,ii4 at the     
siege of ,mirandola                     
#aig     ,the last fighting bishop      
#aig     ,origin and meaning of the     
declaration of war                      
#aih     ,superstition in the naming of 
weapons1 ships1 c4                      
#bjj     ,the custom of kissing the     
earth before a charge                   
#bja     ,connection between religious  
and military ideas                      
#bjb     ,the ,church as a pacific      
agency                                  
#bjd     ,her efforts to set limits to  
reprisals                               
#bjg     ,the altered attitude of the   
modern ,church                          
#bjh     ,early ,reformers only         
sanctioned just wars                    
#bjh     ,voltaire's reproach against   
the ,church                             
#baj     ,canon ,mozley's sermon on war 
#bab     ,the answer to his apology     

#bad       ,,chapter ,,viii4            
,,curiosities ,,of ,,military           
,,discipline4     ,increased severity of
 discipline                             
#bah     ,limitation of the right of    
matrimony                               
#bai     ,compulsory ,church parade and 
its origin                              
#bai     ,atrocious military punishments
                                        
#bba     ,reasons for the military love 
of red                                  
#bbc     ,the origin of bear-skin hats  
#bbc     ,different qualities of bravery
                                        
#bbe     ,historical fears for the      
extinction of courage                   
#bbe     ,the conquests of the cause of 
,peace                                  
#bbg     ,causes of the unpopularity of 
military service                        
#bbh     ,the dulness of life in the    
ranks                                   
#bbh     ,the prevalence of desertion   
#bcj     ,articles of war against       

,malingering                            
#bca     ,military artificial ophthalmia
                                        
#bcc     ,the debasing influence of     
discipline                              
#bcd     ,illustrated from the old      
flogging system                         
#bce     ,the discipline of the         
,peninsular army                        
#bcf     ,attempts to make the service  
more popular                            
#bci     ,by raising the private's wages
                                        
#bci     ,by shortening his term of     
service                                 
#bdj     ,the old recruiting system of  
,france and ,germany                    
#bda     ,the conscription imminent in  
,england                                
#bdb     ,the question of military      
service for women                       
#bdb     ,the probable results of the   
conscription                            
#bdc     ,militarism answerable for     
,socialism                              

#bdf       ,,chapter ,,ix4     ,,the    
,,limits ,,of ,,military ,,duties4      
,the old feeling of the moral stain of  
bloodshed                     #bej      
,military purificatory customs          
#bej     ,modern change of feeling about
 warfare                                
#beb     ,descartes on the profession of
 arms                                   
#bed     ,the old-world sentiment in    
favour of piracy                        
#bee     ,the central question of       
military ethics                         
#beg     ,may a soldier be indifferent  
to the cause of war8                    
#beg     ,the right to serve made       
conditional on a good cause             
#beh     ,by ,st4 ,augustine1           
,bullinger1 ,grotius1 and ,sir ,james   
,turner          #beh     ,old ,greek   
feeling about mercenary service         
#bfj     ,origin of our mercenary as    
opposed to gratuitous service           
#bfj     ,armies raised by military     
contractors                             

#bfa     ,the value of the distinction  
between foreign and native              
mercenaries                             
#bfb     ,original limitation of        
military duty                           
#bfd     ,to the actual defence of the  
realm                                   
#bfd     ,extension of the notion of    
allegiance                              
#bfe     ,the connection of the military
 oath with the first ,mutiny ,act       
#bfe     ,recognised limits to the      
claims on a soldier's obedience         
#bff     ,the falsity of the common     
doctrine of duty                        
#bff     ,illustrated by the devastation
 of the ,palatinate by the ,french      
#bfg     ,and by the bombardment of     
,copenhagen by the ,english             
#bfh     ,the example of ,admiral       
,keppel                                 
#bgj     ,justice between nations       
#bga     ,its observation in ancient    
,india and ,rome                        
#bga     ,st4 ,augustine and ,bayard on 

justice in war                          
#bgc     ,grotius on good grounds of war
                                        
#bgc     ,the military claim to         
exemption from moral responsibility     
#bgf     ,the soldier's first duty to   
his conscience                          
#bgi     ,the admission of this         
principle involves the end of war       
#bhj          ,,military ,,manners ,,and
 ,,customs4          ,,chapter ,i4      
,,the ,,laws ,,of ,,war4        ,ce sont
 des lois de la guerre4 ,il faut estre  
bien cruel bien      souvent pour venir 
au bout de son ennemi2 ,dieu doit estre 
bien misricordieux en nostre endroict1  
qui faisons tant de                     
maux4--,,marshal ,,montluc4        ,the 
prohibition of explosive bullets in     
war--,the importance of the             
,declaration of ,st4 ,petersburg of     
#ahfh--,the ultimate triumph of         
more destructive methods--,illustrated  
by history of the cross-bow      or the 
musket2 or of cannons1 torpedoes1       

red-hot shot1 or the                    
bayonet--,numbers slain in modern and   
earlier warfare--,the laws of      war  
at the ,brussels ,conference of         
#ahgd--;,do the laws of war tend to     
improve8--,a negative answer suggested  
from reference3 7#a7 to the      use of 
poison in war2 7#b7 to the bombardment  
of towns2 7#c7 to the      destruction  
of public buildings2 7#d7 to the        
destruction of crops      and fruit     
trees2 7#e7 to the murder of prisoners  
or the wounded2 7#f7      to the murder 
of surrendered garrisons2 7#g7 to the   
destruction of      fishing boats2 7#h7 
to the disuse of the declaration of war2
 7#i7 to      the torture and mutilation
 of combatants and non-combatants2 7#aj7
      to the custom of                  
contributions--,the futile attempts of  
,grotius      and ,vattel to humanise   
warfare--,the rights of war in the time 
of      ,grotius--,the futility of      
international law with regard to laws of
      war--,the employment of barbarian 

troops--,the taking of towns by         
assault--,the laws of war contrasted    
with the practice--,war easier      to  
abolish than to humanise4      ,it is   
impossible to head a chapter #8,the     
,laws of ,war' without thinking  of that
 famous chapter on ,iceland headed      
#8,the ,snakes of ,iceland1'  wherein   
the writer simply informed his readers  
that there were none in  the country4   
#8,the laws of war' make one think of   
the snakes of ,iceland4                 
,nevertheless1 a summary denial of their
 existence would deprive the  history of
 the battle-field of one of its most    
interesting features2  for there is     
surely nothing more surprising to an    
impartial observer of  military manners 
and customs than to find that even in so
 just a cause  as the defence of your   
own country limitations should be set to
 the  right of injuring your aggressor  
in any manner you can4    ,what1 for    
instance1 can be more obvious in such a 
case than that no  suffering you can    

inflict is needless which is most likely
 permanently  to disable your adversary8
 ,yet1 by virtue of the ,international  
,declaration of ,st4 ,petersburg1 in    
#ahfh1 you may not use explosive        
bullets against him1 because it is held 
that they would cause him  needless     
suffering4 ,by the logic of war1 what   
can be clearer than that1  if the       
explosive bullet deals worse wounds1 and
 therefore inflicts  death more readily 
than other destructive agencies1 it     
should be  used8 or else that those too 
should be excluded from the rules of the
  game--which might end in putting a    
stop to the game altogether8    ,the    
history of the explosive bullet is worth
 recalling1 for its  prohibition is a   
straw to clutch at in these days of     
military revival4  ,like the plague1 and
 perhaps gunpowder1 it had an ,eastern  
origin4 ,it  was used originally in     
,india against elephants and tigers4 ,in
 #ahfc it  was introduced into the      
,russian army1 and subsequently into    

other  ,european armies1 for use against
 ammunition-waggons4 ,but it was not    
till #ahfg that a slight modification in
 its construction rendered it  available
 for the destruction of mankind4 ,the   
world owes it to the  humanity of the   
,russian ,minister of ,war1 ,general    
,milutine1 that at this  point a pause  
was made2 and as the ,czar1 ,alexander  
,,ii41 was no less  humane than his     
minister1 the result was the famous     
,declaration1 signed  in #ahfh by all   
the chief ,powers 7save the ,united     
,states71 mutually  foregoing in their  
future wars by land or sea the use of   
projectiles  weighing less than #djj    
grammes 7to save their use for          
artillery71  either explosive or filled 
with inflammable substances4 ,the ,court
 of  ,berlin wished at the time for some
 other destructive contrivances to be   
equally excluded1 but the ,english      
,government was afraid to go further2   
as if requiring breathing time after so 
immense an effort to diminish  human    

suffering1 before proceeding in so      
perilous a direction4    ,the           
,declaration of ,st4 ,petersburg1       
inasmuch as it is capable of  indefinite
 expansion1 is a somewhat awkward       
precedent for those who  in their hearts
 love war and shield its continuance    
with apologetic  platitudes4 ,how1 they 
ask1 can you enforce agreements between 
nations8  ,but this argument begins to  
totter when we remember that there is   
absolutely no superior power or tribunal
 in existence which can enforce  the    
observance of the ,st4 ,petersburg      
,declaration beyond the conscience  of  
the signatory ,powers4 ,it follows1     
therefore1 that if international        
agreements are of value1 there is no    
need to stop short at this or that      
bullet3 which makes the                 
arbitration-tribunal loom in the        
distance  perceptibly nearer than it did
 before4    ,at first sight1 this       
agreement excluding the use of explosive
 bullets  would seem to favour the      

theory of those who see in every        
increase in  the peril of war the best  
hope of its ultimate cessation4 ,a      
famous  ,american statesman is reported 
to have said1 and actually to have      
appealed to the invention of gunpowder  
in support of his statement1  that every
 discovery in the art of war has1 from  
this point of view1  a life-saving and  
peace-promoting influence4#a ,but it is 
difficult  to conceive a greater        
delusion4 ,the whole history of war is  
against  it2 for what has that history  
been but the steady increase of the     
pains and perils of war1 as more        
effective weapons of destruction have   
succeeded one another8 ,the delusion    
cannot be better dispelled than by      
consideration of the facts that follow4 
,it has often seemed as if humanity were
 about to get the better of  the logical
 tendency of the military art4 ,the     
,lateran ,council of #aaci  7a sort of  
,european congress in its day7 not only 
condemned ,arnold of  ,brescia to be    

burnt for heresy1 but anathematised the 
cross-bow for its  inhumanity4 ,it      
forbade its use in ,christian warfare as
 alike hateful to  ,god and destructive 
of mankind4#b ,several brave princes    
disdained to  employ cross-bow shooters1
 and ,innocent ,,iii4 confirmed the     
prohibition  on the ground that it was  
not fair to inflict on an enemy more    
than the  least possible injury4#c ,the 
long-bow consequently came into greater 
use4 ,but ,richard ,i41 in spite of     
,popes or ,councils or ,chivalry1       
revived  the use of the cross-bow in    
,europe2 nor1 though his death by one   
himself was regarded as a judgment from 
,heaven1 did its use from that  time    
decline till the arquebus and then the  
musket took its place4    ,cannons and  
bombs were at first called diabolical1  
because they  suggested the malice of   
the enemy of mankind1 or serpentines1   
because  they seemed worse than the     
poison of serpents4#d ,but even cannons 
were  at first only used against        

fortified walls1 and there is a         
tradition  of the first occasion when   
they were directed against men4#e ,and  
torpedoes1 now used without scruple1    
were called infamous and infernal  when1
 under the name of ,american ,turtles1  
they were first tried by the  ,american 
,colonies against the ships of their    
mother country4    ,in the sixteenth    
century1 that knight #8without fear or  
reproach1' the  ,chevalier ,bayard1     
ordered all musketeers who fell into his
 hands to  be slain without mercy1      
because he held the introduction of     
fire-arms  to be an unfair innovation on
 the rules of lawful war4 ,so red-hot   
shot 7or balls made red hot before      
insertion in the cannon7 were at  first 
objected to1 or only considered fair for
 purposes of defence1  not of attack4   
,yet1 what do we find8--that ,louis     
,,xiv4 fired some  #ab1jjj of them into 
,brussels in #afid2 that the ,austrians 
fired them  into ,lille in #agib2 and   
that the ,english batteries fired them  

at the  ships in ,sebastopol harbour1   
which formed part of the ,russian       
defences4  ,chain-shot and bar-shot were
 also disapproved of at first1 or       
excluded  from use by conventions       
applying only to particular wars2 now   
there  exists no agreement precluding   
their use1 for they soon became common  
in battles at sea4    ,the invention of 
the bayonet supplies another            
illustration4 ,the  accounts of its     
origin are little better than legends3  
that it was  invented so long ago as    
#acbc by a woman of ,bayonne in defence 
of the  ramparts of that city against   
the ,english2 or by ,pusygur1 of        
,bayonne1  about #afej2 or borrowed by  
the ,dutch from the natives of          
,madagascar2  or connected with a place 
called the ,redoute de la ,baonnette in 
the  ,eastern ,pyrenees1 where the      
,basques1 having exhausted their        
ammunition  against the ,spaniards1 are 
said to have inserted their knives into 
the muzzles of their guns4 ,but it is   

certain that as soon as the idea  was   
perfected by fixing the blade by rings  
outside the muzzle 7in  the latter      
quarter of the seventeenth century71    
battles became more  murderous than     
ever1 though the destruction of infantry
 by cavalry  was diminished4 ,the battle
 of ,neerwinden in #afic1 in which the  
,french  general1 ,luxembourg1 defeated 
the ,prince of ,orange1 is said to have 
been the first battle that was decided  
by a charge with a bayonet1 and  the    
losses were enormous on both sides4#f   
,history1 in fact1 is full of such      
cases1 in which the victory has         
uniformly lain ultimately with the      
legitimacy of the weapon or method  that
 was at first rejected as inhumane4 ,for
 the moment1 the law of  nations forbids
 the use of certain methods of          
destruction1 such as  bullets filled    
with glass or nails1 or chemical        
compounds like kakodyl1  which could    
convert in a moment the atmosphere round
 an army into one  of deadly poison2#g  

yet we have nothing like certainty--we  
have not  even historical               
probability--that these forbidden means1
 or worse  means1 will not be resorted  
to in the wars of the future1 or that   
reluctance to meet such forms of death  
will in the least degree affect  either 
their frequency or their duration4      
,it is easy to explain this law of      
history4 ,the soldier's courage1 as he  
faces the mitrailleuse with the same    
indifference with which he would  face  
snow-balls or bread-pellets1 is a       
miracle of which discipline is  the     
simple explanation2 for whether the     
soldier be hired or coerced to  face    
death1 it is all one to him against what
 kind of bullet he rushes1  so long as  
discipline remains--as ,helvetius the   
,french philosopher  once defined it1   
the art of making soldiers more afraid  
of their own  officers than of their    
enemy4#h ,to ,clearchus1 the            
,lacedmonian1 is  attributed the saying 
that a soldier should always fear his   

own general  more than the enemy3 a     
mental state easily produced in every   
system of  military mechanism4 ,whatever
 form of death be in front of a man1 it 
is less certain than that in his rear4  
,the ,ashantees as they march  to battle
 sing a song which is the soldier's     
philosophy all the world  over3 #8,if ,i
 go on1 ,i shall die2 if ,i stay behind 
,i shall be killed2 it  is better to go 
on4'#i    ,how often is it said1 in     
extenuation of modern warfare1 that it  
is  infinitely less destructive than    
that of ancient or even medival  times2 
and that the actual loss of life in     
battle has not kept pace  with the      
development of new and more effective   
life-taking implements6  ,yet it is     
difficult to imagine a stranger paradox1
 or a proposition  that1 if true1 would 
reflect greater descredit on our        
mechanical  science4 ,if our ,gatling   
guns1 or ,nordenfeldt #e-;barrels       
capable of  firing #fjj rounds a minute1
 are less effective to destroy an enemy 

than  all the paraphernalia of a medival
 army1 why not in that case return  to  
weapons that by the hypothesis better   
fulfilled the purposes of war8  ,this   
question is a reductio ad absurdum of   
this soothing delusion2  but as a matter
 of fact1 there is no comparison in     
destructiveness  between our modern     
warfare and that of our ancestors4 ,the 
apparent  difference in our favour      
arises from a practice alluded to by    
,philip  de ,commines1 which throws a   
flood of light upon the subject3        
#8,there  were slain in this battle     
about #f1jjj men1 which1 to people that 
are  unwilling to lie1 may seem very    
much2 but in my time ,i have been in    
several actions1 where for one man that 
was really slain they have  reported a  
hundred1 thinking by such an account to 
please their  masters2 and they         
sometimes deceive them with their lies4'
 ,that is to  say1 as a rule the number 
of the slain should be divided by a     
hundred4    ,this remark applies even to

 battles like ,crecy or ,agincourt1     
where the  numbers slain were unusually 
high1 and where they are said to have   
been  accurately ascertained by counting
 after the victory4 ,when ,froissart on 
such authority quotes #a1bia as the     
total number of warriors of knightly  or
 higher rank slain at ,crecy1 it is     
possible of course that he is not  the  
victim of deception2 but what of the    
#cj1jjj common soldiers for  whose death
 he also vouches8 ,a monk of ,st4       
,albans1 also a contemporary1  speaks   
only of an unknown number 7et vulgus    
cujus numerus ignoratur72  which in the 
account of the ,abbot ,hugo was put     
definitely at more than  #ajj1jjj4 ,it  
is evident from this that the greatest  
laxity prevailed  in reference to       
chronicling the numbers of the slain2 so
 that if we  take #c1jjj instead of     
#cj1jjj as the sum total of common      
soldiers slain  at ,crecy1 it is        
probable that we shall be nearer the    
truth than if we  implicitly accept     

,froissart's statement4    ,the same    
scepticism will of course hold good of  
the battles of the  ancient world4 ,is  
it likely1 for instance1 that in a      
battle in which  the ,romans are said   
only to have lost #ajj men1 the         
,macedonians should  have lost          
#bj1jjj8aj ,or again1 is it possible1   
considering the  difficulty of the      
commissariat of a large army1 even in   
our own days  of trains and telegraphs  
and improved agriculture1 that ,marius  
in one  battle can have slain #bjj1jjj  
,teutons1 and taken #ij1jjj prisoners8  
,but whilst no conclusion is possible   
but that the figures of the older       
histories are altogether too            
untrustworthy to afford any basis for   
comparison1 the calculation rests on    
something more like fair evidence1  that
 in the fortnight between ,august #d1   
#ahgj1 the date of the battle  of       
,wissembourg1 and ,august #ah1 that of  
,gravelotte1 including the  battles of  
,woerth and ,forbach on ,august #f1 of  

,courcelles on the #adth1  and of       
,vionville on the #afth more than       
#ajj1jjj ,french and ,germans  met their
 death on the battle-field1 to say      
nothing of those who  perished          
afterwards in agonies in the hospitals4 
,recent wars have been  undoubtedly     
shorter than they often were in olden   
times1 but their  brevity is founded on 
no reason that can ensure its           
recurrence3 nor1 if  #ajj1jjj are to be 
miserably cast out of existence1 is the 
gain so very  great1 if the task1       
instead of being spread over a number of
 years1  requires only a fortnight for  
its accomplishment4    ,for the nearest 
approach to a statement of what the laws
 of war in our  own time really are1 we 
must turn to the ,brussels ,conference1 
which  met in #ahgd at the summons of   
the same great ,russian to whom the     
world  owes the ,st4 ,petersburg        
,declaration1 and which constituted a   
genuine  attempt to mitigate the evils  
of war by an international agreement and

  definition of their limits4 ,the idea 
of such a plan was originally  suggested
 by the ,instructions published in #ahfc
 by ,president ,lincoln  for the        
government of the armies of the ,united 
,states in the civil  war4#aa ,the      
project for such an international       
agreement1 originally  submitted by the 
,russian ,government for discussion1 was
 very much  modified before even a      
compromise of opinion could be arrived  
at on  the several points it contained4 
,and the project so modified1 as a      
preliminary basis for future agreement1 
owing to the timid refusal  of the      
,english ,government to take further    
part in the matter1 never1              
unfortunately1 reached its final stage  
of a definite code2#ab but it  remains  
nevertheless the most authoritative     
utterance extant of the  laws generally 
thought to be binding in modern warfare 
on the practices  and passions of the   
combatants4 ,the following articles from
 the project  as finally modified are   

undoubtedly the most important3--       
,art4 #ab4 ,the laws of war do not allow
 to belligerents an unlimited  power as 
to the choice of means of injuring the  
enemy4    ,art4 #ac4 ,according to this 
principle are strictly forbidden--      
a4 ,the use of poison or poisoned       
weapons4     b4 ,murder by treachery of 
individuals belonging to the hostile    
nation or army4     c4 ,murder of an    
antagonist who1 having laid down his    
arms1 or having      no longer the means
 of defending himself1 has surrendered  
at      discretion4     d4 ,the         
declaration that no quarter will be     
given4       e4 ,the use of arms1       
projectiles1 or substances which may    
cause      unnecessary suffering1 as    
well as of those prohibited by the      
,declaration of ,st4 ,petersburg in     
#ahfh4     f4 ,abuse of the flag of     
truce1 the national flag1 or the        
military      insignia or uniform of the
 enemy1 as well as the distinctive      
badges      of the ,geneva ,convention4 

g4 ,all destruction or seizure of the   
enemy's property which is not           
imperatively required by the necessity  
of war4    ,art4 #ae4 ,fortified places 
are alone liable to be besieged4 ,towns1
  agglomerations of houses or villages  
which are open or undefended1  cannot be
 attacked or bombarded4    ,art4 #ag4   
444 ,all necessary steps should be taken
 to spare as far as  possible buildings 
devoted to religion1 arts1 sciences1 and
 charity1  hospitals and places where   
sick and wounded are collected1 on      
condition  that they are not used at the
 same time for military purposes4       
,art4 #ah4 ,a town taken by storm shall 
not be given up to the  victorious      
troops for plunder4    ,art4 #bc4       
,prisoners of war 444 should be treated 
with humanity4444 ,all  their personal  
effects except their arms are to be     
considered their own  property4         
,arts4 #cf1 #cg4 ,the population of an  
occupied territory cannot be  compelled 
to take part in military operations     

against their own  country1 nor to swear
 allegiance to the enemy's power4       
,art4 #ch4 ,the honour and rights of the
 family1 the life and property  of      
individuals1 as well as their religious 
convictions and the exercise  of their  
religion1 should be respected4          
,private property cannot be confiscated4
    ,art4 #ci4 ,pillage is expressly    
forbidden4    ,there is at first sight a
 pleasing ring of humanity in all this1 
though1 as yet1 it only represents the  
better military spirit1 which is  always
 far in advance of actual military      
practice4 ,in the monotonous  history of
 war there are always commanders who    
wage it with less  ferocity than others1
 and writers who plead for the          
mitigation of  its cruelties4 ,as in    
modern history a ,marlborough1 a        
,wellington1 or  a ,villars forms a     
pleasant contrast to a ,feuquires1 a    
,belleisle1 or  a ,blcher1 so in ancient
 history a ,marcellus or a ,lucullus    
helps us  to forget a ,marius or an     

,alexander2 and the sentiments of a     
,cicero or  ,tacitus were as far in     
advance of their time as those of a     
,grotius or  ,vattel were of theirs4    
,according to the accident of the       
existence of  such men1 the laws of war 
fluctuate from age to age2 but1 the     
question  arises1 ,do they become       
perceptibly milder8 do they ever        
permanently  improve8    ,it will be    
said that they do1 because it will be   
said that they have2  and that the      
annals of modern wars present nothing to
 resemble the  atrocities that may be   
collected from ancient or medival       
history4 ,yet  such statements carry no 
conviction4 ,deterioration seems as     
likely as  improvement2 and unless the  
custom is checked altogether1 the wars  
of  the twentieth century may be        
expected to exceed in barbarity anything
  of which we have any conception4 ,a   
very brief inquiry will suffice to      
dispel the common assurances of         
improvement and progress4    ,poison is 

forbidden in war1 says the ,berlin      
,conference2 but so it  always was1 even
 in the ,institutes of ,menu1 and with  
perhaps less  difference of opinion in  
ancient than in modern times4 ,grotius  
and  ,vattel and most of their followers
 disallow it1 but two publicists  of    
grave authority defend it1 ,bynkershoeck
 and ,wolff4 ,the latter  published his 
#8,jus ,gentium' as late as #agdi1 and  
his argument is worth  translating1     
since it can only be met by arguments   
which equally apply  to other modes of  
military slaughter4 #8,naturally it is  
lawful to kill  an enemy by poison2 for 
as long as he is our enemy1 he resists  
the  reparation of our right1 so that we
 may exercise against his person        
whatever suffices to avert his power    
from ourselves or our possessions4      
,therefore it is not unfair to get rid  
of him4 ,but1 since it comes to  the    
same thing whether you get rid of him by
 the sword or by poison  7which is      
self-evident1 because in either case you

 get rid of him1 and  he can no longer  
resist or injure you71 it is naturally  
lawful to kill  an enemy by poison4'    
,and so1 he argues with equal force1 of 
poisoned  weapons4#ac ,that poison is   
not in use in our day we do not         
therefore  owe to our international     
lawyers1 but to the accident of         
tradition4 ,in  ,roman history the      
theory appears to have been unanimous   
against it4  #8,such conduct1' says the 
,roman writer ,florus of a general who  
poisoned  some springs in order to bring
 some cities in ,asia to a speedier     
surrender1 #8although it hastened his   
victory1 rendered it infamous1  since it
 was done not only against divine law1  
but against ancestral  customs4'#ad ,our
 statesman ,fox refused indignantly to  
avail himself  of an offer to poison    
,napoleon1 but so did the ,roman consuls
 refuse a  similar proposal with regard 
to ,pyrrhus2 and ,tiberius and the      
,roman  senate replied to a plan for    
poisoning ,arminius1 that the ,roman    

people  punished their enemies not by   
fraud or in secret1 but openly and in   
arms4    ,the history of bombarding     
towns affords an instance of something  
like actual deterioration in the usages 
of modern warfare4 ,regular  and simple 
bombardment1 that is1 of a town         
indiscriminately and not  merely its    
fortresses1 has now become the          
established practice4 ,yet1  what did   
,vattel say in the middle of the last   
century8 #8,at present we  generally    
content ourselves with battering the    
ramparts and defences of  a place4 ,to  
destroy a town with bombs and red-hot   
balls is an extremity  to which we do   
not proceed without cogent reasons4'    
,what said ,vauban  still earlier8      
#8,the fire must be directed simply at  
the defences and  batteries of a place  
444 and not against the houses4' ,then  
what of the  ,english bombardment of    
,copenhagen in #ahjg1 when the cathedral
 and some  #cjj houses were destroyed2  
what of the ,german bombardment of      

,strasburg  in #ahgj1 where rifled      
mortars were used for the first time1#ae
 and the  famous library and picture    
gallery destroyed2 and what lastly of   
the  ,german bombardment of ,paris1     
about which1 strangely enough1 even the 
military conscience of the ,germans was 
struck1 so that in the highest  circles 
doubts about the propriety of such a    
proceeding at one time  prevailed from a
 moral no less than from a military     
point of view8#af    ,with respect again
 to sacred or public buildings1 warfare 
tends to  become increasingly           
destructive4 ,it was the rule in ,greek 
warfare to  spare sacred buildings1 and 
the ,romans frequently spared sacred and
  other buildings1 as ,marcellus1 for   
instance1 at ,syracuse4#ag ,yet when    
the ,french ravaged the ,palatinate in  
#afhi they not only set fire to the     
cathedrals1 but sacked the tombs of the 
ancient ,emperors at ,spiers4           
,frederick ,,ii4 destroyed some of the  
finest buildings at ,dresden and        

,prague4 ,in #ahad the ,english forces  
destroyed the ,capitol at ,washington1  
the ,president's house1 and other public
 buildings2#ah and in #ahae the         
,prussian general1 ,blcher1 was with    
difficulty restrained from blowing  up  
the ,bridge of ,jena at ,paris and the  
,pillar of ,austerlitz4 ,military  men  
have always the excuse of reprisals or  
accident for these acts of  ,vandalism4 
,yet ,vattel had said 7in language which
 but repeated the  language of ,polybius
 and ,cicero73 #8,we ought to spare     
those edifices  which do honour to human
 society1 and do not contribute to the  
enemy's  strength1 such as temples1     
tombs1 public buildings1 and all works  
of  remarkable beauty4'    ,of as little
 avail has been the same writer's       
observation that those  who tear up     
vines and cut down fruit trees are to be
 looked upon  as savage4 ,the ,fijian   
islanders were barbarians enough1 but   
even  they used as a rule to spare their
 enemies' fruit trees2 so did the       

ancient ,indians2 and the ,koran forbids
 the wanton destruction of fruit  trees1
 palm trees1 corn and cattle4 ,then what
 shall we think of the  armies of ,louis
 ,,xiv4 in the ,palatinate not only     
burning castles1  country-houses1 and   
villages1 but ruthlessly destroying     
crops1 vines1  and fruit trees8#ai or of
 the ,prussian warrior1 ,blcher1        
destroying  the ornamental trees at     
,paris in #ahae8    ,it is said that the
 ,germans refused to let the women and  
children leave  ,strasburg before they  
began to bombard it in #ahgj4bj ,yet    
,vattel  himself tells us how ,titus1 at
 the siege of ,jerusalem1 suffered the  
women and children to depart1 and how   
,henri ,,iv41 besieging ,paris1 had  the
 humanity to let them pass through his  
lines4    ,it was in a campaign of this 
century1 #ahae1 that ,general ,roquet   
collected the ,french officers1 and bade
 them tell the grenadiers that  the     
first man who should bring him in a     
,prussian prisoner should be  shot2 and 

it was in reprisals for this that a few 
days later the  ,prussians killed the   
,french wounded at ,genappe4#ba         
,grotius1 after quoting the fact that a 
decree of the ,amphictyons  forbade the 
destruction of any ,greek city in war1  
asserts the existence  of a stronger    
bond between the nations of ,christendom
 than between  the states of ancient    
,greece4 ,and then we remember how the  
,prussians  bombarded the ,danish town  
of ,snderborg1 and almost utterly       
destroyed  it1 though it lay beyond the 
possibility of their possession2 and we 
think of ,peronne in ,france reduced to 
ruins1 with the greater part of  its    
fine cathedral1 in #ahgj2 and of the    
,german shells directed against  the    
,french fire-engines that endeavoured to
 save the ,strasburg ,library  from the 
flames that consumed it2 and we wonder  
that so great a jurist  could have been 
capable of so grievous a delusion4      
,to murder a garrison that had made an  
obstinate defence1 or in order  to      

terrorise others from doing the same1   
was a right of modern war  disputed by  
,grotius1 but admitted by ,vattel not to
 be totally exploded  a century later4  
,yet they both quote cases which prove  
that to murder  enemies who had made a  
gallant defence was regarded in ancient 
times as  a violation of the laws of    
war4    ,to murder enemies who had      
surrendered was as contrary to ,greek or
  ,roman as it ever was to ,christian   
warfare4 ,the general ,greek and  ,roman
 practice was to allow quarter to an    
enemy who surrendered1 and  to redeem or
 exchange their prisoners4#bb ,there was
 indeed1 by the  laws of war1 a right to
 slay or enslave them1 and though both  
rights  were sometimes exercised with   
great barbarity1 the extent to which the
  former right was exercised has been   
very much exaggerated4 ,otherwise1  why 
should ,diodorus ,siculus1 in the       
century preceding our era1 have  spoken 
of mercy to prisoners as the common law 
7  71 and  of the violation of such law 

as an act of exceptional barbarity8#bc  
,it may be fairly doubted whether the   
,french prisoners in the ,english  hulks
 during the war with ,napoleon suffered 
less than the ,athenian  prisoners in   
the mines of ,syracuse2 and as to       
quarter1 what of the  ,french volunteers
 or ,franc-tireurs who in #ahgj fell    
into the hands of  the ,germans1 or of  
the ,french peasants1 who1 though levied
 and armed  by the local authorities    
under the proclamation of ,napoleon1    
were1 if  taken1 put to death by the    
,allies in #ahad8    ,some other        
illustrations tend further to show that 
there is no real  progress in war1 and  
that many of the fancied mitigations of 
it are  merely accidental and ephemeral 
features4    ,the ,french and ,english  
in olden time used to spare one         
another's  fishing boats and their      
crews4 #8,fishermen1' said ,froissart1  
#8though  there may be war between      
,france and ,england1 never injure one  
another2  they remain friends1 and      

assist each other in case of need1 and  
buy  and sell their fish whenever one   
has a larger quantity than the other1   
for if they were to fight we should have
 no fresh fish4'#bd ,yet in  the        
,crimean war1 the ,english fleets in the
 ,baltic seized or burnt the  fishing   
boats of the ,finns1 and destroyed the  
cargoes of fish on which1  having been  
salted in the summer months1 they were  
dependent for their  subsistence during 
the winter4#be    ,polybius informs us  
that the tolians were regarded as the   
common  outlaws of ,greece1 because they
 did not scruple to make war without    
declaring it4 ,invasions of that sort   
were regarded as robberies1 not  as     
lawful wars4 ,yet declarations of war   
may now be dispensed with1 the  first   
precedent for doing so having been set  
by ,gustavus ,adolphus4    ,gustavus    
,adolphus1 in #afbg1 issued some humane 
,articles of ,war1 which  forbade1 among
 other things1 injuries to old men1     
women1 and children4  ,yet within a few 

years the ,swedish soldiery1 like other 
troops of their  time1 made the         
gratuitous torture and mutilation of    
combatants or  non-combatants a common  
episode of their military               
proceedings4#bf    ,when ,henry ,v4 of  
,england invaded ,france1 early in the  
fifteenth  century1 he forbade in his   
,general ,orders the wanton injury of   
property1 insults to women1 or          
gratuitous bloodshed4 ,yet four         
centuries  later the character of war   
had so little changed that we find the  
,duke  of ,wellington1 when invading the
 same country1 lamenting in a ,general  
,order that1 #8according to all the     
information which the ,commander  of the
 ,forces had received1 outrages of all  
descriptions' had been  committed by his
 troops1 #8in presence even of their    
officers1 who took  no pains whatever to
 prevent them4'#bg    ,the ,french      
complain that their last war with       
,germany was not war1  but robbery2 as  
if pillage and war had ever been        

distinct in fact  or were               
distinguishable in thought4 ,there      
appears to have been very  little limit 
to the robbery that was committed under 
the name of  contributions2 yet ,vattel 
tells us that1 though in his time the   
practice had died out1 the belligerent  
sovereigns1 in the wars of ,louis       
,,xiv41 used to regulate by treaty the  
extent of hostile territory in  which   
each might levy contributions1 together 
with the amount which  might be levied1 
and the manner in which the levying     
parties were to  conduct themselves4#bh 
,is it not proved then by the above     
facts1 that the laws of war  rather     
fluctuate from age to age within        
somewhat narrow limits than  permanently
 improve1 and that they are apt to lose 
in one direction  whatever they gain in 
another8 ,humanity in warfare now1 as in
  antiquity1 remains the exception1 not 
the rule2 and may be found now1  as at  
all times1 in books or in the finer     
imaginations of a few1 far  more often  

than in the real life of the            
battle-field4 ,the plea of  shortening  
the horrors of war is always the plea   
for carrying them to  an extreme2 as by 
,louvois for devastating the            
,palatinate1 or by ,suchet1  the ,french
 general1 for driving the helpless women
 and children into  the citadel of      
,lerida1 and for then shelling them all 
night with the  humane object of        
bringing the governor to a speedier     
surrender4#bi    ,writers on the ,law of
 ,nations have in fact led us into a    
,fool's  ,paradise about war 7which has 
done more than anything else to keep    
the custom in existence71 by            
representing it as something quite mild 
and almost refined in modern times4     
,vattel1 the ,swiss jurist1 set the     
example4 ,he published his work on the  
rights of nations two years  after the  
,seven ,years' ,war had begun1 and he   
speaks of the ,european  nations in his 
time as waging their wars #8with great  
moderation and  generosity1' the very   

year before ,marshal ,belleisle gave    
orders to  make ,westphalia a desert4   
,vattel too it was who first appealed to
 the  amenities that occasionally       
interrupt hostilities in support of his 
theory of the generosity of modern      
warfare4    ,but what after all does it 
come to1 if rival generals address each 
other in terms of civility or           
interchange acceptable gifts8 ,at       
,sebastopol1 the ,english ,sir ,edmond  
,lyons sent the ,russian ,admiral       
,machinoff the present of a fat buck1   
the latter acknowledging the  compliment
 with the return of a hard ,dutch       
cheese4 ,at ,gibraltar1 when  the men of
 ,elliot's garrison were suffering      
severely from scurvy1  ,crillon sent    
them a cartload of carrots4 ,these      
things have always  occurred even in the
 fiercest times of military barbarism4  
,at the  siege of ,orleans 7#adbi7 the  
,earl of ,suffolk sent the ,french      
commander  ,dunois a present of dessert1
 consisting of figs1 dates1 and raisins2

  and ,dunois in return sent ,suffolk   
some fur for his cloak2 yet there was   
little limit in those days to the       
ferocity shown in war by the ,french    
and ,english to one another4 ,a ransom  
was extorted even for the bodies  of the
 slain4 ,the occasional gleams of       
humanity in the history of war  count   
for nothing in the general picture of   
its savagery4    ,the jurists in this   
way have helped to give a totally false 
colour to  the real nature of war2 and  
scarcely a day passes in a modern       
campaign  that does not give the lie to 
the rules laid down in the ponderous    
tomes of the international-law writers4 
,it is said that ,gustavus  ,adolphus   
always had with him in camp a copy of   
#8,grotius1' as ,alexander  is said to  
have slept over ,homer4 ,the            
improbability of finding a copy  of     
#8,grotius' in a modern camp may be     
taken as an illustration of the  neglect
 that has long since fallen on the      
restraints with which our  publicists   

have sought to fetter our generals1 and 
of the futility of  all such endeavours4
    ,all honour to ,grotius for having  
sought to make warfare a few degrees    
less atrocious than he found it2 but let
 us not therefore deceive  ourselves    
into an extravagant belief in the       
efficacy of his labours4  ,kant1 who    
lived later1 and had the same problem to
 face1 cherished no  such delusion as to
 the possibility of humanising warfare1 
but went  straight to the point of      
trying to stop it altogether2 and ,kant 
was in  every point the better reasoner4
 ,either would doubtless have regarded  
the other's reasoning on the subject as 
,utopian2 but which with the  better    
reason8    ,grotius took the course of  
first stating what the extreme rights of
  war were1 as proved by precedent and  
usage1 and of then pleading for  their  
mitigation on the ground of religion and
 humanity4 ,in either case  he appealed 
to precedent1 and only set the better   
against the worse2  leaving thereby the 

rights of war in utter confusion1 and   
quite devoid  of any principle of       
measurement4    ,let us take as an      
illustration of his method the question 
of the  slaughter of women and children4
 ,this he began with admitting to be  a 
strict right of war4 ,profane history   
supplied him with several  instances of 
such massacres1 and so more especially  
did ,biblical  history4 ,he refrained1  
he expressly tells us1 from adducing the
 slaying  of the women and children of  
,heshbon by the ,hebrews1 or the command
  given to them to deal in the same way 
with the people of ,canaan1 for  these  
were the works of ,god1 whose rights    
over mankind were far greater  than     
those of man over beasts4 ,he preferred1
 as coming nearer to the  practice of   
his own time1 the testimony of that     
verse in the ,psalms  which says1       
#8,blessed shall he be who shall dash   
thy children against a  stone4'         
,subsequently he withdrew this right of 
war1 by reference to the  better        

precedents of ancient times4 ,it does   
not appear to have occurred  to him that
 the precedents of history1 if we go to 
them for our rules  of war1 will prove  
anything1 according to the character of 
the actions  we select4 ,camillus 7in   
,livy7 speaks of childhood as inviolable
 even  in stormed cities2 the ,emperor  
,severus1 on the other hand1 ordered his
  soldiers to put all persons in        
,britain to the sword indiscriminately1 
and in his turn appealed to precedent1  
the order1 namely1 of ,agamemnon1  that 
of the ,trojans not even children in    
their mothers' womb should  be spared   
from destruction4 ,the children of      
,israel were forbidden in  their wars to
 cut down fruit trees2 yet when they    
warred against the  ,moabites1 #8they   
stopped all the wells of water and      
felled all the good  trees4' ,it was    
only possible in this way to distinguish
 the better  custom from the worse1 not 
the right from the wrong2 either being  
equally justifiable on a mere appeal to 

historical instances4    ,the rules of  
war which prevailed in the time of      
,grotius--the early  time of the ,thirty
 ,years' ,war--may be briefly summarised
 from his work  as follows4 ,the rights 
of war extended to all persons within   
the  hostile boundaries1 the declaration
 of war being essentially directed      
against every individual of a           
belligerent nation4 ,any person of a    
hostile nation1 therefore1 might be     
slain wherever found1 provided it  were 
not on neutral territory4 ,women and    
children might be lawfully  slain 7as it
 will be shown that they were also      
liable to be in the  best days of       
chivalry72 and so might prisoners of    
war1 suppliants for  their lives1 or    
those who surrendered unconditionally4  
,it was lawful  to assassinate an enemy1
 provided it involved no violation of a 
tacit  or express agreement2 but it was 
unlawful to use poison in any form1     
though fountains1 if not poisoned1 might
 be made undrinkable4 ,anything         

belonging to an enemy might be          
destroyed3 his crops1 his houses1 his   
flocks1 his trees1 even his sacred      
edifices1 or his places of burial4      
,that these extreme rights of war were  
literally enforced in the  seventeenth  
century admits of no doubt2 nor if any  
of them have at all  been mitigated1 can
 we attribute it so much to the humane  
attempt of  ,grotius and his followers  
to set restrictions on the rightful     
exercise  of predominant force1 as to   
the accidental influence of individual  
commanders4 ,it has been well remarked  
that the right of non-combatants  to be 
unmolested in war was recognised by     
generals before it was ever  proclaimed 
by the publicists4#cj ,and the same     
truth applies to many  other changes in 
warfare1 which have been oftener the    
result of a  temporary military fashion1
 or of new ideas of military expediency1
  than of obedience to ,grotius or      
,vattel4 ,they set themselves to as     
futile a task as the proverbial         

impossibility of whitening the negro2   
with this result--that the              
destructiveness of war1 its crimes1 and 
its cruelties1 are something new even to
 a world that cannot lose the           
recollection of the sack of ,magdeburg  
in #afca1 or the devastation of  the    
,palatinate in #afhi4ca    ,the         
publicists have but recognised and      
reflected the floating  sentiments of   
their time1 without giving us any       
definite principle by  which to separate
 the permissible from the               
non-permissible practice in  war4 ,we   
have seen how much they are at issue on 
the use of poison4 ,they  are equally at
 issue as to the right of employing     
assassination2 as to  the extent of the 
legitimate use of fraud2 as to the right
 of beginning  a war without            
declaration2 as to the limits of the    
invader's rights of  robbery2 as to the 
right of the invaded to rise against his
 invader2 or  as to whether individuals 
so rising are to be treated as prisoners

 of  war or hanged as assassins4 ,let us
 consider what they have done for us    
with regard to the right of using       
savages for allies1 or with regard to   
the rights of the conqueror over the    
town he has taken by assault4    ,the   
right to use barbarian troops on the    
,christian battle-field is  unanimously 
denied by all the modern text-writers4  
,lord ,chatham's  indignation against   
,england's employment of them against   
her revolted  colonies in ,america      
availed as little4 ,towards the end of  
the ,crimean  war ,russia prepared to   
arm some savage races within her empire1
 and  brought ,circassians into ,hungary
 in #ahdh4cb ,france employed ,african  
,turcos both against ,austria in #ahei  
and against ,prussia in #ahgj2 and it   
is within the recollection of the       
youngest what came of the employment  by
 ,turkey of ,bashi-,bazouks4 ,are they  
likely not to be used in future  because
 ,bluntschli1 ,heffter1 or ,wheaton     
prohibits them8    ,to take a town by   

assault is the worst danger a soldier   
can have to  face4 ,the theory therefore
 had a show of reason1 that without the 
reward of unlimited licence he could    
never be brought to the breach4  ,tilly 
is said to have replied1 when he was    
entreated by some of his  officers to   
check the rapine and bloodshed that has 
immortalised  the sack of ,magdeburg in 
#afca3 #8,three hours' plundering is the
  shortest rule of war4 ,the soldier    
must have something for his toil  and   
trouble4'#cc ,it is on such occasions1  
therefore1 that war shows  itself in its
 true character1 and that ,m4           
,girardin's remark1 #8,la  guerre c'est 
l'assassinat1 la guerre c'est le vol1'  
reads like a  revelation4 ,the scene    
never varies from age to age2 and the   
storming of  ,badajoz and ,san          
,sebastian by the ,english forces in the
 ,peninsular ,war1  or of ,constantine  
in ,algeria by the ,french in #ahcg1    
teaches us what  we may expect to see in
 ,europe when next a town is taken by   

assault1  as ,strasburg might have been 
in #ahgj4 #8,no age1 no nation1' says   
,sir  ,w4 ,napier1 #8ever sent forth    
braver troops to battle than those who  
stormed ,badajoz' 7,april #ahab74 ,yet  
for two days and nights there  reigned  
in its streets1 says the same writer1   
#8shameless rapacity1  brutal           
intemperance1 savage lust1 cruelty1 and 
murder4'#cd ,and what  says he of ,san  
,sebastian not a year and a half later8 
,a thunderstorm  that broke out #8seemed
 to be a signal from hell for the       
perpetration  of villany which would    
have shamed the most ferocious          
barbarians of  antiquity4' 444 #8,the   
direst1 the most revolting cruelty was  
added to  the catalogue of crime3 one   
atrocity 444 staggers the mind by its   
enormous1 incredible1 indescribable     
barbarity4'#ce ,if officers lost  their 
lives in trying to prevent such         
deeds--whose very atrocity1 as  some one
 has said1 preserves them from our full 
execration1 because it  makes it        

impossible to describe them--is it      
likely that the gallant  soldiers who   
crowned their bravery with such devilry 
would have been  one whit restrained by 
the consideration that in refusing      
quarter1 or  in murdering1 torturing1 or
 mutilating non-combatants1 they were   
acting  contrary to the rules of modern 
warfare8    ,if1 then1 we temper theory 
with practice1 and desert our books for 
the  facts of the battle-field 7so far  
as they are ever told in full71 we  may 
perhaps lay down the following as the   
most important laws of modern  warfare3 
#a4 ,you may not use explosive bullets2 
but you may use conical-shaped  ones1   
which inflict far more mutilation than  
round ones1 and even  explosive bullets 
if they do not fall below a certain     
magnitude4    #b4 ,you may not poison   
your enemy1 because you thus take from  
him the  chance of self-defence3 but you
 may blow him up with a fougass or      
dynamite1 from which he is equally      
incapable of defending himself4    #c4  

,you may not poison your enemy's        
drinking-water2 but you may infect  it  
with dead bodies or otherwise1 because  
that is only equivalent to  turning the 
stream4    #d4 ,you may not kill        
helpless old men1 women1 or children    
with the sword  or bayonet2 but as much 
as you please with your ,congreve       
rockets1  howitzers1 or mortars4    #e4 
,you may not make war on the peaceable  
occupants of a country2 but  you may    
burn their houses if they resist your   
claims to rob them of  their uttermost  
farthing4    #f4 ,you may not refuse    
quarter to an enemy2 but you may if he  
be not  equipped in a particular outfit4
    #g4 ,you may not kill your prisoners
 of war2 but you may order your         
soldiers not to take any4    #h4 ,you   
may not ask a ransom for your prisoners2
 but you may more than  cover their cost
 in the lump sum you exact for the      
expenses of the war4    #i4 ,you may not
 purposely destroy churches1 hospitals1 
museums1 or  libraries2 but #8military  

exigencies' will cover your doing so1 as
 they  will almost anything else you    
choose to do in breach of any other     
restrictions on your conduct4    ,and it
 is into these absurdities that the     
reasonings of ,grotius and his          
followers have led us4 ,the real        
dreamers1 it appears1 have been1 not    
those who1 like ,henri ,,iv41 ,sully1   
,st4 ,pierre1 or ,kant1 have dreamed of 
a world without wars1 but those who have
 dreamed of wars waged without          
lawlessness1 passion1 or crime4 ,on them
 be thrown back the taunts of           
,utopianism which they have showered so 
long on the only view of the  matter    
which is really logical and consistent4 
,on them1 at least1 rests  the shadow1  
and must rest the reproach1 of an       
egregious failure1 unless  recent wars  
are of no account and teach no lesson4  
,and if their failure  be real and      
signal1 what remains for those who wish 
for better things1  and for some check  
on deeds that threaten our civilisation1

 but to turn  their backs on the        
instructors they once trusted2 to light 
their fires  rather than to load their  
shelves with ,grotius1 ,vattel1 and the 
rest2  and to throw in their lot for the
 future with the opinion1 hitherto      
despised1 though it was ,kant's1 and the
 endeavour hitherto discredited1  though
 it was ,henry the ,great's1 ,sully's1  
and ,elizabeth's--the opinion1  that is1
 that it were easier to abolish war than
 to humanise it1 and  that only in the  
growth of a spirit of international     
confidence lies  any possible hope of   
its ultimate extinction8                
,,chapter ,,ii4    ,,warfare ,,in       
,,chivalrous ,,times4        ,voi       
m'avete fatto tornare quest'arte del    
soldo quasi che nulla1 ed      io ne    
l'aveva presupposta la pi eccellente e  
la pi onorevole che      si             
facesse4--,,machiavelli1 ,dell',arte    
della ,guerra4        ,delusion about   
character of war in days of             
chivalry--,the common      slaughter of 

women and children--,the ,earl of       
,derby's sack of      ,poitiers--,the   
massacres of ,grammont and              
,gravelines--,the old poem      of the  
,vow of the ,heron--,the massacre of    
,limoges by ,edward the      ,black     
,prince--,the imprisonment of ladies for
 ransom--,prisoners      of war starved 
to death2 or massacred1 if no prospect  
of ransom2      or blinded or otherwise 
mutilated--,the meaning of a surrender  
at      discretion1 as illustrated by   
,edward ,,iii4 at ,calais2 and by       
several      instances in the same and  
the next century--,the practice of      
burning      in aid of war2 and of      
destroying sacred buildings--,the       
practice of      poisoning the air--,the
 use of barbarous weapons--,the         
influence of      religion on war--,the 
,church in vain on the side of          
peace--,curious      vows of the        
knights--,the slight personal danger    
incurred in war by      them--,the      
explanation of their magnificent        

costume--,field-sports      in          
war-time--,the desire of gain the chief 
motive to war--,the      identity of    
soldiers and brigands--,the career and  
character of the      ,black            
,prince--,the place of money in the     
history of chivalry--,its      influence
 as a war-motive between ,england and   
,france--,general low      character of 
chivalrous warfare4      ,for an        
impartial estimate of the custom of war1
 the best preparation  is a study of its
 leading features in the days of        
chivalry4 ,not only  are most of our    
modern military usages directly         
descended from that  period1 though many
 claim a far remoter ancestry1 and go   
back to the  days of primitive savagery1
 but it is the tradition of chivalry    
that  chiefly keeps alive the delusion  
that it is possible for warfare to be   
conducted with humanity1 generosity1 and
 courtesy4    ,hallam1 for instance1    
observes that in the wars of our ,edward
 ,,iii41  #8the spirit of honourable as 

well as courteous behaviour towards  the
 foe seems to have arrived at its       
highest point2' and he refers           
especially to the custom of ransoming a 
prisoner on his parole1 and to  the     
generous treatment by the ,black ,prince
 of the ,french king taken  captive at  
,poitiers4    ,in order to demonstrate  
the extreme exaggeration of this view1  
and to  show that with war1 as with the 
greater crimes1 moral greatness is only 
connected accidentally1 occasionally1 or
 in romance1 it is necessary  to examine
 somewhat closely the warfare of the    
fourteenth century4  ,chivalry1         
according to certain historians1 was    
during that century in  process of      
decline2 but the decline1 if any1 was   
rather in the nature  of its forms and  
ceremonies than of its spirit or        
essence4 ,it was  the century of the    
most illustrious names in chivalry1 in  
,france of  ,bertrand du ,guesclin1 in  
,england of the ,black ,prince1 ,sir    
,walter ,manny1  ,sir ,john ,chandos4   

,it was the century of the battles of   
,crecy1 ,poitiers1  ,avray1 and         
,navarette4 ,it was the century of the  
,order of the ,star in  ,france1 of the 
,garter and the ,bath in ,england4      
,above all1 it was the  century of      
,froissart1 who painted its manners and 
thoughts with a  vividness so surpassing
 that to read his pages is almost to    
live in his  time4 ,so that the         
fourteenth century may fairly be taken  
as the period  in which chivalry reached
 its highest perfection1 and in which   
the  military type of life and character
 attained its noblest development4  ,it 
is the century of which we instinctively
 think when we would imagine  a time    
when the rivalry of brave deeds gave    
birth to heroism1 and the  rivalry of   
military generosity invested even the   
cruelties of the  battle-field with the 
halo of romance4    ,imagination1       
however1 plays us false here as         
elsewhere4 ,froissart  himself1 who     
described wars and battles and noble    

feats of arms  with a candour equal to  
his honest delight in them1 is alone    
proof  enough that there seldom was a   
period when war was more ferociously    
conducted2 when the laws in restraint of
 it1 imposed by the voice  of morality  
or religion1 were less felt2 when the   
motives for it as  well as the          
incentives of personal courage1 were    
more mercenary2 or  when the            
demoralisation consequent upon it were  
more widely or more  fatally spread4    
,the facts that follow in support of    
this conclusion  come1 in default of any
 other special reference1 solely from   
that  charming chronicler2 allusions to 
other sources being only necessary  to  
prove the existence of a common usage1  
and to leave no room for the  theory    
that the cases gathered from ,froissart 
were but occasional or  accidental      
occurrences4    ,even savage tribes1    
like the ,zulus1 spare the lives of     
women and  children in war1 and such a  
restraint is the first test of any      

warfare  claiming to rank above the most
 barbarous4 ,but in the fourteenth      
century such indiscriminate slaughter   
was the commonest episode of  war3 a    
fact not among the least surprising when
 we remember that the  protection of    
women and the defenceless was one of the
 special clauses  of the oath taken by  
knights at the ceremony of investiture4 
,five  days after the death of ,edward  
,,iii41 and actually during negotiations
  between ,france and ,england1 the     
admirals of ,france and ,spain1 at the  
command of the ,king of ,france1 sailed 
for ,rye1 which they burnt1  slaying the
 inhabitants1 whether men or women      
7#acgg72 and it is a  reasonable        
supposition that the same conduct marked
 their further  progress of pillage and 
incendiarism in the ,isle of ,wight4    
,nor were such acts only the incidents  
of maritime warfare1 and  perpetrated   
merely by the pirates of either country2
 for they occurred  as frequently in    
hostilities by land1 and in connection  

with the  noblest names of ,christendom4
 ,at ,taillebourg1 in ,saintonge1 the   
,earl  of ,derby had all the inhabitants
 put to the sword1 in reprisals for  the
 death of one knight1 who during the    
assault on the town had met  with his   
death4 ,so it fared during the same     
campaign with three other  places in    
,poitou1 the chronicler giving us more  
details with reference  to the fate of  
,poitiers4 ,there were no knights in the
 town accustomed  to war and capable of 
organising a defence2 and it was only   
people of  the poorer sort who offered a
 brave but futile resistance to the     
army4  ,when the town was won1 #gjj     
people were massacred2 #8for the ,earl's
  people put every one to the sword1    
men1 women1 and little children4'  ,the 
,earl of ,derby took no steps to stop   
the slaughter1 but after many  churches 
and houses had been destroyed1 he       
forbade under pain of death  any further
 incendiarism1 apparently for no other  
reason than that he  wished to stay     

there for ten or twelve days4 ,a few    
years later1 when  the ,french had      
recovered ,poitiers1 the ,english       
knights1 who had been  there1 marched   
away to ,niort1 which1 on the refusal of
 the inhabitants  to admit them1 they   
forthwith attacked and speedily won1    
owing to the  absence1 as at ,poitiers1 
of any knights to direct the defence4   
,the male  and female inhabitants alike 
were put to the sword4 ,all these       
instances  occur in one short chapter of
 ,froissart4    ,sometimes this         
promiscuous slaughter even raised its   
perpetrators to  higher esteem4 ,an     
episode of this sort occurred in the    
famous war  between the citizens of     
,ghent and the ,earl of ,flanders4 ,the 
,lord  d',enghien1 with #d1jjj cavaliers
 and a large force of foot1 besieged the
  town of ,grammont1 which was attached 
to ,ghent4 ,about four o'clock one  fine
 ,sunday in ,june1 the besiegers gained 
the town1 and the slaughter1  says      
,froissart1 was very great of men1      

women1 and children1 for to  none was   
mercy shown4 ,upwards of #ejj of the    
inhabitants were killed2  numbers of old
 people and women were burnt in their   
beds2 and the town  being then set on   
fire in more than two hundred places1   
was speedily  reduced to ashes4 #8,fair 
son1' said the ,earl of ,flanders1      
greeting his  returning relative1 #8you 
are a valiant man1 and if it please ,god
 will  be a gallant knight1 for you have
 made a handsome beginning4' ,history1  
however1 may rejoice that so promising a
 career was checked in the bud2  for the
 young nobleman's death in a skirmish   
within a few days made his  first feat  
of arms also his last4    ,a similar    
story is connected with the memory of   
the fighting ,bishop of  ,norwich1      
famous in those days4 ,having been      
authorised by ,pope ,urban  ,,vi4 to    
make war on ,pope ,clement ,,vii41 he   
went and besieged the town of           
,gravelines with shot and wild-fire1    
#8till in the end our men entered  the  

town with their ,bishop1 when they at   
his commandment destroying  both man1   
woman1 and child1 left not one alive of 
all those who  remained in the town4'#cf
 ,this was in #achc2 and it will be     
observed  how then1 just as in later    
days1 the excuse of superior orders     
served  as an excuse for the            
perpetration of any crime1 provided only
 it were  committed in war4    ,it would
 be an error to suppose that these      
things were the mere  accident of war1  
due to the passion of the moment1 or to 
the feeble  control of leaders over     
their men4 ,in a very curious old       
,french poem1  called #8,the ,vow of the
 ,heron1' indisputable evidence exists  
that the  slaughter of women and        
children was not only often premeditated
 before  the opening of hostilities1 but
 that an oath binding a man to it was   
sometimes given and accepted as a token 
of commendable bravery4 ,the  poem in   
question deals with historical events   
and persons2 and if not  to be taken as 

literal history1 undoubtedly keeps      
within the limits  of probability1 as   
proved by other testimony of the manners
 of those  times4 ,robert1 ,count of    
,artois1 exiled from ,france1 comes to  
,england1  and bringing a roasted heron 
before ,edward ,,iii4 and his court1    
prays  them to make vows by it before   
eating of it 7in accordance with the    
custom which attached to such oaths     
peculiar sanctity7 concerning the  deeds
 of war they would undertake against the
 kingdom of ,france4 ,edward  ,,iii41   
the ,earl of ,salisbury1 ,sir ,walter   
,manny1 the ,earl of ,derby1  ,lord     
,suffolk1 having all sworn according to 
the ,count's wishes1 ,sir  ,fauquemont1 
striving to outdo them in the profession
 of military zeal1  swore that if the   
king would cross the sea to invade      
,france1 he would  always appear in the 
van of his troops1 carrying devastation 
and fire  and slaughter1 and sparing not
 altars1 nor relations1 nor friends1    
neither helpless women nor children4#cg 

,let the reader reflect that these      
things occurred in war1 not of          
,christians against infidels1 but of    
,christians with one another1 and  in a 
period commonly belauded for its advance
 in chivalrous humanity4  ,the incidents
 related were of too common occurrence  
to call for special  remark by their    
chronicler2 but the peculiar atrocities 
of the famous  sack of ,limoges1 by the 
express orders of ,edward the ,black    
,prince1  were too much even for        
,froissart4 ,it is best to let him tell 
his own  story from the moment of the   
entry of the besieging force3 #8,the    
,prince1  the ,duke of ,lancaster1 the  
,earls of ,cambridge and of ,pembroke1  
,sir  ,guiscard d',angle1 and the       
others1 with their men1 rushed into the 
town4  ,you would then have seen        
pillagers active to do mischief1 running
  through the town1 slaying men1 women1 
and children1 according to their        
commands4 ,it was a most melancholy     
business1 for all ranks1 ages1 and      

sexes cast themselves on their knees    
before the ,prince1 begging for  mercy2 
but he was so inflamed with passion and 
revenge that he listened  to none1 but  
all were put to the sword1 wherever they
 could be found1  even those who were   
not guilty2 for1 ,i know not why1 the   
poor were  not spared1 who could not    
have had any part in this treason2 but  
they  suffered for it1 and indeed more  
than those who had been the leaders  of 
the treachery4 ,there was not that day  
in the city of ,limoges any  heart so   
hardened or that had any sense of       
religion1 who did not deeply  bewail the
 unfortunate events passing before their
 eyes2 for upwards  of #c1jjj men1      
women1 and children were put to death   
that day4 ,god have  mercy on their     
souls1 for they were veritable martyrs4'
 ,yet the man  whose memory is stained  
with this crime1 among the blackest in  
history1  was he whom not his own       
country alone1 but the ,europe of his   
day1  dubbed the ,mirror of ,knighthood2

 and those who blindly but 7according   
to the still prevalent sophistry of     
militarism7 rightly carried out  his    
orders counted among them at least three
 of the noblest names in  ,england4     
,the absence in chivalry of any feeling 
strong enough to save the lives  of     
women from the sword of the warrior     
renders improbable  priori  any keen    
scruples against making them prisoners  
of war4 ,in ,france such  scruples were 
stronger than in ,england4 ,the soldiers
 of the ,black  ,prince took captive the
 ,duchess of ,bourbon1 mother to the    
,king of  ,france1 and imprisoned her in
 the castle of ,belleperche2 whence she 
was  afterwards conducted into ,guyenne1
 and ransom exacted for her liberty4    
,similar facts mark the whole period    
from the twelfth to the fifteenth       
century4 ,when the ,crusaders under     
,richard ,i4 took ,messina by assault1  
they carried off with their other lawful
 spoils all the noblest women  belonging
 to the ,sicilians4#ch ,edward ,i4 made 

prisoners of the queen  of ,robert      
,bruce and her ladies1 and of the       
,countess of ,buchan1 who had  crowned  
,bruce4 ,the latter1 he said1 as she had
 not used the sword1  should not perish 
by it2 but for her lawless conspiracy   
she should be  shut up in a chamber of  
stone and iron1 circular as the crown   
she gave2  and at ,berwick she should be
 suspended in the open air1 a spectacle 
to  travellers1 and for her everlasting 
infamy4 ,accordingly1 a turret was      
fitted up for her with a strong cage of 
lattice-work1 made of strong  posts and 
bars of iron4#ci ,in the fifteenth      
century1 the ,english1 in  their war    
upon the ,french frontier1 according to 
,monstrelet1 #8made many  prisoners1 and
 even carried off women1 as well noble  
as not1 whom they  kept in close        
confinement until they ransomed         
themselves4'#dj ,the  notion1 therefore1
 that in those times any special        
courtesy was shown  in war to the weaker
 sex must be received with extreme      

latitude4 ,in  #aaid1 ,henry1 ,emperor  
of the ,romans1 having taken ,salerno in
 ,apulia by  storm1 actually put up for 
auction to his troops the wives and     
children  of the chief citizens whom he 
had slain and exiled4    ,to pass to the
 treatment of prisoners of war1 who1 be 
it remembered1  were only those who     
could promise ransom4 ,the old historian
 ,hoveden1  speaking of a battle that   
was fought in #aagc1 says that there    
fell in  it more than #aj1jjj ,flemings2
 the remainder1 who were taken captive1 
being thrown into prison in irons1 and  
there starved to death4 ,there  is no   
evidence whether1 or for how long1      
starving remained in vogue2  but the    
iron chains were habitual1 down even to 
the fourteenth century  or later1 among 
the ,germans and ,spaniards1 the        
extortion of a heavier  ransom being the
 motive for increasing the weight of    
chain and the  general discomfort of    
prison4 ,to let a prisoner go at large  
on parole  for his ransom was an advance

 initiated by the ,french1 that sprang  
naturally out of a state of hostilities 
in which most of the combatants  became 
personally acquainted1 but it was still 
conduct so exceptional  that ,froissart 
always speaks of it in terms of high    
eulogy4 ,it was also  an advance that   
often sprang out of the plainest        
necessities of the  case1 as when1 after
 the battle of ,poitiers1 the ,english  
found their  prisoners to be double     
their own numbers1 wherefore in         
consideration of  the risk they ran1    
they either received ransom from them on
 the spot  or gave them their liberty in
 exchange for a promise to bring their  
ransom-money at ,christmas to ,bordeaux4
 ,bertrand du ,guesclin did the  same by
 the ,english knights after their defeat
 at ,pontvalin2 and it was  in reference
 to this last occasion that ,froissart  
calls attention to  the superiority of  
the ,french over the ,germans in not    
shackling their  prisoners with a view  
to a heavier ransom4 #8,curses on them  

for it1' he  exclaims of the ,germans2  
#8they are a people without pity or     
honour1  and they ought never to receive
 quarter4 ,the ,french entertained their
  prisoners well and ransomed them      
courteously1 without being too hard     
upon them4'    ,nevertheless we must    
suspect that this sort of courtesy was  
rather  occasional than habitual4 ,of   
this same ,du ,guesclin1 whom           
,st4-,palaye  calls the flower of       
chivalry1#da two stories are told that  
throw a  different but curious light on 
the manners of those times4 ,having on  
one occasion defeated the ,english and  
taken many of them prisoners1  ,du      
,guesclin tried to observe the rules of 
distributive justice in  the partition  
of the captives1 but failing of success 
and unable to  discover to whom the     
prisoners really belonged1 he and       
,clisson 7who  were brothers in arms7 in
 order to terminate the differences     
which the  victorious ,french had with  
one another on the subject1 conceived   

that  the only fair solution was to have
 them all massacred1 and accordingly    
more than #ejj ,englishmen were put to  
death in cold blood outside the  gates  
of ,bressire4#db ,so1 on a second       
occasion1 such a quantity  of ,english  
were taken that #8there was not1 down to
 the commonest  soldier1 anyone who had 
not some prisoner of whom he counted to 
win a  good ransom2 but as there was a  
dispute between the ,french to know to  
whom each prisoner belonged1 ,du        
,guesclin1 to put them all on a level1  
ordered them to put all to the sword1   
and only the ,english chiefs were       
spared4'#dc ,this ferocious warrior1 the
 product and pride of his  time1 and the
 favourite hero of ,french chivalry1 was
 hideous in face  and figure2 and if we 
think of him1 with his round brown face1
 his  flat nose1 his green eyes1 his    
crisp hair1 his short neck1 his broad   
shoulders1 his long arms1 short body1   
and badly made legs1 we have  evidently 
one of the worst specimens of that type 

which was for so long  the curse of     
humanity1 the warrior of medival        
,europe4    ,in respect1 therefore1 of  
,hallam's statement that the courtesy of
  chivalry gradually introduced an      
indulgent treatment of prisoners which  
was almost unknown to antiquity1 it is  
clear that it would be unwise to  press 
too closely the comparison on this head 
between pre-,christian and              
post-,christian warfare4 ,at the siege  
of ,toledo1 the ,besque de ,vilaines1  a
 fellow-soldier of ,du ,guesclin in the 
,spanish war1 in order to  intimidate   
the besieged into a surrender1 had as   
many gallows erected  in front of the   
city as he had taken prisoners1 and     
actually had more  than two dozen hung  
by the executioner with that object4 ,in
 the pages  of ,livy or ,thucydides     
there may be many a bad deed recorded1  
but at  least there is nothing worse    
than the deeds of the ,besque de        
,vilaines1  or of ,du ,guesclin1        
,constable of ,france1 or of ,edward the

 ,black ,prince  of ,england4    ,there 
is another point besides the fettering  
of prisoners in which  attention is     
drawn in ,froissart to the exceptional  
barbarity of  the ,spaniards2 and in no 
estimate of the military type of life in
  the palmiest days of chivalry would it
 be reasonable to omit all              
consideration of ,spain4 ,in the war    
between ,castile and ,portugal1  the    
forces under ,don ,john of ,castile laid
 siege to ,lisbon1 closely  investing   
it2 and if any ,portuguese were taken   
prisoners in a skirmish  or otherwise1  
their eyes were put out1 their legs1    
arms1 or other  members torn off1 and in
 such plight they were sent back to     
,lisbon with  the message that when the 
town was taken mercy would be shown to  
none4  ,such was the story told by the  
,portuguese ambassador to the ,duke of  
,lancaster1 and repeated on his         
authority by ,froissart4 ,for the credit
  of humanity1 to say nothing of        
chivalry1 one would fain disbelieve  the

 tale altogether1 or regard it as an    
episode that stood by itself  and apart 
from the general practice of the age1   
since it is the only  one of the kind   
related by ,froissart4 ,but the         
frequency as much as  the rarity of a   
practice may account for the silence of 
an annalist1  and there is little doubt 
that mutilation of the kind described   
was  common in the chivalrous period1   
even if obsolete or nearly so in the    
fourteenth century4 ,blinding and       
castration were not only punishments    
inflicted for offences against the      
forest laws of the ,norman kings of     
,england1 but were the common fate of   
captive enemies in arms throughout      
,europe in the eleventh and twelfth     
centuries4 ,this1 for instance1 was  the
 treatment of their ,welsh prisoners by 
the ,earls of ,shrewsbury  and ,chester 
in #ajih2 as also of ,william ,,iii41   
,king of ,sicily1 at the  hands of      
,henry1 ,emperor of the ,romans1 in     
#aaid4 ,at the close of the  twelfth    

century1 in the war between ,richard ,i4
 of ,england and ,philip  ,augustus of  
,france1 blinding was resorted to on    
both sides2 for ,hoveden  expressly     
says3 #8,the ,king of ,france had the   
eyes put out of many of the  ,english   
king's subjects whom he had made        
prisoners1 and this provoked  the ,king 
of ,england1 unwilling as he was1 to    
similar acts of impiety4'  ,and to take 
a last instance1 in #abbe1 the ,milanese
 having taken  prisoners #ejj ,genoese  
crossbowmen1 deprived each of them of an
 eye and  an arm1 in revenge for the    
injury done by their bows4#dd ,so that  
it  would be interesting1 if possible1  
to learn from some historian the  date  
and cause of the cessation of customs so
 profoundly barbarous and  brutal4      
,by the rules1 again1 of chivalrous     
warfare all persons found within  a town
 taken by assault were liable1 and all  
the male adults likely1  to be killed4  
,bertrand du ,guesclin made it a maxim  
before attacking a  place to threaten   

its commander with the alternative of   
surrender or  death2 a military custom  
perhaps as old as war itself1 and one   
that  has descended unchanged to our own
 times4 ,only by a timely surrender     
could the besieged cherish any hope for 
their lives or fortunes2 and  even the  
offer of a surrender might be refused1  
and an unconditional  surrender be      
insisted upon instead4 ,this is proved  
by the well-known  story of ,edward     
,,iii4 at the siege of ,calais1 a story 
sometimes called  in doubt merely for   
resting solely on the authority of      
,froissart4 ,the  governor of ,calais   
offered to surrender the town and all   
things in it1  in return for a simple   
permission to leave it in safety4 ,sir  
,walter  ,manny replied that the king   
was resolved that they should surrender 
themselves solely to his will1 to ransom
 or kill them as he pleased4  ,the      
,frenchman retorted that they would     
suffer the direst extremities  rather   
than submit to the smallest boy in      

,calais faring worse than the  rest4    
,the king obstinately refused to change 
his mind1 till ,sir ,walter  ,manny1    
pressing upon him the reluctance of his 
officers to garrison his  castles with  
the prospect of reprisals which such an 
exercise of his  war-right would render 
probable1 ,edward so far relented as to 
insist  on having six citizens of       
,calais left to the absolute disposal of
 his  revenge4 ,when the six who offered
 themselves as a sacrifice for the  rest
 of their fellow-citizens reached the   
presence of the king1 the  latter1      
though all the knights around him were  
moved even to tears1  gave instant      
orders to behead them4 ,all who were    
present pleaded for  them1 and above    
all1 ,sir ,walter ,manny1 in accordance 
with his promise  to the ,french        
governor2 but it was all in vain1 and   
but for the  entreaties of the queen1   
those six citizens would have fallen    
victims  to the savage wrath of the     
pitiless ,edward4    ,two facts support 

the probable truth of the above         
narrative from  ,froissart4 ,in the     
first place1 it is in perfect keeping   
with the  conduct of the same warrior at
 the taking of ,caen4 ,when the king    
heard  what mischief the inhabitants had
 inflicted on his army by their         
vigorous defence1 he gave orders that   
all the rest of the inhabitants  should 
be slain and the town burnt2#de and had 
it not been for the  remonstrances of   
,sir ,godfrey de ,harcourt1 there is    
little reason to  doubt but that he     
would thus have glutted1 as he craved to
 do1 the  intense native savagery of his
 soul4 ,in the second place1 the story  
is  in perfect keeping with the common  
war-rule of that and later times1 by    
virtue of which a conqueror might always
 avail himself of the distress  of his  
enemy to insist upon a surrender at     
discretion1 which of course  was        
equivalent to a surrender to death or   
anything else4    ,how commonly death   
was inflicted in such cases may be shown

 from  some narratives of capitulations 
given by ,monstrelet4 ,when ,meaux      
surrendered to ,henry ,v41 six of the   
defenders were reserved by name to  be  
delivered up to justice 7such was the   
common expression71 and four  were      
shortly after beheaded at ,paris4#df    
,when ,meulan surrendered to  the       
regent1 the ,duke of ,bedford1 numbers  
were specially excepted from  those to  
whom the ,duke granted their lives1 #8to
 remain at the disposal  of the lord    
regent4'#dg ,when some ,french soldiers 
having taken refuge  in a fort were so  
closely besieged by the ,earl ,marshal  
of ,england as to  be obliged to        
surrender at discretion1 many of them   
were hanged4#dh  ,when the garrison of  
,guise capitulated to ,sir ,john de     
,luxembourg1 a  general pardon was      
granted to all1 except to certain who   
were to be  delivered up to justice4#di 
,when the same captain1 with about one  
thousand men1 besieged the castle of    
,guetron1 wherein were some sixty  or   

eighty ,frenchmen1 the latter proposed  
to surrender on condition  of the safety
 of their lives and fortunes2 #8they    
were told they must  surrender at       
discretion4 ,in the end1 however1 it was
 agreed to by the  governor that from   
four to six of his men should be spared 
by ,sir  ,john4 ,when this agreement had
 been settled and pledges given for its 
performance1 the governor re-entered the
 castle1 and was careful not to  tell   
his companions the whole that had passed
 at the conference1 giving  them to     
understand in general that they were to 
march away in safety2  but when the     
castle was surrendered all within it    
were made prisoners4  ,on the morrow1 by
 the orders of ,sir ,john de            
,luxembourg1 they were all  strangled   
and hung on trees hard by1 except the   
four or six before  mentioned--one of   
their companions serving for the        
executioner4'#ej  ,one more of these    
black acts1 so common among the warriors
 of chivalry1  and this point perhaps   

will be accepted as proved4 ,the ,french
 had  gained possession of the castle of
 ,rouen1 but after twelve days were     
obliged to surrender at discretion to   
the ,english2 #8they were all made      
prisoners1 and put under a good guard2  
and shortly after1 one hundred  and     
fifty were beheaded at ,rouen4'#ea      
,let us pass next from the animate to   
the inanimate world as affected  by     
warfare4 ,the setting on fire of        
,grammont in more than two hundred      
places is a fair sample of the normal   
use of arson as a military weapon  in   
the chivalrous period4 ,to burn an      
undefended town or village was          
accounted no meanness2 and was as       
frequent as the destruction of crops1   
fruit trees1 or other sources of human  
subsistence4 ,the custom of  tearing up 
vines or fruit trees contrasts strongly 
with the command of  ,xerxes to his     
forces to spare the groves of trees upon
 their march2 and  any reader of ancient
 history will acknowledge the vast      

deterioration  from the pagan laws of   
war which every page of the history of  
,christian  chivalry reveals and        
exposes4    ,but little as was the      
forbearance displayed in war towards    
defenceless  women and children1 or to  
the crops and houses that gave them food
 and  shelter1 it might perhaps have    
been expected that1 at a time when no   
serious dissent had come to divide      
,christianity1 and when the defence  of 
religion and religious ceremonies were  
among the professed duties of           
knighthood1 churches and sacred         
buildings should have enjoyed especial  
immunity from the ravages of war4 ,even 
in pagan warfare the temples  of the    
enemy as a rule were spared2 such an act
 as the destruction of  the sacred      
edifices of the ,marsi by the ,romans   
under ,germanicus being  contrary to the
 better traditions of ,roman military   
precedent4    ,permissible as it was by 
the rules of war1 says ,polybius1 to    
destroy  an enemy's garrisons1 cities1  

or crops1 or anything else by which his 
power might be weakened1 it was the part
 of mere rage and madness to  destroy   
such things as their statues or temples1
 by which no benefit  or injury accrued 
to one side or the other2 nor are       
allusions to  violations of this rule   
numerous in pre-,christian warfare4#eb  
,the  practice of the ,romans and       
,macedonians to meet peaceably together 
in  time of war on the island of ,delos1
 on account of its sanctity as  the     
reputed birthplace of ,apollo1#ec has no
 parallel in the history  of war among  
the nations of ,christendom4 ,the most  
that can be said  for the fourteenth    
century in this respect is that slightly
 stronger  scruples protected churches  
and monasteries than the lives of women 
and  children4 ,this is implied in      
,froissart's account of the storming of 
,guerrande3 #8,men1 women1 and children 
were put to the sword1 and fine         
churches sacrilegiously burnt2 at which 
the ,lord ,lewis was so much  enraged1  

that he immediately ordered twenty-four 
of the most active to  be hanged on the 
spot4'    ,but the slightest            
embitterment of feeling removed all     
scruples  in favour of sacred buildings4
 ,richard ,,ii41 having with his army   
crossed the ,tweed1 took up his quarters
 in the beautiful abbey of  ,melrose2   
after which the monastery1 though spared
 in all previous  wars with ,scotland1  
was burnt1 because the ,english had     
determined1  says ,froissart1 to ruin   
everything in ,scotland before returning
 home1  in revenge for the recent       
alliance entered into by that country   
with  ,france4 ,the abbey of            
,dunfermline1 where the ,scotch kings   
used to be  buried1 was also burnt in   
the same campaign2 and so it fared with 
all  other parts of ,scotland that the  
,english overran2 for they #8spared     
neither monasteries nor churches1 but   
put all to fire and flame4'    ,neither 
did any greater degree of chivalry      
display itself in the  matter of the    

modes and weapons of warfare4 ,although 
reason can urge  no valid objection     
against the means of destruction        
resorted to  by hostile forces1 whether 
poisoned arrows1 explosive bullets1 or  
dynamite1 yet certain things have been  
generally excluded from the  category of
 fair military practices1 as for example
 the poisoning of  an enemy's water4    
,but the warriors of the fourteenth     
century1 even if  they stand acquitted  
of poisoning rivers and wells1 had no   
scruples  about poisoning the air3 which
 perhaps is nearly equivalent4 ,the     
great  engines they called ,sows or     
,muttons1 like that one1 #abj feet wide 
and  #dj feet long1 from which ,philip  
von ,artefeld and the men of ,ghent cast
  heavy stones1 beams of wood1 or bars  
of hot copper into ,oudenarde1 must     
have made life inside such a place      
unpleasant enough2 but worse things     
could be injected than copper bars or   
missiles of wood4 ,the ,duke of         
,normandy1 besieging the ,english       

garrison at ,thin-l',evque1 had dead    
horses and other carrion flung into the 
castle1 to poison the garrison  by the  
smell2 and since the air was hot as in  
midsummer1 it is small  wonder that the 
dictates of reason soon triumphed over  
the spirit of  resistance4 ,and at the  
siege of ,grave the chivalry of ,brabant
 made a  similar use of carrion to      
empoison the garrison into a surrender4 
,even in weapons different degrees of   
barbarity are clearly discernible1      
according as they are intended to effect
 a disabling wound1 or a wound  that    
will cause needless laceration and pain 
by the difficulty of their  removal4 ,a 
barbed arrow or spear betokens of course
 the latter object1  and it is worth    
visiting the multi-barbed weapons in    
,kensington ,museum  from different     
parts of the world1 to learn to what    
lengths military  ingenuity may go in   
this direction4 ,the spear heads of the 
,crusaders  were barbed2#ed and so were 
the arrows used at ,crecy and elsewhere1

  as may be seen on reference to the    
manuscript pictures1 the object  being  
to make it impossible to extract them   
without laceration of  the flesh4 ,the  
sarbacane or long hollow tube was in use
 for shooting  poisoned arrows at the   
enemy2#ee and pictures remain of the    
vials  of combustibles that were often  
attached to the end of arrows and       
lances4#ef    ,the above facts clearly  
show the manner and spirit with which   
our  ancestors waged war in the days of 
what ,hallam calls chivalrous virtue3   
one of the most stupendous historical   
impostures that has ever become  an     
accepted article of popular belief4 ,the
 military usages of the  ,greeks and    
,romans were mild and polished1 compared
 to the immeasurable  savagery which    
marked those of the ,christians of      
,froissart's day4 ,as  for the redeeming
 features1 the rare generosity or       
courtesy to a foe1  they might be cited 
in almost equal abundance from the      
warfare of the  ,red ,indians2 but what 

sheds a peculiar stain on that of the   
,chevaliers  is the ostentatious        
connection of religion with the         
atrocities of  those blood-seeking      
marauders4 ,the ,church by a peculiar   
religious  service blessed and          
sanctified both the knight and his      
sword2 and the  most solemn rite of the 
,christian faith was profaned to the    
level of  a preliminary of battle4 ,at  
,easter and ,christmas1 the great       
religious  festivals of a professedly   
peace-loving worship1 the ,psalm that   
was  deemed most appropriate to be sung 
in the chapels of the ,pope and the     
,king of ,france was that beginning1    
#8,benedictus ,dominus ,deus meus1 qui  
docet manus meas ad bellum et digitos   
meos ad prlia4'    ,it was a curious    
feature of this religion of war that1   
when ,edward  ,,iii4's forces invaded   
,france1 so strict was the superstition 
that led  them to observe the fast of   
,lent1 that among other things conveyed 
into the country were vessels and boats 

of leather wherewith to obtain  supplies
 of fish from the lakes and ponds of the
 enemy4    ,it is indeed passing strange
 that ,christianity1 which could command
 so  strict an observance of its        
ordinances as is implied in the         
transport  of boats to catch fish for   
,lent1 should have been powerless to    
place  any check whatever on the        
ferocious militarism of the time2 and   
the  very little that was ever done by  
the ,church to check or humanise        
warfare is an eternal reflection on the 
so-called conversion of ,europe  to     
,christianity4 ,nevertheless the        
,church1 to do her justice1 used what   
influence she possessed on the side of  
peace in a manner she has long  since   
lost sight of2 nor was the ,papacy in   
its most distracted days  ever so       
indifferent to the evils of war as the  
,protestant ,church has  been since1 and
 is still4 ,clement ,,vi4 succeeded in  
making peace between  ,france and       
,england1 just as ,alexander ,,iii4     

averted a war between the  two countries
 in #aafa4 ,innocent ,,vi4 tried to do  
the same2 and ,urban ,v4  returned from 
,rome to ,avignon1 hoping to effect the 
same good object4  ,gregory ,,xi4 was   
keenly distressed at the failure of     
efforts similar to  those of his        
predecessors4 ,the ,popes indeed        
endeavoured to stop wars1  as they      
endeavoured to stop tournaments1 or the 
use of the crossbow2  but they were     
defeated by the intense barbarism of    
chivalry2 nor can it  be laid to the    
charge of the ,church of ,rome1 as it   
can to that of the  ,church of the      
,reformation1 that she ever folded her  
hands in despairful  apathy before a    
custom she admitted to be evil4 ,the    
cardinals and  archbishops of those days
 were constantly engaged in pacific1 nor
  always futile1 embassies4 ,and the    
prelates would frequently preach to     
either side arguments of peace3 a fact  
that contrasts badly with the  almost   
universal silence and impotence of the  

modern pulpit1 either to  stay a war or 
to mitigate its barbarities4    ,but it 
is true that they knew equally well how 
to play on the martial  as on the       
pacific chord in their audiences2 for   
the eloquence of an  ,archbishop of     
,toulouse turned sixty towns and castles
 to the interest  and rights of the     
,french king in his quarrel with        
,england2 and the  preaching of prelates
 and lawyers in ,picardy had a similar  
effect in  other large towns4 ,nor were 
the ,english clergy slower than the     
,french  to assert the rights of their  
king and country1 for ,simon ,tibald1   
,bishop of ,london1 made several long   
and fine sermons to demonstrate 7as     
always is demonstrated in such cases7   
that the ,king of ,france had acted     
most unjustly in renewing the war1 and  
that his conduct was at total  variance 
both with equity and reason4    ,but    
these appeals to the judgment of their  
congregations by the clergy  are also a 
proof that in the fourteenth century the

 opinion of the  people did not count   
for so little as is often supposed in   
the making  of peace and war4 ,yet the  
power of the people in this respect was 
doubtless as insignificant as it still  
is in our own days3 nothing  being more 
remarkable1 even in the free government 
of modern ,england1  than the influence 
of the people in theory and their       
influence in fact  on the most important
 question that regards their destinies4 
,nor are the moral causes difficult to  
trace which in those times made  wars   
break out so frequently and last so     
long1 that those who now read  of them  
can only marvel how civilisation ever   
emerged at all1 even to  the imperfect  
degree to which it is given to us to    
enjoy it4 ,the love  of adventure and   
the hope of fame were of course among   
the principal  motives4 ,the saying of  
,adam ,smith1 that the great secret of  
education  is the direction of personal 
vanity to proper objects1 contains the  
key to all advance that has ever been   

made in civilisation1 and to  every     
shortcoming4 ,the savagery of the middle
 ages was due to the  direction of      
personal vanity exclusively into        
military channels1 so  that the desire  
for distinction often displayed itself  
in forms of  perfect absurdity1 as in   
the case of the young ,english knights  
who went  abroad with one eye veiled1   
binding themselves by a vow to their    
ladies  neither to see with their eyes  
nor to reply to anything asked of them  
till they had signalised themselves by  
the performance of some wondrous  deed  
in ,france4 ,the gradual opening up in  
later days of other paths to            
distinction than that of arms has very  
much diminished the danger to  the      
public peace involved in the worthless  
education of our ancestors4    ,nor was 
the personal distinction of the warrior 
gained at any great  risk of personal   
danger4 ,the personal danger in war     
decreased in  exact ratio with the rank 
of the combatant1 and it was only the   

lower  orders of the social hierarchy   
who unreservedly risked their lives4    
,in case of defeat they had no ransom to
 offer for mercy1 and appear  almost    
habitually to have been slain without   
any4 ,if it was a common  thing for     
either side to settle before a battle   
the names of those on  the other who    
should be admitted to ransom1 it was no 
uncommon thing  to determine1 as the    
,english did before ,crecy1 to give no  
quarter to  the enemy at all4 ,but as a 
rule the battle-field was of little more
  peril to the knight than the          
tournament2 and though many perished    
when  powerless to avert the long thin  
dagger1 called the misricorde1 from  the
 interstices of their armour or the     
vizor of their helmets1 yet the         
striking fact in ,froissart is the great
 number of battles1 skirmishes1  and    
sieges in which the same names occur1   
proving how seldom their  bearers were  
wounded1 disabled1 or killed4 ,this of  
course was due  mainly to the marvellous

 defensive armour they wore1 which      
justifies  the wonder not merely how    
they fought but even how they moved4    
,whether  encased in coats of mail1 sewn
 upon or worn over the gambeson or thick
  undergarment of cloth or leather1 or  
in plates of solid steel1 at first  worn
 over the mail and then instead of it1  
and often with the plastron  or         
breastplate of forged iron beneath both 
hauberk and gambeson1 they  evidently   
had little to fear from arrow1 sword1 or
 lance1 unless  when they neglected to  
let down the vizor of the helmet1 as    
,sir ,john  ,chandos did1 when he met   
with his death from a lance wound in the
 eye  7#acgj74 ,their chief danger lay  
in the hammering of battle-axes on their
  helmets1 which stunned or wounded1 but
 seldom killed them4 ,but the foot      
soldiers and light cavalry1 though      
generally well equipped1 were less  well
 protected by armour than the knights1  
the hauberk or coat of mail  being      
allowed in ,france only to persons      

possessed of a certain estate2  so that 
the knights were formidable less to one 
another than to those  who by the       
conditions of the combat could not be so
 formidable to  themselves4    ,the     
surcoat was also a defence to the       
knight1 as indicating the ransom  he    
could pay for his life4 ,otherwise it is
 impossible to account for  his         
readiness to go into action with this   
long robe flowing over his  plate of    
steel and all his other accoutrements4  
,had ,sir ,john ,chandos  not been      
entangled in his long surcoat when he   
slipped1 he might have  lived to fight  
many another battle to the honour of    
,english chivalry4  ,richness of armour 
served also the same purpose as the     
surcoat4 ,at  the battle of ,nicopoli1  
when the flower of the ,french nobility 
met  with so disastrous a defeat at the 
hands of the ,turks1 the lords of       
,france were1 says ,froissart1 so richly
 dressed out in their emblazoned        
surcoats as to look like little kings1  

and many for a time owed their  lives to
 the extreme richness of their armour1  
which led the ,saracens  to suppose them
 greater lords than they could really   
boast to be4 ,so  again the elaborate   
gold necklaces worn by distinguished    
officers in  the seventeenth century    
were probably rather symbols of the     
ransom  their wearers could pay1 than   
worn merely for ostentation and vanity4 
,it was to carelessness on this score   
that the ,scotch owed their great       
losses at the battle of ,musselborough  
in #aedh3 for 7to put the words of      
,patin in modern dress7 their #8vileness
 of port was the cause that so  many of 
the great men and gentlemen were killed 
and so few saved4 ,the  outward show1   
the semblance and sign whereby a        
stranger might discern a  villain from a
 gentleman1 was not among them to be    
seen4'    ,war under these conditions   
chiefly affected the lives of the great 
by  pleasantly relieving the monotony of
 peaceful days4 ,in time of peace  they 

had few occupations but hawking1        
hunting1 and tilting1 and during        
hostilities those amusements continued4 
,field sports1 sometimes spoken  of by  
their eulogists as the image of war1    
were not absent during its  reality4    
,edward ,,iii4 hunted and fished daily  
during his campaign in  ,france1 having 
with him thirty falconers on horseback1 
sixty couples  of staghounds1 and as    
many greyhounds4 ,and many of his nobles
 followed  his example in taking their  
hawks and hounds across the ,channel4   
,but the preceding causes of the        
frequency of war in the days of         
chivalry are quite insignificant when   
compared with that motive  which        
nowadays mainly finds vent in the       
peaceful channels of  commerce--namely1 
the common desire of gain4 ,the desire  
for glory had  far less to do with it   
than the desire of lucre2 nor is        
anything from  the beginning to the end 
of ,froissart more conspicuously        
displayed  than the merely mercenary    

motive for war4 ,the ransom of prisoners
  or of towns1 or even ransom for the   
slain1#eg afforded a short and  royal   
road to wealth1 and was the chief       
incentive1 as it was also the  chief    
reward of bravery4 ,the ,chevalier      
,bayard made by ransoms in the  course  
of his life a sum equal to #d1jjjl41    
which in those days must  have been a   
fortune2#eh and ,sir ,walter ,manny in a
 single campaign  enriched himself by   
#h1jjjl4 in the same way4#ei ,so that   
the story is  perfectly credible of the 
old ,scotch knight1 who in a year of    
universal  peace prayed1 #8,lord1 turn  
the world upside down that gentlemen may
 make  bread of it4' ,loot and rapine1  
the modern attractions of the brigand1  
were then in fact the main temptations  
of the knight or soldier2 and  the      
distinction between the latter and the  
brigand was far less than  it had been  
in the pre-,christian period1 or than it
 is in more modern  times4 ,indeed the  
very word brigand meant1 originally1    

merely a  foot-soldier who fought in a  
brigade1 in which sense it was used by  
,froissart2 and it was only the constant
 addiction of the former to  the        
occupations of the highwayman that lent 
to the word brigand its  subsequent evil
 connotation4    ,but it was not merely 
the common soldier to whom the first    
question in  a case of war was the      
profit to be gained by it2 for men of   
the best  families of the aristocracy   
were no less addicted to the land piracy
  which then constituted war1 as is     
proved by such names as ,calverly1      
,gournay1 ,albret1 ,hawkwood1 and       
,guesclin4 ,the noble who was a soldier 
in war often continued to fight as a    
robber after peace was made1 nor        
thought it beneath him to make wretched 
villagers compound for their  lives2 and
 in spite of truces and treaties1       
pillage and ransom afforded  his chief  
and often his sole source of livelihood4
 ,the story of ,charles  de ,beaumont   
dying of regret for the ransom he had   

lost1 because by  mistake he had slain  
instead of capturing the ,duke of       
,burgundy at the  battle of ,nancy1 is a
 fair illustration of the dominion then 
exercised  by the lowest mercenary      
feelings over the nobility of ,europe4  
,this mercenary side of chivalrous      
warfare has been so lost sight of in    
the conventional descriptions of it1    
that it is worth while to bring  into   
prominence how very little the cause of 
war really concerned those  who took    
part in it1 and how unfounded is the    
idea that men troubled to  fight for the
 weak or the oppressed under fine       
impulses of chivalry1  and not simply in
 any place or for any object that held  
out to them  the prospect of gain4 ,how 
otherwise is it possible to account for 
the  conduct of the ,black ,prince1 in  
fighting to restore ,pedro the ,cruel   
to the throne of ,castile1 from which he
 had been displaced in favour  of ,henry
 of ,trastamare not merely by the arms  
of ,du ,guesclin and the  ,french       

freebooters1 but by the wishes and      
consent of the people8 ,any  thought for
 the people concerned1 or of sympathy   
for their liberation1  as little entered
 into the mind of the ,black ,prince as 
if the question  had concerned toads or 
rabbits4 ,provided it afforded an       
occasion for  fighting1 it mattered     
nothing that ,pedro had ruled           
oppressively2 that  he had murdered1 or 
at least was believed to have murdered1 
his wife1  the sister of the reigning   
,king of ,france3 nor that he had even  
been  condemned by the ,pope as an enemy
 to the ,christian ,church4 ,yet before 
the battle of ,navarette 7#acfg71 in    
which ,henry was completely defeated1   
the ,prince did not hesitate in his     
prayers for victory to assert that  he  
was waging war solely in the interests  
of justice and reason2 and it  was for  
his success in this iniquitous exploit  
7a success which only  awaited his      
departure from the country to be        
followed by a rising in  favour of the  

monarch he had deposed7 that the ,prince
 won his chief  title to fame2 that     
,london exhausted itself in shows1      
triumphs1 and  festivals in his honour2 
and that ,germans1 ,english1 and        
,flemish with  one accord entitled him  
#8the mirror of knighthood4' ,the       
,prince was only  thirteen when he      
fought at ,crecy1 and he fought with    
courage3 he was  only ten years older   
when he won the battle of ,poitiers1 and
 he behaved  with courtesy to the       
captive ,french king1 from whom he      
looked for an  extortionate ransom3 but 
the extravagant eulogies commonly heaped
 upon  him prove how little exalted in  
reality was the military ideal of his   
age4 ,his sack of ,limoges1 famous among
 military atrocities1 has already  been 
spoken of2 nor should it be forgotten1  
as another indication of  his character1
 that when two messengers brought him a 
summons from the  ,king of ,france to   
answer the appeal of the ,gascons of    
,aquitaine1 he  actually imprisoned     

them1 showing himself however in this   
superior to  his nobles and barons1 who 
actually advised capital punishment as  
the  fittest salary to the envoys for   
their pains4    ,the ,free ,companies1  
or hordes of robbers1 who ravaged       
,europe through  all the period of      
chivalry and constituted the greatest   
social  difficulty of the time1 were    
simply formed of knights and            
men-at-arms1  who1 when a public war no 
longer justified them in robbing and    
murdering on behalf of the ,state1      
turned robbers and murderers on their   
own account4 ,after the treaty of       
,bretigny had put a stop to hostilities 
between ,france and ,england 7#acfj71   
#ab1jjj of these men1 men of rank  and  
family as well as needy adventurers1 and
 under leaders of every  nationality1   
resolved sooner than lay down their arms
 to march into  ,burgundy1 there to     
relieve by the ransoms they might levy  
the poverty  they could not otherwise   
avert4 ,many a war had no other         

justification  than the liberation of   
one people from their outrages by       
turning them  upon another4 ,thus ,du   
,guesclin led his ,white ,company into  
,spain on  behalf of ,henry the         
,bastard1 less to avenge the cruelties  
of ,pedro than  to free ,france from the
 curse of her unemployed chivalry2 and  
,henry the  ,bastard1 when by such help 
he had wrested the kingdom of ,castile  
from  his brother ,pedro1 designed an   
invasion of ,granada simply to divert   
from his own territories the allies who 
had placed him in possession of  them4  
,this was a constant source of war in   
those days1 just as in our  own the     
existence of large armies leads of      
necessity to wars for their  employment2
 and even the ,crusades derive some     
explanation from the  operation of the  
motive indicated4    ,no historical     
microscope1 indeed1 will detect any     
difference between  the ,free ,companies
 and the regular troops1 since not only 
the latter  merged into the former1 but 

both were actuated by the sole pursuit  
of gain1 and equally indifferent to     
ideas of honour or patriotism4  ,the    
creed of both was summed up in the      
following regretful speech1  attributed 
to ,aymerigot ,marcel1 a great captain  
of the pillaging  bands3 #8,there is no 
pleasure in the world like that which   
men such as  ourselves enjoyed4 ,how    
happy were we when1 riding out in search
 of  adventures1 we met a rich abbot1 a 
merchant1 or a string of mules1 well    
laden with draperies1 furs1 or spices1  
from ,montpellier1 ,beziers1 and  other 
places6 ,all was our own1 or ransomed   
according to our will4 ,every  day we   
gained money1 444 we lived like kings1  
and when we went abroad  the country    
trembled2 everything was ours both in   
going and returning4'    ,in the days of
 chivalry1 this desire of gain1 however 
gotten1 pervaded  and vitiated all      
classes of men from the lowest to the   
highest4 ,charles  ,,iv4 of ,france1    
when his sister ,isabella1 queen of     

,edward ,,ii41 fled to  him1 promised to
 help her with gold and silver1 but     
secretly1 lest  it should bring him into
 war2 and then when messengers from     
,england  came with gold and silver and 
jewels for himself and his ministers1   
both he and his council became in a     
short time as cold to the cause  of     
,isabella as they had been warm1 the    
king even going so far as to  forbid any
 of his subjects under pain of          
banishment to help his sister  in her   
projected return4 ,and again1 when      
,edward ,,iii4 was about to make  war   
with ,france1 was he not told that his  
allies were men who loved to  gain      
wealth1 and whom it was necessary to pay
 beforehand8 ,and did he  not find that 
a judicious distribution of florins was 
as effective in  winning over to his    
interests a duke1 a marquis1 an         
archbishop1 and the  lords of ,germany1 
as the poorer citizens of the towns of  
,flanders8    ,money1 therefore1 or its 
equivalent1 and not the title to the    

crown of  ,france1 was at the root of   
the wars waged abroad by the ,english   
under  ,edward ,,iii4 ,the question of  
title simply served as pretext1 covering
  the baser objects of the invasion4 ,no
 historical fact is clearer1  ignored   
though it has been in the popular       
histories of ,england1 than  that the   
unpopularity of his successor1 ,richard 
,,ii41 arose from his  marriage with the
 daughter of the ,king of ,france1 and  
from his desire  for peace between the  
two kingdoms1 of which the marriage was 
the  proof and the security4 ,when his  
wish for peace led to the formation  of 
a war and a peace party among the       
,english nobility1 ,froissart says3     
#8,the poorer knights and archers were  
of course for war1 as their sole        
livelihood depended upon it4#fj ,they   
had learnt idleness and looked to  war  
as a means of support4' ,in reference to
 the great peace conference  held at    
,amiens in #acia1 he observes3 #8,many  
persons will not readily  believe what  

,i am about to say1 though it is        
strictly true1 that the  ,english are   
fonder of war than of peace4 ,during the
 reign of ,edward1 of  happy memory1 and
 in the lifetime of his son the ,prince 
of ,wales1 they  made such grand        
conquests in ,france1 and by their      
victories and ransoms  of towns1        
castles1 and men gained such wealth1    
that the poorest knights  became rich2  
and those who were not gentlemen by     
birth1 by gallantly  hazarding          
themselves in these wars1 were ennobled 
by their valour and  worth4 ,those who  
came after them were desirous of        
following the same  road4444 ,even the  
,duke of ,gloucester1 son of ,king      
,edward1 inclined to  the opinion of the
 commons1 as did many other knights and 
squires who  were desirous of war to    
enable them to support their state4'#fa 
,no other country1 indeed1 pleased these
 ,english brigand knights so well  as   
,france for the purpose of military     
plunder4 ,hence the ,english who        

returned from the expedition to ,castile
 complained bitterly that in the  large 
towns where they expected to find       
everything1 there was nothing  but      
wines1 lard1 and empty coffers2 but that
 it was quite otherwise  in ,france1    
where they had often found in the cities
 taken in war such  wealth and riches as
 astonished them2 it was in a war with  
,france  therefore that it behoved them 
to hazard their lives1 for it was very  
profitable1 not in a war with ,castile  
or ,portugal1 where there was  nothing  
but poverty and loss to be suffered4#fb 
,with this evidence from ,froissart may 
be compared a passage from ,philip  de  
,commines1 where he says1 in speaking of
 ,louis ,,xi4 towards the end of  the   
following century3 #8,our master was    
well aware that the nobility1  clergy1  
and commons of ,england are always ready
 to enter upon a war  with ,france1 not 
only on account of their old title to   
its crown1 but  by the desire of gain1  
for it pleased ,god to permit their     

predecessors  to win several memorable  
battles in this kingdom1 and to remain  
in  possession of ,normandy and ,guienne
 for the space of #cej years1 444       
during which time they carried over     
enormous booty into ,england4 ,not  only
 in plunder which they had taken in the 
several towns1 but in the  richness and 
quality of their prisoners1 who were    
most of them great  princes and lords1  
and paid them vast ransoms for their    
liberty2 so  that every ,englishman     
afterwards hoped to do the same thereby 
and  return home laden with spoils4'#fc 
,such1 then1 were the antecedents of the
 evil custom of war which has  descended
 to our own time2 and we shall have     
taken the first step to  its abolition  
when we have thus learnt to read its    
real descent and  place in history1 and 
to reject as pure hallucination the idea
 that  in the warfare of the past any   
more than of the present there was      
anything noble or great or glorious4    
,that brave deeds were often done  and  

noble conduct sometimes displayed in it 
must not blind us to its  other and     
darker features4 ,it was a warfare in   
which not even women and  children were 
safe from the sword or lance of the     
knight or soldier2  nor sacred buildings
 exempt from their rage4 ,it was a      
warfare in  which the occasional mercy  
shown had a mercenary taint2 in which   
the  defeated were only spared for their
 ransom2 and in which prisoners were    
constantly liable to torture1           
mutilation1 and fetters4 ,above all1 it 
was a warfare in which men fought more  
from a sordid greed of gain than  from  
any love or attachment to their king or 
country1 so that all sense  of loyalty  
would speedily evaporate if a king like 
,richard ,,ii4 chanced  to wish to live 
peaceably with his neighbours4    ,it is
 not unimportant to have thus shown the 
warfare of chivalry in its  true light4 
,for it is the delusion with regard to  
it1 which more than  anything else keeps
 alive those romantic notions about war 

and warriors  that are the most fatal   
hindrance to removing both from the face
 of the  earth4 ,we clearly drive       
militarism to its last defences1 if we  
deprive  it of every period and of      
almost every name on which it is wont to
 rely  as entitling it to our admiration
 or esteem4          ,,chapter ,,iii4   
,,naval ,,warfare4        ,una et ea    
vetus causa bellandi est profunda cupido
 imperii et      divitiarum4--,,sallust4
        ,robbery the first object of    
maritime warfare--,the piratical origin 
of ,european navies--,merciless         
character of wars at sea--,fortunes     
made by privateering in                 
,england--,privateers commissioned by   
the ,state--,privateers defended by the 
publicists--,distinction      between   
privateering and piracy--,failure of the
 ,state to regulate                     
privateering--,privateering condemned by
 ,lord ,nelson--,privateering           
abolished by the ,declaration of ,paris 
in #ahef--,modern feeling      against  

seizure of private property at          
sea--,naval warfare in days      of     
wooden ships--,unlawful methods of      
maritime war--,the ,emperor      ,leo   
,,vi4's #8,treatise on ,tactics'--,the  
use of fire-ships--,death      the      
penalty for serving in                  
fire-ships--,torpedoes originally       
regarded as #8bad' war--,english and    
,french doctrine of rights of           
neutrals--,enemy's property under       
neutral flag secured by ,treaty of      
,paris--,shortcomings of the ,treaty of 
,paris with regard to3--7#a7      ,a    
definition of what is contraband2 7#b7  
,the right of search of      vessels    
under convoy2 7#c7 ,the practice of     
embargoes2 7#d7 ,the jus                
angari--,the ,international ,marine     
,code of the future4      ,the first    
striking difference between military and
 naval warfare is  that1 while--in      
theory1 at least--the military forces of
 a country  confine their attacks to the
 persons and power of their enemy1 the  

naval forces devote themselves primarily
 to the plunder of his  property and    
commerce4 ,if on land the theory of     
modern war exempts  from spoliation all 
of an enemy's goods that do not         
contribute to his  military strength1 on
 sea such spoliation is the professed   
object of  maritime warfare4 ,and the   
difference1 we are told1 is #8the       
necessary  consequence of the state of  
war1 which places the citizens or       
subject  of the belligerent states in   
hostility to each other1 and prohibits  
all intercourse between them1'#fd       
although the very reason for the        
immunity of private property on land is 
that war is a condition of  hostility   
between the military forces of two      
countries1 and not between  their       
respective inhabitants4#fd    ,writers  
on public law have invented many        
ingenious theories to explain  and      
justify1 on rational grounds1 so        
fundamental a difference between  the   
two kinds of warfare4 #8,to make prize  

of a merchant ship1' says  ,dr4         
,whewell1 #8is an obvious way of showing
 7such a ship7 that its own  ,state is  
unable to protect it at sea1 and thus is
 a mode of attacking  the ,state2'#fe a 
reason that would equally justify the   
slaughter  of nonagenarians4 ,according 
to ,hautefeuille1 the differences flows 
naturally from the conditions of        
hostilities waged on different          
elements1 and especially from the       
absence at sea of any fear of a  rising 
en masse which1 as it may be the result 
of wholesale robbery  on land1 serves to
 some extent as a safeguard against     
it4#ff    ,a simpler explanation may    
trace the difference to the maritime    
,piracy  which for many centuries was   
the normal relation between the ,english
  and ,continental coasts1 and out of   
which the navies of ,europe were        
gradually evolved4 ,sir ,h4 ,nicolas1   
describing the naval state of the       
thirteenth and early part of the        
fourteenth century1 proves by abundant  

facts the following picture of it3      
#8,during a truce or peace ships were   
boarded1 plundered1 and captured by     
vessels of a friendly ,power as if      
there had been actual war4 ,even        
,english merchant ships were attacked   
and robbed as well in port as at sea by 
,english vessels1 and especially  by    
those of the ,cinque ,ports1 which seem 
to have been nests of robbers2  and1    
judging from the numerous complaints1 it
 would appear that a  general system of 
piracy existed which no government was  
strong enough  to restrain4'#fg    ,the 
governments of those days were1 however1
 not only not strong  enough to         
restrain1 but1 as a rule1 only too glad 
to make use of these  pirates as        
auxiliaries in their wars with foreign  
,powers4 ,some ,english  ships carrying 
troops to ,france having been dispersed 
by a storm1 the  sailors of the ,cinque 
,ports were ordered by ,henry ,,iii41 in
 revenge1 to  commit every possible     
injury on the ,french2 a commission     

undertaken  with such zeal on their part
 that they slew and plundered not only  
all  the foreigners they could catch1   
but their own countrymen returning  from
 their pilgrimages 7#abdb74 ,during the 
whole reign of ,henry ,,iv4             
7#acii-adac71 though there existed a    
truce between ,france and ,england1  the
 ordinary incidents of hostilities      
continued at sea just as if the         
countries had been at open war4#fh ,the 
object on either side was  plunder and  
wanton devastation2 nor from their      
landing on each other's  coasts1 burning
 each other's towns and crops1 and      
carrying off each  other's property1 did
 the country of either derive the least 
benefit  whatever4 ,the monk of ,st4    
,denys shows that these pirates were    
really  the mariners on whom the naval  
service of ,england chiefly depended in 
time of war1 for he says1 in speaking of
 this period3 #8,the ,english  pirates1 
discontented with the truce and         
unwilling to abandon their  profitable  

pursuits1 determined to infest the sea  
and attack merchant  ships4 ,three      
thousand of the most skilful sailors of 
,england and  ,bayonne had confederated 
for that purpose1 and1 as was supposed1 
with  the approbation of their king4'   
,it was not till the year #adac that    
,henry ,v4 sought to put a stop to the  
piratical practices of the ,english     
marine1 and he then did so without      
requiring a reciprocal endeavour on  the
 part of the other countries of         
,europe4#fi    ,maritime warfare being  
thus simply an extension of maritime    
piracy1 the  usages of the one naturally
 became the usages of the other2 the    
only  difference being that in time of  
war it was with the licence and pay of  
the ,state1 and with the help of knights
 and squires1 that the pirates  carried 
on their accustomed programme of        
incendiarism1 massacres1 and  robberies4
    ,from this connection1 therefore1 a 
lower character of warfare prevailed    
from the first on sea than on land1 and 

the spirit of piracy breathed  over the 
waters4 ,no more mercy was shown by the 
regular naval service  than was shown by
 pirates to the crew of a captured or   
surrendered  vessel1 for wounded and    
unwounded alike were thrown into the    
sea4 ,when  the fleet of ,breton pirates
 defeated the ,english pirates in ,july 
#adjc1  and took #b1jjj of them         
prisoners1 they threw overboard the     
greater  part of them2#gj and in the    
great sea-fight between the ,english and
  ,spanish fleets of #acej1 the whole of
 the crew of a ,spanish ship that       
surrendered to the ,earl of ,lancaster  
were thrown overboard1 #8according  to  
the barbarous custom of the age4'#ga    
,two other stories of that time still   
further display the utter want  of      
anything like chivalrous feeling in     
maritime usages4 ,a ,flemish  ship1 on  
its way to ,scotland1 having been driven
 by a storm on the  ,english coast1 near
 the ,thames1 and its crew having been  
slain by the  inhabitants1 the king     

rewarded the assassins with the whole of
 the  cargo1 and kept the ship and the  
rigging for himself 7#acah74gb ,in      
#acgi1 when a fleet of ,english knights1
 under ,sir ,john ,arundel1 on its  way 
to ,brittany1 was overtaken by a storm1 
and the jettison of other  things failed
 to relieve the vessels1 sixty women1   
many of whom had  been forced to embark1
 were thrown into the sea4#gc    ,the   
piratical origin1 therefore1 of the     
navies of ,europe sufficiently  explains
 the fact that plunder1 which is less   
the rule than an incident  of war on    
land1 remains its chief object and      
feature at sea4 ,the fact  may further  
be explained by the survival of piracy  
long sanctioned by  the ,states under   
the guise of ,privateering4 ,if we would
 understand the  popularity of wars in  
,england in the old privateering days1  
we must  recall the magnificent fortunes
 which were often won as prize-money in 
the career of legalised piracy4 ,during 
the war which was concluded in  #agdh by

 the treaty of ,aix-la-,chapelle1       
,england captured of ,french and        
,spanish ships collectively #c1dcd1     
whilst she herself lost #c1bch2 but1    
small compensation as this balance of   
#aif ships in her favour may seem  after
 a contest of some nine years1 the      
pecuniary balance in her favour  is said
 to have amounted to #b1jjj1jjjl4#gd    
,we now begin to see why our forefathers
 rang their church bells at the         
announcement of war1 as they did at the 
declaration of this one against  ,spain4
 ,war represented to large classes what 
the gold mines of ,peru  represented to 
,spain--the best of all possible        
pecuniary speculations4  ,in the year   
#agdg alone the ,english ships took #fdd
 prizes2 and of what  enormous value    
they often were6 ,here is a list of the 
values which the  cargoes of these      
prizes not unfrequently reached3        
,that of the #8,hron1' a ,french ship1  
#adj1jjjl4      ,that of the            
#8,conception1' a ,french ship1         

#bjj1jjjl4      ,that of #8,la          
,charmante1' a ,french ,east ,indiaman1 
#bjj1jjjl4      ,that of the #8,vestal1'
 a ,spanish ship1 #adj1jjjl4      ,that 
of the #8,hector1' a ,spanish ship1     
#cjj1jjjl4      ,that of the            
#8,concordia1' a ,spanish ship1         
#fjj1jjjl4#ge    ,two ,spanish register 
ships are recorded to have brought in   
#cejl4  to every foremast man who took  
part in their capture4 ,in #agde three  
,spanish vessels returning from ,peru   
having been captured by three           
privateersmen1 the owners of the latter 
received to their separate  shares the  
sum of #gjj1jjjl41 and every common     
seaman #hejl4 ,another  ,spanish galleon
 was taken by a ,british man-of-war with
 a million  sterling in bullion on      
board4    ,these facts suffice to dispel
 the wonder we might otherwise feel at  
the love our ancestors had for mixing   
themselves up1 for any pretext  or for  
none1 in hostilities with ,continental  
,powers4 ,our policy was  naturally     

spirited1 when it meant chances like    
these for all who lacked  either the wit
 or the will to live honestly1 and      
returns like these on  the capital      
invested in the patriotic equipment of a
 few privateers4  ,but what advantage   
ultimately accrued to either side1 after
 deduction  made for all losses and     
expenses1 or how far these national     
piracies  contributed to the speedier   
restoration of peace1 were questions    
that  apparently did not enter within   
the range of military reasoning to      
consider4    ,everything was done to    
make attractive a life of piracy spent  
in the  service of the ,state4          
,originally every ,european ,state      
claimed some  interest in the prizes it 
commissioned its privateers to take2 but
 the  fact that each in turn surrendered
 its claim proves the difficulty  there 
was in getting these piratical servants 
to submit their plunder  to the         
adjudication of the prize-courts4       
,originally all privateers  were bound  

to deliver captured arms and ammunition 
to their sovereign1  and to surrender a 
percentage of their gains to the ,state 
or the  admiral2 but it soon came to    
pass that sovereigns had to pay for the 
arms they might wish to keep1 and that  
the percentage deducted was  first      
diminished and then abolished           
altogether4 ,at first #cj per cent4  was
 deducted in ,holland1 which fell       
successively to #ah per cent41 to  #aj  
per cent41 to nothing2 and in ,england  
the #aj per cent4 originally  due to the
 admiral was finally surrendered4#gf    
,the crew also enjoyed  an additional   
prize of money for every person slain or
 captured on an  enemy's man-of-war or  
privateer1 and for every cannon in      
proportion to  its bore4#gg    ,of all  
the changes of opinion that have        
occurred in the world's  history1 none  
is more instructive than that which     
gradually took place  concerning        
privateering1 and which ended in its    
final renunciation by  most of the      

maritime ,powers in the ,declaration of 
,paris in #ahef4    ,the weight of the  
publicists' authority was for long in   
its favour4  ,vattel only made the      
proviso of a just cause of war the      
condition for  reconciling privateering 
with the comfort of a good              
conscience4#gh  ,valin defended it as a 
patriotic service1 in that it relieved  
the ,state  from the expense of fitting 
out war-vessels4 ,emerigon denounced the
  vocation of pirates as infamous1 while
 commending that of privateers  as      
honest and even glorious4 ,and for many 
generations the distinction  between the
 two was held to be satisfactory1 that  
the privateer acted  under the          
commission of his sovereign1 the pirate 
under no one's but  his own4            
,morally1 this distinction of itself    
proved little4 ,take the story of  the  
,french general ,crillon1 who1 when     
,henri ,,iii4 proposed to him to        
assassinate the ,duc de ,guise1 is said 
to have replied1 #8,my life and my      

property are yours1 ,sire2 but ,i should
 be unworthy of the ,french name  were  
,i false to the laws of honour4' ,had he
 accepted the commission1  would the    
deed have been praiseworthy or infamous8
 ,can a commission  affect the moral    
quality of actions8 ,the hangman has a  
commission1  but neither honour nor     
distinction4 ,why1 then1 should a       
successful  privateer have been often   
decorated with the title of nobility or 
presented with a sword by his king8#gi  
,historically1 the distinction had even 
less foundation4 ,in olden times        
individuals carried on their own        
robberies or reprisals at their own     
risk2 but their actions did not become  
the least less piratical when1  about   
the thirteenth century1 reprisals were  
taken under ,state control1  and became 
only lawful under letters of marque duly
 issued by a  sovereign or his admirals4
 ,in their acts1 conduct1 and whole     
procedure1  the commissioned privateers 
of later times differed in no           

discernible  respects from the pirates  
of the middle ages1 save in the fact of 
being  utilised by the ,state for its   
supposed benefit3 and this difference1  
only dating as it did from the time when
 the prohibition to fit out  cruisers in
 time of war without public authority   
first became common1  was evidently one 
of date rather than of nature4          
,moreover1 the attempt of the ,state to 
regulate its piratical service  failed  
utterly4 ,in the fourteenth century it  
was customary to make  the officers of a
 privateer swear not to plunder the     
subjects of the  commissioning          
belligerent1 or of friendly ,powers1 or 
of vessels  sailing under safe-conducts2
 in the next century it became          
necessary1  in addition to this oath1 to
 insist on heavy pecuniary sureties2#hj 
and such sureties became common         
stipulations in treaties of peace4      
,nearly every treaty between the        
maritime ,powers after about #afjj      
contained stipulations in restraint of  

the abuses of privateering2  on the     
value of which1 the complaints that     
arose in every war that  occurred of    
privateers exceeding their powers are a 
sufficient comment4  ,the numerous      
ordinances of different countries       
threatening to punish  as pirates all   
privateers who were found with          
commissions from both  belligerents1    
give us a still further insight into the
 character of  those servants of the    
,state4    ,in fact1 so slight was the  
distinction founded on the possession of
  a commission1 that even privateers    
with commissions were sometimes  treated
 as actual pirates and not as legitimate
 belligerents4 ,in the  seventeenth     
century1 the freebooters and buccaneers 
who ravaged the  ,west ,indies1 and who 
consisted of the outcasts of ,england   
and the  ,continent1 though they were   
duly commissioned by ,france to do their
  utmost damage to the ,spanish colonies
 and commerce in the ,west ,indies1     
were treated as no better than pirates  

if they happened to fall into  the hands
 of the ,spaniards4 ,and especially was 
this distinction  disallowed if there   
were any doubt concerning the legitimacy
 of the  letters of marque4 ,england1   
for instance1 refused at first to treat 
as better than pirates the privateers of
 her revolted colonists in  ,america2   
and in the ,french ,revolution she tried
 to persuade the ,powers  of ,europe so 
to deal with privateers commissioned by 
the republican  government4 ,russia     
having consented to this plan1 its      
execution was  only hindered by the     
honourable refusal of ,sweden and       
,denmark to accede  to so retrograde an 
innovation4#ha    ,an illusory          
distinction between the prize of a      
pirate and that of  a privateer was     
further sustained by the judicial       
apparatus of the  prize-court4 ,the     
rights of a captor were not complete    
till a naval  tribunal of his own       
country had settled his claims to the   
ships or  cargo of an enemy or neutral4 

,by this device confiscation was        
divested  of its likeness to plunder1   
and a thin veneer of legality was laid  
on  the fundamental lawlessness of the  
whole system4 ,were it left to the      
wolves to decide on their rights to the 
captured sheep1 the latter  would have  
much the same chance of release as      
vessels in a prize-court  of the captor4
 ,a prize-court has never yet been      
equally representative  of either       
belligerent1 or been so constituted as  
to be absolutely  impartial between     
either4    ,but1 even granted that a    
prize-court gave its verdicts with the  
strictest regard to the evidence1 of    
what nature was that evidence  likely to
 be when it came chiefly from the purser
 on board the  privateer1 whose duty it 
was to draw up a verbal process of the  
circumstances of every visit or capture1
 and who1 as he was paid and  nominated 
by the captain of the privateer1 was    
dependent for his  profits in the       
concern on the lawfulness of the prizes8

 ,how easy to  represent that a         
defenceless merchant vessel had offered 
resistance to  search1 and that         
therefore by the law of nations she and 
her cargo  were lawful prize6 ,how      
tempting to falsify every circumstance  
that  really attended the capture1 or   
that legally affected the captors'      
rights to their plunder6    ,these      
aspects of privateering soon led        
unbiassed minds to a sounder  judgment  
about it than was discernible in        
received opinion4 ,molloy1 an  ,english 
writer1 spoke of it1 as long ago as     
#agfi1 as follows3 #8,it were  well they
 7the privateers7 were restrained by    
consent of all princes1  since all good 
men account them but one remove from    
pirates1 who  without any respect to the
 cause1 or having any injury done them1 
or so  much as hired for the service1   
spoil men and goods1 making even a trade
  and calling of it4'#hb ,martens1 the  
,german publicist1 at the end of  the   
same century1 called privateering a     

privileged piracy2 but ,nelson's        
opinion may fairly count for more than  
all2 and of his opinion there  remains  
no doubt whatever4 ,in a letter dated   
,august #g1 #ahjd1 he wrote3  #8,if ,i  
had the least authority in controlling  
the privateers1 whose  conduct is so    
disgraceful to the ,british nation1 ,i  
would instantly take  their commissions 
from them4' ,in the same letter he spoke
 of them as  a horde of sanctioned      
robbers2#hc and on another occasion he  
wrote3  #8,the conduct of all           
privateering is1 as far as ,i have seen1
 so near  piracy1 that ,i only wonder   
any civilised nation can allow them4    
,the  lawful as well as the unlawful    
commerce of the neutral flag is subject 
to every violation and spoliation4'#hd  
,yet it was for the sake of  such       
spoliation1 which ,england chose to     
regard as her maritime right  and to    
identify with her maritime supremacy1   
that1 under the pretext  of solicitude  
for the liberties of ,europe1 she fought

 her long war  with ,france1 and made   
herself the enemy in turn of nearly     
every other  civilised ,power in the    
world4    ,the ,declaration of ,paris1  
the first article of which abolished    
privateering between the signatory      
,powers1 was signed by ,lord ,clarendon 
on behalf of ,england2 but on the ground
 that it was not formally a  treaty1    
never having been ratified by           
,parliament or the ,crown1 it has       
actually been several times proposed in 
the ,english ,parliament to  violate the
 honour of ,england by declaring that   
agreement null and  void4#he ,lord      
,derby1 in reference to such proposals1 
said in #ahfg3  #8,we have given a      
pledge1 not merely to the ,powers who   
signed with  us1 but to the whole       
civilised world4' ,this was the language
 of real  patriotism1 which esteems a   
country's honour its highest interest2  
the  other was the language of the      
plainest perfidy4 ,in ,november #ahgf1  
the  ,russian ,government was also      

strongly urged1 in the case of war with 
,england1 to issue letters of marque    
against ,british commerce1 in spite  of 
the international agreement to the      
contrary4#hf ,it is not likely  that it 
would have done so2 but these motions in
 different countries  give vital        
interest to the history of privateering 
as one of the  legitimate modes of      
waging war4    ,moreover1 since neither 
,spain1 the ,united ,states1 nor ,mexico
 signed  the ,declaration of ,paris1 war
 with any of them would revive all the  
atrocities and disputes that have       
embittered previous wars in which       
,england has been engaged4 ,the         
precedent of former treaties1 such as   
that between ,sweden and the ,united    
,provinces in #afge1 the ,united ,states
  and ,prussia in #aghe1 and the ,united
 ,states and ,italy in #ahga1 by which  
either party agreed in the event of war 
not to employ privateers  against the   
other1 affords an obvious sample of what
 diplomacy might  yet do to diminish the

 chances of war between the signatory   
and the  non-signatory ,powers4    ,the 
,united ,states would have signed the   
,declaration of ,paris if it had        
exempted the merchant vessels of        
belligerents as well from public armed  
vessels as from privateers3 and this    
must be looked to as the next  conquest 
of law over lawlessness4 ,russia and    
several other ,powers were  ready to    
accept the ,american amendment1 which1  
having at first only  fallen through    
owing to the opposition of ,england1 was
 subsequently  withdrawn by ,america    
herself4 ,nevertheless1 that amendment  
remains the  wish not only of the       
civilised world1 but of our own         
merchants1 whose  carrying trade1 the   
largest in the world1 is1 in the event  
of ,england  becoming a belligerent1 in 
danger of falling into the hands of     
neutral  countries4 ,in #aheh the       
merchants of ,bremen drew up a formal   
protest  against the right of ships of  
war to seize the property and ships of  

merchants4#hg ,in the war of #ahff      
,prussia1 ,italy1 and ,austria agreed   
to forego this time-honoured right of   
mutual plunder2 and the ,emperor  of    
,germany endeavoured to establish the   
same limitation in the war of  #ahgj4   
,the old maxim of war1 of which the     
custom is a survival1 has  long since   
been disproved by political economy--the
 doctrine1 namely1  that a loss to one  
country is a gain to another1 or that   
one country  profits by the exact extent
 of the injury that it effects against  
the  property of its adversary4 ,having 
lost its basis in reason1 it only       
remains to remove it from practice4     
,if we turn for a moment from this      
aspect of naval warfare to the actual   
conduct of hostilities at sea1 the      
desire to obtain forcible possession  of
 an enemy's vessels must clearly have   
had a beneficial effect in  rendering   
the loss of life less extensive than it 
was in battles on  land4 ,to capture a  
ship1 it was desirable1 if possible1 to 

disable  without destroying it2 so that 
the fire of each side was more generally
  directed against the masts and rigging
 than against the hull or lower  parts  
of the vessel4 ,in the case of the      
#8,berwick1' an ,english #gd-;gun  ship1
 which struck her colours to the ,french
 frigate1 the #8,alceste1'  only four   
sailors were wounded1 and the captain1  
whose head was taken  off by a bar-shot1
 was the only person slain2 and #8so    
small a loss was  attributed to the high
 firing of the ,french1 who1 making sure
 of the  #8,berwick's' capture1 and     
wanting such a ship entire in their     
fleet1  were wise enough to do as little
 injury as possible to her hull4'#hh    
,the great battle between the ,english  
and ,dutch fleets off ,camperdown       
7#agie7 was exceptional both for the    
damage inflicted by both on the  hulls  
of their adversaries1 and consequently  
for the heavy loss of  life on either   
side4 #8,the appearance of the ,british 
ships at the close  of the action was   

very unlike what it generally is when   
the ,french  or ,spaniards have been the
 opponents of the former4 ,not a single 
mast  nor even a top-mast was shot away2
 nor were the rigging and sails of  the 
ships in their usual tattered state4 ,it
 was at the hulls of their  adversaries 
that the ,dutchmen had directed their   
shot4'#hi ,as the  ,english naturally   
retaliated1 though #8as trophies the    
appearance of  the ,dutch prizes was    
gratifying1' as ships of war #8they were
 not the  slightest acquisition to the  
navy of ,england4'#ij    ,when this     
happened1 as it could not but often do  
in pitched naval  battles1 the          
,government sometimes made good to the  
captors the value of  the prizes that   
the serious nature of the conflict had  
caused them to  lose4 ,thus in the case 
of the six ,french prizes made at the   
,battle of  the ,nile1 only three of    
which ever reached ,plymouth1 the       
,government1  #8in order that the       
captors might not suffer for the prowess

 they had  displayed in riddling the    
hulls of the captured ships1 paid for   
each of  the destroyed #gds1 the        
8,guerrier10 8,heureux10 and 8,mercure10
 the sum of  #bj1jjjl41 which was as    
much as the least valuable of the       
remaining  #gds had been valued at4'    
,it is curious to notice distinctions in
 naval warfare between lawful  and      
unlawful methods similar to those       
conspicuous on land4 ,such  projectiles 
as bits of iron ore1 pointed stones1    
nails1 or glass1 are  excluded from the 
list of things that may be used in good 
war2 and  the ,declaration of ,st4      
,petersburg condemns explosive bullets  
as much  on one element as on the other4
 ,unfounded charges by one belligerent  
against another are1 however1 always    
liable to bring the illicit  method into
 actual use on both sides under the     
pretext of reprisals2  as we see in the 
following order of the day1 issued at   
,brest by the  ,french ,vice-,admiral   
,marshal ,conflans 7,nov4 #h1 #agei73   

#8,it is absolutely  contrary to the law
 of nations to make bad war1 and to     
shoot shells at  the enemy1 who must    
always be fought according to the rules 
of honour1  with the arms generally     
employed by polite nations4 ,yet some   
captains  have complained that the      
,english have used such weapons against 
them4  ,it is1 therefore1 only on these 
complaints1 and with an extreme         
reluctance1 that it has been resolved to
 embark hollow shells on  vessels of the
 line1 but it is expressly forbidden to 
use them unless  the enemy begin4'#ia   
,so the ,english in their turn charged  
the ,french with making bad  war4 ,the  
wound received by ,nelson at ,aboukir1  
on the forehead1 was  attributed to a   
piece of iron or a langridge shot4#ib   
,and the wounds  that the crew of the   
#8,brunswick' received from the         
#8,vengeur' in the  famous battle       
between the ,french and ,english fleets 
in ,june #agid1 are  said to have been  
peculiarly distressing1 owing to the    

,french employing  langridge shot of raw
 ore and old nails1 and to their        
throwing  stinkpots into the portholes1 
which caused most painful burnings and  
scaldings4#ic ,it is safest to discredit
 such accusations altogether1  for there
 is no limit to the barbarities that may
 come into play1 in  consequence of too 
ready a credulity4    ,red-hot shot1    
legitimate for the defence of land forts
 against ships1  used not to be         
considered good war in the contests of  
ships with one  another4 ,in the three  
hours' action between the #8,lively' and
 the  #8,tourterelle1' a ,french        
privateer1 the use by the latter of     
hot-shot1  #8not usually deemed         
honourable warfare1' was considered to  
be wrong1  but a wrong on the part of   
those who equipped her for sea more than
  on the part of the captain who fired  
them4#id ,the ,english assailing        
batteries that fired red-hot shot       
against ,glckstadt in #ahac are said  to
 have resorted to #8a mode of warfare   

very unusual with us since the  siege of
 ,gibraltar4'#ie    ,the #8,treatise on 
,tactics1' by the ,emperor ,leo ,,vi41  
carries back the  record of the means   
employed against an enemy in naval      
warfare to  the ninth century4 ,the     
things he recommends as most effective  
are3  cranes1 to let fall heavy weights 
on the enemy's decks2 caltrops1  with   
iron spikes1 to wound his feet2#if jars 
full of quicklime1  to suffocate him2   
jars containing combustibles1 to burn   
him2 jars  containing poisonous         
reptiles1 to bite him2 and ,greek fire  
with its  noise like thunder1 to        
frighten as well as burn him4#ig ,many  
of these  methods were of immemorial    
usage2 for ,scipio knew the merits of   
jars  full of pitch1 and ,hannibal of   
jars full of vipers4#ih ,nothing was    
too bad for use in those days2 nor can  
it be ascertained when or why  they     
ceased to be used4 ,greek fire was used 
with great effect in the  sea-battles   
between the ,saracens and ,christians2  

and it is a fair cause  for wonder that 
the invention of gunpowder should have  
so entirely  superseded it as to cause  
its very manufacture to have been       
forgotten4  ,neither does history record
 the date of1 nor the reason for1 the   
disuse  of quicklime1 which in the      
famous fight off ,dover in #abag between
  the ,french and ,english contributed  
so greatly to the victory of the        
latter4#ii    ,it is difficult to       
believe that sentiments of humanity     
should have  caused these methods to be 
discarded from maritime hostilities2 but
  that such motives led to a certain    
mitigation in the use of fire-ships     
appears from a passage in ,captain      
,brenton's #8,naval ,history1' where he 
says3 #8,the use of fire-ships has long 
been laid aside1 to the honour of  the  
nation which first dispensed with this  
barbarous aggravation of the  horrors of
 war4' ,that is to say1 as he explains  
it1 though fire-ships  continued to     
accompany the fleets1 they were only    

used in an anchorage  where there was a 
fair chance of the escape of the crew   
against which  they were sent2 they     
ceased to be used1 as at one time1 to   
burn or  blow up disabled ships1 which  
the conqueror dared not board and carry 
into port1 and which were covered with  
the wounded and dying4 ,the last        
instance in which they were so used by  
the ,english was in the fight  off      
,toulon1 in #agdd2 and their use on that
 occasion is said to have  received     
merited reproach from an historian of   
the day4#ajj    ,as the service of a    
fire-ship was one that required the     
greatest  bravery and coolness--since it
 was1 of course1 attacked in every      
possible way1 and it was often difficult
 to escape by the boat chained  behind  
it--it displays the extraordinary       
inconsistency of opinion about  such    
matters that it should have been        
accounted rather a service of  infamy   
than of honour4 ,molloy1 in #agfi1 wrote
 of it as the practice of  his day to   

put to death prisoners made from a      
fire-ship3 #8,generally  the persons    
found in them are put to death if       
taken4'#aja ,and another  writer says3  
#8,whether it be from a refined idea1 or
 from the most  determined resentment   
towards those who act in fire-ships1 may
 be  difficult to judge2 but there is   
rarely any quarter given to such as     
fall into the enemy's power4'#ajb       
,clock-machines1 or torpedoes1 were     
introduced into ,european warfare by    
the ,english1 being intended to destroy 
,napoleon's ships at ,boulogne in       
#ahjd4 ,it is remarkable that the use of
 them was at first reprobated by        
,captain ,brenton1 and by ,lord ,st4    
,vincent1 who foresaw that other ,powers
  would in turn adopt the               
innovation4#ajc ,the ,french1 who picked
 up some  of them near ,boulogne1 called
 them infernal machines4 ,but at present
  they seem fairly established as part  
of good warfare1 in default of any      
international agreement against them1   

such as that which exists against       
explosive bullets4    ,the same         
,international ,act which abolished     
privateering between the  signatory     
,powers settled also between them two   
other disputed points  which for        
centuries were a frequent cause of war  
and jealousy--namely1  the liability of 
the property of neutrals to be seized   
when found in  the ships of an enemy1   
and of the property of an enemy to be   
seized  when found in the ships of a    
neutral4    ,over the abstract right of 
belligerents so to deal with the ships  
or property of neutral ,powers the      
publicists for long fought a            
battle-royal1 contending either that a  
neutral ship should be regarded  as     
neutral territory1 or that an enemy's   
property was lawful prize  anywhere4    
,whilst the ,french or ,continental     
theory regarded the  nationality of the 
vessel rather than of its cargo1 so that
 the goods  of a neutral might be fairly
 seized on an enemy's vessel1 but those 

of an enemy were safe even in a neutral 
ship2 the ,english theory was           
diametrically the opposite1 for the     
,admiralty restored a neutral's         
property taken on an enemy's vessel1 but
 confiscated an enemy's goods  if found 
on a neutral vessel4 ,this difference   
between the ,english  rule and that of  
other countries was a source of endless 
contention4  ,frederick ,,ii4 of        
,prussia1 in #agec1 first resisted the  
,english claim to  seize hostile        
property sailing under a neutral flag4  
,then came against  the same claim the  
first ,armed ,neutrality of #aghj1      
headed by ,russia1  and again in #ahja  
the second armed coalition of the       
,northern ,powers4  ,the difference of  
rule was1 therefore1 as such differences
 always must  be1 a source of real      
weakness to ,england1 on account of the 
enemies it  raised against her all over 
the world4 ,yet the ,continental theory 
of  free ships making free goods was    
considered for generations to be so     

adverse to the real interests of        
,england1 that ,lord ,nelson1 in #ahja1 
characterised it in the ,house of ,lords
 as #8a proposition so monstrous  in    
itself1 so contrary to the law of       
nations1 and so injurious to the        
maritime interests of ,england1 as to   
justify war with the advocates  of such 
a doctrine1 so long as a single man1 a  
single shilling1 or a  single drop of   
blood remained in the country4'#ajd ,the
 ,treaty of ,paris  has made binding the
 ,continental rule1 and in spite of     
,lord ,nelson free  ships now make free 
goods4    ,the fact1 therefore1 that if 
,england were now at war with ,france   
she  could not take ,french property    
7unless it were contraband7 from a      
,russian or ,american ship1 we owe not  
to the publicists who were divided      
about it1 nor to naval opinion which was
 decided against it1 but to the         
accidental alliance between ,france and 
,england in the ,crimean war4 ,in  order
 to co-operate together1 each waived its

 old claim1 according to  which ,france 
would have been free to seize the       
property of a neutral  found on ,russian
 vessels1 and ,england to seize ,russian
 property on the  vessels of a neutral4 
,as the ,united ,states and other       
neutral ,powers  as well would probably 
have resisted by arms the claim of      
either so  to interfere with their      
neutrality1 the mutual concession was   
one of  common prudence2 and as the same
 opposition would have been perennial1  
it was no great sacrifice on the part of
 either to perpetuate and  extend by a  
treaty at the close of the war the      
agreement that at first  was only to    
last for its continuance4    ,much1     
however1 as that treaty has done for the
 peace of the world1 by  assimilating in
 these respects the maritime law of     
nations1 it has left  many customs      
unchanged to challenge still the        
attention of reformers4  ,it is         
therefore of some practical interest to 
consider of what nature  future changes 

should be1 inasmuch as1 if we cannot    
agree to cease from  fighting           
altogether1 the next best thing we can  
do is to reduce the  pretexts for it to 
as few as possible4    ,the reservation1
 then1 in favour of confiscating        
property that is  contraband of war has 
left the right of visiting and searching
 neutral  or hostile merchantmen for    
contraband untouched2 though nothing has
  been a more fruitful source of quarrel
 than the want of a common  definition  
of what constitutes contraband4         
,anything which1 without  further       
manipulation1 adds directly to an       
enemy's power1 as weapons  of war1 are  
contraband by universal admission2 but  
whether corn and  provisions are1 as    
some text-writers assert and others     
deny2 whether  coined money1 horses1 or 
saddles are1 as was decided in #ahfc    
between  the ,northern ,powers of       
,europe2 whether tar and pitch for ships
 are1 as  was disputed between ,england 
and ,sweden for #bjj years2 whether coal

  should be1 as ,prince ,bismarck       
claimed against ,england in #ahgj2 or   
whether rice is a war-threatening point 
of difference between ,england  and     
,france in this very year of grace2     
these are questions that remain         
absolutely undecided1 or are left to the
 treaties between the several  ,powers  
or the arbitrary caprice of             
belligerents4    ,the ,declaration of   
,paris was equally silent as to the     
right 7demanded  by all the ,powers save
 ,england7 for ships of war1 which have 
always  been exempt from search1 to     
exempt from search also the merchant    
vessels sailing under their convoy4 ,so 
fundamental a divergence between  the   
maritime usages of different countries  
can only be sustained under  the peril  
of incurring hostility and war1 without 
any corresponding  advantage in         
compensation4    ,the ,declaration of   
,paris has also left untouched the old  
usage of  embargoes4 ,a nation wronged  
by another may still seize the vessels  

of  that other which may be in its      
ports1 in order to secure attention to  
its claims2 restoring them in the event 
of a peaceable settlement1  but         
confiscating them if war ensues4 ,the   
resemblance of this practice  of hostile
 embargo to robbery1 #8occurring as it  
does in the midst of  peace 444 ought1' 
says an ,american jurist1 #8to make it  
disgraceful and  drive it into          
disuse4'#aje ,it would be as reasonable 
to seize the  persons and property of   
all the merchants resident in the       
country1 as  used to be done by ,france 
and ,england4 ,in #agie1 ,holland1      
having been  conquered by ,france1      
became thereby an enemy of ,england4    
,accordingly1  #8orders were issued to  
seize all ,dutch vessels in ,british    
ports2' in  virtue of which1 several    
gun-ships and between fifty and sixty   
merchant  vessels in ,plymouth ,sound   
were detained by the port admiral4#ajf  
,it is  difficult to conceive anything  
less defensible as a practice between   

civilised ,states4    ,it equally       
descends from the barbarous origin of   
maritime law that all  ships of an enemy
 wrecked on our coast1 or forced to take
 refuge in our  harbours by stress of   
weather or want of provisions1 or in    
ignorance  of the existence of          
hostilities1 should become ours by right
 of war4  ,there are generous instances 
to the contrary4 ,the ,spanish ,governor
 of  ,havana in #agdf1 when an ,english 
vessel was driven into that hostile     
port by stress of weather1 refused to   
seize the vessel and take the  captain  
prisoner2 and so did another ,spanish   
governor in the case of  an ,english    
vessel whose captain was ignorant that  
,honduras was hostile  territory4 ,but  
these cases are the exception2 the rule 
being1 that a  hostile ,power avails    
itself of a captain's ignorance or      
distress to  make him a prisoner and his
 ship a prize of war2 another proof1 if 
further needed1 how very little         
magnanimity really enters into the      

conduct of hostilities4    ,it is a     
still further abuse of the rights of war
 that a belligerent  ,state may do what 
it pleases1 not only with all the       
vessels of its  own subjects1 but with  
all those of neutrals as well which     
happen to  be within its jurisdiction at
 the beginning of a war2 that it may1 on
  paying the owners the value of their  
freight beforehand1 confiscate  such    
vessels and compel them to serve in the 
transport of its troops  or its         
munitions of war4 ,yet this is the      
so-called jus angari1 to  which ,prince 
,bismarck appealed when in the war with 
,france the ,germans  sank some ,british
 vessels at the mouth of the ,seine4#ajg
 ,it is true we  received liberal       
compensation1 but the right is none the 
less one which  all the ,powers are     
interested in abolishing4    ,if1 then1 
from the preceding retrospect it appears
 that whatever  advance we have made on 
the maritime usages of our ancestors has
 been  due solely to international      

agreement1 and to a friendly concert    
between the chief ,powers of the world1 
acting with a view to their  permanent  
and collective interests1 the inference 
is evidently in  favour of any further  
advance being only possible in the same 
way4 ,the  renunciations of each ,power 
redound to the benefit of each and all2 
nor can the gain of the world involve   
any real loss for the several  nations  
that compose it4 ,we shall therefore1   
perhaps1 not err far from  the truth1 if
 we imagine the following articles1 in  
complement of those  formulated in      
,paris in #ahef1 to constitute the      
,international ,marine  ,code which will
 be found in the future to be most      
calculated to remove  sources of        
contention between nations1 and best    
adapted1 therefore1 to  the permanent   
interests of the contracting parties3   
#a4 ,privateering is and remains        
abolished4     #b4 ,the merchant vessels
 and cargoes of belligerents shall be   
exempted      from seizure and          

confiscation4     #c4 ,the colonies of  
either belligerent shall be excluded    
from the field      of legitimate       
hostilities1 and the neutrality of their
 territory      shall extend to their   
ships and commerce4     #d4 ,the right  
of visiting and searching neutral or    
hostile merchantmen      for contraband 
of war shall be abolished4     #e4      
,contraband of war shall be defined by  
international agreement2 and      to    
deal in such contraband shall be made a 
breach of the civil      law1 prohibited
 and punished by each ,state as a       
violation of its      proclamation of   
neutrality4     #f4 ,except in the case 
of contraband as aforesaid1 all trade   
shall      be lawful between the        
subjects of either belligerent1 since   
individuals are no more involved in the 
quarrel between their      respective   
governments at sea than they are on     
land4     #g4 ,the only limitation to   
commerce shall be so effective a        
blockade of      an enemy's ports as    

shall render it impossible for ships to 
enter      or leave them2 and the mere  
notification that a port is blockaded   
shall not justify the seizure of ships  
that have sailed from1 or      are      
sailing to1 them in any part of the     
world4     #h4 ,the right to lay hostile
 embargoes on the ships of a friendly   
,power1 by reason of a dispute arising  
between them1 shall be      abolished4  
#i4 ,the right to confiscate or destroy 
the ships of a friendly ,power      for 
the service of a belligerent ,state1 the
 jus angari1 shall be      abolished4   
,what1 then1 would remain for the naval 
forces of maritime ,powers to do8       
,everything1 it may be replied1 which   
constitutes legitimate warfare1  and    
conforms to the elementary conception of
 a state of hostility2 the  blockading  
of hostile ports1 and all the play of   
attack and defence  that may be imagined
 between belligerent navies4 ,whatsoever
 is more  than this--the plunder of an  
enemy's commerce1 embargoes on his      

ships1  the search of neutral           
vessels--not only cometh of piracy1 as  
has been  shown1 but is in fact piracy  
itself1 without any necessary connection
  with the conduct of legitimate        
hostilities4          ,,chapter ,,iv4   
,,military ,,reprisals4        ,si quis 
clamet iniquum non dare pnas qui        
peccavit1 respondeo      multo esse     
iniquius tot innocentium millia citra   
meritum in      extremam vocari         
calamitatem4--,,erasmus4                
,international law on legitimate        
reprisals--,the ,brussels ,conference   
on the subject--,illustrations of       
barbarous reprisals--,instances      of 
non-retaliation--,savage reprisals in   
days of chivalry--,hanging      the     
commonest reprisals for a brave defence1
 as illustrated by the      warfare of  
the fifteenth century--,survival of the 
custom to our own      times--,the      
massacre of a conquered garrison still a
 law of war--,the      shelling of      
,strasburg by the ,germans--,brutal     

warfare of ,alexander      the          
,great--,the connection between bravery 
and cruelty--,the      abolition of     
slavery in its effects on war--,the     
storming of      ,magdeburg1 ,brescia1  
and ,rome--,cicero on ,roman            
warfare--,the      reprisals of the     
,germans in ,france in #ahgj--,their    
revival of the      custom of taking    
hostages--,their resort to robbery as a 
plea      of reprisals--,general ,von   
,moltke on perpetual peace--,the moral  
responsibility of the military          
profession--,the ,press as a potent     
cause of war--,plea for the abolition of
 demands for unconditional              
surrender1 such as led to the           
bombardment of ,alexandria in #ahhb4    
,on no subject connected with the       
operations of war has ,international    
,law come as yet to lamer conclusions   
than concerning ,military  ,reprisals1  
or the revenge that may be fairly       
exacted by one belligerent  from the    
other for violation of the canons of    

honourable warfare4    ,general         
,halleck1 for instance1 whilst as       
against an enemy who puts in  force the 
extreme rights of war he justifies a    
belligerent in following  suit1 denies  
the right of the latter to do so against
 an enemy who  passes all bounds and    
conducts war in a downright savage      
fashion4  ,whilst therefore1 according  
to him1 the law of retaliation would    
never  justify such acts as the massacre
 of prisoners1 the use of poison1 or    
promiscuous slaughter1 he would consider
 as legitimate reprisals acts  like the 
sequestration by ,denmark of debts due  
from ,danish to ,british  subjects in   
retaliation for the confiscation by     
,england of the ,danish  fleet in #ahjg1
 or ,napoleon's seizure of all ,english 
travellers in  ,france in retaliation   
for ,england's seizure and condemnation 
of ,french  vessels in #ahjc4ajh ,and a 
,french writer1 in the same spirit1     
denies  that the ,french ,government    
would have been justified in retaliating

 on  ,russia1 when the ,czar had his    
,french prisoners of war consigned to   
the  mines of ,siberia4#aji    ,the     
distinction is clearly untenable on any 
rational theory of the laws  of         
retributive justice4 ,you may retaliate 
for the lesser1 but not for  the greater
 injury6 ,you may check resort to       
infamous hostilities by the  threat of  
reprisals1 but must fold your hands and 
submit1 if your enemy  becomes utterly  
barbarous6 ,you may restrain him from   
burning your crops  by burning his1 but 
must be content to go without redress if
 he slays  your wives and children6     
,how difficult the question really is   
appears from the attempt made  to settle
 it at the ,brussels ,conference of     
#ahgd1 when the following  clauses      
formed part of the original ,russian    
project submitted to the  consideration 
of that meeting3    ,section ,,iv4 #fi4 
#8,reprisals are admissible in extreme  
cases only1 due  regard being paid as   
far as possible to the laws of humanity 

when it  shall have been unquestionably 
proved that the laws and customs of war 
have been violated by the enemy1 and    
that they have had recourse to  measures
 condemned by the law of nations4'      
#gj4 #8,the selection of the means and  
extent of the reprisals should be       
proportionate to the degree of the      
infraction of the law committed by  the 
enemy4 ,reprisals that are              
disproportionately severe are contrary  
to  the rules of international law4'    
#ga4 #8,reprisals should be allowed only
 on the authority of the                
commander-in-chief1 who shall likewise  
determine the degree of their  severity 
and their duration4'    ,the delicacy of
 dealing with such a subject1 when the  
memories of  the ,franco-,german war    
were still fresh and green1 led         
ultimately to  a unanimous agreement to 
suppress these clauses altogether1 and  
to  leave the matter1 as the ,belgian   
deputy expressed it1 in the domain  of  
unwritten law till the progress of      

science and civilisation should  bring  
about a completely satisfactory         
solution4 ,nevertheless1 the  majority  
of men will be inclined1 in reference to
 this resolution1  to say with the      
,russian ,baron ,jomini1 the skilful    
,president of that  ,military ,council3 
#8,i regret that the uncertainty of     
silence is to  prevail with respect to  
one of the most bitter necessities of   
war4  ,if the practice could be         
suppressed by this reticence1 ,i could  
not  but approve of this course2 but if 
it is still to exist among the          
necessities of war1 this reticence and  
this obscurity may1 it is to be  feared1
 remove any limits to its existence4'   
,the necessity of some regulation of    
reprisals1 such as that contained  in   
the clauses suggested at ,brussels1 is  
no less attested by the events  of the  
war of #ahgj than by the customs in this
 respect which have at  all times       
prevailed1 and which1 as earlier in     
time1 form a fitting  introduction to   

those later occurrences4    ,that the   
fear of reprisals should act as a       
certain check upon the  character of    
hostilities is too obvious a            
consideration not to have  always served
 as a wholesome restraint upon military 
licence4 ,when1 for  instance1 ,philip  
,,ii4 of ,spain in his war with the     
,netherlands ordered  that no prisoners 
of war should be released or exchanged1 
nor any  contributions be accepted as an
 immunity from confiscation1 the threat 
of retaliation led to the withdrawal of 
his iniquitous proclamation4  ,nor would
 other similar instances be far to seek4
    ,nevertheless1 it is evident that1  
as seldom as war itself is prevented  by
 consideration of the forces in         
opposition1 will its peculiar  excesses1
 which constitute its details1 be       
restrained by the fear of  retaliatory  
measures2 and inasmuch as the primary   
offence is more  often the creation of  
rumour than a proved fact1 the usual    
result  of reprisals is1 not that one   

belligerent amends its ways1 but that   
both belligerents become more savage and
 enter on a fatal career of  competitive
 atrocities4 ,in the wars of the        
fifteenth century between  the ,turks   
and ,venetians1 #8,sultan ,mahomet would
 not suffer his  soldiers to give       
quarter1 but allowed them a ducat for   
every head1 and  the ,venetians did the 
same4'#aaj ,when the ,duke of ,alva was 
in the  ,netherlands1 the ,spaniards1 at
 the siege of ,haarlem1 threw the heads 
of  two ,dutch officers over the walls4 
,the ,dutch in return beheaded twelve   
,spanish prisoners1 and sent their heads
 into the ,spanish trenches4  ,the      
,spaniards in revenge hung a number of  
prisoners in sight of the  besieged2 and
 the latter in return killed more       
prisoners2 and so it  went on during all
 the time that ,alva was in the country1
 without the  least improvement         
resulting from such sanguinary          
reprisals4#aaa ,at  the siege of ,malta1
 the ,grand ,master1 in revenge for some

 horrible  ,turkish barbarities1        
massacred all his prisoners and shot    
their heads  from his cannon into the   
,turkish camp4#aab ,in one of the wars  
of ,louis  ,,xiv41 the ,imperialist     
forces having put to death a ,french    
lieutenant  and thirty troopers a few   
hours after having promised them        
quarter1  ,feuquires1 for reprisals1    
slew the whole garrison of two towns    
that he  won by surprise1 though the    
number so slain in each instance        
amounted  to #fej men 7#afhi74aac    ,to
 all these cases the question asked by  
,vattel very pertinently  applies3      
#8,what right have you to cut off the   
nose and ears of the  ambassador of a   
barbarian who has treated your          
ambassador in that  manner8' ,the       
question is not an easy one to answer1  
for we have no more  right in war than  
in civil life to punish the innocent for
 the guilty  apart from the ordinary    
accidents of hostilities1 even if       
otherwise  we must dispense with redress

 altogether4 ,to do so by intention and 
in cold blood is ferocious1 whatever the
 pretext of justification1  and is never
 worth the passing gratification it     
affords4 ,the citizens  of ,ghent1 in   
their famous war with the ,earl of      
,flanders1 not only  destroyed his      
house1 but the silver cradle and bathing
 tub he had used  as a child and the    
very font in which he had been baptized2
 but such  reprisals are soon regretted1
 and read very pitiably in the eyes of  
the  after-world4    ,it is pleasanter  
to record some instances where          
abstinence from  reprisals has not been 
without its reward4 ,it is said that    
,csar in  ,iberia1 when1 in spite of a  
truce1 the enemy killed many of his men1
  instead of retaliating1 released some 
of his prisoners and thereby  brought   
the foe to regard him with favour4 ,we  
read in ,froissart that  the ,lisboners 
refrained from retaliating on the       
,castilians1 when the  latter mutilated 
their ,portuguese prisoners2 and the    

,english ,government  acted nobly when  
it refused to reciprocate the decree of 
the ,french  ,convention 7though that   
also was meant as a measure of          
reprisals7 that  no ,english or         
,hanoverian prisoner should be allowed  
any quarter4#aad  ,but the best story of
 this kind is that told by ,herodotus of
 ,xerxes  the ,persian4 ,the ,spartans  
had thrown into a well the ,persian     
envoys who  had come to demand of them  
earth and water4 ,in remorse they sent  
two of  their nobles to ,xerxes to be   
killed in atonement2 but ,xerxes1 when  
he  heard the purport of their visit1   
answered them that he would not act     
like the ,spartans1 who by killing his  
heralds had broken the laws that  were  
regarded as sacred by all mankind1 and  
that1 of such conduct as he  blamed in  
them1 he would never be guilty          
himself4#aae    ,but the most curious   
feature in the history of reprisals is  
the fact  that they were once regarded  
as justly exacted for the mere offence  

of hostile opposition or self-defence4  
,grotius states that it was the  almost 
constant practice of the ,romans to kill
 the leaders of an enemy1  whether they 
had surrendered or been captured1 on the
 day of triumph4  ,jugurtha indeed was  
put to death in prison2 but the more    
usual practice  appears to have been to 
keep conquered potentates in custody1   
after  they had been led in triumph     
before the consul's chariot4 ,this was  
the  fate of ,perseus1 king of          
,macedonia1 who was also allowed to     
retain  his attendants1 money1 plate1   
and furniture2#aaf of ,gentius1 king of 
,illyria2#aag of ,bituitus1 king of the 
,arvernians4 ,prisoners of less         
distinction were sold as slaves1 or kept
 in custody till their friends  paid    
their ransom4    ,but in the medival    
history of ,europe1 in the so-called    
times of  chivalry1 a far worse spirit  
prevailed with regard to the treatment  
of captives4 ,godfrey of ,bouillon1 one 
of the brightest memories of  chivalry1 

was responsible for the promiscuous     
slaughter of three days  which the      
,crusaders exacted for the six weeks'   
siege which it had cost  them to take   
,jerusalem 7#ajii74 ,the ,emperor       
,barbarossa had #a1aij ,swabian         
prisoners delivered to the executioner  
at ,milan1 or shot from military        
engines4#aah ,charles of ,anjou reserved
 many prisoners1 taken at the  battle of
 ,beneventum1 to be killed as criminals 
on his entrance into  ,naples4 ,when the
 ,french took the castle of ,pesquire   
from the ,venetians  by storm1 they slew
 all but three who surrendered to the   
pleasure of  the king2 and ,louis       
,,xii41 who counted for a humane        
monarch1 though his  victims offered    
#ajj1jjj ducats for their lives1 swore  
that he would  neither eat nor drink    
till they were hanged 7#aeji74aai       
,the indignation of the ,roman ,senate  
on one occasion with a consul  who had  
sold as slaves #aj1jjj ,ligurian        
prisoners1 though they had  surrendered 

at discretion1#abj was a sentiment that 
never affected the  warriors of medival 
,christendom4 ,a surrender at discretion
 ceased to  constitute a claim for      
mercy4 ,where the pagan held it wrong to
 enslave1  the ,christian never         
hesitated to kill4 ,froissart's story of
 the six  citizens of ,calais1 whom     
,edward ,,iii4 was with difficulty      
restrained  from hanging for the        
obstinate siege which their town had    
resisted1  throws a light over the war  
customs of that time1 which other       
incidents  of history abundantly        
confirm4 ,the record of the             
capitulations of  cities or garrisons is
 no pleasant one1 but it is a record    
which must  be touched upon1 in order   
that war and its still prevalent maxims 
may  be judged at their proper value4   
,we need scarcely travel further than   
the fifteenth century alone in search of
 facts to place in its proper  light    
this aspect of martial atrocities4      
,when the town of ,rouen surrendered to 

,henry ,v4 of ,england1 the latter      
stipulated for three of the citizens to 
be left to his disposal1 of  whom two   
purchased their lives1 and the third was
 beheaded 7#adai74aba  ,when the same   
king the year following was besieging   
the castle of  ,montereau1 he sent some 
twenty prisoners to treat with the      
governor  for a surrender2 but when the 
governor refused to treat1 even to save 
their lives1 and when1 after a fearful  
leave-taking with their wives  and      
relatives1 they had been escorted back  
to the ,english army1 #8the  ,king of   
,england ordered a gallows to be erected
 and had them all hanged  in sight of   
those within the castle4'#abb ,when the 
,english took the  castle of ,rougemont 
by storm1 and some sixty of its         
defenders alive1  with the loss of only 
one ,englishman1 ,henry ,v41 in revenge 
for his  death1 caused all the prisoners
 to be drowned in the ,loire4#abc ,when 
,meaux surrendered to the same king1 it 
was stipulated that six of  its bravest 

defenders should be delivered up to     
justice1 four of  whom were beheaded at 
,paris1 and its commander at once hung  
to a tree  outside the walls of the city
 7#adbb74abd    ,not that there was any 
special cruelty in the ,english mode of 
warfare4  ,they simply conformed to the 
customs of the time1 as we may see by   
reference to the ,french and ,burgundian
 wars into which they allowed           
themselves to be drawn4 ,in #adcd1 the  
garrison of ,chaumont #8was soon  so    
hardly pressed that it surrendered at   
discretion to the ,duke of  ,burgundy   
7,philip the ,good71 who had upwards of 
#ajj of them hanged2' and  as with the  
townsmen1 so with those in the          
castle4#abe ,bournonville1  who         
commanded ,soissons for the ,duke of    
,burgundy1 and whom ,monstrelet  calls  
#8the flower of the warriors of all     
,france1' was beheaded at  ,paris1 after
 the capture of the town1 by order of   
the king and council1  and his body hung
 to a gibbet1 like a common malefactor's

 7#adad74abf  ,when ,dinant was taken by
 storm by the ,burgundians1 the         
prisoners1  about #hjj1 were drowned    
before ,bovines 7#adff74abg ,when the   
town of  ,saint-frou surrendered to the 
,duke of ,burgundy1 ten men1 left to the
  disposal of that warrior1 were        
beheaded2 and so it fared also with  the
 town of ,tongres 7#adfg74abh ,after the
 storming and slaughter at  ,lige1      
before the ,duke of ,burgundy 7,charles 
the ,bold7 left the city1  #8a great    
number of those poor creatures who had  
hid themselves in the  houses when the  
town was taken and were afterwards made 
prisoners1 were  hanged' 7#adfh74abi ,at
 ,nesle1 most of those who were taken   
alive were  hung1 and some had their    
hands cut off 7#adgb74acj ,after the    
battle  of ,granson1 the ,swiss retook  
two castles from the ,french1 and hung  
all the ,burgundians they found in them4
 ,they then retook the town and  castle 
of ,granson1 and ordered #eab ,germans  
whom the ,burgundians had  hung to be   

cut down1 and as many of the            
,burgundians as were still in  ,granson 
to be suspended on the same halters     
7#adgf74 ,in the skirmishes  that       
occurred in a time of truce on the      
frontiers of ,picardy1 between  the     
,french king's forces and those of the  
,duke of ,austria1 #8all the  prisoners 
that were taken on both sides were      
immediately hanged1  without permitting 
any1 of what degree or rank soever1 to  
be ransomed'  7#adha74 ,and as a climax 
to these facts1 let us recall the decree
 of the  ,duke of ,anjou1 who1 when     
,montpellier was taken by siege1        
condemned #fjj  prisoners to be put to  
death1 #bjj by the sword1 #bjj by the   
halter1 and  #bjj by fire1 and who1 but 
for the remonstrances of a cardinal and 
a  friar1 would undoubtedly have        
executed his sentence4    ,ghastly facts
 enough these6 and a strange insight    
they afford us into  the real character 
of a profession which1 in the days when 
these things  were its commonest        

occurrences1 was held to be the noblest 
of all1 but  of which it is only too    
patent that its mainsprings were simply 
the  brigand's love of plunder and of   
bloodshed4 ,one story may be quoted  to 
show that in this respect the sixteenth 
century was no improvement  on the      
fifteenth4 ,in the war between the      
,dutch and the ,spaniards1 the  captain 
of ,weerd ,castle1 having previously    
refused to surrender to ,sir  ,francis  
de ,vere1 begged at last for a          
capitulation with the honours  of war2  
,vere's answer was1 that the honours of 
war were halters for a  garrison that   
had dared to defend such a hovel against
 artillery4 ,the  commandant was killed 
first1 and the remaining #bf men1 having
 been  made to draw black and white     
straws1 the #ab who drew the white      
straws  were hanged1 the thirteenth only
 escaping by consenting to act as       
executioner of the rest6#aca    ,it is  
clear1 therefore1 that in the wars of   
the past the axe and the  halter have   

played as conspicuous a part as the     
sword or the lance2  a fact to which its
 due prominence has not always been     
given in the  standard histories of     
military antiquities4 ,it is surprising 
to find  how close to the glories of war
 lie the sickening vulgarities of       
murder4    ,to the ,duke of ,somerset1  
the regent of ,england for ,edward      
,,vi41 appears  to be due the credit of 
instituting a milder treatment of a     
besieged  but surrendered garrison than 
had been previously customary4 ,for ,de 
,thou1 the historian1 speaks of the     
admiration the ,duke received for       
sparing the lives of a ,scotch garrison1
 contrary to that #8ancient maxim  in   
war which declares that a weak garrison 
forfeits all claim to mercy  on the part
 of the conquerors1 when1 with more     
courage than prudence1  they obstinately
 persevere in defending an ill-fortified
 place against  the royal army1' or     
refuse reasonable conditions4    ,but   
the ancient maxim lasted1 in spite of   

this better example1  throughout the    
seventeenth and till late into the      
eighteenth century1  for we find ,vattel
 even then thus protesting against it3  
#8,how could it  be conceived in an     
enlightened age that it was lawful to   
punish with  death a governor who has   
defended his town to the last extremity1
 or  who in a weak place had the courage
 to hold out against a royal army8  ,in 
the last century this notion still      
prevailed2 it was looked upon as  one of
 the laws of war1 and is not even at    
present totally exploded4  ,what an     
idea6 to punish a brave man for having  
performed his duty4'#acb    ,but not    
even yet is the notion definitely       
expunged from the unwritten  code of    
martial etiquette4 ,the original        
,russian project1 submitted  to the     
,brussels ,conference1 proposed to      
exclude1 among other illicit  means of  
war1 #8the threat of extermination      
towards a garrison that  obstinately    
holds a fortress4' ,the proposal was    

unanimously rejected1  and that clause  
was carefully excluded from the         
published modified  text6 ,but as the   
execution of a threat is morally of the 
same value  as the threat itself1 it is 
evident that the massacre of a brave but
  conquered garrison still holds its    
place among the laws of ,christian      
warfare6    ,this peculiar and most     
sanguinary law of reprisals has always  
been  defended by the common military   
sophism1 that it shortens the horrors   
of war4 ,the threat of capital          
punishment against the governor or      
defenders of a town should naturally    
dispose them to make a conditional      
surrender1 and so spare both sides the  
miseries of a siege4 ,but  arguments in 
defence of atrocities1 on the ground of 
their shortening  a war1 and coming from
 military quarters1 must be viewed with 
the  greatest suspicion1 and1 inasmuch  
as they provoke reprisals and so        
intensify passion1 with the greatest    
distrust4 ,it was to such an  argument  

that the ,germans resorted in defence of
 their shelling the  town of ,strasburg1
 in order to intimidate the inhabitants 
and drive  them to force ,general       
,uhrich to a surrender4 #8,the          
abbreviation1' said  a ,german writer1  
#8of the period of actual fighting and  
of the war  itself is an act of humanity
 towards both parties2'#acc although the
  savage act failed in its purpose and  
,general ,werder had to fall back1      
after his gratuitous destruction of life
 and property1 on the slower  process of
 a regular siege4 ,if their tendency to 
shorten a war be the  final             
justification of military proceedings1  
the ground begins to slip  from under us
 against the use of aconitine or of     
clothes infected  with the small-pox4   
,therefore such a pretext should meet   
with prompt  condemnation1              
notwithstanding the efforts of the      
modern military school  to render it    
popular upon the earth4    ,in respect1 
therefore1 to this law of reprisals1 the

 comparison is  not to the credit of    
modern times as compared with the pagan 
era4 ,a  surrender1 which in ,greek and 
,roman warfare involved as a rule       
personal  security1 came in             
,christianised ,europe to involve       
capital punishment  out of motives of   
pure vindictiveness4 ,the chivalry so   
often associated  with the battle-field 
as at least a redeeming feature fades on
 closer  inspection into the veriest    
fiction of romance4 ,bravery under any  
form  has been the constant pretext for 
capital reprisals4 ,edward ,i4 had      
,william ,wallace1 the brave ,scotch    
leader1 executed on ,tower ,hill2  and  
it has been observed by one writer1 as  
the facts already quoted  prove1 that   
the custom of thus killing defeated     
generals #8may be traced  through a     
series of years so connected and        
extensive that we are not  able to point
 out the exact time when it ceased4'#acd
    ,a characteristic incident of this  
sort is connected with the famous       

pacification of ,guienne by ,montluc in 
#aefb4 ,montluc had won ,montsegur  by  
storm1 and its commander had been taken 
alive4 ,the latter was a man  of        
notorious valour1 and in a previous     
campaign had been ,montluc's            
fellow-soldier and friend4 ,for that    
reason many interceded for his  life1   
but ,montluc decided to hang him1 and   
simply on account of his  valour4 #8,i  
well knew his courage1' he says1 #8which
 made me hang him4444  ,i knew him to be
 valiant1 but that made me the rather   
put him to  death4' ,what of your       
chivalry after that8    ,but ,alexander 
the ,great1 whose career has been the   
ideal of all  succeeding aspirants to   
military fame1 dealt even more severely 
than  ,montluc with ,betis1 the gallant 
defender of ,gaza4 ,when ,gaza was at   
last  taken by storm1 ,betis1 after     
fighting heroically1 had the misfortune 
to  be taken alive and to be brought    
into the presence of the conqueror4     
,alexander addressed him thus3 #8,you   

shall not die1 ,betis1 in the manner    
you wished2 but make up your mind to    
suffer whatever torture can be  thought 
of against a prisoner2' and when ,betis 
for all answer returned  him but the    
silence of disdain1 ,alexander had      
thongs fixed to his  ankles1 and1       
himself acting as charioteer1 drove his 
yet living victim  round the city1      
attached to his chariot wheels2 priding 
himself that by  such conduct he        
rivalled ,achilles' treatment of        
,hector4#ace    ,a valiant resistance   
was with ,alexander always a sufficient 
motive  for the most sanguinary         
reprisals4 ,arimages1 who defended a    
fortified  rock in ,sogdia1 thought his 
position so strong that when summoned to
  surrender1 he asked tauntingly whether
 ,alexander could fly2 and for  this    
offence1 when1 unable to hold out any   
longer1 ,arimages and his  relations    
descended to ,alexander's camp to beg   
for quarter1 ,alexander  had them first 
of all flogged and then crucified at the

 foot of the  rock they had so bravely  
defended4#acf ,after the long siege of  
,tyre1  ,alexander had #b1jjj ,tyrians1 
over and above the #f1jjj who fell      
during  the storming of that city1      
nailed to crosses along the shore1#acg  
perhaps in reprisal for a violation of  
the laws of war--for ,quintus  ,curtius 
declares that the ,tyrians had murdered 
some ,macedonian  ambassadors1 and      
,arrian1 who makes no mention of the    
crucifixion1  declares that they slew   
some ,macedonian prisoners and threw    
them from  their walls--but more        
probably 7since there were evidently    
different  stories of the ,tyrians'     
offence7 on account simply of the       
obstinate  resistance they had offered  
to ,alexander's attack4    ,the         
,macedonian conqueror regarded his whole
 expedition against ,persia  as an act  
of reprisals for the invasion of ,greece
 by ,xerxes1 #aej  years before his own 
time4 ,when he set fire to the ,persian 
capital  and palace1 ,persepolis1 he    

justified himself against ,parmenio's   
remonstrances on the ground that it was 
in revenge for the destruction  of the  
temples in ,greece during the ,persian  
invasion2#ach and this  motive was      
constantly present with him1 in         
justification both of the  war itself   
and of particular atrocities connected  
with it4 ,in the  course of his         
expedition1 he came to a city of the    
,branchid1 whose  ancestors at ,miletus 
had betrayed the treasures of a temple  
in their  charge to ,xerxes1 and had by 
him been removed from ,miletus to ,asia4
  ,as ,greeks they met ,alexander's army
 with joy1 and at once surrendered      
their city to him4 ,the next day1 after 
reflection given to the matter1         
,alexander had every single inhabitant  
of the city slain1 in spite of  their   
powerlessness1 in spite of their        
supplications1 in spite of their        
community of language and origin4 ,he   
even had the walls of the city  dug up  
from their foundation1 and the trees of 

their sacred groves  uprooted1 that not 
a trace of their city might remain4#aci 
,nor can doubt be thrown on these deeds 
by the fact that they are  only         
mentioned by ,quintus ,curtius and not  
by ,arrian4 ,the silence of  the one is 
no proof of the falsity or credulity of 
the other4 ,both  writers lived many    
centuries after ,alexander1 and were    
dependent for  their knowledge on the   
writings1 then extant but long since    
lost1 of  contemporaries and            
eye-witnesses of the expedition to      
,asia4 ,that those  witnesses often gave
 conflicting accounts of the same event 
we have the  assurance of either writer2
 but since it is impossible to determine
  the degree of discretion with which   
each made their selections from  the    
original authorities1 it is only        
reasonable to regard them both as  of   
the same and equal validity4 ,seneca1   
who lived before ,arrian and  who       
therefore was equally conversant with   
the original authorities1  hardly ever  

mentions ,alexander without expressions 
of the strongest  reprobation4          
,cruelty1 in fact1 is revealed to us by 
history as the most conspicuous  trait  
in the character of ,alexander1 though  
not in his case nor in  others          
inconsistent with occasional acts of    
magnanimity and the gleams  of a higher 
nature4 ,this cruelty1 however1 taken in
 connection with  his undoubted bravery1
 calls in question the truth of a remark
 made by  ,philip de ,commines1 and     
supported1 he affirmed1 by all          
historians1 that  no cruel man is ever  
courageous4 ,the popular theory1 that   
inhumanity is  more likely to be the    
concomitant of a timid than of a daring 
nature1  ignores altogether the teaching
 of history and the conclusions of      
priori reasoning4 ,for if our regard for
 the sufferings of others is            
proportioned to our regard for our own  
sufferings1 inasmuch as our  self-love  
is the foundation and measure of our    
powers of sympathy1  a man's disregard  

for the sufferings of others--in other  
words his  cruelty--is likely to be the 
exact reflection of his disregard for   
suffering in his own person1 or1 in     
other words1 of his physical  courage4  
,men1 moreover1 like ,cicero1 of whom it
 was said by ,livy that  he was better  
calculated for anything than for war1 by
 their very  incapacity for positions   
where their humanity is likely to be    
tested1  are rarely exposed to those    
temptations of cruelty in which men of a
  more daring temperament naturally find
 themselves placed4    ,and accordingly 
we find1 by reference to instances which
 lie on the  surface of history1 that   
great bravery and great cruelty have    
more  often been united than separate4  
,in ,french history there is the cruelty
  of ,charles the ,bold1 ,duke of       
,burgundy2 of ,montluc and ,des ,adretz1
  the latter of whom made #cj soldiers  
and their captain leap from the         
precipice of a strong place they had    
defended1 and of both of whom  ,brantme 

remarks that they were very brave but   
very cruel4#adj ,in  ,scotch history1 it
 was ,david ,i4 who1 though famed for   
his courage and  humanity1 suffered the 
sick and aged to be slain in their beds1
 even  infants to be killed and priests 
murdered at the very altars4#ada ,in    
,english history1 it was ,richard       
,cur-de-,lion who had #e1jjj ,saracen   
prisoners led out to a large plain to be
 massacred 7#aaia74adb ,in  ,jewish     
history1 it was ,king ,david who1 when  
he took ,rabbah of the  ,ammonites1     
#8brought forth the people that were    
therein and put them  under saws and    
harrows of iron and under axes of iron1 
and made them  pass through the brick   
kiln2 and thus did he unto all the      
cities of the  children of ,ammon4'#adc 
,it is not therefore more probable that 
a man  famed for his intrepidity will   
not lend himself to counsels or actions 
of cruelty than that another deficient  
in personal courage will not be  humane4
    ,and here one cause is deserving of 

attention as helping to explain the     
greater barbarity practised by the      
modern nations in the matter of         
reprisals1 than that which was permitted
 by the code of honour which  acted in  
restraint of them in the better periods 
of pagan antiquity2  and that is the    
change that has occurred with regard to 
slavery4    ,the abolition of slavery1  
which in ,western ,europe has been the  
greatest  achievement of modern         
civilisation1 did not unfortunately tend
 to  greater mildness in the customs of 
war4 ,for in ancient times the sale  of 
prisoners as slaves operated to restrain
 that indiscriminate and  objectless    
slaughter which has been1 even to cases 
within this century1  the marked feature
 of the battle-field1 and more          
especially where  cities or places have 
been taken by storm4 ,avarice ceased to 
operate1  as it once did1 in favour of  
humanity4 ,in one day the population of 
,magdeburg1 taken by storm1 was reduced 
from #be1jjj to #b1gjj2 and an  ,english

 eye-witness of that event thus         
described it3 #8,of #be1jjj1 some  said 
#cj1jjj people1 there was not a soul to 
be seen alive1 till the  flames drove   
those that were hid in vaults and secret
 places to seek  death in the streets   
rather than perish in the fire2 of these
 miserable  creatures some were killed  
too by the furious soldiers1 but at last
  they saved the lives of such as came  
out of their cellars and holes1  and so 
about #b1jjj poor desperate creatures   
were left4'#add #8,there  was little    
shooting1 the execution was all cutting 
of throats and  mere house murders4444  
,we could see the poor people in crowds 
driven  down the streets1 flying from   
the fury of the soldiers1 who followed  
butchering them as fast as they could1  
and refused mercy to anybody2  till1    
driving them down to the river's edge1  
the desperate wretches  would throw     
themselves into the river1 where        
thousands of them  perished1 especially 
women and children4'#ade    ,it is      

difficult to read this graphic          
description of a stormed city  without  
the suspicion arising in the mind that a
 sheer thirst for blood  and love of    
murder is a much more potent sustainer  
of war than it is  usual or agreeable to
 believe4 ,the narratives of most       
victories and  of taken cities support  
this theory4 ,at ,brescia1 for instance1
 taken  by the ,french from the         
,venetians in #aeab1 it is said that    
#bj1jjj of  the latter fell to only #ej 
of the former4#adf ,when ,rome was      
sacked in  #aebg by the ,imperialist    
forces1 we are told that #8the soldiery 
threw  themselves upon the unhappy      
multitude1 and1 without distinction of  
age  or sex1 massacred all who came in  
their way4 ,strangers were spared as    
little as ,romans1 for the murderers    
fired indiscriminately at everyone1     
from a mere thirst of blood4'#adg       
,but this thirst of blood was checked in
 the days of slavery by the             
counteracting thirst of money2 there    

having been an obvious motive  for      
giving quarter when a prisoner of war   
represented something of  tangible      
value1 like any other article of booty4 
,the sack of ,thebes  by ,alexander1 and
 its demolition to the sound of the     
lute1 was bad  enough2 but after the    
first rage for slaughter was over1 there
 remained  #cj1jjj persons of free birth
 to be sold as slaves4 ,and in ,roman   
warfare the rule was to sell as slaves  
those who were taken prisoners  in a    
stormed city2 and it must be remembered 
that many so sold were  slaves          
already4#adh ,all who were unarmed or   
who laid down their arms  were spared   
from destruction1 as well as from       
plunder2#adi and for  exceptions to this
 rule1 as for instance for the          
indiscriminate and  cruel massacre      
committed at ,illiturji in ,spain1 there
 was always at  least the pretext of    
reprisals1 or some special military     
motive4#aej    ,cicero1 who lived to see
 the ,roman arms triumphant over the    

world and  the conversion of the ,roman 
republic into a military despotism1     
found  occasion to deplore at the same  
time the debased standard of military   
honour4 ,he believed that in cruel      
vindictiveness and rapacity his         
contemporaries had degenerated from the 
customs of their ancestors1 and  he     
contrasted regretfully the utter        
destruction of ,carthage1 ,numantia1    
and ,corinth1 with the milder treatment 
of their earlier enemies1 the  ,sabines1
 ,tusculans1 and others4 ,he adduced as 
a proof of the greater  ferocity of the 
war spirit of his day the fact that the 
only term  for an enemy was originally  
the milder term of stranger1 and that it
  was only by degrees that the word     
meaning stranger came to have the       
connotation of hostility4 #8,what1' he  
asks1 #8could have been added  to this  
mildness1 to call him with whom you are 
at war by so gentle  a name as stranger8
 ,but now the progress of time has given
 a harder  signification to the word2   

for it has ceased to apply to a         
stranger1  and has remained the proper  
term for an actual enemy in arms4'#aea  
,is a similar process taking place in   
modern warfare with regard to  the law  
of reprisals8 ,it is a long leap from   
ancient ,rome to modern  ,germany2 but  
to ,germany1 as the chief military      
,power now in existence1  we must turn1 
in order to understand the law of       
reprisals as it is  interpreted by the  
practice of a country whose power and   
example will  make her actions          
precedents in all wars that may occur in
 future4    ,the worst feature in       
reprisals is that they are              
indiscriminate and  more often directed 
against the innocent than the guilty4   
,to murder  women and children1 old men1
 or any one else1 on the ground of their
  connection with an enemy who has      
committed an action calling for         
retribution1 can be justified by no     
theory that would not equally apply  to 
a similar parody of justice in civil    

life4 ,it is a return to the  theory and
 practices of savages1 who1 if they     
cannot revenge themselves  on a culprit1
 revenge themselves complacently on some
 one else4 ,for  bodies of peasants to  
resist a foreign invader by forming     
ambuscades or  making surprises against 
him1 though his advance is marked by    
fire and  pillage and outrage1 may be   
contrary to the laws of war 7though that
  point has never been agreed upon72 but
 to make such attacks the pretext  for  
indiscriminate murder and robbery is an 
extension of the law of  reprisals that 
was only definitely imported into the   
military code of  ,europe by the ,german
 invaders of ,france in #ahgj4    ,the  
following facts1 offered in proof of    
this statement1 are taken  from a small 
pamphlet1 published during the war by   
the ,international  ,society for ,help  
to the ,wounded1 and containing only    
such facts as were  attested by the     
evidence of official documents or of    
persons whose  positions gave them an   

exceptional title to credit4#aeb ,at one
 place1  where twenty-five              
francs-tireurs had hidden in a wood and 
received the  ,germans with a fusillade1
 reprisals were carried so far that the 
cur1  rushing into the streets1 seized  
the ,prussian captain by the shoulders  
and entreated mercy for the women and   
children4 #8,no mercy' was the  only    
reply4#aec ,at another place twenty-six 
young men had joined the                
francs-tireurs2 the ,baden troops took  
and shot their fathers4#aed ,at         
,nemours1 where a body of ,uhlans had   
been surprised and captured by  some    
mobiles1 the floors and furniture of    
several houses were first  saturated    
with petroleum and then fired with      
shells4#aee    ,the new theory also was 
imported into the military code1 that a 
village1 by the mere fact of trying to  
defend itself1 constituted  itself a    
place of war which might be legitimately
 bombarded and1 when  taken1 subjected  
to the rights of war which still govern 

the fate of  places taken by            
assault4#aef ,nor let it be supposed    
that those rights  were not exercised as
 rigorously as they ever have been by   
victorious  troops4 ,at                 
,nogent-sur-,seine1 the ,wurtemburg     
troops carried their fury  to the       
slaughter of women and children and even
 of the wounded4 ,and if  the belief    
still lingers that the ,german troops of
 the ,emperor ,william  behaved         
otherwise towards the weaker sex than   
their ancestors in ,rome  and ,italy    
under the ,constable of ,bourbon1 let   
the reader refer to the  experiences of 
,clermont1 ,andernay1 or ,neuville4#aeg 
,reprisals beget1 of course1 reprisals2 
and had the ,french and ,german  war    
been by any accident prolonged1 it is   
appalling to think of the  barbarities  
that would have occurred4 #8,threat for 
threat1' wrote  ,colonel ,r4 ,garibaldi 
to the ,prussian commander at ,chtillon1
 in  reference to the latter's resolve  
to punish the inhabitants of that  place

 for the acts of some francs-tireurs2   
#8,i give you my assurance  that ,i will
 not spare one of the #bjj ,prussians   
whom you know to be in  my hands4'#aeh  
#8,we will fight1' wrote ,general       
,chanzy to the ,prussian  commander at  
,vendme1 #8without truce or mercy1      
because it is a question  now not of    
fighting loyal enemies1 but hordes of   
devastators4'#aei    ,under the theory  
of legitimate reprisals1 the ,germans   
resuscitated  the custom of taking      
hostages4 ,the ,french having 7in       
accordance with  the still recognised   
but barbarous rule of war7 taken        
prisoners the  captains of some ,german 
merchant vessels1 the ,germans          
retaliated  by taking twenty persons of 
respectable position at ,dijon1 and nine
  at ,vesoul1 and detaining them as     
hostages4 ,nor was this an uncommon     
episode in the campaign3 though the     
sending to ,germany as prisoners  of war
 of ,french merchants1 magistrates1     
lawyers1 and doctors1 and  the making   

them answerable with their lives and    
fortunes for actions  of their          
countrymen which they could neither     
prevent nor repress1 was  a revival in  
its worst form of the theory of         
vicarious punishment1  and a direction  
of hostilities against non-combatants1  
which was a  gross violation of the     
proclamation of the ,prussian king1 made
 at  the beginning of the campaign      
7after the common cant of the leaders   
of armies71 that his forces had no war  
to wage with the peaceable  inhabitants 
of ,france4    ,even plunder enters into
 the ,german law of reprisals4          
,remiremont in  the ,vosges had to pay  
#h1jjjl4 because two ,german engineers  
and one  soldier had been taken         
prisoners by the ,french troops4 ,the   
usual forced  military contributions    
which the victors exacted did not       
exclude a  system of pillage and        
devastation that the present age fondly 
believed  to belong only to a past state
 of warfare4 ,on ,december #e1 #ahgj1 a 

,german soldier wrote to the ,cologne   
,gazette3 #8,since the war has  entered 
upon its present stage it is a real life
 of brigands we lead4  ,for four weeks  
we have passed through districts        
entirely ravaged2 the  last eight days  
we have passed through towns and        
villages where there  was absolutely    
nothing left to take4' ,nor was this    
plunder only the  work of the common    
military serfs or conscripts1 whose     
miserable  poverty might have served as 
an excuse1 but it was conducted by      
officers of the highest rank1 who1 for  
their own benefit1 robbed farms  and    
stables of their sheep and horses1 and  
sacked country houses of  their works of
 art1 their plate1 and even of their    
ladies' jewels4#afj    ,the world1      
therefore1 at least owes this to the    
,germans1 that they have  taught us to  
see war in its true light1 by removing  
it from the realm  of romance1 where it 
was decked with bright colours and noble
 actions1  to the region of sober       

judgment1 where the soldier1 the thief1 
and  the murderer are seen in scarcely  
distinguishable colours4 ,they have     
withdrawn the veil which blinded our    
ancestors to the evils of war1  and     
which led dreamy humanitarians to       
believe in the possibility of  civilised
 warfare2 so that now the deeds of shame
 threaten to obscure  the deeds of      
glory4 ,in the middle ages it was the   
custom to declare a  war that was       
intended to be waged with special fury  
by sending a man  with a naked sword in 
one hand and a burning torch in the     
other1 to  signify that the war so begun
 was to be one of blood and fire4 ,we   
have  since learnt that there is no need
 to typify by any peculiar ceremony  the
 character of any particular war2 for   
that the characteristics of  all are the
 same4    ,the ,german general ,von     
,moltke1 in a published letter wherein  
he  maintained that ,perpetual ,peace   
was a dream and not even a beautiful    
one1 went on to say1 in defence of war1 

that in it the noblest virtues  of      
mankind were developed--courage1        
self-abnegation1 faithfulness to  duty1 
the spirit of sacrifice2 and that       
without wars the world would  soon      
stagnate and lose itself in             
materialism4#afa ,we have no data from  
which to judge of the probable state of 
a warless world1 but we do  know that   
the brightest samples of these virtues  
have been ever given  by those who in   
peace and obscurity1 and without looking
 for lands1 or  titles1 or medals for   
their reward1 have laboured not to      
destroy life  but to save it1 not to    
lower the standard of morality but to   
raise it1  not to preach revenge but    
mercy1 not to spread misery and poverty 
and  crime but to increase happiness1   
wealth1 and virtue4 ,is there or will   
there be no scope for courage1 for      
self-sacrifice1 for duty1 where  fever  
and disease are the foes to be combated1
 where wounds and pain  need to be cured
 or soothed1 or where sin and ignorance 

and poverty are  the forces to be       
assailed8 ,but apart from this there is 
another side to  the picture of war1 of 
which ,von ,moltke says not a word1 but 
of which1  in the preceding pages1 some 
indication has been given4 ,now that we 
are  no longer satisfied with the dry   
narratives of strategical operations1   
but are beginning to search into the    
details of military proceedings2  into  
the fate of the captured1 of the        
wounded1 of the pursued2 into  the      
treatment of hostages1 of women1 of     
children2 into the statistics  of       
massacre and spoliation that are the    
penalties of defeat2 into the  character
 of stratagems2 and into the justice of 
reprisals1 we see war  in another       
mirror1 and recognise that the old one  
gave but a distorted  reflection of its 
realities4 ,no one ever denied but that 
great  qualities are displayed in war2  
but the doubt is spreading fast1 not    
only whether it is the worthiest field  
for their display1 but whether  it is   

not also the principal nursing-bed of   
the crimes that are the  greatest       
disgrace to our nature4    ,it is idle  
to think that our humanity will fail to 
take its colouring  from our calling4   
,marshal ,montluc1 the bravest yet most 
cruel of  ,french soldiers1 was fond of 
protesting that the inhumanity he was   
guilty of was in corruption of his      
original and better nature2 and at  the 
close of his book and of his life1 he   
consoled himself for the  blood he had  
caused to flow like water by the        
consideration1 that the  sovereigns     
whose servant he had been were 7as he   
told one of them7  really responsible   
for the misery he had caused4 ,but does 
the excuse  avail him1 or the millions  
who have succeeded to his trade8 ,a king
 or a  government can commission men to 
execute its policy or its vengeance2    
but is a free agent1 who accepts a      
commission that he believes to be       
iniquitous1 morally acquitted of his    
share of culpability8 ,is his           

responsibility no greater than that of  
the sword1 the axe1 or the  halter with 
which he carries out his orders2 or does
 the plea of  military discipline       
justify him in acting with no more moral
 restraint  than a slave1 or than a     
horse that has no understanding8 ,the   
,prussian  officer who at ,dijon blew   
out his brains rather than execute some 
iniquitous order#afb showed that he     
understood the dignity of human  nature 
as it was understood in the days of the 
bygone moral grandeur  of ,rome4 ,such a
 man deserved a monument far more than  
most to whom  memorial monuments are    
raised4    ,recent events lend an       
additional interest to the question of  
reprisals1 and add emphasis to the      
necessity of placing them1 as it  was   
sought to do at ,brussels1 on the       
footing of an ,international            
,agreement4 ,it is sometimes said that  
dynastic wars belong to the past1  and  
that kings have no longer the power to  
make war1 as they once did1  for their  

own pleasure or pastime4 ,there may be  
truth in this1 though  the last great   
war in ,europe but one had its immediate
 cause in an  inter-dynastic jealousy2  
but a far more potent agency for war    
than  ever existed in monarchical power 
is now wielded by the ,press4 ,war in   
every country is the direct pecuniary   
interest of the ,daily ,press4 #8,i     
know proprietors of newspapers1' said   
,cobden during the ,crimean war1  #8who 
have pocketed #c1jjjl4 or #d1jjjl4 a    
year through the war as  directly as if 
the money had been voted to them in the 
,parliamentary  estimates4'#afc ,the    
temptation1 therefore1 is great1 first  
to justify  any given war by irrelevant 
issues or by stories of the enormities  
committed by the enemy1 or even by      
positive false statements 7as when  the 
,english ,press1 with the ,times at its 
head1 with almost one voice  taught us  
that the ,afghan ruler had insulted our 
ambassador1 and left  us to find out our
 mistake when a too ready credulity had 

cost us a  war of some #bj1jjj1jjjl472  
and then1 when war has once begun1 to   
fan  the flame by demanding reprisals   
for atrocities that have generally      
never been committed nor established by 
anything like proof4 ,in this  way the  
,french were charged at the beginning of
 the last ,german war  with bombarding  
the open town of ,saarbrck1 and with    
firing explosive  bullets from the      
mitrailleuse2 and the belief1 thus      
falsely and  purposely propagated1      
covered of course with the cloak of     
reprisals a  good deal of all that came 
afterwards4    ,in this way has arisen  
the modern practice of justifying every 
resort  to war1 not as a trial of       
strength or test of justice between     
enemies1  but as an act of virtuous and 
necessary chastisement against          
criminals4  ,charges of violated faith1 
of the abuse of flags of truce1 of      
dishonourable stratagems1 of the        
ill-treatment or torture of prisoners1  
are seized upon1 regardless of any      

inquiry into their truth1 and made  the 
pretext for the indefinite prolongation 
of hostilities4 ,the lawful  enemy is   
denounced as a rebel or a criminal1 whom
 it would be wicked to  treat with or   
trust2 and only an unconditional        
surrender1 which drives  him to         
desperation1 and so embitters the war1  
is regarded as a possible  preliminary  
to peace4 ,the time has surely come when
 such a demand1 on  the ground of       
reprisals1 should cease to operate as a 
bar to peace4  ,one of the proposals at 
the ,brussels ,conference was that no   
commander  should be forced to          
capitulate under dishonourable          
conditions1 that  is to say1 without the
 customary honours of war4 ,it should be
 one of  the demands of civilisation    
that an unconditional surrender1 such   
as was insisted upon from ,arabi in     
#ahhb and led to the bombardment  of    
,alexandria with all the subsequent     
troubles1 should under no  circumstances
 be insisted on in treating with an     

enemy2 and that no  victorious          
belligerent should demand of a defeated 
one what under  reversed conditions it  
would consider dishonourable to grant   
itself4          ,,chapter ,v4          
,,military ,,stratagems4        ,h6     
qu'il y a de tromperie au monde6 et en  
nostre mestier plus      qu'en autre qui
 soit4--,,marshal ,,montluc4            
,grotius' theory of fair                
stratagems--,the teaching of            
international      law--,ancient and    
modern naval stratagems--,early ,roman  
dislike      of such stratagems as      
ambuscades1 feigned retreats1 or night  
attacks--,the degenerate standard of    
,frontinus and ,polynus--,the           
conference-stratagem of modern          
,europe--,the distinction between       
perfidy and stratagem--,the perfidy of  
,francis ,i4--,vattel's      theory     
about spies--,frederick the ,great's    
military instructions      about        
spies--,lord ,wolseley on spies and     
truth in war--,the      custom of       

hanging or shooting spies--,better to   
keep them as      prisoners of          
war--,balloonists regarded as           
spies--,the practice of      military   
surprises--,death formerly the penalty  
for capture in      a                   
surprise--,stratagems of uncertain      
character1 such as forged               
despatches or false intelligence--,the  
use of the telegraph in      deceiving  
the enemy--,may prisoners of war be     
compelled to propagate                  
lies8--,general character of the        
military code of fraud4      ,one of the
 most interesting aspects of the state  
of war is that of its  connection with  
fraud1 deceit1 and guile4 ,if we may    
seek to obtain our  ends by force1 we   
may surely1 it is argued1 do so by      
fraud2 for what is  the moral difference
 between overcoming by superiority of   
muscle and  the same result obtained by 
dint of brain8 ,lysander the ,spartan   
went so  far as to say that boys were to
 be cheated with dice1 but an enemy with

  oaths2 and if the world has professed 
horror at his sentiment1 it has  not    
altogether despised his authority4      
,among military stratagems the older    
writers used to include every kind  of  
deception practised by generals in war1 
not only against the enemy1  but against
 their own troops2 as1 for instance1    
devices for preventing  or suppressing a
 mutiny1 for stopping the spread of a   
panic1 or for  encouraging them with    
false news before or during an          
engagement4    ,but in modern use the   
term stratagem has almost exclusive     
reference  to artifices of deception    
practised against an enemy2 and the     
greater  interest that attaches to the  
latter kind of guile justifies the      
narrowed denotation of the word4 ,no    
one1 for instance1 would now  regard as 
a stratagem the clever behaviour of that
 ,thracian general  ,cosingas1 who1     
acting also as priest to his forces1    
brought them back  to obedience by the  
report he artfully propagated that      

certain long  ladders which he had      
caused to be made and fastened together 
were  intended to enable him to climb to
 heaven1 there to complain to ,juno of  
their misconduct4 ,the false pretence   
that is involved in a stratagem is      
addressed to the leaders of a hostile   
force1 in order that their fear  or     
confidence1 unduly raised by it1 may be 
played upon to the advantage  of their  
more artful opponents4 ,in the          
consideration1 therefore1 of  military  
stratagems1 or ruses de guerre1 it is   
best to conform  entirely to the more   
restricted sense in which they are      
understood in  modern parlance4    ,the 
following stratagem is a good one to    
start with4 ,during the  ,franco-,german
 ,war of #ahgj1 twenty-five             
franc-tireurs clothed themselves  in    
,prussian uniform1 and by the help of   
that disguise killed several  ,prussians
 at ,sennegy near ,troyes2 and the deed 
was made a subject of  open boast in a  
,french journal4#afd ,was the boast a   

justifiable or a  shameful one8         
,distinctly justifiable1 if at least    
,grotius1 the father of our             
international law1 is of any authority4 
,the reasoning of ,grotius runs  in this
 wise4 ,there is a distinction between  
conventional signs that  are established
 by the general consent of all the world
 and those  which are only established  
by particular societies or by           
individuals2  deception directed against
 the former involves the violation of a 
mutual obligation1 and is therefore     
unlawful1 whereas that against the      
latter is lawful1 because it involves no
 such violation4 ,therefore1  whilst it 
is wrong to deceive an enemy by words or
 signs which by  general consent are    
universally understood in a given sense1
 it is not  wrong to overcome an enemy  
by conduct which involves no violation  
of  a generally recognised and          
universally binding custom4 ,under      
conduct  of the latter type fall such   
acts as a simulated flight1 or the use  

of  an enemy's arms1 his standards1     
uniform1 or sails4 ,a flight is not an  
instituted sign of fear1 nor have the   
arms or colours of a particular  country
 any universally established            
meaning4#afe    ,and in spite of the    
sound of sophistry that accompanies this
 reasoning1  the teaching of            
international law has not substantially 
swerved on this  point from the         
direction given to it by ,grotius4 ,in  
,cicero's opinion1  although both force 
and fraud were resources most unworthy  
of rational  humanity1 the one          
pertaining rather to the nature of the  
lion and the  other to that of the fox1 
fraud was an expedient deserving of more
  hatred than the other4#aff ,but the   
teaching of later times has tended  to  
overlook this distinction4 ,bynkershoek1
 that celebrated ,dutch jurist  who     
advocated the use of poison as one of   
the fair modes of employing  force1     
declares it to be a matter of perfect   
indifference whether  stratagem or open 

force be employed against an enemy1     
provided perfidy  be absent from the    
former4 ,and ,bluntschli1 who is the    
,german publicist  of greatest authority
 in our own day1 expressly includes     
among the  lawful stratagems of war the 
use of an enemy's uniform or flag4#afg  
,if1 then1 we test the received military
 theory by some actual  experience1 the 
following episodes of history must      
challenge rather our  admiration than   
our blame1 and stand justified by the   
most advanced  theories of modern       
international law4    ,cimon1 the       
,athenian admiral1 having captured some 
,persian ships1 made  his own men step  
into them and dress themselves in the   
clothes of the  ,persians2 and then1    
when the ships reached ,cyprus1 and the 
inhabitants  of that island came out    
joyfully to welcome their friends1 they 
were of  course more easily defeated by 
their enemies4#afh    ,aristomachus1    
having taken some ,cardian ships1 placed
 his own rowers  in them and towed his  

own ships behind them1 as if they were  
being  conducted in triumph4 ,when the  
,cardians came out to greet their       
supposed victorious crews1 ,aristomachus
 and his men fell upon them and         
succeeded in committing great           
carnage4#afi    ,modern history supplies
 analogous cases4 ,in ,september #ahjj  
an ,english  crew attacked two ships    
that lay at anchor at ,barcelona1 by    
forcing  a ,swedish vessel to take on   
board some ,english officers1 soldiers1 
and sailors1 and so obtaining a means of
 approach that was otherwise            
impossible4#agj ,and ,english naval     
historians tell with pride1 rather  than
 with shame1 how in #agih two ,english  
ships1 the #8,sibylle' and the  #8,fox1'
 by sailing under false colours captured
 three ,spanish gunboats  in ,manilla   
,roads4 ,when the ,spanish guard-boat   
was sent to inquire what  the ships     
were1 the pilot of the #8,fox' replied  
that they belonged to  the ,french      
squadron1 and that they wished to put   

into ,manilla1 for the  recovery of the 
crews from sickness4 ,the ,english      
,captain ,cooke was  introduced under   
the ,french name of ,latour2 and a      
conversation ensued  in which the       
ceremony of wishing success to the      
united exertions of the  ,spaniards and 
,french against the ,english was not    
forgotten4 ,two ,spanish  boats having  
then come to visit the vessels1 their   
crews were quickly  handed below2 and a 
party of ,british sailors having changed
 clothes  with them and got into their  
boat1 advanced to the gunboats1 which   
they  captured without pulling a        
trigger4#aga    ,on another occasion the
 same #8,sibylle1' which had been taken 
from the  ,french by ,romney in #agid1  
captured a large ,french vessel that lay
 at  anchor1 by standing in under       
,french colours1 and only hoisting her  
real ones when within a cable's length  
of her prize2#agb the only  limit to    
such a stratagem on the sea being the   
necessity for a ship to  hoist her real 

flag before proceeding to actual        
hostilities4 ,a state of  war must      
surely play strange tricks with our     
minds to make it possible  for us to    
approve such infamous actions as those  
quoted4 ,there can be  no greater proof 
of the utter demoralisation it causes   
than that such  devices should have ever
 come to be thought honourable2 and that
 no  scruples should have ever          
intervened against the prostitution of a
  country's flag1 the symbol of her     
independence1 her nationality1 and  her 
pride1 to the shame of open falsehood4  
,antiquaries dispute the  correctness of
 the statement of ,polynus that         
,artemisia1 the ,queen of  ,caria and   
ally of ,xerxes against ,greece1 hoisted
 ,persian colours when  in pursuit of   
,greek ships1 but a ,greek flag to      
prevent ,greek ships from  pursuing     
herself1 because they say that flags    
were not then in use2 but  undoubtedly  
the custom is a very old one on the seas
 of having a number  of different flags 

on board a ship1 for the purpose either 
of more  easily capturing a weaker or of
 more easily escaping from a stronger   
vessel than herself4 ,the ,french1 for  
instance1 in #accg plundered and  burnt 
,portsmouth1 after having been suffered 
to land under the cover of  ,english    
banners4#agc ,not only the vessels of   
pirates and privateers1  but the war    
vessels of the ,state1 learned to sail  
under colours that  belied their        
nationality4#agd ,the only limit to the 
stratagem of  the false flag 7to which  
international custom gradually came to  
give  the force of law7 came to be the  
necessity of hoisting the real flag     
before proceeding to fire1 a limitation 
that was not of much moment  after the  
successful deception had brought a      
defenceless merchant  vessel within the 
reach of easy capture4 ,and with regard 
to ships of  war1 the cannon-shot by    
which one vessel replied to the         
challenge of  its suspected nationality 
by the other came to be equivalent to   

the  captain's word of honour that the  
flag which floated above the cannon  he 
fired represented the nationality of    
which it professed to be the  symbol4   
,the flag itself might tell a lie1      
therefore the cannon-shot  oath must    
redeem it from suspicion4 ,such are the 
extraordinary ideas of  honour and      
morality that the system of universal   
fear1 distrust1 and  hostility1 by many 
thought to be so surpassingly glorious1 
has caused  to become prevalent upon the
 ocean4    ,in spite1 therefore1 of     
,grotius1 the above stratagems must be  
considered as dishonourable2 and that so
 they are beginning to be  considered is
 indicated by the fact that at the      
,brussels ,conference of  #ahgd the use 
of an enemy's flag or uniform was       
expressly rejected from  the category of
 fair military stratagems4 ,but the     
improvement is in  spite of             
international law1 not in consequence of
 it4    ,there is an obvious distinction
 indeed between the above method of     

overcoming an enemy and such favourite  
devices as ambuscades1 feigned          
retreats1 night attacks1 or the         
diversion of a defence to the wrong     
point4 ,but perhaps nothing in the      
history of moral opinion is more        
curious than that even these modes of   
deceit should have been1 not by  one    
people or an unwarlike people1 but by   
several people1 and one among  them the 
most warlike nation known to history1   
deliberately rejected as  unfair and    
dishonourable modes of warfare4 ,the    
historical evidence on  this point      
appears to be quite conclusive1 and is  
worth recalling for  the interest that  
cannot but attach to one of the         
strangest but most  neglected chapters  
in the history of human ethics4    ,the 
,achans1 says ,polybius1 disdained even 
to subdue their enemies with  the help  
of deceit4 ,in their opinion a victory  
was neither honourable  nor secure that 
was not obtained in open combat by      
superior courage4  ,therefore they      

esteemed it a kind of law among them    
never to use any  concealed weapons1 nor
 to throw darts from a distance1 being  
persuaded  that an open and close       
conflict was the only fair method of    
combat4  ,for the same reason they not  
only made a declaration of war1 but sent
  notice each to the other of their     
resolution to try the fortune of a      
battle1 and of the place where they were
 determined to engage4#age    ,and in   
,ternate1 one of the ,molucca ,islands1 
which suffered such  untold miseries    
after the ,europeans had discovered its 
spices and its  heathenism1 not only was
 war never begun without being first    
declared1  but it was also customary to 
inform the enemy of the number of men   
and  the amount and kind of weapons with
 which it was intended to conduct       
hostilities4#agf    ,but the case of the
 ,romans is by far the most remarkable4 
,polybius1  ,livy1 and lian all agree in
 their testimony that for a long period 
of their history the ,romans refrained  

from all kinds of stratagem as  from a  
sort of military meanness2 and their    
evidence is corroborated  by ,valerius  
,maximus1 who says that the ,romans1    
having no word in their  language to    
express a military ruse1 were forced to 
borrow the ,greek  word1 from which our 
own word stratagem is derived4#agg      
,polybius1 who  lived and wrote as late 
as the second century before ,christ1   
after  complaining that artifice was    
then so prevalent among the ,romans that
  their chief study was to deceive one  
another in war and in politics1  adds   
that1 in spite of this degeneracy1 they 
still declared war  solemnly beforehand1
 seldom formed ambuscades1 and preferred
 to fight  man to man in close          
engagement4 ,so late as the year #agb   
,b4,c4 the elder  senators regretted the
 lost virtue of their ancestors1 who    
refrained  from such stratagems as night
 attacks1 counterfeit flights1 and      
sudden  returns1 and who sometimes even 
appointed the day of battle and fixed   

the field of combat1 looking for victory
 not from fraud1 but only from          
superiority in personal bravery4#agh    
lian1 too1 declares that the  ,romans   
never resorted to stratagems till about 
the end of the ,second  ,punic ,war2 and
 truly the great ,roman general1        
,scipio1 who took the  name of          
,africanus1 displayed a thorough        
,african skill in the use he  made of   
spies and surprises to bring that war to
 a successful issue4    ,with regard to 
night attacks the ,macedonians appear to
 have cherished  similar feelings1 since
 we find ,alexander refusing to attack  
,darius  by night on the ground that he 
did not wish to gain a stolen victory4  
,and with regard to close combat1       
something of the old ,roman and ,achan  
feeling was displayed in ,europe when   
first the crossbow1 and in later  times 
the musket1 rendered personal prowess of
 lesser importance4  ,before the time of
 ,richard ,i41 when the crossbow became 
the chief  weapon in war1 warriors1 says

 the ,abb ,velley1 were so free and     
brave  that they would only owe victory 
to their lance and their sword1 and     
everybody detested those perfidious arms
 with which a coward under  shelter was 
enabled to slay the bravest4#agi ,so    
said ,montluc of the  musket1 which in  
#aebc had not yet1 he says1 superseded  
in ,france the  use of the crossbow3    
#8,would to ,god this accursed          
instrument had never  been invented4444 
,so many brave and valiant men would not
 have met  their deaths at the hands    
very often of the greatest cowards1 who 
would not so much as dare look at the   
man whom they knock down from  a        
distance with their accursed balls4'#ahj
 ,and in the same spirit  ,charles      
,,xii4 of ,sweden once bade his soldiers
 to come to close quarters  with the    
enemy without shooting1 on the ground   
that it was only for  cowards to shoot4 
,such ideas are1 of course1 dead beyond 
the hope of recovery2 but  they are an  
odd commentary on our conceit in the    

improved tone of  our military code of  
honour4 ,we have long since learned to  
despise  these old-world notions of     
honour and courage1 and to make very few
  exceptions indeed to the newer        
doctrine of ,christendom1 that in war   
anything and everything is fair4 ,but it
 is worth the pause of a moment  to     
reflect that such moral sentiments in   
restraint of the use of fraud  in war   
should have once had a real existence in
 the world2 that they  should once have 
swayed the minds of the most successful 
military  nation that ever existed1 and 
stood by them till they had attained    
that  high degree of power which was    
theirs at the time of the ,second ,punic
  ,war 7#bag-aii ,b4,c47 ,in comparing  
the code of military honour prevalent   
in pagan antiquity with that of more    
recent times1 it is but fair to         
remember that the pagan nations of old  
recognised some principles  of action   
which were never dreamt of in the best  
days of ,christian  chivalry2 and that  

the generals of the people who we are   
sometimes told  were a mere robber      
community would have had as strong a    
feeling against  the righteousness of a 
night attack1 a feigned retreat1 or a   
surprise1  as our modern generals would 
have of an open violation of a truce or 
convention4    ,the downward path in    
this matter is easy1 and the history of 
,rome after  ,scipio ,africanus is      
associated with a change of opinion     
concerning  stratagems that in no degree
 fell short of that subtlety of the     
,greeks1 ,gauls1 or ,africans1 which the
 ,romans once regarded as perfidy4      
,frontinus1 who wrote a book on         
stratagems in the reign of ,trajan1  and
 still more ,polynus1 who wrote a large 
book on the same subject  for the       
,emperors ,verus and ,antoninus1 appear 
to have thought that no  deceit was too 
bad to serve as a good precedent for the
 conduct of war4  ,polynus not merely   
made a collection of some nine hundred  
stratagems1  but collected them for the 

express purpose of their being of       
service to  the ,roman ,emperors in the 
war then undertaken against ,parthia4   
,to the  rulers of a people who had once
 regarded even an ambuscade as beneath  
their chivalry he brought as worthy of  
their recollection and study  actions   
which are an eternal stain on the memory
 of those who committed  them4 ,let us  
take for example the devices he records 
for obtaining  possession of besieged   
places1 remembering that from the moment
 the  chamade has been beaten1 or any   
other sign been given for a conference  
or parley between the contending forces1
 a truce by tacit agreement is  held to 
suspend their mutual hostilities4    #a4
 ,thibron persuaded the governor of a   
fort in ,asia to come out to  arrange   
terms1 under an oath that he should     
return if they failed to  agree4 ,during
 the relaxation of guard that naturally 
ensued1 ,thibron's  men took the fort by
 assault3 and ,thibron1 reconducting the
 governor  according to his word1       

forthwith put him to death4#aha    #b4  
,in the same way behaved ,paches1 the   
,athenian general at ,notium4  ,having  
got ,hippias1 the governor1 into his    
power under the same promise  that      
,thibron made1 he took the place by     
storm1 massacred all he found  in it1   
reconducted ,hippias according to his   
oath1 and had him killed  upon the      
spot4#ahb    #c4 ,autophrodates proposed
 a parley with the chiefs of the        
,ephesian  army1 having previously      
ordered his cavalry officers and other  
troops  to attack the ,ephesians during 
the conference4 ,the result was a       
signal victory1 and the capture or      
slaughter of a great number of          
,ephesians4#ahc    #d4 ,philip of       
,macedon sent some envoys into a        
,thracian city1 and whilst  the people  
all met in assembly to hear the         
proposals of the enemy the  ,king of    
,macedon attacked and took the city4#ahd
    #e4 ,the ,thracians1 having been    
defeated by the ,botians1 made a truce  

with them1 for a certain number of days1
 and attacked them one  night1 whilst   
the enemy were engaged in making        
sacrifices4 ,and so  dealt ,cleomenes   
with the ,argives2 he made a truce with 
them for seven  days1 and attacked them 
the second night4    ,all these things  
are told by ,polynus1 not only without a
 word of  disapproval1 but apparently as
 good examples for the conduct of a war 
actually in progress4 ,such was the     
state of moral debasement in which      
their long career of military success   
ultimately landed the great ,roman      
people4    ,nevertheless1 it is not for 
modern history to cast stones at ,paches
 or  at ,thibron4 ,the                  
,conference-stratagem attained its      
highest development  in the practice of 
warfare in ,christendom2 so that        
,montaigne declares  it to have become a
 fixed maxim among the military men of  
his time  7the sixteenth century7 never 
in time of siege to go out to a parley4 
,that great ,french soldier ,montluc1   

whose autobiography contained in  his   
,commentaries displays so curious a     
mixture of bravery and cruelty1  of     
loyalty and cunning1 and is perhaps the 
best military book by a  military man   
that has been written since ,csar1 tells
 us how once1  whilst he was bargaining 
with the governor of ,sarvenal about the
 terms  of a capitulation1 his men      
entered the place by a window on the    
other  side and compelled the governor  
to surrender at discretion1 and how on  
another occasion he sent his soldiers to
 enter ,mont de ,marsan and put  all    
they met to the sword1 whilst he himself
 was deluding the governor  with a      
parley4 #8,the moments of a parley are  
dangerous1' he justly  observes1 #8and  
then more than ever should the besieged 
be careful in  guarding their walls1 for
 it is the time when the besiegers1     
fearful  of losing by a capitulation the
 booty that would be theirs if they     
took the place by storm1 study to avail 
themselves of the relaxation  of        

vigilance promoted by the truce to      
approach the walls with greater         
facility and success4' ,and the man who 
wrote this as the experience of  his    
time1 and illustrated it by the above   
accounts of his own practice1  rose to  
be a ,marshal of ,france6    ,some other
 examples of the same stratagem prove   
how widely the custom  entered into the 
warfare of the ,european nations4 ,the  
governor of  ,terouanne1 besieged by the
 forces of the ,emperor ,charles ,v41   
having  forgotten in a negotiation for a
 capitulation to stipulate for a        
suspension of arms1 the town was        
surprised during the conference1        
pillaged1 and utterly destroyed4#ahe    
,and ,feuquires1 a ,french general  of  
,louis ,,xiv41 and the writer of a book 
of military memoirs which ran  through  
several editions1 tells us how he       
surprised a place called  ,kreilsheim in
 #afhh3 #8,i could not have taken this  
place by force1  surrounded as it was   
with a wall and a strong enough castle2 

but the  colonel in command having been 
imbecile enough to come outside the     
place to parley with me1 without        
exacting a promise from me to let  him  
return1 ,i retained him and compelled   
him to order his garrison to  surrender 
itself prisoner of war4'#ahf ,and he    
actually quotes this  to show that when 
it is necessary to take a post1 all     
sorts of means  should be employed1     
provided they do not dishonour the      
general who  resorts to them1 as would  
the failure of his word to the colonel  
have  dishonoured himself had the       
colonel demanded it of him4    ,a       
sounder sense of military honour was    
displayed by the ,english  general1     
,lord ,peterborough1 at the siege of    
,barcelona in #agje4 ,don  ,velasco had 
promised to capitulate within a certain 
number of days1  in the event of no     
succour arriving1 and he surrendered one
 gate as a  proof of his sincerity4     
,during the truce involved in this      
proceeding1  the ,german and ,catalonian

 allies of the ,english entered the town
 and  began that career of plunder and  
outrage which is the constant reward    
and crown of such military successes4   
,lord ,peterborough undertook to        
prevent disorder in the town1 expel the 
allied soldiery1 and return  to his     
position4 ,he was taken at his word1    
acted up to his word1 and  saved the    
honour of ,england4 ,but what of that of
 his allies8    ,it is a fine line that 
divides a stratagem from an act of      
perfidy4  ,valerius ,maximus denounces  
as an act of perfidy the conduct of     
,cnus  ,domitius1 who1 having received  
the ,king of the ,arverni as a guest    
under  the pretence of a colloquy1 sent 
him by sea a prisoner to ,rome2#ahg  but
 it is not easy to distinguish it from  
the actions of ,montluc or  ,feuquires4 
,vattel lays down the following doctrine
 on the subject3 ,as  humanity compels  
us to prefer the gentlest means in the  
prosecution of  our rights1 if we can   
master a strong place1 surprise or      

overcome an  enemy by a stratagem or a  
feint void of perfidy1 it is better to  
do so  than to have resort to a bloody  
siege or the carnage of a battle4 ,he   
expressly excludes perfidy2 but might   
not ,polynus have defended it  on       
precisely the same humanitarian grounds 
as those by which ,vattel  justifies the
 more ordinary stratagems8 ,might not an
 act of perfidy  equally prevent a siege
 or a battle8 ,if we are justified in   
contending  for our rights by force1 it 
is hard to say that we may not do so by 
fraud2 but it is still harder to        
distinguish the kinds and the limits  of
 such fraud1 or to say where it ceases  
to be lawful4    ,and to this length did
 ,polynus apparently go1 as we see in   
the cases  of downright perfidy which he
 includes in his collection of          
stratagems4  ,the ,locrians swore to    
observe a treaty with the ,sicilians so 
long as  they trod the earth they then  
walked on1 or carried their heads on    
their shoulders3 the next day they threw

 away the heads of garlic which  they   
had carried under their cloaks on their 
shoulders1 and the earth  they had      
strewn in their shoes1 and began a      
general massacre of the  ,sicilians4#ahh
 ,the ,campanians1 having agreed to     
surrender half their  arms1 cut them in 
half1 and so virtually surrendered      
nothing4#ahi  ,paches1 the ,athenian1   
says ,frontinus1 having promised        
personal safety  to his enemies on      
condition of their laying down their    
arms1 or as he  termed it1 their iron1  
slew all those who1 having laid down    
their  arms1 still retained the iron    
clasps in their cloaks4#aij    ,by these
 means it is undoubtedly possible to    
gain that advantage over  your enemy    
which1 according to every theory of war1
 it is the paramount  object of         
hostilities to obtain2 for it has been  
too often forgotten  that a nation's    
honour and character1 which an          
enlightened patriotism  should value    
higher than the mere earth on which it  

feeds and treads1  are sacrificed and   
impaired whenever a treaty is taken by  
one of the  parties to it to have been  
made in another sense from that which   
was  clearly understood by both parties 
to have constituted its spirit at  the  
time of making it4 ,what a lasting stain
 rests1 for instance1 on the  memory of 
,francis ,i41 who before signing the    
,treaty of ,madrid1 by which  he swore1 
in return for his liberty1 to restore   
the ,duchy of ,burgundy1  and to return 
a prisoner to ,spain if he failed to do 
so1 made a formal  protest beforehand1  
in the presence of some friends1 that   
the oath he  was about to take was      
involuntary and therefore void1 and     
broke it the  moment he was free6 ,and  
this was the man whose memory is        
associated  with the famous saying after
 the battle of ,pavia3 #8,all is lost   
save  honour4' ,what he really said     
after that event1 in a letter to his    
mother1 was this3 #8,all is lost save my
 honour and my life1 which is  safe1'   

and the letter went on at length1 much  
more in keeping with the  character of  
that monarch4#aia ,his life indeed he   
saved2 his honour he  never recovered4  
,it was agreed at the ,brussels         
,conference that resort to every        
possible  method of obtaining           
information about the forces or country 
of an  enemy should count as a fair     
military stratagem2 and1 indeed1 with   
the  subject of the deceitful side of   
war the military theory and treatment   
of ,spies occupies no inconsiderable    
place4    ,vattel is again as good an   
exponent as we can have of what         
international  law teaches on this      
subject4 ,his argument is as follows3   
,it is not  contrary to the law of      
nations to seduce one of the hostile    
side to  turn spy1 nor to bribe a       
governor to deliver a town1 because such
  actions do not1 like the use of poison
 or assassination1 strike at  the common
 welfare and safety of mankind4 ,such   
actions are the common  episodes of     

every war4 ,but that they are not in    
themselves honourable  or compatible    
with a good conscience is proved by the 
fact that  generals who resort to such  
means never boast of them2 and1 if they 
are  at all excusable1 it is only in the
 case of a very just war1 when there  is
 no other way of saving a country from  
ruin at the hands of lawless            
conquerors4 ,a sovereign has no right to
 require the services of a spy  from any
 of his subjects1 but he may hold out   
the temptation of reward  to mercenary  
souls2 and if a governor is willing to  
sell himself and  offer us a town for   
money1 should we scruple to take        
advantage of his  crime1 and to get     
without danger what we have a right to  
get by force8  ,at the same time a spy  
may rightly be put to death1 because it 
is the  only way we have of guarding    
against the mischief he may do us4#aib  
,frederick the ,great of ,prussia was a 
contemporary of ,vattel1 and in         
,november #agfj he published some       

military instructions for the use  of   
his generals which1 in the matter of    
spies1 was based on a wider  practical  
knowledge of the matter than of course  
belonged to the more  pacific publicist4
 ,he classified spies into ordinary     
spies1 double  spies1 spies of          
distinction1 and spies by compulsion4   
,by double spies  he meant spies who    
also pretended to be in the service of  
the side  they betrayed4 ,by spies of   
distinction he meant officers of        
hussars1  whose services he had found   
useful under the peculiar circumstances 
of  the ,austrian campaign4 ,when he    
could not procure himself spies among   
the ,austrians1 owing to the careful    
guard which their light troops  kept    
round their camp1 the idea occurred to  
him1 and he acted on it  with success1  
of utilising the suspension of arms that
 was customary  after a skirmish between
 hussars to make those officers the     
means  of conducting an epistolary      
correspondence with the officers on the 

other side4 ,spies by compulsion he     
explained in this way3 #8,when you  wish
 to convey false information to an      
enemy1 you take a trustworthy  soldier  
and compel him to pass to the enemy's   
camp to report there  all that you wish 
the enemy to believe2 you also send by  
him letters  to excite the troops to    
desertion4' ,and in the event of its    
being  impossible to obtain information 
about the enemy1 this distinguished     
child of ,mars prescribes the following3
 ,choose some rich citizen1  who has    
land and wife and children1 and another 
man disguised as his  servant or        
coachman1 who understands the enemy's   
language4 ,force the  former to take the
 latter with him to the enemy's camp to 
complain of  injuries sustained1        
threatening him that if he fail to bring
 the man  back with him after having    
stayed long enough for the desired      
object1  his wife and children shall be 
hanged and his house burnt4 #8,i was    
myself constrained1' adds this great    

warrior1 #8to have recourse to this     
method1 when we were encamped at ----1  
and it succeeded4'#aic    ,such were the
 military ethics of the great           
philosopher and king1 whose  character  
in the closer intimacy of biography     
proved so disagreeable a  revelation to 
,carlyle4 ,pagan antiquity might be     
searched in vain for  practice or       
sentiments more ignoble4 ,sertorius1 the
 ,roman captain1  was one of the        
greatest masters of stratagem in the    
world1 yet how  different his language  
from that of the ,great ,frederick6 #8,a
 man1' he  said1 #8who has any dignity  
of feeling should conquer with honour1  
and  not use any base means even to save
 his life4'    ,from the sentiments of  
,frederick the ,great regarding spies1  
let us pass  to those of our own time4  
,from ,lord ,wolseley's #8,soldier's    
,pocket-,book'  may be gained some      
insight as to the manner in which a spy 
in an  enemy's camp may correspond with 
the hostile general4 ,the best way1  he 

suggests1 is to send a peasant with a   
letter written on very thin  paper1     
which may be rolled up so tightly as to 
be portable in a quill  an inch and a   
half long1 and this precious quill may  
be hidden in the  hair or beard1 or in a
 hollow made at the end of a            
walking-stick4 ,it is  also a good plan 
to write secret correspondence in       
lemon-juice across  a newspaper or the  
leaves of a ,new ,testament2 it is then 
safe against  discovery1 and will become
 legible when held before a fire or near
 a  red iron4    #8,as a nation1' says  
,lord ,wolseley1 #8we are bred up to    
feel it a  disgrace even to succeed by  
falsehood2 the word spy conveys         
something  as repulsive as slave2 we    
will keep hammering along with the      
conviction  that honesty is the best    
policy1 and that truth always wins in   
the long  run4 ,these pretty little     
sentiments do well for a child's        
copy-book1  but a man who acts upon them
 had better sheathe his sword for       

ever4'#aid ,was there ever such a       
confession of the incompatibility of    
the soldier's calling with the precepts 
of ordinary honour8 ,for how not  so1 if
 he must so far stoop from the ordinary 
level of moral rectitude  as to be ready
 to scorn honesty and to trifle with    
truth8 ,and then the  question is1 ,had 
not a man better sheathe his sword for  
ever1 or rather  not enter at all upon a
 trade where he will have to regard the 
eternal  principles of right and wrong  
as so much pretty sentiment only fit for
  the copy-book8    ,since1 therefore1  
we have the authority of ,vattel1 of    
,frederick the  ,great1 and of ,lord    
,wolseley that spies may or even must be
 employed in  war1 and that1 be the     
trickery or bribery never so mean that  
procures  their services1 no discredit  
reflects itself upon those generals  who
 use them--it is impossible not to      
notice it as one of the chief  anomalies
 in existing military usages that1      
although a general has an  unlimited    

right to avail himself of the services  
of a spy or a traitor1  the penalty for 
acting in either of the latter          
capacities is death4  ,the capital      
penalty is not of itself any test of the
 moral character  of the action to which
 it is affixed1 for the service of a    
fire-ship1  which demanded the most     
desperate bravery1 used to be undertaken
 in the  face of capital punishment4    
,moreover1 some of the most famous names
  in military history have not hesitated
 to act as spies4 ,sertorius  was       
honoured by ,marius with the usual      
rewards of signal valour for  having    
learnt the language of the ,gauls and   
gone as a spy amongst them  disguised in
 their dress4 ,the ,french general      
,custine entered ,mayence in  the       
disguise of a butcher4 ,catinat spied   
out the strength of ,luxembourg  in the 
costume of a coal-heaver4 ,montluc      
entered ,perpignan as a cook1  and only 
resolved never again to act as a spy    
because the narrowness  of his escape   

convinced him1 not that it was a service
 of too much  dishonour1 but a service  
of too much danger4    ,the custom of   
killing spies is an old ,roman one1#aie 
and1 indeed1  seems to have prevailed   
all the world over4 ,nevertheless there 
have  been exceptions even to that4     
,scipio ,africanus had some             
,carthaginian  spies who were brought   
before him led through the camp1 and    
then  dismissed under escort1 and with  
the polite inquiry whether they had     
examined everything to their            
satisfaction4#aif    ,the consul ,lvinus
 is said to have dealt in the same way  
with some  spies that were taken1 and so
 did ,xerxes by some ,greek detectives4 
,at  the famous siege of ,antwerp in    
#aehd-e1 when a ,brabant spy was brought
  before the ,prince of ,parma1 the     
latter gave orders that he should be    
shown all the works connected with the  
wonderful bridge that he was  then      
constructing across the ,scheldt1 and   
then sent him back to the  besieged city

 with these words3 #8,go and tell those 
who sent you what  you have seen4 ,tell 
them that ,i firmly intend either to    
bury myself  beneath the ruin of this   
bridge or by means of it to pass into   
your  city4'    ,there is a clear middle
 course between both extremes4 ,instead 
of being  hung or shot or sent away scot
 free1 a spy might fairly be made a     
prisoner of war4 ,suggestions in this   
sense were made at the ,brussels        
,conference on the ,laws of ,war4 ,the  
,spanish delegate proposed that the     
custom of hanging or shooting detected  
spies should be abolished1 and  the     
custom be substituted of interning them 
as prisoners of war during  the         
continuance of hostilities4 ,the        
,belgian delegate proposed that in  no  
case should they be put to death without
 trial2 and it was even  sought to      
establish a distinction between the     
deserts of the really  patriotic and the
 merely mercenary spy4 ,the feeling in  
fact made itself  clearly visible1 that 

an act of which a general might fairly  
avail  himself could not in common      
justice be regarded as criminal in the  
agent4 ,between a general and a spy the 
common-law rule of principal and  agent 
plainly holds good3 #8,he who acts      
through another acts through  himself4' 
,in a case of espionage either both     
principal and agent are  guilty of a    
criminal act1 or neither is4 ,if the spy
 as such violates  the laws of war1 so  
does the general who employs him2 and   
either  deserves the same punishment4   
,were it not so1 a general who should   
hire a bravo to assassinate an enemy    
would incur no moral blame1 nor  could  
be held to act outside the boundary of  
lawful and honourable  hostilities4     
,in some other respects the ,brussels   
,conference displayed the vagueness  of 
sentiment that prevails about the use of
 spies in war4 ,it was  agreed between  
all the ,powers that no one should be   
considered as a  spy but one who        
secretly or under false pretences sought

 to obtain  information for the enemy in
 occupied districts2 that military men  
collecting such information within the  
zone of hostile operations  should not  
be regarded as spies if it were possible
 to recognise their  military character2
 and that military men1 and even        
civilians1 if  their proceedings were   
open1 charged with despatches1 should   
not1 if  captured1 be treated as spies2 
nor individuals who carried despatches  
or kept up communications between       
different parts of an army through  the 
air in balloons4 ,the ,german delegate  
proposed1 with regard to  balloons1 that
 those who sailed in them might be first
 of all summoned  to descend1 then fired
 at if they refused1 and if captured be 
treated  as prisoners1 not as spies4    
,the rejection of his proposal implies  
that by the laws of modern war a        
balloonist is liable to be shot as a    
spy2 so that1 from the point of view of 
personal danger1 the service  of a      
balloon becomes doubly heroic4 ,the     

,brussels ,conference settled  nothing1 
owing to the withdrawal of ,england from
 that attempt to settle  by agreement   
between the nations the laws that should
 govern their  relations in war-time2   
but from what was on that occasion      
agreed to or  rejected may be gathered  
the prevalent practice of ,european     
warfare4  ,is it not then a little      
remarkable that for the dangerous       
service of  espionage a different       
justice should be meted out to civilians
 and to  military men2 and that a       
patriot who risks his life in a balloon 
should  also risk it in the same way as 
a spy1 a deserter1 or a traitor8    ,but
 whatever be the fate of a spy1 and in  
spite of distinguished  precedents to   
the contrary1 men of honour will always 
instinctively  shrink from a service    
which involves falsehood from beginning 
to  end4 ,the sentiment is doubtless    
praiseworthy3 but what is the moral     
difference between entering a town as a 
spy and the military service  of winning

 it by surprise8 ,what1 for instance1   
shall we think of  the ,spanish officers
 and soldiers who1 dressed as peasants  
and with  baskets of nuts and apples on 
their arms1 gained possession of ,amiens
  in #aeig by spilling the contents of  
their baskets and then slaying the      
sentinels as they scrambled to pick them
 up8#aig ,what of the officers  who1 in 
the disguise of peasants and women1 and 
concealing daggers and  pistols1 got    
possession of ,ulm for the ,elector of  
,bavaria8 ,what of  the ,french who1 in 
,dutch costume1 and by supplications in 
,dutch to be  granted a refuge from a   
pursuing enemy1 surprised a fort in     
,holland in  #afgb8aih ,what of ,prince 
,eugene1 who took the fortress of       
,breysach by  sending in a large force  
concealed in hay-carts under the conduct
 of  two hundred officers disguised as  
peasants8#aii ,what of the ,chevalier   
,bayard1 that favourite of legendary    
chivalry1 who1 having learnt from a  spy
 the whereabouts of a detachment of     

,venetian infantry1 went by night  to   
the village where they slept1 and with  
his men slew all but three  out of some 
three hundred men as they ran out of    
their houses8#bjj  ,what of             
,callicratidas the ,cyrenan1 who begged 
the commander of a fort  to receive four
 sick soldiers1 and sent them in on     
their beds with  an escort of sixteen   
soldiers1 so that they easily           
overpowered the  guards and won the     
place for their general8#bja ,what of   
,phalaris1 who1  having petitioned for  
the hand of a commandant's daughter1    
overcame  the garrison by sending in    
soldiers dressed as women servants1 and 
purporting to bear presents to his      
betrothed8#bjb ,what of ,feuquires1     
who1 whilst pretending to lead a ,german
 force and praying for shelter  from a  
snowstorm1 affixed his ptards to the    
gates of ,neuborg1 and1  having taken   
the town1 put the whole of the garrison 
of #fej men to the  sword8#bjc    ,in   
what respect do such actions which are  

the everyday stratagems of a  campaign1 
and count as perfectly fair1 differ from
 the false pretences  which constitute  
the iniquity of the spy8 ,in this       
respect only--that  whilst he bears his 
danger alone1 in the case of a surprise 
the danger  is distributed among        
numbers4    ,and1 in point of fact1     
there was a time when the service of a  
surprise  and that of espionage were so 
far regarded as the same that by the    
laws  of war death was not only the     
allotted portion of the captured spy but
  of all who were caught in an endeavour
 to take a place by surprise4  ,the     
rule1 according to ,vattel1 was not     
changed1 nor the soldiers who  were     
captured in a surprise regarded or      
treated as prisoners of war1  till the  
year #aeig1 when1 ,prince ,maurice      
having failed in an attempt to  take    
,venloo by surprise1 and having lost    
some of his men1 who were put  to death 
for that offence1 the new rule that has 
since prevailed was  agreed upon by both

 sides for the sake of their future     
mutual immunity  from that peril4       
,the usual rule laid down to distinguish
 a bad from a good stratagem is  that in
 the latter there is no violation of an 
expressly or tacitly  pledged faith4    
,the violation of a conference1 a truce1
 or a treaty  has always therefore been 
reprobated1 however commonly practised4 
,but  certain occurrences of history    
suggest the feasibility of corresponding
  stratagems which cannot be judged by  
so simple a formula and which  therefore
 are of still uncertain right4    ,the  
first stratagem of this kind that       
suggests itself is that of  forgery4    
,hannibal1 having defeated and slain the
 ,roman general  ,marcellus1 and thereby
 become possessed of his seal1 the      
,romans found  it necessary to despatch 
messages to all their garrison towns    
that  no more attention should be paid  
to orders purporting to come from       
,marcellus4 ,the precedent suggests the 
use of forged despatches as a  weapon of

 war4 ,to obtain in time of peace1 for  
use in time of war1 the  signatures of  
men likely to be hostile commanders1    
would obviously  be of immense military 
service for purposes either of defence  
or  aggression4 ,the stratagem would be 
dishonourable in the highest degree2    
but1 unfortunately1 the standard of     
measurement in such cases is rather     
their effectiveness than their abstract 
morality4    ,the second stratagem of   
the sort is the stratagem of false      
intelligence4  ,to what extent is it    
lawful to deceive an enemy by downright 
falsehood8  ,the ,chevalier ,bayard1    
#8without fear or reproach1' when       
besieged by  the ,imperialists in       
,mzires1 contrived to make the enemy    
raise the  siege by sending a messenger 
with letters containing false           
information  destined to fall into the  
hands of the enemy4 ,the invention of   
the  telegraph has increased the means  
of deceiving the enemy by false         
intelligence1 and was freely so used in 

the ,civil ,war of the ,united  ,states4
 ,it is said to be better to secure the 
services of a few  telegraph operators  
in a hostile country than to have dozens
 of  ordinary spies2 and for this       
reason1 according to the eminent author 
of  the #8,soldier's ,pocket-,book'3    
#8,before or during an action an enemy  
may  be deceived to any extent by means 
of such men2 messages can be sent       
ordering him to concentrate upon wrong  
points1 or1 by giving him false         
information1 you may induce him to move 
as you wish4'    ,another stratagem is  
suggested by the conduct of the ,prince 
of ,orange1  who1 having detected in one
 of his own secretaries a spy in the    
service of the ,prince of ,luxembourg1  
forced him to write a letter to  the    
latter containing such information as   
enabled himself to effect a  march he   
wished to conceal4 ,might not1 then1    
prisoners of war be used  for the same  
compulsory service8 ,for a spy just as  
much as a soldier  is a recognised and  

accredited military agent1 and1 if the  
former  may be made the channel of      
falsehood1 why not the prisoner of war8 
,the ,romans made use of the latter to  
acquire information about their  enemy's
 plans1 if in no other way1 by torture  
or the threat of it2  the ,germans      
forced some of their ,french prisoners  
to perform certain  military services   
connected with carrying on their        
campaign--would it  be therefore unfair 
to make use of them as the ,prince of   
,orange made  use of his secretary8     
,to such questions there is no answer   
from the international law  writers4    
,still less is there any authoritative  
military doctrine  concerning them1 and1
 if the stratagems in debate are        
excluded from  #8good' war by the       
military honour of to-day1 the above    
study of warlike  artifices has been    
made to little purpose if it has not    
taught us how  changeable and capricious
 that standard is1 and of what          
marvellous  adjustment it is capable4   

,it were a treat at which the gods      
themselves might smile to see and  hear 
a moral philosopher and a military      
officer brought into conference         
together concerning the stratagems      
permissible in war4 ,let the reader     
imagine them trying to distribute in    
just and equal parts the due share  of  
blame attaching severally to the        
following agents--to the man who        
betrays his country or his cause for    
gold1 and the general who tempts  him to
 his crime or accepts it gladly2 to the 
man who serves as a spy1  to the general
 who on the one side sends or employs   
him as a spy1 and  to the general who on
 the other side hangs him as a spy2 to  
the man  who discovers the strength of a
 town in the disguise of a butcher1 and 
to his fellow-soldiers who enter it     
disguised as peasants or under the  plea
 of shelter from sickness or a          
snowstorm2 to the man who gains an      
advantage by propagating false          
intelligence1 and the man who does so   

by the use of forged despatches2 the man
 who1 like ,scipio1 plays at            
negotiations for peace in order the     
better to spy out and avail himself  of 
an enemy's weakness1 and the man who    
makes offers of treason to  an enemy in 
order the more easily to take him at a  
disadvantage--and  the conclusion will  
be not unlikely to occur to him1 when he
 shudders  at the possible length and   
futility of that imaginary disputation1 
that1 whatever havoc is caused by a     
state of war to life1 to property1  to  
wealth1 to family affections1 to        
domestic honour1 it is a havoc          
absolutely incomparable to that which it
 produces among the received  moral     
principles of mankind4 ,the military    
code regarding the fair and  legitimate 
use of fraud and deception has nothing  
whatever in common  with the ordinary   
moral code of civil life1 the principles
 openly  professed in it being so       
totally foreign to our simplest rules of
  upright and worthy conduct that in any

 other than the fighting classes  of our
 civilised societies they would not be  
advocated for very shame1  nor listened 
to for a moment without resentment4     
,,chapter ,,vi4    ,,barbarian          
,,warfare4        ,non avaritia1 non    
crudelitas modum novit4444 ,qu clam     
commissa      capite luerentur1 quia    
paludati fecere laudamus4--,,seneca4    
,variable notions of honour--,primitive 
ideas of a military      life--,what is 
civilised warfare--,advanced laws of war
 among      several savage              
tribes--,symbols of peace among         
savages--,the ,samoan      form of      
surrender--,treaties of peace among     
savages--,abeyance of      laws of war  
in hostilities with savages--,zulus     
blown up in caves      with             
gun-cotton--,women and men kidnapped for
 transport service      on the ,gold    
,coast--,humane intentions of the       
,spaniards in the      ,new ,world      
contrasted with the inhumanity of their 
actions--,wars      with natives of     

,english and ,french in ,america--,high 
rewards      offered for scalps--,the   
use of bloodhounds in war--,the use of  
poison and infected clothes--,penn's    
treaty with the ,indians--,how          
,missionaries come to be a cause of     
war--,explanation of the failure      of
 modern ,missions--,the ,mission        
,stations as centres of hostile         
intrigue--,plea for the                 
,state-regulation of                    
,missions--,depopulation      under     
,protestant influences--,the prevention 
of false rumours1                       
,tendenzlgen--,civilised and barbarian  
warfare--,no real      distinction      
between them4      ,a missionary1 seeing
 once a negro furrowing his face with   
scars1 asked  him why he put himself to 
such needless pain1 and the reply was3  
#8,for  honour1 and that people on      
seeing me may say1 ,there goes a man of 
heart4'    ,ridiculous as this negro's  
idea of honour must appear to us1 it    
bears  a sufficient resemblance to other

 notions of the same kind that have     
passed current in the world at different
 times to satisfy us of the  extreme    
variability of the sentiment in         
question4 ,csar built with  difficulty a
 bridge across the ,rhine1 chiefly      
because he held it  beneath his own     
dignity1 or the ,roman people's1 for his
 army to cross  it in boats4 ,the ,celts
 of old thought it as ignominious to fly
 from an  inundation1 or from a burning 
or falling house1 as to retreat from an 
enemy4 ,the ,spartans considered it     
inglorious to pursue a flying foe1 or   
to be killed in storming a besieged     
city4 ,the same ,gauls who gloried  in  
broadsword-wounds would almost go mad   
with shame if wounded by an  arrow or   
other missile that only left an         
imperceptible mark4 ,the use  of letters
 was once thought dishonourable by all  
the ,european nations4  ,marshal        
,montluc1 in the sixteenth century1     
considered it a sign of  abnormal       
overbookishness for a man to prefer to  

spend a night in his  study than to     
spend it in the trenches1 though1 now1 a
 contrary taste  would be thought by    
most men the mark of a fool4    ,such   
are some of the curious ideas of honour 
that have prevailed at  different times4
 ,wherein we seem to recognise not      
merely change but  advance2 one chief   
difference between the savage and       
civilised state  lying in the different 
estimates entertained in either of      
martial  prowess and of military honour4
 ,we laugh nowadays at the ancient      
,britons who believed that the souls of 
all who had followed any other  pursuit 
than that of arms1 after a despised life
 and an unlamented  death1 hovered      
perforce over fens and marshes1 unfit to
 mingle with  those of warriors in the  
higher and brighter regions2 or at the  
horsemen who used before death to wound 
themselves with their spears1  in order 
to obtain that admission to ,walhalla   
which was denied to all  who failed to  
die upon a battle-field2 or at the      

,spaniards1 who1 when  ,cato disarmed   
them1 preferred a voluntary death to a  
life destined to  be spent without      
arms4#bjd ,no civilised warrior would   
pride himself1  as ,fijian warriors did1
 on being generally known as the        
#8,waster' or  #8,devastator' of        
such-and-such a district2 the most he   
would look for  would be a title and    
perhaps a perpetual pension for his     
descendants4  ,we have nothing like the 
custom of the ,north ,american tribes1  
among  whom different marks on a        
warrior's robe told at a glance whether 
his  fame rested on the slaughter of a  
man or a woman1 or only on that of a    
boy or a girl4 ,we are inferior in this 
respect to the ,dacota tribes1  among   
whom an eagle's feather with a red spot 
on it denoted simply  the slaughter of  
an enemy1 the same feather with a notch 
and the  sides painted red1 that the    
said enemy had had his throat cut1      
whilst  according as the notches were on
 one side or on both1 or the feather    

partly denuded1 anyone could tell after 
how many others the hero had  succeeded 
in touching the dead body of a fallen   
foe4 ,the stride is  clearly a great one
 from ,pyrrhus1 the ,epirot king1 who1  
when asked  which of two musicians he   
thought the better1 only deigned to     
reply  that ,polysperchon was the       
general1 to ,napoleon1 the ,french      
emperor1 who  conferred the cross of the
 ,legion of ,honour on ,crescentini the 
singer4    ,and as the pursuit of arms  
comes with advancing civilisation to    
occupy  a lower level as compared with  
the arts of peace1 so the belief is the 
mark of a more polished people that the 
rapacity and cruelty which  belong to   
the war customs of a more backward      
nation1 or of an earlier  time1 are     
absent from their own4 ,they invent the 
expression civilised  warfare to        
emphasise a distinction they would fain 
think inherent  in the nature of things2
 and look1 by its help1 even on the mode
 of  killing an enemy1 with a moral     

vision that is absurdly distorted4 ,how 
few of us1 for example1 but see the     
utmost barbarity in sticking a man  with
 an assegai1 yet none whatever in doing 
so with a bayonet8 ,and why  should we  
pride ourselves on not mutilating the   
dead1 while we have  no scruples as to  
the extent to which we mutilate the     
living8 ,we are  shocked at the mention 
of barbarian tribes who poison their    
arrows1  or barb their darts1 yet       
ourselves think nothing of the frightful
  gangrenes caused by the copper cap in 
the ,mini rifle-ball1 and reject1  on   
the score of the expense of the change1 
the proposal that bullets of  soft lead1
 which cause needless pain1 should no   
longer be used among  the civilised     
,powers for small-arm ammunition4#bje   
,but whilst the difference in these     
respects between barbarism and          
civilisation is thus one that rather    
touches the surface than the  substance 
of war1 the result is inevitably in     
either state a different  code of       

military etiquette and sentiment1 though
 the difference is  far less than in any
 other points of comparison between     
them4 ,when  the nations of ,christendom
 therefore came in contact with unknown 
and savage races1 whose customs seemed  
different from their own and  little    
worthy of attention1 they assumed that  
the latter recognised  no laws of war1  
much as some of the earlier travellers  
denied the  possession or faculty of    
speech to people whose language they    
could not  interpret4 ,from which       
assumption the practical inference      
followed1 that  the restraints which    
were held sacred between enemies who    
inherited  the same traditions of       
military honour had no need to be       
observed in  hostilities with the       
heathen world4 ,it is worth while1      
therefore1 to  show how baseless was the
 primary assumption1 and how laws of    
war1 in  no way dissimilar to those of  
,europe1 may be detected in the military
  usages of barbarism4    ,to spare the 

weak and helpless was and is a common   
rule in the warfare  of the less        
civilised races4 ,the ,guanches of the  
,canary ,islands1 says  an old ,spanish 
writer1 #8held it as base and mean to   
molest or injure  the women and children
 of the enemy1 considering them as weak 
and  helpless1 therefore improper       
objects of their resentment2 neither    
did they throw down or damage houses of 
worship4'#bjf ,the ,samoans  considered 
it cowardly to kill a woman3#bjg and in 
,america the ,sioux  ,indians and       
,winnebagoes1 though barbarous enough in
 other respects1 are  said to have shown
 the conventional respect to the weaker 
sex4#bjh  ,the ,basutos of ,south       
,africa1 whatever may be their customs  
now1 are  declared by ,casalis1 one of  
the first ,french ,protestant           
missionaries  to their country1 to have 
respected in their wars the persons of  
women1 children1 and travellers1 and to 
have spared all prisoners who           
surrendered1 granting them their liberty

 on the payment of ransom4#bji    ,few  
savage races were of a wilder type than 
the ,abipones of ,south  ,america2 yet  
,dobritzhoffer1 the ,jesuit missionary1 
assures us not only  that they thought  
it unworthy of them to mangle the bodies
 of dead  ,spaniards1 as other savages  
did1 but that they generally spared the 
unwarlike1 and carried away boys and    
girls uninjured4 ,the ,spaniards1       
,indians1 negroes1 or mulattoes whom    
they took in war they did not  treat    
like captives1 but with kindness and    
indulgence like children4               
,dobritzhoffer never saw a prisoner     
punished by so much as a word or a      
blow1 but he bears testimony to the     
compassion and confidence often         
displayed to captives by their          
conquerors4 ,it is common to read of the
  cruelty of the ,red ,indians to their 
captives2 but ,loskiel1 another         
missionary1 declares that prisoners were
 often adopted by the victors  to supply
 the place of the slain1 and that even  

,europeans1 when it came  to an exchange
 of prisoners1 sometimes refused to     
return to their own  countrymen4 ,in    
,virginia notice was sent before war to 
the enemy1 that  in the event of their  
defeat1 the lives of all should be      
spared who  should submit within two    
days' time4    ,loskiel gives some other
 rather curious testimony about the ,red
  ,indians4 #8,when war was in          
contemplation they used to admonish each
  other to hearken to the good and not  
to the evil spirits1 the former  always 
recommending peace4 ,they seem1' he adds
 with surprise1 #8to  have had no idea  
of the devil as the prince of darkness  
before the  ,europeans came into the    
country4' ,the symbol of peace was the  
burial  of the hatchet or war-club in   
the ground2 and when the tribes renewed 
their covenants of peace1 they exchanged
 certain belts of friendship  which were
 singularly expressive4 ,the principal  
belt was white1 with  black streaks down
 each side and a black spot at each end3

 the black  spots represented the two   
people1 and the white streak between    
them  signified1 that the road between  
them was now clear of all trees1        
brambles1 and stones1 and that every    
hindrance was therefore removed  from   
the way of perfect harmony4    ,the     
,athenians used the same language of    
symbolism when they declared  war by    
letting a lamb loose into the enemy's   
country3 this being  equivalent to      
saying1 that a district full of the     
habitations of men  should shortly be   
turned into a pasture for sheep4#baj    
,the ,fijians used to spare their       
enemy's fruit trees2 the ,tongan        
islanders held it as sacrilege to fight 
within the precincts of the  burial     
place of a chief1 where the greatest    
enemies were obliged to  meet as        
friends4    ,most of the lower races    
recognise the inviolability of          
ambassadors and  heralds1 and have      
well-established emblems of a truce or  
armistice4  ,the wish for peace which   

the ,zulu king in vain sought from his  
,english  invaders by the symbol of an  
elephant's tusk 7#ahgi71 was conveyed   
in the ,fiji ,islands by a whale's      
tooth1 in the ,sandwich by a young      
plantain tree or green branch of the ti 
plant1 and among most ,north  ,american 
tribes by a white flag of skin or bark4 
,the ,samoan symbol  for an act of      
submission in deprecation of further    
hostilities conveys  some indication of 
the possible origin of these pacific    
symbols4 ,the  conquered ,samoan would  
carry to his victor some bamboo sticks1 
some  firewood1 and some small stones2  
for as a piece of split bamboo was  the 
original ,samoan knife1 and small stones
 and firewood were used for  the purpose
 of roasting pigs1 this symbol of       
submission was equivalent  to saying3   
#8,here we are1 your pigs1 to be cooked 
if you please1 and  here are the        
materials wherewith to do it4'#baa ,in  
the same way the  elephant's tusk or the
 whale's tooth may be a short way of    

saying to  the victor3 #8,yours is the  
strength of the elephant or the whale2  
we  recognise the uselessness of        
fighting with you4'    ,in the same way 
many savage tribes take the greatest    
pains to impress  the terms of treaties 
as vividly as possible on the memory of 
the  contracting parties by striking and
 intelligible ceremonies4 ,in the       
,sandwich ,islands a wreath woven       
conjointly by the leaders of either     
side and placed in a temple was the     
chief symbol of peace4 ,on the ,fiji    
,islands1 the combatant forces would    
meet and throw down their weapons  at   
one another's feet4 ,the ,tahitians wove
 a wreath of green boughs1  furnished by
 each side2 exchanged two young dogs2   
and having also  made a band of cloth   
together1 deposited the wreath and the  
band in  the temple1 with imprecations  
on the side which should first violate  
so solemn a treaty of peace4#bab ,on the
 ,hervey ,islands1 the token of  the    
cessation of war was the breaking of a  

number of spears against  a large       
chestnut tree2 the almost imperishable  
coral tree was planted  in the valleys  
to signify the hope that the peace might
 last as long  as the tree2 and after   
the drum of peace had been solemnly     
beaten  round the island1 it was        
unlawful for any man to carry a weapon1 
or  to cut down any iron-wood1 which he 
might turn into an implement of         
destruction4    ,even our custom of     
proclaiming that a war is not undertaken
 against  a people but against its      
rulers is not unknown in savage life4   
,the  ,ashantee army used to strew      
leaves on their march1 to signify that  
their hostility was not with the country
 they passed through but only  with the 
instigators of the war2 they told the   
,fantees that they had  no war with them
 collectively1 but only with some of    
them4#bac ,how  common a military custom
 this appeal to the treason of an enemy 
is1  notwithstanding the rarity of its  
success1 everybody knows4 ,when1  for   

instance1 the ,anglo-,zulu war began1 it
 was solemnly proclaimed  that the      
,british ,government had no quarrel with
 the ,zulu people2 it  was a war against
 the ,zulu king1 not against the ,zulu  
nation4 7,jan4  #aa1 #ahgi47 ,so were   
the ,ashantees told by the ,english     
invading force2  so were the ,afghans2  
so were the ,egyptians2 and so were the 
,french  by the ,emperor ,william before
 his merciless hordes laid waste and    
desolate some of the fairest provinces  
of ,france2 so1 no doubt1 will  be told 
the ,soudan ,arabs4 ,and yet this appeal
 to treason1 this premium  on a people's
 disloyalty1 is the regular precursor of
 wars1 wherein  destruction for its own 
sake1 the burning of grain and villages 
for  the mere pleasure of the flames1   
forms almost invariably the most        
prominent feature4 ,the military view   
always prevails over the civil1  of the 
meaning of hostilities that have no     
reference to a population  but only to  
its government4 ,in the ,zulu war1 for  

instance1 in spite  of the above        
proclamation1 the lieutenant-general    
ordered raids to be  made into ,zululand
 for the express purpose of burning     
empty kraals or  villages2 defending    
such procedure by the usual military    
logic1 that  the more the natives at    
large felt the strain of the war1 the   
more  anxious they would be to see it   
concluded2 and it was quite in vain for 
the ,lieutenant-,governor of ,natal to  
argue that the burning of empty  kraals 
would neither do much harm to the ,zulus
 nor good to the ,english2  and that    
whereas the war had been begun on the   
ground that it was waged  against the   
,zulu king and not against his nation1  
such conduct was  calculated to alienate
 from the invaders the whole of the     
,zulu people1  including those who were 
well disposed to them4 ,such arguments  
hardly  ever prevail over that passion  
for wanton destruction and for often    
quite unnecessary slaughter1 which finds
 a ready and comprehensive  shelter     

under the wing of military exigencies4  
,the assumption1 therefore1 that savage 
races are ignorant of all laws  of war1 
or incapable of learning them1 would    
seem to be based rather on  our         
indifference about their customs than on
 the realities of the case1  seeing that
 the preceding evidence to the contrary 
results from the  most cursory inquiry4 
,but whatever value there may be in our 
own laws  of war1 as helping to         
constitute a real difference between    
savage and  civilised warfare1 the best 
way to spread the blessing of a         
knowledge  of them would clearly be for 
the more civilised races to adhere to   
them strictly in all wars waged with    
their less advanced neighbours4  ,an    
,english commander1 for instance1 should
 no more set fire to the  capital of    
,ashantee or ,zululand for so paltry a  
pretext as the display  of ,british     
power than he would set fire to ,paris  
or ,berlin2 he should  no more have     
villages or granaries burnt in ,africa  

or ,afghanistan  than he would in       
,normandy2 and he should no more keep a 
,zulu envoy or  truce-bearer in         
chains#bad than he would so deal with   
the bearer of a  white flag from a      
,russian or ,italian enemy4    ,the     
reverse principle1 which is yet in      
vogue1 that with barbarians  you must or
 may be barbarous1 leads to some curious
 illustrations of  civilised warfare    
when it comes in conflict with the less 
civilised  races4 ,in one of the        
,franco-,italian wars of the sixteenth  
century1  more than #b1jjj women and    
children took refuge in a large mountain
  cavern1 and were there suffocated by a
 party of ,french soldiers1 who  set    
fire to a quantity of wood1 straw1 and  
hay1 which they stacked  at the mouth of
 the cave2 but it was considered so     
shameful an act1  that the ,chevalier   
,bayard had two of the ringleaders hung 
at the  cavern's mouth4#bae ,yet when   
the ,french ,general ,plissier in this  
century suffocated the unresisting      

,algerians in their caves1 it was  even 
defended as no worse than the shelling  
of a fortress2 and there  is evidence   
that gun-cotton was not unfrequently    
used to blast the  entrance to caves in 
,zululand in which men1 women1 and      
children had  hoped to find shelter     
against an army which professed only to 
be  warring with their king4#baf    ,the
 following description of the way in    
which1 in the ,ashantee war1 the        
,english forces obtained native carriers
 for their transport service is  not    
without its instruction in this         
respect3--    #8,we took to kidnapping  
upon a grand scale4 ,raids were made on 
all  the ,assin villages within reach of
 the line of march1 and the men1  and   
sometimes the women1 carried off and    
sent up the country under  guard1 with  
cases of provisions4 ,lieutenant        
,bolton1 of the #ast ,west  ,india      
,regiment1 rendered immense service in  
this way4 ,having been  for some time   
commandant of ,accra1 he knew the coast 

and many of the  chiefs2 and having a   
man-of-war placed at his disposal1 he   
went up and  down the coast1 landing    
continually1 having interviews with     
chiefs1  and obtaining from them large  
numbers of men and women2 or when  this 
failed1 landing at night with a party of
 soldiers1 surrounding  villages1 and   
sweeping off the adult population1      
leaving only a few  women to look after 
the children4 ,in this way1 in the      
course of a  month1 he obtained several 
thousands of carriers4'#bag    ,and then
 a certain school of writers talks of   
the love and respect for  the ,british  
,empire which these exhibitions of our  
might are calculated  to win from the   
inferior races6 ,the ,ashantees are     
disgraced by the  practice of human     
sacrifices1 and the ,zulus have many a  
barbarous  usage2 but no amount of      
righteous indignation on that account   
justifies  such dealings with them as   
those above described4 ,if it does1 we  
can  no longer condemn the proceedings  

of the ,spaniards in the ,new ,world4   
,for we have to remember that it was not
 only the ,christianity of the          
,inquisition1 or ,spanish commerce that 
they wished to spread2 not mere  gold   
nor new lands that they coveted1 but    
that they also strove for  such         
humanitarian objects as the abolition of
 barbarous customs like  the ,mexican   
human sacrifices4 #8,the ,spaniards that
 saw these cruel  sacrifices1' wrote a  
contemporary1 the ,jesuit ,acosta1      
#8resolved with  all their power to     
abolish so detestable and cursed a      
butchery of  men4' ,the ,spaniards of   
the sixteenth century were in intention 
or  expression every whit as humane as  
we ,english of the nineteenth4 ,yet     
their actions have been a reproach to   
their name ever since4 ,cortes          
subjected ,guatamozin1 king of ,mexico1 
to torture4 ,pizarro had the ,inca  of  
,peru strangled at the stake4 ,alvarado 
invited a number of ,mexicans  to a     
festival1 and made it an opportunity to 

massacre them4 ,sandoval  had #fj       
caziques and #djj nobles burnt at one   
time1 and compelled their  relations and
 children to witness their punishment4  
,the ,pope ,paul had  very soon 7#aecg7 
to issue a bull1 to the effect that the 
,indians were  really men and not       
brutes1 as the ,spaniards soon affected 
to regard  them4    ,the whole question 
was1 moreover1 argued out at that time  
between  ,las ,casas and ,sepulveda1    
historiographer to the ,emperor ,charles
 ,v4  ,sepulveda contended that more    
could be effected against barbarism by a
  month of war than by #ajj years of    
preaching2 and in his famous dispute    
with ,las ,casas at ,valladolid in      
#aeej1 defended the justice of all wars 
undertaken against the natives of the   
,new ,world1 either on the ground  of   
the latter's sin and wickedness1 or on  
the plea of protecting them  from the   
cruelties of their own                  
fellow-countrymen2 the latter plea      
being one to which in recent ,english   

wars a prominent place has been  always 
given4 ,las ,casas replied--and his     
reply is unanswerable--that  even human 
sacrifices are a smaller evil than      
indiscriminate warfare4  ,he might have 
added that military contact between     
people unequally  civilised does more to
 barbarise the civilised than to        
civilise the  barbarous population4 ,it 
is well worthy of notice and reflection 
that the ,european battle-fields became 
distinctly more barbarous  after habits 
of greater ferocity had been acquired in
 wars beyond the  ,atlantic1 in which   
the customary restraints were forgotten1
 and the  ties of a common human nature 
dissolved by the differences of religion
  and race4    ,the same effect resulted
 in ,roman history1 when the extended   
dominion  of the ,republic brought its  
armies into contact with foes beyond the
  sea4 ,the ,roman annalists bear       
witness to the deterioration that ensued
  both in their modes of waging war and 
in the national character4#bah  ,it is  

in an ,asiatic war that we first hear of
 a ,roman general poisoning  the        
springs2#bai in a war for the possession
 of ,crete that the  ,cretan captives   
preferred to poison themselves rather   
than suffer the  cruelties inflicted on 
them by ,metellus2#bbj in the ,thracian 
war  that the ,romans cut off their     
prisoners' hands1 as ,csar afterwards   
did those of the ,gauls4#bba ,and we    
should remember that a practical        
,english statesman like ,cobden foresaw1
 as a possible evil result of the       
closer relations between ,england and   
the ,east1 a similar deterioration  in  
the national character of his           
countrymen4 #8,with another war or      
two1' he wrote1 #8in ,india and ,china1 
the ,english people would have an       
appetite for bull-fights if not for     
gladiators4'#bbb    ,nor is there often 
any compensation for such results in the
 improved  condition of the tribes whom 
it is sought to civilise after the      
method  recommended by ,sepulveda4 ,the 

happiest fate of the populations he     
wished to see civilised by the sword was
 where they anticipated their           
extermination or slavery by a sort of   
voluntary suicide4 ,in ,cuba1 we  are   
told that #8they put themselves to      
death1 whole families doing  so         
together1 and villages inviting other   
villages to join them in a  departure   
from a world that was no longer         
tolerable4'#bbc ,and so it  was in the  
other hemisphere2 the ,ladrone          
islanders1 reduced by the  sword and the
 diseases of the ,spaniards1 took       
measures intentionally to  diminish     
their numbers and to check population1  
preferring voluntary  extinction to the 
foul mercies of the ,jesuits3 till now a
 lepers'  hospital is the only building 
left on what was once one of the most   
populous of their islands4    ,it must1 
however1 be admitted in justice to the  
,spaniards1 that the  principles which  
governed their dealings with heathen    
races infected  more or less the conduct

 of colonists of all nationalities4 ,a  
real  or more often a pretended zeal for
 the welfare of native tribes came      
among all ,christian nations to co-exist
 with the doctrine1 that in  case of    
conflict with them the common restraints
 of war might be put  in abeyance4      
,what1 for instance1 can be worse than  
this1 told of the  early ,english       
settlers in ,america by one of          
themselves8 #8,the ,plymouth  men came  
in the mean time to ,weymouth1 and there
 pretended to feast  the savages of     
those parts1 bringing with them forks   
and things for  the purpose1 which they 
set before the savages4 ,they ate       
thereof  without any suspicion of any   
mischief1 who were taken upon a         
watchword  given1 and with their own    
knives hanging about their necks were by
 the  ,plymouth planters stabbed and    
slain4'#bbd    ,among the early ,english
 settlers it soon came to be thought1   
says  ,mather1 a religious act to kill  
an ,indian4 ,in the latter half of the  

seventeenth century both the ,french and
 ,english authorities adopted  the      
custom of scalping and of offering      
rewards for the scalps of their  ,indian
 enemies4 ,in #afij the most healthy and
 vigorous ,indians taken  by the ,french
 #8were sold in ,canada1 the weaker were
 sacrificed and  scalped1 and for every 
scalp they had a premium4'#bbe ,caleb   
,lyman1 who  afterwards became an elder 
of a church at ,boston1 left an account 
of  the way in which he himself and five
 ,indians surprised a wigwam1 and       
scalped six of the seven persons inside1
 so that each might receive  the        
promised reward4 ,on their petition to  
the great and general court  they       
received #cjl4 each1 and ,penhallow says
 not only that they  probably expected  
eight times as much1 but that at the    
time of writing  the province would have
 readily paid a sum of #hjjl4 for a     
similar  service4#bbf ,captain          
,lovewell1 says the same contemporary   
eulogist of  the war that lasted from   

,july #agbb to ,december #agbe1 #8from  
,dunstable  with thirty volunteers went 
northward1 who marching several miles up
  country came on a wigwam where were   
two ,indians1 one of whom they  killed  
and the other took1 for which they      
received the promised bounty  of #ajjl4 
a scalp1 and two shillings and sixpence 
a day besides4'  7,december #ai1        
#agbd47bbg ,at the surprise of          
,norridjwock #8the number of  dead which
 we scalped were #bf1 besides ,mr4      
,rasle the ,jesuit1 who was a  bloody   
incendiary4'#bbh ,it is evident that    
these very liberal rewards  must have   
operated as a frequent cause of ,indian 
wars1 and made the  colonists open-eared
 to tales of native outrages2 indeed the
 whites  sometimes disguised themselves 
like ,indians1 and robbed like ,indians1
  in order1 it would appear1 the more   
effectually to raise the war-cry        
against them4#bbi    ,since the         
,spaniards first trained bloodhounds in 
,cuba to hunt the  ,indians1 the        

alliance between soldiers and dogs has  
been a favourite  one in barbarian      
warfare4 ,the ,portuguese used them in  
,brazil when  they hunted the natives   
for slaves4#bcj ,and an ,english officer
 in  a treatise he wrote in the last    
century as a sort of military guide  to 
,indian warfare suggested coolly3       
#8,every light horseman ought to  be    
provided with a bloodhound1 which would 
be useful to find out the  enemy's      
ambushes and to follow their tracks4    
,they would seize the  naked savages1   
and at least give time to the horsemen  
to come up with  them4'#bca ,in the     
,molucca ,islands the use of two        
bloodhounds against  a native chief was 
the cause of a great confederacy between
 all the  islands to shake off the      
,spanish and ,portuguese yoke4#bcb ,and 
even  in the war waged by the ,united   
,states in ,florida from #ahch to #ahdj1
  ,general ,taylor was authorised to    
send to ,cuba for bloodhounds to scent  
out the ,indians2 nor1 according to one 

account1 was their aid resorted  to in  
vain4#bcc    ,poison too has been called
 in aid4 ,speaking of the ,yuta         
,indians1 a  traveller assures us that  
#8as in ,australia1 arsenic and         
corrosive  sublimate in springs and     
provisions have diminished their        
number4'#bcd  ,and in the same way      
#8poisoned rum helped to exterminate the
  ,tasmanians4'#bce    ,but there is    
worse yet in this direction4 ,the       
,portuguese in ,brazil1  when the       
importation of slaves from ,africa      
rendered the capture of the  natives    
less desirable than their extermination1
 left the clothes  of persons who had   
died of small-pox or scarlet fever to be
 found by  them in the woods4#bcf ,and  
the caravan traders from the ,missouri  
to  ,santa ,f are said by the same      
method or in presents of tobacco to have
  communicated the small-pox to the     
,indian tribes of that district in      
#ahca4bcg ,the enormous depopulation of 
most tribes by the small-pox  since     

their acquaintance with the whites is   
one of the most remarkable  results in  
the history of their mutual connection2 
nor is it likely  ever to be known to   
what extent the coincidence was         
accidental4    ,it is pleasant to turn  
from these practical illustrations of   
the theory  that no laws of war need be 
regarded in hostilities with savage     
tribes  to the only recorded trial of a 
contrary system1 and to find1 not  only 
that it is associated with one of the   
greatest names in ,english  history1 but
 also that the success it met with fully
 justifies the  suspicion and disfavour 
with which the commoner usage is        
beginning to  be regarded4 ,the ,indians
 with whom ,penn made his famous treaty 
in #afhb  7of which ,voltaire said that 
it was the only treaty that was never   
ratified by an oath1 and the only treaty
 that was never broken71 were  of the   
same ,algonquin race with whom the      
,dutch had scarcely ever kept  at peace1
 and against whom they had warred in the

 customary ruthless  fashion of those   
times4 ,the treaty was based on the     
principle of an  adjustment of          
differences by a tribunal of an equal   
number of ,red  men and of ,white4      
#8,penn1' says the historian1 #8came    
without arms2  he declared his purpose  
to abstain from violence1 he had no     
message  but peace1 and not one drop of 
,quaker blood was ever shed by an       
,indian'#bch ,for more than seventy     
years1 from #afhb to #aged1 when the    
,french war broke out1 in short1 during 
the whole time that the ,quakers  had   
the principal share in the government of
 ,pennsylvania1 the history  of the     
,indians and ,whites in that province   
was free from the tale of  murders and  
hostilities that was so common in other 
districts2 so  that the single instance 
in which the experiment of equal laws   
and  forbearance has been patiently     
persevered in1 can at least boast of a  
success that in support of the contrary 
system it were very difficult  to find  

for an equal number of years in any     
other part of the world4    ,it may also
 be said against ,sepulveda's doctrine1 
that the habits of  a higher            
civilisation1 where they are really     
worth spreading1 spread  more easily and
 with more permanent effect among       
barbarous neighbours  by the mere       
contagion of a better example than by   
the teaching of  fire and sword4 ,some  
of the ,dyak tribes in ,borneo are said 
to have  given up human sacrifices from 
the better influences of the ,malays  on
 the coast district4#bci ,the           
,peruvians1 according to ,prescott1     
spread their civilisation among their   
ruder neighbours more by  example than  
by force4 #8,far from provoking         
hostilities1 they allowed  time for the 
salutary example of their own           
institutions to work its  effect1       
trusting that their less civilised      
neighbours would submit to  their       
sceptre from a conviction of the        
blessings it would secure to  them4'    

,they exhorted them to lay aside their  
cannibalism1 their human  sacrifices1   
and their other barbarities2 they       
employed negotiation1  conciliatory     
treatment1 and presents to leading men  
among the tribes2  and only if all these
 means failed did they resort to war1   
but to war  which at every stage was    
readily open to propositions of peace1  
and in  which any unnecessary outrage on
 the persons or property of their enemy 
was punished with death4    ,something  
will have been done for the cause of    
this better method  of civilising the   
lower races1 if we forewarn and forearm 
ourselves  against the symptoms of      
hostilities with them by a thorough     
understanding of the conditions which   
render such hostilities probable4  ,for 
as an outbreak of fever is to some      
extent preventable by a  knowledge of   
the conditions which make for fevers1 so
 may the outbreak  of war be averted by 
a knowledge of the laws which govern    
their  appearance4 ,the experience which

 we owe to history in this respect  is  
amply sufficient to enable us to        
generalise with some degree of          
confidence and certainty as to the      
causes or steps which produce wars  or  
precede them2 and from the remembrance  
of our dealings with the  savage races  
of ,south ,africa we may forecast with  
some misgivings the  probable course of 
our connection with a country like ,new 
,guinea4    ,a colony of ,europeans in  
proximity with barbarian neighbours     
naturally  desires before long an       
increase of territory at the expense of 
the latter4 ,the first sign of such a   
desire is the expedition of             
missionaries into the country1 who not  
only serve to spy it out for  the       
benefit of the colony1 but invariably   
weaken the native political  force by   
the creation of a division of feeling1  
and of an opposition  between the love  
of old traditions and the temptation of 
novel customs  and ideas4 ,the          
innovating party1 being at first the    

smaller1 consisting  of the feeblest and
 poorest members of the community1 and  
of those who  gladly flock to the       
mission-stations for refuge from their  
offences  against tribal law1 the       
missionaries soon perceive the          
impossibility of  further success       
without the help of some external aid4  
,the help of a  friendly force can alone
 turn the balance of influence in their 
favour1  and they soon learn to         
contemplate with complacency the        
advantages of  a military conquest of   
the natives by the colony or            
mother-country4  ,the evils of war are  
cancelled1 in their eyes1 by the        
delusive visions  of ultimate benefit1  
and1 in accordance with a not uncommon  
perversion  of the moral sense1 an end  
that is assumed to be religious is made 
to  justify measures that are the       
reverse4    ,when the views and         
interests of the colonial settlers and  
of the  missionaries have thus1         
inevitably but without design1 fallen   

into  harmony1 a war is certain to be   
not far distant4 ,apparently accidental1
  it is in reality as certain as the    
production of green from a mixture  of  
blue and yellow4 ,some dispute about    
boundaries1 some passing act of         
violence1 will serve for a reason of    
quarrel1 which will presently be        
supported by a fixed array of collateral
 pretexts4 ,the ,press readily  lends   
its aid2 and in a week the colony       
trembles or affects to tremble  from a  
panic of invasion1 and vials of virtue  
are expended on the vices  of the       
barbarians which have been for years    
tolerated with equanimity  or           
indifference4 ,their customs are painted
 in the blackest colours2 the  details  
of savage usages are raked up from old  
books of travel2 rumours  of massacres  
and injuries are sedulously propagated2 
and the whole  country is represented as
 in such a state of anarchy1 that the   
majority  of the population1 in their   
longing for deliverance from their own  

rulers1 would gladly welcome even a     
foreign conqueror4 ,in short1 a war     
against them comes speedily to be       
regarded as a war in their behalf1  as  
the last word of philanthropy and       
beneficence2 and the atrocities  that   
subsequently ensue are professedly      
undertaken1 not against the  unfortunate
 people who endure them1 but to liberate
 them from the ruler  of their choice or
 sufferance1 in whose behalf however    
they fight to  the death4    ,to every  
country1 therefore1 which would fain be 
spared from these  discreditable wars   
with barbarian tribes on the borders of 
its  colonies1 it is clear that the     
greatest caution is necessary against   
the abuses of missionary propagandism4  
,the almost absolute failure of         
missions in recent centuries1 and more  
especially in the nineteenth1  is       
intimately associated with the greater  
political importance which  the improved
 facilities of travel and intercourse   
have conferred upon  them4 ,everyone has

 heard how ,catholicism was persecuted  
in ,japan1 till  at last the very       
profession of ,christianity was made a  
capital crime in  that part of the      
world4 ,but a traveller1 who knew the   
,east intimately  at the time1 explains 
how it was that the ,jesuits' labours   
resulted  so disastrously4 ,on the      
outbreak of civil dissensions in ,japan1
 #8the  ,christian priests thought it a 
proper time for them to settle their    
religion on the same foundation that    
,mahomet did his1 by establishing  it in
 blood4 ,their thoughts ran on nothing  
less than extirpating the  heathen out  
of the land1 and they framed a          
conspiracy of raising an  army of       
#ej1jjj ,christians to murder their     
countrymen1 that so the whole  island   
might be illuminated by ,christianity   
such as it was then4'#bdj  ,and in the  
same way1 a modern writer1 speaking of  
the very limited  success of missions in
 ,india1 has asserted frankly that #8in 
despair  many ,christians in ,india are 

driven to wish and pray that some one1  
or  some way1 may arise for converting  
the ,indians by the sword4'#bda    ,nor 
are the heathen themselves blind to the 
political dangers which  are involved in
 the presence of missionaries among     
them4 ,all over the  world conversion is
 from the native point of view the same 
thing as  disaffection1 and war is      
dreaded as the certain consequence of   
the  adoption of ,christianity4 ,the    
,french bishop1 ,lefebvre1 when asked by
  the mandarins of ,cochin ,china1 in   
#ahdg1 the purpose of his visit1 said   
that he read in their faces that they   
suspected him #8of having come  to      
excite some outbreak among the          
neophytes1 and perhaps prepare the  way 
for an ,european army2' and the king was
 #8afraid to see ,christians  multiply  
in his kingdom1 and in case of war with 
,european ,powers1  combine with his    
enemies4'#bdb ,how right events have    
proved him to  have been6    ,the story 
is the same in ,africa4 #8,not long     

after ,i entered the  country1' said the
 missionary1 ,mr4 ,calderwood1 of       
,caffraria1 #8a leading  chief once said
 to me1 8,when my people become         
,christians1 they cease to  be my       
people40'#bdc ,the ,norwegian           
missionaries were for twenty years  in  
,zululand without making any converts   
but a few destitute children1  many of  
whom had been given to them out of pity 
by the chiefs1#bdd  and their failure   
was actually ascribed by the ,zulu king 
to their  having taught the             
incompatibility of ,christianity with   
allegiance  to a heathen ruler4#bde ,in 
#ahgg1 a ,zulu of authority expressed   
the  prevalent native reasoning on this 
point in language which supplies  the   
key to disappointments that extend much 
further than ,zululand3 #8,we  will not 
allow the ,zulus to become so-called    
,christians4 ,it is not the  king says  
so1 but every man in ,zululand4 ,if a   
,zulu does anything wrong1  he at once  
goes to a mission-station1 and says he  

wants to become a  ,christian2 if he    
wants to run away with a girl1 he       
becomes a ,christian2  if he wishes to  
be exempt from serving the king1 he puts
 on clothes1  and is a ,christian2 if a 
man is an umtagati 7evil-doer71 he      
becomes a  ,christian4'#bdf    ,it is on
 this account that in wars with savage  
nations the destruction  of             
mission-stations has always been so     
constant an episode4 ,nor can  we wonder
 at this when we recollect that in the  
,caffre war of #ahea1  for instance1 it 
was a subject of boast with the         
missionaries that  it was ,caffres      
trained on the mission-stations who had 
preserved the  ,english posts along the 
frontiers1 carried the ,english         
despatches1 and  fought against their   
own countrymen for the preservation and 
defence  of the colony4#bdg ,it is      
rather a poor result of all the money   
and  labour that has been spent in the  
attempt to ,christianise ,south ,africa1
  that the ,wesleyan mission-station at 

,edendale should have contributed  an   
efficient force of cavalry to fight     
against their countrymen in  the ,zulu  
campaign2 and we may hesitate whether   
most to despise the  missionaries who   
count such a result as a triumph of     
their efforts1 or  the converts whom    
they reward with tea and cake for       
military service  with the enemies of   
their countrymen4#bdh    ,it needs no   
great strain of intelligence to perceive
 that this use of  mission-stations as  
military training-schools scarcely tends
 to enhance  the advantages of          
conversion in the minds of the heathen  
among whom  they are planted4    ,for   
these reasons1 and because it is        
becoming daily more apparent that  wars 
are less a necessary evil than an       
optional misery of human life1  the     
principal measure for a country which   
would fain improve1 and  live at peace  
with1 the less civilised races which    
touch the numerous  borders of its      
empire1 would be the legal restraint or 

prevention  of missionary enterprise3 a 
proposal that will appear less startling
  if we reflect that in no quarter of   
the globe can that method of  civilising
 barbarism point to more than local or  
ephemeral success4  ,the ,protestant    
missions of this century are in process 
of failure1  as fatal and decided as    
that which befel the ,catholic missions 
of  the ,french1 ,portuguese1 or        
,spanish1 in the sixteenth and          
seventeenth  centuries1 and very much   
from the same causes4 ,the ,english wars
 in  ,south ,africa1 with which the     
,protestant missionaries have been so   
closely connected1 have frustrated all  
attempts to ,christianise that  region1 
just as #8the fearful wars occasioned   
directly or indirectly by  the          
missionaries' sent by the ,portuguese to
 the kingdoms of ,congo and  ,angola in 
the sixteenth century rendered futile   
similar attempts on the  ,west          
,coast4#bdi    ,the same process of     
depopulation under ,protestant          

influences may now  be observed in the  
,sandwich ,islands or ,new ,zealand that
 reduced the  population of ,hispaniola1
 under ,spanish ,christianity1 from a   
million to  #ad1jjj in a quarter of a   
century4#bej ,no ,protestant missionary 
ever  laboured with more zeal than      
,eliot did in ,america in the           
seventeenth  century1 but the tribes he 
taught have long since been extinct3    
#8like one of their own forest trees1   
they have withered from core to         
bark2'#bea and1 in short1 the history of
 both ,catholic and ,protestant         
missions alike may be summed up in this 
one general statement3 either  they have
 failed altogether of results on a      
sufficient scale to be  worthy of       
notice1 or the impartial page of history
 unfolds to us one  uniform tale of     
civil war1 persecution1 conquest1 and   
extirpation in  whatever regions they   
can boast of more at least of the       
semblance of  success4    ,another      
measure in the interests of peace would 

be the organisation of  a class of      
well-paid officials whose duty it should
 be to examine on  the spot into the    
truth of all rumours of outrages or     
atrocities which  are circulated from   
time to time1 in order to set the tide  
of public  opinion in favour of hostile 
measures4 ,such rumours may1 of course1 
have some foundation1 but in nine cases 
out of ten they are false4 ,so  lately  
as the year #ahhb1 the ,times and other 
,english papers were  so far deceived as
 to give their readers a horrible       
account of the  sacrifice of #bjj young 
girls to the spirits of the dead in     
,ashantee2  and people were beginning to
 ask themselves whether such things     
could  be suffered within reach of an   
,english army1 when it was happily      
discovered that the whole story was     
fictitious4 ,stories of this sort  are  
what the ,germans call ,tendenzlgen1 or 
lies invented to produce a  certain     
effect4 ,their effect in rousing the    
war-spirit is undeniable2  and1 although

 the healthy scepticism which has of    
recent years been  born of experience   
affords us some protection1 no          
expenditure could be  more economical   
than one which should aim at rendering  
them powerless  by neutralising them at 
the fountain-head4    ,in the preceding 
historical survey of the relations in   
war between  communities standing on    
different levels of civilisation1 the   
allusion1 among some of the rudest      
tribes1 to laws of war very similar  to 
those supposed to be binding between    
more polished nations tends to          
discredit the distinction between       
civilised and barbarian warfare4 ,the   
progress of knowledge threatens the     
overthrow of the distinction1 just  as  
it has already reduced that between     
organic and inorganic matter1  or       
between animal and vegetable life1 to a 
distinction founded rather  on human    
thought than on the nature of things4   
,and it is probable that  the more the  
military side of savage life is studied1

 the fewer will be  found to be the     
lines of demarcation which are thought  
to establish a  difference in kind in   
the conduct of war by belligerents in   
different  stages of progress4 ,the     
difference in this respect is chiefly   
one of  weapons1 of strategy1 and of    
tactics2 and it would seem that whatever
  superiority the more civilised        
community may claim in its rules of  war
 is more than compensated in savage life
 both by the less frequent  occurrence  
of wars and by their far less fatal     
character4    ,but1 however much the    
frequency and ferocity of the wars waged
 by  barbarian races as compared with   
those waged by civilised nations has    
been exaggerated1 there is no doubt but 
that in warfare1 more than  in anything 
else1 there is most in common between   
civilisation and  savagery1 and that the
 distinction between them most nearly   
disappears4  ,in art and knowledge and  
religion the distinction between the two
 is so  wide that the evolution of one  

from the other seems still to many minds
  incredible2 but in war1 and the       
thoughts which relate to it1 the points 
of analogy cannot fail to strike the    
most indifferent4 ,we see still  in     
either condition1 the same notions of   
the glory of fighting1 the  same belief 
in war as the only source of strength   
and honour1 the same  hope from it of   
personal advancement1 the same readiness
 to seize any  pretext for resorting to 
it1 the same foolish sentiment that it  
is mean  to live without it4    ,then   
only will the distinction between the   
two be final1 complete1  and real1 when 
all fighting is relegated to barbarism1 
and regarded  as unworthy of civilised  
humanity2 when the enlightenment of     
opinion1 which has freed us already from
 such curses as slavery1 the            
torture-chamber1 or duelling1 shall     
demand instinctively the settlement  of 
all causes of quarrel by peaceful       
arbitration1 and leave to the  lower    
races and the lower creation the        

old-fashioned resort to a trial  of     
violence and might1 to competition in   
fraud and ferocity4          ,,chapter  
,,vii4    ,,war ,,and ,,christianity4   
,etsi adierant milites ad ,joannem et   
formam observationis      acceperant1 si
 etiam centurio crediderat1 omnem postea
 militem      ,dominus in ,petro        
exarmando discinxit4--,,tertullian4     
,the war question at the time of the    
,reformation--,the remonstrances      of
 ,erasmus against the custom--,influence
 of ,grotius on the side of             
war--,the war question in the early     
,church--,the ,fathers against the      
lawfulness of war--,causes of the       
changed views of the ,church--,the      
clergy as active combatants for over one
 thousand years--,fighting              
,bishops--,bravery in war and           
ecclesiastical preferment--,pope ,julius
      ,,ii4 at the siege of             
,mirandola--,the last fighting          
,bishop--,origin      and meaning of the
 declaration of war--,superstition in   

the naming      of weapons1 ships1      
c4--,the custom of kissing the earth    
before a      charge--,connection       
between religious and military          
ideas--,the ,church      as a pacific   
agency--,her efforts to set limits to   
reprisals--,the      altered attitude of
 the modern ,church--,early reformers   
only      sanctioned just               
wars--,voltaire's reproach against the  
,church--,canon      ,mozley's sermon on
 war--,the answer to his apology4       
,whether military service was lawful for
 a ,christian at all was at the  time of
 the ,reformation one of the most keenly
 debated questions2  and considering the
 force of opinion arrayed on the        
negative side1  its ultimate decision in
 the affirmative is a matter of more    
wonder  than is generally given to it4  
,sir ,thomas ,more charges ,luther and  
his  disciples with carrying the        
doctrines of peace to the extreme limits
  of non-resistance2 and the views on   
this subject of the ,mennonites  and    

,quakers were but what at one time      
seemed not unlikely to have been  those 
of the ,reformed ,church generally4     
,by far the foremost champion on the    
negative side was ,erasmus1 who  being  
at ,rome at the time when the ,league of
 ,cambray1 under the  auspices of       
,julius ,,ii41 was meditating war       
against the ,republic of  ,venice1 wrote
 a book to the ,pope1 entitled          
#8,antipolemus1' which1 though  never   
completed1 probably exists in part in   
his tract known under the  title of     
#8,dulce ,bellum inexpertis1' and       
printed among his #8,adagia4'  ,in it he
 complained1 as one might complain      
still1 that the custom of  war was so   
recognised as an incident of life that  
men wondered there  should be any to    
whom it was displeasing2 and likewise so
 approved of  generally1 that to find   
any fault with it savoured not only of  
impiety1  but of actual heresy4 ,to     
speak of it1 therefore1 as he did in the
  following passage1 required some      

courage3 #8,if there be anything in the 
affairs of mortals which it is the      
interest of men not only to attack1  but
 which ought by every possible means to 
be avoided1 condemned1 and  abolished1  
it is of all things war1 than which     
nothing is more impious1  more          
calamitous1 more widely pernicious1 more
 inveterate1 more base1  or in sum more 
unworthy of a man1 not to say of a      
,christian4' ,in a  letter to ,francis  
,i4 on the same subject1 he noticed as  
an astonishing  fact1 that out of such a
 multitude of abbots1 bishops1          
archbishops1 and  cardinals as existed  
in the world1 not one of them should    
step forward  to do what he could1 even 
at the risk of his life1 to put an end  
to so  deplorable a practice4    ,the   
failure of this view of the custom of   
war1 which is in its essence  more      
opposed to ,christianity than the custom
 of selling men for slaves  or          
sacrificing them to idols1 to take any  
root in men's minds1 is a  misfortune on

 which the whole history of ,europe     
since ,erasmus forms  a sufficient      
commentary4 ,that failure is partly due 
to the unlucky  accident which led      
,grotius in this matter to throw all his
 weight into  the opposite scale4 ,for  
this famous jurist1 entering at much    
length  into the question of the        
compatibility of war with the profession
 of  ,christianity 7thereby proving the 
importance which in his day still       
attached to it71 came to conclusions in 
favour of the received opinion1  which  
are curiously characteristic both of the
 writer and his time4  ,his general     
argument was1 that if a sovereign was   
justified in putting  his own subjects  
to death for crimes1 much more was he   
justified in  using the sword against   
people who were not his subjects1 but   
strangers  to him4 ,and this absurd     
argument was enforced by considerations 
as  feeble as the following3 that laws  
of war were laid down in the ,book  of  
,deuteronomy2 that ,john the ,baptist   

did not bid the soldiers1 who  consulted
 him1 to forsake their calling1 but to  
abstain from extortion  and be content  
with their wages2 that ,cornelius the   
centurion1 whom ,st4  ,peter baptized1  
neither gave up his military life1 nor  
was exhorted by  the apostle to do so2  
that the ,emperor ,constantine had many 
,christians  in his armies1 and the name
 of ,christ inscribed upon his banners2 
and  that the military oath after his   
time was taken in the name of the       
,three ,persons of the ,trinity4    ,one
 single reflection will suffice to      
display the utter shallowness of  this  
reasoning1 which was after all only     
borrowed from ,st4 ,augustine4  ,for if 
,biblical texts are a justification of  
war1 they are clearly a  justification  
of slavery2 whilst1 on the other hand1  
the general spirit  of the ,christian   
religion1 to say nothing of several     
positive passages1  is at least equally 
opposed to one custom as to the other4  
,if then the  abolition of slavery is   

one of the services for which           
,christianity as  an influence in       
history claims a large share of the     
credit1 its failure  to abolish the     
other custom must in fairness be set    
against it2 for  it were easier to      
defend slave-holding out of the language
 of the ,new  ,testament than to defend 
military service1 far more being        
actually said  there to inculcate the   
duty of peace than to inculcate the     
principles  of social equality3 and the 
same may be said of the writings of the 
,fathers4    ,the different attitude of 
the ,church towards these two customs in
  modern times1 her vehement            
condemnation of the one1 and her        
tolerance  or encouragement of the      
other1 appears all the more surprising  
when  we remember that in the early     
centuries of our era her attitude was   
exactly the reverse1 and that1 whilst   
slavery was permitted1 the  unlawfulness
 of war was denounced with no uncertain 
or wavering voice4    ,when ,tertullian 

wrote his treatise #8,de ,corona' 7#bja7
 concerning the  right of ,christian    
soldiers to wear laurel crowns1 he used 
words on  this subject which1 even if at
 variance with some of his statements   
made in his #8,apology' thirty years    
earlier1 may be taken to express his    
maturer judgment4 #8,shall the son of   
peace' 7that is1 a ,christian71  he     
asks1 #8act in battle when it will not  
befit him even to go to  law8 ,shall he 
administer bonds and imprisonments and  
tortures and  punishments who may not   
avenge even his own injuries8444 ,the   
very  transference of his enrolment from
 the army of light to that of  darkness 
is sin4' ,and again3 #8,what if the     
soldiers did go to ,john  and receive   
the rule of their service1 and what if  
the ,centurion did  believe2 the ,lord  
by his disarming of ,peter disarmed     
every soldier  from that time forward4' 
,tertullian made an exception in favour 
of  soldiers whose conversion was       
subsequent to their enrolment 7as was   

implied in discussing their duty with   
regard to the laurel-wreath71  though   
insisting even in their case that they  
ought either to leave the  service1 as  
many did1 or to refuse participation in 
its acts1 which  were inconsistent with 
their ,christian profession4 ,so that at
 that time  ,christian opinion was      
clearly not only averse to a military   
life being  entered upon after baptism  
7of which there are no instances on     
record71  but in favour of its being    
forsaken1 if the enrolment preceded the 
baptism4 ,the ,christians who served in 
the armies of ,rome were not men  who   
were converts or ,christians at the time
 of enrolling1 but men who  remained    
with the colours after their conversion4
 ,if it is certain that  some           
,christians remained in the army1 it    
appears equally certain that  no        
,christian at that time thought of      
entering it4    ,this seems the best    
solution of the much-debated question1  
to what  extent ,christians served at   

all in the early centuries4 ,irenus     
speaks of the ,christians in the second 
century as not knowing how  to fight1   
and ,justin ,martyr1 his contemporary1  
considered ,isaiah's  prophecy about the
 swords being turned into ploughshares  
as in part  fulfilled1 because his      
co-religionists1 who in times past had  
killed  one another1 did not then know  
how to fight even with their enemies4   
,the charge made by ,celsus against the 
,christians1 that they refused  to bear 
arms even in case of necessity1 was     
admitted by ,origen1 but  justified on  
the ground of the unlawfulness of war4  
#8,we indeed1' he  says1 #8fight in a   
special way on the king's behalf1 but we
 do not go  on campaigns with him1 even 
should he press us to do so2 we do      
battle  on his behalf as a peculiar army
 of piety1 prevailing by our prayers  to
 ,god for him4' ,and again3 #8,we no    
longer take up the sword against        
people1 nor learn to make war any more1 
having become through ,jesus1  who is   

our general1 sons of peace4' ,nothing   
could be clearer nor more  conclusive   
than this language2 and the same        
attitude towards war was  expressed or  
implied by the following ,fathers in    
chronological order3  ,justin ,martyr1  
,tatian1 ,clement of ,alexandria1       
,tertullian1 ,cyprian1  ,lactantius1    
,archelaus1 ,ambrose1 ,chrysostom1      
,jerome1 and ,cyril4 ,eusebius  says    
that many ,christians in the third      
century laid aside the military  life   
rather than abjure their religion4 ,of  
#aj1jej pagan inscriptions  that have   
been collected1 #ede were found to      
belong to pagan soldiers1  while of     
#d1gcd ,christian inscriptions of the   
same period1 only #bg were  those of    
soldiers2 from which it seems rather    
absurd to infer1 as a  ,french writer   
has inferred1 not that there was a great
 disproportion  of ,christian to pagan  
soldiers in the imperial armies1 but    
that most  ,christian soldiers being    
soldiers of ,christ did not like to have

 it  recorded on their epitaphs that    
they had been in the service of any     
man4#beb    ,on the other hand1 there   
were certainly always some ,christians  
who  remained in the ranks after their  
conversion1 in spite of the military    
oath in the names of the pagan deities  
and the quasi-worship of the  standards 
which constituted some part of the early
 ,christian antipathy  to war4 ,this is 
implied in the remarks of ,tertullian1  
and stands in  no need of the support of
 such legends as the ,thundering ,legion
 of  ,christians1 whose prayers obtained
 rain1 or of the ,theban legion of      
#f1jjj ,christians martyred under       
,maximian4 ,it was left as a matter of  
individual conscience4 ,in the story of 
the martyr ,maximilian1 when ,dion  the 
proconsul reminded him that there were  
,christian soldiers among the           
life-guards of the ,emperors1 the former
 replied1 #8,they know what is  best for
 them to do2 but ,i am a ,christian and 
cannot fight4' ,marcellus1  the         

converted centurion1 threw down his belt
 at the head of his legion1  and        
suffered death rather than continue in  
the service2 and the annals  of the     
early ,church abound in similar         
martyrdoms4 ,nor can there be  much     
doubt but that a love of peace and      
dislike of bloodshed were the  principal
 causes of this early ,christian        
attitude towards the military           
profession1 and that the idolatry and   
other pagan rites connected with  it    
only acted as minor and secondary       
deterrents4 ,thus1 in the ,greek        
,church ,st4 ,basil would have excluded 
from communion for three years  any one 
who had shed an enemy's blood2 and a    
similar feeling explains  ,theodosius'  
refusal to partake of the ,eucharist    
after his great victory  over ,eugenius4
 ,the canons of the ,church excluded    
from ordination all  who had served in  
an army after baptism2 and in the fifth 
century  ,innocent ,i4 blamed the       
,spanish churches for their laxity in   

admitting  such persons into holy       
orders4#bec    ,the anti-military       
tendency of opinion in the early period 
of  ,christianity appears therefore     
indisputable1 and ,tertullian would     
probably have smiled at the prophet who 
should have predicted that  ,christians 
would have ceased to keep slaves long   
before they should  have ceased to      
commit murder and robbery under the     
fiction of  hostilities4 ,but it proves 
the strength of the original impetus1   
that  ,ulphilas1 the first apostle to   
the ,goths1 should purposely1 in his    
translation of the ,scriptures1 have    
omitted the ,books of ,kings1 as too    
stimulative of a love of war4    ,how   
utterly in this matter ,christianity    
came to forsake its earlier  ideal is   
known to all4 ,this resulted partly from
 the frequent use of  the sword for the 
purpose of conversion1 and partly from  
the rise of  the ,mahometan power1 which
 made wars with the infidel appear in   
the  light of acts of faith1 and changed

 the whole of ,christendom into a  kind 
of vast standing military order4 ,but it
 resulted still more from  that         
compromise effected in the fourth       
century between paganism and  the new   
religion1 in which the former retained  
more than it lost1 and  the latter gave 
less than it received4 ,considering that
 the ,druid  priests of ancient ,gaul or
 ,britain1 like those of pagan ,rome1   
were  exempt from military service1#bed 
and often1 according to ,strabo1 had    
such influence as to part combatants on 
the point of an engagement1  nothing is 
more remarkable than the extent to which
 the ,christian  clergy1 bishops1 and   
abbots came to lead armies and fight in 
battle1  in spite of canons and councils
 of the ,church1 at a time when that    
,church's power was greater1 and its    
influence wider1 than it has ever  been 
since4 ,historians have scarcely given  
due prominence to this  fact1 which     
covers a period of at least a thousand  
years2 for ,gregory  of ,tours mentions 

two bishops of the sixth century who had
 killed  many enemies with their own    
hands1 whilst ,erasmus1 in the          
sixteenth1  complains of bishops taking 
more pride in leading three or four     
hundred  dragoons1 with swords and guns1
 than in a following of deacons and     
divinity students1 and asks1 with just  
sarcasm1 why the trumpet and  fife      
should sound sweeter in their ears than 
the singing of psalms or  the words of  
the ,bible4    ,in the fourteenth       
century1 when war and chivalry were at  
their  height1 occurred a remarkable    
protest against this state of things    
from ,wycliffe1 who1 in this1 as in     
other respects1 anticipated the         
,reformation3 #8,friars now say that    
bishops can fight best of all men1  and 
that it falleth most properly to them1  
since they are lords of  all this world4
 ,they say1 ,christ bade his disciples  
sell their coats1  and buy them swords2 
but whereto1 if not to fight8 ,thus     
friars make  a great array1 and stir up 

men to fight4 ,but ,christ taught not   
his  apostles to fight with a sword of  
iron1 but with the sword of ,god's      
word1 which standeth in meekness of     
heart and in the prudence of man's      
tongue4444 ,if manslaying in others be  
odious to ,god1 much more in  priests   
who should be vicars of ,christ4' ,and  
,wycliffe proceeds not only  to protest 
against this1 but to advocate the       
general cause of peace on  earth1 on    
grounds which he is aware that men of   
the world will scorn  and reject as     
fatal to the existence of kingdoms4#bee 
,it was no occasional1 but an inveterate
 practice1 and1 apparently1  common in  
the world1 long before the system of    
feudalism gave it  some justification by
 the connection of military service with
 the  enjoyment of lands4 ,yet it has   
now so completely disappeared that--as  
a proof of the possible change of       
thought which may ultimately render  a  
,christian soldier as great an anomaly  
as a fighting bishop--it is  worth      

recalling from history some instances of
 so curious a custom4  #8,the bishops   
themselves--not all1 but many'--says a  
writer of ,king  ,stephen's reign1      
#8bound in iron1 and completely         
furnished with arms1  were accustomed to
 mount war-horses with the perverters of
 their  country1 to share in their      
spoil2 to bind and torture the knights  
whom  they took in the chance of war1 or
 whom they met full of money4'#bef  ,it 
was at the battle of ,bouvines 7#abad7  
that the famous ,bishop of  ,beauvais   
fought with a club instead of a sword1  
out of respect for  the rule of the     
canon which forbade an ecclesiastic to  
shed blood4  ,matthew ,paris tells the  
story how ,richard ,i4 took the said    
bishop  prisoner1 and when the ,pope    
begged for his release as being his own 
son and a son of the ,church1 sent to   
,innocent ,,iii4 the episcopal coat  of 
mail1 with the inquiry whether he       
recognised it as that of his son  or of 
a son of the ,church2 to which the ,pope

 had the wit to reply that  he could not
 recognise it as belonging to           
either4#beg ,the story also  bears      
repeating of the impatient knight who1  
sharing the command of a  division at   
the battle of ,falkirk with the ,bishop 
of ,durham1 cried out  to his slower    
colleague1 before closing with the      
,scots1 #8,it is not for  you to teach  
us war2 to your ,mass1 bishop6' and     
therewith rushed with  his followers    
into the fray 7#abih74beh    ,it is1    
however1 needless to multiply instances1
 which1 if ,du ,cange  may be credited1 
became more common during the           
devastation of ,france  by the ,danes in
 the ninth century1 when all the        
military aid that was  available became 
a matter of national existence4 ,that   
event rendered  ,charlemagne's          
capitulary a dead letter1 by which that 
monarch had  forbidden any ecclesiastic 
to march against an enemy1 save two or  
three bishops to bless the army or      
reconcile the combatants1 and a few     

priests to give absolution and celebrate
 the ,mass4#bei ,it appears that  this  
law was made in response to an          
exhortation by ,pope ,adrian ,,ii41     
similar to one addressed in the previous
 century by ,pope ,zachary to           
,charlemagne's ancestor1 ,king ,pepin4  
,but though military service and the    
tenure of ecclesiastical benefices      
became more common from the time of  the
 ,danish irruptions1 instances are      
recorded of abbots and archbishops  who 
chose rather to surrender their         
temporalities than to take part in      
active service2 and for many centuries  
the whole question seems to have  rested
 on a most uncertain footing1 law and   
custom demanding as a duty  that which  
public and ecclesiastical opinion       
condoned1 but which the  ,church herself
 condemned4    ,it is a signal mark of  
the degree to which religion became     
enveloped  in the military spirit of    
those miserable days of chivalry1 that  
ecclesiastical preferment was sometimes 

the reward of bravery on the  field1 as 
in the case of that chaplain to the     
,earl of ,douglas who1 for  his courage 
displayed at the battle of ,otterbourne1
 was1 ,froissart  tells us1 promoted the
 same year to a canonry and archdeaconry
 at  ,aberdeen4    ,vasari1 in his      
#8,life of ,michael ,angelo1' has a good
 story which is  not only highly typical
 of this martial ,christianity1 but may 
be also  taken to mark the furthest     
point of divergence reached by the      
,church in  this respect from the       
standpoint of her earlier teaching4     
,pope ,julius  ,,ii4 went one day to see
 a statue of himself which ,michael     
,angelo was  executing4 ,the right hand 
of the statue was raised in a dignified 
attitude1 and the artist consulted the  
,pope as to whether he should  place a  
book in the left4 #8,put a sword into   
it1' quoth ,julius1 #8for of  letters ,i
 know but little4' ,this was the ,pope  
of whom ,bayle says that  never man had 
a more warlike soul1 and of whom1 with  

some doubt1 he  repeats the anecdote of 
his having thrown into the ,tiber the   
keys of  ,st4 ,peter1 with the          
declaration that he would thenceforth   
use the sword  of ,st4 ,paul4 ,however  
this may be1 he went in person to hasten
 the siege  of ,mirandola1 in opposition
 to the protests of the cardinals and to
  the scandal of ,christendom 7#aeaj74  
,there it was that to encourage the     
soldiers he promised them1 that if they 
exerted themselves valiantly  he would  
make no terms with the town1 but would  
suffer them to sack  it2#bfj and though 
this did not occur1 and the town        
ultimately  surrendered on terms1 the   
head of the ,christian ,church had      
himself  conveyed into it by the breach4
    ,the scandal of this proceeding     
contributed its share to the discontent 
which produced the ,reformation2 and    
that movement continued still  further  
the disfavour with which many already   
viewed the connection of  the clergy    
with actual warfare4 ,it has1 however1  

happened occasionally  since that epoch 
that priests of martial tastes have been
 enabled  to gratify them1 the custom   
having become more and more rare as     
public opinion grew stronger against it4
 ,the last recorded instance  of a      
fighting divine was1 it would seem1 the 
,bishop of ,derry1 who1  having been    
raised to that see by ,william ,,iii4 in
 gratitude for the  distinguished       
bravery with which1 though a clergyman1 
he had conducted  the defence of        
,londonderry against the forces of      
,james ,,ii41 and for  which the        
,university of ,oxford rewarded him with
 the title of ,doctor  of ,divinity1 was
 shot dead at the battle of the ,boyne4 
,he had1 says  ,macaulay1 #8during the  
siege in which he had so highly         
distinguished  himself1 contracted a    
passion for war1' but his zeal to       
gratify it on  that second occasion cost
 him the favour of the king4 ,it is1    
however1  somewhat remarkable that      
history should have called no special   

attention to the last instance of a     
bishop who fought and died upon a       
battle-field1 nor have sufficiently     
emphasised the great revolution of      
thought which first changed a common    
occurrence into something unusual1  and 
finally into a memory that seems        
ridiculous4 ,no historical fact  affords
 a greater justification than this for  
the hope that1 absurd as  is the idea of
 a fighting bishop to our own age1 that 
of a fighting  ,christian may be to our 
posterity4    ,as bishops were in the   
middle ages warriors1 so they were also 
the  common bearers of declarations of  
war4 ,the ,bishop of ,lincoln bore1 for 
instance1 the challenge of ,edward      
,,iii4 and his allies to ,charles ,v4   
at ,paris2 and greatly offended was the 
,english king and his council  when     
,charles returned the challenge by a    
common valet--they declared  it indecent
 for a war between two such great lords 
to be declared by a  mere servant1 and  
not by a prelate or a knight of valour4 

,the declaration of war in those times  
appears to have meant simply a          
challenge or defiance like that then and
 afterwards customary in a  duel4 ,it   
appears to have originated out of habits
 that governed the  relations between   
the feudal barons4 ,we learn from       
,froissart that when  ,edward was made  
,vicar of the ,german ,empire an old    
statute was renewed  which had before   
been made at the emperor's court1 to the
 effect that  no one1 intending to      
injure his neighbour1 might do so       
without sending  him a defiance three   
days beforehand4 ,the following extract 
from the  challenge of war sent by the  
,duke of ,orleans1 the brother of the   
,king  of ,france1 to ,henry ,,iv4 of   
,england1 testifies to the close        
resemblance  between a declaration of   
war and a challenge to a deed of arms1  
and to  the levity which often gave rise
 to either3 #8,i1 ,louis1 write and make
  known to you1 that with the aid of    
,god and the blessed ,trinity1 in the   

desire which ,i have to gain renown1 and
 which you likewise should feel1        
considering idleness as the bane of     
lords of high birth who do not  employ  
themselves in arms1 and thinking ,i can 
no way better seek renown  than by      
proposing to you to meet me at an       
appointed place1 each of us  accompanied
 with #ajj knights and esquires1 of name
 and arms without  reproach1 there to   
combat till one of the parties shall    
surrender2 and  he to whom ,god shall   
grant the victory shall do with his     
prisoners as  he pleases4 ,we will not  
employ any incantations that are        
forbidden by  the ,church1 but make use 
of the bodily strength given us by ,god1
 with  armour as may be most agreeable  
to everyone for the security of his     
person1 and with the usual arms1 that is
 lance1 battle-axe1 sword1 and  dagger  
444 without aiding himself by any       
bodkins1 hooks1 bearded darts1  poisoned
 needles or razors1 as may be done by   
persons unless they are  positively     

ordered to the contrary4444'#bfa ,henry 
,,iv4 answered the  challenge with some 
contempt1 but expressed his readiness to
 meet  the duke in single combat1       
whenever he should visit his possessions
  in ,france1 in order to prevent any   
greater effusion of ,christian  blood1  
since a good shepherd1 he said1 should  
expose his own life for  his flock4 ,it 
even seemed at one time as if wars might
 have resolved  themselves into this    
more rational mode of settlement4 ,the  
,emperor  ,henry ,,iv4 challenged the   
,duke of ,swabia to single combat4      
,philip  ,augustus of ,france is said to
 have proposed to ,richard ,i4 to settle
  their differences by a combat of five 
on each side2 and when ,edward  ,,iii4  
challenged the realm of ,france1 he     
offered to settle the question  by a    
duel or a combat of #ajj men on each    
side1 with which the ,french  king      
would1 it appears1 have complied1 had   
,edward consented to stake  the kingdom 
of ,england against that of ,france4    

,in the custom of naming the implements 
of war after the most revered  names of 
the ,christian hagiology may be observed
 another trace of  the close alliance   
that resulted between the military and  
spiritual  sides of human life1 somewhat
 like that which prevailed in the sort  
of  worship paid to their lances1 pikes1
 and battle-axes by the ancient         
,scandinavians4#bfb ,thus the two first 
forts which the ,spaniards built  in the
 ,ladrone ,islands they called          
respectively after ,st4 ,francis        
,xavier and the ,virgin ,mary4 ,twelve  
ships in the ,armada were called  after 
the ,twelve ,apostles1 and so were      
twelve of his cannons by ,henry         
,,viii41 one of which1 ,st4 ,john by    
name1 was captured by the ,french in    
#aeac4bfc ,it is probable that mere     
irreverence had less to do with  this   
custom than the hope thereby of         
obtaining favour in war1 such as  may   
also be traced in the ceremony of       
consecrating military banners1  which   

has descended to our own times4#bfd     
,to the same order of superstition      
belongs the old custom of falling  down 
and kissing the earth before starting on
 a charge or assault  of battle4 ,the   
practice is alluded to several times in 
,montluc's  ,commentaries1 but so little
 was it understood by a modern ,french  
editor  that in one place he suggests   
the reading baissrent la tte 7they      
lowered their heads7 for baisrent la    
terre 7they kissed the earth74  ,but the
 latter reading is confirmed by passages
 elsewhere2 as1 for  instance1 in the   
#8,memoirs of ,fleurange1' where it is  
stated that ,gaston  de ,foix and his   
soldiers kissed the earth1 according to 
custom1 before  proceeding to march     
against the enemy2#bfe and1 again1 in   
the #8,life  of ,bayard1' by his        
secretary1 who records it among the     
virtues of that  knight that he would   
rise from his bed every night to        
prostrate himself  at full length on the
 floor and kiss the earth4#bff ,this    

kissing of  the earth was an abbreviated
 form of taking a particle of it in the 
mouth1 as both ,elmham and ,livius      
mention to have been done by the        
,english at ,agincourt before attacking 
the ,french2 and this again was an      
abbreviated form of receiving the       
sacrament1 for ,villani says of the     
,flemish at ,cambray 7#acjb7 that they  
made a priest go all over the field     
with the sacred elements1 and that1     
instead of communicating1 each man  took
 a little earth and put it into his     
mouth4#bfg ,this seems a more  likely   
explanation than that the custom was    
intended as a reminder to  the soldier  
of his mortality1 as if in a trade like 
his there could be  any lack of         
testimony of that sort4    ,it is       
curious to observe how war in every     
stage of civilisation has  been the     
central interest of public religious    
supplication2 and how1  from the pagans 
of old to modern savages1 the pettiest  
quarrels and  conflicts have been deemed

 a matter of interest to the immortals4 
,the  ,sandwich islanders and ,tahitians
 sought the aid of their gods in war  by
 human sacrifices4 ,the ,fijians before 
war were wont to present their  gods    
with costly offerings and temples1 and  
offer with their prayers  the best they 
could of land crabs or whales' teeth2   
being so convinced  that they thereby   
ensured to themselves the victory1 that 
once1 when  a missionary called the     
attention of a war party to the         
scantiness of  their numbers1 they only 
replied1 with disdainful confidence1    
#8,our  allies are the gods4' ,the      
prayer which the ,roman pontifex        
addressed  to ,jupiter on behalf of the 
,republic at the opening of the war with
  ,antiochus1 king of ,syria1 is        
extremely curious3 #8,if the war which  
the  people has ordered to be waged with
 ,king ,antiochus shall be finished     
after the wish of the ,roman senate and 
people1 then to thee1 ,o ,jupiter1  will
 the ,roman people exhibit the great    

games for ten successive days1  and     
offerings shall be presented at all the 
shrines of such value as  the senate    
shall decree4'#bfh ,this rude state of  
theology1 wherein  a victory from the   
gods may be obtained for a fair         
consideration in  exchange1 tends to    
keep alive1 if it did not originate1    
that sense of  dependence on invisible  
powers which constitutes the most       
rudimentary  form of religion2 for it is
 a remarkable fact that the faintest    
notions of supernatural agencies are    
found precisely among tribes  whose     
military organisation or love for war is
 the lowest and least  developed4 ,in   
proportion as the war-spirit is         
cultivated does the  worship of         
war-presiding deities prevail2 and since
 these are formed  from the memories of 
warriors who have died or been slain1   
their  attributes and wishes remain     
those of the former earthly potentate1  
who  though no longer visible1 may still
 be gratified by presents of fruit1  or 

by slaughtered oxen or slaves4    ,the  
,khonds of ,orissa1 in ,india1 afford an
 instance of this close and  pernicious 
association between religious and       
military ideas1 which may  be traced    
through the history of many far more    
advanced communities4  ,for though they 
regard the joy of the peace dance as the
 very highest  attainable upon earth1   
they attribute1 not to their own will1  
but  to that of their war god1 ,loha    
,pennu1 the source of all their wars4   
,the devastation of a fever or tiger is 
accepted as a hint from that  divinity  
that his service has been too long      
neglected1 and they acquit  themselves  
of all blame for a war begun for no     
better reason1 by the  following        
philosophy of its origin3 #8,loha ,pennu
 said to himself1 ,let  there be war1   
and he forthwith entered into all       
weapons1 so that from  instruments of   
peace they became weapons of war2 he    
gave edge to the  axe and point to the  
arrow2 he entered into all kinds of food

 and  drink1 so that men in eating and  
drinking were filled with rage1 and     
women became instruments of discord     
instead of soothers of anger4' ,and     
they address this prayer to ,loha ,pennu
 for aid against their enemies3  #8,let 
our axes crush cloth and bones as the   
jaws of the hyna crush  its prey4 ,make 
the wounds we give to gape4444 ,when the
 wounds of our  enemies heal1 let       
lameness remain4 ,let their stones and  
arrows fall  on us as the flowers of the
 mowa-tree fall in the wind4444 ,make   
their  weapons brittle as the long pods 
of the karta-tree4'    ,in their belief 
that wars were of external causation to 
themselves1  and in their endeavour to  
win by prayer a favourable issue to     
their  appeal to arms1 it could scarcely
 be maintained that the nations  of     
,christendom have at all times shown any
 marked superiority over  the modern    
,khonds4 ,but in spite of this1 and of  
the fierce military  character that     
,christianity ultimately assumed1 the   

,church always kept  alive some of her  
earlier traditions about peace1 and even
 in the  darkest ages set some barriers 
to the common fury of the soldier4 ,when
  the ,roman ,empire was overthrown1 her
 influence in this direction was  in    
marked contrast with what it has been   
ever since4 ,even ,alaric when  he      
sacked ,rome 7#daj7 was so far affected 
by ,christianity as to spare  the       
churches and the ,christians who fled to
 them4 ,leo the ,great1 ,bishop  of     
,rome1 inspired even ,attila with       
respect for his priestly authority1  and
 averted his career of conquest from    
,rome2 and the same bishop1  three years
 later 7#dee71 pleaded with the         
victorious ,genseric that  his ,vandals 
should spare the unresisting multitude  
and the buildings  of ,rome1 nor allow  
torture to be inflicted on their        
prisoners4 ,at the  instance of ,gregory
 ,,ii41 ,luitprand1 the ,lombard king1  
withdrew his  troops from the same city1
 resigned his conquests1 and offered his

  sword and dagger on the tomb of ,st4  
,peter 7#gcj74    ,yet more praiseworthy
 and perhaps more effective were the    
efforts of  the ,church from the tenth  
century onwards to check that system of 
private war which was then the bane of  
,europe1 as the system of public  and   
international wars has been since4 ,in  
the south of ,france several  bishops   
met and agreed to exclude from the      
privileges of a ,christian  in life and 
after death all who violated their      
ordinances directed  against that custom
 7#iij74 ,only four years later the     
,council of ,limoges  exhorted men to   
swear by the bodies of the saints that  
they would cease  to violate the public 
peace4 ,lent appears to have been to    
some extent  a season of abstinence from
 fighting as from other pleasures1 for  
one  of the charges against ,louis le   
,dbonnaire was that he summoned an      
expedition for that time of the year4   
,in #ajcb a ,bishop of ,aquitaine       
declared himself the recipient of a     

message from heaven1 ordering men to    
cease from fighting2 and1 not  only did 
a peace1 called the ,truce of ,god1     
result for seven years1  but it was     
resolved that such peace should always  
prevail during  the great festivals of  
the ,church1 and from every ,thursday   
evening  to ,monday morning4 ,and the   
regulation for one kingdom was speedily 
extended over ,christendom1 confirmed by
 several ,popes1 and enforced by        
excommunication4#bfi ,if such efforts   
were not altogether successful1  and the
 wars of the barons continued till the  
royal power in every  country was strong
 enough to suppress them1 it must none  
the less be  recognised that the ,church
 fought1 if she fought in vain1 against 
the  barbarism of a military society1   
and with an ardour that is in striking  
contrast with her apathy in more recent 
history4    ,it must also be granted    
that the idea of what the ,papacy might 
do  for the peace of the world1 as the  
supreme arbiter of disputes and         

mediator between contending ,powers1    
gained possession of men's minds1  and  
entered into the definite policy of the 
,church about the twelfth  century1 in a
 manner that might suggest reflection   
for the nineteenth4  ,the name of       
,gerohus de ,reigersperg is connected   
with a plan for the  pacification of the
 world1 by which the ,pope was to forbid
 war to  all ,christian princes1 to     
settle all disputes between them1 and to
  enforce his decisions by the greatest 
powers that have ever yet been  devised 
for human authority--namely1 by         
excommunication and deposition4  ,and   
the ,popes attempted something of this  
sort4 ,when1 for instance1  ,innocent   
,,iii4 bade the ,king of ,france to make
 peace with ,richard ,i41  and was told 
that the dispute concerned a matter of  
feudal relationship  with which the     
,pope had no right of interference1 he  
replied that he  interfered by right of 
his power to censure what he thought    
sin1 and  quite irrespective of feudal  

rights4 ,he also refused to consider the
  destruction of places and the         
slaughter of ,christians as a matter of 
no  concern to him2 and ,honorius ,,iii4
 forbade an attack upon ,denmark1 on    
the ground that that kingdom lay under  
the special protection of the           
,papacy4#bgj    ,the clergy1 moreover1  
were even in the most warlike times of  
history  the chief agents in            
negotiations for peace1 and in the      
attempt to  set limits to military      
reprisals4 ,when1 for instance1 the     
,french and  ,english were about to     
engage at ,poitiers1 the ,cardinal of   
,perigord  spent the whole of the       
,sunday that preceded the day of battle 
in  laudable but ineffectual attempts to
 bring the two sides to an  agreement   
without a battle4 ,and when the ,duke of
 ,anjou was about to  put #fjj of the   
defenders of ,montpellier to death by   
the sword1 by the  halter1 and by fire1 
it was the ,cardinal of ,albany and a   
,dominican monk  who saved him from the 

infamy of such a deed by reminding him  
of the  duty of ,christian forgiveness4 
,in these respects it must be plain to  
every one that the attitude  and power  
of the ,church has entirely changed4    
,she has stood apart  more and more as  
time has gone on from her great         
opportunities as a  promoter of peace4  
,her influence1 it is notorious1 no     
longer counts for  anything1 where it   
was once so powerful1 in the field of   
negotiation  and reconcilement4 ,she    
lifts no voice to denounce the evils of 
war1 nor  to plead for greater restraint
 in the exercise of reprisals and the   
abuse of victory4 ,she lends no aid to  
teach the duty of forbearance  and      
friendship between nations1 to diminish 
their idle jealousies1 nor  to explain  
the real identity of their interests4   
,it may even be said  without risk of   
contradiction1 that whatever attempt has
 been made to  further the cause of     
peace upon earth or to diminish the     
horror of the  customs of war1 has come1

 not from the ,church1 but from the     
school of  thought to which she has been
 most opposed1 and which she has studied
  most persistently to revile4    ,in   
respect1 too1 of the justice of the     
cause of war1 the ,church within  recent
 centuries has entirely vacated her     
position4 ,it is noticeable  that in the
 #cgth article of the ,english ,church1 
which is to the effect  that a          
,christian at the command of the        
magistrate may wear weapons  and serve  
in the wars1 the word justa1 which in   
the ,latin form  preceded the word bella
 or wars1 has been omitted4#bga ,the    
leaders  of the ,reformation decided on 
the whole in favour of the lawfulness of
  military service for a ,christian1 but
 with the distinct reservation  that the
 cause of war should be just4           
,bullinger1 who was ,zwingli's          
successor in the ,reformed ,church at   
,zurich1 decided that though a          
,christian might take up arms at the    
command of the magistrate1 it  would be 

his duty to disobey the magistrate if he
 purposed to make  war on the guiltless2
 and that only the death of those       
soldiers on  the battle-field was       
glorious who fought for their religion  
or their  country4 ,thomas ,becon1      
chaplain to ,archbishop ,cranmer1       
complained of  the utter disregard of a 
just and patriotic motive for war in the
 code  of military ethics then          
prevalent4 ,speaking of the fighters of 
his day1  he thus characterised their   
position in the ,state3 #8,the rapacity 
of  wolves1 the violence of lions1 the  
fierceness of tigers is nothing in      
comparison of their furious and cruel   
tyranny2 and yet do many of them  this  
not for the safeguard of their country  
7for so it would be the  more           
tolerable71 but to satisfy their        
butcher-like affects1 to boast  another 
day of how many men they have been the  
death1 and to bring  home the more preys
 that they may live the fatter ever     
after for these  spoils and stolen      

goods4'#bgb ,from military service he   
maintained  that all considerations of  
justice and humanity had been entirely  
banished1 and their stead been taken by 
robbery and theft1 #8the  insatiable    
spoiling of other men's goods1 and a    
whole sea of barbarous  and beast-like  
manners4' ,in this way the necessity of 
a just cause as  a reason for taking    
part in actual warfare was reasserted at
 the time  of the ,reformation1 and has 
only since then been allowed to drop out
  of sight altogether2 so that now      
public opinion has no guide in the      
matter1 and even less than it had in    
ancient ,rome1 the attitude of the      
,church towards the ,state on this point
 being rather that of ,anaxarchus  the  
philosopher to ,alexander the ,great1   
when1 to console that conqueror  for his
 murder of ,clitus1 he said to him3     
#8,know you not that ,jupiter is        
represented with ,law and ,justice at   
his side1 to show that whatever is  done
 by sovereign power is right8'          

,considering1 therefore1 that no human  
institution yet devised or  actually in 
existence has had or has a moral        
influence or facilities  for exercising 
it at all equal to that enjoyed by the  
,church1 it is all  the more to be      
regretted that she has never taken any  
real interest  in the abolition of a    
custom which is at the root of half the 
crime  and misery with which she has to 
contend4 ,whatever hopes might at  one  
time have been reasonably entertained of
 the ,reformed ,church as  an           
anti-military agency1 the cause of peace
 soon sank into a sort  of heresy1 or   
what was worse1 an unfashionable tenet1 
associated1  condemned1 and contemned   
with other articles of religious        
dissent4  #8,those who condemn the      
profession or art of soldiery1' said    
,sir ,james  ,turner1 #8smell rank of   
anabaptism and quakery4'#bgc    ,it     
would be difficult to find in the whole 
range of history any such  example of   
wasted moral force4 ,as ,erasmus had    

cause to deplore it in  the sixteenth   
century1 so had ,voltaire in the        
eighteenth4 ,the latter  complained that
 he did not remember a single page      
against war in the  whole of            
,bourdaloue's sermons1 and he even      
suggested that the real  explanation    
might be a literal want of courage on   
the part of the  clergy4 ,the passage is
 worth quoting from the original1 both  
for its  characteristic energy of       
expression and for its clear insight    
into  the real character of the custom  
of war3--#8,pour les autres moralistes  
gages que l'on nomme prdicateurs1 ils   
n'ont jamais seulement os  prcher contre
 la guerre4444 ,ils se gardent bien de  
dcrier la guerre1  qui runit tout ce que
 la perfidie a de plus lche dans les    
manifestes1  tout ce que l'infme        
friponnerie a de plus bas dans les      
fournitures des  armes1 tout ce que le  
brigandage a d'affreux dans le pillage1 
le viol1  le larcin1 l'homicide1 la     
dvastation1 la destruction4 ,au         

contraire1  ces bons prtres bnissent en 
crmonie les tendards de meurtre2 et     
leurs confrres chantent pour de l'argent
 des chansons juives1 quand  la terre a 
t inonde de sang4'#bgd    ,if           
,voltaire's reproach is unjust1 it can  
of course be easily refuted4  ,the      
challenge is a fair one4 ,let him be    
convicted of overstating his  charge1 by
 the mention of any ecclesiastic of mark
 from either the  ,catholic or the      
,protestant school within the last two  
centuries whose  name is associated with
 the advocacy of the mitigation or the  
abolition  of contests of force2 or any 
war in the same period which the clergy 
of either denomination have as a body   
resisted either on the ground  of the   
injustice of its origin or of the       
ruthless cruelty with which  it has been
 waged4 ,whatever has yet been attempted
 in this direction1  or whatever        
anti-military stimulus has been given to
 civilisation1  has come distinctly from
 men of the world or men of letters1 not

 from  men of distinction in the        
,church3 not from ,fnelon or ,paley1 but
 from  ,william ,penn1 the ,abb         
,st4-,pierre 7whose connection with the 
,church  was only nominal71 from        
,vattel1 ,voltaire1 and ,kant4 ,in other
 words1  the ,church has lost her old   
position of spiritual ascendency over   
the consciences of mankind1 and has     
surrendered to other guides and         
teachers the influence she once         
exercised over the world4    ,this is   
especially the case with our own        
,church2 for before the most  gigantic  
evil of our time1 her pulpit stands     
mute1 and colder than  mute4 ,whatever  
sanction or support a body like the     
,peace ,society has  met with from the  
,church or churches of ,england during  
its seventy  years' struggle on behalf  
of humanity has been1 not the general   
rule1  but the rare exception2 and      
recent events would even seem to show   
that  the voice of the pulpit1 so far   
from ever becoming a pacific agency1 is 

destined to become in the future the    
great tocsin of war1 the loudest        
clamourer for counsels of aggression4   
,this attitude on the part of the       
,church having become more and more     
marked and conspicuous1 as wars in      
recent centuries have become more       
frequent and more fierce1 it was not    
unnatural that some attempt should  at  
last have been made to give some sort of
 justification of a fact  which has     
undoubtedly become an increasing source 
of perplexity and  distress to all      
sincere and reflective ,christians4 ,in 
default of a  better1 let us take the   
justification offered by ,canon ,mozley 
in his  sermon on #8,war1' preached     
before the ,university of ,oxford on    
,march #ab1  #ahga1 of which the        
following summary conveys a faithful1   
though of  necessity an abbreviated1    
reflection4 ,the main points dwelt upon 
in  that explanation or apology are3    
,that ,christianity1 by its original    
recognition of the division of the world

 into nations1 with all their  inherent 
rights1 thereby recognised the right of 
war1 which was plainly  one of them2    
that the ,church1 never having been     
constituted a judge  of national        
questions or motives1 can only stand    
neutral between  opposing sides1        
contemplating war as it were            
forensically1 as a mode  of             
international settlement that is amply  
justified by the want of  any other2    
that a natural justice is inherent not  
only in wars of  self-defence1 but in   
wars for rectifying the political       
distribution of  the world's races or   
nationalities1 and in wars that aim at  
progress  and improvement2 that the     
spirit of self-sacrifice inseparable    
from war  confers upon it a moral       
character that is in special harmony    
with the  ,christian type2 that as war  
is simply the working out of a problem  
by  force1 there is no more hatred      
between the individual combatants than  
there is in the working out of an       

argument by reasoning1 #8the enmity  is 
in the two wholes--the abstractions--the
 individuals are at peace2'  that the   
impossibility of a substitution of a    
universal empire for  independent       
nations1 or of a court of arbitration1  
bars all hope of the  attainment of an  
era of peace through the natural        
progress of society2  that the absence  
of any head to the nations of the world 
constitutes  a defect or want of plan in
 its system1 which as it has been given 
to  it by nature cannot be remedied by  
other means2 that it is no part  of the 
mission of ,christianity to reconstruct 
that system1 or rather  want of system1 
of the world1 from which war flows1 nor 
to provide  another world for us to live
 in2 but that1 nevertheless1            
,christianity  only sanctions it through
 the medium of natural society1 and on  
the  hypothesis of a world at discord   
with itself4    ,one may well wonder    
that such a tissue of irrelevant        
arguments could  have been addressed by 

any man in a spirit of seriousness to an
  assembly of his fellows4 ,imagine such
 utterances being the last word of      
,christianity6 ,surely a son of the     
,church were more recognisable under    
the fighting ,bishop of ,beauvais' coat 
of mail than under the disguise  of such
 language as this4 ,why should it be    
assumed1 one might ask1  that the       
existence of distinct nations1 each     
enjoying the power1 and  therefore the  
right to make war upon its neighbours1  
is incompatible  with the existence of  
an international morality which should  
render the  exercise of the war-right   
impossible1 or very difficult2 or that  
the  ,church1 had she tried1 could have 
contributed nothing to so desirable  a  
result8 ,it is begging the question     
altogether to contend that a  state of  
things is impossible which has never    
been attempted1 when  the very point at 
issue is whether1 had it been attempted1
 it might  not by this time have come to
 be realised4 ,the right of the medival 

barons and their vassals to wage private
 war together belonged once  as much to 
the system1 or want of system1 of the   
world as the right  of nations to attack
 one another in our own or an earlier   
period of  history2 yet so far was the  
,church1 even in those days1 from       
shrinking  from contact with so         
barbarous a custom as something beyond  
her power  or her mission1 that she was 
herself the main social instrument that 
brought it to an end4 ,the great efforts
 made by the ,church to abolish  the    
custom of private war have already been 
mentioned3 a point which  ,canon        
,mozley1 perhaps1 did wisely to ignore4 
,yet there is1 surely1 no  sufficient   
reason why the peace of the world should
 be an object of  less interest to the  
,church in these days than it was in    
those2 or  why her influence should be  
less as one chief element in the natural
  progress of society than it was when  
she fought to release human  society    
from the depraving custom of the right  

of private war4 ,it is  impossible to   
contend that1 had the ,church inculcated
 the duties of  the individual to other 
nations as well as to his own1 in the   
way to  which human reason would        
naturally respond1 such a course would  
have  had no effect in solving the      
problem of enabling separate            
nationalities  to coexist in a state of 
peace as well as of independence4 ,it is
 at  least the reverse of self-evident  
that the promotion of feelings of       
international fraternity1 the           
discouragement of habits of             
international  jealousy1 the exercise of
 acts of international friendship1 the  
teaching of the real identity of        
international interests1 in all of      
which the pulpit might have lent1 or    
might yet lend1 an invaluable  aid1     
would have had1 or would still have any 
detrimental effect on  the political    
system of distinct nationalities1 or on 
the motives and  actions of a rational  
patriotism4 ,it is difficult to believe 

that  the denunciations of a ,church    
whose religious teaching had power to   
restrain the military fury of an ,alaric
 or a ,genseric would have been         
altogether powerless over the conduct of
 those ,german hordes whose  military   
excesses in ,france1 in #ahgj1 have left
 a lasting blot on  their martial       
triumph and the character of their      
discipline2 or that  her efforts on     
behalf of peace1 which more than a      
thousand years  ago effectually         
reconciled the ,angles and ,mercians1   
the ,franks and  ,lombards1 would be    
wasted in helping to remove any standing
 causes of  quarrel that may still exist
 between ,france and ,germany1 ,england 
and  ,russia1 ,italy and ,austria4      
,there are1 indeed1 hopeful signs1 in   
spite of ,canon ,mozley's apology  of   
despair1 that the priesthood of         
,christendom may yet reawake to a  sense
 of its power and opportunities for     
removing from the world an  evil custom 
which lies at the root of almost every  

other1 and is the  main cause and       
sustenance of crime and pauperism and   
disease4 ,it is  possible that we have  
already passed the worst period of      
indifference  in this respect1 or that  
it may some day prove only to have been 
connected with the animosities of rival 
sects1 ever ready to avail  themselves  
of the chances that war between         
different nations might  severally bring
 to their several petty interests4 ,with
 the subsidence  of such animosities1 it
 were reasonable to expect the ,church  
to  reassert the more genuine principle 
of her action and attitude--that no     
evil incident to human society is to be 
regarded as irremediable till  every    
resource has been exhausted to cope with
 it1 and every outlet of  escape from it
 been proved to be a failure4 ,then1 but
 not till then1 is  it becoming in      
,christian priests to utter the language
 of helplessness2  then1 but not till   
then1 should the ,church fold her hands 
in despair4          ,,chapter ,,viii4  

,,curiosities ,,of ,,military           
,,discipline4        ,la discipline     
n'est que l'art d'inspirer aux soldats  
plus de peur      de leurs officiers que
 des ennemis4--,,helvetius4             
,increased severity of                  
discipline--,limitation of the right of 
matrimony--,compulsory ,church parade1  
and its origin--,atrocious      military
 punishments--,reasons for the military 
love of      red--,the origin of        
bear-skin hats--,different qualities of 
bravery--,historical fears for the      
extinction of courage--,the             
conquests of the cause of peace--,causes
 of the unpopularity of      military   
service--,the dulness of life in the    
ranks--,the prevalence      of          
desertion--,articles of war against     
malingering--,military      artificial  
ophthalmia--,the debasing influence of  
discipline      illustrated from the old
 flogging system--,the discipline of the
      ,peninsular army--,attempts to    
make the service more popular1      by  

raising the private's wages1 by         
shortening his term of                  
service--,the old recruiting system of  
,france and ,germany--,the              
conscription imminent in ,england--,the 
question of military service      for   
women--,the probable results of the     
conscription--,militarism               
answerable for ,socialism4      ,two    
widely different conceptions of military
 discipline are contained  in the words 
of an ,english writer of the seventeenth
 century1 and in  those of the ,french  
philosopher1 ,helvetius1 in the         
eighteenth century4  ,there is a fine   
ring of the best ,english spirit in the 
sentence of  ,gittins3 #8,a soldier     
ought to fear nothing but ,god and      
dishonour4'  ,and there is the true     
,french wit and insight in that of      
,helvetius3  #8,discipline is but the   
art of inspiring soldiers with more fear
 for  their own officers than they have 
for the enemy4'#bge    ,but the         
difference involved lies less in the    

national character of the  writers than 
in the lapse of time between them1      
discipline having by  degrees gained so 
greatly in severity that a soldier had  
come to be  regarded less as a moral    
free agent than as a mechanical         
instrument1  who1 if he had any fear    
left for ,god and dishonour1 felt it in 
a very  minor degree to that which he   
cherished for his colonel or commander4 
,this is the broad fact which explains  
and justifies the proposition of        
,helvetius2 though no one1 recollecting 
the evils of the days of looser         
discipline1 might see cause to regret   
the change which deprived a  soldier    
almost entirely of the moral liberty    
that naturally belonged to  him as a    
man4    ,the tendency of discipline to  
become more and more severe has of      
course  the effect of rendering military
 service less popular1 and consequently 
recruiting more difficult1 without1     
unhappily1 any corresponding  diminution
 in the frequency of wars1 which are    

independent of the  hirelings who fight 
them4 ,were it otherwise1 something     
might be said  for the military axiom1  
that a soldier enjoys none of the common
 rights  of man4 ,there is therefore no 
gain from any point of view in denying  
to the military class the enjoyment of  
the rights and privileges of  ordinary  
humanity4    ,the extent of this denial 
and its futility may be shown by        
reference  to army regulations          
concerning marriage and religious       
worship4 ,in the  ,prussian army1 till  
#ahgj1 marriages were legally null and  
void and the  offspring of them         
illegitimate in the case of officers    
marrying without  royal consent1 or of  
subordinate officers without the consent
 of the  commander of their regiments4  
,but after the ,franco-,german war so   
great  was the social disorder found to 
be consequent upon these restrictions1  
that a special law had to be made to    
remove the bar of illegitimacy  from the
 marriages in question4#bgf ,in the     

,english army the inability  of privates
 to marry before the completion of seven
 years' service1 and  the possession of 
at least one badge1 and then only with  
the consent  of the commanding officer1 
is a custom so entirely contrary to the 
liberty enjoyed in other walks of life1 
that1 whatever its incidental           
advantages1 it can scarcely fail to act 
as a deterring motive when the  choice  
of a career becomes a subject of        
reflection4    ,the custom of what is   
known in the army as ,church ,parade    
affords  another instance of the        
unreasonable curtailments of individual 
liberty that are still regarded as      
essential to discipline4 ,a soldier  is 
drummed to church just as he is drummed 
to the drill-ground or the              
battle-field4 ,his presence in church is
 a matter of compulsion1 not of  choice 
or conviction2 and the general principle
 that such attendance is  valueless     
unless it is voluntary is waived in his 
case as in that of  very young children1

 with whom1 in this respect1 he is      
placed on a par4  ,if we inquire for the
 origin of the practice1 we shall       
probably find it  in certain old ,saxon 
and imperial articles of war1 which show
 that the  prayers of the military were 
formerly regarded as equally efficacious
  with their swords in obtaining        
victories over their enemies2 and       
therefore as a very necessary part of   
their duty4#bgg ,the ,american  articles
 of war1 since #ahjf1 enact that #8it is
 earnestly recommended  to all officers 
and soldiers to attend divine service1' 
thus obviating  in a reasonable way all 
the evils inevitably connected with a   
purely  compulsory1 and therefore       
humiliating1 church parade4#bgh    ,it  
may be that these restrictions of a     
soldier's liberty are necessary2  but if
 they are1 and if1 as ,lord ,macaulay   
says1 soldiers must1 #8for the  sake of 
public freedom1 in the midst of public  
freedom1 be placed under  a despotic    
rule1' #8must be subject to a sharper   

penal code and to a  more stringent code
 of procedure than are administered by  
the ordinary  tribunals1' so that acts1 
innocent in the citizen or only punished
  slightly1 become crimes1 capitally    
punishable1 when committed by them1     
then at least we need no longer be      
astonished that it should be almost  as 
difficult to entrap a recruit as to     
catch a criminal4    ,but over and above
 the intrinsic disadvantages of military
 service1  it would almost seem as if   
the war-presiding genii had of set      
purpose  essayed to make it as          
distasteful as possible to mankind4 ,for
 they have  made discipline not merely a
 curtailment of liberty and a forfeiture
 of  rights1 but1 as it were1 an        
experiment on the extreme limits of     
human  endurance4 ,there has been no    
tyranny in the world1 political1        
judicial1  or ecclesiastical1 but has   
had its parent and pattern in some      
military  system4 ,it has been from its 
armies more than from its kings that    

our world has learnt its lesson of      
arbitrary tribunals1 tortures1 and      
cruel punishments4 ,the ,inquisition    
itself could scarcely have devised  a   
more excruciating punishment than the   
old ,english military one of  riding the
 ,wooden ,horse1 when the victim was    
made to sit astride planks  nailed      
together in a sharp ridge1 so as roughly
 to resemble a horse1  with his hands   
tied behind him1 and muskets fixed to   
his legs to drag  them downwards2 or    
again1 than the punishment of the       
,picket1 in which  the hand was fastened
 to a hook in a post above the head1 and
 the  man's suspended body left to be   
supported by his bare heel resting on  a
 wooden stump1 of which the end was cut 
to the sharpness of a sword  point4#bgi 
,the punishment of running the gauntlet 
7from the ,german  ,gassenlaufen1 street
 running1 because the victim ran through
 the  street between two lines of       
soldiers who tormented him on his       
course7  is said to have been invented  

by ,gustavus ,adolphus2 and is perhaps1 
from the fact of thus bringing the      
cruelty of many men to bear on a  single
 comrade1 the most cowardly form of     
torture that has ever yet  found favour 
among military authorities4#bhj    ,but 
the penal part of military discipline1  
with its red-hot irons1  its floggings1 
and its various forms of death1 is too  
repulsive to do  more than glance at as 
testimony of the cruelty and despotism  
that  have never been separated from the
 calling of arms4 ,the art of the       
disciplinarian has ever been to bring   
such a series of miseries to  bear upon 
a man's life that the prospect of death 
upon the battle-field  should have for  
him rather charms than terrors2 and the 
tale of the  soldier who1 when his      
regiment was to be decimated1 drew a    
blank  without the fatal ,d upon it1 and
 immediately offered it to a comrade1   
who had not yet drawn1 for half-a-crown1
 shows at how cheap a rate men  may be  
reduced to value their lives after      

experience of the realities  of a       
military career4    ,many of the devices
 are curious by which this indifference 
to life has  been matured and sustained4
 ,in ancient ,athens the public temples 
were  closed to those who refused       
military service1 who deserted their    
ranks  or lost their bucklers2 whilst a 
law of ,charondas of ,catana constrained
  such offenders to sit for three days  
in the public forum dressed in the      
garments of women4 ,many a ,spartan     
mother would stab her son who came  back
 alive from a defeat2 and such a man1 if
 he escaped his mother1 was  debarred   
not only from public offices but from   
marriage2 exposed to  the blows of all  
who chose to strike him2 compelled to   
dress in mean  clothing1 and to wear his
 beard negligently trimmed4 ,and in the 
same  way a ,norse soldier who fled1 or 
lost his shield1 or received a wound  in
 any save the front part of his body1   
was by law prevented from ever          
afterwards appearing in public4#bha     

,there are1 indeed1 few military customs
 but have their origin and  explanation 
in the artificial promotion of courage  
in the minds of  the combatants4 ,this  
is true even to the details and         
peculiarities  of costume4 ,english     
children are1 perhaps1 still taught that
 ,french  soldiers wear red trousers in 
order that the sight of blood may not   
frighten them in war-time2 and doubtless
 ,french children imbibe a  similar     
theory regarding the red coats of the   
,english4 ,the same reason  was given by
 ,julius ,ferretus in the middle of the 
sixteenth century  for the short red    
frock then generally worn by the        
military4#bhb ,the  first mention of red
 as a special military colour in        
,england is said to  have been the order
 issued in #aebf for the coats of all   
yeomen of the  household to be of red   
cloth4#bhc ,but the colour goes1 at     
least1 as  far back as ,lycurgus1 the   
,spartan lawgiver1 who chose it1        
according to  ,xenophon1 because red is 

most easily taken by cloth and most     
lasting2  according to ,plutarch1 that  
its brightness might help to raise the  
spirits of its wearers2 or1 according to
 lian and ,valerius ,maximus1  in order 
to conceal the sight of blood1 that raw 
soldiers might not be  dispirited and   
the enemy proportionately encouraged4   
,the bear-skin hats1 which still make   
some ,english regiments so  ridiculous  
and unsightly1 were originally no doubt 
intended to inspire  terror4 ,evelyn1   
writing of the year #afgh1 says3 #8,now 
were brought into  service a new sort of
 soldiers called ,grenadiers1 who were  
dexterous  in flinging hand-grenades1   
every man having a handful4 ,they had   
furred  caps with coped crowns like     
,janizaries1 which made them look very  
fierce2 and some had long hoods hanging 
down behind as we picture  fools4' ,we  
may fairly identify the motive of such  
headgear with the  result2 and the more 
so since the looking fierce with the    
borrowed  skins of bears was a          

well-known artifice of the ancient      
,romans4 ,thus  ,vegetius speaks of     
helmets as covered with bear-skins in   
order to  terrify the enemy1#bhd and    
,virgil has a significant description of
 a  warrior as        ,horridus in      
jaculis et pelle ,libystidis urs4    ,we
 may trace the same motive again in the 
figures of fierce birds or  beasts      
depicted on flags and shields and       
helmets1 whence they have  descended    
with less harmful purpose to crests and 
armorial bearings4  ,thus the ,cimbri1  
whom ,marius defeated1 wore on their    
plume-covered  helmets the head of some 
fierce animal with its mouth open1      
vainly  hoping thereby to intimidate the
 ,romans4 ,the latter1 before it became 
customary to display the images of their
 emperors on their standards1  reared   
aloft the menacing representations of   
dragons1 tigers1 wolves1  and such like2
 and the figure of a dragon in use among
 the ,saxons  at the time of the        
,conquest1 and after that event retained

 by the  early ,norman princes among the
 ensigns of war1#bhe may reasonably  be 
attributed to the same motive4 ,the     
legend of ,st4 ,george killing  the     
,dragon1 if it is not a survival of     
,theseus and the ,minotaur1 very  likely
 originated as a myth1 intended to be   
explanatory of the custom4    ,lastly1  
under this head should be mentioned     
,villani's account of the  ,english     
armour worn in the thirteenth century1  
where he describes how  the pages       
studied to keep it clean and bright1 so 
that when their  masters came to action 
their armour shone like looking glass   
and gave  them a more terrifying        
appearance4#bhf ,was the result here    
again the  motive1 and must we look for 
the primary cause of the great          
solicitude  still paid to the brightness
 of accoutrements to the hope thereby to
  add a pang the more to the terror     
desirable to instil into an enemy8      
,such were some of the artificial       
supports supplied to bravery in former  

times4 ,but there is all the difference 
in the world between the bravery        
appealed to by our ancestors and that   
required since the revolution  effected 
in warfare by the invention of          
gunpowder4 ,before that epoch1  the use 
of catapults1 bows1 or other missiles   
did not deduct from the  paramount      
importance of personal valour4 ,the     
brave soldier of olden  times displayed 
the bravery of a man who defied a force 
similar or  equal to his own1 and       
against which the use of his own right  
hand and  intellect might help him to   
prevail2 but his modern descendant pits 
his  bravery mainly against hazard1 and 
owes it to chance alone if he escape    
alive from a battle4 ,however higher in 
kind may be the bravery required  to    
face a shower of shrapnel than to       
contend against swords and spears1  it  
is assuredly a bravery that involves    
rather a blind trust in luck  than a    
rational trust in personal fortitude4   
,so thoroughly indeed was this change   

foreseen and appreciated that at  every 
successive advance in the methods of    
slaughter curious fears  for the total  
extinction of military courage have     
haunted minds too  readily apprehensive1
 and found sometimes remarkable         
expression4  ,when the catapult#bhg was 
first brought from ,sicily to ,greece1  
,king  ,archidamus saw in it the grave  
of true valour2 and the sentiment       
against firearms1 which led ,bayard to  
exclaim1 #8,c'est une honte qu'un  homme
 de cur soit expos  prir par une        
miserable friquenelle1' was  one that   
was traceable even down to the last     
century in the history of  ,europe4 ,for
 ,charles ,,xii4 of ,sweden is declared 
by ,berenhorst to have  felt keenly the 
infamy of such a mode of fighting2 and  
,marshal ,saxe  held musketry fire in   
such contempt that he even went so far  
as to  advocate the reintroduction of   
the lance1 and a return to the close    
combats customary in earlier times4#bhh 
,but our military codes contain no      

reflection of the different aspects     
under which personal bravery enters into
 modern1 as compared with  ancient1     
warfare2 and this omission has tended to
 throw governments  back upon pure force
 and compulsion1 as the only possible   
way of  recruiting their regiments4 ,the
 old ,roman military punishments1 such  
as  cruelly scourging a man before      
putting him to death1 afford certainly  
no models of a lenient discipline2 but  
when we read of companies who  lost     
their colours being for punishment only 
reduced to feed on barley  instead of   
wheat1 and reflect that death by        
shooting would be the  penalty under the
 discipline of most modern nations#bhi  
for an action  bearing any complexion of
 cowardice1 it is impossible to admit   
that  a rational adjustment of          
punishments to offences is at all better
  observed in the war articles of the   
moderns than in the military codes  of  
pagan antiquity4    ,this1 at least1 is 
clear1 from the history of military     

discipline1  that only by the most      
repressive laws1 and by a tyranny       
subversive  of the commonest rights of  
men1 is it possible to retain men in the
  fighting service of a country1 after  
forcing or cajoling them into  it4 ,and 
this consideration fully meets the      
theory of an inherent love  of fighting 
dominating human nature1 such as that   
contended for in a  letter from ,lord   
,palmerston to ,cobden1 wherein he      
argues that man is  by nature a fighting
 and quarrelling animal4 ,the           
proposition is true  undoubtedly of some
 savage races1 and of the idle knights  
of the days  of chivalry1 but1 not even 
in those days1 of the lower classes1 who
  incurred the real dangers of war1 and 
still less of the unfortunate  privates 
or conscripts of modern armies4         
,fighting is only possible  between     
civilised countries1 because discipline 
first fits men for war  and for nothing 
else1 and then war again necessitates   
discipline4 ,nor  is anything gained by 

ignoring the conquests that have already
 been  won over the savage propensity to
 war4 ,single ,states no longer suffer  
private wars within their boundaries1   
like those customary between  the feudal
 barons2 we decide most of our quarrels 
in law courts1 not  upon battle-fields1 
and wisely prefer arguments to arms4 ,a 
population  as large as that of ,ireland
 and about double as large as that of   
all  our colonies in ,australia put     
together lives in ,london alone1 not    
only  without weapons of defence in     
their hands1 but with so little taste   
for blood-encounters that you may walk  
for whole days through its  length and  
breadth without so much as seeing a     
single street-fight4  ,if then this     
miracle of social order has been        
achieved1 why not the  wider one of that
 harmony between nations which requires 
but a little  common-sense and          
determination on the part of those most 
concerned in  order to become an        
accomplished reality8    ,the           

limitations of personal liberty already 
alluded to would of  themselves suffice 
in a country of free institutions to    
render the  military profession         
distasteful and unpopular4 ,the actual  
perils  of war1 at no time greater than 
those of mines1 railways1 or            
merchant-shipping1 would never alone    
deter men from service2 so that  we must
 look for other causes to explain the   
difficulty of recruiting  and the       
frequency of desertion1 which are the   
perplexity of military  systems still   
based1 as our own is1 on the principle  
of voluntary not  compulsory enlistment4
    ,what then makes a military life so 
little an object of desire in  countries
 where it can be avoided is more than   
its dangers1 more even  than its loss of
 liberty1 its irredeemable and appalling
 dulness4 ,the  shades in point of      
cheerfulness must be few and fine which 
distinguish  a barrack from a convict   
prison4 ,in none of the employments of  
civil  life is there anything to compare

 with the unspeakable monotony of       
parades1 recurring three or four times  
every day1 varied perhaps in  wet       
weather by the military catechism1 and  
with the intervals of time  spent in    
occupations of neither interest nor     
dignity4 ,the length of  time devoted to
 the mere cleaning and polishing of     
accoutrements is  such1 that the task   
has actually come to have the name      
#8soldiering'2  and the work which comes
 next in importance to this soldiering  
is the  humble one of peeling potatoes  
for dinner4 ,even military greatcoats   
require on a moderate estimate half a   
hour or more every day to be  properly  
folded1 the penalty of an additional    
hour's drill being the  probable result 
of any carelessness in this highly      
important military  function4 ,but for  
the attention thus given to military    
dress the author  of the #8,soldier's   
,pocket ,book' supplies us with a       
reason3 #8,the better  you dress a      
soldier1 the more highly he will be     

thought of by women and  consequently by
 himself4'    ,still less calculated to 
lend attractiveness to the life of the  
ranks  are the daily fatigue works1 or  
extra duties which fall in turn on the  
men of every company1 such as coal      
carrying1 passage cleaning1 gutter      
clearing1 and other like menial works of
 necessity4    ,but it is the long hours
 of sentry duty1 popularly called       
#8,sentry-go1'  which constitute the    
soldier's greatest bane4 ,guard duty in 
,england1  recurring at short periods1  
lasts a whole day and night1 every four 
hours of the twenty-four being spent in 
full accoutrements in the  guard-room1  
and every intervening two hours on      
active sentry1 thus  making in          
all--sixteen hours in the guard-room1   
and eight on the sentry  post4 ,the     
voluntary sufferings of the saints1 the 
tortures devised by  the religious      
orders of olden days1 or the            
self-inflicted hardships of  sport1 pale
 before the two hours' sentry-go on a   

winter's night4 ,this  it is that kills 
our soldiers more fatally than an       
enemy's cannon1 and  is borne with more 
admirable patience than even the        
hardships of a  siege4 #8,after about   
thirty-one or thirty-two years of age1' 
says ,sir  ,f4 ,roberts1 #8the private  
soldier usually ages rapidly1 and       
becomes a  veteran both in looks and    
habits2'#bij and this distinguished     
military  commander points to excessive 
sentry duty as the cause4    ,but1      
possible as it thus is1 by rigour of    
discipline1 to produce in a  soldier    
total indifference to death1 by         
depriving him of everything  that makes 
life desirable1 it is impossible to     
produce indifference to  tedium2 and a  
policy is evidently self-destructive    
which1 by aiming  exclusively at        
producing a mechanical character1       
renders military  service itself so     
unpopular that only the young1 the      
inexperienced1  or the ill-advised will 
join the colours at all2 that #aj per   

cent4 of  those who do join them will   
desert2 and that the rest will regard it
 as  the gala day of their lives when   
they become legally entitled to their   
discharge from the ranks4    ,in        
,england about #aj per cent4 of the     
recruits desert every year1 as  compared
 with #ej per cent4 from the small army 
of the ,united ,states4  ,the reason for
 so great a difference is probably not  
so much that the  ,american discipline  
is more severe or dull than the         
,english1 as that in  the newer country1
 where subsistence is easier1 the       
counter-attractions  of peaceful trades 
offer more plentiful inducements to     
desertion4    ,desertion from the       
,english ranks has naturally diminished 
since the  introduction of the          
short-service system has set a visible  
term to  the hardships of a military    
life4 ,adherence to the colours for     
seven  or eight years1 or even for      
twelve1 which is now the longest service
  possible at the time of enlistment1   

and adherence to them for life1  clearly
 place a very different complexion on   
the desirability of an  illegal escape  
from them4 ,so that considering the     
reductions that  have been made in the  
term of service1 and the increase of pay
 made  in #ahfg1 and again in #ahgc1    
nothing more strongly demonstrates the  
national aversion of the ,english people
 to arms than the exceeding  difficulty 
with which the ranks are recruited1 and 
the high average  of the percentage of  
desertions4 ,if of recent years         
recruiting has  been better1 the        
explanation is simply that trade has    
been worse2  statistics of recruiting   
being the best possible barometer of the
 state  of the nation1 since the        
scarcity or abundance of recruits varies
  concomitantly with the brisk or slack 
demand for labour in other  employments4
    ,in few things has the world grown  
more tolerant than in its opinion and   
treatment of ,desertion4 ,death was once
 its certain penalty1 and death  with   

every aggravation that brutal cruelty   
could add4 ,two of ,rome's  most famous 
generals were ,scipio milianus and      
,paulus milius2 yet the  former         
consigned deserters to fight wild beasts
 at the public games1  and the latter   
had them trodden to death by elephants4 
,a form of desertion1 constituting one  
of the most curious but least  noticed  
chapters in the history of military     
discipline1 is that  of ,malingering1 or
 the feigning of sickness1 and          
self-mutilation1  disabling from        
service4 ,the practice goes far back    
into history4  ,cicero tells of a man   
who was sold for a slave for having cut 
off a  finger1 in order to escape from a
 campaign in ,sicily4 ,vegetius1 the    
great authority on ,roman discipline1   
speaks of soldiers who simulated        
sickness being punished as traitors2#bia
 and an old ,english writer on  the     
subject says of the ,romans3            
#8,whosoever mutilated their own or     
their  children's bodies so as thereby  

designedly to render them unfit to      
carry arms 7a practice common enough in 
those elder times when all were  pressed
 to the wars71 were adjudicated to      
perpetual exile4'#bib    ,the writer    
here referred to lived long before the  
days of the  conscription1 with which he
 fancied self-mutilation to be          
connected4  ,and it certainly seems that
 whereas all the military codes of      
modern  nations contain articles dealing
 with that offence1 and decreeing       
penalties against it1 there was less of 
it in the days before  compulsory       
service4 ,there is1 for instance1 no    
mention of it in the  ,german articles  
of war of the seventeenth century1      
though the other  military crimes were  
precisely those that are common enough  
still4#bic    ,but even in ,england1    
where soldiers are not yet military     
slaves1 it  has been found necessary to 
deal1 by specific clauses in the army   
regulations1 with a set of facts of     
which there is no notice in the war     

articles of the seventeenth or          
eighteenth century4#bid ,the inference  
therefore is1 that the conditions of    
military service have become            
universally more disagreeable4 ,the     
clauses in the actual war articles      
deserve to be quoted1 that it may       
appear1 by the provisions against it1   
to what lengths the arts of             
self-mutilation are carried by          
despairing  men4 ,the #hast ,article of 
,war provides punishment against any    
soldier  in ,her ,majesty's army #8who  
shall malinger1 feign or produce disease
 or  infirmity1 or shall wilfully do any
 act or wilfully disobey any orders     
whether in hospital or otherwise1       
thereby producing or aggravating        
disease or infirmity or delaying his    
cure1 444 or who shall maim or  injure  
himself or any other soldier1 whether at
 the instance of such  other soldier or 
not1 or cause himself to be maimed or   
injured by  any other person with intent
 thereby to render himself or such other

  soldier unfit for service1 444 or who 
shall tamper with his eyes with  intent 
thereby to render himself unfit for     
service4'    ,that it should be         
necessary thus to provide against       
self-inflicted  injuries is surely      
commentary enough on the condition of   
life in the  ranks4 ,the allusion to    
tampering with the eyes may be          
illustrated from  a passage in the      
#8,life of ,sir ,c4 ,napier1' wherein we
 are told how in  the year #ahjh a      
private of the #bhth ,regiment taught   
his fellow-soldiers  to produce         
artificial ophthalmia by holding their  
eyelids open1 whilst  a comrade in arms 
would scrape some lime from the barrack 
ceiling into  their eyes4#bie ,for a    
profession of which such things are     
common  incidents1 surely the wonder is1
 not that it should be difficult1 but   
that it should be possible at all1 to   
make recruits4 ,in the days of  ,mehemet
 ,ali in ,egypt1 so numerous were the   
cases in which the natives  voluntarily 

blinded themselves1 and even their      
children1 of one eye in  order to escape
 the conscription1 that ,mehemet ,ali is
 said to have  found himself under the  
necessity of raising a one-eyed         
regiment4  ,others for the same purpose 
would chop off the trigger finger of the
  right hand1 or disable themselves from
 biting cartridges by knocking  out some
 of their upper teeth4 ,scarcely a      
peasant in the fields but  bore the     
trace of some such voluntarily inflicted
 disfigurement4 ,but  with such facts it
 seems idle to talk of any inherent love
 for fighting  dominating the vast      
majority of mankind4    ,the severity of
 military discipline has even a worse   
effect than those  yet alluded to in its
 tendency to demoralise those who are   
long subject  to it1 by inducing mental 
habits of servility and baseness4 ,after
  ,alexander the ,great had killed      
,clitus in a fit of drunken rage1 the   
,macedonian soldiery voted that ,clitus 
had been justly slain1 and prayed  that 

he might not enjoy the rites of         
sepulture4#bif ,military servility      
could scarcely go further than that1 but
 such baseness is only possible  under a
 state of discipline which1 to make a   
soldier1 unmakes a man1  by depriving   
him of all that distinguishes his       
species4 ,under no other  than military 
training1 and in no other than the      
military class1 would  the atrocities   
have been possible which used to be     
perpetrated in the  barrack             
riding-school in the old flogging days4 
,officers and privates  needed the      
debasing influence of discipline to     
enable them to look on  as patient      
spectators at the sufferings of a       
helpless comrade tortured  by the       
cat-o'-nine tails4 ,sir ,c4 ,napier said
 that as a subaltern  he #8frequently   
saw #fjj1 #gjj1 #hjj1 #ijj1 and #a1jjj  
lashes sentenced  by regimental         
courts-martial and generally every lash 
inflicted2'  a feeling of horror would  
run through the ranks at the first blows

  and some recruits would faint1 but    
that was all4#big ,had they been  men   
and not soldiers1 they would not have   
stood such iniquities4  ,a typical      
instance of this martial justice or law 
7to employ the  conventional profanation
 of those words7 was that of a sergeant 
who in  #agib was sentenced to #a1jjj   
lashes for having enlisted two drummers 
for the ,east ,india ,company whom he   
knew to belong already to the ,foot     
,guards2 but the classical description  
of an ,english flogging will  always be 
,somerville's account of its infliction 
upon himself in his  #8,autobiography of
 a ,working ,man4'#bih ,there you may   
read how the  regiment was drawn up     
four-deep inside the riding-school2 how 
the  officers 7men of gentle birth and  
breeding7 stood within the lines of  the
 men2 how the basin of water and towels 
were ready prepared in case  the victim 
should faint2 how the hands and feet of 
the latter were  fastened to a ladder by
 a rope2 and how the regimental         

sergeant-major  stood with book and     
pencil coolly counting each stroke as it
 was  delivered with slow and deliberate
 torture till the full complement of  a 
hundred lashes had been inflicted4 ,the 
mere reading of it even now  is enough  
to make the blood boil1 but that men1   
brave and freeborn1  should have stood  
by in their hundreds and seen the actual
 reality  without stirring1 proves how  
utterly all human feeling is eradicable 
by  discipline1 and how sure is the     
training it supplies in disregard for   
the common claims of humanity4          
,happily1 floggings in the ,english army
 now count among the curiosities  of    
military discipline1 like the wooden    
horse or the thumb-screw2  but the      
striking thing is that the discipline1  
in the sense of the  good conduct of the
 army in the field1 was never worse than
 in the  days when #a1jjj lashes were   
common sentences4 ,it was precisely when
  courts-martial had the legal power to 
exercise such tyranny that  the ,duke of

 ,wellington complained to ,lord        
,castlereagh that the law  was not      
strong enough to maintain discipline in 
an army upon actual  service4#bii       
,speaking of the army in the ,peninsula 
he says3 #8,it is  impossible to        
describe to you the irregularities and  
outrages committed  by the troops2 444  
there is not an outrage of any          
description which  has not been         
committed on a people who have received 
us as friends  by soldiers who never yet
 for one moment suffered the slightest  
want  or the smallest privation4444 ,we 
are an excellent army on parade1 an     
excellent one to fight1 but we are worse
 than an enemy in a country4'  ,and     
again a few months later3 #8,i really   
believe that more plunder and  outrage  
have been committed by this army than by
 any other that was  ever in the field4'
 ,in the general order of ,may #ai1     
#ahji1 are these  words3 #8,the officers
 of companies must attend to the men in 
their  quarters as well as on the march1

 or the army will soon be no better     
than a banditti4'#cjj    ,whence it is  
fair to infer that severity of          
discipline has no necessary  connection 
with the good behaviour or easy control 
of troops in  the field1 such discipline
 under the ,iron ,duke himself having   
been  conspicuous for so lamentable a   
failure4 ,the real fact would seem  to  
be1 that troops are difficult to manage 
just in proportion to the  rigour1 the  
monotony1 and the dulness of the        
discipline imposed upon  them in time of
 peace2 the rebound corresponding to the
 compression1  by a moral law that seems
 to follow the physical one4 ,this fact 
is  nowhere better noticed than in ,lord
 ,wolseley's narrative of the ,china    
war of #ahfj1 where he says1 in allusion
 to the general love of pillage  and    
destruction that characterises soldiers 
and was so conspicuously  displayed at  
the shameful burning of the beautiful   
palaces in and  round ,pekin3           
#8,soldiers are nothing more than       

grown-up schoolboys4  ,the wild moments 
of enjoyment passed in the pillage of a 
place live  long in a soldier's         
memory4444 ,such a time forms so marked 
a contrast  with the ordinary routine of
 existence passed under the tight hand  
of  discipline that it becomes a        
remarkable event in life and is         
remembered  accordingly4'#cja    ,the   
experience of the ,peninsular war proves
 how slender is the  link between a     
well-drilled and a well-disciplined     
army4 ,the best  disciplined army is the
 one which conducts itself with least   
excess  in the field and is least       
demoralised by victory4 ,it is the hour 
of  victory that is the great test of   
the value of military regulations2  and 
so well aware of this was the best      
disciplined ,state of antiquity1  that  
the soldiers of ,sparta desisted from   
pursuit as soon as victory  was assured 
to them1 partly because it was deemed   
ungenerous to destroy  those who could  
make no further resistance 7a sentiment 

absolutely  wanting from the boasted    
chivalry of ,christian warfare71 and    
partly  that the enemy might be tempted 
to prefer flight to resistance4 ,it is a
  reproach to modern generalship that it
 has been powerless to restrain  such   
excesses as those which have made the   
successful storming of  cities rather a 
disgrace than an honour to those who    
have won them4  ,the only way to check  
them is to make the officers responsible
 for  what occurs1 as might be done1 for
 instance1 by punishing a general       
capitally for storming a city with      
forces so badly disciplined as  to      
nullify the advantages of success4 ,an  
,english military writer1  speaking of  
the storming of ,ismail and ,praga by   
the ,russians under  ,suwarrow1 says    
truly that #8posterity will hold the    
fame and honour of  the commander       
responsible for the life of every human 
being sacrificed  by disciplined armies 
beyond the fair verge of battle2' but it
 is idle  to speak as if only ,russian  

armies were guilty of such excesses1 or 
to say that nothing but the prospect of 
them could tempt the ,russian  soldier  
to mount the breach or the              
scaling-ladder4 ,the ,russian soldier   
in history yields not one whit to the   
,english or ,french in bravery1 nor  is 
there a grain of difference between the 
,russian storming of ,ismail  and ,praga
 and the ,english storming of ,ciudad   
,rodrigo1 ,badajoz1 or ,san  ,sebastian1
 that tarnished the lustre of the       
,british arms in the famous  ,peninsular
 war4    ,and should we be tempted to   
think that successes like these         
associated  with the names of these     
places may be so important in war as to 
outweigh all other considerations1 we   
must also not forget that the  permanent
 military character of nations1 for     
humanity or the reverse1  counts for    
more in the long run of a people's      
history than any  advantage that can    
possibly be gained in a single campaign4
    ,enough has1 perhaps1 been said of  

the unpopularity of military service1   
and of the obvious causes thereof1 to   
make it credible that1 had the  system  
of conscription never been resorted to  
in ,europe1 and the  principle of       
voluntary enlistment remained intact and
 universal1 the  difficulty of procuring
 the human fighting material in         
sufficient  quantities would in course  
of time have rendered warfare           
impossible4 ,as  other industries than  
mere fighting have won their way in the 
world1  the difficulty of hiring        
recruits to sell their lives to their   
country  has kept even pace with the    
facility of obtaining livelihoods in    
more  regular and more lucrative as well
 as less miserable avocations4 ,in the  
fourteenth century soldiers were very   
highly paid compared with other         
classes1 and the humblest private       
received a daily wage equivalent to     
that of a skilled mechanic2#cjb but the 
historical process has so  far reversed 
matters that now the pay of the humblest

 mechanic would  compare favourably with
 that of all the fighting grades lower  
than  the commissioned and warrant      
ranks4 ,consequently1 every attempt to  
make the service popular has as yet been
 futile1 no amelioration of  it enabling
 it to compete with pacific occupations4
 ,the private's pay  was raised from    
sixpence to a shilling during the wars  
of the ,french  ,revolution2#cjc and    
before that it was found necessary1     
about the  time of the war with the     
,american colonies1 to bribe men to     
enlist  by the system 7since abolished7 
of giving bounties at the time of       
enlistment4 ,previous to the            
introduction of the bounty system1 a    
guinea  to provide the recruit with     
necessaries and a crown wherewith to    
drink  the king's health was all that   
was given upon enlistment1 the service  
itself 7with the chances of loot and the
 allied pleasures7 having been  bounty  
enough4#cjd ,even the system of bounties
 proved attractive only  to boys2 for as

 the ,english statesman said1 whose name
 is honourably  associated with the     
first change in our system from         
enlistment for  life to enlistment for a
 limited period1 #8men grown up with all
 the  grossness and ignorance and       
consequent want of consideration        
incident  to the lower classes' were too
 wary to accept the offers of the       
recruiting department4#cje    ,the      
shortening of the term of service in    
#ahjf and subsequently  the increase of 
pay1 the mitigation of punishments1 must
 all be  understood as attempts to      
render the military life more attractive
  and more capable of competing with    
other trades2 but that they have  all   
signally failed is proved by the chronic
 and ever-increasing  difficulty of     
decoying recruits4 ,the little pamphlet1
 published by  authority and distributed
 gratis at every post-office in the     
kingdom1  showing forth #8the           
,advantages of the ,army' in their      
rosiest colours1  cannot counteract the 

influence of the oral evidence of men1  
who1  after a short period of service1  
are dispersed to all corners of the     
country1 with their tales of military   
misery to tell1 confirming and          
propagating that popular theory of a    
soldier's life which sees in it a  sort 
of earthly purgatory for faults of      
character acquired in youth1 a  calling 
only to be adopted by those whose       
antecedents render industry  distasteful
 to them1 and unfit them for more useful
 pursuits4    ,the same difficulty of   
recruiting was felt in ,france and      
,germany in the  last century1 when     
voluntary enlistment was still the rule4
 ,in that  curious old military book1   
,fleming's #8,volkommene ,teutsche      
,soldat1' is a  picture of the          
recruiting officer1 followed by         
trumpeters and drummers1  parading the  
streets1 and shaking a hat full of      
silver coins near a  table spread with  
the additional temptations of wine and  
beer4#cjf ,but  it soon became necessary

 to supplement this system by coercive  
methods2  and when the habitual neglect 
of the wounded and the great number of  
needless wars made it difficult or      
impossible to fill up the ranks with    
fresh recruits1 the ,german authorities 
resorted to a regular system of         
kidnapping1 taking men as they could get
 them from their ploughs1 their         
churches1 or even from their very beds4 
,in ,france1 too1 ,louis ,,xiv4 had to  
resort to force for filling his ranks   
in the war of the ,spanish ,succession2 
although the system of recruiting       
remained nominally voluntary till very  
much later4 ,the total cost of  a       
,french recruit amounted to ninety-two  
livres2 but the length of his  service1 
though it was changed from time to time 
from periods varying  from three to     
eight years1 never exceeded the latter  
limit1 nor came to  be for life as it   
did practically in ,england4    ,the    
experience of other countries proves1   
therefore1 that ,england  will sooner or

 later adopt the principle of           
conscription or cease to  waste blood   
and money in ,continental quarrels4 ,the
 conscription will  be for her the only 
possible way of obtaining an army at    
all1 or one  at all commensurate with   
those of her possible ,european rivals4 
,we  should not forget that in #ahgh1   
when we were on the verge of a war with 
,russia 7and we live always on the verge
 of a war with ,russia71 our  best      
military experts met and agreed that    
only by means of compulsory  service    
could we hope to cope with our enemy    
with any chance of  success4 ,and the   
conscription1 whether under a free      
government or  not1 means a tyranny     
compared to which the tyrannies of the  
,tudors  or ,stuarts were as a yoke of  
silk to a yoke of iron4 ,it would matter
  little that it should lead to or      
involve a political despotism1 for  the 
greater despotism would ever be the     
military one1 crushing out  all         
individuality1 moral liberty1 and       

independence1 and consigning to  the    
soul-destroying routine of petty        
military details all the talent1  taste1
 knowledge1 and wealth of our country1  
which have hitherto given  it a         
distinctive character in history1 and a 
foremost place among the  nations of the
 earth4    ,in the year #agjb a woman   
served as a captain in the ,french army 
with  such signal bravery that she was  
rewarded with the ,order of ,st4 ,louis4
  ,nor was this the only result2 for the
 episode roused a serious debate  in the
 world1 whether1 or not1 military       
service might be expected of1  or       
exacted from1 the female sex            
generally4#cjg ,why1 then1 should the   
conscription be confined to one half    
only of a population1 in the face  of so
 many historical instances of women who 
have shown pre-eminent1  or at least    
average1 military capacity8 ,and if     
military service is so  ennobling and   
excellent a thing1 as it is said to be1 
for the male  population of a country1  

why not also for the female8 ,or as we  
may be  sure that it would be to the    
last degree debasing for the latter half
  of the community1 may we not suspect  
that the reasoning is altogether        
sophistical which claims other effects  
as the consequence of its  operation on 
the stronger sex8    ,what those effects
 are likely to be on the further        
development of  ,european civilisation1 
we are as yet scarcely in a position to 
judge4  ,we are still living only on the
 threshold of the change1 and can       
hardly estimate the ultimate effect on  
human life of the transference  to the  
whole male population of a country of   
the habits and vices  previously        
confined to only a section of it4 ,but  
this at least is  certain1 that at      
present every prediction which ushered  
in the change  is being falsified from  
year to year4 ,this universal service   
which  we call the conscription was1 we 
were told1 to usher in a sort of        
millennium2 it was to have the effect of

 humanising warfare2 of  raising the    
moral tone of armies2 and of securing   
peace1 by making  the prospect of its   
alternative too appalling to mankind4   
,not only  has it done none of these    
things1 but there are even indications  
of  consequences the very reverse4 ,the 
amenities that cast occasional  gleams  
over the professional hostilities of the
 eighteenth century1 as  when1 for      
instance1 ,crillon besieging ,gibraltar 
sent a cart-load of  carrots to the     
,english governor1 whose men were dying 
of scurvy1 have  passed altogether out  
of the pale of possibility1 and given   
place to  a hatred between the combatant
 forces that is tempered by no courtesy 
nor restrained by the shadow of         
humanity4 ,whole nations1 instead of  a 
particular class1 have been familiarised
 with deeds of robbery and  bloodshed1  
and parted with a large part of their   
leisure once available  for progress in 
industry4 ,war itself is at any given   
moment infinitely  more probable than it

 used to be1 from the constant          
expectation of it  which comes of       
constant preparation2 nothing having    
been proved falser  by history than the 
popular paradox which has descended to  
us from  ,vegetius that the preparation 
for war is the high road to peace4#cjh  
,when1 one may ask1 has the world not   
been prepared for war1 and how  then has
 it had so much of it8 ,and as to the   
higher moral tone likely  to spring from
 universal militarism1 of what kind may 
we expect it to  be1 when we read in a  
work by the greatest living ,english    
general1  destined1 ,carlyle hoped1 one 
day to make short work of ,parliament1  
such  an exposition as the following of 
the relation between the moral duties   
of a soldier and those of a civilian3   
#8,he 7the soldier7 must be taught  to  
believe that his duties are the noblest 
which fall to a man's lot4  ,he must be 
taught to despise all those of civil    
life4 ,soldiers1 like  missionaries1    
must be fanatics4'#cji    ,erasmus once 

observed in a letter to a friend how    
little it mattered  to most men to what 
nationality they belonged1 seeing that  
it was only  a question of paying taxes 
to ,thomas instead of to ,john1 or to   
,john  instead of to ,thomas2 but it    
becomes a matter of even less importance
  when it is only a question of being   
trained for murder and bloodshed in  the
 drill-yards of this or that government4
 ,what is it to a conscript  whether it 
is for ,france or ,germany that he is   
forced to undergo drill  and discipline1
 when the insipidity of the drill and   
the tyranny of the  discipline is the   
same in either case8 ,if the old        
definition of a man  as a reasoning     
animal is to be exchanged for that of a 
fighting animal1  and the claims of a   
country upon a man are to be solely or  
mainly in  respect of his fighting      
utility1 it is evident that the relation
 is  altered between the individual and 
his country1 and that there is no       
longer any tie of affection between     

them1 nor anything to make one          
nationality different from or preferable
 to another4 ,this is clearly  the      
tendency of the conscription2 and it is 
already remarkable how it  has lessened 
those earlier and narrower views of     
patriotism which were  the pretext      
formerly for so many trials of strength 
between nations4  ,what1 then1 are the  
probable ultimate effects of this       
innovation on the  development and      
maintenance of the peace in ,europe8    
,the conscription1 by reducing the idea 
of a country to that merely of  a       
military despotism1 has naturally caused
 the differences between  nations to    
sink into a secondary place1 and to be  
superseded by those  differences of     
class1 opinions1 and interests which are
 altogether  independent of nationality1
 and regardless of the barriers of      
language  or geography4 ,thus the       
artisan of one country has learnt to    
regard  his fellow-worker of another    
country as in a much truer sense his    

countryman than the priest or noble who1
 because he lives in the same           
geographical area as himself1 pays his  
taxes to the same central  government2  
and the different political schools in  
the several  countries of ,europe have  
far more in common with one another than
 with  the opposite party of their own  
nationality4 ,so that the first effect  
of that great military engine1 the      
conscription1 has been to unloosen  the 
bonds of the idea of nationality which  
has so long usurped the  title to       
patriotism2 to free us from that notion 
of our duty towards  our neighbour which
 bids us hate him because he is our     
neighbour2 and  to diminish to that     
extent the chances of war by the        
undermining of the  prejudice which has 
ever been its mainstay4    ,but the     
conscription in laying one spectre has  
raised another2 for over  against       
,nationalism1 the jealousy of nations1  
it has reared ,socialism1  the jealousy 
of classes4 ,it has done so1 not only by

 weakening the old  national idea which 
kept the rivalry of classes in abeyance1
 but by  the pauperism1 misery1 and     
discontent which are necessarily        
involved  in the addition it causes to  
military expenditure4 ,the increase     
caused  by it is so enormous as to be   
almost incredible4 ,in ,france the      
annual  military expenditure is now     
about twenty-five million pounds1       
whereas  in #ahfi1 before the new law of
 universal liability to service1 the    
total annual cost of the army was little
 over fifteen millions1 or the  average 
annual cost of the present army of      
,great ,britain4 #8,nothing1'  said     
,froissart1 #8drains a treasury like    
men-at-arms2' and it is  probably below 
the truth to say that a country is the  
poorer by a  pound for every shilling it
 expends upon its army4 ,thus by the    
nature  of things is ,socialism seen to 
flow from the conscription2 and we have 
only to look at the recent history of   
,europe to see how the former has  grown

 and spread in exact ratio to the       
extension of the latter4 ,that it  does 
not yet prevail so widely in ,england as
 in ,france1 or ,germany1 or  ,russia is
 because as yet we have not that        
compulsory military service  for which  
our military advisers are beginning to  
clamour4    ,the growth of ,socialism in
 its turn is not without an effect that 
may prove highly beneficial as a solvent
 of the militarism which is  the        
uncompensated evil of modern times4 ,for
 it tends to compel the  governments of 
our different nationalities to draw     
closer together1  and1 adopting some of 
the cosmopolitanism of their common foe1
 to enter  into league and union against
 those enemies to actual institutions   
for  whom militarism itself is primarily
 responsible1 owing to the example  so  
long set by it in methods of            
lawlessness1 to the sanction so long    
given by it to crime4 ,with ,socialistic
 theories permeating every  country1 but
 more especially those that groan under 

the conscription1  international        
jealousies are smothered and kept down1 
and must1 if the  cause continues1      
ultimately die out4 ,hence the curious  
result1 but  a result fraught with      
hopefulness for the future1 that the    
peace of  the world should owe itself   
now1 in an indirect but clearly         
traceable  manner1 to the military      
system which of all others that was ever
  invented is the best calculated to    
prevent and endanger it4 ,but since     
this is merely to say that the danger of
 foreign war is lessened by  the        
imminent fear of civil war1 little is   
gained by the exchange of  one peril for
 another4 ,socialism can only be averted
 by removing the  cause which gives     
birth to it--namely1 that unproductive  
expenditure on  military forces which   
intensifies and perpetuates pauperism4  
,so that  the problem of the times for  
us in ,england is not how we may obtain 
a more liberal military expenditure1    
still less how we may compass           

compulsory service2 but rather how most 
speedily we can disband our  army--an   
ever-growing danger to our peace and    
liberty--and how we can  advance        
elsewhere the cause of universal        
disarmament4          ,,chapter ,,ix4   
,,the ,,limits ,,of ,,military ,,duty4  
#8,i confess when ,i went into arms at  
the beginning of this war1      ,i never
 troubled myself to examine sides2 ,i   
was glad to hear the      drums beat for
 soldiers1 as if ,i had been a mere     
,swiss1 that had      not cared which   
side went up or down1 so ,i had my      
pay4'--,,memoirs      ,,of ,a           
,,cavalier4        ,the old feeling of  
the moral stain of bloodshed--,military 
purificatory customs--,modern change of 
feeling about      warfare--,descartes  
on the profession of arms--,the         
old-world      sentiment in favour of   
piracy--,the central question of        
military      ethics--,may a soldier be 
indifferent to the cause of war8--,the  
right to serve made conditional on a    

good cause1 by ,st4 ,augustine1         
,bullinger1 ,grotius1 and ,sir ,james   
,turner--,old ,greek feeling about      
mercenary service--,origin of our       
mercenary as opposed to gratuitous      
service--,armies raised by military     
contractors--,the value of the          
distinction between foreign and native  
mercenaries--,original      limitation  
of military duty to the actual defence  
of the      realm--,extension of the    
notion of allegiance--,the connection of
 the      military oath with the first  
,mutiny ,act--,recognised limits to the 
claims on a soldier's obedience--,the   
falsity of the common doctrine      of  
duty illustrated by the devastation of  
the ,palatinate by the      ,french and 
by the bombardment of ,copenhagen by the
 ,english--,the      example of ,admiral
 ,keppel--,justice between nations--,its
 observation      in ancient ,india and 
,rome--,st4 ,augustine and ,bayard on   
justice      in war--,grotius on good   
grounds of war--,the military claim to  

exemption from moral                    
responsibility--,the soldier's first    
duty to      his conscience--,the       
admission of this principle involves the
 end of      war4      ,it must needs be
 that new questions arise1 or old       
perplexities in  a fresh form2 and of   
these one that has risen again in our   
time is  this3 ,does any moral stain    
attach to bloodshed committed upon the  
battle-field8 ,or is the difference     
between military and ordinary  homicide 
a real one1 and does the plea of duty   
sanction any act1  however atrocious in 
the abstract1 provided it be committed  
under the  uniform of the ,state8       
,the general opinion is1 of course1 that
 no soldier in his military  capacity   
can be guilty of crime2 but opinion has 
not always been so  fixed1 and it is    
worth noticing that in the forms of     
civilisation that  preceded our own1 and
 in some existing modern races of lower 
type  than our own1 traces clearly      
appear of a sense of wrong attaching to 

any form of bloodshed whatever1 whether 
of fair battle or of base  treachery1   
calling alike for the purifying         
influences of expiation and  cleansing4 
,in ,south ,africa1 for instance1 the   
,basuto returning from  war proceeds    
with all his arms to the nearest stream1
 to purify not  only his own person but 
his javelins and his battle-axe4 ,the   
,zulu1 too1  practises ablutions on the 
same occasion2 and the ,bechuana warrior
  wears a rude kind of necklace1 to     
remind him of the expiation due from    
him to the slain1 and to disperse the   
dreams that might otherwise  trouble    
him1 and perhaps even drive him to die  
of remorse4#caj    ,the same feelings   
may be detected in the old world4 ,the  
,macedonians  had a peculiar form of    
sacrificatory purification1 which       
consisted  in cutting a dog in half and 
leading the whole army1 arrayed in full 
armour1 between the two parts4#caa ,as  
the ,botians had the same  custom1 it   
was probably for the same reason4 ,at   

,rome1 for the same  purpose1 a sheep1  
and a bull1 and a pig or boar1 were     
every year led  three times round the   
army and then sacrificed to ,mars4 ,in  
,jewish  history the prohibition to     
,king ,david to build the temple was    
expressly  connected with the blood he  
had shed in battle4 ,in old ,greek      
mythology  ,theseus held himself unfit1 
without expiation1 to be admitted to the
  mysteries of ,ceres1 though the blood 
that stained his hands was only  that of
 thieves and robbers4 ,and in the same  
spirit ,hector refused to  make a       
libation to the gods before he had      
purified his hands after  battle4       
#8,with unwashen hands1' he said1 #8to  
pour out sparkling wine  to ,zeus ,i    
dare not1 nor is it ever the custom for 
one soiled with the  blood and dust of  
battle to offer prayers to the god whose
 seat is in  the clouds4'#cab    ,for   
the cause of this feeling we may perhaps
 choose between an almost  instinctive  
reluctance to take human life1 and some 

such superstition  as explains the      
necessity for purification among the    
,basutos1--the  idea1 namely1 of        
escaping the revenge of the slain by the
 medium of  water4#cac ,the latter      
explanation would be in keeping with the
 not  uncommon notion in savage life of 
the inability of a spirit to cross      
running water1 and would help to account
 for the necessity there was  for a     
,hebrew to flee1 or for a ,greek to make
 some expiation1 even  though only      
guilty of an act of unintentional       
homicide4 ,and in this way  it is       
possible that the sanctity of human     
life1 which is one of the  chief marks1 
and should be one of the chief objects1 
of civilisation1  originated in the very
 same fear of a post-mortem vengeance1  
which  leads some savage tribes to      
entreat pardon of the bear or elephant  
they have slain after a successful      
chase4    ,but1 account as we like for  
the origin of the feeling1 its undoubted
  existence is the point of interest1   

for it is easy to see that under        
slightly more favourable conditions of  
history it might have ripened  into a   
state of thought which would have held  
the soldier and the  manslayer in equal 
abhorrence4 ,christianity in its        
primitive form  certainly aimed at and  
very nearly effected the transition4 ,in
 the  ,greek ,church a ,christian       
soldier was debarred from the ,eucharist
 for  three years if he had slain an    
enemy in battle2 and the ,christian     
,church of the first three centuries    
would have echoed the sentiment         
expressed by ,st4 ,cyprian in his letter
 to ,donatus3 #8,homicide when          
committed by an individual is a crime1  
but a virtue when committed in  a public
 war2 yet in the latter case it derives 
its impunity1 not from  its abstract    
harmlessness1 but solely from the scale 
of its enormity4'    ,the education of  
centuries has long since effaced the    
earlier scruple2  but there are tens of 
thousands of ,englishmen to whom the    

military  profession is the last they   
would voluntarily adopt1 and it would be
  rash to predict the impossibility of  
the revival of the older feeling1  or   
the dimensions it may ultimately assume4
 ,the greatest poet of our  time1 who   
more than any other living man has      
helped to lead ,european  opinion into  
new channels1 may1 perhaps1 in the      
following lines have  anticipated the   
verdict of the coming time1 and divined 
an undercurrent  of thought that is     
beginning to flow even now amongst us   
with no  inconsiderable force of        
feeling3--        ,la phrase1 cette     
altire et vile courtisane1      ,dore le
 meurtre en grand1 fourbit la           
pertuisane1      ,protge les soudards   
contre le sens commun1      ,persuade   
les niais que tous sont faits pour un1  
,prouve que la tuerie est glorieuse et  
bonne1      ,droute la logique et       
l'vidence1 et donne      ,un            
sauf-conduit au crime  travers la       
raison4#cad    ,the destruction of the  

romance of war by the greater publicity 
given to  its details through the medium
 of the press clearly tends to          
strengthen  this feeling1 by tempering  
popular admiration for military success 
with a cooling admixture of horror and  
disgust4 ,take1 for instance1  the      
following description of the storming of
 the ,egyptian trenches at              
,tel-el-,kebir1 by an eye-witness of    
it3--#8,in the redoubts into which  our 
men were swarming the ,egyptians1       
throwing away their arms1 were  found   
cowering1 terror-stricken1 in the       
corners of the works1 to hide           
themselves from our men4 ,although they 
had made such a contemptible            
exhibition1 from a soldierly point of   
view1 it was impossible to help  pitying
 the poor wretches as they huddled      
together2 it seemed so much  like rats  
in a pit when the terrier has set to    
work4' ,and some #b1ejj  of them were   
afterwards buried on the spot1 most of  
them killed by  bayonet wounds in the   

back4    ,this is an instance of the    
tuerie that ,victor ,hugo speaks of1    
which  we all call glorious when we meet
 in the streets1 reserving1 some of  us1
 another opinion for the secret chamber4
 ,still1 when it comes to  comparing the
 work of a victory to that of a terrier 
in a rat-pit1 it  must be admitted that 
the realism of war threatens to become  
more  repellent than its romance was    
once attractive1 and to deter men more  
and more from the choice of a profession
 of which similar disgusting  scenes are
 the common and the probable episodes4  
,descartes1 the father of modern        
philosophy and of free thought1 who1    
from a youthful love for arms and       
camp-life1 which he attributed to a     
certain heat of liver1 began life in the
 army1 actually gave up his  military   
career for the reasons which he thus    
expressed in a letter  to a friend3     
#8,although custom and example render   
the profession of  arms the noblest of  
all1 ,i1 for my own part1 who only      

regard it like a  philosopher1 value it 
at its proper worth1 and1 indeed1 ,i    
find it very  difficult to give it a    
place among the honourable professions1 
seeing  that idleness and licentiousness
 are the two principal motives which    
now attract most men to it4'#cae    ,of 
course no one in modern times would come
 to the same conclusions  as ,descartes 
for the same reasons1 the discipline of 
our armies being  somewhat more serious 
than it was in the first half of the    
seventeenth  century4 ,nevertheless1 it 
is impossible to read of the ,german    
campaign  in ,france without hoping1 for
 the good of the world1 that the        
inevitable association of war with the  
most revolting forms of crime  therein  
displayed1 may some day produce a       
general state of sentiment  similar to  
that anticipated by ,descartes4    ,it  
may be1 said that the example of        
,descartes proves and indicates         
nothing2 and we may feel pretty sure    
that his scruples seemed  extravagantly 

absurd to his contemporaries1 if he     
suffered them to  know them4            
,nevertheless1 he might have appealed to
 several well-known  historical facts as
 a reason against too hasty a           
condemnation of his  apparent           
super-sensitiveness4 ,he might have     
argued that the profession  of a pirate 
once reflected no more moral discredit  
than that of a  soldier did in his days2
 that the pirate's reply to ,alexander1 
that he  infested the seas by the same  
right wherewith the conqueror devastated
  the land1 conveyed a moral sentiment  
once generally accepted1 nor even  then 
quite extinct2 that in the days of      
,homer it was as natural to ask  a      
seafarer whether he were a freebooter as
 whether he were a merchant2  that so   
late in ,greek history as the time of   
,thucydides1 several tribes  on the     
mainland of ,greece still gloried in    
piracy1 and accounted their  plunder    
honourably won2 and that at ,rome the   
,cilician pirates1 whom  it devolved on 

,pompey to disperse1 were joined by     
persons of wealth1  birth1 and          
education1 #8as if1' says ,plutarch1    
#8their employment were  worthy of the  
ambition of men of honour4'             
,remembering1 therefore1 these things1  
and the fact that not so very  many     
centuries ago public opinion was so     
lenient to the practice of  bishops and 
ecclesiastics taking an active part in  
warfare that they  commonly did so in   
spite of canons and councils to the     
contrary1 it is  a fair subject for     
speculation whether the moral opinion of
 the future  may not come to coincide   
with the feeling of ,descartes1 and it  
behoves  us to keep our minds alive to  
possibilities of change in this matter1 
already it would seem in process of     
formation4 ,who will venture to  predict
 what may be the effect of the rise of  
the general level of  education1 and of 
the higher moral life of our time1 on   
the popular  judgment of even fifty     
years hence regarding a voluntarily     

adopted  military life8    ,we may1     
perhaps1 attribute it to the extreme    
position taken up with  regard to       
military service by the ,quakers and    
,mennonites that the  example of        
,descartes had so slight a following4   
,that thick phalanx of  our kind who    
fondly mistake their own mental timidity
 for moderation1  perpetually make use  
of the doctrines of extremists as an    
excuse for  tolerating or even defending
 what in the abstract they admit to be  
evil2 and it was unfortunately with this
 moderate party that ,grotius  elected  
to throw in his lot4 ,no one admitted   
more strongly the evils  of war4 ,the   
reason he himself gave for writing his  
#8,de ,jure ,pacis et  ,belli' was the  
licence he saw prevailing throughout    
,christendom in  resorting to           
hostilities2 recourse had to arms for   
slight motives  or for none2 and when   
war was once begun an utter rejection of
 all  reverence for divine or human law1
 just as if the unrestrained  commission

 of every crime became thenceforth      
legitimate4 ,yet1 instead  of throwing  
the weight of his judgment into the     
scale of opinion which  opposed the     
custom altogether 7though he did        
advocate an international  tribunal that
 should decide differences and compel   
obedience to its  decisions71 he only   
tried to shackle it with rules of       
decency that are  absolutely foreign to 
it1 with the result1 after all1 that he 
did very  little to humanise wars1 and  
nothing to make them less frequent4     
,nevertheless1 though ,grotius admitted 
the abstract lawfulness of  military    
service1 he made it conditional on a    
thorough conviction  of the             
righteousness of the cause at issue4    
,this is the great and  permanent merit 
of his work1 and it is here that we     
touch on the pivot  or central question 
of military ethics4 ,the orthodox theory
 is1 that  with the cause of war a      
soldier has no concern1 and that since  
the  matter in contention is always too 

complicated for him to judge of  its    
merits1 his only duty is to blindfold   
his reason and conscience1  and rush    
whithersoever his services are          
commanded4 ,perhaps the best  exposition
 of this simple military philosophy is  
that given by  ,shakespeare in his scene
 of the eve of ,agincourt1 where ,henry 
,v41 in  disguise1 converses with some  
soldiers of the ,english army4          
#8,methinks1'  says the king1 #8,i could
 not die anywhere so contented as in the
 king's  company1 his cause being just  
and his quarrel honourable4'            
,william4 #8,that's more than we know4' 
,bates4 #8,ay1 or more than we should   
seek after1 for we know enough  if we   
know we are the king's subjects4 ,if his
 cause be wrong1 our  obedience to the  
king wipes the crime of it out of us4'  
,yet the whisper of our own day is1     
,does it8 ,for a soldier1 nowadays1     
enjoys equally with the civilian1 who by
 his vote contributes to  prevent or    
promote hostilities1 the greater        

facilities afforded by  the spread of   
knowledge for the exercise of his       
judgment2 and it is  to subject him to  
undeserved ignominy to debar him from   
the free use  of his intellect1 as if he
 were a minor or an imbecile1           
incompetent  to think for himself4      
,putting even the difficulty of decision
 at its  worst1 it can never be greater 
for the soldier than it is for the      
voter2 and if the former is incompetent 
to form an opinion1 whence does  the    
peasant or mechanic derive his ability8 
,moreover1 the existence  of a just and 
good cause has always been the condition
 insisted on as  alone capable of       
sanctioning military service by writers 
of every shade  of thought--by ,st4     
,augustine as representing the early    
,catholic ,church1  by ,bullinger or    
,becon as representatives of the early  
,reformed ,church1  and by ,grotius as  
representative of the modern school of  
publicists4  ,grotius contends that no  
citizen or subject ought to take part in

 an  unjust war1 even if he be commanded
 to do so4 ,he openly maintains  that   
disobedience to orders is in such a case
 a lesser evil than the  guilt of       
homicide that would be incurred by      
fighting4 ,he inclines to  the opinion  
that1 where the cause of war seems      
doubtful1 a man would  do better to     
refrain from service1 and to leave the  
king to employ  those whose readiness to
 fight might be less hampered by        
questions of  right and wrong1 and of   
whom there would always be a plentiful  
supply4  ,without these reservations he 
regards the soldier's task as so much   
the  more detestable than the           
executioner's1 as manslaughter without a
 cause  is more heinous than            
manslaughter with one1#caf and thinks no
 kind of  life more wicked than that of 
men who1 without regard for the cause of
  war1 fight for hire1 and to whom the  
question of right is equivalent to  the 
question of the highest wage4#cag       
,these are strong opinions and          

expressions1 and as their general       
acceptance would logically render war   
impossible1 it is no small gain  to have
 in their favour so great an authority  
as ,grotius4 ,but it is  an even greater
 gain to be able to quote on the same   
side an actual  soldier4 ,sir ,james    
,turner at the end of his military      
treatise called  #8,pallas ,armata1'    
published in #afhc1 came to conclusions 
which1 though  adverse to ,grotius1     
contain some remarkable admissions and  
show the  difference that two centuries 
have made on military maxims with regard
  to this subject4 #8,it is no sin for a
 mere soldier1' he says1 #8to serve  for
 wages1 unless his conscience tells him 
he fights in an unjust  cause4' ,again1 
#8,that soldier who serves or fights for
 any prince or  ,state for wages in a   
cause he knows to be unjust1 sins       
damnably4' ,he  even argues that        
soldiers whose original service began   
for a just  cause1 and who are          
constrained by their military oaths to  

continue  in service for a new and      
unjust cause of war1 ought to #8desert  
their  employment and suffer anything   
that could be done to them before they  
draw their swords against their own     
conscience and judgments in an  unjust  
quarrel4'#cah    ,these moral sentiments
 of a military man of the seventeenth   
century  are absolutely alien to the    
military doctrines of the present day2  
and his remarks on wages recall yet     
another important landmark of  ancient  
thought that has been removed by the    
progress of time4 ,early  ,greek opinion
 justly made no distinction between the 
mercenary who  served a foreign country 
and the mercenary who served his own4   
,all  hired military service was        
regarded as disgraceful1 nor would      
anyone  of good birth have dreamt of    
serving his own country save at his own 
expense4 ,the ,carians rendered their   
names infamous as the first of the      
,greek race who served for pay2 whilst  
at ,athens ,pericles introduced the     

custom of supporting the poorer         
defenders of their country out of the   
exchequer4#cai ,afterwards1 of course1  
no people ever committed itself  more   
eagerly to the pursuit of mercenary     
warfare4    ,in ,england also gratuitous
 military service was originally the    
condition of the feudal tenure of land1 
nor was anyone bound to serve  the king 
for more than a certain number of days  
in the year1 forty  being generally the 
longest term4 ,for all service in excess
 of the  legal limit the king was       
obliged to pay2 and in this way1 and by 
the scutage tax1 by which many tenants  
bought themselves off from  their strict
 obligations1 the principle of a paid   
military force was  recognised from the 
time of the ,conquest4 ,but the chief   
stipendiary  forces appear to have been 
foreign mercenaries1 supported1 not out 
of the commutation tax1 but out of the  
king's privy purse1 and still  more out 
of the loot won from their victims in   
war4 ,these were those  soldiers of     

fortune1 chiefly from ,flanders1        
,brabanons1 or ,routers1  whose excesses
 as brigands led to their               
excommunication by the ,third  ,lateran 
,council 7#aagi71 and to their          
destruction by a crusade three  years   
later4#cbj    ,but the germ of our      
modern recruiting system must rather be 
looked for  in those military contracts 
or indentures1 by which from about the  
time  of ,edward ,,iii4 it became       
customary to raise our forces3 some     
powerful  subject contracting with the  
king1 in consideration of a certain sum1
  to provide soldiers for a certain time
 and task4 ,thus in #achb the           
war-loving ,bishop of ,norwich          
contracted with ,richard ,,ii4 to       
provide  #b1ejj men-at-arms and #b1ejj  
archers for a year's service in ,france1
 in  consideration of the whole         
fifteenth that had been voted by        
,parliament  for the war4#cba ,in the   
same way several bishops indented to    
raise  soldiers for ,henry ,v4 ,and thus

 a foreign war became a mere matter  of 
business and hire1 and armies to fight  
the ,french were raised by  speculative 
contractors1 very much as men are raised
 nowadays to make  railways or take part
 in other works needful for the public  
at large4  ,the engagement was purely   
pecuniary and commercial1 and was       
entirely  divested of any connection    
with conscience or patriotism4 ,on the  
other  hand1 the most obviously just    
cause of war1 that of national defence  
in  case of invasion1 continued to be   
altogether disconnected with pay1 and   
remained so much the duty of the militia
 or capable male population of  the     
country1 that both ,edward ,,iii4 and   
,richard ,,ii4 directed writs even  to  
archbishops and bishops to arm and array
 all abbots1 priors1 and  monks1 between
 the ages of sixteen and sixty1 for the 
defence of the  kingdom4#cbb            
,originally1 therefore1 the paid army of
 ,england1 as opposed to the  militia1  
implied the introduction of a strictly  

mercenary force  consisting             
indifferently of natives or foreigners1 
into our military  system4 ,but clearly 
there was no moral difference between   
the two  classes of mercenaries so      
engaged4 ,the hire1 and not the cause1  
being  the main consideration of both1  
the ,englishman and the ,brabanon were  
equally mercenaries in the ordinary     
acceptation of the term4 ,the  prejudice
 against mercenaries either goes too far
 or not far enough4  ,if a ,swiss or an 
,italian hiring himself to fight for a  
cause about  which he was ignorant or   
indifferent was a mercenary soldier1 so 
was  an ,englishman who with equal      
ignorance and indifference accepted the 
wages offered him by a military         
contractor of his own nation4 ,either   
the conduct of the ,swiss was blameless1
 or the ,englishman's moral  delinquency
 was the same as his4    ,the public    
opinion of former times regarded both1  
of course1 as equally  blameless1 or    
rather as equally meritorious4 ,and it  

is worth noticing  that the word        
mercenary was applied alike to the hired
 military  servant of his own as of     
another country4 ,shakespeare1 for      
instance1  applies the term mercenary to
 the #a1fjj ,frenchmen of low degree    
slain  at ,agincourt1 whom ,monstrelet  
distinguishes from the #aj1jjj          
,frenchmen  of position who lost their  
lives on that memorable day--           
,in this ten thousand they have lost1   
,there are but sixteen hundred          
mercenaries4    ,and even so late as    
#agef1 the original signification of the
 word had so  little changed1 that in   
the great debate in the ,house of ,lords
 on the  ,militia ,bill of that year    
,lord ,temple and several other orators 
spoke  of the national standing army as 
an army of mercenaries1 without  making 
any distinction between the ,englishmen 
and the ,hessians who  served in it4#cbc
    ,the moral distinction that now     
prevails between the paid service of    
natives and of foreigners is1 therefore1

 of comparatively recent  origin4 ,it   
was one of the features of the          
,reformation in ,switzerland  that its  
leaders insisted for the first time on a
 moral difference  between ,swiss       
soldiers who served their own country   
for pay1 and those  who with equal      
bravery and credit sold their strength  
to the service of  the highest foreign  
bidder4    ,zwingli1 and after him his  
disciple ,bullinger1 effected a change  
in the  moral sentiment of ,switzerland 
equivalent to that which a man would    
effect nowadays who should persuade men 
to discountenance or abandon  military  
service of any kind for pay4 ,one of the
 great obstacles to  ,zwingli's success 
was his decided protest against the     
right of any  ,swiss to sell himself to 
foreign governments for the commission  
of  bloodshed1 regardless of any injury 
in justification2 and it was  mainly on 
that account that ,bullinger succeeded  
in #aedi in preventing  a renewal of the
 alliance or military contract between  

the cantons  and ,henry ,,ii4 of        
,france4 #8,when a private individual1' 
he said1 #8is  free to enrol himself or 
not1 and engages himself to fight       
against the  friends and allies of his  
sovereign1 ,i know not whether he does  
not  hire himself to commit homicide1   
and whether he does not act like the    
gladiators1 who1 to amuse the ,roman    
people1 let themselves to the first     
comer to kill one another4'    ,but it  
is evident that1 except with a          
reservation limiting a man's  service to
 a just national cause1 ,bullinger's    
argument will also apply  to the case of
 a hired soldier of his own country4    
,the duty of every  man to defend his   
country in case of invasion is          
intelligible enough2  and it is very    
important to notice that originally in  
no country did  the duty of military    
obedience mean more4 ,in #abig the ,high
 ,constable  and ,marshal of ,england   
refused to muster the forces to serve   
,edward ,i4  in ,flanders1 on the plea  

that neither they nor their ancestors   
were  obliged to serve the king outside 
his dominions2#cbd and ,sir ,e4 ,coke's 
ruling in ,calvin's case1#cbe that      
,englishmen are bound to attend the     
king in his wars as well without as     
within the realm1 and that their        
allegiance is not local but indefinite1 
was not accepted by writers  on the     
constitution of the country4 ,the       
existing militia oath1 which  strictly  
limits obedience to the defence of the  
realm1 covered the  whole military duty 
of our ancestors2 and it was only the   
innovation of  the military contract    
that prepared the way for our modern    
idea of the  soldier's duty as          
unqualified and unlimited with regard to
 cause and  place and time4 ,the very   
word soldier meant originally           
stipendiary1  his pay or solde 7from the
 ,latin solidum7 coming to constitute   
his chief characteristic4 ,from a       
servant hired for a certain task  for a 
certain time the steps were easy to a   

servant whose hire bound  him to any    
task and for the whole of his life4 ,the
 existing military  oath1 which binds a 
recruit and practically compels him as  
much to a  war of aggression as of      
defence at the bidding of the executive1
 owes  its origin to the revolution of  
#afhi1 when the refusal of ,dumbarton's 
famous ,scotch regiment to serve their  
new master1 ,william ,,iii41 in the     
defence of ,holland against ,france1    
rendered it advisable to pass the       
,mutiny ,act1 containing a more         
stringent definition of military duty by
  an oath couched in extremely general  
terms4 ,such has been the effect  of    
time in confirming this newer doctrine  
of the contract implied by  the military
 status1 that the defence of the monarch
 #8in person1 crown1  and dignity       
against all enemies1' to which the      
modern recruit pledges  himself at his  
attestation1 would be held to bind the  
soldier not to  withhold his services   
were he called upon to exercise them in 

the  planet ,mars itself4    ,hence it  
appears to be an indisputable fact of   
history that the  modern military theory
 of ,europe1 which demands complete     
spiritual  self-abandonment and         
unqualified obedience on the part of a  
soldier1  is a distinct trespass outside
 the bounds of the original and1 so  to 
speak1 constitutional idea of military  
duty2 and that in our own  country it is
 as much an encroachment on the rights  
of ,englishmen as it  is on the wider   
rights of man4    ,but what is the value
 of the theory itself1 even if we take  
no account  of the history of its       
growth8 ,if military service precludes a
 man from  discussing the justice of the
 end pursued in a war1 it can hardly be 
disputed that it equally precludes him  
from inquiries about the means1  and    
that if he is bound to consider himself 
as fighting in any case  for a lawful   
cause he has no right to bring his moral
 sense to bear  upon the details of the 
service required of him4 ,but here      

occurs a  loophole1 a flaw1 in the      
argument2 for no subject nor soldier can
 be  compelled to serve as a spy1       
however needful such service may be4    
,that  proves that a limit does exist to
 the claims on a soldier's obedience4   
,and ,vattel mentions as a common       
occurrence the refusal of troops to  act
 when the cruelty of the deeds commanded
 of them exposed them to  the danger of 
savage reprisals4 #8,officers1' he says1
 #8who had the  highest sense of honour1
 though ready to shed their blood in a  
field  of battle for their prince's     
service1 have not thought it any part of
  their duty to run the hazard of an    
ignominious death1' such as was         
involved in the execution of such       
behests4 ,yet why not1 if their prince  
or general commanded them8 ,by what     
principle of morality or common  sense  
were they justified in declining a      
particular service as too  iniquitous   
for them and yet in holding themselves  
bound to the larger  iniquity of an     

aggressive war8 ,what right has a       
machine to choose or  decide between    
good and bad any more than between just 
and unjust8 ,its  moral incompetence    
must be thoroughgoing1 or else in no    
case afford an  extenuating plea4 ,you  
must either grant it everything or      
nothing1 or  else offer a rational      
explanation for your rule of            
distinction4 ,for it  clearly needs     
explaining1 why1 if there are orders    
which a soldier is  not bound to obey1  
if there are cases where he is competent
 to discuss  the moral nature of the    
services required of him1 it should not 
also  be open to him to discuss the     
justice of the war itself of which those
  services are merely incidents4    ,let
 us turn from the abstract to the       
concrete1 and take two instances  as a  
test of the principle4 ,in #afhi1       
,marshal ,duras1 commander of the       
,french army of the ,rhine1 received    
orders to destroy the ,palatinate1  and 
make a desert between ,france and       

,germany1 though neither the  ,elector  
nor his people had done the least injury
 to ,france4 ,did a  single soldier1 did
 a single officer quail or hesitate8    
,voltaire tells  us that many officers  
felt shame in acting as the instrument  
of this  iniquity of ,louis ,,xiv41 but 
they acted nevertheless in accordance   
with  their supposed honour1 and with   
the still orthodox theory of military   
duty4 ,they stopped short at no         
atrocity4 ,they cut down the            
fruit-trees1  they tore down the vines1 
they burnt the granaries2 they set fire 
to  villages1 to country-houses1 to     
castles2 they desecrated the tombs of   
the ancient ,german emperors at ,spiers2
 they plundered the churches2  they     
reduced well-nigh to ashes ,oppenheim1  
,spiers1 ,worms1 ,mannheim1             
,heidelberg1 and other flourishing      
cities2 they reduced #djj1jjj human     
beings to homelessness and              
destruction--and all in the name of     
military  duty and military honour6     

,yet1 of a truth1 those were dastardly  
deeds  if ever dastardly deeds have been
 done beneath the sun2 and it is the    
sheerest sophistry to maintain that the 
men who so implicitly carried  out their
 orders would not have done more for    
their miserable honour1  would not have 
had a higher conception of duty1 had    
they followed the  dictates of their    
reason and conscience rather than those 
of their  military superiors1 and       
refused to sacrifice their humanity to  
an  overstrained theory of their        
military obligation1 and their memory to
  everlasting execration4    ,in the    
case of these destroyers military duty  
meant simply military  servility1 and it
 was this reckless servility that led   
,voltaire in his  #8,candide' to put    
into the mouth of his inimitable        
philosopher1 ,martin1  that definition  
of an army which tales like the         
foregoing suggested and  justified3 #8,a
 million of assassins1 in regiments1    
traversing ,europe  from end to end1 and

 committing murder and brigandage by    
rules of  discipline for the sake of    
bread1 because incompetent to exercise  
any  more honest calling4'#cbf    ,an   
,english case of this century may be    
taken as a parallel one to the  ,french 
of the seventeenth1 and as an additional
 test of the orthodox  military dogma   
that with the cause of war a soldier has
 no concern4  ,it is the ,copenhagen    
expedition of #ahjg1 than which no act  
of might  within this century was more  
strongly reprobated by the public       
opinion  of ,europe1 and by all but the 
,tory opinion of ,england4 ,a fleet and 
army having been sent to the ,danish    
capital1 and the ,danish ,government    
having refused to surrender their fleet1
 which was demanded as the  alternative 
of bombardment1 the ,english military   
officials proceeded  to bombard the     
city1 with infinite destruction and     
slaughter1 which  were only stayed at   
last by the surrender of the fleet as   
originally  demanded4 ,there was no     

quarrel with ,denmark at the time1 there
 was no  complaint of injury2 only the  
surrender of the fleet was demanded4    
,english public opinion was both excited
 and divided about the morality  of this
 act1 which was only justified on the   
plea that the ,government  was in       
possession of a secret article of the   
,treaty of ,tilsit between  ,napoleon   
and the ,czar of ,russia1 by which the  
,danish fleet was to be  made use of in 
an attack upon ,england4 ,but this      
secret article was  not divulged1       
according to ,alison1 till ten years    
afterwards1#cbg  and many disbelieved in
 its existence altogether1 even         
supposing that  its existence would have
 been a good case for war4 ,many        
military men  therefore shared in the   
feeling that condemned the act1 yet they
  scrupled not to contribute their aid  
to it4 ,were they right8 ,read ,sir  ,c4
 ,napier's opinion of it at the time1   
and then say where1 in the  case of a   
man so thinking1 would have lain his    

duty3 #8,this ,copenhagen               
expedition--is it an unjust action for  
the general good8 ,who can say  that    
such a precedent is pardonable8 ,when   
once the line of justice has  been      
passed1 there is no shame left4 ,england
 has been unjust4444 ,was  not our high 
honour worth the danger we might perhaps
 have risked in  maintaining that honour
 inviolate8'#cbh    ,these opinions1    
whether right or wrong1 were shared by  
many men in  both services4 ,sir ,c4    
,napier himself says3 #8,were there not 
plenty of  soldiers who thought these   
things wrong8 444 but would it have been
  possible to allow the army and navy   
444 to decide upon the propriety of     
such attacks8'#cbi ,the answer is1 that 
if they did1 whether allowed or  not1   
such things would be impossible1 or1 at 
all events1 less probable3  which is the
 best reason possible for the contention
 that they should4  ,had they done so in
 this very instance1 our historians     
would have been  spared the explanation 

of an episode that is a dark blot upon  
our  annals4    ,a more pleasing        
precedent1 therefore1 than that of the  
,french officers  in the ,palatinate1 or
 of the ,english at ,copenhagen1 is the 
case of  ,admiral ,keppel1 who1 whilst  
numbers of naval officers flocked to the
  ,admiralty to offer their services or 
to request employment1 steadily         
declined to take part in the war of     
,england against her ,american          
colonies1 because he deemed her cause a 
bad one4#ccj ,he did no  violence to his
 reason or conscience nor tarnished his 
fame by acting a  part1 of which in his 
individual capacity he disapproved4 ,his
 example  is here held up as            
illustrating the only true doctrine1 and
 the only  one that at all accords with 
the most rudimentary principles of      
either  religion or morality4 ,the      
contrary doctrine bids a man to forswear
 the  use of both his reason and his    
conscience in consideration for his pay1
  and deprives him of that liberty of   

thought and moral action compared  with 
which his civil and political liberty   
are nothing worth4 ,for what  indeed is 
this contrary time-honoured doctrine    
when stripped of all  superfluities1 and
 displayed in the outfit of common sense
 and common  words8 ,what is it but that
 the duty of military obedience         
overrides  all duty of a man towards    
himself2 that1 though he may not        
voluntarily  destroy his body1 he cannot
 do too much violence to his soul2 that 
it  is his duty to annihilate his moral 
and intellectual being1 to commit       
spiritual suicide1 to forego the use of 
the noblest faculties which  belong to  
him as a man2 that to do all this is a  
just cause of pride  to him1 and that he
 is in all respects the nobler and      
better for  assimilating himself to that
 brainless and heartless condition which
 is  that also of his charger or his    
rifle8    ,if this doctrine is true and 
sound1 then it may be asked whether     
there  has ever been or exists upon the 

earth any tyranny1 ecclesiastical or    
political1 comparable to this military  
one2 whether any but the baser  forms of
 priestcraft have ever sought to deprive
 a man so completely  of the enjoyment  
of his highest human attributes1 or to  
absolve him so  utterly from all moral  
responsibility for his actions4    ,this
 position can scarcely be disputed1 save
 by denying the reality  of any         
distinction between just and unjust in  
international conduct2  and against this
 denial may be set not only the evidence
 of every age1  but of every language   
above the stage of mere barbarism4      
,disregard of  the difference is one of 
the best measures of the civilisation of
 a  people or epoch4 ,we at once1 for   
instance1 form a higher estimate of  the
 civilisation of ancient ,india1 when we
 read in ,arrian that her  kings were so
 apprehensive of committing an unjust   
aggression that  they would not lead    
their armies out of ,india for the      
conquest of  other nations4#cca ,one of 

the best features in the old pagan world
  was the importance attached to the    
justice of the motives for breaking  the
 peace4 ,the ,romans appear never to    
have begun a war without a  previous    
consultation with the ,college of       
,fecials as to its justice2  and in the 
same way1 and for the same purpose1 the 
early ,christian  emperors consulted the
 opinion of the bishops4 ,if a ,roman   
general made  an unjust attack upon a   
people his triumph was refused1 or at   
least  resisted2 nor are the instances  
infrequent in which the senate decreed  
restitution where a consul1 acting on   
his own responsibility1 had  deprived a 
population of its arms1 its lands1 or   
its liberties4#ccb  ,hence the ,romans1 
with all their apparent aggressiveness1 
won the  character of a strict regard to
 justice1 which was no small part of the
  secret of their power4 #8,you boast1' 
the ,rhodians said to them1 #8that  your
 wars are successful because they are   
just1 and plume yourselves  not so much 

on the victory which concludes them as  
on the fact that  you never begin them  
without good cause4'#ccc ,conquest      
corrupted the  ,romans in these respects
 as it has done many another people2 but
 even  to the end of the ,republic the  
tradition of justice survived2 nor is   
there anything finer in the history of  
that people than the attempt  of the    
party headed by ,ateius the tribune to  
prevent ,crassus leaving  ,rome when he 
was setting out to make war upon the    
,parthians1 who not  only had committed 
no injury1 but were the allies of the   
,republic2 or  than the vote of ,cato1  
that ,csar1 who1 in time of peace1 had  
slain or  routed #cjj1jjj ,germans1     
should be given up to the people he had 
injured  in atonement for the wrong he  
had done to them4    ,the idea of the   
importance of a just cause of war may be
 traced1 of  course1 in history1 after  
the extinction of the grand pagan       
philosophy  in which it had its origin4 
,it was insisted on even by ,christian  

writers who1 like ,st4 ,augustine1 did  
not regard all military service  as     
wicked4 ,what1 he asked1 were kingdoms  
but robberies on a vast scale1  if their
 justice were put out of the            
reckoning4#ccd ,a ,french writer  of the
 time of ,charles ,v4 concluded that    
while soldiers who fell in a  just cause
 were saved1 those who died for an      
unjust cause perished in  a state of    
mortal sin4#cce ,even the ,chevalier    
,bayard1 who accompanied  ,charles      
,,viii4 without any scruple in his      
conquest of ,naples1 was fond  of saying
 that all empires1 kingdoms1 and        
provinces were1 if without  the         
principle of justice1 no better than    
forests full of brigands2#ccf  and the  
fine saying is attributed to him1 that  
the strength of arms  should only be    
employed for the establishment of right 
and equity4 ,but  on the whole the      
justice of the cause of war became of   
less and less  importance as time went  
on2 nor have our modern ,christian      

societies  ever derived benefit in that 
respect from the instruction or guidance
  of their churches at all equal to that
 which the society of pagan ,rome       
derived from the institution of its     
,fecials1 as the guardians of the       
national conscience4    ,it was among   
the humane endeavours of ,grotius to try
 to remedy this  defect in modern       
,states by establishing certain general 
principles by  which it might be        
possible to test the pretext of any     
given war from  the side of its justice4
 ,at first sight it appears obvious that
 a  definite injury is the only         
justification for a resort to           
hostilities1  or1 in other words1 that  
only a defensive war is just2 but then  
the  question arises how far defence may
 be anticipatory1 and an injury  feared 
or probable give the same rights as one 
actually sustained4  ,the majority of   
wars1 that have not been merely wars of 
conquest and  robbery1 may be traced to 
that principle in history1 so well      

expressed  by ,livy1 that men's anxiety 
not to be afraid of others causes them  
to become objects of dread              
themselves4#ccg ,for this reason        
,grotius  refused to admit as a good    
casus belli the fact that another nation
  was making warlike preparations1      
building garrisons and fortresses1  or  
that its power might1 if unchecked1 grow
 to be dangerous4 ,he also  rejected the
 pretext of mere utility as a good      
ground for war1 or such  pleas as the   
need of better territory1 the right of  
first discovery1 or  the improvement or 
punishment of barbarous nations4    ,a  
strict adherence to these principles1   
vague as they are1 would  have prevented
 most of the bloodshed that has occurred
 in ,europe  since ,grotius wrote4 ,the 
difficulty1 however1 is1 that1 as       
between  nations1 the principle of      
utility easily overshadows that of      
justice2  and although the two are      
related as the temporary to the         
permanent  expediency1 and therefore as 

the lesser to the greater expediency1   
the relation between them is seldom     
obvious at the time of choice1  and it  
is easy beforehand to demonstrate the   
expediency of a war of  which time alone
 can show both the inexpediency and the 
injustice4  ,any war1 therefore1 however
 unjust it may seem1 when judged by the 
canons of ,grotius1 is easily construed 
as just when measured by the  light of  
an imperious and magnified passing      
interest2 and the absence  of any       
recognised definition or standard of    
just dealing between  nations affords a 
salve to many a conscience that in the  
matters of  private life would be       
sensitive and scrupulous enough4 ,the   
story of  ,king ,agesilaus is a mirror  
in which very few ages or countries may 
not  see their own history reflected4   
,when ,phbidas1 the ,spartan general1   
seized the ,cadmeia of ,thebes in the   
time of peace1 the greater part  of     
,greece and many ,spartans condemned it 
as a most iniquitous act of  war2 but   

,agesilaus1 who at other times was wont 
to talk of justice  as the greatest of  
all the virtues1 and of valour without  
it as of  little worth1 defended his    
officer's action1 on the plea that it   
was  necessary to regard the tendency of
 the action1 and to account it even  as 
glorious if it resulted in an advantage 
to ,sparta4    ,but when every allowance
 is made for wars of which the justice  
is not  clearly defined from the        
expediency1 many wars have occurred of  
so  palpably unjust a character1 that   
they could not have been possible  but  
for the existence of the loosest        
sentiments with regard to the           
responsibility of those who took part in
 them4 ,we read of wars or the  pretexts
 of wars in history of which we all1    
whether military men or  civilians1     
readily recognise the injustice2 and by 
applying the same  principles of        
judgment to the wars of our own country 
and time we are  each and all of us     
furnished for the direction of our      

conscience  with a standard which1 if   
not absolutely scientific or consistent1
 is  sufficient for all the practical   
purposes of life1 and is completely     
subversive of the excuse which is       
afforded by occasional instances of     
difficult and doubtful decision4 ,the   
same facilities which exist for  the    
civilian when he votes for or against   
taxation for a given war1  or in        
approval or disapproval of the          
government which undertakes it1  exist  
also for the soldier who lends his      
active aid to it2 nor is it             
unreasonable to claim for the action of 
the one the same responsibility  to his 
own conscience which by general         
admission attaches to the other4    ,it 
is surely something like a degradation  
to the soldier that he  should not enjoy
 in this respect the same rights as the 
civilian2 that  his merit alone should  
be tested by no higher a theory of duty 
than  that which is applied to the merit
 of a horse2 and that his capacity  for 

blind and unreasoning obedience should  
be accounted his highest  attainable    
virtue4 ,the transition from the idea of
 military vassalage  to that of military
 allegiance has surely produced a       
strange conception  of honour1 and one  
fitter for conscripts than for free men1
 when a  man is held as by a vice to    
take part in a course of action which he
  believes to be wrong4 ,not only does  
no other profession enforce such an     
obligation1 but in every other walk of  
life a man's assertion of his  own      
personal responsibility is a source     
rather of credit to him than of  infamy4
 ,that in the performance of any social 
function a man should be  called upon to
 make an unconditional surrender of his 
free will1 and  yield an obedience as   
thoughtless as a dummy's to superior    
orders1  would seem to be a principle of
 conduct pilfered from the ,society of  
,jesus1 and utterly unworthy of the     
nobility of a soldier4 ,as a matter  of 
history1 the priestly organisation took 

the military one for its  model3 which  
should lead us to suspect that the      
tyranny we find fault  with in the copy 
is equally present in the original1 and 
that the  latter is marked by the same  
vices that it transmitted to the        
borrowed  organisation4    ,the         
principle here contended for1 that the  
soldier should be fully  satisfied in   
his own mind of the justice of the cause
 he fights for1 is  the condition that  
,christian writers1 from ,augustine to  
,grotius1 have  placed on the lawfulness
 of military service4 ,the objection to 
it1 that  its adoption would mean the   
ruin of military discipline1 will appear
  the greatest argument of all in its   
favour when we reflect that its         
universal adoption would make war       
itself1 which is the only reason for    
discipline1 altogether impossible4      
,where would have been the wars of  the 
last two hundred years had it been in   
force8 ,or where the ,english  wars of  
the last six1 with their thousands of   

lives and their millions  of money spent
 for no visible good nor glory in       
fighting with ,afghans1  ,zulus1        
,egyptians1 and ,arabs8 ,once restrict  
legitimate warfare to the  limits of    
national defence1 and it is evident that
 the refusal of men  to take part in a  
war of aggression would equally put an  
end to the  necessity of defensive      
exertion4 ,if no government could rely  
on its  subjects for the purposes of    
aggression and injustice1 it goes       
without  saying that the just cause of  
war would perish simultaneously4 ,it is 
therefore altogether to be wished that  
that reliance should be weakened  and   
destroyed4    ,the reasoning1 then1     
which contains the key that is alone    
capable of  closing permanently the     
portals of ,janus is this3 that there   
exists a  distinction between a just and
 an unjust war1 between a good and a bad
  cause1 and that no man has a right    
either to take part knowingly and       
wilfully in a cause he believes to be   

unjust1 nor to commit himself  servilely
 to a theory of duty which deprives him1
 at the very outset1  of his inalienable
 human birthright of free thought and   
free will4 ,this  is the principle of   
personal responsibility which has long  
since won  admission everywhere save in 
the service of ,mars1 and which requires
  but to be extended there to free the  
world from the custom that has  longest 
and most ruinously afflicted it4 ,for it
 attacks that custom  where it has never
 yet been seriously attacked before1 at 
its real  source--namely1 in the heart1 
the brain1 and the conscience1 that1  in
 spite of all warping and training1     
still belong to the individual  units   
who alone make it possible4 ,it behoves 
all of us1 therefore1  who are          
interested in abolishing military       
barbarism1 not merely to  yield a       
passive assent to it ourselves1 but to  
claim for it assent and  assertion from 
others4 ,we must ask and reask the      
question3 ,what is the  title by which a

 man1 through the mere fact of his      
military cloth1  claims exemption from  
the moral law that is universally       
binding upon  his fellows8    ,for this 
principle of individual military        
responsibility is of such  power1 that  
if carried to its consequences1 it must 
ultimately prove  fatal to militarism2  
and if it has not yet the prescription  
of time  and common opinion in its      
favour1 it is sealed nevertheless with  
the  authority of many of the best      
intellects that have helped to enlighten
  the past1 and is indissolubly         
contained in the teaching alike of our  
religious as of our moral code4 ,it can1
 in fact1 only be gainsaid by a  denial 
of the fundamental maxims of those two  
guides of our conduct1  and for that    
reason stands absolutely proof against  
the assaults  of argument4 ,try to      
reconcile with the ordinary conceptions 
of the  duties of a man or a ,christian 
the duty of doing what his conscience   
condemns1 and it may be safely predicted

 that you will try in vain4  ,the       
considerations that may occur of utility
 and expediency beat in  vain against   
the far greater expediency of a world at
 peace1 freed from  the curse of the    
warrior's destructiveness2 nor can the  
whole armoury  of military logic supply 
a single counter-argument which does not
  resolve itself into an argument of    
supposed expediency1 and which may  not 
therefore be effectually parried1 even  
on this narrower debating  ground1 by   
the consideration of the overwhelming   
advantages which could  not but flow    
from the universal acceptance of the    
contrary and higher  principle--the     
principle that for a soldier1 as for    
anyone else1 his  first duty is to his  
conscience4    ,or1 to put the          
conclusion in the fewest words3 ,the    
soldier claims to  be a non-moral agent4
 ,that is the corner-stone of the whole 
military  system4 ,challenge then the   
claimant to justify his first principle1
  and the custom of war will shake to   

its foundation1 and in time go the  way 
that other evil customs have gone before
 it1 when once their moral  support has 
been undermined or shattered4           
,,footnotes3      #a ,halleck's         
,international ,law1 ii4 #ba4 ,yet      
within three weeks of  the beginning of 
the war with ,france #fj1jjj ,prussians 
were hors de  combat4    #b #8,artem    
illam mortiferam et ,deo odibilem       
balistrariorum et  sagittariorum        
adversus ,christianos et ,catholicos    
exerceri de ctero sub  anathemate       
prohibemus4'    #c ,fauchet's ,origines 
des ,chevaliers1 c4 c41 ii4 #ef2        
,grose's  ,military ,antiquities1 i4    
#adb2 and ,demmin's ,encyclopdie        
d',armurerie1  #eg1 #dif4    #d         
,fauchet1 ii4 #eg4 #8,lequel engin1 pour
 le mal qu'il faisait 7pire que  le     
venin des serpens71 fut nomm            
serpentine1' c4    #e ,grose1 ii4 #cca4 
#f ,dyer1 ,modern ,europe1 iii4 #aeh4   
#g ,scoffern's ,projectile ,weapons1 c41
 #ff4    #h ,sur l',esprit1 i4 #efb4    

#i ,reade1 ,ashantee ,campaign1 #eb4    
#aj ,livy1 xliv4 #db4    #aa ,these     
,instructions are published in          
,halleck's ,international ,law1  ii4    
#cf-ea2 and at the end of ,edwards's    
,germans in ,france4    #ab #8,it would 
have been desirable1' said the ,russian 
,government1  #8that the voice of a     
great nation like ,england should have  
been heard  at an inquiry of which the  
object would appear to have met with its
  sympathies4'    #ac ,jus ,gentium1    
art4 #hhg1 #hgh4    #ad ,florus1 ii4    
#bj4    #ae ,edwards's ,germans in      
,france1 #afd4    #af ,this remarkable  
fact is certified by ,mr4 ,russell1 in  
his ,diary in  the last ,great ,war1    
#cih1 #cii4    #ag ,cicero1 ,in ,verrem1
 iv4 #ed4    #ah ,see even the ,annual  
,register1 lvi4 #ahd1 for a denunciation
 of  this proceeding4    #ai ,sismondi's
 ,hist4 des ,franais1 xxv4    #bj       
,edwards's ,germans in ,france1 #aga4   
#ba ,lieut-,col4 ,charras1 ,la ,campagne
 de #ahae1 i4 #baa1 ii4 #hh4    #bb     

,woolsey's ,international ,law1 p4 #bbc4
    #bc ,cf4 lib4 xii4 #ha1 and xiii4   
#be1 #bf2 quoted by ,grotius1 iii4 xi4  
xiii4    #bd iii4 #da4    #be ,cambridge
 ,essays1 #ahee1 #8,limitations to      
,severity in ,war1' by ,c4  ,buxton4    
#bf ,see ,raumer's ,geschichte          
,europa's1 iii4 #eji-fjc1 if any doubt  
is  felt about the fact4    #bg ,general
 ,order of ,october #i1 #ahac4 ,compare 
those of ,may #bi1 #ahji1  ,march #be1  
#ahaj1 ,june #aj1 #ahab1 and ,july #i1  
#ahac4    #bh ,vattel1 iii4 ix4 #afe4   
#bi ,sir ,w4 ,napier 7,peninsular ,war1 
ii4 #cbb7 says of the proceeding  that  
it was #8politic indeed1 yet scarcely to
 be admitted within the  pale of        
civilised warfare4' ,it occurred in ,may
 #ahaj4    #cj ,bluntschli's ,modernes  
,vlkerrecht1 art4 #egc4    #ca ,for the 
character of modern war see the account 
of the  ,franco-,german war in the      
,quarterly ,review for ,april #ahga4    
#cb ,halleck1 ii4 #bb4    #cc ,vehse's  
,austria1 i4 #cfi4 ,yet1 as usual on    

such occasions1 the  excesses were      
committed in the teeth of ,tilly's      
efforts to oppose them4    #8,imperavit 
,tillius a devictorum cdibus et corporum
 castimonia  abstinerent1 quod imperium 
a quibusdam furentibus male servatum    
annales  aliqui fuere                   
conquesti4'--,adlzreiter's ,annales     
,boic ,gentis1 ,part  iii4 l4 #af1 c4   
#ch4    #cd ,battles in the ,peninsular 
,war1 #aha1 #ahb4    #ce ,ibid4 #cif4   
#cf ,foxe's ,actes and ,monuments1 iii4 
#eb4    #cg ,saint-,palaye1 ,mmoires sur
 la ,chevalerie1 iii4 #aj1 #acc4    #ch 
,vinsauf's ,itinerary of ,richard ,i41  
ii4 #af4    #ci ,matthew of             
,westminster1 #dfj2 ,grose1 ii4 #cdh4   
#dj ,monstrelet1 ii4 #aae4    #da       
,mmoires sur la ,chevalerie1 i4 #cbb4   
#db ,petitot1 v4 #ajb2 and ,mnard1 ,vie 
de ,b4 du ,guesclin1 #ddj4    #dc       
,petitot1 v4 #acd4    #dd ,meyrick1     
,ancient ,armour1 ii4 #e4    #de i4     
#abc4    #df ,monstrelet1 i4 #bei4      
#dg ii4 #e4    #dh ii4 #aa4    #di ii4  

#bb1 compare ii4 #ef4    #ej            
,monstrelet1 ii4 #aaa4    #ea ii4 #aac4 
#eb ,see for some1 ,livy1 xxix4 #h1     
xxxi4 #bf1 #cj1 xxxvii4 #ba1 xliii4 #g1 
xliv4 #bi4    #ec ,livy1 xliv4 #bi4     
#ed ,meyrick1 i4 #da4    #ee ,demmin1   
,encyclopdie d',armurerie1 #dij4    #ef 
,meyrick1 ii4 #bjd4    #eg ,grose1 ii4  
#aad4    #eh ,petitot1 xvi4 #acd4    #ei
 ,grose1 ii4 #cdc4    #fj iv4 #bg4      
#fa iv4 #cf4    #fb iii4 #aji4    #fc   
,mmoires1 vi4 #a4    #fd ,halleck1      
,international ,law1 ii4 #aed4    #fe   
,elements of ,morality1 sec4 #ajfh4     
#ff ,des ,droits et ,devoirs des        
,nations neutres1 ii4 #cba-cbc4    #fg  
,history of the ,royal ,navy1 i4 #ceg4  
#fh ,nicolas1 ii4 #cda4    #fi ,nicolas1
 ii4 #dje4    #gj ,monstrelet1 i4 #ab4  
#ga ,nicolas1 ii4 #ajh4    #gb ,ibid4 i4
 #ccc4    #gc ,froissart1 ii4 #he4      
#gd ,entick1 ,new ,naval ,history       
7#ageg71 #hbc4 #8,some of the ,spanish  
prizes were immensely rich1 a great many
 of the ,french were of  considerable   

value1 and so were many of the ,english2
 but the balance  was about two millions
 in favour of the latter4'    #ge ,from 
,entick's ,new ,naval ,history 7#ageg71 
#hja-hag4    #gf ,martens1 ,essai sur   
les ,corsaires 7,horne's translation71  
#hf1 #hg4    #gg ,ibid4 #ic4    #gh     
,,iii4 xv4 #bbi4    #gi ,emerigon1 ,on  
,insurances 7translation71 #ddb4    #hj 
,martens1 #ai4    #ha ,hautfeuille1 ,des
 ,droits et ,devoirs des ,nations       
neutres1 ii4 #cdi4    #hb ,de ,jure     
,maritimo1 i4 #gb4    #hc ,despatches1  
vi4 #ade4    #hd ,despatches1 vi4 #gi4  
#he ,the last occasion was on ,april    
#ac1 #ahge4    #hf ,halleck1            
,international ,law1 ii4 #caf4    #hg   
,bluntschli1 ,modernes ,vlkerrecht1 art4
 #ffe4    #hh ,james1 ,naval ,history1  
i4 #bee4    #hi ,james1 ii4 #ga4    #ij 
,ibid4 ii4 #gg4    #ia ,ortolan1        
,diplomatie de la ,mer1 ii4 #cb4    #ib 
,campbell's ,admirals1 viii4 #dj4    #ic
 ,campbell1 vii4 #ba4 ,james1 i4 #afa4  
,stinkpots are jars or shells  charged  

with powder1 grenades1 c4    #id ,james1
 i4 #bhc4    #ie ,brenton1 ii4 #dga4    
#if ,caltrops1 or crows'-feet1 are bits 
of iron with four spikes so  arranged   
that however they fall one spike always 
remains upwards4  ,darius planted the   
ground with caltrops before ,arbela4    
#ig ,chapter xix4 of the ,tactica4      
#ih ,frontinus1 ,strategematicon1 ,,iv4 
vii4 #i1 #aj4 #8,amphoras pice et  tda  
plenas2 444 vascula viperis plena4'     
#ii ,roger de ,wendover1 ,chronica4     
#8,calcem vivam1 et in pulverem         
subtilem redactam1 in altum             
projicientes1 vento illam ferente1      
,francorum oculos exccaverunt4'    #ajj 
,brenton1 i4 #fce4    #aja ,de ,jure    
,maritimo1 i4 #bfe4    #ajb ,rees's     
,cyclopdia1 #8,fire-ship4'    #ajc      
,brenton1 ii4 #dic1 #did4    #ajd       
,halleck1 ii4 #cag4    #aje ,woolsey1   
,international ,law1 #ahg4    #ajf      
,james1 i4 #bgg4    #ajg ,phillimore1   
,international ,law1 iii4 #ej-eb4       
#ajh ,international ,law1 ii4 #ie4      

#aji ,villiaum1 ,l',esprit de la        
,guerre1 #ef4    #aaj ,de ,commines1    
viii4 #h4    #aaa ,watson's ,philip     
,,ii41 ii4 #gd4    #aab ,ibid4 i4 #bac4 
#aac ,memoirs1 c4 #ai4    #aad ,villiaum
 7,l',esprit de la ,guerre1 #ga7 gives  
the following  version3 #8,en #agic et  
en #agid1 le gouvernement anglais ayant 
viol le  droit des gens contre la       
,rpublique ,franaise1 la ,convention1   
dans  un accs de brutale colre1 dcrta   
qu'il ne serait plus fait aucun         
prisonnier anglais ou hanovrien1        
c'est--dire que les vaincus seraient    
mis  mort1 encore qu'ils se rendissent4 
,mais ce dcret fut simplement           
comminatoire2 le ,comit de ,salut       
,public1 sachant trs-bien que de        
misrables soldats n'taient point        
coupables1 donna l'ordre secret de      
faire grce  tous les vaincus4'    #aae  
,herodotus1 vii4 #acf4    #aaf ,livy1   
xlv4 #db4    #aag ,ibid4 xlv4 #dc4      
#aah ,ward1 ,law of ,nations1 i4 #bej4  
#aai ,petitot's ,mmoires1 xvi4 #agg4    

#abj ,livy1 xlii4 #h1 #i4    #aba       
,monstrelet1 ,chronicles1 i4 #bjj4      
#abb ,ibid4 i4 #bbd4    #abc ,ibid4 i4  
#bdi4    #abd ,ibid4 i4 #bei4    #abe   
,monstrelet1 ii4 #aef4    #abf ,ibid4   
#abj4    #abg ,philip de ,commines1 ii4 
#a4    #abh ,ibid4 ii4 #b4    #abi      
,ibid4 ii4 #ad4    #acj ,philip de      
,commines1 iii4 #i4    #aca ,motley's   
,united ,netherlands1 iii4 #cbc4    #acb
 ,vattel1 iii4 #h1 #adc4    #acc        
,borbstaedt1 ,franco-,german ,war       
7translation71 #ffb4    #acd ,ward1 i4  
#bbc4    #ace ,quintus ,curtius1 iv4 #f1
 and ,grote1 viii4 #cfh4    #acf        
,quintus ,curtius1 vii4 #aa4    #acg    
,ibid4 iv4 #ae4    #ach ,arrian1 iii4   
#ah4    #aci ,quintus ,curtius1 vii4 #e4
    #adj #8,tous deux furent trs braves1
 trs vaillants1 fort bizarres et        
cruels4'    #ada ,lyttleton1 ,henry     
,,ii41 i4 #ahc4    #adb ,hoveden1 #fig4 
#adc #b ,samuel xii4 #ca4    #add       
,memoirs of a ,cavalier1 i4 #dg4    #ade
 ,memoirs of a ,cavalier1 #di4    #adf  

#8,life of ,bayard' in ,petitot's       
,mmoires1 xvi4 #i4    #adg              
,major-,general ,mitchell's ,biographies
 of ,eminent ,soldiers1 #ib4    #adh    
,livy1 xxxi4 #dj4 ,when ,pelium was     
taken by storm1 only the slaves  were   
taken as spoil2 the freemen were even   
let off without ransom4    #adi ,ibid4  
xxviii4 #c4    #aej ,ibid4 xxviii4 #bj1 
xxvii4 #af1 xxxi4 #bg4    #aea ,de      
,officiis1 i4 #ab4 ,yet on this passage 
is founded the common  assertion that   
among the ,romans #8the word which      
signified stranger was  the same with   
that which in its original denoted an   
enemy' 7,ward1 ii4  #agd72 implying that
 in their eyes a stranger and an enemy  
were one and  the same thing4 ,cicero   
says exactly the reverse4    #aeb       
,recueil de ,documents sur les          
exactions1 vols1 et cruauts des  armes  
prussiennes en ,france4 ,the book is out
 of print1 but may be  seen at the      
,british ,museum1 under the title1      
#8,prussia--,army of4' ,it is  to be    

regretted that1 whilst every book1      
however dull1 relating to that  war has 
been translated into ,english1 this     
record has hitherto escaped  the        
publicity it so well deserves4    #aec  
,ibid4 #ai4    #aed ,ibid4 #h4    #aee  
,ibid4 #ac4    #aef ,chaudordy's        
,circular of ,november #bi1 #ahgj1 in   
the ,recueil4    #aeg ,recueil1 #ab1    
#ae1 #fg1 #aai4    #aeh ,ibid4 #ef4     
#aei ,ibid4 #ed4    #afj ,recueil1      
#cc-cg1 and ,lady ,bloomfield's         
,reminiscences1 ii4 #bce1  #h1 #i4      
#afa ,the ,times1 ,march #g1 #ahha4     
#afb ,recueil1 #bi2 compare #ia4    #afc
 ,morley's ,cobden1 ii4 #agg4    #afd   
,professor ,sheldon ,amos quotes the    
fact1 but refrains from naming  the     
paper1 in his preface to ,manning's     
,commentaries on the ,law of  ,nations1 
xl4 ,was it not the ,journal de ,france 
for ,nov4 #ba1 #ahga8    #afe iii4 i4   
viii4 #d4    #aff ,de ,officiis1 i4 #ac4
    #afg ,modernes ,vlkerrecht1 ,art4   
#efe4    #afh ,polynus1 ,strategematum  

libri octo1 i4 #cd4    #afi ,polynus1 v4
 #da4    #agj ,ortolan's ,diplomatie de 
la mer1 ii4 #ca1 #cge-g4    #aga        
,james's ,naval ,history1 ii4 #baa2     
,campbell's ,admirals1 vii4 #acb4       
#agb ,james1 ,naval ,history1 ii4 #bbe4 
#agc ,nicolas1 ,royal ,navy1 ii4 #bg4   
#agd ,hautefeuille1 ,droit ,maritime1   
iii4 #dcc4 #8,les vaisseaux de  l',etat 
eux-mmes ne rougissent pas de ces       
grossiers mensonges qui  prennent le nom
 de ruses de guerre4'    #age xiii4 #a4 
#agf ,montaigne1 ch4 v4    #agg vii4 #d4
 #8,quia appellatione nostra vix apte   
exprimi possunt1 ,grca  pronuntiatione  
,stratagemata dicuntur4'    #agh ,livy1 
xlii4 #dg4    #agi ,histoire de la      
,france1 iii4 #dja4    #ahj ,the word   
musket is from muschetto1 a kind of     
hawk1 implying  that its attack was     
equally destructive and unforeseen4     
#aha ,polynus1 ii4 #ai4    #ahb         
,polynus1 iii4 #b2 from ,thucydides1    
iii4 #cd4    #ahc ,ibid4 vii4 #bg1 #b4  
#ahd ,ibid4 iv4 #b-d4    #ahe ,liskenne1

 ,bibliothque ,historique et ,militaire1
 iii4 #hde4    #ahf ,memoirs1 ch4 xix4  
#ahg ix4 #f1 #c4    #ahh vi4 #bb4       
#ahi vi4 #ae4    #aij iv4 #g1 #ag4      
#aia ,e4 ,fournier1 ,l',esprit dans     
l',histoire1 #ade-aej4    #aib iii4 #aj4
    #aic ,liskenne1 v4 #bcc-d4    #aid  
,soldier's ,pocket-,book1 #ha4    #aie  
,polynus1 viii4 #af1 #h4 #8,lege        
,romanorum jubente hostium  exploratores
 interficere4'    #aif ,livy1 xxx4 #bi4 
,according to ,polynus1 he gave them a  
dinner and  sent them back with         
instructions to tell what they had seen2
 viii4 #af1  #h4    #aig ,watson's      
,philip ,,ii4 iii4 #caa4    #aih        
,liskenne1 iii4 #hdj4    #aii ,hoffman1 
,kriegslist1 #ae4    #bjj ,petitot's    
,mmoires de la ,france1 xv4 #cag4       
#bja ,polynus1 ii4 #bg4    #bjb ,ibid4  
v4 #a1 #d4    #bjc ,memoirs1 ch4 xix4   
#bjd ,livy1 xxxiv4 #ag4    #bje ,as at  
the ,brussels ,conference1 #ahgd1 when  
such a proposal was  made by the member 
for ,sweden and ,norway4    #bjf ,in    

,pinkerton1 xvi4 #hag4    #bjg ,turner's
 ,nineteen ,years in ,samoa1 #cjd4      
#bjh ,schoolcraft's ,indian ,tribes1 iv4
 #eb4    #bji ,the ,basutos1 #bbc4      
#baj ,potter's ,grecian ,antiquities1   
ii4 #fi4    #baa ,turner's ,samoa1 #bih4
    #bab ,ellis's ,polynesian           
,researches1 i4 #bge4    #bac ,hutton's 
,voyage to ,africa1 #ahba1 #ccg4    #bad
 ,colenso and ,durnford's ,zulu ,war1   
#cfd1 #cgi4    #bae ,petitot's ,mmoires1
 xv4 #cbi4    #baf ,the evidence is     
collected in ,cetschwayo's ,dutchman1   
#ii-ajc4    #bag ,henty's ,march to     
,coomassie1 #ddc4 ,compare ,reade's     
,ashantee  ,campaign1 #bda-b4    #bah   
,florus1 ii4 #ai2 iii4 #d2 ,velleius    
,paterculus1 ii4 #a4    #bai ,florus1   
ii4 #bj4    #bbj ,ibid4 iii4 #g4    #bba
 ,florus1 iii4 #d2 ,csar1 ,de ,bello    
,gallico1 ix4 #dd4    #bbb ,morley's    
,cobden1 ii4 #cee4    #bbc ,sir ,a4     
,helps' ,las ,casas1 #bi4    #bbd ,t4   
,morton's ,new ,england ,canaan1 #afcg1 
iii4    #bbe ,belknap's ,new ,hampshire1

 i4 #bfb4    #bbf ,penhallow's ,indian  
,wars1 #ahbf1 republished #ahei1 #ca-c4 
#bbg ,ibid4 #aje1 #f4    #bbh ,ibid4    
#ajc4 ,for further details of this      
debased military  practice1 see ,adair's
 ,history of ,american ,indians1 #bde2  
,kercheval's  ,history of the ,valley of
 ,virginia1 #bfc2 ,drake's ,biography   
and  ,history of the ,indians1 #baj1    
#cgc2 ,sullivan's ,history of ,maine1   
#bea4    #bbi ,kercheval's ,virginia1   
#aac4    #bcj ,eschwege's ,brazil1 i4   
#ahf2 ,tschudi's ,reisen durch          
,sdamerika1  i4 #bfb4    #bca ,parkman's
 ,expedition against ,ohio ,indians1    
#agfd1 #aag4    #bcb ,argensola1 ,les   
,isles ,molucques1 i4 #fj4    #bcc      
,drake's ,biography and ,history of the 
,indians1 #dhi1 #dij4    #bcd ,r4 ,c4   
,burton's ,city of the ,saints1 #egf2   
,eyre's ,central  ,australia1 i4 #age-i4
    #bce ,borwick's ,last of the        
,tasmanians1 #eh4    #bcf ,tschudi's    
,reisen1 ii4 #bfb4    #bcg ,maccoy's    
,baptist ,indian ,missions1 #dda2       

,froebel's ,seven ,years  in ,central   
,america1 #bgb2 ,wallace's ,travels on  
the ,amazon1 #cbf4    #bch ,bancroft's  
,united ,states1 ii4 #chc-e2 and compare
 ,clarkson's  ,life of ,penn1 chaps4 #de
 and #df4    #bci ,brooke's ,ten ,years 
in ,sarawak1 i4 #gd4    #bdj ,captain   
,hamilton's ,east ,indies1 in           
,pinkerton1 viii4 #ead4    #bda ,w4 ,h4 
,russell's ,my ,diary in ,india1 #aej4  
#bdb ,annals of the ,propagation of the 
,faith1 viii4 #bhj-f4    #bdc ,caffres  
and ,caffre ,missions1 #baj4    #bdd    
,memorials of ,henrietta ,robertson1    
#bei1 #cjh1 #cec4    #bde ,ibid4 #cec4  
#bdf ,colenso and ,durnford's ,zulu     
,war1 #bae4    #bdg ,holden's ,history  
of ,natal1 #baj1 #baa4    #bdh          
,moister's ,africa1 ,past and ,present1 
#caj1 #caa4    #bdi ,tams's ,visit to   
,portuguese ,possessions1 i4 #aha1 ii4  
#bh1 #agi4    #bej ,robertson's         
,america2 ,works1 vi4 #agg1 #bje4       
#bea ,thomson's ,great ,missionaries1   
#cj2 ,halkett's ,indians of ,north      

,america1 #bdg1 #bdi1 #bef4    #beb ,le 
,blant1 ,inscriptions ,chrtiennes1 i4   
#hf4    #bec ,bingham1 ,christian       
,antiquities1 i4 #dhf4    #bed ,csar1   
,de ,bello ,gallico1 vi4 #ad4 #8,druides
 a bello abesse  consuerunt 444 militi  
vacationem habent2' and ,origen1 ,in    
,celsum1  viii4 #gc1 for the ,romans4   
#bee ,vaughan's ,life of ,wycliffe1 ii4 
#bab-c4    #bef ,turner's ,england1 iv4 
#deh1 from ,duchesne1 ,gesta ,stephani4 
#beg #8,non filius meus est vel ecclesi2
 ad regis autem voluntatem  redimetur1  
quia potius ,martis quam ,christi miles 
judicatur4'    #beh ,turner's ,england1 
v4 #ib4    #bei #8,sanxit ut nullus in  
posterum sacerdos in hostem pergeret1   
nisi duo vel tres episcopi electione    
cterorum propter benedictionem          
populique reconciliationem1 et cum illis
 electi sacerdotes qui bene  scirent    
populis pnitentias dare1 missas         
celebrare1 etc4' 7in ,du  ,cange1       
#8,hostis'74    #bfj ,guicciardini4     
#8,prometteva che se i soldati          

procedevano  virilmente1 che non        
accetterebbe la ,mirandola con alcuno   
patto3 ma  lascierebbe in potest loro il
 saccheggiarla4'    #bfa ,monstrelet1 i4
 #i4    #bfb ,crichton's ,scandinavia1  
i4 #agj4    #bfc ,mmoires du ,fleurange4
 ,petitot1 xvi4 #bec4    #bfd ,see      
,palmer1 ,origines ,liturgic1 ii4       
#cfb-fe1 for the form of  service4      
#bfe ,petitot1 xvi4 #bbi4    #bff ,ibid4
 #ace4    #bfg ,petitot1 viii4 #ee4     
#8,feciono venire per tutto il campo un 
prete  parato col corpo di ,christo1 e  
in luogo di communicarsi ciascuno prese 
uno poco di terra1 e la si mise in      
boca4'    #bfh ,livy1 xxxvi4 #b4    #bfi
 ,robertson1 ,charles ,v41 note #ba4    
,ryan1 ,history of ,effects of          
,religion on ,mankind1 #abd4    #bgj ,m4
 ,j1 ,schmidt1 ,histoire des ,allemands 
traduite1 etc41 iv4 #bcb1  #c4    #bga  
#8,christianis licet ex mandato         
magistratus arma portare et justa  bella
 administrare4'    #bgb ,policy of ,war 
a ,true ,defence of ,peace1 #aedc4      

#bgc ,pallas ,armata1 #cfi1 #afhc4      
#bgd ,in his treatise ,du droit de la   
guerre4    #bge ,l',esprit1 i4 #efb4    
#bgf ,strafgesetzbuch1 ,jan4 #bj1 #ahgb1
 #ae1 #ge1 #aej4    #bgg ,fleming's     
,volkommene ,teutsche ,soldat1 #if4     
#bgh ,benet's ,united ,states ,articles 
of ,war1 #cia4    #bgi ,grose1 ii4 #aii4
    #bhj ,see ,turner's ,pallas ,armata1
 #cdi1 for these and similar military   
tortures4    #bha ,crichton's           
,scandinavia1 i4 #afh4    #bhb ,grose1  
ii4 #f4    #bhc ,sir ,s4 ,scott's       
,history of the ,british ,army1 ii4     
#dcf4    #bhd ii4 #af4 #8,omnes autem   
signarii vel signiferi quamvis pedites  
loricas minores accipiebant1 et galeas  
ad terrorem hostium ursinis  pellibus   
tectas4'    #bhe ,scott1 ii4 #i4    #bhf
 ,scott1 i4 #caa4    #bhg ,said to have 
been invented about #djj ,b4,c4 by      
,dionysius1 tyrant of  ,syracuse4       
#bhh ,mitchell's ,biographies of        
,eminent ,soldiers1 #bjh1 #bhg4    #bhi 
,compare article #ad of the ,german     

,strafgesetzbuch of ,january #bj1       
#ahgb4    #bij ,nineteenth ,century1    
,november #ahhb3 #8,the ,present ,state 
of the  ,army4'    #bia ,de ,re         
,militari1 vi4 #e4    #bib ,bruce's     
,military ,law 7#agag71 #bed4    #bic   
,see ,fleming's ,teutsche ,soldat1 ch4  
#bi4    #bid ,see the ,war ,articles for
 #afgc1 #agdi1 #agid4    #bie #hb4      
#bif ,quintus ,curtius1 viii4 #b4       
#big ,military ,law1 #afc4    #bih #bhf1
 #bij4    #bii ,despatches1 iii4 #cjb1  
,june #ag1 #ahji4    #cjj ,compare also 
,despatches1 iv4 #deg2 v4 #ehc1 #gjd1   
#e4    #cja ,china ,war1 #bbe4    #cjb  
,scott's ,british ,army1 ii4 #daa4      
#cjc ,wellington's ,despatches1 v4 #gje4
    #cjd ,see ,windham's ,speech in the 
,house of ,commons4 ,april #c1 #ahjf4   
#cje ,ibid4    #cjf ,p4 #abb4    #cjg   
,fleming1 #aji4    #cjh ,preface to b4  
iii4 #8,ergo qui desiderat pacem1       
prparet bellum4'    #cji ,lord          
,wolseley's ,soldier's ,pocket ,book1   
#e4    #caj ,arbousset's ,exploratory   

,tour1 #cig-i4    #caa ,livy1 xl4 #f4   
#cab ,iliad1 vi4 #bff-h2 and comp4 neid1
 ii4 #gag-bj4    #cac ,casalis's        
,basutos1 #beh4    #cad ,victor ,hugo's 
,l',ane1 #abd4    #cae ,baillat's ,vie  
de ,descartes1 i4 #da4    #caf ii4 #be1 
#i1 #a4 #8,tanto carnifice              
detestabiliores quanto pejus est  sine  
caus quam ex caus occidere4'    #cag    
,ibid4 #b4 #8,nullum vit genus est      
improbius quam eorum qui sine  caus     
respectu mercede conducti militant1 et  
quibus ibi fas ubi plurima  merces4'    
,both the sentiment and the expression  
are borrowed from  ,lucan's ,pharsalia1 
x4 #djh3 #8,nulla fides pietasque viris 
qui castra  sequuntur ,venalesque manus2
 ibi fas ubi plurima merces4'    #cah   
#cfd4    #cai ,potter's ,greek          
,antiquities1 ii4 #i4    #cbj ,henry's  
,britain1 iii4 #e1 #a2 ,grose i4 #ef4   
#cba ,grose1 i4 #eh4    #cbb ,ibid41 i4 
#fg4    #cbc ,parliamentary ,debates1   
,may #bd1 #agef4    #cbd ,sir ,s4       
,scott's ,british ,army1 ii4 #ccc4      

#cbe ,n4 ,bacon's ,notes to ,selden's   
,laws1 ii4 #fj4    #cbf ,candide1 c4 xx4
    #cbg ,alison's ,europe1 vi4 #dia4   
#cbh ,life of ,sir ,c4 ,napier1 i4 #gg4 
#cbi ,military ,law1 #ag4    #ccj       
,keppel's ,life1 by ,t4 ,keppel1 ii4 #a4
    #cca ,indian ,expedition1 ix4       
#ccb ,livy1 #ci1 #c2 #db1 #ba2 #dc1 #e4 
#ccc ,livy1 xlv4 #bb4 #8,certe quidem   
vos estis ,romani1 qui ideo felicia     
bella vestra esse1 quia justa sint1 pr  
vobis fertis1 nec tam exitu  eorum1 quod
 vincatis1 quam principiis quod non sine
 caus suscipiatis1  gloriamini4'    #ccd
 ,de ,civitate ,dei1 iv4 #d and #f4     
#cce ,arbre des ,batailles1 quoted in   
,kennedy's ,influence of  ,christianity 
on ,international ,law4    #ccf         
,petitot1 xvi4 #acg4    #ccg ,,iii4 #fe4
 #8,cavendo ne metuant1 homines         
metuendos ultro se  efficiunt1 et       
injuriam ab nobis repulsam1 tamquam aut 
facere aut pati  necesse sit1 injungimus
 aliis4'          ,,index4       ,achan1
 curious mode of warfare1 #aca          

,alexander ,,ii4 of ,russia1 #c1 #aj    
,armed neutrality1 the1 #hf     ,armour1
 #ee1 #bbd     ,ashantee battle song1   
#hf       ,balloonists in war1 #adh     
,battles1 allusions to3     ,agincourt1 
#bja1 #bfb     ,bouvines1 #aid          
,camperdown1 #hj     ,crecy1 #i1 #ed    
,dover1 #hd     ,musselborough1 #ef     
,navarette1 #ei     ,neerwinden1 #f     
,nicopoli1 #ef     ,nile1 #ha           
,otterbourne1 #aif     ,pavia1 #ada     
,poitiers1 #bjg     ,tel-el-,kebir1 #bec
     ,bearskin hats1 #bbc1 #bbd         
,becon1 ,thomas1 on military service in 
the sixteenth century1 #bjh     ,bishops
 in war1 #ce1 #eb-c1 #aic-h1 #bfa       
,blinding of prisoners1 #db-c           
,blockade1 effective1 #ib               
,bloodhounds used in war1 #aga-b        
,bombardment1 theory and practice of1   
#ab1 #ae1 #ag1 #ajf1 #aaf     ,bounties 
for scalps1 #aef     ,brigand1 meaning  
of1 #eg     ,britons1 love for military 
life1 #aef     ,brussels ,conference on 
laws of war1 #aj1 #id1 #ie1 #aje1 #abc1 

#acj1      #ada-f-g-h1 #aeh             
,bullinger1 limits to right of military 
service1 #bjh1 #bfc       ,cannons1 #e  
,cannon-shot oath1 #acj                 
,capitulations1 #ajj-a     ,chain-shot1 
#f     ,chivalry1 age of1 #cb           
,church1 influence of1 on war1 #eb1     
#ahe-aic1 #bjd-af1 #beb     ,churches1  
destruction of1 #dh     ,church parade1 
#bai     ,cities1 fate of1 in war3      
,amiens1 surprise of1 #adh     ,badajoz1
 storming of1 #bg     ,barcelona1 siege 
of1 #ach     ,brescia1 storming of1 #ajc
     ,calais1 siege of1 #dd             
,constantine1 storming of1 #bg          
,copenhagen1 bombardment of1 #ae1 #bfh  
,dinant1 storming of1 #ajb     ,gaza1   
storming of1 #ajg     ,grammont1        
massacre at1 #ce     ,gravelines1       
massacre at1 #cf     ,haarlem1 siege of1
 #ig     ,lige1 storming of1 #ajb       
,limoges1 massacre at1 #cg              
,londonderry1 siege of1 #aig-h          
,magdeburg1 massacre at1 #bg1 #aab      
,malta1 siege of1 #ig     ,meaux1       

surrender of1 #de1 #aja     ,mirandola1 
siege of1 #aig     ,oudenarde1 siege of1
 #dg     ,pekin1 ,english at1 #bcg      
,persepolis1 burning of1 #ajh           
,poitiers1 massacre at1 #cd     ,rome1  
sack of1 #ajc     ,rouen1 surrender of1 
#dg1 #aja     ,san ,sebastian1 storming 
of1 #bh     ,strasburg1 bombardment of  
#ae1 #ag1 #ajf     ,terouanne1          
destruction of1 #acg     ,thebes1 sack  
of1 #ajc     ,toledo1 siege of1 #db     
,tyre1 siege of1 #ajh     ,ulm1 surprise
 of1 #adi     ,washington1 ,english in1 
#af     ,conference stratagem1 #acf     
,conscription1 the1 #bdb-h              
,consecration of banners1 #bja          
,contraband1 #hh     ,contributions1    
military1 #bj1 #aah     ,costume1       
military1 #bbb-c     ,crossbow1 #d1 #acc
     ,cruelty and courage1 #aaj         
,custom of war1 character of1 #ahf1 #baj
       ,decimation1 story of1 #bbb      
,declaration of ,paris1 #gc1 #gh1 #hf-i 
,declaration of ,st4 ,petersburg1 #b1   
#c1 #ha     ,declaration of war1 #ai1   

#aih     ,desertion1 #bcj-a             
,discipline1 #g1 #bah1 #bcd1 #bcf       
,dress1 philosophy of military1 #bbi    
,duty1 #gd1 #aba1 #bfd       ,embargoes1
 #hi     ,explosive bullets1 #a-b1 #ha  
,false flag1 stratagem of the1 #abh-acj 
,false information in war1 #aeb         
,fecials1 ,roman1 #bga     ,firearms1   
feeling against1 #e1 #bbf               
,fireships1 #hd-e     ,flogging1 #bcd-e 
,forged despatches1 #aea     ,free      
,companies1 #fj1 #bfj     ,free ships1  
free goods1 #hg     ,fruit-trees1 #af1  
#ag1 #dg1 #afa       ,germans1 the1 in  
war1 #dj1 #ajf1 #aae-i     ,greek fire1 
#hc-d     ,grenadiers1 #bbc             
,hanging in war1 #dd-g     ,honour1     
variable notions of1 #aee-f1 #bfg       
,hostages1 taking of1 revived1 #aag     
,innocent ,,iii41 #bjf     ,invention of
 the bayonet1 #f       ,jomini1 ,baron1 
,president of ,brussels ,conference1 #ie
     ,julius ,,ii41 story of1 #aif      
,jus ,angari1 #ij     ,justice in war1  
#bjh1 #beh-i1 #bga1 #bgc-hj             

,khonds1 theory of war1 #bjc            
,kidnapping soldiers in ,germany1 #bda  
,kissing the earth1 custom of1 #bja     
,lateran ,council1 ,third1 #d     ,laws 
of war among savages1 #aei     ,lent1   
observation of1 in war1 #ea1 #bje       
,leo the ,great1 #bjd     ,letters of   
marque1 #gd1 #gh     ,letters1 military 
contempt for1 #aef     ,limoges1        
,council of1 #bjc     ,loha ,pennu1 an  
,indian war-god1 #bjc       ,macedonian 
warfare1 #acc     ,magic1 use of1 in    
war1 #aii     ,malingering1 #bca-d      
,marriage1 restrictions on1 #bah-i      
,mercenary service1 #bfj-c     ,military
 cant1 #ba1 #aje-f1 #aah1 #afc     --   
vandalism1 #af1 #dh1 #afc1 #bcg         
,missionaries1 #agf-ahb     -- failure  
of1 #agg     -- legal control of1 #aha  
,missionaries1 ,norwegian1 in ,zululand1
 #agi     ,mission stations destroyed1  
#ahj     ,mozley1 ,canon1 on war1 #bab  
,musket1 #e1 #acc     ,mutiny ,act1     
first1 #bfe       ,names of weapons1    
#bjj     ,neutral ships and property1   

#hf     ,night attacks1 #acc            
,numbers slain in war1 #h-aj            
,oath1 military1 #bfd-e     ,oath by    
cannon-shot1 #acj     ,ophthalmia1      
artificial1 #bcc       ,palatinate1     
devastation of the1 #ag1 #bfg     ,pay1 
soldiers'1 #bci1 #bfa     ,perfidy1     
cases of1 #ace     ,perjury1 cases of1  
#aci     ,perpetual peace1 ,von ,moltke 
on1 #aai     ,piracy1 #fg-gj1 #bee      
,plunder of property at sea1 #fg-gj     
,plunder of property on land1 #fa-c1    
#ff1 #aah     ,poison1 use of1 in war1  
#ac1 #ad1 #agb-c     ,poisoning the air1
 #di     ,poisoning water1 #ad1 #bi     
,press1 influence of1 in war1 #aab1     
#agg1 #ahb1 #bec     ,prisoners1        
treatment of1 #ag1 #ah1 #dj1 #he1 #ii1  
#aac     ,prisoners1 beheaded1 #ig1 #ajf
     -- blinded1 #dc     -- burnt1 #ajc1
 #aaa     -- drowned1 #aja-b-f     --   
hung1 #df1 #aja-c     -- maimed1 #dc1   
#ajc     -- massacred1 #da1 #aaa     -- 
tortured1 #aid     ,privateering1 #gj-i 
-- ,lord ,nelson on1 #gg     ,prizes and

 prize-money1 #gj     ,prize ,court1 #gf
     ,punishments1 military1 #bba-f     
,purificatory battle rites1 #bej        
,pursers on privateers1 #gf             
,recruiting1 difficulty of1 #bdj     -- 
former system of1 in ,france and        
,germany1 #bda     ,red1 the military   
colour1 #bbc     ,red-hot shot1 #e1 #hc 
,reprisals1 #ic-aah     -- savage       
,german1 #aag-h     ,right of search1   
#hh     ,right of wreck1 #hi     ,roman 
warfare1 #aad1 #acb1 #bga-b             
,sacred buildings in war1 #af1 #dh-i    
,sea battles1 #hj1 #hc     ,scalping    
enemies1 #agj     ,sentry-go1 #bbi      
,slavery1 influence of its cessation on 
war1 #aab     ,socialism1 chief cause   
of1 #bde-h     ,soldiers of mark3       
,alaric1 #bjd     ,alexander the ,great1
 #ajg-aj1 #acc     ,barbarossa1 #ajj    
,bayard1 #f1 #eg1 #adi1 #aea1 #afe1     
#bja1 #bbf1 #bgc     ,bertrand du       
,guesclin1 #dj-a1 #dd     ,black        
,prince1 the1 #cg1 #ei     ,blcher1 #af1
 #ag     ,csar1 #ih1 #aef1 #afi1 #bgb   

,catinat1 #ade     ,chandos1 ,sir ,john1
 #ee     ,charles of ,anjou1 #ajj       
,charles the ,bold1 #aaa     ,charles   
,,xii4 of ,sweden1 #acc1 #bbf           
,crillon1 #bb1 #gc1 #bdc     ,custine1  
#ade     ,david1 king of the ,jews1     
#aaa1 #bea     ,david ,i4 of ,scotland1 
#aaa     ,des ,adretz1 #aaa     ,edward 
,i41 #ajf     ,edward ,,iii41 #dd       
,eugene1 ,prince1 #adi     ,feuquires1  
#ig1 #ach1 #adi     ,francis ,i41 #adj  
,francis de ,vere1 #ajd     ,frederick  
the ,great1 #af1 #adb     ,genseric1    
#bje     ,godfrey de ,bouillon1 #ajj    
,gustavus ,adolphus1 #ai-bj1 #bb1 #bba  
,henri ,quatre1 #cj     ,henry ,v41 #aja
     ,keppel1 ,admiral1 #bgj     ,manny1
 ,sir ,walter1 #dd1 #eg     ,maurice1   
,prince1 #aej     ,montluc1 #ajg1 #aba1 
#acc1 #acg1 #ade1 #aef     ,moltke1 #aai
     ,orange1 ,prince of1 #aeb          
,parma1 ,prince of1 #adf     ,plissier1 
#afe     ,peterborough1 ,lord1 #ach     
,pyrrhus1 #aeg     ,richard ,i41 #aaa1  
#aie     ,saxe1 ,marshal1 #bbf          

,scipio1 #adf     ,sertorius1 #adc1 #ade
     ,sully1 #cj     ,suwarrow1 #bch    
,wellington1 ,duke of1 #bj1 #bcf        
,wolseley1 ,lord1 #adc-d1 #aea1 #bdd    
,xerxes1 #dg1 #ii1 #adf     ,spaniards  
in war1 #dj1 #db1 #ig1 #afg-i1 #bjj     
,spies1 #ada-h     ,vattel on1 #ada     
,frederick the ,great on1 #adb     ,lord
 ,wolseley on1 #adc-d     ,storming     
cities1 #bg1 #bch     ,surprises1 #adh-i
     ,surrender at discretion1 #de1     
#ajj1 #abc       ,ternate1 island of1   
#aca     ,torpedoes1 first use of1 #e   
-- introduced into ,european warfare1   
#he     ,treatise on ,tactics by ,leo   
,,vi41 #hc     ,truce of ,god1 #bje     
,war1 real character of1 #bg1 #ahf1 #baj
     ,wars1 abolition of private1 #bje1 
#bbg     ,weapons1 #ej     ,women1      
imprisoned in war1 #ch     ,women and   
children1 slaughter of1 #bc1 #cc-h1 #aag
     ,women as soldiers1 #bdb           
,writers1 c43     ,arrian1 #aji         
,bluntschli1 #abg     ,bynkershoeck1    
#ad1 #abg     ,cicero1 #aad1 #abf       

,descartes1 #bed     ,dobritzhoffer1    
#afj     ,emerigon1 #gc     ,erasmus1   
#ahf1 #bdd     ,froissart1 #bc          
,frontinus1 #acd     ,grotius1 #ad1 #ag1
 #bc1 #abf1 #ahg1 #bef1 #beh1 #bgc      
,hallam1 #cb1 #ej     ,hautefeuille1 #fg
     ,kant1 #bc1 #cj     ,las ,casas1   
#afg     ,molloy1 #gg     ,origen1 #aij 
,palmerston1 ,lord1 #bbg     ,penn1 #agc
     ,polynus1 #ace     ,quintus        
,curtius1 #aji     ,st4 ,pierre1 ,abb1  
#cj     ,sepulveda1 #afg                
,tertullian1 #ahi     ,turner1 ,sir     
,james1 #bei     ,valin1 #gc            
,vattel1 #ad1 #ah1 #ba1 #gc1 #ajd-e1    
#aci1 #ada1 #bff     ,vauban1 #ae       
,victor ,hugo1 #beb     ,voltaire1 #baj1
 #bfg-h     ,whewell1 #fg     ,wycliffe1
 #aic     ,zwingli1 #bfc                
,spottiswoode  ,co41 ,printers1         
,new-street ,square1 ,london4           
,transcriber's notes3        ,the       
following is a list of changes made to  
the original4      ,the first line is   
the original line1 the second the       

corrected one4        ,page #aa1        
footnote3        like ,england should   
have been heard an inquiry of which     
like ,england should have been heard at 
an inquiry of which        ,page #gh3   
which abolished privateering beween the 
signatory ,powers1      which abolished 
privateering between the signatory      
,powers1        ,page #bdd3        such 
an expositon as the following of the    
relation between      such an exposition
 as the following of the relation       
between